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North Carolina biatt Liorary 


North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Issued Quarterly 

Volume XXXIII Numbers 1-4 


Published By 


Corner of Salisbury and Edenton Streets 

Raleigh, N. C. 


Published by the State Department of Archives and History 

Raleigh, N. C. 

Christopher Crittenden, Editor 
David Leroy Corbitt, Managing Editor 

Walter Clinton Jackson Hugh Talmage Lefler 

Frontis Withers Johnston Douglas LeTell Rights 

George Myers Stephens 



McDaniel Lewis, Chairman 

Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne 

Fletcher M. Green William Thomas Laprade 

Clarence W. Griffin Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 

This review was established in January, 192k, as a medium of publication 
and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other institutions 
by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. The regulai 
price is $3.00 per year. Members of the State Literary and Historical As- 
sociation, for which the annual dues are $5.00, receive this publication 
without further payment. Back numbers may be procured at the regular 
price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number. 

The North Carolina 
Historical Review 




J. C. Harrington 



Richard Walser 

NORTH CAROLINA, 1876-1894 45 

Frenise A. Logan 


Paul Murray and Stephen Russell Bartlett, Jr. 


Elliott's The Raleigh Register, 1799-1863— By George W. 
McCoy; Breedlove's Duke University Library, 18 U0- 
19^0— By Wendell W. Smiley; Schenck's The Biltmore 
Story — By Lenthall Wyman; Easterby's The Colonial 
Records of South Carolina. The Journal of the Commons 
House of Assembly, February 20, 17UU-May 25, 17 U5 
— By Horace W. Raper ; OliphamVs, Odell's, and Eaves's 
The Letters of William Gilmore Simms — By C. Hugh 
Holman; Peden's Notes on the State of Virginia, by 
Thomas Jefferson — By D. H. Gilpatrick; Wightman's 
and Cate's Early Days of Coastal Georgia — By Paul 
Murray; Cliffs Guide to the Manuscripts of the Ken- 
tucky Historical Society — By W. Frank Burton ; Bell's 


iv Contents 

Early American Science: Needs and Opportunities for 
Study — By David L. Smiley; McMillan's Constitutional 
Development in Alabama, 1798-1901: A Study in 
Politics, the Negro, and Sectionalism — By James F. 
Doster; Cockrell's The Lost Account of the Battle of 
Corinth and Court-Martial of Gen. Van Born — By 
LeRoy H. Fischer; Strode's Jefferson Davis: American 
Patriot, 1808-1861— -By Horace W. Raper; Klingberg's 
The Southern Claims Commission — By Frontis W. 
Johnston ; Blumenthal's American Indians Dispossessed 
— By Gaston Litton; Bellot's Woodrow Wilson — By 
Arthur Link: White's Messages of the Governors of 
Tennessee, 1835-18 1> 5 — By Weymouth T. Jordan; Link's 
American Epoch — By Hubert A. Coleman. 


NUMBER 2, APRIL, 1956 



C. Robert Haywood 


William S. Hoffmann 

DECEMBER, 1955 ( 


Christopher Crittenden 


Manly Wade Wellman 

BOOKS, 1954-1955 189 

David Stick 

Contents v 


Clarence W. Griffin 

NORTH CAROLINA FICTION, 1954-1955____ 213 

Walter Spearman 


SECTIONALISM, 1933-1955 222 

Fletcher M. Green 

NORTH CAROLINA BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1954-1955 ______ 241 

Mary Lindsay Thornton 


Lefler's A Guide to the Study and Reading of North Caro- 
lina History — By Henry S. Stroupe; Dill's Governor 
Tryon and His Palace — By William S. Tarlton; 
Whitener's Local History: How to Find and Write It — 
By Eleanor Bizzell Powell; Fowler's They Passed This 
Way: A Personal Narrative of Harnett County History 
— By Paul Murray ; Peace's "Zeb's Black Baby," Vance 
County, North Carolina — By Norman C. Larson; 
Patton's Buncombe to Mecklenburg — Speculation Lands 
— By M. L. Skaggs ; McDowell's The Colonial Records of 
South Carolina: Journals of the Commissioners of the 
Indian Trade, September 20, 1710-August 29, 1718 — 
By Robert H. Woody ; Wates's Stub Entries to Indents 
Issued in Payment of Claims Against South Carolina 
Growing Out of the Revolution. Books G-H. — By 
Lawrence F. Brewster; Jordan's George Washington 
Campbell of Tennessee: Western Statesman — By James 
W. Patton; Peck's Berea's First Century, 1855-1955 — 
By David A. Lockmiller; Bay's The Journal of Major 
George Washington of His Journey to the French Forces 
on Ohio — By D. L. Corbitt; Stephenson's The South 
Lives in History — By Charles G. Summersell; Henry's 
As They Saw Forrest: Some Recollections and Com- 
ments of Contemporaries — By James W. Patton; Mc- 
Gee's Famous Signers of the Declaration — By Beth G. 


vi Contents 

NUMBER 3, JULY, 1956 



Wesley H. Wallace 


CAROLINA, 1852-1902 310 

Griffith A. Hamlin 


Jay Luvaas 



Elmer D. Johnson 



Edited by James C. Bonner 


Rankin's The Government and Administration of North 
Carolina — By W. A. Devin ; Paschal's History of North 
Carolina Baptists, Volume II — By W. N. Hicks; 
McLeod's From These Stones: Mars Hill College, The 
First Hundred Years — By William S. Hoffmann; 
Arnett'ti Greensboro, North Carolina, the County Seat 
of Guilford — By Henry S. Stroupe ; The Centennial Com- 
mittee's The First Baptist Church, Lumberton. North 
Carolina; One Hundred Years of Christian Witnessing 
— By John Mitchell Justice ; Isbell's The World of My 
Childhood— By William S. Powell; Stover's The Rail- 
roads of the South, 1865-1900 — By C. K. Brown; 
Tankersley's John B. Gordon. A Study in Gallantry — 
By John R. Jordan, Jr. ; Edge's Joel Hurt and the De- 
velopment of Atlanta — By Sarah Lemmon; Kirwan's 
Johnny Green of the Orphan Brigade: The Journal of a 
Confederate Soldier — By Allen J. Going; Lockmiller's 
Enoch Herbert Crowder: Soldier, Lawyer and States- 
man, 1859-1932 — By David L. Smiley; Rutland's The 
Birth of the Bill of Rights — By Hugh F. Rankin; 
Townsend's Lincoln and the Bluegrass: Slavery and 
Civil War in Kentucky — By Richard C. Todd. 


Contents vii 



E. David Cronon 



Donald M. McCorkle 


James W. Silver 


Edited by Marjorie Craig 


NEW YORK WOMAN (Concluded) 529 

Edited by James C. Bonner 


Quinn's The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590. Documents to 
Illustrate the English Voyages to North America under 
the Patent Granted to Walter Raleigh in 158 % — By 
Christopher Crittenden ; Spence's The Historical Foun- 
dation and Its Treasures — By C. C. Ware ; Klingberg's 
The Carolina Chronicle of Dr. Francis he Jau, 1706- 
1717 — By Lawrence F. Brewster; Savage's River of 
the Carolinas: The Santee — By Robert H. Woody; 
Shackford's David Crockett: The Man and the Legend — 
By William T. Alderson ; Morton's The Present State of 
Virginia, from Whence is Inferred a Short View of 
Maryland and North Carolina — -By Charles Grier 
Sellers, Jr; Boyd's and Hemphill's The Murder of 
George Wythe: Two Essays — By Herbert R. Paschal, 
Jr.; Land's The Dulany s of Maryland: A Biographical 
Study of Daniel Dulany, The Elder (1685-1753) and 
Daniel Dulany, The Younger (1722-1797)— By Hugh T. 
Lefler; Smith's James Wilson, Founding Father, 1742- 
1798 — By D. H. Gilpatrick; Adams's The Montgomery 
Theatre, 1822-1835 — By Donald J. Rulfs; Davis's Gray 
Fox: Robert E. Lee and the Civil War — By David L. 
Smiley; Carter's The Territorial Papers of the United 

viii Contents 

States, Volume XXI, Arkansas Territory, 1829-1836 — 
By Grace Benton Nelson ; Stetson's Washington and His 
Neighbors — By Hugh F. Rankin; Stroupe's The Re- 
ligious Press in the South Atlantic States, 1802-1865 — 
By Daniel M. McFarland; and CarrolPs The Desolate 
South, 1865-1866. A Picture of the Battlefields and of 
the Devastated Confederacy — By Sara D. Jackson. 



• . ■ , ' > 

'■■/■ ■ 

> > . ; . ', ' , ' 

Volume XXXIII 


Number 1 

Published Quarterly By 

State Department of Archives and History 

Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets 

Raleigh, N. C. 

< ' 


Published by the State Department of Archives and History 

Raleigh, N. C. 

Christopher Crittenden, Editor 
David LeRoy Corbitt, Managing Editor 

Walter Clinton Jackson Hugh Talmage Lefler 

Frontis Withers Johnston Douglas LeTell Rights 

George Myers Stephens 



McDaniel Lewis, Chairman 

Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne 

Fletcher M. Green William Thomas Laprade 

Clarence W. Griffin Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 

This review was established in January, 1921>, as a medium of publica- 
tion and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other 
institutions by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. 
The regular price is $3.00 per year. Members of the State Literary and 
Historical Association, for which the annual dues are $5.00, receive this 
publication without further payment. Back numbers may be procured at 
the regular price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number. 

COVER — "Scotch Hall," plantation home of the Capeharts on 
the banks of Albemarle Sound in Bertie County. The right wing 
is modern. In 1849 a Northern tutor resided at "Scotch Hall" 
and later used it as the setting of his book Bertie. It and the 
author's Nag's Head are the first North Carolina novels of "local 
color." See pages 12-44 for "The Mysterious Case of George 
Higby Throop (1818-1896) ; . . . " 

The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXIII January, 1956 Number 1 




J. C. Harrington 

THROOP (1818-1896); OR, THE SEARCH 

Richard Walser 


NORTH CAROLINA, 1876-1894 45 

Frenise A. Logan 



Paul Murray and Stephen Russell Bartlett, Jr. 


Elliott's The Raleigh Register, 1799-1863 — By George 
W. McCoy ; Breedlove's Duke University Library, 1840- 
1940 — By Wendell W. Smiley; Schenck's The Bilt- 
more Story — By Lenthall Wyman; Easterby's The 
Colonial Records of South Carolina. The Journal of the 
Commons House of Assembly, February 20, 17 44 — 
May 25, 1745 — By Horace W. Raper; Oliphant's, 
Odell's, and Eaves's The Letters of William 
Gilmore Simms — By C. Hugh Holman ; Peden's Notes 

Entered as second-class matter September 29, 1928, at the Post Office at 
Raleigh, North Carolina, under the Act of March 3, 1879. 


on the State of Virginia, by Thomas Jefferson — By 
D. H. Gilpatrick; Wightman's and Cate's Early 
Days of Coastal Georgia — By Paul Murray; Clift's 
Guide to the Manuscripts of the Kentucky Historical 
Society — By W, Frank Burton; Bell's Early Ameri- 
can Science: Needs and Opportunities for Study — By 
David L. Smiley ; McMillan's Constitutional Develop- 
ment in Alabama, 1798-1901: A Study in Politics, the 
Negro, and Sectionalism — By James F. Doster; 
Cockrell's The Lost Account of the Battle of Corinth 
and Court-Martial of Gen. Van Dorn — By LeRoy H. 
Fischer; Strode's Jefferson Davis: American Patriot, 
1808-1861 — By Horace W. Raper; Klingberg's The 
Southern Claims Commission — By Frontis W. 
Johnston; Blumenthal's American Indians Dispos- 
sessed — By Gaston Litton; Bellot's Woodrow 
Wilson — By Arthur Link; White's Messages of the 
Governors of Tennessee, 1835-184-5 — By Weymouth 
T. Jordan; Link's American Epoch — By Hubert A. 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXIII January, 1956 Number 1 


By J. C. Harrington 

One lucky day in 1950, while sifting the earth from archeo- 
logical excavations at the old fort site on Roanoke Island, 
North Carolina— earth that had lain undisturbed for more 
than three and a half centuries— three little metal disks were 
found (Figures 1 and 2). At many archeological sites, such 
a find, although interesting, would not be noteworthy. But at 
Fort Raleigh, where most of the recoveries had been frag- 
ments of Indian pottery, such a find was sensational. To an 
archeologist, nothing is quite as exciting as finding coins or 
other objects on which words and names and dates can still 
be read. 

For want of a better name, and with the innocence of the 
unlearned, we called these little disks "tokens," but later 
were reminded that they were similar to an object found 
several years earlier at an Indian site near Cape Hatteras, 
some fifty miles down the coast. The Cape Hatteras "token" 
had been identified as a casting-counter made by Hans 
Schultes of Nuremberg. Most likely it had been carried there 
by an Indian who had secured it from the colonists; or pos- 
sibly he had picked it up at Fort Raleigh after the settlement 
was abandoned. A more interesting speculation is that it 
furnishes a clue to the mystery of the Lost Colony, for the 
Croatoan Indian village shown on John White's map is not 
far from the site where the object was found. 

* "City of Raleigh" was found to be spelled several ways in contemporary 
manuscripts, but most commonly "Cittie of Ralegh." In this article the 
accepted spelling of "Raleigh" is used. 


2 The North Carolina Historical Review 

For the benefit of those who are as unfamiliar with "cast- 
ing-counters" as the diggers at Fort Raleigh were in 1950, 
these thin disks were part of the equipment used in medieval 
Europe for manual reckoning. 1 This forerunner of the modern 
adding machine was actually similar in principle to the 
abacus. At the time that Sir Walter Raleigh's colonists came 
to America in 1585, this system of occular arithmetic was 
very much in vogue, particularly in England. The store- 
keeper, the money changer, the land owner who had sheep 
to count and wool to sell and taxes to pay, and even the vicar 
hurrying home from church to tot up the tithes, each had 
some sort of counting-board or counting-cloth, and a little 
box of metal counters. 

Had these folks of Tudor England not been handicapped 
with the clumsy Roman numeral system, with which simple 
mathematical computations were quite as impossible as nu- 
clear physics would be without calculus, they would have 
had less need for their counting-boards. In fact, the entrench- 
ment of this simple device may very well account for the 
reluctance on the part of the sixteenth century Englishman 
to take up the Hindu- Arabic numeral system. But even 
familiarity with a less cumbersome numeral system would 
not have helped a great deal, unless the people who had oc- 
casion to make calculations also had paper and pencil at hand. 
The pencil, however, was something new, and it was well 
into the seventeenth century before the use of paper and 
pencil was at all common. Manual arithmetic, in fact, did 
not die out in England until the end of the seventeenth cen- 
tury, and it is interesting to note that while the 1668 edition 
of Recorde's Arithmetic carried a chapter on this subject, it 
was omitted in the 1699 edition. 2 

Many references to counters and counting-boards are 
found in the early records, particularly in wills and inven- 
tories, and a number of contemporary prints depict them in 

1 Francis P. Barnard, The Casting-Counter and the Counting-Board 
(Oxford, England, 1916), hereafter referred to as Barnard, The Casting- 
Counter. Much of the data on casting-counters used in this article is 
taken from this exhaustive study which is based upon his collection of 
some 7,000 specimens. 

2 Barnard, The Casting-Counter, 265. 



















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Manual Reckoning in the Cittie of Ralegh 3 

actual use (Figure 3). For example, we read in a 1515 ac- 
count of "The kitchin clarke Jengling his counters," and more 
than a century later, in John Earle's Microcosmography, "His 
box and counters prove him to be a man of reckoning." 3 The 
idea of the counting-board as a means of performing arith- 
metic manually was known both in ancient Greece and Rome. 
In England, it appeared as early as the beginning of the thir- 
teenth century, and, like so many other innovations of that 
period, was probably introduced from France. 

The manner is which the casting-counter and counting- 
board were used is quite interesting, and actually rather sim- 
ple in principle. The basic requirement was a table, or bench, 
on which vertical and horizontal lines were marked or paint- 
ed. Fancier tables had the lines inlaid, while the simplest 
method was to mark the lines on a plain table with chalk. 
Many old prints show church or government officials using 
such tables, and, although very few specimens have been 
preserved, their details are fairly well known from both the 
old drawings and written descriptions. Sometimes a cloth was 
used in place of a table, with the lines embroidered, or woven 
into the fabric. Like the counting-board, few of these cloths 
have survived, whereas great quantities of the little metal 
casting-counters are still to be found in European collections. 

In operation, the numerical value of the counter was deter- 
mined by its position on the board. Usually horizontal lines 
represented 1, 10, 100, 1000, etc., and spaces between the 
lines counted 5, 50, 500, etc. Some boards were marked off 
vertically into pence, shillings, pounds, 20 pounds, etc., while 
others followed the decimal system. There seems to have been 
an almost infinite number of arrangements and methods used, 
and Robert Recorde, describing the arithmetic of 1542, con- 
cludes ". . . for the dyuers wyttes of men haue inuented diuers 
and sundry ways almost vnumerable." 4 An experienced opera- 
tor could achieve unbelievable speed in the use of his equip- 
ment. No wonder there was resistance to the introduction 
of the Hindu- Arabic numeral system, as preferable as that 
system seems today. 

3 Barnard, The Casting-Counter, 86. 

4 Barnard, The Casting-Counter, 265. 

4 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Casting pieces were bought in sets, and in England such a 
set was known as a "cast," or a "set." The owner usually 
kept his set of counters in a bag, purse, small bowl, or a 
special cylindrical container. The number of counters in a set 
varied, but was usually a hundred, which provided ample 
pieces for even the most lengthy calculations. The French 
called these little metal counters "jettons," derived from the 
verb jeter, one meaning of which is "to push." For many 
years "jettons" were made largely in France, but about 1525 
the city of Nuremberg became the center for their manu- 
facture, and remained the chief source until this method of 
computing began to die out more than a century later. 

Common as this system of reckoning was in the life of 
Englishmen of 1585, it comes as a surprise to find that the 
pathetic group of colonists who tried so valiantly, though 
unsuccessfully, to plant a colony in Virginia, carried among 
their stores at least one set of casting-counters. This fact is 
not learned from the records, however, for the few records 
left from that first New World colonizing experiment by the 
English do not discuss such everyday things. Like food, cloth- 
ing, household utensils and the like, anything as common as 
casting-counters was simply taken for granted. The few 
settlers on Roanoke Island who could write, or had time to 
do so, had their hands full preparing formal reports and 
describing the outlandish customs of the natives. 

When the Raleigh colonists landed on the northern end 
of Roanoke Island on that summer day in 1585 they set to 
work immediately to build a palisaded earthern fort and a 
group of simple cottages nearby. But when Drake stopped 
by on his way to England a year later, his generous offer to 
take the colonists back was too tempting to resist, and the 
settlement was abandoned. 5 Raleigh's hopes, however, could 
not be dimmed so easily, and a bigger and better effort was 

5 For a good account of the history of Fort Raleigh, see Charles W. 
Porter, III, Fort Raleigh National Historic Site — North Carolina, Na- 
tional Park Service Historical Handbook Series No. 16, Washington, 
D. C, 1952. Also see his article, "Fort Raleigh National Historic Site, 
North Carolina: Part of the Settlement Sites of Sir Walter Raleigh's 
Colonies of 1585-1586 and 1587," The North Carolina Historical Review, 
XX (January, 1943). Hereafter cited as Porter, "Fort Raleigh National 
Historic Site, . . ." 

Manual Reckoning in the Cittie of Ralegh 5 

made the following year— 1587. This latter group, better 
known today as the "Lost Colony," rebuilt the earlier settle- 
ment and really got down to the business of colonizing 
America. But it too failed, for a new colony, to succeed, must 
have replenishments of supplies and personnel. These could 
not be sent when needed most, because England had to keep 
every able-bodied man and every ship at home to ward off 
the threat of Spain. When three years later, with the defeat 
of the Spanish Armada, a relief party finally was sent to 
Roanoke Island, no trace could be found of the unfortunate 
band who had been left to "hold the fort." Only the word 
"Croatoan" carved on the trunk of a tree gave a clue as to 
what had happened. But the clue was not followed up, and 
the Lost Colony remains one of the most intriguing mysteries 
in American history. 

The site of this early settlement, now Fort Raleigh National 
Historic Site, is administered by the National Park Service, 
and thus preserved among the other places where outstand- 
ing events in our country's history are commemorated. Here, 
each summer, the story of those ill-fated ventures in settling 
the New World is dramatically and impressively told through 
Paul Green's symphonic drama, The Lost Colony. 

Through the years the site was known only by tradition, 
for there were no maps or records that gave the exact location 
of the original settlement, and the fort and cottages had long 
since disappeared. So the National Park Service turned to 
archeology as a means of identifying the site and learning 
whatever the buried remains might reveal. Excavations were 
started in the spring of 1947 under the direction of the author. 
The first digging was done at the traditional fort site, where 
slight irregularities in the ground suggested the outline of a 
four-cornered fort. In systematically studying the historical 
records prior to archeological explorations, Charles W. Porter 
had noted a superficial resemblance between the surface in- 
dications on Roanoke Island and the fort built on the island 
of Puerto Rico by the very same colonists on their way to 
Virginia. 6 A drawing of the Puerto Rican fort had been left 

8 Porter, "Fort Raleigh National Historic Site, . . ." 

6 The North Carolina Historical Review 

among the works of John White, but this famous collection 
of early colonizing records, now in the British Museum, failed 
to record anything about Fort Raleigh, other than to provide 
an excellent map of the coast line in the vicinity of Roanoke 

Remains of the fort were found in the very first exploratory 
trench. Rather than a stockade, as those of us who had seen 
too many Western movies had anticipated, the fort had been 
a simple earthwork, with an earthen embankment surrounded 
by a ditch. During the 1950 season the fort area was com- 
pletely excavated and the earthwork reconstructed. 

While excavating these ruins, a small number of European 
and Spanish West Indies objects left by the colonists were 
recovered, along with fragments of Indian pottery. In fact, 
it is probably just pure luck that anything of European origin 
was found, for almost any object left by the settlers would 
have been gathered up by the Indians. In excavating the fort 
ditch, campfire remains were discovered at various levels, in 
many of which were found broken Indian vessels, showing 
that the Indians went there from time to time. Obviously, 
the ghosts of the white men did not deter them from using the 
half-filled ditch of the fort as a shelter if they happened to be 
in the vicinity on a cold winter day. 

Finding these casting-counters at Fort Raleigh was really 
not too surprising, although it could never have been as- 
sumed, had they not actually been found in the ground, that 
anyone among the little group of colonists would have come 
equipped to carry on the business and trade operations that 
these objects imply. But, after all, it was confidently expected 
by those who planned this enterprise that the colony would 
be a success, and that there would be the need for fiscal and 
trade records in which arithmetic would be involved. They 
must certainly have anticipated extensive trade with the 
Indians; and as soon as the colony was firmly established 
there would surely be shipments of goods back to England, 
as well as trade between the settlements that were expected 
to develop throughout the new colony of Virginia. All of this 
would call for a system of reckoning, and casting-counters 

Manual Reckoning in the Cittie of Ralegh 7 

and the counting-board would obviously be needed. It is not 
unlikely, too, that at least one imaginative member of the 
group would have brought a supply of these counters as 
trinkets to be traded to the Indians. 

Two of these three counters, and the one from the Cape 
Hatteras Indian site, are not just similar, but identical 
( Figures 1 and 2 ) . Close examination shows the same irregu- 
larities in the dies used in stamping the designs and letters 
on each of the three specimens. The third counter from Fort 
Raleigh, though similar, had been made with a different set 
of dies. All four are made of a cheap alloy of copper, zinc, and 
lead, known as "latten." As plainly recorded on the counters 
themselves, they were all made by Hans Schultes of Nurem- 
berg, about whom more will be said later. 

These counters are extremely thin, especially in compari- 
son with coins, and the edges are quite irregular, as the 
drawings show. They were made by holding a metal die 
against the surface of a thin circular blank, known as a 
"flan," and striking it sharply with a hammer, or mallet. 
The "flan" was then turned over and struck with a second die. 

No attempt was made to have the obverse and reverse de- 
signs placed in a definite relationship, as on coins, and it is 
apparent that no particular care was taken in centering the 
die on the flan. Unlike coins, in which uniformity is impor- 
tant, these counters were obviously mass produced. The 
design is in low relief, for it was necessary that the counters 
be relatively smooth so that they could be moved easily and 
rapidly over the cloth or board. Thinness was also an advan- 
tage when overlapping the pieces on the board, which was 
often done to save space when working out long and compli- 
cated computations. 

Producing them by the thousands, as the Nuremberg manu- 
facturers did, it is easy to picture a production line operation. 
First, there is the worker who cuts out the disk from a sheet 
of metal; the second workman flattens it by beating with a 
hammer, for this alloy is reasonably malleable. Next, the man 
with the first die impresses the design on one side, and he is 
followed by a lower-paid employee, possibly an apprentice, 
who turns the flans over and pushes them on to the workman 

8 The North Carolina Historical Review 

with the second die. These little factories must have been 
noisy places, but they had to be operated efficiently to permit 
the finished product to be sold at the low price that these 
Nuremberg counters brought on the European market. 

On the obverse of each of the counters is a design com- 
posed of three open crowns and three lis arranged around 
a rose within an inner cicle. Outside this circle, on the two 
identical Fort Raleigh counters and the Cape Hatteras 
specimen, is a legend, in German, which reads "HANS 
SCHVLTES EATI." On the third Fort Raleigh specimen we 
find a more typical legend: "GLICK KVMPT VON GOT 1ST 
WAR," which might be translated as "True good fortune 
comes from God." Such legends were common on the Nurem- 
berg counters, and it was during the period of Hans Schultes's 
operations that short legends became popular. Some of the 
legends were religious, but many included simple everyday 
mottoes, maxims, and proverbs. 

The reverse of each counter contains a Reichsapfel within 
a double treasure of three curves and three angles set alter- 
nately, all within an inner circle. Around the outside, on the 
three identical counters, is "HANS SCHVLTES NORB." 
"Norb" is an abbreviation for Norberg, one of the many ways 
"Nuremburg" was spelled in sixteenth century records. On 
the third Fort Raleigh counter the legend reads "HANS 

Each of the three counters found at the Fort has one or two 
holes punched through it, while the one from Cape Hatteras 
is unpierced. At first it was thought the holes were put there 
by Indians so that the little disks could be strung as a neck- 
lace or bracelet, or possibly sewn on a garment. Many ex- 
amples in European collections also have similar holes, 
however, so the blame must be placed on the English rather 
than the Indians. In any event, the counters could not have 
been used for their original purpose after the holes were 
punched, for the burr on the back of the hole would have 
hindered the ready movement of the counters over the board. 

There can be no doubt of the identity of the maker of these 
counters from Fort Raleigh and the Cape Hatteras Indian 
site, or of the place and approximate date of their manufac- 

Manual Reckoning in the Cittie of Ralegh 9 

ture. Hans Schultes is known to have operated a shop in 
Nuremberg during the period of 1550 to 1574. He was only 
one of a large number of manufacturers of counters working 
in Nuremberg at that time, and was not, in fact, one of the 
most important. The Nuremberg manufacturers liked to put 
both their names and the name of their city on the counters 
they turned out. This served as good advertising, and Herr 
Schultes made the most of this practice, using his name on 
both sides of some of his products as evidenced by three of 
these four examples found along the North Carolina coast. 

In earlier times, possibly from the beginning of the 
thirteenth century until around 1525, counter-making was 
confined largely to France, where it apparently originated. 
But when Nuremberg took over, it took over in earnest. As 
might be expected, the French displayed more taste and 
greater versatility in their products. Their "jettons" were 
struck in a wide variety of metals, including gold, silver, 
brass, copper, bronze, and lead, and occasionally they were 
even gilded or plated. The more practical Germans, on the 
other hand, turned out their products in great quantities, 
using a cheap base alloy. The intrinsic worthlessness of these 
Nuremberg counters explains why so many of them have 
been saved to this day. French examples, often made of more 
valuable metals, were far more likely to be melted down 
for the metal, and are relatively scarce, therefore, in present 
day collections. These Nuremberg counters have had rel- 
atively little appeal to coin collectors, which can be ac- 
counted for by their commonness and their crudeness, in 
addition to their not being true coins. 

But even though the Nuremberg manufacturers may not 
have turned out "museum pieces," they certainly showed no 
restraint in variety of designs. Unlike coins, in which con- 
formity to a specific pattern is desired, variety in counters 
seemed to be a selling point. Apparently the sole criterion 
guiding the German maker was salability. In addition to 
the cheapness of their product, which obviously was the pri- 
mary appeal to the European purchasers of that day, the Ger- 
mans also courted the English market by the use of popular 
English design elements, such as the rose and the fleur-de-lis. 

10 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Several counters of this same type have also been found in 
the excavations at Jamestown, Virginia, showing that their use 
continued well into, if not all the way through, the seven- 
teenth century. Actually, there were relatively few found at 
Jamestown, considering the great quantity of other materials 
recovered in the excavations. This is consistent with the his- 
torical evidence that the casting-board and casting-counter 
were dying out during the seventeenth century. The James- 
town examples also confirm the historical evidence of Nurem- 
berg's dominance, if not monopoly, in this field, for every 
example bears the name of a Nuremberg maker. 

Hans Krauwinckel, probably the most prominent of the 
Nuremberg manufacturers, is the earliest of those represented 
in the Jamestown collection. He was carrying on his business 
a little later than Schultes, roughly 1580 to 1610. 7 A Hans 
Krauwinckel counter (with a hole punched near the edge) 
was also found by Dale Stewart when excavating the Indian 
site of Potawomeke on the Potomac River. 8 The latest ex- 
amples found at Jamestown are the ones made by Wolfe 
Lauffer (also spelled Lafer and Laufer), who operated be- 
tween the years 1618 and 1660. 9 These examples from James- 
town, which cannot be described in detail here, are almost 
identical in design, material, and method of manufacture 
with the earlier Hans Schultes specimens from North Caro- 

The three counters 10 dug up at the site of England's first 
colonizing venture in the Western Hemisphere are not much 
in the way of a jetton collection, especially when compared 
with Barnard's 7,000 specimens. But these little objects have 
a unique historical significance, for they are among the very 
few objects from the site of Fort Raleigh that unquestionably 
go back to the period of its founding and brief existence. It 

7 Barnard, The Casting -Counter, 66. 

8 On exhibit in the United States National Museum, Washington, D. C. 
Barnard, The Casting -Counter, 70. 

10 Several additional casting counters have been recovered in the excava- 
tions at Jamestown during the fall of 1955. All are of Nuremberg origin and 
one is identical with the two Fort Raleigh counters and the one from the 
Hatteras Indian Site. Most of the Jamestown counters were found in deposits 
associated with material dating from the early part of the seventeenth 

Manual Reckoning in the Cittie of Ralegh 11 

is from just such fragments of historical evidence that the 
archeologist and historian are able to piece together much 
of what we know about our early colonial sites. Whether 
there was a budding Einstein among that first group of Eng- 
lish colonists, or just a "clarke" who liked to "jengle" a few 
counters in his pocket, lessens in no way the primary histori- 
cal importance of these little metal disks, which have been 
waiting nearly four centuries to add their bit to American 






By Richard Walser 

North Carolina came tardily into the history of American 
fiction. Before the middle of the last century, few novelists 
at all had used the State for background and character, and 
fewer still of these were native born. 1 Even in the works of 
fiction which appeared, practically no notice was taken of 
life as it actually existed in North Carolina. The writers pre- 
ferred going across the Atlantic or back into history and le- 
gend for their materials. The situation was unaltered until 
suddenly in 1850 there appeared, unheralded, a novel of 
contemporary times in the State with this bumptiously in- 
digenous North Carolina title: Nag's Head: or, Two Months 
among "The Bankers." A Story of Sea-Shore Life and Man- 
ners. By Gregory Seaworthy. 2 The following year the pub- 

1 The first novel published in North Carolina was Letters of Adelaide 
de Sancerre to Count de Nance, a translation from the French of Mme. 
Marie Jeanne (de Heurles Laboras de Mezieres) Riccoboni; first issued 
in Paris in 1766, it was brought out in New Bern in 1801 by the printer 
Francois X. Martin. First novel by a resident North Carolinian was Win- 
ifred Marshall Gales' tale of English life, Matilda Berkely, or Family 
Anecdotes, published in Raleigh in 1804 by the author's husband Joseph 
Gales. John Pendleton Kennedy's famous Revolutionary novel Horse-Shoe 
Robinson (1835) was the first work of fiction to employ a partial North 
Carolina setting. Robert Strange's historical tale, Eoneguski, or The 
Cherokee Chief (1839), was the first novel to use full North Carolina 
characters and setting. The first native North Carolinian to write in 
the novel form was Calvin Henderson Wiley, whose two historical works 
both employed the North Carolina scene, Alamance (1847) and Roanoke 
(serialized 1849). For more detailed information, see Richard Walser, 
"North Carolina Literary Firsts," North Carolina Libraries, VII (June, 
1949), [1]— 3. 

2 . . . Philadelphia: A. Hart, late Carey and Hart, 1850. 180 pages. The 
copyright page tells us: "Entered according to the act of Congress, in 
the year 1851 ... in the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the East- 
ern District of Pennsylvania." The year 1851 in this notice is difficult to 
explain. Either it is in error, or else the publisher had planned purposely 
to delay registering the book. In the author's second book is printed a 
letter from Washington Irving indicating that Irving had read a copy 
of Nag's Head during the second week of September, 1850. The dedica- 
tion of Nag's Head is to Park Benjamin, well-known editor and publisher 
of the day, and reads: "My dear Sir: — When, at the idle suggestion of 
a friend, I had whiled away some of the else unoccupied hours of a five 
months' passage homeward, by writing a book, you were pleased to pat 

[ 12] 

The Mysterious Case of George Higby Throop 13 

lisher issued a second novel, again with a blatant North Caro- 
lina title: Bertie; or Life in the Old Field. A Humorous Novel. 
By Capt. Gregory Seaworthy, Author of "Nags Head." 3 

In these two long-forgotten books, North Carolina received 
her first contemporary fictional treatment by one who wrote 
of the life he knew and of which he had been a part. They 
are, in brief, the first North Carolina novels of "local color" 
and thus are highly significant in the literature of the State. 

It is sad to relate that, in spite of their literary import, their 
publication caused no great stir anywhere, that North Caro- 
lina did nothing more than ignore them, that in the passing 
of a century they have almost completely dropped from sight, 
and that even the very name of their author was lost— if it 
was, in fact, ever acknowledged at all. 

the shy bantling encouragingly on the head, and to say a friendly word 
to the Publisher. May I, in acknowledgment of that kindness, present 
another, the youngest, to your Burchell-like caresses [Mr. Burchell was 
a benevolent, kind-hearted protector in Oliver Goldsmith's novel The 
Vicar of Wakefield (1766)], in the belief of its fewer imperfections, and 
with the conventional, but hearty, assurance that I am Yours, always, 
GREGORY SEAWORTHY, Merry Hill, Bertie Co., N. C." The wording 
of this dedication also presents difficulties. Perhaps by "the youngest," 
the author means that Nag's Head was written prior to the novel Benjamin 
had praised and that, as a result, it was then offered for publication. If 
so, the second novel may conceivably have been held for publication till 
after "the youngest," i.e., Nag's Head, had appeared. If by "the youngest," 
the novelist means he was induced to write another book following Ben- 
jamin's encouragement, then Nag's Head is the author's second written 
but first published novel. But this seems unlikely; for Nag's Head, with 
its obvious artlessness, bears the definite marks of a first novel; and, in 
spite of these matters, it certainly seems to be his first book. Among the 
extremely rare copies of Nag's Head are those in the Peabody Institute 
Library of Baltimore, the University of North Carolina Library, and the 
Sondley Collection of the Pack Memorial Public Library, Asheville. It was 
issued in paperback at 50c; see O. A. Roorback, Bibliotheca Americana 
(1852), I, 385. 

3 . . . With a Letter to the Author from Washington Irving. Philadel- 
phia: A. Hart, late Carey and Hart, 126 Chestnut Street, 1851. 242 pages. 
The copyright page also carries the date 1851, though the dedication to 
the publisher A. Hart is signed from Philadelphia, December 15, 1850. 
In a note to "My dear Reader" the author writes: "Do you know that 
publishers still cling, with the tenacity of first love, to the time-honored 
custom of writing a preface? It is verily so! And even my Prolegomena 
will not pass muster in this behalf. Wherefore, though you will not read 
this preface, and do not cars a straw why I have written another book, I 
may as well say, briefly, that I was mainly encouraged so to do by the re- 
ception of 'Nag's Head,' and by kind letters from older brethren, among 
which is the following: — 

'Sunnyside, Sept. 11th, 1850. 
'My dear Sir: — 

'Though I received in due time your letter dated August 11th, your book 
did not reach me until within a week past. I thank you most heartily for 
the pleasure afforded me by the perusal. You have depicted scenes, char- 

14 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Who is this Captain Gregory Seaworthy anyway? Ob- 
viously the name is a pseudonym. Very well, we say. Then 
who is he and how did he come to write these two contem- 
porary novels about coastal North Carolina in the middle of 
the nineteenth century? Until a few years ago the question 
could not have been answered with any authority. But now 
the curtains are ready to be drawn, and the man revealed. 
Before we part them, however, it will be well to review the 
novels to see if we can ourselves discover any clues of iden- 

Though in broad terms Nags Head may be called a novel, 
it really is merely a journal of a more than two months' stay 
on the sand banks of North Carolina during the summer of 
(presumably) 1849. It will be obvious to any reader that the 
book is written from first-hand experience. There is no plot, 
no sustained characterization. Frequently interrupting the 
progress of the journal are brief stories purporting to be told 
by the author to his acquaintances, or by them to him. Only 
a few of these have any local or literary interest. The first- 
person narrator is a Northerner (p. 180) now employed as 
a tutor to the children of a wealthy North Carolina planter. 
Even at the seashore he has his "little school-room" (p. 40), 
his "little family" (p. 30) with their daily lessons. The school- 
master implies that he wrote his journal during the sojourn 
at the beach (p. 123). 

acters, and manners which were in many respects new to me, and full 
of interest and peculiarity. I allude more especially to the views of South- 
ern life. We do not know sufficiently of the South; which appears to me 
to abound with materials for a rich, original and varied literature. 

'I hope the success of this first production will be such as to encourage 
you to follow out the vein you have opened, and to give us a new series 
of scenes of American life both by sea and land. 
'With best wishes for your success, 

'I remain, very truly, 

'Your obliged friend and servant, 


From the foregoing it is safe to assume that Nag's Head is the nove- 
list's first published book, Bertie his second. A third, and presumably 
the last, is Lynde Weiss (1852). Like its predecessor, Bertie was issued in 
paper covers at 50^. It, too, is extremely rare. There is a copy at the 
University of North Carolina Library. One of the two copies at the 
New York Public Library is in mint condition with its original three- 
color (blue, gold, black) title-cover, at the top of which is the serial 
label: "Library of Humorous American Works. . . ." In making this 
study, I have used photostats of Nag's Head and Bertie owned by Pro- 
fessor Roger P. Marshall, of Raleigh. 






" La, nous trouverone sots peine, 
Avec toi, 1© verire en main, 
L'momme apr&s qui Diog&na 
Coarat ei long-Semps en vain !'• 


" I waa born to speak all mirtfartfid no nutter !" 






Peabody Institute Library of Baltimore 

16 The North Carolina Historical Review 

A "quiet sort of man" (p. 160) and a bachelor (p. 102), 
the tutor has nevertheless "roamed over many a clime of 'the 
big world'" (p. 25) and has once served on a man-of-war 
(p. 32). His love for, and familiarity with, the sea undoubt- 
edly accounts for the pseudonym Gregory Seaworthy; clearly 
our author has often shipped before the mast. He has know- 
ledge of Provincetown and Nantucket (p. 23); of Lake 
George, Saratoga, Lake Champlain, and Burlington, Vermont 
(p. 106); of Boston, the New England coast, and the small 
seaport town of Frankfort, Maine (p. 86). One section (pp. 
48-69) of the book which smacks peculiarly of the partially 
autobiographical tells the melancholy tale of an adopted 
though proud youth who petulantly leaves his devoted foster- 
father, of Washington, D. C., his "more than mother" (p. 55), 
and his adopted sisters, after an incident of seeming inter- 
ference in his love affair by his sweetheart's parent. Going 
aboard a fishing boat in Baltimore, he reaches Philadelphia 
and finally Boston, where as a "green hand" at $8 a month, 
he signs the articles of a ship sailing around Cape Horn for 
Valparaiso— an outward-bound voyage of 120 days. Return- 
ing home, he rushes to be reunited with his sweetheart and 
finds her dying. So the story ends. While the extremely sen- 
timental portions of the tale doubtless are fabricated, there 
is an unquestionable realism of geography and life aboard 
ship. The sailing terminology here as elsewhere in Nags 
Head is pronounced. 

Throughout the book our author shows himself possessed 
of a literary turn of mind, punctuating the journal continually 
with both little-known and well-known bits of poetry, as well 
as with many Latin quotations and French phrases. The 
author inserts lyrics of his own (p. 83, 180) and also an ori- 
ginal patriotic poem "The Old North State" (p. 100 ). 4 Not 
only is he a writer of poems, but a discriminating reader of 
local works. He is familiar with such North Carolina books 
as Calvin Henderson Wiley's (p. [13]) Roanoke (serialized 
1849), a novel which has part of its setting on the sand banks; 
the poems (p. 122) of William Henry Rhodes (1822-1876) 

* The non-original insertions are studiously enclosed within quotation 
marks; the three original poems ari not. 

Nofth Carolina Stat* Library 
The Mysterious Case of George Higby Throop 17 

of Bertie County; and Hugh Williamson's (p. 102) History 
of North Carolina ( 1812 ) . Our friendly though bookish and 
retiring narrator is impressed by the South, is uncritical of 
his associates there, and is pleased that during his seven 
months' residence in North Carolina he has found "the con- 
dition and treatment of the slaves a thousandfold better" 
than he expected (p. 142). In Nags Head he records many 
conversations with the Negro servants, writes affectionate 
word-portraits of several of them (pp. 143-147), then ex- 
claims: "May the day soon come when they shall all peace- 
fully be made free!" (p. 148). He admits that the blacks are 
"contented and happy" (p. 147), that their punishments are 
generally less than they deserve. All in all, the writer is de- 
lighted with his North Carolina environment. 

Nags Head opens "on the afternoon of a pleasant day in 
July" (p. 14) on the banks of the Perquimans River at Hert- 
ford. In preparation for an overnight trip to the sand banks, 
a schooner is being loaded with all the necessities for the 
summer visit of a planter's entire household: furniture, lug- 
gage, "baskets, axes, beds and bedding, cart-wheels and 
bodies ruthlessly divorced, parasols, a venerable umbrella, 
and a bottle of Sand's sarsaparilla" (p. 15); also, ducks and 
hens. At the beach his residence is to be "a little world of it- 
self" (p. 41): a cow (p. 80); three horses, two dogs (p. 41); 
of the twenty people in the household, a third are Negro ser- 
vants. The planter is moving his family to the ocean side to 
escape "the malaria, and fevers, and heat of Perquimans" 
(p. 25). Along go the children with their tutor. To provision 
the planter and his neighbors with fresh vegetables during 
their stay, chartered packets run twice a week between the 
plantations and the beach. "One of these plies between Eliza- 
beth city and Nag's Head. Another comes from Hertford; 
another from Edenton, and another from Salmon River, or 
Merry Hill; the latter being owned and employed by a 
wealthy gentleman for the convenience of his family and 
friends" (p. 80). 

Meanwhile, when the loaded schooner arrives at its des- 
tination, it anchors half a mile off shore and sends its pas- 
sengers and provisions to land in yawls and scows. After a 

18 The North Carolina Historical Review 

walk through the sand, the vacationist reaches a small five- 
apartment "story-and-a-half cottage, shingled and weather- 
boarded, but destitute of lath and plaster" and "surrounded 
by a dwarfish growth of live-oak." On its "eastern side, it has 
a comfortable piazza, where the family gather of an evening 
for a social chat, and for the enjoyment of the sea-breeze. It 
commands a wide view of the ocean; and there is scarcely an 
hour of the day when you cannot see one or more vessels 
sailing by . . . " (p. 24). 

To Gregory Seaworthy a peculiar feature of this summer 
resort is "the fact that a very large proportion of the visitors 
are actual residents in private dwellings" (p. 79) owned by 
the "Planters, merchants, and professional men" (p. 80) from 
the mainland. Nearby, the one hotel, which is located about 
three miles from the fresh- water ponds (p. 149), is patron- 
ized mainly by the unmarried. Close to the hotel is a little 
chapel, at which clergymen from Elizabeth City and HCelrt- 
ford officiate (p. 37). Evidently the colony is quite large at 
the time of Seaworthy's visit, for he hears some of the old- 
timers moan for the days of Nag's Head as it was— when only 
three families had summer residences there and it "was re- 
spectable to be seen in homespun" (p. 97). He visits the 
original settlement and finds it abandoned (p. 98). Alas for 
the old-timers! Now in the late 1840's Nag's Head has become 

The average vacationist goes bathing to "occupy the time 
until breakfast" (p. 118). Then "there is a bowling-alley, 
where the boarders from the hotel and the residents from 
the hills" [or "up-guoines," as the local inhabitants call 
the sand dunes (p. 97)] "meet at nine or ten in the fore- 
noon, and remain until the dinner hour" (p. 160). Perhaps, 
instead of bowling, the vacationist may go fishing or fox- 
hunting (p. 47), or riding or walking or visiting (p. 118). 
Dinner and a siesta always occupy the afternoon (p. 47), 
followed by another swim (p. 118) and tea and dressing 
for the evening (p. 47). If young, the summer resident will 
then take another walk on the beach with a "fair form, a 
bright eye" (p. 118). On to the hotel he goes, where at 
"length, sometimes as early as eight o'clock, but oftener at 

The Mysterious Case of George Higby Throop 19 

nine, or a later hour, the musician makes his appearance. 
The twang of the strings, even as he tunes [the violin], is 
enough to call the little folks around him; and it is not long 
before the ladies make their appearance; the sets are formed, 
and the long-drawn 'Balance, all!' gives the glow of pleasure 
to every face" (p. 160). "You dance until you begin to think 
of Dr. A — 's last advice and prescription, and are afraid to 
look at the clock, and then you dig your way, with desperate, 
teeth-set energy, through the dry, yielding, cringing, shrink- 
ing, nerve-depressing sand, homeward. There arrived, you 
step stealthily up the stairs . . . and go to bed. And now do 
all good things conspire to lull you to repose" (p. 118). 

For special amusement the summer resident may climb 
"the heights (sand-hills) called Jockey's Ridge" or, "with 
his cab and bays," drive "a bevy of ladies" along the beach 
(p. 121). He may go on a picnic and fishing trip to the fresh- 
water ponds (pp. 149-153). Some other time, he may sail 
over to Roanoke Island and visit the site where "Raleigh's 
second expedition" made a "settlement"; perhaps he will 
unearth "glass globes, containing quicksilver, and hermeti- 
cally sealed and other relics occasionally discovered there" 
(p. 126). On Roanoke Island, too, he may see "a beautiful 
lawn containing a 'grapery,' underneath which you can 
stand and pluck the most delicious clusters" (p. 127). Closer 
home, he may walk over the sand banks observing "the gra- 
dual entombing of whole acres of live-oaks and pines by 
the gradual drifting of the restless sands from the beach" 
(p. 45). Often he may remain indoors when violent storms 
break over the banks (pp. 32-36). 

The visitor also interests himself in the lore, traditions, 
and history of the area. He listens to old-timers tell of the 
many wrecks along the beach (p. 71), of rescues (pp. 101- 
117), of pillaging the wrecked vessels and of "wicked deeds 
on that low sandy coast, of lanterns tied to a horse's head, 
and of windows that looked seaward being illuminated at 
night" (p. 71). He learns the origin of the name of Nag's 
Head: how the "headland then bore some resemblance, in 
the sea-approach, to the head of a horse, and hence its name" 
(p. 97). He hears the tale, told by old Adam Etheredge, of 

20 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Ellen Baum of Roanoke Island and her marriage to a rich 
Boston merchant's son who survived a wreck on Nag's Head 
(pp. 127-141). Seaworthy admits he has not learned much 
of the native inhabitants. "To say the truth," he writes, "I 
have seen but little of them. ... I have seen them mending 
their nets, I have chatted with them, and yet I know but 
little of their character and habits." But he has been told 
the bankers are "miserably poor . . . have most singular prej- 
udices concerning medicine . . . [are] peculiar . . . isolated 
from the social intercourse. . . ." They are jealous of strangers, 
"but are clannish, and therefore honest and social among 
themselves" (p. 162). 

Only one mishap mars Seaworthy's stay at Nag's Head- 
recurrent attacks of the fever. Though he is much alarmed 
at his illness and is affectionately nursed, he notices with 
chagrin that his friends do not share his pertubation. When 
he remarks on the Carolinians' "sallowness of complexion so 
common everywhere, and especially among the residents of 
the eastern counties" (p. 75), the reply he gets is: * 'Bless 
your heart, my dear sir, it's nothing at all but the chills and 
fever! We're raised on it here! I'm rather partial to a chill, 
myself!' (p. 76). Seaworthy lists the illness in his chapter 
on amusements, concluding "That ever I should have for- 
gotten the staple of fun— the State-patronized frolic— the 
chills and fever! chacun a son gout!" (p. 161). He leaves 
Nag's Head on September 29 (p. 178). 

His short novel is poorly organized and has little literary 
merit, but it possesses a sprightly humor and lively style. 
Its principal attraction lies in its value as social history, in its 
depiction of the activities of summer visitors to Nag's Head 
in the late 1840's. 

Bertie, on the other hand, is quite well organized, con- 
tains definite elements of plot and situation, and presents 
several rounded characterizations. Unlike Nags Head it is 
written in the generally accepted manner of the novel form, 
though like its predecessor it is full of local geography and 
local customs and events. In spite of the fact that the first- 
person narrator, still named Gregory Seaworthy, is no longer 
a Northern schoolteacher but now is nephew to a rich South- 








"Leves, non praceter solitum." — Horace. 
9i Faith, thin ! it's a pairt o* ra« iystiin, sir !" — The Irisii TuToa. 







University of North 
Carolina Library 

22 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ern planter in Bertie County, North Carolina, there, never- 
theless, are present many revealing details of him as author. 

The narrator has passed so much time away from the 
South that he seems a Yankee (p. 22), has "made five voy- 
ages" at sea during which he "rose to the berth of mate of 
one of the finest merchantmen in New York" (p. 99), and 
has been "many a mile" wandering (p. 63). He enjoys steer- 
ing a ship (p. 35), has often been aboard an American man- 
of-war (p. 22), and knows many parts of the world and 
many regions of the United States, including the Hudson 
and Champlain Canal in New York State (p. 228). He uses 
nautical language throughout the book, is partial to Latin 
quotations, makes frequent references to Shakespeare and 
Cervantes (p. 64) and other great writers, has read Ken- 
nedy's Horse-Shoe Robinson (p. 47), and inserts an original 
poem "Molly Bell" (pp. 122-123). He keeps a journal (p. 40) 
and writes his book during his "leisure hours at sea" (p. 240). 
In many of his characteristic remarks, such as his continually 
stressing the hospitality of the South (p. 167), Captain Sea- 
worthy of Bertie is like schoolmaster Seaworthy of Nags 

More revealing, however, in its autobiographical signifi- 
cance, is the minor character of Mr. Haynes, a Northern 
tutor employed to teach the children from the surrounding 
Bertie plantations. Haynes, a romantic portrait painted sym- 
pathetically from a lachrymose palette, has written a novel, 
has traveled widely and is "not at all Yankeeish or provincial" 
(p. 110). He is "a small, pale, slightly formed young man 
of an almost unnatural brilliancy of eye . . . [and has an] 
expression of calmness, thought, power of mind, and great- 
ness of heart" (p. 123). This man, with his "long, wiry, 
black hair," feels he can "do some better service to society 
than to teach," says, ' 'I fret in my fetters; and the impatient 
spirit is fast gnawing its way out of its frail "clay tene- 
ment," (p. 125 ) 5 and has written his book (Nags Head, 

5 For the borrowed phrase, "clay tenements," the author footnotes the 
name of John Weiss (1818-1879), noted pastor of the First Congregational 
Church of New Bedford, Massachusetts, during 1848 and later. Probably 
the author heard the famous minister at New Bedford; probably, too, the 
title of Lynde Weiss resulted from his acquaintance with the preacher. 

The Mysterious Case of George Higby Throop 23 

perhaps?) to set his "northern friends right in regard to the 
state of society at the south" (p. 125). Though at first he 
has difficulties securing a publisher, any of whom he says 
is reluctant to pay for American books at a time when Eng- 
lish reprints come free (p. 129), a Philadelphia firm (A. 
Hart?) later takes his manuscript (p. 203). He sees the good 
side of slavery but would free the slaves (p. 127); he pleads 
for "charity and liberality on both sides" (p. 128). His past 

is dim. He has gone to " College" (p. 145), where he 

roomed in a "hotel" (p. 146). He becomes ill, "bleeding pro- 
fusely at the mouth" (p. 186); and his mother and sisters 
come to nurse him (pp. 195-196). Though he spends over 
two months on the beach at Nag's Head seeking to improve 
his health (p. 204 ff. ), he dies of consumption (p. 229 ff.) 
shortly before his book arrives from the publisher (p. 232). 
Both of these partially autobiographical characters are 
subordinate to the principal figure of the novel, around whom 
most of the events turn. "Professor" Funnyford Matters of 
Steventown, Maine (p. 25), is typical of that bragging Yan- 
kee comic well known in the popular literature of the day. 
He is a "practical hydrologist" (p. 242), one who constructs 
cement cisterns to insure pure drinking water on the Bertie 
plantations. A humorous person, he is in turn awed by and 
delighted with the South. His speech has "the unmistakable 
twang of eastern Maine," as in such expressions as "Haow 
dew yaou dew?" (p. 21). Though surprised at the wealth 
and culture and extensive holdings of Southern planters, 
he argues that the plantations are too large and the farm 
equipment too primitive (pp. 107-108). He concedes that 
the conditions of slavery are exaggerated in the North and 
joins with his new Southern friends in hoping for patience, 
good feeling, and understanding on both sides (pp. 103- 
107). He complains that the Southern masters are too tol- 
erant and the slaves too easy-going. 'They are so 'mazin' 
lazy and slow. They don't aim their grub, some on 'em. I 
wouldn't have some on 'em as a gift' ' (p. 170 ) . He admits 
that the most severe overseers are from the North. Incident- 
ally, he is the only character in the novel to use the word 
"nigger." A practical economist, he criticizes Southern patro- 

24 The North Carolina Historical Review 

nage of Northern merchants, manufacturers, and mechanics 
(pp. 178-179). 

"Professor" Matters is present during most of the action 
of Bertie, whose plot concerns the love affairs of some half 
dozen couples. It need not be detailed here. Matters mar- 
ries a rich country widow but at the end of the story is leav- 
ing his new home because of his many unruly stepchildren 
(p. 236). It is unbelievable in so short a novel, perhaps, but 
true that the book concludes with five weddings (p. 241). 
Of more significance to our present study, however, are 
the author's pages on local geography, customs, and events. 

The opening scene is Norfolk, with Seaworthy and Matters 
heading toward Bertie and Cypress Shore, the plantation of 
Colonel John Smallwood ( well-known family name in Bertie 
County at that time), which is six miles (p. 57) from Merry 
Hill post office. (Cypress Shore is the fictitious name of 
Scotch Hall, then and now home of the Capehart family.) 
On a small boat they are towed through the Dismal Swamp 
Canal (p. 39) and pass a hotel not far from Lake Drum- 
mond (p. 45). Two days later they arrive at "the pretty vil- 
lage of Edenton" (p. 52). Seaworthy proceeds to Plymouth, 
thus passing very near Cypress Shore, which "is not two 
hundred yards from the head of the sound, between the 
mouths of the Roanoke and the Chowan" (p. 52), and with- 
in walking distance of "the mouth of the Cashie" (p. 91). 
He continues to Windsor "to execute a commission for a 
New York merchant to his factor in Bertie" (p. 55). On 
March 29, 1849 (p. 56), after a three hours' ride on horse- 
back through the pine woods, he arrives at Cypress Shore. 

O! those Carolina roads! extending leagues on leagues, with 
never a crook descernible by the eye, flanked by thick-set pines 
that have been blazed and scarred by surveyors and tar-makers ; 
level as a house floor, and sometimes as hard ; musical at times 
with the hunter's horn, the hounds in full cry, or the notes of a 
thousand birds, thrown into fine harmonic relief by the low 
bass of the wind as it sweeps through the lofty pines. . . . There 
are few things that waken for me more pleasant, and by'r lady ! 
sadder recollections, than the remembrance of divers walks 
and rides (not to make the remotest allusion to the person or 

The Mysterious Case of George Higby Throop 25 

persons — isn't that lawyer-like? — with whom they were en- 
joyed) through the magnificent pine-forests of "the good old 
North State" (pp. 56-57). 

He is greeted by the Colonel, the Colonel's maiden sister 
Aunt Corny, a niece and adopted daughter Molly, and the 
personal servant Grief. The Colonels son Robert is away 
at Brown University, another niece and adopted daughter 
Kate at school in Richmond. Of Cypress Shore itself, the 
narrator writes: 

I paused a moment at the gate for a view of the old family man- 
sion. The northern front is not nearly so attractive as the south- 
ern. The trees which had been recently planted, at my last visit, 
were now finely grown ; and it was evident that another month 
would make the spacious lawn one of the most beautiful spots 
in the world. The house was large, painted white, and furnished 
with dark-green shutters. Huge chimneys were built at both 
ends outside the house ; and, on the northern side, a broad piazza, 
supported by a half a score of columns, extended along the 
whole length. A hospitable deal bench ran along the weather- 
boarding; and at one end of the piazza was a sort of shelf at- 
tached to the balustrade, on which a neat unpainted bucket, 
with shining hoops and bail of brass, was always standing. In a 
hole of this same shelf, fitted for the purpose, was the ewer; 
and near this, on a roller, was a towel white as the snow. Through 
the centre of the building ran a hall, some ten or twelve feet in 
width. I may be permitted to say here, for the benefit of my 
northern reader, who may not have seen the south, that, for 
three-fourths of the year, the hall and the porch of a southern 
mansion are in constant requisition. You sit, lounge, or take your 
siesta in either. Both, but more commonly the piazza, serve 
you for your promenade. In the hall you very frequently see 
the appliances for sporting — guns, belts, pouches, horns — while 
on the walls you will perhaps see engravings of celebrated 
horses. In the piazza, the dogs consider themselves privileged; 
and even the hounds sometimes intrude. The youngsters romp 
there; and there the hobby-horse performs his untiring gallop 
(pp. 69-70). 

Beyond the house lies the beautiful sound, on a calm day 
with "not a ripple on its broad surface. To the right were 
the mouths of the Roanoke and the Cashie. They were bare- 

26 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ly discernible among the low cypresses that lined the shore" 
(p. 161). Steamers and sailing boats are often gliding past. 
In the distance is the familiar light-boat guarding the en- 
trance to the Roanoke (p. 212). 

The plantation of Colonel Smallwood, who had come to 
Bertie from Virginia (p. 99), spreads over ten thousand 
acres (p. 75). Employing some 250 Negroes, it has an an- 
nual yield of about a hundred bales of cotton and fifty 
thousand bushels of corn (p. 76). Among the animals are 
"horses, mules, sheep, and cows" (p. 70). The slaves are 
happy, for they are provided with allowances, good quarters, 
and a hospital (pp. 198-199). For six to eight weeks every 
spring the Colonel's interest turns to his near-by shad and 
herring fishery, where he has built twenty fishermen's cabins 
as well as a guest house in which he entertains his friends 
(pp. 72, 76). Most of the fishing is done at night with torches 
ablaze (p. 87). 

Among the Colonel's neighbors are the family of Dr. Wil- 
liam A. Jeffreys of "Underwood" plantation (pp. 55, 188); 
Mr. and Mrs. Archibald Buckthorn (p. 82, 102); Amos 
Sayles, merchant and postmaster at Merry Hill (p. 82 ) ; and 
Squire and Mrs. Butterton of "Bachelor's Bay," a plantation 
house "two or three furlongs from the mouth of Salmon 
Creek, directly on the bank, and perched airily on an emi- 
nence on a little point, perhaps two hundred and fifty yards 
above what is known to the sailors as Gravestone Point. It 
overlooks quite a reach of the beautiful little river, and gives 
a fine view of the graver and statelier Chowan" (p. 101). 

The families of these eastern Bertie residents lead no dull 
lives. When not visiting and dining with one another, they 
go fishing in Salmon Creek (p. 223) or fox-hunting (p. 68). 
There is "the excitement of the mail-days," when "a score 
of country gentlemen" lounge about the store, talking and 
"awaiting the arrival of the mail" (pp. 131-132). On court- 
days they go to the county seat to observe a variety of ac- 
tivity: a side show, "the same being a deformed dwarf, 
whose picture roughly sketched on canvas," Seaworthy re- 
marks, "was quite enough to disgust me" (pp. 156-157); a 
"demure, spectacled, sanctified-looking" book-peddler; a 

The Mysterious Case of George Higby Throop 27 

saddler and a shoemaker displaying their goods; a man "sell- 
ing a horse at auction"; an open-air oyster stew; a tent shelter- 
ing "an ample stock of cakes and candy and nuts" ( p. 157 ) ; 
plentiful apple-brandy and beer (p. 158); a dinner at the 
hotel at which there are "beef by the half-ox, whole heca- 
tombs of fowls, vegetables innumerable" (p. 159); and 
"grave consultations on all sorts of topics" (p. 158). The 
proceedings of the court itself seem to be of minor impor- 
tance. On another day the gentlemen return to Windsor for 
Muster Day, when the local military, "some fifteen mounted, 
and possibly fifty in the ranks of the infantry" (p. 168), 
parade to the music of "a shrill, squeaking, squealing, scream- 
ing, broken-winded clarionet" (p. 169). On still another, they 
meet at the Windsor Hotel for a "public dinner" to honor 
a celebrity, such as the one tendered "Professor" Matters, 
who is met by a deputation outside town and escorted by 
a "procession" to the hotel (pp. 187-194). Exciting, too, are 
the big quarterly church meetings at one of the rural 
churches, where everyone has his fill of preaching and shout- 
ing and feasting and visiting (pp. 180-186). 

During the winter, Christmas is the season for grand fro- 
lic. Not least among the entertainments are the noise and 
music made by the Negro mummers "for his worship the John 
Kooner" (p. 218), a servant who, dressed in rags and 
wearing a mask, "goes through a variety of pranks" (p. 217). 
In summer, "about the middle of July," the Colonel trans- 
ports all his household and friends to Nag's Head in a schoon- 
er loaded with "furniture, live-stock, and passengers" (p. 
204). At the beach the summer residents visit "Roanoke Is- 
land, the Fresh Ponds, and the Inlet" (p. 207), and do not 
return to Cypress Shore till the last of September (p. 208). 

"O! those days at Cypress Shore!" (p. 164) exclaims Capt. 
Gregory Seaworthy. But soon he is away to become master 
of a vessel out of New York. He sails over to Edenton and 
catches a coach to "hospitable old Hertford, which town," 
be writes, "I devoutly pray may be immortal." There at 
"the Eagle Hotel (let me commend it to everybody)" he 
pauses (p. 235) before proceeding to Elizabeth City, where 
he dines, and continues his journey northward. About a year 

28 The North Carolina Historical Review 

later he returns to Cypress Shore and is married to Helen 
Jeffreys, daughter of the doctor at "Underwood" plantation. 
The author states in his "Prolegomena" (p. [v]): 

Some are dropping honey, 

Others dropping gall; 
I am merely funny — 

When I write at all. 
Simply to amuse you 

Do I choose to write; 
All herein that's better 

'S accidental — quite. 

Bertie, is, indeed, a "funny" book, not only in its portrayal of 
"Professor" Matters, but also in its tone and style— occasion- 
ally illustrated, I hope, in some of the foregoing excerpts. 
But there is much that is "better," too. The scenes of planta- 
tion and village life in Bertie County in 1849 provide us, 
as does Nags Head, with some excellent slices of obviously 
nngarnished social history. All in all, Bertie is the most ac- 
complished work of its author. One reviewer was sufficiently 
enthusiastic to comment, "This is one of the best American 
novels of the day." 6 Another wrote, "Bertie is a North Car- 
olina story, the hero of which is a knowing Yankee, self- 
styled a Professor, who manufactures hydraulic cement and 
constructs rain-water cisterns. His adventures in the old 
North State are made the means of giving a lively and en- 
tertaining account of the habits and character of its people 
and the conditions of its slave population"; he added that 
the book is "very readable" and furnishes us "with an oppor- 
tunity of noticing the disposition to encourage Southern lit- 
erature exhibited by Mr. Hart," the Philadelphia publisher. 7 
One year later, a third and last novel appeared: Lynde 
Weiss; An Autobiography. By Geo. H. Throop, Author of 
"Nag's Head," "Bertie," etc., etc. 8 In "A Word to the Reader," 

6 "Editors' Book Table," Godey's Lady's Book, XLII (June, 1851), 393. 

7 "Notices of New Works, "Southern Literary Messenger, XVII (Sept., 
1851), 584. 

8 . . . Philadelphia: Lippincott, Grambo and Co., 1852. 188 pages, illus- 
trated. A new edition was issued from Philadelphia in 1873 by Claxton, 
Remsen, and Haffelfinger, still carrying Throop's name on the title page. 
It is interesting to speculate what the "etc., etc." is intended to convey. 
If there are other books of the author, they have not yet been identified. 

flto Mo*iogra#s. 

«0! more than blest that, all my wanderings throngh, 
My anchor falls where first my pennons flew." 

0. W. Holm. 





University of North 
Carolina Library 


30 The North Carolina Historical Review 

signed by "Gregory Seaworthy" from Philadelphia, Febru- 
ary, 1852, the author quotes Carlyle in telling us that his book 
was written "amid inconvenience and distraction, in sickness 
and in sorrow," and asks for the reader's "patience with the 
shortcomings" of the new work. Since Lynde Weiss does not 
contain references to North Carolina, there is no reason for 
any full discussion of it in the present study. It does, how- 
ever, match the Gregory Seaworthy pseudonym with an 
author's name; and it presents internal clues leading to the 
discovery of biographical information about the writer, 
though in no wise is it straight autobiography, as the title 

Lynde Weiss, son of a well-to-do lumberman, loses his 
mother when he is an infant. He lives with his father, a house- 
keeper, an aunt, two sisters, and a brother in Boylston, a 
village "a mile and a half from the mouth" of the Bouquet 
River, which empties into Lake Champlain (p. 16). Boylston 
nestles "cosily in a little valley, there being barely room 
enough between the river . . . and the hills for a single street 
on each bank" (p. 26). Lynde (pronounced "lined," p. 50), 
a kiddish prankster in the local school, loves pretty Jessie 
Grayson, the preacher's daughter. Because of his stern fa- 
ther, Lynde feels more at home with the family of the noble 
woodcutter, Paul Warren. Though expelled from the acade- 
my for playing tricks, Lynde later enrolls at Clinton Col- 
lege. Before withdrawing because of family financial losses, 
he excells in the classics and begins "to write verses, and to 
send them, under fictitious signatures, to the newspapers" 
(p. 74). Of an original oration, he tells us, "It had (as did 
my other productions) a spice of humour, and was very tol- 
erably written" (p. 75). He took, he says, "unwearied pains 
in writing, using as few words as possible of Greek or Latin 
derivation, and substituting, wherever it was practicable, the 
simple Saxon English" (p. 76). When only seventeen, Lynde 
teaches a term at a country school (p. 75), and afterwards 
for a while at an academy in Washington, D. C. (p. 85). 
Though he has once been a fractious student, he becomes an 
assiduous schoolmaster. Yet, after disturbing personal affairs, 
he takes a whaler out of New Bedford and sees the Azores 

The Mysterious Case of George Higby Throop 31 

and Rio de Janeiro. The novel closes with ridiculous mid- 
nineteenth-century melodramatics. When his father's fortunes 
are restored, Lynde returns home. There he is routed by a 
villainous rival for Jessie's hand and accused of murder. Saved 
at the last moment, he unmasks his rival, and all ends happily. 

While it possesses a more definite plot line, Lynde Weiss 
is little better organized than Nags Head and has not nearly 
the compactness of Bertie. Many of the interludes, such as 
the Washington schoolteaching experience and the voyage 
on the New Bedford whaler, have practically no relevancy 
to the plot and obviously are inserted simply as remembered 
life incidents. Like the first two books, Lynde Weiss is strong- 
ly, though by no means completely, autobiographical. 

It is important that we understand that the three novels 
are unquestionably the work of the same pen. First, there is 
a similarity of style: the first-person narrator, the many 
italizations, the use of foreign words and expressions, the 
copious literary references, and the staccato conversation 
and sentence movement. Second, all three contain at least 
one voyage at sea described by one who was knowledgeable 
about sailing and who was proficient in "seaworthy" lang- 
uage. Third, all are sympathetic toward the ill-paid, obscure 
country schoolmaster: the schoolteaching narrators of Nags 
Head and Lynde Weiss, the Mr. Haynes of Bertie. In Lynde 
Weiss the hero remarks that "teachers are seldom consciously 
unjust'' (p. 48), deplores the use of the "rod," and complains 
that teachers, with their "capacity of endurance of hardship 
and toil," are paid only "a beggarly pittance to do what the 
parents were too lazy, or stupid, or weak, to do themselves— 
to govern the child" (p. 49). Fourth, two of the novels have 
characters speaking an odd New England dialect. Here is 
"Professor" Funnyford Matters of Bertie: "Whoa! hold on, 
yaou darned fool! I do b'lieve yaou'll run intew that 'ere 
carriage, spite of all I kin dew" (p. 59). Now we have schol- 
master Jonah Wigglesworth of Lynde Weiss: "There, naovol 
git yer seats, all on ye! I'm goin' fur to read the rewls!" and 
a bit later, "I declare tew man! . . . them 'ere boys pester me 
tew death. I say, there yaou! Lynde! c'm 'ere to me!" (p. 50- 
51 ) . The spelling and execution are uniquely the same. Final- 

32 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ly, it is certainly more than coincidental that two of the novels 
have a mention of the tiny seaport of Frankfort, Maine ( Nag's 
Head, p. 86; Lynde Weiss, p. 178), that Lynde Weiss and 
at least one of the North Carolina novels show an acquaint- 
ance with Washington, D. C, with the New England Coast 
and New Bedford, and with the area around Lake Champlain. 

Eureka! we shout— the evidence is sufficient! We know the 
name of our novelist, and it is George H. Throop! Perhaps 
we would be right; but if so, we must refute the testimony 
of almost a century of bibliographers and reference-book 
writers. A formidable group of them has been most unjust 
to Throop, if his name is indeed the one we seek. In spite 
of the Seaworthy-Throop coupling in the front pages of 
Lynde Weiss, there would seem to be some sort of grand 
conspiracy, however innocent, to deny Throop the fruits of 
his labors. 

O. A. Roorbach, in Bibliotheca Americana (1852, pp. 52, 
385), first distrusted the Gregory Seaworthy name and lists 
Nags Head and Bertie without assignment of author. Olphar 
Hamst, in Handbook for Fictitious Names (London, 1868, 
p. 118), gives Nag's Head and Bertie under Seaworthy, then 
leaves bracketed blank space to show that the real name is 
not known. Without citing any authority, William Cushing, 
in his Initials and Pseudonyms: A Dictionary of Literary 
Disguises (1885, pp. 263-264, 443), tells us that Nags Head 
is the work of James Gregory, an "American (?) writer" 
using the pen name of Gregory Seaworthy. In spite of this 
testimony, persistent research indicates that James Gregory 
is only an injurious bit of Cushing's imagination or misinfor- 
mation. While no such American novelist apparently ever 
lived, Cushing, with this stroke, established a course of error. 
The Library of Congress, observing the relationship of Nag's 
Head and Bertie, catalogued its copy of Bertie under James 
Gregory. This slip is repeated by James Gibson Johnson in 
Southern Fiction prior to 1860: An Attempt at a First-Hand 
Bibliography (1909, p. 32), which has no mention of Nags 
Head. Later, again following Cushing, others listed Nags 
Head under James Gregory: James Kennedy, W. A. Smith, 
and A. F. Johnson, in Dictionary of Anonymous and Pseu- 

The Mysterious Case of George Higby Throop 33 

donymous English Literature (1928, IV, 147), and Lyle H. 
Wright, in American Fiction 1774-1850 (1948, p. 113). 

Misleading, confusing, and frustrating, we say; but even 
more so is the situation regarding Lynde Weiss. O. A. Roor- 
bach, in Bibliotheca Americana (1852, p. 336), lists it with- 
out naming an author. The original damage, which no one 
has sought thoughtfully to repair, was done by Nicholas 
Triibner, in Bibliographical Guide to American Literature 
(London, 1859, p. 456), where he lists the novel under 
"T. B. Thorpe." Since that time, Thomas Bangs Thorpe 
(1815-1878), well-known American frontier humorist, has 
been getting wide-spread credit for a novel which he simply 
did not write. To confound matters further, Triibner gives 
the year 1854 as the publication date for Lynde Weiss, a 
fault repeated by many who copied him. The roll of those 
who foundered in Triibner's wake is appalling: S. Austin 
Allibone, in A Critical Dictionary of English Literature and 
British and American Authors (1871, III, 2412); Francis S. 
Drake, in Dictionary of American Biography (1876, p. 908); 
Appletons Cyclopaedia of American Biography (1889, VI, 
105-106); P. K. Foley, in American Authors 1795-1895 (1897, 
p. 293); a previously mentioned group of stumblers, Ken- 
nedy, Smith, and Johnson, in Dictionary of Anonymous . . . 
(1928, III, 410); W. J. Burke and Will D. Howe, American 
Authors and Books 1640-1940 (1943, p. 775); and others. 
The Library of Congress gives its support by crediting Thorpe 
with Lynde Weiss and printing this amusing note on its 
catalogue card: "Wrongly attributed by the publisher to 
Geo. H. Throop." Furthermore, Franklin J. Meine, in his 
sketch of Thorpe in the usually reliable Dictionary of Ameri- 
can Biography (1936, XVIII, 509), bestows authoritative 
sanction upon the error by honoring Lynde Weiss among 
Thorpe's "other published works." It is inconceivable that 
Mr. Meine had read the book; but whether or not, Thorpe 
had no hand in writing it. 9 Of all the biographers and bibli- 

9 To help me eliminate Thomas Bangs Thorpe as a possible author of 
Lynde Weiss, I have been fortunate in having the assistance of two 
Thorpe scholars. Dr. Milton Rickels, who wrote a dissertation on Thorpe 
at Louisiana State University, states in a letter dated Jan. 11, 1953: "To 
begin with, there is nothing in Lynde Weiss which I can relate to Thorpe's 

34 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ographers, only John Foster Kirk, in A Supplement to Alli- 
bone's Critical Dictionary of English Literature and British 
and American Authors ( 1889, II, 1436 ) , had the temerity to 
believe the wording on the title page of Lynde Weiss. For 
a century, the only other link between Lynde Weiss and the 
North Carolina novels has been a hastily scrawled penciled 
notation dated 12/30/7 (probably 1887) and hidden away 
at the University of North Carolina Library among the papers 
of the unpublished Bibliography of North Carolina by Ste- 
phen B. Weeks: "Throop, George H. (Gregory Seaworthy; 
tutor for several years Ysic\ in family of Mr. Capeheart Isicl, 
'Scotch Hall' in Bertie Co.)." 

At this point, the case looks good for Throop against those 
guiltless usurpers Seaworthy, James Gregory, and T. B. 
Thorpe; and most of us interested in early North Carolina 
literature would probably be willing to let the matter rest. 
Even so, the "facts" about Throop were not known. Who 
was he and where did he come from? It was the phrase in 
Lynde Weiss on the location of Boylston— "a mile and a half 
from the mouth" of the Bouquet River— which eventually 
led to the acquisition of the "facts." A map of New York 
state showed just such a town— Willsboro. An inquiry was 
dispatched forthwith. Yes, it was learned, a Throop had 
been among the prominent settlers in the early days of Wills- 
boro, the most unconventional one of his family a wanderer 

own knowledge and experience. . . . Nothing in his own life seems in any 
way related to the material of Lynde Weiss." On June 3, 1953, he wrote: 
"I have located about fifty letters of his [Thorpe's] which discuss in 
much detail his writing activity, and nowhere do they contain any reference 
to the title Lynde Weiss or describe any work which could fit the book. 
I have been able to follow his career in some detail from 1839 to 1853, 
and have found no contemporary references to Lynde Weiss." Dr. Rickels, 
who is now preparing a biography of Thorpe, also argues against Thorpe's 
authorship on the grounds of dialect, literary style, geography, and pos- 
sible autobiographical content. It was Dr. Rickels who supplied me with 
the location of a Throop poem, "Fixing Up for Christmas!" in The Spirit 
of the Times, XXIII (Jan. 7, 1854), 554. A second scholar, Mrs. Virginia 
Herron, submitted a master's thesis on Thorpe at Alabama Polytechnic 
Institute. She wrote me on Feb. 4, 1954, that she, too, was puzzled by the 
supposed Thorpe authorship of the book but that during her studies she 
came to the point "When I considered that I had established the fact 
that Lynde Weiss was not by Thorpe." Mrs. Herron supplied me with the 
words of another Throop poem, "Oh! Sweet Mary Moran" from The Spirit 
of the Times, XX (Feb. 23, 1850), 1. 

The Mysterious Case of George Higby Throop 35 

named Higby. Then it was that the tangled, forgotten career 
of George Higby Throop began to come to light. 10 

The Throop family in America stems from William 
Throope ( 1637-1704 ), n a Puritan who first settled at Barn- 
stable, Massachusetts, before removing to Bristol, Rhode 
Island, in 1680. His descendant was George Throop, Sr., 12 
our novelist's father, who was born in Bristol 13 in 1774. By 
1801 he had formed a partnership with Levi Higby at Wills- 
boro, N. Y., where they operated a forge for iron manufac- 
turing, 14 a potash factory, and a store. 15 A notable figure in 
a rich lumbering area, he was twice married and had six 
children: George, Jr., Charles, Mary Burt, Lucia, Caroline, 
and Higby. 

Higby, who by the time he began to write had added his 
father's name George and relegated his given name to a 
middle initial, was son of his father's second wife. 16 Shortly 

10 For uncovering most of the Willsboro history of the Throops, those 
to whom I am greatly indebted are Mrs. Marion C. Mason, Librarian of 
the Paine Memorial Free Library, Willsboro, N. Y. ; her husband, Mr. 
R. E. Mason of Essex, N. Y.; and Mr. Albert Hayward of Essex. On 
May 14, 1953, Mrs. Mason wrote me: "Throop's description of Boylston, 
N. Y. is a perfect fit for Willsboro"; and on Nov. 24, 1953, "It [Lynde 
Weiss] is a curious combination of fact and fiction. The descriptions of 
places and background are entirely accurate, while his characters nearly 
all have real names. . . . The description of Vermont towns is also entirely 
right." Mrs. Mason was able to identify most of the place names and 
characters of Lynde Weiss from out of her knowledge and readings of 
local history and with the additional help of a local historian, Miss Sarah 
Lyon. Throop, she asserts, used many Willsboro family names for his 
fictitious purposes: West, Van Oman, Lynde, etc. 

11 Herbert D. Throop, Throop Genealogy, with Special Reference to the 
Throops of Grenville County, Ontario, Canada (Ottawa, [1931]), 1. 

^Winchester Finch, "The Throope Family and the Scrope Tradition," 
The New York Genealogical and Biographical Record, XXXVI (January, 
1906), 107. 

13 "My father had been, until of age, a resident, as he was a native, of 
the State of Rhode Island. He was bred an anchor-smith, and he attained 
his majority just in time to take the tide of emigration which was then 
beginning to set towards Northern New York." Lynde Weiss, 25. 

14 Winslow C. Watson, The Pioneer History of the Champlain Valley, 
Being an Account of the Settlement of the Town of Willsboro . . . (Al- 
bany, N. Y., 1863), 90. 

15 H. P. Smith, History of Essex County (Syracuse, N. Y., 1885), 446-447. 
18 Alice Higby Downs, History of an Old Homestead in Willsboro, Essex 

County, N. Y., 22. The original longhand copy of this unpublished manu- 
script, written before 1927, is now in the possession of Mr. Charles H. 
Rowley, Jr., of Willsboro. There are several typed copies in the Willsboro 
area, from which references in this study have been taken. The manu- 
script is particularly rich in Higby and Throop family history. 

36 The North Carolina Historical Review 

after his birth in 1818, she died. 17 It is quite possible that he 
grew up in the manner about which we are told in Lynde 
Weiss. At any rate, he "was considered rather eccentric and 
and inclined to melancholy." 18 During 1835-1836 he attend- 
ed the University of Vermont at Burlington, and possibly 
later a New England college. 19 The Census of 1840 shows a 
"male" of Higby' s age still at his father's home. For the next 
seven years his history is blank; but it must have been dur- 
ing this time he pursued a schoolmaster's career and made 
several ocean voyages, at least one of them out of New Bed- 
ford, where he almost certainly was in 1848. His father, 
with whom he had had some serious altercation if various 
partially autobiographical portions of the novels can be 
trusted, had died September 18, 1845. 20 To Willsboro the 
schoolmaster seldom returned, and he was remembered there 
as "a teacher possessed of high accomplishments, a composer 
of music and often of words and music. He composed the 
song 'Molly Wood' while on a visit" 21 to his native village. 
In The Essex County Republican, a newspaper in near-by 
Keeseville, N. Y., his "Obituary" appeared on March 26, 1896: 

Found dead in his room at Bloomery, West Va. on the morning 
of the second of March, 1896 George Higby Throop aged seventy 
seven years. He was the youngest child of the late George Throop 
of Willsboro, where his childhood was passed. A man of more 
than usual talent both literary and musical. He wrote both prose 
and poetry and wrote music for many of his songs in his younger 
days. For many years he had devoted himself to teaching in 
the Southern States until incapacitated by deafness and ad- 
vancing age. 

In feeble health the last few years he had often expressed 
himself as only waiting God's pleasure to go from this world 
gladly. . . . 

17 The hero-narrator of Throop's third novel writes : "I had lost my 
mother in early infancy." Lynde Weiss, 12. 

18 Alice Higby Downs, History of an Old Homestead, 22. 

19 According to the records at the Alumni Council, University of Ver- 
mont and State Agricultural College, Burlington, where his folder in- 
cludes little beyond that his profession was "teaching." Neither Brown 
University, which Throop writes about in Bertie, nor Harvard University, 
which he was later reported to have attended, has any record of Throop. 

20 Alice Higby Downs, History of an Old Homestead, 22. 

21 Alice Higby Downs, History of an Old Homestead, 22. 

The Mysterious Case of George Higby Throop 37 

Various bits of information in Nags Head and Bertie, pre- 
viously noted, indicate that Throop was in North Carolina 
for some seven months in 1849, from March through Octo- 
ber, and perhaps longer. He is enthusiastic about Hertford, 
and it is likely that for a short while he was teaching in a 
plantation household of that area. But such is only conjec- 
ture. There is no doubting, however, that he spent an im- 
pressionable period at Scotch Hall, seat of the Capehart fam- 
ily in Bertie County. Besides the Stephen B. Weeks nota- 
tion, and the geographical accuracy and local familiarity 
evident in Bertie, additional support has recently been un- 

Scotch Hall (the Cypress Shore of Bertie) was so named 
by William Maule about 1727. 22 In 1817 the plantation came 
under the ownership of Cullen Capehart (1789-1866), whose 
son was the first George Washington Capehart (1810-1885). 
In 1836 a son, William Rhodes Capehart, was born to George 
Washington and Susan Bryan (Martin) Capehart. By 1849, 
when the lad was thirteen years old, a schoolmaster from 
the North came to Scotch Hall to tutor him. At that time 
Cullen Capehart had thousands of acres of eastern Bertie. 
He provided a doctor and a hospital for the many Negroes 
and owned a tufted hill and summer residence at Nag's Head, 
to which he took his family and a group of the servants during 
the hot months. 

Unfortunately, much of the library and most of the plan- 
tation record books at Scotch Hall were lost many years ago; 
but luckily, a recent questioning of one who formerly lived 
there has been possible— Mrs. Mary Grant (Capehart) Wells 
of Baltimore, a niece of the student whom our novelist 
taught. 23 She was told that there were those who thought 
George Higby Throop had written a book about life at Scotch 
Hall. The questions and answers follow: 


I am indebted to Dr. W. P. Jacocks of Chapel Hill and Mrs. G. W. 
Capehart of Bertie County for carefully prepared data on the Capeharts 
and Scotch Hall. 

23 This conversation was recorded in a letter written to Dr. W. P. 
Jacocks by Mrs. Wells' daughter, Mrs. Mary McKay, and dated from 
Baltimore, April 20, 1953. Mrs. Wells resided at Scotch Hall from 1879 
to 1890. 

38 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Q. Did you know that they thought the author of the book was 
a former tutor at Scotch Hall? 

A. . . .1 never heard of a Mr. Throop ? but there was a Mr. Thorpe 
who came to tutor Uncle [William Rhodes Capehart]. 

Q. About what year? 

A. I don't know. Uncle was about ten years old [1846] when he 
was sent to Edenton to school. 

Q. When he had a tutor, was he younger or older? 

A. Oh, he was older. It was after he was at school in Edenton 
. . . [making the year about 1849]. 

Q. Where did Mr. Thorpe come from? 

A. From the North, somewhere. 

Q. How did he happen to come to Scotch Hall? 

A. Grandpa [the first George Washington Capehart] used to 
write his commission merchant to send him a tutor. 24 

Q. How do you know these things? 

A. I've heard Grandma [Susan Bryan Capehart (1815-1883)] 
tell about the tutor that got beat up by Jim Tayloe, and didn't 
have but one suit of clothes and had to go to bed so Aunt 
Betty could mend them. Aunt Betty was Grandma's sewing 

Q. Who was Jim Tayloe? 

A. He was the son of Uncle Tayloe who lived in Washington, 
N. C, and he was such a bad boy that his mother thought it 
would be good for him to study with Uncle. It might improve 
him. So he was sent to Scotch Hall for that reason. I remem- 
ber Grandma telling of the time Jim Tayloe and Mr. Thorpe 
got into an argument and Jim climbed out the window, yell- 
ing for Sam, the dining-room boy. Grandma heard him and 
went out in the yard and ordered him back in the school- 
room, which is the second-floor room over the dining room. 
And they didn't have any more trouble that I know of. I 
reckon that was the time Mr. Thorpe had his britches torn, 
and had to go to bed so Aunt Betty could mend them. 

Q. How do you happen to know this, when no one else seems 
to know anything about it? 

A. I reckon it's because I was with Grandma so much of the 
time and she used to tell me so many things. 

Q. Why doesn't Uncle George [brother of Mrs. Wells, the second 
George Washington Capehart and present owner of Scotch 
Hall] know these things? 

24 At that time, the principal Capehart commission merchant was Bill 
Elliott, with headquarters in Baltimore. There were others, too, in Bos- 
ton and possibly Philadelphia, but their names have been lost. In Bertie 
the author speaks of a play he had seen in which "a gentleman advertises, 
or writes, for a private tutor" (p. 88). 

The Mysterious Case of George Higby Throop 39 

A. Uncle George was just a little fellow when Grandma died — 
he wouldn't remember much that she said; besides he 
wouldn't have been with Grandma as much as I was. 

We wonder why the novelist, whose Lynde Weiss relates 
several school pranks, did not use the Jim Tayloe episode 
in one of his novels. Perhaps the memory of it was too bit- 
ter. Nevertheless, the only really troubling detail of Mrs. 
Wells' recollections concerns, of course, the tutor's name. 
Since her memory is quite clear and accurate in other mat- 
ters, the logical explanation is that, in eastern North Caro- 
lina parlance, the difficultly enunciated Throop was dropped 
to the easily pronounced Thorpe or some other such similar 
sound. This reasoning may also account for Thomas Bangs 
Thorpe's mistaken association with Lynde Weiss. 

After he left North Carolina, a few of Throop's movements 
are traceable through dates in the novels. Bertie was signed 
from Philadelphia in December, 1850; Lynde Weiss, again 
from Philadelphia in February, 1852. Perhaps Throop travel- 
ed to Philadelphia from his teaching posts to conclude pub- 
lication arrangements, and signed his prefaces from there. 
At any rate, he must have been in Georgia in 1853; for a 
poem of his, copied from the Savannah Daily Morning News, 
appeared in The Spirit of the Times in early January the fol- 
lowing year. In this poem, "Fixing Up for Christmas!" one 
of the characters mentioned is Grief, the name Throop gave 
the personal servant in Bertie. From that time till his last 
years, the record is lost. Doubtless he was following his pro- 
fession here and there in the South, most of the appointments, 
we suspect, of short duration. One report has him teaching 
at Kedron, West Virginia, prior to the Civil War. 25 There is 
nothing else known of him before or during the North-South 

Later, in the early 1870's, Throop became a familiar figure 
in northeastern West Virginia. 26 Little was known there of 

25 Letter to the Hampshire Review, Romney, West Virginia, dated from 
Charleston, West Virginia, January 19. 1954, and written by E. B. Wat- 
son, who recalls that his mother so told him. 

20 For the West Virginia period of Throop's life, I am indebted particu- 
larly to Miss Margaret I. Keller, editor of The Hampshire Review, weekly 
newspaper of Romney, W. Va. She located the obituaries of Throop and 

40 The North Carolina Historical Review 

his early life, for he rarely spoke of it; but a few were aware 
that he had been reared near Lake Champlain and had spent 
much time in New England. Almost no one knew of his ca- 
reer as a novelist. He was rather a "mysterious stranger . . . 
about five feet, eleven inches, spare, with blue eyes, his 
brown hair turning gray. He wore a moustache." 27 In Hamp- 
shire County and nearby, he taught in various schools- 
Capon Valley, North River Mills, Gore, Jersey Mountain, and 
others— but rarely stayed till the end of the term. In 1876 
at Old Kedron he conducted a normal for prospective teach- 
ers. At these places and elsewhere, those who sat under him 
later assumed prominent roles in the educational develop- 
ment of the region. They always considered Throop an effi- 
cient and highly educated instructor, a great teacher. An ex- 
ception to his usual habit of leaving before the conclusion 
of the term was his sojourn at Bloomery Furnace, where he 
stuck it out even though the school had the reputation of 
being the worst in the county. As was the custom of the day, 
Throop collected tuition from his students or, boarding with 
their parents, deducted the fee from his bill. Occasionally 
he "curtained off one corner of his schoolroom and did light 
housekeeping there, when necessary, and often kept the 
coffee pot on the stove during school hours, which gave rise 
to the expression, 'Throop still has his coffee!' " 28 He always 
liked a glass of hot milk before retiring. 

In addition to his fame as a teacher, Throop was locally 
acclaimed as a poet and song writer, highly proficient as a 
singer and musician. He composed much of the music which 
he used in his schoolwork, and many students copied the 
lyrics down in their notebooks. Songs still remembered are 

inserted in her paper on January 13, 1954, a request for additional infor- 
mation. Those who quickly and generously responded are Mrs. Pearl 
Clark, Winchester, Va.; E. W. Noland and Rev. P. Stein Hockman, Rom- 
ney, W. Va. ; Floyd Hockman and Homer E. Hockman, Augusta, W. Va.; 
J. F. Hockman, Hoy, W. Va.; Robert J. Largent, Paw Paw, W. Va.; Mrs. 
Lilliam Martin, Pleasant Dale, W. Va.; E. W. Michael, Bloomery, W. Va.; 
R. K. Taylor, Holloway, Onio; ana E. B. Watson, Charleston, W. Va. 
From all these sources I have attempted to arrange the details so that 
they present as chronological account as possible of Throop's last years. 

27 Maud Pugh, Capon Valley, Its Pioneers and Their Descendants 1698 to 
1940 (1946), II, 72. Hereafter cited as Maud Pugh, Capon Valley. 

28 Maud Pugh, Capon Valley, II, 73-74. 

The Mysterious Case of George Higby Throop 41 

"The Billow," "When My Ship Comes In," "Follow Me," 
"Lightly Row," "Riding in a Sleigh," "Hampshire County 
Girls," and especially "Fairy Belle." When he was no longer 
able to teach, he continued to have music classes in schools 
and churches. 

But Throop was not a happy man. He had become an habi- 
tual drinker, generally silent and melancholy. His debility 
kept many parents from sending their children to his classes, 
though his pupils went unharmed; they simply smiled at this 
weakness as they did his other eccentricities. One who knew 
him recalls: 

He was a frequent and welcome guest at my home in Slanes- 
ville, W. Va. He had one weakness, liquor, and often he would 
become despondent and would go on a "spree" for several weeks. 

He used to come to my house when he was trying to sober up. 
My father, being a physician, would prescribe for him and 
help him straighten up. 

As soon as he got back to normal, he would go back to his 
school. Sometimes he would go for many many months before 
indulging again. He never drank any while teaching. 

I remember one night, when I was a young lad, I was in my 
father's office, and Prof. Throop was there, just getting over 
one of his "sprees," and he remarked to my father, "Doctor, I 
am not a drunkard, I am just a periodical drinker." 29 

During periods of despondency, after disappearing from the 
community for an interval, he would always return, bedrag- 
gled in appearance, his clothing torn. Like the doctor, his 
friends would help him get back in shape. Never, however, 
did he reveal where he had been. 

What was the tragedy in Throop's life? An unresolved 
quarrel with his father? His failure to achieve renown in his 
profession? For it was said he had once held a professorship 
in a New England college and had been dismissed. Was it 
a constitutional instability? His inefficacy as a man of litera- 
ture? The very denial of his name as a poet and novelist ( as 
illustrated in this paper ) ? Or was it the unrelenting remem- 
brance of some torment he had experienced? Another who 
vividly recalls Throop tells this story: 

29 Letter to me from R. K. Taylor, Holloway, Ohio, January 31, 1954. 

42 The North Carolina Historical Review 

One evening [about 1890] he told me to come to his room. I did 
so. He told me that he was convicted and tried for murdering 
a man who boarded at the same hotel he did. He was convicted 
and sentenced to be hung but 3 weeks before the date of his 
execution the man that did the murder robbed a bank and [was] 
mortally wounded and before he died he confessed to killing the 
man and of course [he, Throop] was set free. He showed me a 
book he wrote about his trial and conviction of the murder. It 
was written under the name of Thorne not Throop. It was a 
book of about 350 pages and was about the size of McGuffey's 
Sixth Reader. It was a very interesting book. 30 

In his old age, we wonder, was Throop beginning to im- 
agine more than poems and novels? But was his tragedy, 
perhaps, none of these things, but instead an emotional one 
which kept his spirits always in some stygian depression? 
For Throop had been married. When asked about it, he al- 
ways said that his wife was "extinct." 31 After Throop and 
Jessie Grayson (the name he gave his heroine in the novel 
Lynde Weiss) had parted, a son was born about whose ex- 
istence the father was unaware. Several years before his 
death Throop learned for the first time that he had a son 
living and prospering under the name Edward H. Palmer. 
Throop's wife had remarried; her son had been adopted by 
his stepfather, whose name he had taken; and in the inter- 
vening years he had become prominent in a Boston paper 
merchandising company. 32 About 1888, after Palmer learned 
of the impecunious condition of his father, he arranged a 
meeting and made provision for an allowance of $20 a month 
on which the elderly man could live. 

The financial problems settled, Throop chose to spend 
his remaining days in Bloomery, the site of his last school. 
A small hamlet in eastern Hampshire County, the village 
of Bloomery had in those days "an iron-furnace, a woollen- 
mill, a tannery, 3 stores, and mines of brown hematite." 33 

30 E. W. Michael, Bloomery, W. Va ., to E. W. Noland, Romney, W. Va., 
January 27, 1954. No such book by Thorne has been identified. 
81 Maud Pugh, Capon Valley, II, 73. 

32 F. H. Winter, of Carter, Rice and Company, Boston, wrote me on 
March 2, 1954, that Palmer's son Harry, now dead, was also connected 
with the company. There is a grandson, too, but his address is not known. 

33 Lippincott's Gazeteer of the World (1893), 664. 

The Mysterious Case of George Higby Throop 43 

At first Throop lived with the Kellys in Sandy Hollow, then 
at the Heironimus home. In his quarters he had many books, 
which he read and studied. He was heard to express his re- 
gret that he had not gone into the ministry— and the years 
slipped away quietly and serenely. 

On Wednesday, March 4, 1896, The Hampshire Review, 
at the county seat in Romney, contained this account of the 
"Death of Geo. H. Throop": 

A telegram was received here by Prof H. H. Johnson, on Mon- 
day, stating that Geo. H. Throop was found dead in bed, that 
morning, at Bloomery, where he has been living for the past 
three or four years. 

Prof. Throop was well known in this county, particularly 
among the older teachers in the public schools. He was a New 
York man, by birth and was a fine scholar and an accomplished 
musician. He was a kind hearted, gentlemanly man, but had the 
misfortune to be addicted to strong drink, which prevented him 
from occupying the place in the world his talents and education 
fitted him for. 

He has a son in Boston, a member of the wholesale paper firm 
of Carter, Rice and Co. Further than that we know nothing of 
his family. 

The following Wednesday, March 11, The Review headed 
its news item "An Aged Pilgrim at Rest": 

George H. Throop closed his earthly career on the 2nd inst., 
at the residence of G. H. Heironimus, in Bloomery, W. Va., and 
was buried from his residence on the 4th. Almost eighty years 
of age, he had found a pleasant home in that Christian family 
for a longer period than he had spent in any one place since 
emerging from his childhood's home. A weary-footed wanderer 
for many years, he had taught school in nearly half the States 
of the Union. An accomplished scholar, he had made some ven- 
tures in authorship. He was the author of two or three works of 
fiction, mostly composed of personal experiences picked up in 
a very varied course of life. He had been a sailor and a soldier, 
as well as a pedagogue and author. His last resting place is be- 
side the beautiful Indian stream he loved so well, and of which he 
has celebrated in delightful verse. It will be marked by a suitable 
stone raised by an enlightened sense of duty and affection. 

H. H. J. 

44 The North Carolina Historical Review 

But for sixty years no stone was raised to Throop in the 
cemetery of the old Presbyterian Church on Bloomery Run, 
where he requested to be buried. 34 No tangible evidence of 
his life remains except several rare copies of three long- 
forgotten novels, and the unforgetable esteem of his students 
who always were ready to say he was a "great teacher." His 
books and papers have not been located. 

It may be that, with much more effort in pursuing clues and 
a bit of audacity in interpreting the novels, we could fill in 
many of the now-vacant years of Throop's life. The reader of 
this paper, with what has been put before him, may have him- 
self indulged in some valid interpretation. Nevertheless, the 
initial purpose of our search has been simply to find the name 
of him who wrote Nags Head and Bertie, the first North 
Carolina novels of "local color," and to learn a few facts of 
the author's life. These things we have done. The next step, 
of course, is to read the two novels— charming though naive 
little stories about eastern Carolina more than a hundred 
years ago. It is regrettable that their rarity prevents our 
pleasure. Even so, for the present, the mysterious case of 
George Higby Throop is closed. 

The investigation illustrates a situation different from the 
problem usually encountered in establishing authorship. Us- 
ually it is the puzzle of an enigmatically or erroneously word- 
ed title page which must be solved. Here the title-page 
wording is correct, the information gathered from references 
not only false but demanding time-consuming activity to 

34 "There are two graves just inside of the gate that leads to the church 
and Prof. Throop's grave is nearest the gate to the right." Letter to me 
from E. W. Noland, Romney, W. Va., March 3, 1954. In August, 1955, the 
Pioneer Teachers Association of Hampshire County, West Virginia, ordered 
a marker to be placed at the Throop grave. 

NORTH CAROLINA, 1876-1894 

By Frenise A. Logan 

The movement of Negroes from the South after Recon- 
struction to other areas of the United States and outside the 
country was the result of socio-economic and political con- 
ditions which had plagued that area since 1865. The great 
urge to migrate was not confined to any one Southern state. 
The factors causing the movement were southwide, among 
them being the general restriction of civil rights, the ex- 
travagant rumors of "good living" and high wages in the 
states outside the South, and the discontent brought on by 
the operation of the land tenure and credit system. 

North Carolina in 1876 and in the years following was but 
a facet of this southwide situation. Indeed, the determination 
of the whites "to redeem the state from ignorant Negro, 
carpetbag and scalawag rule" as manifested in the frenzied 
white supremacy campaign of that year caused wholesale 
trepidation among the Negroes of North Carolina. And this 
fear, coupled with the complete Democrat victory in the 
November elections of 1876, led a large portion of that group 
to evince more than a fleeting inquisitiveness in the feasibility 
of emigration. As a matter of fact, the apprehension that 
"legislation under Democratic auspices" would be inimical 
to their rights and interest became so pronounced during the 
first months of 1877 that a Democratic member of the state 
legislature, Montford McGehee of Person County, felt com- 
pelled to assure the Negroes that the duty of government was 
not only to protect all its citizens, "but," he added, "a wise 
government will use all the legal methods to impress its 
citizens with its readiness and willingness to protect." 1 The 
editor of a prominent Democratic paper in the "black city" 
of Tarboro underscored McGehee's words when he told the 
Negroes that the Democratic party of North Carolina was not 
only in a position to be the best friend they ever had, but 
that it would be. 2 

1 Greensboro Patriot, January 10, 1877. 

2 Tarboro Southerner, January 12, 1877. 


46 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Negroes, however, demanded more than mere words; 
and when members of the Democratic party early in 1877 
introduced on the floor of the General Assembly bills "to rid 
the eastern counties of black domination," the Negro elec- 
torate of that section nearly swamped its "tan" representa- 
tives in the House with petitions on colonization and emigra- 
tion. 3 Following the passage of the county government law 
on February 27, 1877, a group of Negro citizens of Burke 
County wrote Governor Vance a letter seeking his aid in 
assisting them to colonize. In reply, the governor said: 

Your note received in which you express your desire for my in- 
fluence in aid of a plan for the colonization of your race, and 
your great fears of oppression. I cannot give aid to any such 
scheme. I think your fears are idle. So far as I am concerned, 
and the party with which I act, I know that there is no intention 
to oppose your people or deprive them of a single legal right. 4 

It appears that the Negroes of North Carolina were not 
reassured by the words of the governor, and in the years 
between 1877 and 1880 an increasing number quit the state. 
Indeed, by the beginning of the latter year, the movement 
had assumed such proportions that James H. Harris, a promi- 
nent Negro politician of North Carolina, felt it necessary to 
issue a call for a state meeting of "representative colored 
men" for the expressed purpose "to investigate the causes 
contributing to the emigration of colored people from the 
state." The meeting, which assembled at Raleigh in mid- 
January of 1880, enumerated six grievances "of which the 
colored do justly complain." 

1. especially [in] the rural districts, where the land owners 
exact exhorbitant rents for their lands and necessary sup- 
plies, thereby sucking the life's blood from the colored sons 
of toil. 

2. That the colored people have just cause for complaint of the 

3 The petitions came chiefly from Nash, Franklin, Halifax and Gran- 
ville counties. The Observer (Raleigh), February 8, 1877. 

i Greensboro Patriot, March 21, 1877. For a discussion of the "Negro 
aspects" of the county government law, see William A. Mabry, "The 
Negro in North Carolina Politics Since Reconstruction," Trinity College 
Historical Society Papers, Serial XXII, No. 2 (1940), 17-22. 

The Movement of Negroes from North Carolina 47 

nefarious law known as the landlord and tenact act as amend- 
ed by the legislature of 1876-77, thereby opening a broad 
channel for the unscrupulous landlords to defraud their 
colored tenants out of their earnings . . . 

3. That they complain of the justices of the peace being elected 
by the legislature, and from a class of citizens who too often 
have no sympathy with the colored laborer, and who are ap- 
pointed against the will of the people, thereby taking from 
them their constitutional privileges of electing their own 
officers . . . 

4. That, in many of the counties, colored men are not permitted 
to act as jurors, notwithstanding the bill of rights declare 
that every man shall have the right to be tried by a jury of 
his peers, 

5. That in all the school districts, they are denied the right to 
select their own committeemen, and are thus deprived of the 
privilege to select and appoint their own school teachers. 

6. That, in many counties of this State, under the operation of 
the present judiciary system, colored people do not get fair 
and impartial trials, and that evidence that convicts a colored 
person fails to convict a white person charged with similar 
offenses. 5 

These grievances, although formulated in 1880, had been 
long in existence and apparently explain why large numbers 
of North Carolina Negroes rejected the advice of a Negro 
Baptist newspaper, the National Monitor, which in the pre- 
vious year had urged them to work and pray where they 
were and "to trust in God for the rest." 6 

Some North Carolina Negroes, particularly during the first 
ten years of Democratic rule after 1876, evidenced an interest 
in Liberia, and it was, perhaps, inevitable that they would 
turn to the fading American Colonization Society for aid. 
Founded in 1817, this organization, although receiving the 
support of public and private agencies, had been unable to 
carry out effectively its purpose— the colonizing of American 
Negroes in Africa. Thus by the 1850's as a result of internal 
dissension, spirited opposition on the part of the free Negroes, 
and the cost of transporting and maintaining the emigrants, 
the American Colonization Society ceased to be a major fac- 

5 Raleigh Signal, January 21, 1880. 

6 Carolina Watchman (Salisbury), May 1, 1879. 

48 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tor in the efforts to solve the problem of what to do with 
American Negroes. 7 Nonetheless, it continued even after the 
Civil War to urge and assist Negroes to emigrate to Liberia. 
In the 1870's, therefore, following the rise to power of the 
Democrats in all the Southern states, a small number of 
Negroes showed some interest in Liberian emigration, and 
turned to the American Colonization Society. 8 

The extent of that interest with reference to the Negroes 
of North Carolina can be seen through an examination of the 
letters they wrote to the American Colonization Society dur- 
ing the period under consideration. Although not extensive, 
there were small groups, both in the rural and urban areas, 
who "talked up going to Liberia." In Charlotte in 1877, for 
example, the talk of a Liberian exodus from that city prompt- 
ed the president of Johnson C. Smith (then Biddle) Univer- 
sity, Dr. S. Mattoon, to submit a series of eight questions to 
the Society, hoping "thereby to enable the Negroes to act 
understanding^ or to abandon the agitation of the question." 
The questions covered such matters as the cost of transporta- 
tion to Liberia, aid to individual Negroes by the Society, and 
by the Liberian Government, and conditions aboard ship. 
The president stated that he was deeply interested in the 
matter of colonization, but he thought it important that the 
Negroes "should know just what they can do, and not spend 
time on that which cannot be accomplished." 9 

Although the American Colonization Society's records do 
not reveal whether a reply was ever sent to Dr. Mattoon, some 
interest and agitation in the Liberian exodus continued. 10 
Local mass meetings were held in such towns as Concord, 

7 John Hope Franklin, From Slavery to Freedom (New York, 1947), 

8 See, for example, Carter G. Woodson, A Century of Negro Migration 
(Washington, 1918), 147-159. Hereafter cited as Woodson, Negro Migra- 
tion. See also George Tindall, South Carolina Negroes, 1877-1900 (Colum- 
bia, South Carolina, 1952), 153-168. 

9 Letter dated July 4, 1877, American Colonization Society Papers, Man- 
uscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C Hereafter re- 
ferred to as American Colonization Society Papers. 

10 American Colonization Society Papers, letters from E. Etheridge, 
Colerain, Bertie County, July 24, 1880; Dennis Thompson, New Bern, 
July 26, 1880; James A. Wright, Monroe, January 20, 1883; E. Gough, 
Charlotte, January 29, 1883; G. B. Green, Forestville, July 1, 1885; A. 
Davidson, Hunterville, March 6, 1887. 

The Movement of Negroes from North Carolina 49 

Durham, and Raleigh, 11 and at least one state-wide Liberian 
emigrant mass meeting was scheduled for August 15, 1877, 
in Greensboro. 12 

Despite the meetings, the large masses of Negroes of the 
state manifested little interest in the movement to Liberia, for 
less than 400 left North Carolina. According to the records 
of the American Colonization Society, between 1876 and 
1894 only 318 Negroes left North Carolina for the African 
country. For several reasons the movement of Negroes from 
North Carolina, as well as from other Southern and Northern 
states, to Liberia was inconsiderable. In the first place, Negro 
leadership was generally hostile to the scheme, and in the 
second place, many of the whites, especially those with agri- 
cultural interests, for obvious reasons opposed emigration to 

From the outset, Negro leaders of North Carolina spoke 
out against the Liberian movement. In 1877, Bishop J. W. 
Hood of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, a bitter 
foe of the African exodus, apparently made a strong anti- 
migration speech in Concord, for the white newspaper of 
that city editorially observed that "the Bishop is certainly 
severe in his denunciation of colonization, and the vivid pic- 
ture which he drew of black Liberia, with her thousand con- 
tagious diseases, the sweltering heat of a tropical sun, and 
her poor, half dead population, withering away like dew 
before the morning sun, was not calculated to inspire many 
sable bosoms with the desire to migrate." 13 Among the other 
Negro leaders, James H. Harris and James O'Hara were 
equally as vociferous in opposing the Liberian emigration. 14 

The hostility of the Negro leaders of the State, coupled 
with determined white opposition in the agricultural sections 
of eastern North Carolina, considerably reduced the number 
of potential emigrants to the African country. That the white 
attitude toward Liberian emigration was motivated largely 

11 American Colonization Society Papers, letters from P. P. Erwin, Con- 
cord, April 27, 1877; Albert B. Williams, Raleigh, February 1, 1877; and 
W. L. Kornegay, Durham, October 8, 1888. 

"American Colonization Society Papers, circular dated August 15, 1877. 

13 Quoted in Tarboro Southerner, February 23, 1877. 

14 See Raleigh Register, November 1, 1877. 

50 The North Carolina Historical Review 

by economic interest may be seen by the numerous editorials 
in the Democratic press of eastern North Carolina deploring 
the possible loss of "laborers just on the eve of pitching our 
crops." 15 The threatened reduction in the large surplus of 
cheap labor caused one paper to declare frankly that the 
whites ought not to sit idly by "and watch it destroyed." 16 
Actually the whites made efforts to discourage the "back to 
Africa" movement. As early as 1876, Charles H. Williams, a 
Negro from Seaboard, North Carolina, wrote the American 
Colonization Society that "demagogues and unprincipled 
white men" in his community were telling the Negroes that 
they were emigrating to a land where the practice of "in- 
human barbarism" and the existence of slavery prevailed. 17 
Another method, possibly more realistic and certainly equally 
as effective in preventing the Negroes from emigrating, was 
simply to prohibit the Negroes from selling their crops before 
harvest time. And even if the Negro tenants were permitted 
to sell "in the field," the whites would not pay them a just and 
fair price. In short, the whites felt it was not economically 
practical to allow the Negroes, particularly in the rural areas 
of eastern North Carolina, to go to Africa or anywhere else. 
There was much truth in the bitter complaint of one Negro: 
"The whites do not want us to go, and will not do anything 
to assist us that we might go." 18 

Though the above reasons partly explain the failure of the 
Liberian colonization during the period under study, the 
major factor was simply that the bulk of the dissatisfied 
Negroes of North Carolina, notwithstanding their approval 
of emigration, preferred to live elsewhere in the United 
States rather than in Africa. 

As it has been pointed out, the return of former Con- 
federate leaders to political power, recurrent agricultural 
depressions, exploitation by landlords and merchants, and 
extravagant rumors of "good living" and high wages outside 

15 Warrenton Gazette, January 23, 1880. See also the Tarboro Southerner 
and the Kinston Journal for the months of December, 1879, and January, 

16 Warrenton Gazette, January 23, 1880. 

17 American Colonization Society Papers, letter dated September 14, 1876. 

18 American Colonization Society Papers, letter from Charles W. Jones, 
Pasquotank County, July 28, 1876. 

The Movement of Negroes from North Carolina 51 

the South encouraged the movement of Negroes from that 
section. The first large inter-state migration from the South 
after the Reconstruction period occurred in 1879. Thousands 
of Negroes left the Southern states, particularly Louisiana, 
Mississippi, Alabama, and Georgia. Under the leadership 
of Moses Singleton of Tennessee and Henry Adams of Lou- 
isiana, the movement was channeled largely into Kansas. And 
although the exuberant claims by both men relative to the 
number of Negroes they sent into Kansas may be open to 
question, there can be little doubt that they lured thousands 
from the South. The concern with which the whites viewed 
this movement is further proof of its extent and scope. 19 

Although some of the Negroes emigrating to Kansas in the 
1879-1880 exodus were undoubtedly from North Carolina, it 
appears that the bulk of North Carolina Negroes moved into 
Indiana. 20 Over a thirty-day period, Johnston and Wayne 
counties reportedly lost 6,000 to that state. 21 Little wonder, 
then, that the Indianapolis Sentinel was aghast over "the 
large number of negroes" who poured "daily" into the city. 22 
The Negro who has been credited with master-minding this 
early exodus from North Carolina, Sam L. Perry, was par- 
ticularly active in Greene, Lenoir, Wayne, Wilson, Edge- 
combe, and Halifax counties. The white newspapers of the 
state were quick to brand the activities of this Negro as 
"politically inspired." They said that Republicans were in- 
tent on carrying Indiana in the 1880 presidential election; 
hence the effort to pack the state with Negro Republicans 
from North Carolina. 23 In answer to this charge, one out-of- 
state newspaper observed that "the colored emigrants know 
whether or not they have been deceived. . . . They know, too, 
whether the laws of North Carolina bear hard upon them or 

19 Woodson, Negro Migration, 127-146; Walter L. Fleming, "'Pap' 
Singleton, the Moses of the Colored Exodus," American Journal of Socio- 
logy (July, 1909), 61-83; John G. Van Deusen, "The Exodus of 1879," 
Journal of Negro History, XX (April, 1930), 111-129. 

20 For a study of the Negro Exodus from North Carolina in 1879, see 
Joseph H. Taylor, "The Great Migration from North Carolina in 1879," 
"The North Carolina Historical Review, XXXI (January, 1954), 18-33. 

21 Wilmington Morning Star, January 15, 1880. 

22 Quoted in the Wilmington Morning Star, January 7, 1880. 

23 Chatham Record (Pittsboro), December 11, 18, 1879; February 19, 
1880; Lenoir Topic, January 8, 1879; Kinston Journal, February 12, 1880. 

52 The North Carolina Historical Review 

not, whether they receive pay for their labor are are treated 
humanely by their white employers." 24 Whatever the motives, 
political or otherwise, Perry's activities caused one paper to 
confess that the "exodus feeling is worked up to a fever heat, 
and in some sections nearly all are leaving." 25 With the aid 
of a Negro preacher named Williams, Perry "worked up" 
this "fever heat" by picturing Indiana as a paradise for Negro 
laborers, and depicting most graphically the wrongs heaped 
upon the Negro farmers of North Carolina, particularly by 
the Landlord and Tenant Act. In support of Perry's denuncia- 
tions of this law, a contemporary newspaper wrote that as a 
result of it, it was no secret why the Negroes were "eager to 
leave North Carolina for homes in the West." It went on to 
say that "if the white owners of land in North Carolina have 
taken this method to get rid of their colored neighbors, they 
are in a fair way to accomplish it." 26 Perry, then, appeared to 
be attacking a real greviance. 

The whites, realizing the wide following of Negroes that 
Perry was amassing, attempted to counter his charges by 
admitting that although some of what he said was true, he 
was greatly exaggerating the entire matter. Thus, the Kinston 
Journal, in reply to a charge by Perry that the whites cheated 
the Negroes out of their wages, declared that "we would pay 
no attention to such a statement, but for the fact that the mass 
of the crowd showed by their actions that they endorsed the 
sentiments, showing the deep prejudice existing in their 
minds against the white people. . . ." 2T The paper admitted, 
however, that perhaps a few whites were guilty of Perry's 
charges, but that it was demogogical to infer that this was a 
general practice. 28 

William H. Kitchin, the white United States Representa- 
tive from the Second Congressional District of North Caro- 

24 "The Exodus into Indiana," Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, 49 
(January 17, 1880), 362. Hereafter referred to as "The Exodus into 

25 Kinston Journal, December 4. 1879. 

26 "The Exodus into Indiana," 362. 

27 Kinston Journal, July 10, 1878. 

28 Kinston Journal, July 10, 1878. 

The Movement of Negroes from North Carolina 53 

lina— the so called "black second" 29 — who had won a ques- 
tionable victory over the Negro, James O'Hara, in the 1878 
congressional election, denied the assertion by Perry that 
the Negroes in North Carolina were given "the bad treat- 
ment." He said that "the very best relations existed between 
the whites and blacks, and there was never any complaint of 
ill treatment by the latter, as on the contrary, they said they 
were perfectly content." 30 Ample contemporary evidence, 
some of which has been cited in this study seems to refute 
in a most convincing fashion this very optimistic picture of 
Negro-white relations in North Carolina in the early 1880's. 
Another example may be cited as a case in point. The War- 
renton Gazette opined that "the exodus . . . shows a bad state 
of affairs; it shows that they [the Negroes] are disatisfied, 
and whenever this is the case the labor is unreliable." 31 

Although the 1878-1880 emigration fever in the Second 
Congressional District of North Carolina was the last that 
threatened to depopulate that portion of North Carolina 
until 1889, the interstate movement of the Negroes was not 
halted. The continuing agricultural depression and economic 
exploitation of the Negro farm laborers served as a steady 
stimulant to either permanent or temporary emigration. Thus, 
we learn from the white newspapers of eastern North Car- 
olina of the persistent trickle of Negroes quitting the state, 
interestingly enough not for the West, but for the deep 
South. On January 7, 1880, the Wilmington Morning Star 
reported that "five car loads of colored people passed 
through here yesterday morning en route to Georgia, where 
they are to work in the turpentine lands." 32 A year later 
250 farm hands left Edgecombe County to work in the tur- 
pentine forests of South Carolina for $200 a year, "expenses 
paid and rations furnished." 33 The News and Observer re- 
ported in 1883 "a very considerable exodus of colored men 

29 Composed of Edgecombe, Wilson, Greene, Wayne, Lenoir, Jones, Cra- 
ven, Northampton, and Halifax counties (Public Laws, 1876-1877, 275, 
sec. 12 Act of March 12, 1877). 

30 Tarboro Southerner, January 15, 1880. 

^Warrenton Gazette, January 9, 1880; and the Raleigh Signal, Jan- 
uary 28, 1880. 

32 Wilmington Morning Star, January 7, 1880. 

33 Tarboro Southerner, January 27, 1881. 

54 The North Carolina Historical Review 

from the eastern part of the state to the newly opened tur- 
pentine fields of Georgia and Alabama, and that this year 
these men are doing what they have never done before- 
taking the women with them which course seems to indicate 
their purpose to remain." 34 

The second largest, if not the largest, exodus of Negroes 
from North Carolina occurred in 1889. Similar to its pre- 
decessor, the causes were the "oppressive" mortgage and 
lien bond system, the agricultural depression (of 1888) 
coupled with generally lower wages paid to Negro agricul- 
tural workers, the county government law, and the enact- 
ment of a new series of racial legislation. The immediate 
cause of the 1889 exodus, however, was the passage of the 
1889 election law by the General Assembly. That the statute 
would energize the emigration movement was voiced by the 
Raleigh Signal approximately a week before the bill's final 
reading. The Signal warned the Democrats to "think twice 
before committing the State to a policy which may strip the 
land of its best, most reliable, most peaceable laborers." 35 
On the morning of the day the bill was ratified, the same 
paper again advised the General Assembly not to pass it, for 
"the Negroes of the State are alarmed and indignant at this 
proposition to disfranchise them, and if this bill becomes a 
law many thousands of colored people will leave the State 
during the next two years." 36 On March 21, 1889, two weeks 
after the law was voted through the state legislature, the 
Signal once more spoke of an aroused Negro citizenry: 

The colored people are becoming very much excited in regard to 
moving out of the State. The more intelligent class say an at- 
tempt has been made to disfranchise the poor and uneducated 
man, both white and colored. . . . Therefore they are advising 
every family to leave the State that can raise the means to do 
so. This is the fruits of the recent unconstituional new election 
law. 37 

34 News and Observer (Raleigh), January 30, 1883. These migrations 
from North Carolina to the deep South re-enforce the theory that econo- 
mics as well as a denial of civil rights prompted the withdrawal of Negroes 
from the state. 

35 Raleigh Signal, February 28, 1889. 
30 Raleigh Signal, March 7, 1889. 

87 Raleigh Signal, March 21, 1889. 

The Movement of Negroes from North Carolina 55 

The first mass reaction by the Negroes to the election law 
of 1889 came about six weeks after its enactment. On April 
26 of that year, as a result of a call by a Negro minister, L. L. 
Ferrebee, a large group of Negroes assembled in Raleigh 
with "but one sentiment expressed and that was in favor of 
organizing and going to the Southwest/' 38 The intense in- 
terest of the Negroes over the convention was noted by the 
News and Observer when it observed that on the morning 
of the opening session, "the colored populace was present 
in battalions . . . the old women and the children were there 
too." 89 The journal also pointed out that the eastern part 
of the state was "heavily represented." 40 

Under the chairmanship of J. C. Price, "a coal black" 
Negro, 41 the convention organized, calling itself the North 
Carolina Emigration Association, and adopted resolutions 
which declared that the situation of the Negroes in the 
state "was more precarious now than ever before; that they 
were subjected to legislative enactments which kept the 
Negro at the mercy of the landlord; that they were at a dis- 
advantage in every contest; that when the judges were just, 
the juries were not; that the disposition to divide the educa- 
tional fund in a proportion to amounts paid in by the races 
was unjust, and a direct attempt to keep the Negroes igno- 
rant; that the county government system was impious and 
unjust and was especially designed to keep Negroes from 
participating in government; that in every campaign, the 
Democrats proclaimed that this was a white man's country 
and that the Negro must be kept down." 42 As a consequence 
of the above resolutions, a further resolution provided for 
the appointment of a state committee to visit a desirable 
section of the United States "seek out a good place, lay 
claim to the lands, consult with the President of the United 

38 State Chronicle (Raleigh), May 3, 1889. 

39 News and Observer, April 27, 1889. 

40 News and Observer, Anril 27, 1889. 

4 *Hope Chamberlain, This Was Home (Chapel Hill, 1937), 263. 

42 Proceeding of the [North Carolina] State Emigration Convention, 
Raleigh, North Carolina, April 26, 27, 1889. See also the State Chronicle, 
May 3, 1889. 

56 The North Carolina Historical Review 

States" and report to the organization before they take any 
definite action in moving. 43 

Of these resolutions, the News and Observer caustically 
remarked that "from the character of some . . . adopted, level 
headed citizens, white and black, will conclude that it is 
high time for the members of the convention at least to 
emigrate and to the greatest possible distance." 44 Notwith- 
standing this effort to dismiss the convention as of no great 
import, the whites of Raleigh were impressed by the de- 
termined seriousness of the Negroes. Again the News and 
Observer: "The Negroes to all appearances are preparing 
to sweep the whole population of their race from the State 
and land them in the far west." 45 The paper then attempted 
to assure its readers that the Negroes were "moved by a dis- 
satisfaction which we are sure very few of them could ex- 
plain and fewer still show to be based on any reasonable 
ground either of the undesirability of the present condition 
of affairs in North Carolina so far as they are concerned." 46 

"Reasonable ground" or not, nearly 50,000 Negroes emi- 
grated from North Carolina in 1889. In most cases, the des- 
tination was Kansas, Arkansas, Texas, or Oklahoma. 47 On 
November 14, 1889, the New Bern Daily Journal painted 
the following picture of a group of "exodusters" preparing 
to quit the state: 

At Kinston yesterday the town was crowded with negroes 
anxious to shake the North Carolina dust off their shoes and 
try their fortunes in some other state. It is said that there were 
about 1,500 enthusiastic "exodusters" in the town. At the depot 
an interesting spectacle presented itself in the huge mass of lug- 
gage piled on the platform. Old meat boxes, various other boxes, 
barrels, trunks of all shapes and sizes, were piled ten feet high on 
the platform. The train could not accommodate all who wanted 
to go . . . 48 

43 State Chronicle, May 3, 1889. 

44 News and Observer, April 27, 1889. 

45 News and Observer, April 27, 1889. 
^News and Observer, April 27, 1889. 

47 Annual Cyclopedia, XIV, 1889, 612; Lenoir Topic, January 22, 1890; 
Tarboro Southerner, December 11, 1890. 

48 New Bern Daily Journal, November 14, 1889. 

The Movement of Negroes from North Carolina 57 

Two weeks later when another 500 left Kinston, the Tarboro 
Southerner conceded that "the exodus fever seems to be 
very prevalent in that section." 40 The towns of Tarboro and 
Wilson also were stricken with the "exodus fever." In the 
former, the Southerner received a large number of complaints 
from the white citizens "about the large crowd of negroes 
obstructing the sidewalks when talking with emigrant agents 
and their lieutenants." 50 The movement from Tarboro con- 
tinued on into January of 1890, for on January 2, the South- 
erner reported that "another contingent for Texas left this 
morning . . . not many as before, but still too many." 51 

The opinion of the North Carolina whites on the exodus 
of Negroes from the state was divided. Daniels states that 
the large landlords in the eastern part of North Carolina 
were extremely alarmed over the movement since the Negroes 
were the main source of the labor supply for their "broad 
acres." 52 It is, therefore, not surprising to observe that they 
employed various methods to halt the emigrations. One such 
method was the newspaper. Some of the white press in 
eastern North Carolina sought to dissuade the Negroes from 
emigrating by picturing the plight of those already in Kansas 
and Indiana in the worst possible manner. For example, the 
Wilmington Morning Star wrote: 

Nine of the negro "exodusters" from North Carolina have died 
of scarlet fever, and many others are sick. The rascals who be- 
guiled the ignorant and credulous negroes to leave the Sunny 
South for the bleak winds and deep snows of Kansas, deserves 
to die of scarlet fever, or anything else that is bad. 53 

Terrible pictures were painted of Indiana. The Tarboro 
Southerner was of the opinion that, 

The most heartless atrocity ever perpetrated on an ignorant and 
deluded people was the exodus movement from the Second Con- 
gressional District to Indiana. Agents and missionaries were 

49 Tarboro Southerner, November 28, December 12, 1889; Lenoir Topic, 
January 22, 1890. 

Tarboro Southerner, December 19, 1889. 

Tarboro Southerner, January 2, 1890. 

Josephus Daniels, Tar Heel Editor (Chapel Hill, 1939), 181. 

Wilmington Morning Star, January 6, April 7, 1880. 



58 The North Carolina Historical Review 

sent amongst them to fill their heads with delusive tales about 
the price of labor and improved living generally in Indiana — all 
false as hell in its blackness. 54 

The paper went on to say that "even Perry, the colored in- 
strument, who seduced so many, is struck with awe at the 
magnitude of his crime. . . . He told the Senate committee 
if he had two lots, the one in hell, and the other in Indiana, 
he'd sell out the latter and live in the former." 55 Under the 
title of "A Returned Exoduster," the Goldsboro Messenger 
quoted a Negro woman, Maria Bryant, as saying that the 
North Carolina Negroes in Indianapolis "were treated like 
dogs." 56 

The Wilmington Star quoted at length a letter written by 
"a Presbyterian colored preacher on the exodus" who describ- 
ed the migration as "the most grievous and saddest display of 
ignorance, indolence and improvidence" he had ever wit- 
nessed. He went on to say that in North Carolina "the col- 
ored people have a good chance and a good climate and yet 
some want to go to Indiana and freeze to death for want of 
food, clothing and work." 5T The Tarboro Southerner reprint- 
ed in full a letter from James B. Robinson, a Negro who left 
Tarboro for Arkansas. From Little Rock, Robinson wrote: 

In Mississippi, Louisiana, and Arkansas, people from North 
Carolina are faring bad. . . . Tell all who want to come West to 
pay their way, if they don't, hell fire will be their portion. I have 
not the time to tell you about Mississippi; but tell all to keep 
away from there. 58 

Thus a large portion of the white press of the state made 
serious effort to discourage the movement of the Negroes 
from North Carolina not only by picturing the horrors of 
"the Nawth," but by reiterating the plea to the colored that 
"their true home was among the Southern whites, who are 
the only people under Heaven who understand them and 

54 Tarboro Southerner, March 4, 1880. 

55 Tarboro Southerner, March 4, 1880. 

56 Quoting the Chatham Record, January 29, 1880. 
B7 Wilmington Morning Star, January 13, 1880. 

58 Tarboro Southerner, December 26, 1889. 

The Movement of Negroes from North Carolina 59 

feel kindly for them." 59 Similar feelings were expressed by 
other white papers in the "black counties." 60 

Supporting the white press in its attempt to keep North 
Carolina Negroes "at home" were the Negro leaders of the 
state. Indeed, the majority of the Negro leaders of the state 
appeared lukewarm toward all emigration schemes. This was 
so in spite of the strenuous emigration and colonization effort 
of John H. Williamson. On December 9, 1877, Williamson, 
a Negro member from Franklin County, in the lower house 
of the 1876-1877 session, introduced a resolution requesting 
and instructing North Carolina's senators and representa- 
tives in Washington to urge the passage of a law setting apart 
territory beyond the Missouri river "for the sole and exclu- 
sive use and occupation of the colored race." 61 Williamson 
said that he introduced the resolution because he considered 
the legislation and policy of the whites hostile to the Negroes, 
and that the members of his race could not hope for anything 
like justice in North Carolina. In addition, he declared that 
"the origins of the negro race, his color, physical formation, 
ignorance and poverty formed the principal hobby for Dem- 
ocratic politicians to indulge in during political excitement." 62 

Two months after the initial introduction, Williamson's 
proposal was made the order of the day in the House. The 
lengthy period between its introduction and consideration, 
instead of dampening, appeared to have whetted the curio- 
sity of the Negroes of Raleigh, for "when the hour arrived 
the galleries and a portion of the lobbies were packed by a 
dense crowd of colored people of both sexes." 63 During the 
debate, Williamson, apparently, made a brilliant speech in 
support of his resolution, for a white correspondent who 
covered the debate on the resolution wrote that the Negro 
"made a tearing political speech, in which he dwelt upon 
the wrongs of his race in not receiving their share of political 

59 News and Observer, May 1, 1889. 

60 See for example, the Tarboro Southerner, December 15, 1876, February 
9, 1877, January 16, 1890; Warrenton Gazette, February 9, 1877; Caro- 
lina Watchman, January 7, 1886. 

™ House Journal, 1876-1877, 115; Greensboro Patriot, February 14, 1877. 

62 Greensboro Patriot, February 14, 1877; Tarboro Southerner, February 
16, 1877. 

63 Greensboro Patriot, February 14, 1877. 

60 The North Carolina Historical Review 

rights and honors . . ." 64 Although Williamson's resolution 
was defeated sixty-eight to twenty-four, 65 the entire affair 
was described "as a big day, in the House, for our American 
citizens of African descent." 66 

Williamson's stand on emigration was atypical rather than 
typical of the Negro politicians. Since their positions, to a 
large extent, depended upon Negro voters, they naturally 
took a conservative attitude toward the movement of Negroes 
from North Carolina. In keeping with this sentiment, on 
September 17, 1877, James H. Harris, "in conjunction with 
other leading colored men" of the state, issued a call for 
a state convention "to consider the educational, moral and 
national interest" of the Negro race, "and to devise some 
plan for our advancement in these respects." 67 The meeting 
was held in Raleigh on October 18-19, with forty counties 
represented, and 130 representatives. Among the more prom- 
iment Negro leaders present were James H. Harris, J. T. 
Reynolds, James E. O'Hara, John H. Williamson, and W. P. 
Mabson. 68 Under the chairmanship of James H. Harris, the 
convention passed a resolution opposing as well as consider- 
ing "all colonizing schemes impracticable and should be dis- 
couraged." ° 9 

In addition to the active opposition to Negro emigration 
by the Negro politicians, the Negro church and press of 
North Carolina also sought to discourage it. Thus the organ 
of the colored Baptist, the National Monitor, urged the 
Negroes of the state "to stand their ground against the exo- 
dus," and to work and pray where they were "and trust 
in God for the rest." 70 The Baptist Educational and Mis- 
sionary Convention of North Carolina, in its meeting, Octo- 

64 Greensboro Patriot, February 14, 1877. 

65 Greensboro Patriot, February 14, 1877. 

66 Greensboro Patriot, February 14, 1877. 

67 Raleigh Register, October 4, 1877. 

08 Raleigh Register, November 1, 1877. 

69 Raleigh Register, November 1, 1877. Three years later another group 
of "representative colored men" met in Kaleigh on January 15-16 and 
resolved the "in view of the fact that large numbers of our laboring 
population are leaving our State, migrating to the Northwest, seeking 
homes among strangers and in an incongenial clime, we deem it a matter 
of most serious consideration to the people of North Carolina to arrest 
this gigantic evil, . . ." Raleigh Signal, January 21, 1880. 

70 Quoted in the Carolina Watchman, May 1, 1879. 

The Movement of Negroes from North Carolina 61 

ber 22-27, 1889, criticized "agents of sub-agents, who are 
doubtless prompted to agitate this movement solely for the 
fee that is in it." 71 The Convention felt that the methods 
employed by these men were "impracticable, untimely, and 
injurious to our people." And then it added this significant 

We do not condemn emigration in a general sense ; we believe in 
it. We commend it, when we can go as free people and upon our 
own accord, especially when we find a place where our condition 
can be bettered. 72 

Speaking of the movement of some North Carolina Negroes 
to Arkansas, the New York Age failed "to see the desirable- 
ness of Arkansas over North Carolina for the reception of 
any large number of colored men." It pointed out that, 

The civil, political and industrial conditions of that state are 
identical with those of North Carolina and other Southern States 
where the evils complained of and sought to be overcome are 
present. It appears to us just like jumping out of the frying pan 
into the fire. 73 

In addition to the use of propaganda by both the white 
and Negro press of the state as well as the concerted 
effort of Negro politicians, clergymen and merchants to 
dissuade the Negroes from leaving North Carolina, the 
General Assembly also attempted to stem the movement. 
Significantly, most of the measures tried by the legislature 
were designed to curb the activities of emigrant agents oper- 
ating within the state. Thus on January 26, 1881, the state 
senate attempted to check the exertions of the emigrant 
agent by passing a bill which imposed a tax of $500 on per- 
sons engaged in hiring or employing laborers "going beyond 
the limits of the State." 74 The bill failed to get through the 
House. On March 11 of the same year, however, the legis- 
lature passed an act which prohibited under heavy fines all 

71 Raleigh Signal, November 14, 1889. 

72 Raleigh Signal, November 14, 1889. 

73 New York Age, March 30, 1889. 

74 Senate Journal, 1881, 130. 

62 The North Carolina Historical Review 

individuals from inducing Negroes to quit the state who had 
agreed by writing or verbally to serve their employers. The 
penalty extended also to Negroes who allowed themselves 
to be "enticed away" by the ever active out-of-state agents 
thus violating their contracts. 75 

Notwithstanding this bit of success, the opponents of Negro 
emigration continued to agitate for additional restrictive leg- 
islation as Negroes kept leaving the state. "Stay the tide of 
emigration," the Tarboro Southerner urged, "by making the 
dissension sewers and trouble breeders shut their mouths 
and cease their lying." 76 On April 3, 1890, the Southerner 
directly accused the emigrant agents of fomenting the exo- 
dus fever: 

. . . short crops, bad treatment; politically or otherwise, had 
nothing to do with the movement. The glowing accounts of other 
localities and the seductive promises of the agents who received 
many dollars per head did the work. 

As long as the negroes can be persuaded to leave in paying 
quantities, the agents will come for them. If the people do not 
want them to leave, the agents must be kept away. 

In the meantime the radicals at the North will continue to 
assert and proclaim that the darkeys leave because of ill-treat- 
ment. 77 

A year later a landlord in Perquimans County continued the 
complaint against the unceasing activity of the emigrant 
agents, and urged the legislature to curb them. He went on 
to say that, 

We are bothered by people from other states persuading away 
our laborers, which ought to be a criminal offense. A good many 
never get back, and those who do return tend to demoralize 
those who did not go away. 78 

Egged on by such proddings, the opponents of Negro emi- 
gration in the North Carolina legislature of 1891 were able to 

76 Public Laws, 1881, 303. Act of March 11, 1881. See also William H. 
Battle, Battle's Revisal of the Public Statutes of North Carolina (Raleigh, 
1873), 70. 

76 Tarboro Southerner, January 16, 1890. 

77 Tarboro Southerner, April 3, 1890. 

78 Fifth Annual Report of the North Carolina Bureau of Labor Statistics, 
1891, 81. 

The Movement of Negroes from North Carolina 63 

push through both houses a bill which, as a result of its strin- 
gent provision, was "guaranteed to keep emigrants away." 
The law declared: 

That the term "emigrant agent," as contemplated in this act, 
shall be construed to mean any person engaged in hiring laborers 
in this state to be employed beyond the limits of the same. 
That any person shall be entitled to a license which shall be good 
for one year, upon payment into the state treasurer for the use 
of the state, of one thousand dollars, in each county in which he 
operates or solicits emigrants, for each year engaged. 
That any person doing the business of an emigrant agent without 
first having obtained such a license shall be guilty of a mis- 
deameanor, and upon conviction shall be punished by fine not 
less than five hundred dollars and not more than five thousand 
dollars, or may be imprisoned in the county jail not less than 
four months, or confined in the state prison at hard labor not 
exceeding two years for each and every offense within the dis- 
cretion of the court. 79 

It is significant to note that this law applied only to those 
counties with large Negro populations. 80 

Perhaps in anticipation of the deleterious effect the law 
would have on the activities of emigrant agents in the 
state, groups of Negroes made "last minute" departures. On 
January 8, 1891, for example, a month before the law went 
into operation, the Greensboro Patriot reported "a large 
immigration of negroes . . . into Oklahoma . . . where they 
expect to have freedom, social and political." 81 

If the supporters of the emigrant agent law viewed it as 
a "stopper" on the activities of the agents within the state, 
they were, apparently, destined to be disappointed. A year 
after its ratification a Greensboro newspaper deplored the 
seeming indifference of the state in enforcing its provisions. 
The paper declared that "at least two thousand negroes have 
left the state in the past six days and are being hired by 
hundreds by agents from Georgia and South Carolina. . . . 
Though this is in defiance of the law not a single arrest has 
been made." 82 

79 Public Laws, 1891, Act of February 6, 1891, 75. 

80 Public Laws, 1891, Act of February 6, 1891, 75. 

81 Greensboro Patriot, January 8, 1891. 

82 Greensboro Daily Record, January 11, 1892. 

64 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The emigrant statute remained on the books for two years; 
then in September of 1893 the North Carolina Supreme 
Court declared it unconstitutional and void. 83 With Chief 
Justice Shepherd delivering the opinion, the court held that 
since the law applied to certain counties in the state, it vio- 
lated Article III of the North Carolina Constitution, which, al- 
though authorizing the legislature to tax "trades, professions 
and franchises," provided that such taxes had to be uniform 
in their application. "The act under consideration," said the 
Chief Justice, "if intended to impose a tax in the legal signi- 
ficance of the term, very plainly falls within the inhibition 
of the organic law as interpreted ... by this court, for it can- 
not, with the least show of reason, be contended that the 
principle of uniformity is not violated when the same occu- 
pation is heavily taxed in one county; while in an adjoining 
county it is entirely free and untrammeled." 84 The court also 
declared the act void "for the unreasonableness of the license 
fee." 85 Thus once again the state's highest tribunal had dem- 
onstrated its racial liberalism. Whether the Supreme Court's 
ruling would have materially stimulated the exodus move- 
ment during the period under consideration will never be 
known, coming as it did approximately a year before the 
overthrow of "Bourbon democracy" in North Carolina. 

Notwithstanding this, one fact is clear: during the long, un- 
interrupted rule of the Democratic party in North Carolina 
from 1876 to 1894, the emigration of Negroes from the state 
was a constantly recurring phenomenon. While census data 
on nativity does not tell the whole emigration story, it is re- 
vealing. In 1890 there were 116,400 Negroes native to North 
Carolina living in other parts of the United States as compar- 
ed to 93,390 in 1880. 86 Subtract from the first figure 17,885 
Negroes ( who had migrated into the state between the 1880 

88 State vs. Moore, 133 N. C. 697 (1893). 

84 State vs. Moore, 700, 701. 

85 State vs. Moore, 700, 710. 

86 United States Bureau of the Census, Eleventh Census of the United 
States: 1890. Population. Volume I, Part 1 (Washington: Government 
Printing Office, 1897), 577. Hereafter referred to as Census Bureau, 
Eleventh Census. See also the Tenth Census of the United States: 1880. 
Population. Volume I (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1883), 

The Movement of Negroes from North Carolina 65 

and 1890) decade and there is found to have been a net 
loss of 98,515. 87 Thus the widespread concern with Negro 
emigration between 1876 and 1894, especially in the "black 
counties" of the Second Congressional District, was not al- 
together unwarranted. The percentage of Negroes in the 
total population of Lenoir County, for example, decreased 
from 52.6 in 1880 to 42.8 in 1890. Jones County witnessed 
a similar decline in its Negro population. Indeed, the in- 
crease of the Negro population of North Carolina had drop- 
ped from a high of 35.65 per cent during the seventies to 
an amazing low of 5.6 per cent in the nineties! Apparently 
considerably perturbed by this growing loss of cheap labor, 
one white North Carolinian, in 1890, perhaps, expressed the 
view of a majority of his fellow citizens when he said: 

It is generally admitted that the whites cannot do the work for 
which the negro seems adapted by nature. For example, white 
men can raise some cotton alone, but if we were dependent upon 
the whites for pickers, over one-half of the cotton would rot in 
the fields untouched every year. It would be the highest folly to 
remove the greater portion of the competent labor and muscle 
of the South. 88 

87 Census Bureau, Eleventh Census, 579. 

88 Plato Collins, "The Negro Must Remain in the South," North Carolina 
University Magazine, 10, No. 3 (1890), 146. 


AUGUST, 1865 

Edited by 
Paul Murray and Stephen Russell Bartlett, Jr. 

Stephen Chaulker Bartlett, born at North Guilford, Con- 
necticut, April 19, 1839, was a medical student throughout 
most of the Civil War. Frequent references to Yale Medical 
School in his letters indicate that he was enrolled as a stu- 
dent in that institution prior to September, 1862. From Sep- 
tember, 1862, to September, 1863, he was engaged in the 
reading of medicine at a government hospital near Chester, 
Pennsylvania. He transferred his studies in October to Knight 
United States Army General Hospital, New Haven, Connec- 
ticut, where he took the examination for a commission as 
assistant surgeon in the United States Navy. He was com- 
missioned by order of Secretary of the Navy Gideon Welles 
on December 31, 1864, and was soon thereafter assigned to 
the receiving ship "North Carolina" in New York Harbor. He 
became Acting Assistant Surgeon on board the "Lenapee" 
January 12, 1865. This ship arrived at Cape Fear River short- 
ly after the fall of Fort Fisher, was active in the siege and 
bombardment preceding the fall of Wilmington, February 
22, and remained in the vicinity throughout the spring and 
summer of 1865. Dr. Bartlett was detached from the "Lena- 
pee" by an order from the Navy Department in Washington, 
September 22, 1865; he was honorably discharged from 
naval service on November 23, 1865. 

After his return to civil life he received a diploma from 
Yale Medical School dated January 11, 1866. He engaged 
in the practice of medicine at Naugatuck and Waterbury, 
Connecticut; was married on September 22, 1869, to Julia 
Belden Pickett; died on February 3, 1879, and was buried in 
the family plot in North Guilford cemetery. 

The letters here presented make up a fairly complete nar- 
rative of Dr. Bartlett's movements during the seven months 






The Letters of Stephen Chaulker Bartlett 67 

of his active service, January-August, 1865. With the ex- 
ception of those of the evening of February 12, April 4, 14, 
30, and August 9, they were copied in the hand of Julia 
Bartlett with frequent omissions and changes in salutations 
and closings, some contractions of lengthy descriptive pas- 
sages, and occasional omissions of purely personal items. Dr. 
Bartlett was careful to avoid leaving the impression that he 
was the center of the action, and forty-three years later 
Julia Bartlett leaned still farther in the direction of tradi- 
tional New England taciturnity concerning personal mat- 
ters. The copies were made, presumably in 1908, for the 
purpose of submitting to the Pension Bureau proof of Dr. 
Bartlett's service. 

Julia Bartlett was aided considerably in assembling ma- 
terials on Dr. Bartlett's service by her son, Stephen Russell 
Bartlett (1877-1953) who later preserved the original let- 
ters, the copies, and other manuscript materials substantiat- 
ing the above statements in the attic of his home at Hingham, 
Massachusetts. At his death all these materials came into 
the possession of Dr. Stephen Russell Bartlett, Jr., grandson 
of the original writer. 

The editors have restored most of the salutations and clos- 
ings to the form in which they were originally written. In 
a few cases where the meaning in the copies is obscure or 
there is clear evidence of error, they have restored a few 
short passages to the original form. The result is that the 
five letters specified above and at least three-fourths of the 
others are reproduced exactly as they were originally writ- 
ten. Passages omitted deal entirely with personal and fami- 
ly matters. 

Though Stephen Chaulker Bartlett was a competent sur- 
geon, the letters contribute little to medical knowledge or 
to the history of medical practice. Of the "fevers" mentioned, 
it is known that typhoid, malaria, dysentery, and measles 
were common at that time. Since the causes of none of these 
were known, methods of prevention and sanitation were far 
from effective. It is interesting to note, however, that Dr. 
Bartlett ordered the "Lenapee" dropped down to Southport 

68 The North Carolina Historical Review 

in hope that the fresh sea air would help in treating the fevers. 
By this move he avoided the anopheles mosquitoes that 
would have increased the incidence of malaria on board. 
The dirt and filth against which he complained at Wilming- 
ton undoubtedly helped to spread typhoid and dysentery, 
since they are now known to be transmitted through fecal 
contamination. Quinine was available at that time as a spe- 
cific in the treatment of malaria, though physicians were 
often unable to distinguish malaria from typhoid and often 
confused both with "yellow fever." In the absence of avail- 
able specifics for fevers other than malaria the usual medi- 
cation was based on plentiful dosages of opium and calomel. 
The letters have historical value in presenting at close 
view a picture of life on board the "Lenapee," one of the 
principal vessels in the attack on Wilmington, January-Feb- 
ruary, 1865. Those that deal with the days following the 
bombardment give a clear glimpse of the wreck of ordinary 
living conditions in the lower Cape Fear in 1865, "contra- 
bands," refugees, the homecoming of "mean-looking Rebels," 
the retention in unhealthful Wilmington of homesick Yan- 
kees, and the beginning of a new era in the history of the 
nation and the state. If there are those who can still feel re- 
sentment against individuals who quietly performed the 
duties falling to them in the waging of the Civil War, the 
complete absence of resentment in the thinking of this young 
surgeon should be a gentle rebuke to them. If there are 
others who would criticize him because he became so absorb- 
ed in the fighting that he for a time lost sight of his major 
responsibility, they should be reminded that not many young 
men just taken from civilian life have an opportunity to see 
and report upon such exciting developments. The fact that 
he was impelled by no other motive than the sharing of the 
excitement with his homefolks impart to his letters a warmth 
of human interest seldom encountered in historical docu- 

The Letters of Stephen Chaulker Bartlett 69 

Jan 7 1865 
On board Recg Ship North Carolina 1 
My Dear Parents 
I reported on board this ship on Friday. I have been engaged 
in examining recruits since I came here, tomorrow I have charge 
and prescribe for all the Sick the other Dr's being absent, I mess 
with the surgeons. I shall be assigned to a ship within a few days. 

S. C. Bartlett A. A. Surg. 

Sunday Afternoon 
On board Steamer State of Georgia 
My Dear Parents 
As soon as I had finished my letter yesterday and sealed it an 
orderly called for Dr Bartlett stating the Admiral wished to see 
him. I went on deck and saw the Admiral, he says B I have given 
you a splendid Ship "The State of Georgia" I went on board that 
night. The State of Georgia is a large vessel and has a crew of 
300 men and she is now ready for sea. I have a splendid State 
room. I cannot come home as I am busy getting in medical stores 
and must be here to see to them myself. The vessell will sail on 
Tuesday. It is believed by the Officers that we sail for Wilming- 

t0n S. C. Bartlett A. A. Surg U. S. N. 

~ „ , New York Jan 14 th 1865 

Dear Parents 

I sail this afternoon for Savannah, Georgia. 

I have been detached from the Steamer Georgia and ordered 

to the Steamer "Lenapee" 2 ~ ^ ., . , 

S. C. Bartlett 

Surg U. S. N. 

t. t, , U. S, S. Lenapee Jan 15 1865 

Dear Parents 

Yesterday we left the Navy Yard and anchored off the Battery 

and again we sail to Sandy Hook We will not go to sea until 

Tuesday as the ships compasses are out of order. 

Commander Magraw 3 called me to his cabin and showed me his 

1 The "North Carolina" was an unserviceable ship stationed as a Union 
receiving; ship in the New York Harbor. James Russell Soley, The Block- 
ade and the Cruisers (The Navy in the Civil War, New York: Scribners, 
3 volumes), 1883. I, 242. Hereafter referred to as Soley, The Blockade and 
the Cruisers. 

2 The "Lenapee" was one of 27 side-wheeler steamers, "double-enders" 
of 974 tons, each carrying- 8 guns except the "Algonquin" which had 12 
guns. The "Sassacus," mentioned often in these letters, was the same type 
vessel and gave its name to the group. Soley, The Blockade and the Cruisers. 

3 This is the spelling used in all the letters except that of February 21, 
1865, where McGraw is used. There are numerous McGraws (but no 
Magraws) listed in the index volume of The War of the Rebellion: A Com- 
pilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies 

70 The North Carolina Historical Review 

orders. We go first to Wilmington (I think another attack will 
be made soon) When we are through there we sail to the South 
Atlantic Squadron 4 which is our ultimate destination. I have ten 
men on the sick list The Captain is sick & two of his officers. My 
position is responsible. The Commander informed me that as I 
was one of the Staff Officers I had the liberty of his room any 
time. I must close as a boat leaves now 

Yrs S. C. Bartlett 

Beafort N. C. Jan 26 th 1865 

U S. Steamer "Lenapee" 
My Dear Sister 

On the morning of Jan 19 we left Sandy Hook and reached this 
port on Sunday afternoon the 22 nd . While off Hatteras a heavy 
gale of wind and rain set in continuing until midnight on Satur- 
day. The muzzles of our heavy Parrott 5 Guns dipped in the 
water at every roll. We had no fire in our ward room and every- 
thing was firmly secured. The rudder rope parted and the ship 
was for a time at the mercy of the storm the sea breaking over 
her & deluging with water and then she sprang a leak, the paddle 
wheel gone heavy and if the storm had not subsided we would 
have been lost as we put out to sea 200 miles from the shore. 
We are now taking in coal and making repairs. There is a large 
fleet here and our ship looks as well as any of them. I went on 
shore today : visited a Contraband 6 school and Refugee Camp. 
Was introduced to Ensign Dayton who shot the Rebel Col. Lamb 7 
who has since died. 

Today we sail for Wilmington expecting to take part in a great 
Battle as our steamer is of light draft and fitted for River service 
as well as for sea. There are 1000 Rebels 8 commanded by Gen 
Hoke to oppose our forces, 

(Washington: Government Printing Office, 69 volumes, 1880-1901). Here- 
after cited as Official Records. 

4 The South Atlantic Squadron, at this time under the command of Ad- 
miral John Adolphus B. Dahlgren, was centered at Charleston. Soley, The 
Blockade and the Cruisers, 105-120. 

5 Robert Parker Parrott, ordnance expert and superintendent of an iron 
and cannon foundry at Cold Springs, New York, "perfected the cannon 
called by his name which showed such wonderful durability in the Civil 
War." Encyclopedia Americana (New York, 30 volumes, 1948), XXI, 346. 

8 Refugee slaves were commonly known as "contrabands." 

7 Colonel William Lamb of the Thirty-sixth North Carolina Regiment, 
was principally responsible for the conversion, 1862-1864, of Fort Fisher 
into the "Gibraltar of America." He was fatally wounded in the taking 
of the fort by the Federals, January 15, 1865. James Sprunt, Chronicles 
of the Cape Fear River, 1660-1916 (Raleigh, 1916), 333, 386, 494-495. Here- 
after cited as Sprunt, Chronicles. Between the last mentioned pages is a 
diagram of the attack on Fort Fisher in which many of the vessels men- 
tioned by Dr. Bartlett may be identified. 

8 There is considerable variation among reporters as to the number of 
men in the land forces on both sides. The report of Major-General Alfred 

The Letters op Stephen Chaulker Bartlett 71 

Enclosed you will find a wire which ran into Ft Fisher magazine 
and blew it up I must close now as the boat leaves with the 
mail. Write when you can 

Yours S C Bartlett 

Act Ast Surgeon USN 
U S S "Lenapee" 
South Atlantic Blockading Squadron 
Port Royal 
S. C. 

January 29 1865 
Off Ft. Fisher N. C. 
My Dear Parents — 

We are making every preparation to go up the River. There are 
only 4 or 5 steamers that can. They are double enders and of 
light draft and rudders at both ends. The River banks are lined 
with Batteries and [one] on Fort St Phillip 9 of 15 guns within 
two miles of us. The River bed is full of Torpedoes. 10 I think 
that you can draw my bounty — Try by all means. It is my desire 
to have my remains taken home if I should be killed Write soon 
I may remain at this place some time yet 

S. C. Bartlett act ast Surg U.S.N. 
U. S. S. Lenapee 

Feb. 3 1865 
Cape Fear River N. C. 
Dear Sister 

We are about 3 miles below Ft Anderson and in line of battle. 
Ten vessels will take part in the fight — all double enders like the 
"Lenapee" There is even one monitor the Montauk. The river is 
very shallow Some of our ships have been aground. The Montauk 
went up within 300 yds of the Fort but they did not open upon 
her as it would be of no use. The Montauk could not elevate her 
guns so as to bear on the Fort. She got aground and remained 
until high water and then got off. On our side of the river are 
General Terry's forces. They are within 300 yds of the Rebels 

H. Jerry in Official Records, Series I, XLVI, Part I, 403, gives the fol- 
lowing figures: aggregate present, 9,632; aggregate present and absent, 
23,954. Sprunt, Chronicles, 495, says that Confederate General Robert 
F. Hoke had 4,500 troops and Federal General Terry had 8,000. 

9 The massive ruins of St. Philip's Church are only a short distance 
above Fort Anderson. Federal Writers' Project, North Carolina: A Guide 
to the Old North State (Chapel Hill, North Carolina: 1939), 308. Here- 
after cited as Federal Writers' Project, North Carolina Guide. 

10 Actually floating mines, used frequently by both sides in the Civil War 
in inshore fighting. In this engagement they were neither so numerous 
as the Federals feared nor so effective as the Confederates hoped. Sprunt, 
Chronicles, 499-500. 

72 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and a continual musket firing is kept up and every once in a while 
cannonding is heard. At night, we can see the camp fires and 
with a glass we can see them throw up entrenchments. Occasion- 
ally the "Rebs" open fire on us with their long range Whitworth 11 
guns throwing shot and shell away beyond us. Our guns are 
loaded with grape &c as the shore is but a short distance from 
us. We have our boarding up, our men armed with pike cutlasses 
and Revolvers to prevent boarding. We have also a torpedo catch- 
er rigged on our bow and we have our crows nest up on the mast 
head. With a glass we can see the Rebs working on Ft Anderson 
and when they get it done we will try to take it. The Tawny will 
go ahead. It is expected she will be blown up by torpedoes the 
channel is so narrow that but one vessel can operate at a time. 
The "Lenapee" is second and with our heavy Battery she is ex- 
pected to silence the Fort while the land forces makes the 
assualt. General Sherman is at [illegible] which is but 30 miles 
below us and he is marching on Wilmington. 12 This will be the 
theatre of active operations for some time to come. If we occupy 
Wilmington Jeff. Davis will be obliged to vacate Richmond. There 
has been a large fire seen in the direction of Wilmington and it is 
supposed they are burning Cotton.The Rebs have a Torpedo Boat 
and a sharp lookout is set for it every night. In my department 
every thing is in readiness. My instruments are sharpened and 
every thing prepared for action. I think we shall remain here 
some time, and you may direct your letters to U S S Lenapee 
North Atlantic Blockading Squadron 13 off Wilmington at the 
same time direct some to 

Port Royal S. C as that is our 
ultimate destination 

S. C. Bartlett A A Surgeon USN 

U S S "Lenapee" 

11 The so-called Whitworth guns were presented to the Confederate Gov- 
ernment by an English manufacturer through Colonel Lamb. As ammuni- 
tion they used bolts designed by Captain Charles P. Bolles of the Fayette- 
ville Armory. Sprunt, Chronicles, 311. 

12 It is evident from many references in the Official Records that a plan 
had been concocted somewhere in the higher echelons to bring Sherman 
from Savannah to join in the land attack on Wilmington. The clearest 
proof for this is a letter written from Sherman at Savannah to Admiral 
D. D. Porter, January 21, 1865, Official Records, Series I, XLVII, Part II, 
104. In this letter Sherman offers the extreme rainfall as his reason for not 
proceeding at once to Wilmington, but also reveals his lack of enthusiasm 
for the plan in his advice to Porter not to hurry to attack Wilmington, 
"for they will surely remove everything of value. You already have all 
that is of any value to you." The "30 miles below us" error is natural for 
one who heard more of military gossip than he knew of the geography of 
South Carolina. 

13 The North Atlantic Blockading Squadron for Virginia and North Car- 
olina was set up in September, 1861. Due to shortage of ships it was not 

The Letters of Stephen Chaulker Bartlett 73 

Cape Fear River N. C. 
Sunday Feb 5 th 1865 
Dear Sister 

We have advanced up the river a short distance and have been 
engaged in shelling the woods. We are about two miles below 
the Rebel Ft Anderson and can plainly see the Rebs at work upon 
it and we occasionally send a 100 lb shell directly into the Ft. We 
can see the shell strike and then hear it explode. In return they 
open upon us with their long range Whitworth guns sending shot 
and shell entirely beyond us and some of them come very near 
us. One of them went entirely through the steamer "Tawny" just 
ahead of us. However they wont molest us unless we fire upon 
them, as yet we have no order for a general engagement. The 
Steamer Tawny and the "Lenapee" are to run past the Ft and to 
shell at the same time. The Channel is very narrow and runs 
very near the Fort, but few ships can operate at a time and very 
hot work is expected. A fire cannot be concentrated upon the 
Rebs works as at Ft Fisher You see that I have a fine chance to 
serve my country and I rejoice that it is so and would not ex- 
change my situation for any other. If I succeed in passing — 
safely I shall always think of it with pride and if I die in the 
attempt it will [be] but a Glorious death. 

I have been appointed on a medical Board of Survey. The Board 
sits every day and yesterday we examined a Leut Commander 
I have also visited the Flag Ship "Malvern," saw Admiral Porter 
and was introduced to the Fleet Surgeon. It is quite warm here 
& seems like summer. — We have a Band of Music on Board and 
we entertain all the officers who visit us. in the evening we sit 
on the qtrdeck smoke and listen to the music and have a good 
time generally. I have not heard from home yet — and I think it 
is about time Write and give all the news I shall write often and 
let you know of my situation 

Direct your letters to S. C. Bartlett 

A A Surgeon USN 

U S S "Lenapee" 
North Atlantic Blockading Squadron 
Cape Fear River N. C. 

effective until more than three years later. On October 12, 1864, Admiral 
David D. Porter assumed command of the squadron. Soley, The Blockade 
and the Cruisers, 90-105. 

74 The North Carolina Historical Review 

"U S S Lenapee" 
Sunday Feb. 12 1865 
Cape Fear River N. C. 
My Dear Sister, 

We are still in the face of the enemy. There has been a Continual 
roar of artillery and scream of shell for a week past. No general 
engagement has taken place yet, but one vessel ascends up and 
opens fire on Ft Anderson, and retires for another, so we con- 
tinually harass the Rebs. and try to prevent them from building 
batteries, mount guns on the Fort. We sent our 100 lbs Parrott 
shells directly into the Ft and could see them explode throwing 
up dirt & sand in large clouds, we also shell the other side of the 
River as there are Batteries on both sides. The Rebs opened on 
us with their Whitworth guns sending shot and shell through our 
rigging and all around us but as yet no has been hurt. Now I 
have distinct recollection of a shell passing within four feet of my 
head. I must say my feelings were not very pleasant at the time, 
but as all positions are alike on a man of war I concluded to take 
things as they came hit or miss. Fort Anderson is a formidable 
work and covers acres in extent. Has casemated guns, and 
situated on a high Bluff at the bend of the river. It is being 
strengthened every day. We are in easy range of their fire all 
the time but they do not fire on us much as they wish to be let 
alone and prepare themselves for a general engagement. On the 
opposite side of the River is another Fort and it is reported that 
our land force took it yesterday at the same time we were shell- 
ing it. A Rebel Ram came down the river but kept a good distance 
from us. Lt. Cushing 14 went up the river last night but the enemy 
fired upon him and he was obliged to return. We have our orders 
to prepare for a general engagement and our line of attack, our 
position and we are waiting for signals to advance. The Lenapee 
has the heaviest Battery in the Squadron and is in the advance 
I would like to inform you of our maneuvers and that of the land 
forces but there is an express order against it. Before you get 
this the fight will be over and I hope to live through it to fight 
another day. I have all my instruments ready for the bloody 
work and am myself prepared to amputate limbs with neatness 
and dispatch. The Officers treat me with respect and I think have 
all confidence in me. I have a good hospital steward who knows 
his business and will be of much service. Leaving New York 
with 15 men on the sick list have now but two. If I live to return 

14 Lieutenant William B. Cushing was one of the naval heroes of the 
Civil War. The best known of his exploits, North and South, was the 
sinking of the ironclad "Albemarle" in Roanoke River near Plymouth in 
the early morning of October 28, 1864. Soley, The Blockade and the Cruisers, 

The Letters of Stephen Chaulker Bartlett 75 

from this Glorious Navy shall be able to meet anything that 
comes along. I am enjoying myself and the weather is delightful. 
We have a Band of Music composed of Contrabands and Banjos. 
They play well and we entertain on board. Capt Magraw left us 
today. Lieut. Commander Barnes takes his command. We have 
fighting officers on board. G. H. Pendleton executive] officer 
was captured by the Rebs, was a prisoner 15 mos. Ensign Tillson 
also a returned prisoner, Ensign Sanbord, commander [of] the 
Columbia 15 was captured by Rebs while fighting with all his men 
[who] were killed in St Johns River. Horide Murphy our Pilot 
was captured on the Water Witch 16 he having killed four men 
and was wounded, Mr. Bickford our first mate was on the vessel 
which captured the Alabama. 17 With these brave officers I hope 
we may distinguish ourselves. 

It is a very easy and pleasant thing for one to sit at his comfor- 
table home and read of shelling forts and running batteries, and 
say what the Navy ought and must perform but I assure you it 
is not so pleasant to come down here amidst the plunging shot 
and screaming shells, deadly torpedos, sharp shooters, and fight 
your way out to Wilmington. 

Did you receive the picture of the 'Lenapee' and my picture. 
Enclosed you will find a torpedo wire such as are used in blowing 
up vessels. 

S. C. Bartlett USN 

A A Surgeon 

U S S Lenapee 

Sunday night Feb. 12 1865 
Cape Fear River N. C. 
Dear Parents, 

We have just received orders from the Flagship "Malvern" 
that a general engagement will take place. At eight o'clock tomor- 
row the signal will be given, ships will move into line of battle 
and move up the river. All day we have been preparing for 
action, getting up shot and shell and preparing the ship for 
action. There has been but little firing to-day but tomorrow 

15 The U.S.S. "Columbine" and "most of those on board" were captured 
in St. John's River, Florida, May 23, 1864. Official Records, Series I, XXXV, 
Part I, 393-396. 

16 The U. S. gunboat "Water Witch" was captured in Ossabaw Sound, 
Georgia, June 3, 1864. Official Records, Series I, XXXV, Part I, 404. The 
difference between the official accounts and the stories told by Dr. Bart- 
lett indicates that the officers were more concerned with impressing the 
raw recruit than they were in telling the exact truth of the engagements. 

17 The "Alabama," most famous of the Confederate commerce destroyers, 
was sunk off the coast of France, June 19, 1863, in a fight with the "Kear- 
sarge." Soley, The Blockade and the Cruisers, 206-213. 

76 The North Carolina Historical Review 

there will be enough of it. About ten vessels will go into the 
fight and the Monitor Montauk. I have written one letter to-day 
but I have a chance to send this by the U.S.S. Bat which will bear 
dispatches and the wounded immediately after the fight. 

Your aff son 
S. C. Bartlett A. A. Surg. USN 

USS Lenapee 
NAB Squadron 
Cape Fear River N. C. 
Write soon I have not heard from home yet. I shall remain in 
this squadron for some time yet. 

I would wish you to send me some papers as we do not get one 
here once in two or three weeks. We have no news here and a 
paper a week old is considered new. I would like to know if you 
got my picture and that of the "Lenapee". Did Rogers graduate? 


Cape Fear River Feb. 15 th 1865 
My Dear Parents, 

The attack on Ft Anderson is not made yet as a storm [is] mak- 
ing the river rough and the wind the wrong way. I do not know 
when the fight will come off but I think when it is clear and the 
wind favorable. There is more or less firing all the time, in return 
the enemy open on us sending shell all around us. Some of the 
vessels have been struck ! the Monitor 18 has been several times as 
she is very near the Fort sometimes. The other day we went 
within 1700 yds. of the enemy throwing our 100 lbs shell directly 
into the Ft. 

The Rebels have set the woods on fire below the Ft. The woods 
are Pine and the fire covers acres in extent. They do this so as 
to have a good range for their guns and to prevent our land 
force from advancing upon them. They have Batteries on both 
sides at night the sky is lit up by fire for miles on both sides of 
the River. There is more or less firing between the land forces 
[and] Rebs and we can distinctly hear the rattle of musketry as 
well as artillery; in fact we can see both parties as the River 
is narrow. At night the sight is splendid: the burning woods, 
the artillery firing on shore and last of all when the squadron 

18 Probably the "Montauk," the only monitor in the attacking squadron 
and the leading ship in the bombardment of Fort Anderson on February 
17 and 18, 1865. Daniel Ammen, The Atlantic Coast {The Navy in the 
Civil War, New York; Scribners, 3 volumes, 1883), Part II, 242. Hereafter 
cited as Ammen, The Atlantic Coast. 

The Letters of Stephen Chaulker Bartlett 77 

opens fire you would think you were in the infernal region. I am 
enjoying myself much and feel that I am fortunate in being 
ordered here. I would like to inform you of all our movements but 
there are strict orders against it and I see very little in the paper 
in regard to them — however I think that in a few days we will 
make news for them. 

General Grant has been here and has returned. The land forces 
have been increased and are quite large. About ten vessels will 
engage in the fight — all double enders like the Lenapee can steer 
at both ends, as the river is so narrow we cannot turn around 
and if we are sunk our decks would be out of water as it is not 
deep. When a general engagement takes place we are to go within 
1300 yds. of the enemy and anchor and give it to them ; we have 
our sharp shooters in our crows nest ready to pick off the Reb's 

Yrs S C Bartlett A A Surgeon USN 
Do write soon I have not heard from you yet. I must close as 
mail leaves now. 

Direct to N. A. B. Squadron U S S Lenapee 

Cape Fear River N. C. 

Cape Fear River N. C. Six miles from 
Wilmington opposite a Rebel Casemated 
Iron Battery Feb 20 th 1865 
Dear Parents 
A Signal from the FlagShip "Malvern" "Letters." I know I 
must have some, a boat is sent: returns with two letters and 
paper Feb. 8, 11 th The first news I have received from home. Fort 
Anderson is ours. After 24 hours bombardment the Enemy 

2 P.M. 17 We were signaled to engage the Ft. The "Lenapee" got 
under way taking the advance: two other vessels following the 
Montauk being ahead of us: the enemy opens; the water is 
thrown upon decks by a shell which fell short: we move so as 
to keep out of range. Another shell comes directly over our decks 
and striking the Str. Pequot just back of us killing two men and 
wounded some. During this time the Montauk had the range 
and we also sent shell after shell directly into the Ft. We engaged 
the enemy until darkness set in & then dropped down the river. 
Early in the morning 18 th Signals up for general engagement. 
The enemy opened on us first but we slowly advanced firing all 
the time. I took my position on the hurricane deck near the pilot 
house where I could see all that is going on. Capt Barnes ordered 
me below to my station but I obtained permission to remain on 
deck until blood was shed so that I could have a fair view of the 

78 The North Carolina Historical Review 

fight and remained on deck all day as no one on our vessel was 
injured. The sight was most magnificent. 3 vessels were ahead of 
us at first, 6 behind us. 19 The vessels moved into line splendidly 
and poured broadsides into the enemy; the enemy replied. After 
we got our position we anchored, continued firing, the fort opens 
up at regular intervals. Soon we were signaled to go up nearer : 
up the Lenapee goes past the "Sassacus" Ahead of all and near 
the Monitor. Now the Ft opens upon us for we are within 700 
yds. of them and they are determined to sink us or blow us up 
but we give them broadside after broadside. During the time the 
enemy blows 3 shell over our decks throwing pieces all around 
but none were injured. Night now set in. We anchored and re- 
tained our position the firing being kept up on both sides, the 
screaming of shells, loud roar of heavy artillery, flashing of guns, 
bursting of shells was a sight well worth seeing; all night long 
firing was kept up ; our troops could be seen advancing along the 
banks of the river being protected by us during the engagement ; 
not a man or an officer left his station nor had they any food; 
about 12 o'clock at midnight we got aground and the enemy 
stopped firing. Just before morning the vessel swung around so 
that but one gun could bear on the enemy and when it would 
light up we expected the enemy would take advantage of our 
position. As the morning began to break the first Lieutenant 
said to me Dr we will get . . . from the Rebs. I replied we 
must give them the same. The Montauk soon after hoisted a 
signal that the Fort was ours. Captain Barnes ordered the men 
to man the rigging and three cheers were given for the victory 
which was continued by all the vessels in the river. 
We moved and removed obstructions and about 30 torpedos. Soon 
we came to a line of stakes and saw we have arrived at the second 
line of obstructions with the channel blocked by a Blockade 
Runner sunk. The River is quite narrow and we are about six 
miles from Wilmington. 

We have been fighting all the afternoon. The enemy have a 
casemated iron Fort and with a continual firing today we have 
not been able to silence it. The Rebs keep up a regular fire. The 
U S St Sassacus and the Lenapee are in advance. The Sassacus 
has been struck and is leaking badly tonight. We have not been 
injured yet although shell have struck all around us, and I really 

19 Daniel Ammen was commander of the "Mohican" in the bombardment 
of Fort Fisher, January 14 and 15, 1865. He was also mentioned as hav- 
ing been to Savannah in a letter from Sherman. Later Ammen, as a pro- 
fessor at the Naval Academy, was detailed to write the official history 
of the naval war along; the Atlantic coast. In this work five vessels are 
listed in the bombardment of Fort Anderson on February 17, sixteen on 
February 18, 1865. Ammen, The Atlantic Coast, 242, 258. 

The Letters of Stephen Chaulker Bartlett 79 

believe that a shell came within two feet of me and burst just over 

the side of us. I assure you I dipped my head as well as others 

who were near me for you have no idea what an ugly scream 

they give. The Rebs have set the woods on fire and the river is 

well lit up. 

I received a letter from Walter 20 today. You do not say whether 

you have received my picture. 

Tomorrow we commence fighting and I fear that some of us will 

be hurt as we cannot operate as well as at Fort Anderson. The 

army is advancing up the river near us. 

S. C. Bartlett A. A. Surg. USS Lenapee 

North Atlantic Squadron 

Cape Fear River N. C. 

Eve Feb 21 st 1865 
Six miles from Wilmington 
In front of Iron clad Battery 
Cape Fear River N. C. 
My Dear Sister 

Yesterday afternoon we had another fight I had several nar- 
row escapes — in the evening we had a most exciting time. The 
enemy sent down the river about 100 torpedoes. The Shawmut 
was injured by one of them also the Osceola & Pequot. One of 
them exploded killing two men from a boats crew and wounded 
several. I could plainly see them float past our vessel — if they 
touch a vessel they explode. They are made of wood and contain 
100 lbs of powder. Our boats crew picked up one of them and 
we have it on board. The enemy are burning cotton and every 
evening the sky is lit up for miles around. They have a line of 
obstructions above us two Blockade Runners sunk in the Channel. 
The river is narrow and the channel not deep. The Montauk can- 
not come up and assist us as she draws too much water she was 
of great help to us at Ft. Anderson as she can fight at that range. 
This afternoon Admiral Porter came on board and we im- 
mediately opened upon the enemy replied and sent a shell directly 
over us which burst scattering pieces all around us. 
The Admiral left for the "Sassacus" just ahead of us. By the 
way The "Sassacus" and "Lennapee" are called the fighting ships 
of the squadron and it is a fact we have been in advance all the 
way up the river and the first to engage the enemy. Our Battery 
is the heaviest in the Squadron. Our 100 pounds Parrott are 
just the thing (if they do not burst) . In the attack on Ft Ander- 
son the Lenapee expended 400 100 lbs Parrot Shell. The report 
is very loud and we are all quite deaf for we have been con- 


A brother, Walter Bartlett. 

80 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tinually firing every day for two weeks. All the glass in the ship 
is broken and all the fancy work is dropping off as the concussion 
is great. This afternoon we had a splendid engagement, the 
enemy made some splendid shots and it is a wonder we were not 
hit, they kept up a regular fire although we sent shell into their 
Fort at the rate of 3 or 10 a minute They being casemated we 
could not silence them We are at anchor and do not move but 
retain our position. When we cease firing the enemy also stops. 
Another Fort is in sight just above this : The Rebs have cut away 
the woods so they could see and get the range. 
It will be some time before we get to Wilmington as we will have 
to silence batteries on every bluff and remove torpedoes as we 
advance. I think they are forwarding all the Troops in defence 
of the city and will make it a sort of last ditch. Our troops ad- 
vance with the gun boats and are continually fighting with the 
enemy — at times we can see them. I feel that I was very for- 
tunate to be assigned to this ship and to have an opportunity 
to see so much active service. We will remain in the Squadron. 
We have a new commander John S. Barnes. He is much more 
liked than Capt. McGraw was and I see he is anxious to dis- 
tinguish himself and vessel. Tomorrow we engage the enemy and 
perhaps will silence the Fort. 
Did Win Witter graduate and did McFarland? 
It is very warm here in fact Summer. 
I should be glad to receive N. Y. Papers. 

North Atlantic Squadron 
Cape Fear River N. C. 

S. C. Bartlett A. A. Surg. 
U S Str Lenapee 

Eve Feb 22 nd 1865 I 

Dear Brother 

This has been a glorious and eventful day to us Wilmington is 
ours. Last night the enemy evacuated their last strong hold. For 
two long days we bombarded them at short range and protected 
our army that they might advance. I have had many narrow 
escapes from the enemys shell and torpedoes. Their works were 
well casemated and guns were regularly worked. There is great 
rejoicing among the Army and Navy Officers for most of the 
time they have been at the guns night & day, and it seems good 
to have rest and take our regular meals. 
Today we fired a National Salute of Twenty One Guns. 21 

21 This procedure was ordered in all military posts by General U. S. 
Grant as a double recognition of Washington's birthday and the surrender 
of Wilmington. Sherman seemed to be virtually alone in attaching small 
significance to the taking of the city. 

The Letters of Stephen Chaulker Bartlett 81 

The people are glad to see us and all claim to be for the Union 
They have no provisions The last Fort captured is called 

Fort Iron Island 
Your Brother 

S. C. Bartlett A A Surg. USN 
U S S Lenapee 
North Atlantic Squadron 

March 17 th 1865 
Wilmington N. C. 
My Dear Parents 

Yours March 7 th is just received. You write you are glad to 
receive letters from me I assure you that I am as much rejoiced 
to hear from home. There is nothing that looks like home here 
and everything to make a man think of home, and I hope you will 
continue to write even if you do not hear from me. 
Since I wrote last the "Lenapee" went up the river Cape Fear to 
communicate with Sherman if possible. The river is very narrow 
and crooked but deep: Somewhat resembles a Canal. We went 
up as far as Magnolia a large town of two houses a tavern and 
saw-mill. We could get no further up our boat being so long we 
could not even turn the river was so crooked, but as we steer 
at both ends we made our way back to town. I broke off the 
branches of magnolia and cypress with perfect ease from each 
side of our decks. We passed rice fields, then swamps. I also saw 
many pretty flowers and Birds were singing for the weather is 
very warm here. We went up by the Rebel picket and while there 
they captured a squad of our men several miles below us: we 
could hear the drum beat but they kept a good distance from us 
for they well knew that we are in the habit of sending our com- 
pliments at the distance of three or four miles: no doubt they 
remembered Anderson Ft Philip, and Fort Strong. We landed 
several times and helped ourselves to sheep cattle hogs &c for 
the country up here is full of them and we certainly dont go 
hungry. There are many fine plantations. We obtained two beau- 
tiful looking Glasses six feet by four and they now adorn our 
ward room and we spend our spare time looking at the beautiful 
gilt frames, Not the glasses, 

The last time we went on shore about 15 miles from town Mr 
Pendleton our Executive Officer was accidentally shot by one of 
the men I was near him at the time and the first to reach him. 
He was struck in the neck and fell like a dead man. I stopped 
the blood. Got him on board ship and removed the Ball: he is 
not dangerously hurt but I recommended he be sent home to re- 
cover. We did not stop to take our stock on board : they are left 

82 The North Carolina Historical Review 

for the crows and negroes. We reached Wilmington in safety and 
are at the foot of Market St. Wilmington has changed much 
since we came here. The stores are being opened and there is a 
large amount of shipping here. Several Thousand Union prison- 
ers have been released and they are naked. I have seen Officers 
almost naked : You have no idea how they look. The Rebs set a 
building on fire where our prisoners were confined and several 
were burned up : this a fact. 22 I know it to be so. The people are 
all for the Union and are glad to see us here for they are almost 
starved. All the slaves have left them : they now refuse to work 
and the masters almost make them. Most of the men enlist. A 
large number of the citizens hid away from the Rebs have come 
back but I must say the place looks deserted and desolate and not 
very attractive. There is much sickness and it is stated 50 die 
a day : It is mostly fevers. When I came up the River I had but 
two sick. Now I have about fifteen. I am feeling very bad today 
for one of my men died of Fever. It is the first patient I have 
lost : but I feel that I did all I could for him and three more men 
who were apparently worse have recovered. For a time I attend- 
ed the sick on the USS Maratanza but now they have a surgeon. 
Wilmington is an unhealthy place at the best of times and the 
inhabitants say they fear a pestilence now. The streets are quite 
filthy and wharves laden with dirt. There is a swamp opposite 
the city for miles above and below so that I shall not be in want 
of material for practice especially if we have Yellow Fever in 
Summer. I saw John Bradley the other day. He is the same old 
fellow and has seen some hard fighting. I am verry sorry to 
hear father is so unwell and you must write more about him. I 
hear from my New Haven friends often. Mulina has written 
me. It has been very stormy here and damp and foggy Some of 
our small boats have communicated with Sherman and brought 
down two Rebel boats with refugees men and women almost 
naked and starved. General Terry was on board the ship today : 
is here quite often: I have seen Gen. Hawley and several Con- 

22 There was great dissatisfaction in both armies at Wilmington as a 
concentration point for Federal prisoners, and General John M. Schofield 
refused to accept several detachments for exchange. After about 200 of 
these escaped into the Federal lines, an order from Grant required Scho- 
field to "receive all prisoners that the rebels may deliver to you and for- 
ward them to Annapolis." There are numerous references to prisoners in 
Wilmington in the Official Records, Series II, VIII, but no mention is 
made of a fire. This again is prime material for gossipmongering and ex- 
aggeration, and it could be that some such incident occurred. There are, 
of course, the generally known facts that most of Wilmington west of 
the Cape Fear River was burned in December, 1864, and that much cot- 
ton and military stores were burned just preceding the surrender. Official 
Records, Series II, VIII, 289. 

The Letters of Stephen Chaulker Bartlett 83 

necticut men. Write soon and send postage stamps as I cannot 
get them here 

Yours S C Bartlett upon USS Lenapee 
Wilmington N, C. 
You will find illustration of Cape Fear River fight in Harper's 
Weekly & Frank Leslies' Paper of March 11 & 18 but they do 
not look much like anything I have seen. From Ft Strong I 
counted 70 new made graves. 

April 4, 1865 

Wilmington, N. C. 
My Dear Sister; 

Yours of March 11 is reed and papers. I see that Edis Pal- 
ladium ree'd my papers which were sent to them. I am at the 
Naval Hospital most of the time. It is pleasantly located on 
second street, surrounded by pleasant grounds and shade trees. 
There are also a variety of flowers. There are large rooms and 
it is well adapted for the sick. The house was owned by Margaret 
Davis, a wealthy lady and was deserted. I am now Senior Sur- 
geon and in charge of the Hospital. There are two surgeons with 
me and I have nurses. The "Lenapee" is Flag Ship now and we 
have a new Commander, Thomas S. Phelps, the fourth since 
we came out. I am very fortunate in being on this vessel. As 
you know it is general headquarters of the fleet and I hear of 
all that transpires. Captain Phelps is a nice man and a gentle- 

I wish you could come to Wilmington and see all the sights. 
I think Walter would use his eyes out he would see so much. 
If he were here I would take him down to Fort Strong. There 
he would see the heavy guns, some of them dismantled. He 
would see the ground torn up and houses completely riddled 
by our shot and shell. He would see Rebel graves and in the 
magazines he would still find stacks of rebel ammunition which 
has not been removed. By way of amusement the other day 
some officers and myself took a shell out and put it in a house 
nearby and set it off, I tell you it made a noise and things fly 
around generally. I found a box of rebel tourniquets some of them 
with blood on and I shall send them home some time. Our offi- 
cers are still engaged in removing obstructions from the river 
and there are still torpedoes and a transport was sunk by one 
of them the other day. 

The Enemy sent down 200 one night when we were engaging 
Fort Strong and as they passed we sank them with our rifles. 
I have had some narrow escapes in the river below here, and 
I hope to live to come home sometime to relate particulars. 

84 The North Carolina Historical Review 

I am somewhat deaf yet from cannonading. Both of our 100 lbs 
were cracked and are unfit for use. we are to have new ones 
soon. We send picket boats up the River often and they bring 
us fresh meat etc. 

Wilmington was once a beautiful city but now it is not very 
attractive. There are many fine mansions. Some of them are 
deserted and in ruins. I was in a large house to-day. the Negroes 
were breaking up chairs and tables for firewood, books were 
lying on the floor, and marble top tables broken-If you wish any 
relics I could find any quantity of them. 

I have made many acquaintances here and some very wealthy 
people. I am called to see sick people. I take no pay but have 
received some presents from them. I am attending upon a young 
lady who has Typhoid Fever and hope she will recover. Her 
people are very wealthy and place much confidence in me. 

Many of the people are dying of fever which has assumed an 
epidemic form. Spares no one rich or poor. A poor woman sent 
for me to see her child which was dying but I was so completely 
worn out that our Officer said that I should not go, that I must 
take care of myself and the crew first -if I went it would do 
no good so I did not go. 

Chaplin Jacob Eaton of T Conn, died of fever; he was sick 
but four days. Four army surgeons have died within a week, 
one of them head surgeon. Men drop down there lips become 
black, tongues swell and protrude from there mouths, and 
they become delirious and die. There is but little help for one 
if he gets down. Two officers from the "Maratanza" are sick. 
One of them, Lieutenant Taylor, is from New Haven and is ac- 
quainted with many people that I know. I have lost three men 
from fever but have many sick. 

The boy Clover is in our Hospital. He has got the itch and 
I see him every day. I told him that I was from No. Guilford 
and he seemed glad to see me. 

You have no idea of the misery and suffering here. There 
are thousands of people, refugees from South Carolina, hungry 
and naked. Some of them were once wealthy and prominent 
people. Thousands of Contrabands in same condition. I had no 
idea of the calamity of War until now, one must see to know 
and feel. 

Your affectionate brother 
A.A. Surgeon U S N 

USS Lenapee Wilmington, N.C. 

You need not send New York papers as I can get them here 
now, but write often as I am anxious to hear from home. How 

The Letters of Stephen Chaulker Bartlett 85 

is Father now? Does Sam Dudley attend Legislature this Spring? 

"me - a gay and festive cuss" 

April 14, 1865 
USS Lenapee 

Wilmington, N. C. 
My Dear Sister; 

Yours of March 28 is on hand and gave me much pleasure. 
In fact all letters from home are interesting and if you only 
knew with how much interest I watch every mail and the con- 
tents of the mail bag as it is emptied upon our table, for all 
mail first comes on board the Flag Ship and then is distributed 
through the fleet, you would write often. 

The sickness is on the decrease and cases are not so malig- 
nant as at first. I have had several cases of fever. Commander 
Phelps and our Executive officer and Mate have all been attacked 
and have been under my treatment. Also many of our crew 
have been sick. So you see that I have great responsibility 
resting upon me. And that practice of medicine is a real thing 
with me. I am also gaining much experience which will be of 
much value to me whenever I settle down to private practice. 
As the Lenapee is Flagship I am often called to see sick on the 
various transports which come in every day. I attended the 
sick on the General Lyon when she was here, and Captain Ward 
took dinner with us. He is from New Haven and I was well 
acquainted with his family. I sent some things home by him. 
I have written to his friends It is very hot weather here but we 
keep up our awnings and are in the shade. I wish you could see 
our Hospital and the beautiful flowers and the various shade 
trees. We have several fig trees and the small figs are just com- 
ing out. We have many kinds of roses and a man who keeps 
everything in order. 

Most of the wealthy people are leaving, some to Europe others 
to New York. All who have means will leave for there is very 
little business here. The War has nearly ruined everything. The 
Plantations are all deserted, and also the niggers are too inde- 
pendent to work. They are very lazy and with the idea of free- 
dom they think they are free from work. We have a Negro 
family living in one of our buildings at the hospital, and I or- 
dered him to harness his horse and dray and bring us some 
wood from the wharf. He wished to know what I would pay 
him for it. I told him to get up wood immediately if not I would 
take his horse and dray from him and when he brought the 
wood up to come to me for pay. He brought the wood up and 

86 The North Carolina Historical Review 

was announced to my presence for pay. I just informed him 
when he paid rent for staying at the hospital I would pay him 
for his service. 

The Lenapee fired a salute of 100 guns when we heard of the 
evacuation of Richmond and we made a larger display of flags. 
The cars are running to Goldsboro and I think that the road 
will be open to Charleston soon. I think I will take a trip to 
Goldsboro soon just to see the country. There was a theatre 
last night for the benefit of sick soldiers and some of the first 
people in town were present. Among them I saw General Haw- 
ley and wife, General Abbot, General Dodge and many other 
distinguished persons. There were many naval officers present 
and made a large display of gold lace for you know that the 
naval uniform is more gay than that of the army. Most of the 
officers were present with Ladies, and I must say that my fair 
one was as pretty as they make them down this way. Our First 
Lieutenant told me that she was the most stylish lady present. 
I can say that she was of one of the first families in the city 
and perhaps one of the wealthiest. 

I expect to go on a picnic next week down to the seashore 
with a company of ladies and gentlemen. I have had many invi- 
tations to parties and balls but have had little time to attend 
them all, but now as the sickness is on the decrease shall have 
more time. Write soon 

Your affectionate brother 
S.C.Bartlett USN 

Naval Hospital 
Wilmington, N. C. 
April 30, 1865 
My Dear Brother; 

I have just received letters from home of April 4th and 11th, 
and also of January 25th with papers. You need not send New 
York papers as they can be obtained here. The Lenapee still 
lays at the foot of Chestnut St. while on the other side you 
will see the Charleston depot broken down now and buildings 
in ruins. The road is not open yet but will be soon and then I 
will take a trip to Charleston. 

We heard of the assasination of President Lincoln and all 
the Army and Navy officers are in mourning. Johnston has sur- 
rendered his army, and it is said that his army will come to 
Wilmington to be disbanded. Sherman is expected in this city 
soon and will come on board our ship, for all distinguished 
officials visit the ship. A salute will be fired. 

The Letters of Stephen Chaulker Bartlett 87 

The sickness is on the decrease now although I have several 
men sick -and I can see that the climate has a great influence 
upon the men. All sickness assumes Typhoid tendencies. I must 
exert myself to prevent fever at first for if a man is sick two 
days there is great danger of fever. This is a fine place for the 
practice of medicine. And one cannot help but learn for you 
will see sick on every hand. But the terrible sickness is passed 
and you have no idea of the suffering sickness and death which 
has been here. It neither spares Youth, Old Age, Citizen and 
Soldier ; in fact all attacked died and many even the second day 
of sickness. In one week seven army surgeons died and the chief 
medical director. This is passed and now we are expecting Yel- 
low Fever when the season arrives. But it can be no worse than 
the sickness we have just passed through. 

Wilmington is not a very pleasant place, there are two things 
which I dislike — the hot sun and the sand, for there are not 
many shade trees. There are many fine buildings here and 
most of the stores are open. You do not see that enterprise as 
in the North and I do not believe that the people are true to the 
Union. There are a large number of Niggers here, and I am 
utterly disgusted with them. They are lazy, dirty, good for noth- 
ing set. They have all left their masters and will not work. Many 
of them are sick and dying. Several Ladies from the North 
have just arrived and opened schools for them. The southern 
ladies do all their own work now, and many a young lady is 
having to cook and wash etc., but yet they find time to flirt 
with Yankee officers. 

The War is now closed but I do not know how soon I can 
come home, perhaps soon. This ship may remain at this place 
for a long time yet, as she is just in commission and a regular 
built naval vessel: but as our Captain is anxious to go North, 
I think he will use his influence to leave this place. I hope so for 
I do not wish to remain here all summer. 

Write soon and let me know all the news. How is Father now ? 
I hope he is not working himself to death, George. I have not 
heard from him. You or he should study for the pulpit. Do you 
hear from Malina? Perhaps it would be wise to take him on to 
N.G. on a visit if the war ends. I think the hospital will be 
broken up. I hear from my N.H. friends quite often. 

Your affectionate brother 
S.C. Bartlett USN 

88 The North Carolina Historical Review 

May 8 th 1865 

U SSt "Lenapee" 
Wilmington N C 
Dear Brother 

Your letter of Apr 22 d is at hand. I write in a hurry as our 
Pay master will leave for the North and will take this letter. 
Things are about the same as usual. I doubt that I can write 
anything of interest. I have many sick on my ship and it takes 
all my time. I do not know when I can come home. I wish to 
leave this miserable place. Enclosed please find what was taken 
for my picture. 

Write soon 

Your aff Brother 

S. C. Bartlett A A Surg USN 


U S Str "Lenapee" 
Wilmington N C 
May 17 th 1865 
Dear Brother 

Your letter of 4 th inst is received with papers. I think I will 
receive letters more regular now as a line of steamers will run in 
a few days regularly. The City is full of Rebs from Johnstons 
army They look mean enough in their dirty gray uniforms. 
General Sherman passed through here the other day. I saw 
him and as he came aboard the ship fired a salute. 

It is very warm here just such weather as we have in July at 
the North. White people do not pretend to go out much except 
morning and evening but you will see plenty of darkies lying 
around in the Sun, enjoying themselves as free and enlightened 
citizins as they think themselves now, for you know that slavery 
is done away with here and the old Master cannot get any 
thing done unless he pays them for it. I would not make Wil- 
mington a place of resident for life if the most splendid man- 
sion was given me, and I shall rejoice when my time comes to 
leave this place. I spend most of my time at the Hospital. I have 
many sick to attend to and it requires all my time. Typhoid 
Fever, Billious Fever remittent and every other form of Fever 
is common here and if I remain here all summer I shall be 
posted on Fever. I was sorry to see my name in the paper and 
do not thank the one who put it in. 23 This is only a Temporary 

23 At first glance, this would cause one to conjecture that Dr. Bartlett 
had received some special recognition in regard to his work. It seems 
more likely that he was genuinely embarrassed by the over-zealous effort 
of a newspaper reporter to expand him to heroic proportions, since Stephen 
Chaulker is not among the numerous Bartletts listed in the index volume 
of the Official Records. 

The Letters of Stephen Chaulker Bartlett 89 

Hospital and I am not detached from the ship. This was estab- 
lished merely to accommodate what few sick we had on ship 
at the time. As to the appointment that is nothing as I was on 
the Flag Ship it devolved upon me to take charge of the Hos- 
pital. The Maratanza Yantic and other vessels have gone down 
the river to look out for the "Stonewall." 24 Blackberries are 
ripe now and we have them on table every day. You will have 
to wait till August before you can get them. I would like to be 
at home by that time and help pick them. Will you send my white 
vest: also my prescription Book you found in New Haven by 

S C Bartlett A A Surg 
U S S "Lenapee" 

Wilmington N. C. 


U S S "Lenapee" 
Wilmington N. C. 

^ „. , June 22 nd 1865 

Dear Sister- 
Letters from home have been received up to the 12 th inst. and 
my Note Book. My vest has not arrived yet. You seem desirous 
that I should come home but see little hope of leaving this place, 
the land of cotton negroes and resin yet. The NAB&SAB 25 
Squadrons have been united and reduced from 400 vessels to 90 
and we are as yet left, the others all gone North, but as all 
ports are open on the 1 st of July I hope we may even change 
location which at present not desirable: as mail leaves soon I 
must write Good Night. 

Write soon and often 
Your aff Brother 

S C Bartlett A A Surg USN 


My Dear Sister Wilmington N C July 17 1865 

Yours of July 12 is recev'd. 
We have just arrived from Smithville, 26 which is near Ft. Cas- 

24 The "Stonewall," a little known Confederate raider, was obtained and 
released through negotiations with the Danish government. William P. 
Roberts, "James Dunwoody Bullock and the Confederate Navy," The 
North Carolina Historical Review, XXIV (July, 1947), 315-366. 

25 North Atlantic and South Atlantic Blockading. See the letters of 
January 15 and 26, of this article. 

26 Present day Southport. Federal Writers' Project, North Carolina Guide, 

90 The North Carolina Historical Review 

well. We have just been down to breathe the fresh June sea 
air: and I am very sorry that we cannot remain there: for 
you have no idea of the heat in Wilmington. Not one breath of 
air. The Therm, stands 105 in the Pilot House. I have many 
sick and will have all summer: many of my men have been 
down with the fever as well as Officers. As yet I have not seen 
a sick day: never enjoyed better health but if I am to remain 
in this place and work as a Slave as I have done I shall be play- 
ed out 

Your Brother 

S C Bartlett A A Surg 
U. S. S. "Lenapee" 


Wilmington N C 
July 29 th 1865 
Dear Sister 

As I have been at work all the time and had my hands full I 
have found but little time to devote to myself. I cannot write 
you any news for we have the same hot air we had months ago. 
105 in the pilot house 98 under the hurricane deck. We are 
lying in the river which is quite narrow: the city on one side 
and one vast malarial Swamp on the other and above us the 
hot Sun with not one breath of air. I have a large number of 
sick men as well as Officers: our Commander has been quite 
sick but is better : in fact all have been sick but myself. I have 
many cases of Jaundice and all the crew are yellow as well as 
myself. It is very sickly in Wilmington although the City paper 
denies it: however we have no Yellow Fever yet but the fever 
we have is about as bad : most of my men have chills and Fever. 

I was not aware I had such a constitution as I have. I have 
not taken one dose of medicine and do not intend to although 
I give calomel by the spoonful to others. I wish I could write 
something about coming home: I cannot see that at present: 
our ship is bound to remain here for some time yet. I wish you 
would send me a paper containing a list of graduates at the 
Medical School: and do write every week as your letters do so 
much good: give me all the news: is Lois Fowler married: 
Where is Cornelia Fowler and do you hear from New Haven. 

Write soon 

Your aff Brother 

S C Bartlett A A Surg USN 

The Letters of Stephen Chaulker Bartlett 91 

"USS Lenapee" 
Wilmington N. C. 
August 9th 1865 
My Dear Sister ; 

It is now some time since I have heard from home. I hope 
you are all well and to hear from you soon. I have not written 
of late for the reason that my professional duties occupy most 
of my time. 

The hot weather still continues but I am used to it now and 
can stand it as well as the natives. I think that I can live in any 
climate without fear of sickness. I have not been sick a day 
although I have been among fever and with sick daily. 

I have had much sickness on the ship mostly intermittent, 
billious, and Typhoid fever. I ordered the ship to Smithville 
a pretty little town near Ft. Caswell by the seashore, but we 
remained there but one week on account of so much fighting 
among the negroes and whites. There is a row all the time 
between them and someone is shot daily. We are obliged to 
remain at Wilmington to keep things quiet. While at Smithville 
I visited Ft. Caswell and many places of interest. Wilmington 
has changed much. The wharves are loaded with cotton, resin, 
turpentine, and the river full of shipping. Railroad communica- 
tion is open to all points north and south. The sickly season is 
now at hand but it is far less sickly now than in the Spring. I 
would not advise northern men to come here at present for all 
who come are sick. 

You do not see any old men here. I believe they all die before 
the age of fifty. Such a yellow looking set of people you never 
saw, not like the healthy looking people North. If Wilmington 
is the sunny south I do not wish to live in it. I much prefer 
the cold North. 

Tell Walter that alligators are quite common here. Our men 
killed one fifteen feet long. I have been living on figs of late. 
They are in abundance and very fine to eat. There many kinds 
of fruits here. 

I do not know when I can come home but I think that it will 
be soon, for many surgeons who have been on leave are ordered 
now to relieve those who have been on duty. I think that they 
will give me a leave of absence soon, as I have been at work a 

92 The North Carolina Historical Review 

long time and in a sickly place. Write soon and give me all the 
news. Who graduated at the Medical College this term? 

Your affectionate brother 

A.A.Surgeon U.S.N. 
U.S. Steamer Lenapee 


U S S "Lenapee" 

Smithville N C Aug 29 1865 
My Dear Sister 

You will see we have changed our location to off Smithville 
which is a pretty little place by the seaside: from our ship we 
can see the mounds of Ft. Fisher 10 miles distant : in the other di- 
rection we can see Ft. Caswell. I ordered the ship down here 
on account of sickness; most of our crew have intermittent 
Fever and Billious remittent, lying in the river at Wilmington 
and near the rice fields has caused much sickness among us. 
In the City of Wilmington during the last two months 500 
children have died beside older persons. I would not advise a 
newly married people to come here if they wish to raise children. 
We have lots of clams and fish of all kinds Tell Walter I fish 
from the Rebel iron clad N Carolina 27 which is sunk near us 
but most of the decks are out of water. 
Direct your letters to Wilmington N. C. 

Your aff Brother 

S C Bartlett A A Surg US Navy 

27 The "North Carolina" was a Confederate ironclad ram constructed in 
1862 and should not be confused with the ship of the same name mentioned in 
footnote 1. It was later anchored off Smithville, where it was "gradually 
destroyed by the teredo, or sea-worm, and sank at her moorings." Sprunt, 
Chronicles, 479. 


The Raleigh Register, 1799-1863. By Robert Neal Elliott, Jr. 
(Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 1955. 
Pp. vii, 133. $1.25.) 

It is no easy task to go through the files of an old news- 
paper and extract from its pages a clear story not only of 
the publication itself, but also of its relation to the times in 
which it served. 

Mr. Elliott has done this admirably. In so doing, he makes 
a valuable contribution to the preservation and clarification 
of the history of the state. Its value is enhanced in view of 
the fact that The Raleigh Register was the most influential 
newspaper in North Carolina during the ante-bellum period. 

Founded in 1799 to combat Federalism in North Carolina 
The Register was launched by Joseph Gales, an immigrant 
printer, who "brought to North Carolina all the zeal and ex- 
perience of a crusading editor." 

Under the direction of founder Gales and later of his 
son, Weston, The Register set the tone for a large segment 
of the state press for nearly half a century. The paper be- 
came the leading advocate of Jeffersonian principles in the 

With the death of Weston Gales in 1848, The Register 
passed into the youthful hands of a third Gales. It soon 
began to slip downward and in 1856 it was sold to an out- 
sider, John Syme. In 1863 it was removed to Petersburg, 
Va., where it continued as The Petersburg Register. 

This study, a Ph.D. dissertation in the Department of His- 
tory at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, is 
Volume 36 of the James Sprunt Studies in History and 
Political Science. 

George W. McCoy. 



94 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Duke University Library, 1840-1940, A Brief Account with Rem- 
iniscences. By Joseph Penn Breedlove. [Library Notes, no. 30, 
April, 1955] (Durham, North Carolina : The Friends of Duke 
University Library. 1955. Pp. vi, 81.) 

When the author of this volume recalled to his memory 
his own experiences during his more than forty years service 
as librarian of Duke University he must have marveled at 
the tremendous growth of the institution during the last ten 
years of his active connection with the institution. One is 
amazed that a small college library can be built into a library 
ranking with the best in so short a time. 

This is a record of one hundred years. The first fifty years 
seems to have been mainly a rivalry between two, or perhaps 
three, societies in building up their libraries. When the in- 
stitution now known as Duke University had been in exis- 
tence for nearly fifty years there "were only two small libra- 
ries . . . and they belonged to the two literary societies." Mr. 
Breedlove introduces the evidence to show that Union In- 
stitute Society did give the matter of a library consideration 
as early as 1840, and that Trinity College did have a small 
library in 1860. When John Franklin Crowell was elected 
president of Trinity College in 1887, he persuaded the three 
societies on the college campus to combine their books with 
the college library to form a better unit. According to his 
own statement he cataloged every book in them with his 
own hands. Trinity College was moved to Durham in 1892 
and the first year in Durham seems to have been a lean one 
for the library. 

President Crowell made a beginning for the library but 
it was under the administration of John C. Kilgo that the 
first significant development was made. The first librarian 
was appointed shortly after Kilgo was appointed President 
in 1894 and President Kilgo showed that he had a sincere 
interest in the development of the library. He was responsible 
for the increase of the library collection through many gifts. 

Mr. Breedlove was appointed librarian in 1898, and in 
June, 1900, it was announced that James B. Duke had pre- 
sented funds with which to build a library building. The 
new building was ready in December, 1902, and at the in- 

Book Reviews 95 

sistence of President Kilgo the librarian went on vacation 
with the assurance that Kilgo would supervise the moving 
of the library collection into the new building. The presi- 
dent supervised the first couple of loads, turned the job 
over to colored labor, and went hunting. Needless to say, 
Mr. Breedlove returned to find the books in a state of con- 
fusion. This experience was in contrast to the orderly re- 
moval Mr. Breedlove tells about when the library was moved 
to a new building in 1927, and then to the present building 
in 1930. 

One is impressed by the way the author keeps his own 
contributions in the background and points up those made 
by others such as Presidents Crowell, Kilgo, and Few, as 
well as Benjamin Powell, Lilliam Griggs, William R. Roafe, 
William Boyd, Eric Morrell, and Harvie Branscomb— to men- 
tion only a few about whom Mr. Breedlove tells. 

Special chapters are devoted to The Woman's College 
Library, The Law School, and The Hospital Library, all of 
which are coordinated libraries, and The School of Religion 
and Departmental libraries which are a part of the General 

Three appendices are devoted to the tabulation of statistics 
for the years 1930-1940, a directory of library personnel from 
1864 to 1954 (apparently), and faculty committees from 
1890 to 1952. The organization of The Friends of Duke Uni- 
versity Library as of 1954 is given on the inside of the back 

Wendell W. Smiley. 

East Carolina College, 

The Biltmore Story. By Carl Alwyn Schenck. (St. Paul, Minn: 
American Forest History Foundation, Minnesota Historical 
Society. 1955. Pp. ix, 224. Illustrated. $3.95.) 

Dr. Carl Alwyn Schenck, who served as forester for George 
W. Vanderbilt, has preserved for us in his memoirs his recol- 
lections of the beginning of forestry in this country, and an 
account of life at the famous Biltmore Estate as he saw it 
from 1895 to 1909. 

96 The North Carolina Historical Review 

He arrived at Biltmore during the early development 
period, before the "huge castle" had been completed. He was 
charged with the responsibility of placing under manage- 
ment the primitive forested portion of the property, some 
120,000 acres. His were pioneer efforts to practice the busi- 
ness of private forestry in America. Meanwhile his forester 
contemporaries, Gifford Pinchot and B. E. Fernow, were 
establishing public forests. 

Schenck tells of meeting many important visitors and re- 
lates his impressions of authors, diplomats, and college presi- 
dents; of mountaineers and notables; of moonshiners and 
scientists. In so doing he shows that he was a keen observer 
and a careful chronicler. 

His story of the establishment of the first forestry school in 
America in 1898 is of interest to educators as well as foresters. 

Financial reverses led to the disposal of the Pisgah Forest 
area and to the closing of the Biltmore House. 

At about this time Schenck broke with Vanderbilt. Ousted 
from his school headquarters, he continued a peripatetic 
school for several more years, traveling and instructing his 
students at many places in this country and abroad where 
forest practices could be observed to advantage. 

Lack of interest in his practical lumbering-forestry school, 
combined with competition from Cornell's four-year under- 
graduate school and Yale's graduate school of forestry, 
brought about the closing of the Biltmore Forest School in 

The author has written in a lively, entertaining manner, 
and Ovid M. Butler has done a capable job of editing his 
material. A carefully compiled index adds to the usefulness 
of the book. 

Lenthall Wyman. 

North Carolina State College, 


Book Reviews 97 

The Colonial Records of South Carolina. The Journal of the 

Commons House of Assembly, February 20, 1744 — May 25, 

1745. Edited by J. H. Easterby. (Columbia: South Carolina 

Archives Department. 1955. Pp, xi, 626. $12.50.) 

The proceedings recorded in this fourth volume of the 

South Carolina Commons House Assembly continues the 

same excellent standards that have characterized the earlier 

publications. This volume covers the second part of the 

Journal of the House which served the three years following 

its election in 1742. 

The House was concerned primarily with domestic legisla- 
tion except for the election of William Bull, Jr., as speaker. 
The usual legislative topics included such items as the an- 
nual appropriations acts, public improvements, and govern- 
mental operations. The most interesting matters included 
questions of quit rents, quarantine, debts and debtors, in- 
creased bounties on silk, cotton, indigo, and other products, 
illicit trade between state ports and the Spanish colonies, and 
an election law ( later disallowed by the King ) which in- 
creased the qualifications of both voters and members of the 
House and reduced the term for the general assembly from 
three years to two. In general, relations between the Assembly 
and the Governor and his Council were harmonious, although 
there were constant struggles for power between the two 

One of the most pressing problems concerned the growing 
threat of war and attack from Spain and France. A confer- 
ence was held to draft plans to strengthen the Charles Town 
fortifications and to encourage the Creek Indians to attack 
the French garrison at the Alabama Fort (Ft. Toulouse). 
Peter Henry Bruce, Royal Engineer, was dispatched to com- 
plete the fortifications, but his plan was considered beyond 
the colony's financial ability, and the British government was 
asked to dispatch additional troops and ships. 

This series, ably edited and accurately indexed, continues 
to provide rich materials for economic, social, military, and 
political history of the colonial period. It will always be of 
absorbing interest to the specialist. 

Ball State College, Horace W. Raper. 

Muncie, Indiana. 

98 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Letters of William Gilmore Simms. Collected and edited by 
Mary C. Simms Oliphant, Alfred Taylor Odell, and T. C. 
Duncan Eaves. Volume IV, 1858-1866. (Columbia: University 
of South Carolina Press. 1955. Pp. xxv, 643. $8.50.) 

The fourth volume of the correspondence of William Gil- 
more Simms is of less interest to the purely literary scholar 
than the others have been, but it is of greater interest to the 
historian. It covers the period from just before the outbreak 
of the Civil War through the first year of reconstruction. 
Since Simms was a close friend of Senator James H. Ham- 
mond and of Congressman William Porcher Miles and was 
a respected adviser to both of them on matters of Confede- 
rate policy, constitutional formation, and military defense, 
these letters are unusually rich in the portrait they draw of 
the state of mind of a Southern man of letters flinging himself 
into the cause of the Confederacy, only to see that cause 
consistently imperiled (as he thought) by bad leadership 
and finally destroyed by military failures. 

These were years of personal tragedy for Simms. During 
this period the death of his wife and of four of his children, 
the destruction twice by fire of his plantation home, "Wood- 
lands," and the collapse of the cause to which he gave his 
unqualified allegiance took place. His literary work came 
almost to a standstill during this time, only one novel, The 
Cassique of Kiaivah, being completed. Yet his continued 
correspondence with New Yorkers such as James Lawson, 
E. A. Duyckinck, and William H. Ferris demonstrates the 
extent to which he considered himself to be a portion of a 
confraternity of literary men who transcended sectionalism 
and even war itself in their devotion to a world of letters. 

The editing continues the extremely high level which has 
already been set for the series. It is done with such care and 
thoroughness that one repeatedly marvels at its excellence 
as he reads this volume. There is no longer any room for 
doubt that the addition of the fifth and final volume next 
year will bring to a triumphant conclusion one of the major 

Book Reviews 99 

scholarly tasks undertaken in the field of Southern life and 
letters in our century. 

C. Hugh Holman. 

University of North Carolina, 
Chapel Hill. 

Notes on the State of Virginia. By Thomas Jefferson. Edited 
and with an Introduction and Notes by William Peden. 
(Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 1955. 
Pp. xxv, 315. Folded map laid in. $5.00.) 

From the voluminous writings of the versatile Jefferson 
only one full length printed book emerged under his author- 
ship. This was his very important and highly controversial 
Notes on the State of Virginia, first printed in Paris in 1785, 
followed by an unsatisfactory French translation in 1786, 
and by the London edition put out by the well-known printer 
and bookseller, John Stockdale, in 1787. There were later 
editions and many reprints in the early years of the nine- 
teenth century and in 1853 there appeared the Randolph 
edition, produced by Jefferson's relative, Joseph W. Ran- 
dolph. Despite the continued interest in Jefferson there has 
been no new edition of the Notes since 1894 when Paul 
Leicester Ford's appeared, one hundred copies being then 
privately printed for the Historical Printing Club of Brooklyn 
while the Notes were also included in Ford's third volume 
of the Writings of Thomas Jefferson. Surely, after a period 
of sixty years a new and separate edition was needed and this 
need has been most satisfactorily met by William Peden, 
Professor of English at the University of Missouri. This new 
edition is published by the University of North Carolina 
Press for the Institute of Early American History and Cul- 
ture at Williamsburg, Virginia. 

In an excellent introduction of fifteen pages, Professor 
Peden recounts the genesis of the Notes and something of 
their subsequent history. The questionnaire from Marbois 
( not sent directly to Jefferson ) ; the formulation of Jefferson's 
answers by the end of 1781; Jefferson's doubts as to the wis- 
dom of publication because of his strictures on slavery, estab- 
lished religion, and the Virginia constitution; and the events 

100 The North Carolina Historical Review 

leading to publication in 1785, 1786, and 1787 are all detailed. 
There is no mention, however, of the first American edition, 
the pirated one of 1788, nor of the second American edition 
of 1794 printed for Mathew Carey. The Library of Congress 
Card Catalogue lists ten reprints or new editions between 
1800 and 1803 coming from the presses of Baltimore, Phila- 
delphia, Newark, New York, Boston, and Trenton. It would 
have been interesting to have had some account of these 
especially since the editor includes a pertinent paragraph 
on Federalist employment in these years of the Notes as a 
political weapon against their author. 

Jefferson long planned to revise the Notes and consequent- 
ly made numerous marginal corrections and additions in his 
personal copy of the Stockdale text of 1787. This annotated 
copy was acquired by the University of Virginia in 1938 and 
from it Professor Peden has made his new edition. The 
editing has been done with meticulous care throughout. An 
example is the correction of Jefferson's citation for the 
Odyssey (p. 288). Jefferson's original footnotes, his later 
additions and corrections, and the editor's notes are made 
cleary distinguishable. Unfortunately, except for the intro- 
duction, the current vogue for relegating footnotes to the 
back of the book has been followed by the publishers. In his 
own notes the editor has cited a wealth of recent monogra- 
phic material on the varied phases of Jefferson's activities. 
The Appendix of 1800 dealing with the controversy about 
the Mingo chief, Logan, is included (pp. 226-258) as is also 
Jefferson's revision of the Virginia map of 1781 made by his 
father and Joshua Fry. There is also an adequate index, the 
first one to be prepared for a separate edition of the Notes. 

This excellent new edition of a valuable work is rendered 
most serviceable for scholars and should be of interest to the 
layman in view of the manner "in which the lengthening 
shadow of Jeffersonianism . . . has left its mark on our land" 
(p. xxv ). The editor is correct in claiming that this is "a book 
for today." 

D. H. Gilpatrick. 

Furman University, 
Greenville, S. C. 

Book Reviews 101 

Early Days of Coastal Georgia. By Orrin Sage Wightman and 
Margaret Davis Cate. (St Simons Island, Georgia: Fort 
Frederica Association. 1955. Pp. 235. $6.00.) 

The title of this work has only a slight relation to its con- 
tent. There is a six-page essay on "The Historical Background 
of St. Simons Island"; but it is listed in the last line of a three- 
page table of contents and was not discovered by this reader 
until he had already covered the remaining 223 pages of the 
book. The book is essentially "a collection of pictures ... of 
Coastal Georgia scenes." About half of these pictures present 
remains or partial restorations of structures used in the 
colonial period. The others are photographs of individual 
Negroes and various objects indicating a unique and some- 
what primitive way of life among the descendants of Negro 
slaves who lived on and in the vicinity of St. Simons Island. 
The pictures seem to have been made over a period of 
several years and are not always clearly indentured as to 
their historical significance. 

Each of the full-page pictures exemplifies both the me- 
chanical perfection of modern photography and the skill 
developed by Dr. Wightman in his chosen hobby. Accom- 
panying each picture is a sketch prepared by Mrs. Cate. The 
only effort of unity or correlation is a loose arrangement 
according to location. Since many of the subjects are closely 
related there is considerable repetition in the sketches. The 
arbitrary rule of one page to each sketch evidently caused the 
author to include in some a certain amount of trivia and to 
curb her enthusiasm for interesting stories in connection with 
others. Extremely poor proof reading is made more obvious 
by the belated insertion of a partial list of errata. 

The book is noteworthy in two respects. In the first place, 
it is an example of the worthwhile contribution that can be 
made to the understanding of our cultural past by individuals 
and groups who might be properly designated as "hobby 
historians." With the recent growth of interest in relating 
localities to general historical development the old distinc- 
tion between amateurs and professionals in the field of his- 
story has lost much of its validity. It is to be hoped that the 

102 The North Carolina Historical Review 

new breed of hobbyists will allow their enthusiasm to be 
guided into productive channels by observing the basic men- 
tal discipline and forms of presentation developed by their 
professional co-workers. Though this book is entirely lacking 
in references and bibliographical data it was written with 
some attention to details of fact and to distinguishing be- 
tween fact and mere conjecture. In this respect it is an 
improvement over the average run of studies in local history. 

The book is also unique in devoting half its pages to 
pictures and using print merely to explain and interpret the 
pictures. There is room for an infinite variety of opinions 
on the value of this device. There can be no disagreement on 
the propositions that it preserves the appearance of historical 
remains that cannot themselves be preserved and it brings to 
the historical craft a useful ally in the photographer. 

Paul Murray. 

East Carolina College, 


Guide to the Manuscripts of the Kentucky Historical Society. 
By G. Glenn Clift. (Frankfort, Kentucky: Kentucky Histori- 
cal Society. 1955. Pp. iv, 185.) 

As a rule one of the first steps in bringing manuscripts 
under control is to prepare a guide, which ordinarily iden- 
tifies and describes records generally by collections or records 
groups. This particular work, however, might more aptly be 
called a calendar, inasmuch as it describes individual docu- 
ments. The holdings of the Kentucky Historical Society are 
not extensive, being "characterized by very small groups" 
that seldom contain more than five items. Unfortunately, 
many of the valuable manuscripts collected by the society 
from 1836 to 1880 have "found their devious ways into other 

The state, county, and municipal archives are included in 
one inventory along with private and unofficial manuscripts. 
One exception is that the Governor's archives (previously 
described in other publications of the Society) are not in- 
cluded. The entries are arranged alphabetically so that one 

Book Reviews 103 

may turn quickly to a desired item. Two noteworthy entries 
relate to a few papers of Henry Clay and J. J. Crittenden. 
Included also is a large group of land grants. 

This limited, multilithed publication, though not available 
to scholars generally, presumably will be available in a num- 
ber of libraries and records depositories. 

W. Frank Burton. 

Brown Summit. 

Early American Science: Needs and Opportunities for Study. 
By Whitfield J. Bell, Jr. (Williamsburg, Va. : Institute of Early 
American History and Culture. 1955. Pp. vii, 85. $1.25.) 

In 1952-1953 the Institute of Early American History and 
Culture held a series of conferences to consider needs and 
opportunities for research in hitherto neglected areas of 
colonial history. The present volume surveys the field of 
American science before 1820. In an introductory essay the 
author urges a wider study of this subject and suggests the 
following aspects of American science which need further 
consideration: biographies of individual scientists; histories 
of individual sciences; science education, the avenues by 
which scientific ideas were disseminated among colonial stu- 
dents as well as from Europe to America; popular concep- 
tions of science; and the interrelations of society and thought 
with early American science. 

As aids for such studies the author includes bibliographies 
for the history of science in America, a list of periodicals 
containing articles on that subject, and a list of fifty American 
scientists with selected bibliographies of their work. It is 
evident from this essay and painstaking bibliographical sur- 
vey that, though by 1820 American science had not come to 
maturity, its foundations had been laid. All students of Ameri- 
can civilization will agree with Mr. Bell that this is a signif- 
cant subject for research, and that much remains to be done 
yet before the complete story of it will be known. 

David L. Smiley. 

Wake Forest College, 

Wake Forest. 

104 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Constitutional Development in Alabama, 1798-1901 : A Study in 
Politics, the Negro, and Sectionalism. Volume XXXVII of 
the James Sprunt Studies in History and Political Science. By 
Malcolm Cook McMillan. (Chapel Hill: The University of 
North Carolina Press. Pp. viii, 412. $2.50.) 

In a very thorough and detailed volume Professor Mc- 
Millan chronicles the changes in the constitution of Alabama 
through six conventions, from the days of the rustic frontier 
to those of a semi-industrial order. He finds influences of 
great variety and scope controlling the evolution of the state's 
constitution and catalogs and analyzes these in systematic 
order. Especially influential were ideas freely borrowed from 
other states and the changing relations with the federal 
government (including the trials of secession and reunion). 
"The presence of the Negro in large numbers," maintains the 
author, "has been the most important factor in the constitu- 
tional history of the state." Certainly it was the most trouble- 
some factor. 

The state adopted its first constitution in 1819, with full 
white manhood suffrage and with apportionment of repre- 
sentation on the basis of the white population rather than 
the federal three-fifths ratio. In 1868 manhood suffrage, 
including Negroes but excluding many proscribed whites, 
was instituted, with total population as the basis of apportion- 
ment. In 1901 a new constitution practically eliminated the 
Negro vote, which had become a source of serious corruption, 
and greatly reduced the white vote. The author shows how 
the political problems of the Negro caused dissention in every 
convention and interfered with reasonable settlements for 
other problems. This was notably true of the Constitution of 
1901, which is still in effect, although amended approxi- 
mately a hundred times. He finds a distinct and lasting sec- 
tional conflict in the state, but is rather vague in defining 
"north Alabama" and "south Alabama" and in relating the 
sectional conflict to its geographical basis. The book is highly 
factual, and the author does not indulge extensively in sweep- 
ing conclusions. He does, however, tend to evaluate the 
constitutions of the state in terms of "democracy," which to 
him seems to have some positive moral value for its own 

Book Reviews 105 

sake— "democracy" being measured quantitatively as the per- 
centage of the people participating in elections. The reviewer 
is highly skeptical of this. 

The book contains somewhat less than the usual quota of 
misplaced commas, misspellings, obscurities, and thin spots 
and, in general, represents a good job of writing and publish- 
ing. It is well-documented and scholarly and will be of lasting 
value to historians as a reference book. 

James F. Doster. 

University of Alabama, 

University, Alabama. 

The Lost Account of the Battle of Corinth and Court-Martial 
of Gen. Van Dorn. By an unknown author. Introduction and 
informal essay on the battle by Monroe F. Cockrell. (Jackson, 
Tennessee: McCowat-Mercer Press. 1955. Pp. 78. Map and 
Illustrations. $1.50, paper.) 

As the title page indicates, this book is a potpourri of ma- 
terials concerning the campaign, the battle of Corinth and its 
participants. Mr. Cockrell, one of the students and enthusiasts 
of the 1861-1865 conflict comprising the Chicago Civil War 
Round Table, assembled this volume primarily to present a 
brief essay on the battle by an unknown author. First printed 
in 1899, only one copy of the pamphlet has survived to the 
knowledge of Mr. Cockrell. This he located in the attic of a 
farmhouse near the City of Corinth. The unknown author's 
account is vividly and authentically written, with an obvious 
background of thorough study in the Official Records, and as 
he indicates, personal interviews with a score or two of par- 
ticipants and approximately fifty letters from others on the 

Following this battle account is a summary, also by the un- 
known author, of the proceedings of the Court of Inquiry 
that investigated the conduct of the Confederate commander 
at Corinth, Major General Earl Van Dorn. This is by com- 
parison much less a contribution since the complete proceed- 
ings of the court, exciting to read in their entirety, are in the 
Official Records (Series I, XVII, Part I, pp. 414-459), the 
unnamed source of the unknown authority. The complete 

106 The North Carolina Historical Review 

roster of Confederate forces engaged in the battle, also com- 
piled by the author, is inserted next and is probably no more 
of a contribution. A two page biographical sketch is then con- 
fronted dealing with Colonel W. P. Rogers, Confederate hero 
killed while leading his men to the top of the breastworks of 
Fort Robinette. The Colonel's own daughter contributed this 
not-always-objective statement. Mr. Cockrell's study of the 
Corinth contest concludes the volume and makes the con- 
tribution of defining the relation of the battle and auxiliary 
engagements to the war in the West. 

LeRoy H. Fischer. 

Oklahoma Agricultural and Mechanical College, 

Stillwater, Oklahoma. 

Jefferson Davis: American Patriot, 1808-1861. By Hudson 
Strode. (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co. 1955. Pp. xx, 460. 

In this newest biography of Jefferson Davis, Professor 
Hudson Strode of the University of Alabama has given the 
most intimate and interesting study of the Confederate 
President that has been made to date. In this, the first of 
two volumes, the author has taken issue with the usual text- 
book summarization— Davis "was not only a faulty politician 
but a cold human being and an irascrible, driven leader, who 
lacked the ability to steer the Confederacy to success"— and 
portrays Davis as a real and vital human being. Certainly, by 
the use of fresh, new and unpublished sources of private and 
personal family letters, he has succeeded in brightening the 
hitherto dim view of Davis's personal life. 

Young Jeff was born in a four-room log house in western 
Kentucky. His father, Samuel Emory Davis, had fought in 
the Revolutionary War in South Carolina and Georgia; and 
later, after having failed as a farmer near Augusta, moved his 
family first to Mercer and then to Christian County, Ken- 
tucky. Before the boy was two years old, however, the Davis 
family was on the move again. This time it was down the 
Mississippi River to Bayou Teche in Louisiana, and then to 
Wilkinson County, Mississippi. 

Book Reviews 107 

From the very beginning, young Jefferson was influenced 
by his older brother, Joseph, who saw great potentialities in 
the young boy and who throughout his life was solicitous of 
him. Mr. Strode has given us a keen insight into the formal 
education of the boy and of the personal relationships within 
the family. His schooling began in a Kentucky boy's school 
near Springfield, which was run by Dominican friars. Going 
to this school was quite a hazardous 700 mile trek for the 
seven-year boy up the Natchez Trace. Despite his two year 
stay, the Dominican fathers refused to indoctrinate him; in 
fact, Davis never felt inclined to join any church until he was 
past fifty and President of the Confederacy, at which time he 
became an Episcopalian. He later attended an academy near 
Natchez, and by the time he was thirteen he was considered 
ready for university life. 

Transylvania University was selected since it was consider- 
ed the best school west of Princeton. Davis made good grades 
in his work, was quite popular, and made many friends, in- 
cluding George W. Jones (later Senator from Iowa), Henry 
Clay, Jr., and Albert Sidney Johnston. In 1824, at only sixteen 
years of age, he accepted a commission to West Point al- 
though he had no interest in a military career. Despite his 
intelligence, Davis was not an outstanding cadet, for he 
refused to comply with the strict discipline of the school 
( 120, 70, and 137 demerits in his first three years ) and grad- 
uated twenty-third in a class of thirty-three. Included among 
his classmates were four future leaders of the Confederacy 
(Lee, Joseph E. Johnston, Albert Sidney Johnston, and 
Leonidas Polk) as well as five others who likewise became 
Confederate generals. 

Upon graduation, Jeff was assigned to duty at Jefferson 
Barracks in Missouri, and for the next seven years he was 
involved in Indian affairs, chiefly the Black Hawk War. He 
was considered by many to have a promising military career, 
although this was insufficient to win the father's approval of 
his first love affair. Mr. Strode's story of Davis's love for 
Sarah Knox Taylor is quite touching and poignant, for "Old 
Rough and Ready," Col. Zachary Taylor, did not consider that 
either a lieutenant's pay or Mississippi climate suitable for 

108 The North Carolina Historical Review 

a successful marriage. Davis consequently resigned his com- 
mission, and married Taylor's daughter in June, 1835, without 
her father's consent or presence. Three months later his wife 
was dead, and Davis's whole world collapsed about him. 
Overcome by grief, he was forced into seclusion. The loss of 
his wife changed his nature from a buoyant personality to 
that of a stoic— a fact that led to much misunderstanding in 
later years, especially when it was interpreted as disdainful 

Davis was virtually a recluse for the next seven years, and 
only through the tender proddings of his older brother, 
Joseph, was he brought back into an active life. He was 
given 1,800 acres of uncleared land to start his own planta- 
tion, Brierfield (lated to be involved in a legal suit due to 
cloudy title), and the use of his brother's extensive library. 
By his middle thirties, Davis had recovered his health, found 
a second wife (Varina Howell), and entered into a new 
career. In 1845 he was elected to the House of Representa- 
tives. With only six months service in the House, Davis re- 
signed his post to take command of a Mississippi regiment of 
troops in the Mexican War. He found himself under the com- 
mand of his former father-in-law, General Taylor ( now com- 
pletely reconciled) and distinguished himself at Monterey 
and Buena Vista. According to one biographer, "Davis won 
fame second only to General Taylor." 

Returning home in 1847, Davis was appointed to the 
United States Senate and until 1861 was a leader in national 
affairs. Mr. Strode does not hesitate to discuss the contro- 
versial issues of the day, but does so through the personal 
eyes of Davis. He discusses Davis's controversy with Clay over 
the Compromise of 1850; his grief over the death of President 
Taylor; service as Secretary of War; aid to Douglas on the 
Kansas-Nebraska Act; the 1860 split of the Democratic party; 
and secession. Probably Davis's greatest contribution was 
made while he served as Secretary of War under Pierce dur- 
ing which time his "reconnaissances of routes" for the pro- 
jected railways to the Pacific was suggested. 

Davis felt that the South was forced by necessity into 
secession; although he did not want it, he never doubted its 

Book Reviews 109 

constitutionality. All too clearly he saw the inevitable results, 
and said "Civil war has only horror for me." When his own 
state seceeded, he bade farewell to his fellow Senators with 
"no defiance, no bravado in the words— only the quiet deter- 
mination to play the manly part if forced to combat." 

Upon his return to Brierfield, Davis expected to serve the 
Confederacy through the command of armed forces, believ- 
ing that he could better serve in the military rather than in 
public administration. He felt he lacked the equipment of 
the practical politician and his wife Varina "knew he was 
both too sensitive and too high-toned for political scheming." 
Nevertheless, destiny pointed its finger at Davis, for on 
February 10, 1861, while he was helping his wife prune her 
rose bushes, he was informed that he had been elected to 
the presidency of the Confederacy. 

Having only four days to prepare his inaugural address 
Jefferson Davis arrived in Montgomery, Alabama, the capital, 
amidst applauding optimism with the inaugural band play- 
ing "I Wish I Was in Dixie." Thus, he faced his mountainous 
task— administering a country, without army or navy, to with- 
stand possible invasion. 

Mr. Strode does not discuss whether Davis was the man 
for the post. Possibly in the second volume he shall have to 
elaborate on Davis's statesmanship. 

Jefferson Davis makes a readable story in the vivid prose 
of Strode, but this reviewer doubts that it can rank with 
McElroy as the definitive study of the Confederate leader. 

Horace W. Raper. 

Ball State College, 

Muncie, Indiana. 

The Southern Claims Commission. By Frank W. Klingberg. 
(Berkeley: University of California Press. 1955. Pp. ix, 261. 

In spite of the fact that the Civil War continues to com- 
mand the studious attention of historians, it is not often that 
significant and previously unused materials form the core of 
such studies. Professor Klingberg's monograph, however, is 

110 The North Carolina Historical Review 

based on new sources of information found among the un- 
known and unused records of the Southern Claims Commis- 
sion scattered throughout government agencies in Washing- 
ton. From this fruitful mine of new material he has skillfully 
told the story of those Southern Unionists at the top economic 
level, and has traced their attempts to obtain compensation 
from a government to which many men of substantial means 
were loyal in the midst of war and revolution. 

The status of Southern Unionists, and especially of the 
large planters who remained loyal, was most difficult and 
confused throughout the war and the decade that followed. 
Loyalty to the Union demanded treason to the Confederacy, 
but even when such loyalty was admitted or established, 
compensation was very difficult, and for some years virtually 
impossible, to obtain. The claims of such Unionists were of 
indefinite legal status until the establishment of the Southern 
Claims Commission in 1871, and until that time furnished a 
testing ground especially in the courts, for the struggle be- 
tween private and public rights. For until 1871 claims were 
admissable, except for the difficult matter of private claims 
before Congress, only from states "not in rebellion," and the 
Southern Unionist was without a remedy, in spite of military 
receipts or executive promises, as Congress, through a num- 
ber of acts, had made residence the test of loyalty. The bill 
which eventually, on March 3, 1871, established the Southern 
Claims Commission was more of a sectional than a party 
measure, but it is clear that as Radical control of Congress 
was threatened, support for the measure increased under 
the persuasion that it was best to control what could not be 

Eight chapters of the total of eleven recount the story of 
the creation, organization, and the decade of operation of 
the commission authorized by the law of March 3, 1871. This 
act provided for the appointment of three commissioners by 
the president to receive and examine claims for quartermaster 
and commissary goods taken or furnished for the use of the 
army. President Grant promptly appointed to the commission 
three Radical Republicans of Whig lineage, who proceeded 
to set up rules and procedures which were strict but reason- 

Book Reviews 111 

able, and who at all times appear to have conducted the 
complicated business of the commission with fairness and 
decided ability. 

Ability was needed to administer the act, for confusion 
and uncertainty, by the nature of the business, was evident 
from the beginning. A rigid test of loyalty was devised and 
rigidly applied at first; an applicant's guilt was assumed until 
his innocence could be proved, and his Unionism must have 
been one of duration as well as of degree. The test of proper- 
ty caused other difficulties and necessitated eventual refine- 
ments of policies and procedures in the interests of justice. 

From the evidence furnished by the records of this com- 
mission many conclusions of interest and importance are 
made. This study is largely confined to Unionists from the 
seceded states who claimed amounts of $10,000 or more. Of 
a total of 22,298 claims, 701 were for amounts of $10,000 or 
more. Of these 701 claims, 191 were allowed as loyal and 
were paid in part, but the claimants received less than five 
million dollars of the more than sixty million claimed. In no 
sense did the Southern Unionist conduct a successful raid 
on the treasury. 

The large claimants are revealed to have come from every 
section and from every class, but the group under special 
study was concentrated in three large areas: the large planta- 
tion area in the rich river lands along the Mississippi River; 
the tidewater area of Virginia; and along the path of Sher- 
man's march in Tennessee and Georgia. The states of Vir- 
ginia, Louisiana, and Mississippi lead the roll in the number 
of successful applicants, furnishing 125 of the 191 claims 
allowed in part. The well-known areas of Union sentiment 
in the hill country of Alabama and Mississippi and in the 
Appalachian Highlands are sparsely represented in this study, 
because no large plantations flourished there, or because the 
Union armies did not penetrate there. 

From this study we learn something of the quantity as 
well as the quality of Southern Unionism. Professor Klingberg 
concludes that because of the limitations prescribed by stat- 
ute and by the rules of the commissioners "it is probable that 
for every man or woman who filed an honest claim, there 

112 The North Carolina Historical Review 

were at least four who, with equal qualifications of Unionism 
and property, failed to do so/' This seems to be a reasonable 

The records of the Southern Claims Commission furnish 
a wealth of social and economic information about the South 
during the war. Here is evidence concerning crops, prices, 
the plentifulness of supplies in the Confederacy, and of many 
other aspects of the war years. In short, in the words of the 
commissioners themselves, the testimony "presented a vivid 
and crowded panorama of the war in those sections that 
were the actual theaters of military operations." 

After the war, as well as during it, the Unionist is revealed 
as an ardent Southerner even if a Unionist; the Southern 
Claims Commission was never an agency for the subsidiza- 
tion of Republicanism in the South. Professor Klingberg con- 
cludes that the economic and political liquidation of the 
Southern Unionist was a failure in statesmanship. Northern 
Radicalism proved the secessionist right, at least in his fears, 
and tended to destroy such vestiges of Unionism as remained. 

Professor Klingberg has not merely presented his signifi- 
cant materials, but he has sifted them and analyzed them to 
logical and suggestive conclusions. He enables the reader 
to share these conclusions not only by his clarity of expres- 
sion, but by a map of the distribution of claims of $10,000 or 
more, and by eight tables and three appendixes, one of which 
consists of the standard eighty questions asked of each 
claimant or witness. 

Even in so good a book errors have crept in. Some are likely 
very largely mechanical errors, as where (p. 81) the middle 
initial of Senator "Parson" William G. Brownlow is incorrectly 
given. John C. Breckinridge is described as being a brigadier 
general in the Confederate army in the spring of 1861 (p. 13), 
whereas he was still a member of the United States Senate, 
attended the special session which opened in Washington on 
July 4, 1861, and was not commissioned by the Confederacy 
until November 2, 1861. But most curious of all is the con- 
fusing and incorrect statement (p. 10) that ". . . the first 
convention in North Carolina, called in November, 1860, 
voted strongly for the Union and, on its adjournment on 

Book Reviews 113 

December 22, made no provision for reconsidering this de- 
cision." There was no convention in North Carolina in No- 
vember, 1860, nor did the governor call an extra session of 
the convention, as is implied by the language of the next 
sentence on the same page. But errors such as these in no 
wise impair the validity of the conclusions of this study. 

Professor Klingberg has had something to say and has said 
it in excellent style. Faultlessly documented, thorough in 
research, valid in generalization, sound in interpretation, his 
study of the Southern Claims Commission is a model mono- 
graph of top rank. Every reader of this work will be pleased 
to know that the author has under way a wider study of 
Southern Unionism, and will doubtless be persuaded by this 
study that no one is better equipped to undertake it. 

Frontis W. Johnston. 

Davidson College, 


American Indians Dispossessed. By Walter Hart Blumenthal. 
(Philadelphia, Pa. : George S. MacManus Company. 1955. 
Pp. 200. $3.75.) 

The extinguishment of the Indians' rights to their lands 
constitues one of a dominant— though a somewhat neglected— 
phase of the history of our country. It furnishes many in- 
teresting comparisons with the practices of other countries 
in dealing with the native peoples inhabiting a domain which 
they claimed or over which they wished to extend their 
jurisdiction. The American Indian had little conception of 
the ownership of land. To him, land was like air and water- 
it was necessary to life itself— but it was not something to be 
sold or bought. This original concept of the Indian underwent 
an abrupt change, as the conquest of the American continent 
moved rapidly westward from the Atlantic seaboard. No less 
than 720 cessions of lands were secured from the Indian 
tribes in the period from 1784 to 1894. It seems unlikely that 
many of these cessions were made with the willing consent 
of the Indians. They put their marks to treaties which in- 
variably involved the relinquishment of land, but rarely did 

114 The North Carolina Historical Review 

they do so voluntarily. Few, if any land cessions were ever 
made by the Indians entirely of their own volition. 

The story of the dispossession of the Indians, in its multiple 
forms, will excite the sympathies of scholars and lay people 
alike. One of the latter group has given here for fellow lay- 
men a brief recital of some of the high lights of the fraudulent 
Indian land problem, a story of tragic elements with a strong 
mixture of bribery, coercion and chicanery. 

Gaston Litton. 

University of Oklahoma, 

Norman, Oklahoma. 

Woodrow Wilson. By H. Hale Bellot. (London, England: The 
Athlone Press. 1955. Pp. 22. $.50.) 

This may well be the finest single interpretative essay on 
Woodrow Wilson and his contributions to American political 
history. Dr. Hale Bellot, Professor Emeritus of American 
History at the University of London, has obviously studied 
Wilson's writings and speeches and read the vast body of 
literature bearing on him and his times. The result is a bril- 
liant synthesis and interpretation, sympathetic yet unencum- 
bered by adulation. The author thinks that Wilson was 
undoubtedly a great man; like some biographers of the war 
president, however, he is impressed and often puzzled by 
the contradictions between Wilson's profession and practice. 
Professional Wilsonians will not like Dr. Hale Bellot's candor, 
but historians will be grateful for his wisdom and under- 

Arthur S. Link. 

Northwestern University, 

Evanston, Illinois. 

Messages of the Governors of Tennessee, 1835-1845, Volume III. 
Edited by Robert H. White. (Nashville: Tennessee Historical 
Commission. 1954. Pp. x, 797. $4.00.) 

Tennessee had three governors during the period covered 
by Volume III of Messages of the Governors of Tennessee: 
Newton Cannon, 1835-1839, a Whig; James K. Polk, 1839- 

Book Reviews 115 

1841, a Democrat; and James C. Jones, 1841-1845, a Whig. 
The texts of their messages provide the core for Dr. White's 
volume, but the volume contains much more than a dry 
compilation of governors' messages and papers. Indeed, in 
this latter respect the title of the series being prepared is 
quite misleading, for the series relies on newspapers, govern- 
ment records and numerous other materials to supplement 
and explain the governors' messages. Dr. White is actually 
writing a political history of Tennessee; in the present volume 
he gives lengthy narrative and interpretative treatments to 
public issues such as banking, currency, internal improve- 
ments including railroads, the humanitarian movement, and 
education; and is making a distinct contribution to the study 
of his state's history. Since no altogether adequate history 
of Tennessee exists, White's over-all contribution (he has 
projected ten volumes covering governors' messages since 
the year 1796) is both notable and colossal. The Tennessee 
Historical Commission is to be congratulated for sponsoring 
such an undertaking. 

Tennessee was by no means a pivotal state in 1835-1845, 
but it was the home of Andrew Jackson and James K. Polk, 
and, therefore, its internal politics took on an importance all 
out of proportion to its national significance. General Jackson 
no longer held office, but he was still a powerful influence 
in his state and in the nation. He was, of course, no longer 
as influential as he had been. The Whig reaction in Tennessee 
to Jackson assumed national importance, however, and the 
state's experience of a Whig governor, a Democrat, and an- 
other Whig within a decade was watched closely by the 
United States. In fact, the Presidency of the United States 
was exchanged just as rapidly from 1840 to 1848. As Dr. 
White says, "In no other ten-year span of Tennessee's history 
have there been waged such partisan political contests." A 
leading reason for this conclusion is that the state possessed 
James Chamberlain Jones, the Whig, a demagogue of the 
first order, a crowd entertainer, and a person of very striking 
physical appearance. Like Abraham Lincoln, Governor Jones 
"cashed in" politically on his appearance, his homespun 
philosophy, and his joke-telling ability. Jones adopted or per- 

116 The North Carolina Historical Review 

haps instituted vote-getting tactics that were devastating to 
Polk; he was a most intriguing figure in the eyes of Tennes- 
seans and others; he abundantly deserves a full-length bio- 

Weymouth T. Jordan. 
Florida State University, 
Tallahassee, Florida. 

American Epoch. By Arthur S. Link. (New York: Alfred A. 
Knopf. 1955. Pp. xx, 724. $6.00.) 

American Epoch is a survey of the history of the United 
States since 1890. It is a challenging interpretation of the 
cultural, social, political, and economic history of this period, 
organized and written in a way that makes good reading. 
Mr. Link is perhaps too modest about his work when he says 
in the preface: "I have said very little that is new. Indeed, 
I will be satisfied if I have succeeded in assembling, assimi- 
lating, and organizing the excellent sources and literature of 
this period." The author has evaluated these sources and 
reached conclusions even on the most controversial issues. 
This adds zest to the book. In general, however, the author's 
interpretations and conclusions will be more palatable to 
liberals than to conservatives. The progressive movement and 
social justice get considerable attention. 

A few examples of interpretation will show the author's 
point of view: on the credit side of the Great Depression and 
the later policies of Hoover was a transition to "a larger 
measure of federal leadership" (p. 373); while the New Deal 
is seen as "the enactment of a program that marked the full 
flowering of the humanitarian-progressive movement . . ." 
(p. 403); the "TV A might well prove to be the New Deal's 
most important contribution . . ." (p. 432); if the United 
States had provided leadership from 1936 to 1939 war might 
have been prevented (p. 466); as to the Yalta agreements, 
"Roosevelt and Churchill . . . acted in the only manner that 
was historically possible" (p. 564). The American economy 
at the end of the Democratic era "was neither capitalistic nor 
socialistic, competitive nor monopolistic, business controlled 

Book Reviews 117 

nor laboristic. It was a 'mixed' economy, a combination of 
many elements . . . each appealing to the political power" 
(p. 602). Moreover, people of both parties like this "mixed" 
economy and look to the government to make it work (p. 
602). As to agriculture, the Brannan Plan is "farsighted and 
probably the best solution to the farm problem . . ." (p. 641). 
Truman gets approval for a "farsighted foreign policy" (p. 
626) and his "most significant contribution ... in extending 
the horizons and enlarging the goals of the American progres- 
sive movement" (p. 627). 

This book provides a means to a better understanding of 
American civilization since 1890. 

Hubert A. Coleman. 
East Carolina College, 


Dr Christopher Crittenden participated in a colloquium on 
"The Role of the Historical Society in Modern America," 
as part of the rededication ceremonies of the State Histori- 
cal Society of Wisconsin, Madison, October 7-8; attended 
the meetings of the Southeastern Museums Conference at 
Nashville, October 12-15; and also attended the meetings 
of the National Trust for Historic Preservation of which 
he is a member of the board of directors, at Nashville, 
October 20-22. 

At Raleigh, December 5, Dr. Christopher Crittenden and 
Mr. W. S. Tarlton spoke jointly before the Division Execu- 
tive Committee, United Daughters of the Confederacy, dis- 
cussing the State's historic sites program. 

Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Superintendent of the 
Department of Archives and History, represented the De- 
partment at the unveiling of the James W. Cannon historical 
highway marker near Charlotte on September 17; was the 
featured speaker at the annual dinner meeting on October 
10 of the Currituck County Historical Association; and ac- 
companied Mr. Norman Larson, Historic Site Specialist for 
the Alamance Battleground, to Burlington on October 26, 
where both met with the Alamance Historical Society and 
spoke to the group. Following the meeting those attending 
went out to the battleground and unveiled two historical 
markers. Plans are being worked out co-operatively between 
the local groups and the Department of Archives and His- 
tory for the further development of the battleground. On 
November 15 he spoke to the Julian S. Carr Chapter of the 
United Daughters of the Confederacy, Durham, on the res- 
toration of the Bennett House. 

Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museum Administrator of the De- 
partment of Archives and History, attended the Social Studies 
Conference on September 17, which was held at Duke Uni- 


Historical News 119 

versity; cut the ribbons at the museum's exhibit at the open- 
ing on October 10 of the Harnett County Bi-Centennial Cel- 
ebration; and was re-elected secretary-treasurer of the South- 
eastern Museums Conference which met on October 12-15 
in Nashville, Tennessee, to which meeting she was accompa- 
nied by Mrs. Dorothy R. Phillips and Miss Barbara Mc- 
Keithan. On November 29, Mrs. Jordan gave an illustrated 
talk on "Restoration in North Carolina" to the Johnston 
County Historical Society, and on December 3, she acted 
as hostess for the Department of Archives and History in 
conjunction with the Department of Public Instruction at 
a Junior Historian Workshop. On December 7, Mrs. Jordan 
gave a talk, "Myths and Legends," to the Twigg Book Club, 

Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Head of the Division of Publications of 
the Department of Archives and History, brought back from 
Gastonia on September 13 the records of the North Caro- 
lina Democratic Executive Committee during the time for- 
mer Governor R. Gregg Cherry was chairman (1938-1944). 
He also acquired the records of the Gaston County Ameri- 
can Legion Post. These records which have been presented 
to the Department require approximately twenty feet of 
storage space in the Record Center. On October 11, Mr. 
Corbitt attended the Duke University Commonwealth 
Studies Lectures in Durham; represented the Department 
on October 14 at the opening ceremonies of the Rowan Mu- 
seum, Incorporated, in Salisbury; spoke to the Baldwin fam- 
ily reunion at Ellerbe on October 16; and made a talk at a 
special meeting of the Wayne County Historical Society in 
Goldsboro on October 27. On November 4 Mr. Corbitt at- 
tended the meeting of the Historical Society of North Car- 
olina, accompanied by Mrs. Elizabeth W. Wilborn of his 
division; and on November 19 was present in Greenville at 
the unveiling of the plaque commemorating the Pitt Asso- 

The Executive Board of the Department of Archives and 
History held a meeting on November 18 at which time the 

120 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Director, Dr. Christopher Crittenden, and heads of the va- 
rious divisions made reports of activities for the past sever- 
al months. 

The American Association for State and Local History held 
its annual meeting in Williamsburg, Virginia, September 26- 
27. Members of the Department of Archives and History 
staff who attended were: Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Mr. 
D. L. Corbitt, Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, and 
Mrs. Dorothy R. Phillips. 

The Society of American Archivists met in Nashville, 
Tennessee, on October 9-11. Dr. Christopher Crittenden 
and Mrs. Julia C. Meconnahey of the Department attended 
the meetings. 

The Southern Historical Association held its annual meet- 
ing in Memphis, Tennessee, November 10-12. The Depart- 
ment was represented by Mr. D. L. Corbitt and Dr. Christo- 
pher Crittenden, who made a talk on "The State Archivist 
and the Scholar." 

Dr. Florian Beghart Rath, Director of Haus-, Hof-und 
Staatsarchiv, Vienna, was a guest of the Department of Ar- 
chives and History, October 13-14, where he visited and 
studied the work of the various divisions. Dr. Rath was on a 
tour sponsored by the United States Office of Education 
and was accompanied by an interpreter, Dr. H. M. Spitzer. 

The Tryon Palace Commission met in New Bern Nov- 
ember 2-3. Members of the Department of Archives and 
History staff who attended were Dr. Christopher Crittenden, 
Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, and Mr. W. S. Tarlton. 

The Town of Bath celebrated its two hundred-fiftieth an- 
niversary on October 1-4. "Queen Anne's Bell," a pageant 
by Mr. Edmund H. Harding of Washington, was presented 
on October 4 in a special waterfront theater. Members of 
the cast included Governor and Mrs. Luther H. Hodges as 

Historical News 121 

well as other state figures and a large group of local and 
county citizens. The Glebe House in Bath contained a his- 
torical display and special services were held at the churches 
for the occasion. A new book about Bath, A Historij of 
Colonial Bath, was written by Dr. Herbert R. Paschal, Jr., 
for the anniversary celebration. 

The regular fall meeting of the Historical Society of North 
Carolina was held at Duke University, Durham, on Novem- 
ber 4. At the business session the following officers were 
elected: Dr. W. P. Cumming of Davidson College, Presi- 
dent; Dr. Paul Murray of Greenville, Vice-President; and 
Dr. M. L. Skaggs of Greensboro, Secretary-treasurer. At the 
afternoon meeting Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Super- 
intendent of the State Department of Archives and History, 
spoke on the historic sites program; and Dr. Archibald 
Henderson of Chapel Hill gave a talk on the history of the 
Society. Following the dinner Dr. Robert H. Woody, Presi- 
dent of the Society, read a paper giving a preliminary eval- 
uation of the late Charles S. Sydnor. 

The annual meetings of the several cultural societies open- 
ed with the business session of the North Carolina State 
Art Society. The meetings which are held yearly by eight 
cultural groups began on November 30 and closed on De- 
cember 3. Dr. Robert Lee Humber, Greenville, was elected 
President of the Art Society to succeed the late Mrs. Katherine 
Pendleton Arlington of Warrenton, who had served the 
group as president for 25 years. Tributes were paid to Mrs. 
Arrington and also to W. T. Polk, both of whom until their 
deaths were active in the society's affairs. The four direc- 
tors who were elected to serve for two-year terms are: Mr. 
Gregory Ivy, Greensboro; State Auditor Henry Bridges 
Raleigh; Mrs. J. H. B. Moore, Greenville; and Mrs. Eliza- 
beth Mack, Charlotte. 

Officers elected at the board of directors' meeting which 
was held following the morning session were: State Treasur- 
er Edwin Gill, Raleigh, Executive Vice-President; Mrs. 

122 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Frank Taylor, Goldsboro; Mrs. John Allcott, Chapel Hill; 
and Mrs. Jacques Busbee, Steeds, all Vice-Presidents. Mrs. 
James Cordon, Raleigh, was re-elected Treasurer. Re-elect- 
ed to the executive committee were Dr. Clarence Poe, 
Raleigh; Dr. Clement Sommer, Chapel Hill; Dr. C. Sylvester 
Green, Winston-Salem; and Mrs. Isabel Bowen Henderson, 
Raleigh. Mr. Gregory Ivy, Greensboro, was elected to fill 
the vacancy created by Dr. Humber's election to the presi- 

The luncheon meeting for members and guests was pre- 
sided over by Attorney General W. B. Rodman, and Mr. 
Walter Sharp, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tennessee, 
made the address. 

The evening session which featured Mr. E. P. Richardson, 
Director of the Detroit Art Institute, as speaker, was pre- 
sided over by Dr. Robert Lee Humber. Purchase award 
winners announced were: Miss Margaret Crawford, Raleigh, 
a graduate student at the Woman's College, for her painting, 
"Painting"; Mr. George P. Arnold, Milton, "Sea and Rocks"; 
and Mrs. Edith London, Durham, for her ink drawing, 

Following the address a reception and preview of the 
North Carolina Artists' Exhibition was held for members 
and guests at the College Union, North Carolina State Col- 

Dr. Robert Lee Humber Greenville, was elected Chair- 
man of the Roanoke Island Association at the annual busi- 
ness meeting on November 30. Other officers elected were: 
Mr. Russell Grumman, Chapel Hill, Vice-President; Mr. Isaac 
P. Davis, Winton, Secretary; and Mr. Chauncey Meekins, 
Manteo, Treasurer. Honorary Vice-Presidents elected were: 
Mr. W. D. Carmichael, Jr., Chapel Hill, former Governor 
R. Gregg Cherry, Gastonia, former U. S. Comptroller Lind- 
sey C. Warren, Washington, and United States Senator W. 
Kerr Scott, Haw River. Mr. Martin Kellogg was named 
General Counsel. A report was given by Mrs. Inglis Fletcher, 
Chairman of the new theater project committee, and progress 

Historical News 123 

on the Elizabethan Garden was reported by Mrs. Roy Home- 
wood, Chapel Hill. Directors elected at the session were: 
Mr. Lawrence Swain, Mr. Harry Buchanan, Mr. Hugh Mor- 
ton, Mr. Guy H. Lennon, Mrs. Roy Homewood, Dr. C. Syl- 
vester Green, Mrs. Inglis Fletcher, Mr. M. Keith Fearing, Mr. 
Bruce Etheridge, Bishop Thomas Wright, Mr. John Parker, 
Mr. Chester Davis, Mr. Melvin Daniels, Mr. Miles Clark, 
Mr. Sam Selden, Mrs. Fred Morrison, Mr. Edmund Hard- 
ing, Dr. Robert Lee Humber, Mr. Chauncey Meekins, Mr. 
Isaac P. Davis, and Mr. Russell Grumman. 

The Cannon Awards in recognition of distinguished work 
in the field of history and historical preservation were pre- 
sented at the fifteenth annual meeting of The North Caro- 
lina Society for the Preservation of Antiquities, which was 
held on December 1. A panel on current restoration projects 
in North Carolina featured the morning session of which 
Mr. John A. Kellenberger of Greensboro was the moderator. 
Mr. James A. Stenhouse made a report on the restoration 
of St. Thomas Church in Bath and other restoration 
projects. Others taking part in the discussion and the pro- 
jects reported on included: Mr. Norris Hodgkins, the Alston 
House; Mrs. John A. Kellenberger, Tryon Palace; Miss 
Elizabeth Moore, the Barker House; Mrs. P. S. McMullan, 
the Iredell House; Mrs. Sterling Gary, the Halifax Gaol; Dr. 
Douglas L. Rights, Old Salem Restoration; Mrs. Raymond 
Maxwell, the Old Norcomb House; Mrs. Gettys Guille, the 
Maxwell Chambers House; and Mrs. Roy Harrell, the Elkin 

At the luncheon meeting Mrs. Luther H. Hodges brought 
greetings to the society in the absence of the Governor, and 
Mrs. George Little, State President of the Garden Clubs of 
North Carolina, made a talk, "Report on Elizabethan Gar- 
den at Fort Raleigh." Mrs. Roy Homewood, Chapel Hill, 
presided and members of the Garden Committee gave the 
"Blessing and Dedication Ceremony of the Elizabethan 
Garden." Others who took part in the program were: Mrs. 
Inglis Fletcher, Edenton; Mr. Paul Green, Chapel Hill; Dr. 
Robert Lee Humber, Greenville; Mrs. Sam Hutaff, Fayette- 

124 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ville; Mrs. Corbett Howard, Goldsboro; and Mrs. Graham 
Edgerton, Raleigh. 

At the evening meeting the Cannon Awards were present- 
ed to the following persons: Mrs. Frank Smethurst, Raleigh, 
who helped lay the groundwork for the formation of the 
North Carolina Society for the Preservation of Antiquities; 
Mr. Don Shoemaker, Nashville, Tennessee, for his work in 
the Thomas Wolfe Memorial Association and aid in re- 
storing the Wolfe home; Mr. William P. Sharpe, Raleigh, 
for his work in publicizing the history of the state; Mr. 
Robert H. Frazier, Greensboro, for his work as President of 
the Friends Historical Association; and Mr. Edmund H. 
Harding, Washington, for his work in historical preservation 
and the recent Bath pageant. 

The society decided to retain the present officers and not 
to hold an election this year. These are Mrs. Charles A. 
Cannon, Concord, President; Mrs. Inglis Fletcher, Edenton, 
Vice-President; and Mrs. Ernest A. Branch, Raleigh, Sec- 

The fifty-fifth annual meeting of the State Literary and 
Historical Association was held on December 2, at which 
time Mr. Gilbert T. Stephenson, Pendleton, was elected as 
President to succeed Dr. Fletcher M. Green, Chapel Hill. 
Dr. Green presided at the business meeting after which Miss 
Lois Byrd of Lillington made a talk "How We Celebrated 
Harnett County's Centennial," Mr. Manly Wade Wellman 
of Chapel Hill talked on "The Valley of Humility," and 
Mr. David Stick of Kill Devil Hills gave a review of the 
non-fiction books of the year. Mr. Clarence W. Griffin, Forest 
City, gave a talk on "History and Progress of the Western 
North Carolina Historical Association." Presentation of the 
literary awards was made following the speaking. Dr. Paul 
Murray made the R. D. W. Connor Award to Mr. Paul 
Conkin of Nashville, Tennessee, for his article, "The Church 
Establishment in North Carolina, 1765-1776"; Mrs. W. M. 
Peterson made the AAUW Juvenile Award to Mr. and Mrs. 
Latrobe Carroll of Asheville (second time winners) for 
Digby, the Only Dog; and Mr. William S. Powell presented 

Historical News 125 

Mrs. Nettie McCormick Henley of Laurinburg the award 
in the field of history for her book, The Home Place, and 
the Roanoke Island Historical Association for its historical 
work, particularly its presentation of "The Lost Colony." 
Both of the latter awards were presented by the American 
Association for State and Local History. The Roanoke- 
Chowan Poetry Award was not given this year as the judges 
voted to make no award. 

Other officers who were elected at the morning session 
were: Mrs. Taft Bass of Clinton, Dr. M. L. Skaggs of Greens- 
boro, and Mr. Ray S. Wilkinson of Rocky Mount, all Vice- 
Presidents; and Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Raleigh, was 
re-elected Secretary-Treasurer. 

Mr. John Harden, Greensboro, presided at the subscrip- 
tion luncheon, and Mr. Walter Spearman reviewed North 
Carolina fiction of the year. Mr. Hugh Morton, Wilmington, 
presided at the dinner and Dr. Fletcher M. Green made the 
presidential address. 

The announcement of the winners and the presentation 
of the Mayflower Cup and the Sir Walter Raleigh Award 
were made at the evening meeting at which Dr. Rosser H. 
Taylor, Cullowhee, presided. An address by Mr. Bruce Cat- 
ton, New York, editor of American Heritage, was the high 
light of the session. Mrs. Preston B. Wilkes, Jr., Governor 
of the Mayflower Society in North Carolina, presented the 
winner, Dr. Jay B. Hubbell, Durham, with the Mayflower 
Cup, for his book, The South in American Literature, 1607- 
1900, judged the best non-fiction work of the year. Miss 
Clara Booth Byrd, Greensboro, President of the Historical 
Book Club of North Carolina, presented Mrs. Frances Gray 
Patton, Durham, the Sir Walter Raleigh Award for Good 
Morning, Miss Dove, which was judged the best work of 
fiction for the year. 

A reception for guests and members followed the even- 
ing session. 

The North Carolina Poetry Society met on the afternoon 
of December 2, with Mrs. W. H. Vestal, Winston-Salem, pre- 
siding. The response to the call to order was made by Mr. 

126 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Thad Stem, Jr., Oxford. Mr. James Larkin Pearson, Guil- 
ford College, North Carolina's Poet Laureate, gave a read- 
ing of poetry and other North Carolina poets of published 
volumes answered a roll call including: Mr. Luther Hodges, 
Winston-Salem; Mr. Ray Shute, Monroe; Miss Mary Louise 
Medley, Sanford; and Miss Lucy Cobb and Miss Sidney 
Anne Wilson, both of Raleigh. 

Dr. J. E. Hodges, Maiden, was elected President of the 
North Carolina Society of County and Local Historians to 
succeed Mr. William S. Powell, Chapel Hill, at the annual 
meeting of the group which was held on December 2 in 
the assembly room of the Department of Archives and His- 
tory. Other new officers include the following who were 
elected Vice-Presidents: Mrs. Taft Bass, Clinton; Mrs. N. 
A. Edwards, Goldsboro; and Mr. Leon McDonald, Olivia. 

The Smithwick Cup, donated by Mr. and Mrs. S. T. Peace, 
Henderson, was presented to the winner, Mrs. Ethel Stephens 
Arnett, Greensboro, by Mr. Manly Wade Wellman, Chapel 
Hill, for her book, Greensboro, North Carolina: County Seat 
of Guilford. 

Awards of Merit (certificates) were made by the society 
to the Greensboro Daily News and The Franklin Press of 
Franklin. Members of the society receiving merit awards 
were Miss Ethel Ryan, Greensboro; Mrs. G. D. B. Reynolds, 
Albemarle; Mr. Victor C. King, Charlotte; Mr. Wade H. 
Phillips; Lexington; Miss Elizabeth G. McPherson, Wash- 
ington, D. C; Mr. John Elliott Wood, Elizabeth City; Miss 
Nancy Alexander, Lenoir; Mr. Raymond M. Taylor, Wash- 
ington; Mr. Hugh B. Johnston, Jr., Wilson; and Mr. F. C. 
Salisbury, Morehead City. 

Mr. Wellman reviewed the nine books which were en- 
tered in competition for the Smithwick Cup, and Mr. Malcolm 
Fowler, Lillington, spoke on "History of the North Carolina 
Society of County and Local Historians." The meeting con- 
cluded with the adoption of a new constitution which was 
presented by a committee headed by Mr. Clarence W. 
Griffin, Forest City. 

Historical News 127 

The forty-fourth annual meeting of the North Carolina 
Folklore Society was held on the afternoon of December 3, 
with the following new officers elected to serve for the com- 
ing year: Mr. Russell Grumman of Chapel Hill, President; 
Mrs. O. Max Gardner of Shelby and Mr. Richard Walser of 
Raleigh, Vice-Presidents; and Dr. A. P. Hudson of Chapel 
Hill, Secretary. 

Miss Flora McDonald, for 20 years home agent of Moore 
County, exhibited and talked on "Rare Quilts from Moore 
County"; Dr. Warner Wells of Chapel Hill made a talk on 
"The Folklore of the Hiroshima A-Bomb"; and Mrs. Betty 
Vaiden Williams of Raleigh sang "A Garland of North Car- 
olina Folksongs" and accompanied herself on the autoharp. 

The Central Carolina Colony of the Society of Mayflower 
Descendants in the State of North Carolina entertained at 
breakfast for Dr. Jay B. Hubbell, of Durham, winner of the 
Mayflower Cup for 1955 and Mrs. Hubbell, and Mr. and Mrs. 
Preston B. Wilkes of Charlotte, at the S and W Cafeteria 
on December 3. 

Dr. Sturgis E. Leavitt, Lieutenant Governor of the Central 
Carolina Colony, presided. Mr. Richard Walser of Raleigh 
opened the meeting with the reading of the Mayflower Com- 

New members introduced were Mrs. Hunt Parker and 
Mrs. Betsy London Cordon. Mrs. W. G. Allen and Miss 
Daisy Waite acted as general chairmen of the breakfast, 
assisted by Mr. and Mrs. M. R. Dunnagan and Mr. and Mrs. 
William Wise Smith. Officers for the society are: Dr. Leavitt 
of Chapel Hill, Lieutenant Governor; Miss Daisy Waite of 
Raleigh, Vice-Lieutenant Governor; Mrs. W. G. Allen of 
Raleigh, Secretary and Treasurer; and Miss Jane Wilson of 
Durham and Mrs. William Wise Smith of Raleigh, members 
of the board at large. 

Notes from the Department of History of the University 
of North Carolina include the following: Mr. Leon Helguera, 
doctoral candidate in history, served as Instructor in History 
for the Fall Semester at the University of Tennessee; Mr. 

128 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Lewis M. Purifoy, doctoral candidate in history, has been 
appointed Instructor in History at West Virginia University; 
and Dr. James W. Patton, Professor of History and Director 
of the Southern Historical Collection, was elected President 
of the Southern Historical Association at the annual meeting 
in Memphis, November 10-12. Other faculty members who 
attended the meeting and participated in the program were 
Dr. Harold A. Bierck, Dr. James L. Godfrey, Dr. Fletcher 
M. Green, Dr. George V. Taylor, and Mr. William Geer. 
Dr. J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton had an article, "The Pacifism 
of Thomas Jefferson," in The Virginia Quarterly Review, 
XXXI (autumn, 1955), and Dr. James L. Godfrey had an 
article, "Onward from Success: The Tory Victory," in the 
same issue. 

Three members of the Department of History of the 
Woman's College of the University of North Carolina ap- 
peared on the program of the American Historical Associa- 
tion which met in Washington, December 28-30. Dr. John 
H. Beeler gave a paper, "Strategic Distribution of Castles 
in Norman and Angevin England"; Dr. Richard Bardolph 
participated in a panel discussion in regard to segregation 
and desegregation; and Dr. Richard N. Current read a paper, 
"Lincoln and Fort Sumter." 

Mrs. Susie S. Taylor has been appointed Instructor of 
History at Western Carolina College, Cullowhee. 

Dr. William S. Hoffmann joined the Social Studies De- 
partment of Appalachian State Teachers College, Boone, 
as Associate Professor in September; Dr. Ina Van Noppen 
and Mrs. Carrie Winkler attended the meeting of the South- 
ern Historical Association in Memphis; Dr. Julian C. Yoder 
attended a meeting of the National Council for Geography 
Teachers at Indianapolis; and Dr. D. J. Whitener and Mr. 
John M. Justice attended the meetings of the Western North 
Carolina Historical Association in Asheville. 

Dr. Sarah M. Lemmon of Meredith College gave a paper 
"Eugene Talmadge: Last of the Bourbons," at the meeting 

Historical News 129 

of the Southern Historical Association in Memphis; and 
Dr. Lillian Parker Wallace presented the annual report of 
the Secretary of the Co-operative Research Committee at 
the meeting of the North Carolina College Conference. 

Dr. David L. Smiley, Assistant Professor of History at 
Wake Forest College, attended the meetings of the Southern 
Historical Association in Memphis. 

News items from Duke University include the following: 
Dr. John R. Alden, Dr. Paul H. Clyde, Dr. Harold T. Porter, 
Dr. Richard L. Watson, and Dr. Robert H. Woody partici- 
pated in the program of the Southern Historical Association 
at the meeting in Memphis; Dr. Richard L. Watson, Jr., 
has edited Bishop Cannons Own Story (Durham, 1955); 
Mr. Alfred P. Tischendorf had an article, "Note on British 
Enterprise in South Carolina, 1872-1886," in the South Caro- 
lina Historical Magazine (October, 1955); and Dr. Robert 
F. Durden had the following articles published, "Lincoln's 
Radical Republican Envoy to the Hague and the Slavery 
Question," in the Lincoln Herald (winter, 1954), and "The 
Ambiguous Antislavery Crusade of James S. Pike," in the 
South Carolina Historical Magazine (October, 1955). The 
Trinity College Historical Society opened its sixty-fourth 
year on September 29 with a talk by Mr. Hugh L. Keenley- 
side, Director General of the Technical Assistance Admin- 
istration of the United Nations. On October 11-13 the Society, 
in conjunction with the Duke University Commonwealth 
Studies Center, presented Mr. Frank H. Underhill, Professor 
of History at the University of Toronto and Curator of 
Laurier House, in three lectures on "The British Common- 
wealth: An Experiment in International Relations." Dr. Lester 
J. Cappon, Director of the Institute of Early American History 
and Culture, read a paper, November 8, on "Channing and 
Hart: Partners in Bibliography." The Duke University Libra- 
ry has been made a depository for official publications of 
the Dominion of Canada. 

130 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Dr. H. H. Cunningham of Elon College has been appoint- 
ed Governor of the North Carolina Province of Pi Gamma 
Mu, National Social Science Honor Society. 

The Currituck County Historical Society held a dinner 
meeting at the Shawboro community building on October 
10, with Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Superintendent 
of the Department of Archives and History, as principal 
speaker. Mr. Burwell B. Flora, President, presided, and Mrs. 
Frank Roberts, Secretary, presented a report. 

The Rowan Museum, Incorporated, held its formal open- 
ing ceremonies on October 14 in Salisbury. Mrs. Getty s 
Guille, President, presided, and Dr. Carey H. Bostian, Chan- 
cellor of North Carolina State College, made the address. 
Mr. J. H. Blackwelder of the Rowan Board of County Com- 
missioners accepted the key to the museum. An open house 
followed the program. 

The Wayne County Historical Society presented charter 
membership certificates to its members at a meeting on Octo- 
ber 27 in the courthouse in Goldsboro. Mr. Hugh Dortch was 
in charge of the program and Mr. Ray S. Wilkinson, Presi- 
dent of the Halifax Historical Restoration Association, spoke 
to the group. Mr. D. L. Corbitt of the Department of Archives 
and History made a short talk, and Mrs. C. W. Twiford pre- 
sented the certificates. 

The Sandy Creek Baptist Church in Randolph County 
was the scene of the Shubael Stearns Bi-Centennial Celebra- 
tion on November 13, when a large group of interested peo- 
ple gathered to honor a dynamic Yankee preacher who estab- 
lished the church. Dr. Olin T. Binkley, of the Southeastern 
Baptist Theological Seminary, Wake Forest, brought the 
morning message and Dr. Henry S. Stroupe, of Wake Forest 
College, made the historical address in the afternoon follow- 
ing a picnic luncheon on the grounds. A monument was un- 
veiled at the site of the original church and a plaque at 
Stearns's grave was also unveiled. Sandy Creek Church has 

Historical News 131 

been called "the mother church of the Southern Baptist 

The Pitt County Courthouse in Greenville was the scene 
of the dedication ceremonies of The Pitt Association Memo- 
rial Tablet by the Pitt County Historical Society on Novem- 
ber 19. Judge Clarence V. Cannon of Ayden presided; Judge 
Dink James of Greenville extended the welcome; Miss Ger- 
trude Carraway of New Bern, representing the National 
Society Daughters of the American Revolution, and Mrs. John 
A. Kellenberger of Greensboro, representing the State Society 
for Preservation of Antiquities, extended greetings; and Dr. 
Robert Lee Humber of Greenville introduced Dr. Christopher 
Crittenden, Director of the State Department of Archives 
and History, who made the address. 

A large bronze tablet commemorating "The Pitt Associa- 
tion" was presented by Miss Jesse Roundtree Moye of Green- 
ville, culminating the work of a number of years during 
which time efforts were made to verify the historical signi- 
ficance of the occasion of July 1, 1776, when 88 Pitt County 
citizens signed a resolution of protest against the policies of 
the British crown. Following the ceremony luncheon was 
held at the Woman's Club for special guests and members 
of the society. 

Members of the North Carolina Society of County and 
Local Historians were guests at a tour of Raleigh on Septem- 
ber 18, sponsored by the State Department of Archives and 
History. The tour began at the State Capitol, included the 
John Haywood House, the churches around Capitol Square, 
the birthplace of Andrew Johnson, various cemeteries in 
the city, a number of the colleges, the Joel Lane and Andrew 
Johnson houses, the Governor's Mansion, and Wakestone. 
Following the tour a picnic luncheon was held at Pullen Park. 

The Mecklenburg Historical Association sponsored a tour 
for the same group on October 16, led by Mr. J. A. Stenhouse 
and Miss Mary Louise Davidson. Points of interest on the 
tour included the Hezekiah Alexander House, Rosedale, 
Sugaw Creek Church, the W. T. and Joseph Alexander 

132 The North Carolina Historical Review 

houses, Freedom Spring, Cedar Grove, and other points. 
Luncheon was held at Huntersville and the tour resumed 

The Western North Carolina Historical Association held 
its October meeting in Asheville, at which time Mrs. Wilma 
Dykeman Stokely received the Thomas Wolfe Memorial 
Award as the outstanding author in western North Carolina 
during 1955. The trophy was presented by the Lipinsky fam- 
ily for Mrs. Stokely's book, The French Broad, one of a series 
on American rivers. Mr. Thomas Pearson, Chairman of the 
Wolfe Award Committee, made the presentation. 

Mr. Samuel E. Beck gave a paper, "The Founding and 
Development of the Museum of the Cherokee Indian," and 
Mr. Hiram C. Wilburn gave a report on the historical marker 
program. The business session was presided over by Mr. 
Clarence W. Griffin of Forest City, President of the Asso- 
ciation. Mrs. Ralph Wheaton of Asheville, sister of Thomas 
Wolfe, spoke briefly, and Mr. Morris Lipinsky was recognized 
on behalf of his family, donors of the Wolfe Award. 

Columbia University is preparing for publication a new 
and complete edition of the papers of Alexander Hamilton. 
The editors wish to locate any letters to or from Hamilton 
and any other Hamilton documents that are in private hands. 
Any person possessing such documents or having knowledge 
of the availability of such material should contact Mr. Harold 
C. Syrett, Executive Editor, The Papers of Alexander Hamil- 
ton, Columbia University, New York 27, New York. 

The Trustees of Colonial Williamsburg, who recently an- 
nounced the establishment of The Williamsburg Award, 
presented the first award to former British Prime Minister, 
Sir Winston Churchill, on November 30. The award, which 
is "given for outstanding achievement in advancing basic 
principles of liberty and justice," will be made as the occa- 
sion warrants to any person who makes an outstanding con- 
tribution to the historic struggle of men to live free and self- 
respecting in a just society. Recipients may be natives of any 

Historical News 133 

land and work at any occupation, for the only requirement 
will be clear and eminent achievement. 

Books received during the last quarter include: Willard 
Thorp, A Southern Reader (New York, New York: Alfred 
A. Knopf, Inc., 1955); J. H. Easterby, The Colonial Records 
of South Carolina. Series 1. The Journal of the Commons 
House of Assembly, February 20, 1744-May 25,1745 ( Colum- 
bia: South Carolina Archives Department, 1955); Malcolm 
Fowler, They Passed This Way, A Personal Narrative History 
of Harnett County (Harnett County Centennial, Inc., Cen- 
tennial Edition, 1955); Ethel Stephens Arnett, Greensboro, 
North Carolina: The County Seat of Guilford (Chapel Hill: 
The University of North Carolina Press, 1955); Wendell 
Holmes Stephenson, The South Lives in History, Southern 
Historians and Their Legacy (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State 
Univerity Press, 1955); Elisabeth S. Peck, Berea's First Cen- 
tury, 1855-1955 (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 
1955); William H. Townsend, Lincoln and the Bluegrass, 
Slavery and Civil War Kentucky (Lexington: University of 
Kentucky Press, 1955 ) ; Oscar Williams Winzerling, Acadian 
Odyssey (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 
1955); Cecil K. Byrd and Howard H. Peckham, A Biblio- 
graphy of Indiana Imprints, 1804-1853 (Indianapolis: Indiana 
Historical Bureau, 1955); Wylma Anne Wates, Stub Entries 
to Indents Issued in Payment of Claims Against South Caro- 
lina Growing Out of the Revolution, Books G-H (Columbia: 
South Carolina Archives Department, 1955); Robert Allen 
Rutland, The Birth of The Bill of Rights, 1776-1791 (Chapel 
Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1955, published 
for The Institute of Early American History and Culture, 
Williamsburg, Virginia); W. L. McDowell, The Colonial 
Records of South Carolina, Series 2. Journals of the Com- 
missioners of the Indian Trade, September 20, 17 10- August 
29, 1718 (Columbia: South Carolina Archives Department, 
1955); Allen P. Tankersley, John B. Gordon: A Study in 
Gallantry (Atlanta, Georgia: The Whitehall Press, 1955); 
Lucile M. Kane and Kathryn A. Johnson, Manuscripts Col- 
lections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Guide Number 

134 The North Carolina Historical Review 

2 (Saint Paul: Minnesota Historical Society, 1955); Alonzo 
Thomas Dill, Governor Try on and His Palace (Chapel Hill: 
The University of North Carolina Press, 1955); Sadie 
Smathers Patton, Buncombe to Mecklenburg, Speculation 
Lands ( Forest City, North Carolina, Western North Carolina 
Historical Association, 1955 ) ; D.J. Whitener, Local History, 
How to Find and Write It (Asheville, North Carolina: The 
Stephens Press, 1955, published for The Western North 
Carolina Historical Association); William Bell Clark, Ben 
Franklins Privateers, A Naval Epic of the American Revolu- 
tion (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1955); 
David Lockmiller, Enoch H. Crowder, Soldier, Lawyer, 
Statesman (Columbia: The University of Missouri Studies, 
1955); Sarah Simms Edge, Joel Hurt and the Development 
of Atlanta (Kingsport, Tennessee: Kingsport Press, 1955); 
Samuel Thomas Peace, "Zeb's Black Baby," Vance County, 
North Carolina. A Short History ( Henderson, North Carolina, 
1955); and John F. Stover, The Railroads of the South, 1865- 
1900 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 


Mr. J. C. Harrington is Regional Chief of Interpretation, 
National Park Service, United States Department of In- 
terior, Richmond, Va. 

Mr. Richard Walser is Associate Professor of English at 
North Carolina State College, Raleigh. 

Dr. Frenise A. Logan is Professor of History, Agricultural 
and Technical College of North Carolina, Greensboro. 

Dr. Paul Murray is Professor of History at East Carolina 
College, Greenville. 

Dr. Stephen Russell Bartlett, Jr., is a practicing physician 
and surgeon in Greenville. 


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APRIL 1956 

Volume XXXIII 

Number 2 

Published Quarterly By 

State Department of Archives and History 

Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets 
Raleigh, N. C. 

'.•.':.'■•.. ..' ! : I c c S« ■ ; : 

c c c r C 
c o o c e 


Published by the State Department of Archives and History 

Raleigh, N. C. 

Christopher Crittenden, Editor 
David Leroy Corbitt, Managing Editor 

Walter Clinton Jackson Hugh Talmage Lefler 

Frontis Withers Johnston Douglas LeTell Rights 

George Myers Stephens 



McDaniel Lewis, Chairman 

Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne 

Fletcher M. Green William Thomas Laprade 

Clarence W. Griffin Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 

This review was established in January, 1924, as a medium of publication 
and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other institutions 
by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. The regular 
price is $3.00 per year. Members of the State Literary and Historical As- 
sociation, for which the annual dues are $5.00, receive this publication 
without further payment. Back numbers may be procured at the regular 
price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number. 

COVER — The cover is from a Currier and Ives print (1876), 
The Brave Boy of the Waxhaws," showing Andrew Jackson 
as a lad of 13 resisting a British officer. Jackson had enlisted in the 
cause of his country. Later he became the seventh president of 
the United States. For an article on the fall of Jacksonian 
Democracy see pages 166-180. 

The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXIII April, 1956 Number 2 




C. Robert Haywood 



William S. Hoffmann 



Christopher Crittenden 


Manly Wade Wellman 


BOOKS, 1954-1955 189 

David Stick 



Clarence W. Griffin 

NORTH CAROLINA FICTION, 1954-1955 ...213 

Walter Spearman 

Entered as second-class matter September 29, 1928, at the Post Office at 
Raleigh, North Carolina, under the Act of March 3, 1879. 



1933-1955 222 

Fletcher M. Green 


Mary Lindsay Thornton 


Lefler's A Guide to the Study and Reading of North 
Carolina History — By Henry S. Stroupe ; Dill's Gov- 
ernor Try on and His Palace — By William S. Tarlton ; 
Whitener's Local History: How to Find and Write It — 
By Eleanor Bizzell Powell ; Fowler's They Passed 
This Way: A Personal Narrative of Harnett County 
History — By Paul Murray; Peace's "Zeb's Black 
Baby," Vance County, North Carolina— By Norman C. 
Larson; Patton's Buncombe to Mecklenburg — Specu- 
lation Lands — By M. L. Skaggs; McDowell's The 
Colonial Records of South Carolina: Journals of the 
Commissioners of the Indian Trade, September 20, 
17 10- August 29, 1718 — By Robert H. Woody; Wates's 
Stub Entries to Indents Issued in Payment of Claims 
Against South Carolina Growing Out of the Revolution. 
Books G-H — By Lawrence F. Brewster; Jordan's 
George Washington Campbell of Tennessee: Western 
Statesman — By James W. Patton; Peck's Berea's 
First Century, 1855-1955 — By David A. Lockmiller; 
Bay's The Journal of Major George Washington of His 
Journey to the French Forces on Ohio — By D. L. 
Corbitt; Stephenson's The South Lives in History — 
By Charles G. Summersell; Henry's As They Saiv 
Forrest: Some Recollections and Comments of Con- 
temporaries — By James W. Patton ; McGee's Famous 
Signers of the Declaration — By Beth G. Crabtree. 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXIII April, 1956 Number 2 



By C. Robert Haywood 

Among the better definitions of a "liberal" was that pre- 
sented recently by Mayor Joseph S. Clark of Philadelphia. 
Mayor Clark suggested that a liberal was a person who ad- 
vocated "utilizing the full force of government for the ad- 
vancement of social, political and economic justice . . . 
[through] a liberal program of orderly policing of our society 
by government." 1 Such a definition would seem to be con- 
sistent with the liberal political theories of the New Deal and 
the liberal economic ideas of John Maynard Keynes. This 
is a definition, however, apropos to the given moment in 
American history. Such is the nature of this changing world 
that Mayor Clark's definition would have been completely 
unacceptable in the eighteenth century. In fact, his definition 
would have described the basic tenets of the then, accepted 
or conservative point of view. It was the liberal, if not to say 
radical, thought that called for withdrawal of governmental 
control and an easement of the regulative activities of the 
government. The orthodox philosophy of the eighteenth cen- 
tury English conservative called for extensive governmental 
regulation in every aspect of society that might conceivably 
add to the general wealth and prosperity of the nation, in- 
cluding any outlying colonies. This orthodox theory was so 
widely accepted in Great Britain that its advocates did not 
even trouble to label it as there was no need to distinguish it 

Joseph S. Clark, Jr., "Can the Liberals Rally?" The Atlantic, July, 
1953, 27-32. 


140 The North Carolina Historical Review 

from any other. It was not until the eve of the American 
Revolution that Adam Smith fixed the label of mercantilism 
to the prevailing eighteenth century economic theory. 

North Carolina in 1700 should have been more willing than 
most of the colonies to accept the prevailing British doc- 
trine, including the accepted subservient role of the colonies. 
Plagued as she was by adverse political, geographical and 
economic conditions North Carolina's growth had been slow. 
The double coast line with its shallow sounds and dangerous 
reefs prevented ocean going vessels with deep draft from 
coming into the undeveloped harbors. Her political life had 
its own dangerous reefs as expressed in the discontent of the 
people which had led to the Culpeper rebellion. Economi- 
cally, the inhabitants of "Lubberland" existed on the bare 
self-sufficiency of a frontier economy, with some cattle, 
Indian corn and tobacco for export. Thus, any economic 
theory that promised improvement was likely to be welcomed 
by the North Carolinians; and mercantilism did promise this 
through an orderly and well regulated economy. 

Mercantilism could be implemented only through rigid 
and direct governmental supervision. Under Proprietary rule 
there was little opportunity for perfecting mercantile prin- 
ciples. Even before 1729, and royal assumption, there was 
some evidence of mercantile thought and action in the colony. 

As in all the Southern colonies, one of the most serious 
problems facing North Carolina was her lack of settlers 
"which are the real and true strength of a nation," as John 
Rutherfurd was to write. 2 The Proprietors were especially 
eager to settle Carolina, largely because their interest lay in 
collecting quit rents on the lands that were occupied. As 
early as 1669 a series of acts had been passed by the Assembly 
setting up a program to encourage settlement, including 
grants of land. Additional acts were passed in 1715 which 
included provisions for civil marriage contracts, restriction 
of Indian trade to residents of the colony, exemption from 
paying duties for one year, collection of local debts before 

2 John Rutherfurd, "The Importance of the Colonies to Great Britain," 
William K. Boyd, Some Eighteenth Century Tracts Concerning North 
Carolina (Raleigh, 1927), 113. Hereinafter cited as Rutherfurd, "The Im- 
portance of the Colonies to Great Britain." 

North Carolina Advocates of Mercantilism 141 

outside claims were honored and an "Act for Liberty of 
Conscience" directed toward relieving the Quakers from 
taking the usual oaths. 3 In spite of the lenient laws of North 
Carolina, population growth remained slow. The Proprietors 
were not able to give the positive encouragement necessary 
to attract settlers, so it was only natural that they would turn 
to the English government for assistance. It was also only 
natural that they would use the prevailing mercantile argu- 
ments in seeking this assistance. The possibility of developing 
Carolina as a market and source of raw materials was one of 
the major themes of the Lord Proprietors. John Archdale 
under the heading, "Some weighty considerations for Parlia- 
ment," illustrated how two thousand white settlers in Caro- 
lina were worth one hundred thousand at home because of 
the English goods which would be exchanged. 4 

The first real fruits of the Proprietors' efforts to obtain royal 
assistance in bringing colonists to America, came with the 
Neuse River settlement of Palatines. The Rev. Joshua Kocher- 
thal's promotional pamphlet, that had been sponsored by the 
Proprietors, was to have considerable influence in Germany. 5 
But as far as the Swiss contingent was concerned the writings 
of some of their own members were of more importance. 
The Canton of Bern had been contemplating the establish- 
ment of a colony in the New World and a number of Swiss 
had gone out under the sponsorship of the Canton to view 
prospective cities. Among those who came early to Carolina 
was Franz Ludwig Michel. Michel wrote to his brother in 
Bern in glowing terms of the possibilities of silk, rice, tobacco 

3 Erna Risch, "Encouragement of Immigration as Revealed in Colonial 
Legislation," The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, XLV 
(January, 1937), 10; Walter Allen Knittle, Early Eighteenth Century 
Palatine Emigration (Philadelphia, 1937), 10. Hereinafter cited as Knittle, 
Early Palatine Emigration. See also Walter Clark, The State Records 
of North Carolina (Winston, Goldsboro, Charlotte, Raleigh, 1898-1914), 
XXIII, 1-3. Hereinafter cited as Clark, State Records. 

4 Knittle, Early Palatine Emigration, 26-27 ; see also Archdale's dis- 
cussion of the dual role of Carolina as a source of raw materials and a 
market for English goods, A New Description of the Fertile and Pleasant 
Province of Carolina: with a Brief Account of its Discovery, Settling, and 
the Government Thereof to this Time (London, 1707). Hereinafter cited as 
Archdale, A New Description . . . of Carolina. 

5 Knittle, Early Palatine Emigration, 98. 

142 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and cotton. 6 But of even more importance was the pamphlet 
of John Rudolff Ochs, entitled Amerikanisher Wegweiser 
oder kurtze und eigentlich Bescheibung der Landshafft Caro- 
lina, which was probably a re-editing of Lawson's New 
Voyages but, nevertheless, greatly impressed the Swiss. 7 Ochs, 
who had spent some time in the colonies and was to remain 
active in settlement schemes, undertook to demonstrate to 
England how the Swiss settlers would be "most servicable 
to the nation" by producing grain, hemp, flax and wines. He 
also held out the prospect of even more desirable industry 
in silk and potash, if the immigrants were properly instructed. 8 
Both of these Swiss authors suggested that the Swiss settlers 
would produce those goods which could not be developed 
in England, thus tending to make the Empire more nearly 

George Ritter, another of the leaders of the Swiss project, 
saw clearly that an appeal for assistance must be couched in 
good mercantile terms. In May, 1707, he wrote, "I no longer 
have the idea of mentioning either the merchants or the 
manufacturers as the Board of Trade of Her Majesty might 
not consider this favorably. It will suffice to speak of the 
laborers and artisans for building constructions, as the only 
manufactures that we might be able to transport from here 
are merely weavers." 9 This decision of the Swiss to demon- 
strate to Great Britian how well their settlement would fit 
into the mercantile system led to the publication of one of 
the most interesting of the mercantilist pamphlets. 

In 1710 a quarto pamphlet was printed in London purport- 
ing to be a letter written by a "Swiss Gentleman" to a friend 

Geza Schulz, "Addition to the History of the Swiss Colonization Proj- 
ects in Carolina," The North Carolina Historical Review, X (April, 1933), 
133-134. Hereinafter cited as Schulz, "Addition to the History of the Swiss 

7 Albert B. Faust, Guide to Materials for American History in Swiss 
and Austrian Archives (Washington, 1916), 31. See Christopher Von 
Graffenreid's favorable comment on "the latest treatise of Mr. Ochs." 
Vincent H. Todd, Christopher Von Graffenreid's Account of the Founding 
of New Bern (Raleigh, 1920) 261. Hereinafter cited as Todd, Von Graf- 
fenreid's Founding of New Bern. 

8 Todd, Von Graffenreid's Founding of New Bern, 261 ; W. L. Saunders, 
The Colonial Records of North Carolina (Raleigh, Goldsboro, etc., 1886- 
1898), IV, 160, 209-211, 260. Hereinafter cited as Saunders, Colonial Records. 
See also Schulz, "Addition to the History of the Swiss Colonization," 140. 

u Schulz, "Addition to the History of the Swiss Colonization," 140. 

North Carolina Advocates of Mercantilism 143 

in Bern. The "Swiss Gentleman," who was probably the 
frontiersman and imperalist, Thomas Nairne, had spent, he 
said, some time in Carolina enjoying "many pleasures and 
Delights," may have been writing to his Swiss friend but he 
most certainly expected the English Board of Trade to be 
looking over his friend's shoulder. This anonymous gentleman 

When I consider of what Importance this Colony may be in 
time to the British Nation, the great Quantities of their Manu- 
facturers it might take off, and the Variety of Commodities 
which it is capable of producing, to make suitable Returns; I 
am perfectly surprised there should not be the least Care taken 
to encrease the Number of its Inhabitants. If the small Number 
here at present employs two and twenty Sail of English Ships, 
besides sixty smaller Vessels from other Ports; to what Height 
may the Trade be brought, if the people were fifty times the 
Number they are now, which the Country would easily contain? 

The Scituation of this Province is such as not to interfere 
with England, in any Branches of its Manufacture; there is no 
money required to be sent hither; it is capable of producing 
many Commodities, which are now brought from other Nations, 
by Money exported from England. 10 

The writer went on to estimate the cost to Great Britain 
of transporting one hundred settlers to Carolina and the 
eventual gain, reckoned at some £67,500, for twenty years. 11 
The obvious advantage of a favorable balance of trade to 
Great Britain could hardly be missed. But to drive the advan- 
tage home in terms no mercantilist could mistake, the "Swiss 
Gentleman" pointed out that the Carolinas (including South 
Carolina) were on the same latitude as Persia, Egypt and 
Syria, consequently (with encouragement and population) 
almonds, coffee, tea and "all sorts of drugs" could be pro- 
duced if the necessary encouragement was given. 12 

10 [Thomas Nairne], A Letter from South Carolina . . . Written by a 
Swiss Gentleman, to his friend at Bern (London, 1710), 56-57. Hereinafter 
cited as [Nairne] A Letter . . . from a Swiss Gentleman. 

"Just why this sort of information would be considered of interest to 
other Swiss gentlemen was not explained. 

^Von Graffenreid had played on the same theme, but emphasized the 
tremendous advantages that could be expected from silk production. Todd, 
Christopher Von Graff enreid's Account, 301. 

144 The North Carolina Historical Review 

By the time the optimistic pamphlet by the "Swiss Gentle- 
man" had appeared, the previous efforts of other Swiss writers 
and the activities of Michel and Von Graffenreid had gained 
the desired results. The Proprietors had made Von Graffen- 
reid an attractive offer which had been accepted. The gov- 
ernment had not agreed to pay the passage over, although, 
Queen Anne had contributed <£ 4,000 and several other in- 
dividuals had contributed to the cause. Parliament had come 
through, however, with one of the hoped for encouragements 
when the 1709 naturalization law had been passed. This was 
a better law than Ritter, who had early suggested it, had 
expected and was to influence favorably Swiss settlement. 13 

After the colony became a royal possession the prospects 
of greater benefits through appeals to mercantilist principles 
were greatly improved. Each of the royal governors availed 
himself of the opportunity to make mercantilistic appeals for 
greater population. Governor George Burrington urged the 
reduction of the quit rent so that more people would come in- 
to Carolina, who would then produce tar, potash, hemp, rice, 
silk, and "seeds to make oyl" which were essential but non- 
competitive commodities. Burrington also urged the granting 
of more land to encourage settlement, for, he pointed out, 
the sooner the land was taken the quicker rents would in- 
crease and the sooner the colony would begin to fulfill its 
role as raw material producer and consumer of English 
goods. 14 Governor Gabriel Johnston was especially active in 
developing the Cape Fear River settlement of Scotch-High- 
landers. Just as in the case of his predecessor, Johnston urged 
the relaxation of limits on land and the provisions for cultiva- 
tion of land as it tended to limit immigration and led to the 
neglect of cattle raising which was so important if new 
peoples were coming into the colony. 15 

The finest expression of mercantile reasoning for attracting 
settlers during Johnston's administration came from the pen 
of Henry McCulloh. McCulloh was well acquainted with 


Schulz, "Addition to the History of the Swiss Colonization," 140. 

"Saunders, Colonial Records, III, 157-158, 337-338, 430-432. 

15 Saunders, Colonial Records, IV, 204; J. P. MacLean, Historical Ac- 
count of the Settlements of Scotch Highlanders in America Prior to the 
Peace of 1783 (Cleveland, 1900), 102. * 

North Carolina Advocates of Mercantilism 145 

the sort of reasoning that was likely to move the Board of 
Trade to action and his pamphlets and petitions mark him as 
a rigid mercantilist. Part of his success in acquiring large 
grants of Carolina land came from his deft use of mercan- 
tilistic appeals. In 1736 McCulloh petitioned the Board of 
Trade for a grant of 132,000 acres of land on which he intend- 
ed to settle only three hundred people. McCulloh justified 
this diminutive settlement on the grounds that he would 
accept only foreigners skilled in producing raw materials that 
England was then purchasing in an unfavorable trade ar- 
rangement, such as naval stores, hemp and potash. These 
few colonists would buy slaves, develop the back country and 
serve as a barrier to foreign encroachment, all of which would 
lead to other immigrants coming into North Carolina. The 
net result would be an acorn-like growth of population and 
a resulting increase in English trade. 16 

Governor Arthur Dobbs used considerably more imagina- 
tion than his predecessors in approaching the problem of an 
increased population. The Governor cast an envious eye on 
the Spanish and Portuguese colonies where the native popu- 
lation had become an integral part of the society. Dobbs 
proposed that "a Premium or Portion should be given, by the 
Publick to such as would marry a native savegage." This 
cadre of married whites in the Indian villages, through teach- 
ing in schools and by their example, would bring the English 
culture, dress and mode of production to the native who 
would then "be converted and made useful to the trade, 
Wealth and Power of Britain; and Strengthen our Colonies 
against the Incroachment of the French. . . ." In short, this 
was "the write man's burden" theme of a later age. Dobbs 
also saw in the spreading of the English settlement a check 
on the ability of the colonies to throw off their economic and 
political dependency on Great Britain. 17 Dobb's plan was 

"Saunders, Colonial Records, IV, 156, 162-163; James High, "Henry 
McCulloh: Progenitor of the Stamp Act," The North Carolina Historical 
Review, XXIX (January, 1952), 24-38; Charles G. Sellers, Jr., "Private 
Profits and British Colonial Policy: The Speculations of Henry McCulloh," 
William and Mary Quarterly, Third Series, III (October, 1951), 536. 

17 Undated essay on colonization, The Dobbs Papers, National Library 
of Ireland (Microfilm of manuscripts in the Southern Historical Collec- 
tion, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill). Hereinafter cited Dobbs 

146 The North Carolina Historical Review 

read by certain colonists and the Board of Trade, although 
it was so incompatible with the racial attitudes of the English 
that it was given scant consideration. 18 

The efforts of the Proprietors, land holders, colonial officials 
and the governments of Great Britain and North Carolina did 
succeed in attracting settlers to the colony, with many of the 
results that had been predicted; but immigration was never 
heavy enough to satisfy the demand. Entrepreneurs, like the 
Scotch merchant, James Murray, were to continue to com- 
plain of the scarcity of skilled craftsmen. Murray felt that 
the poverty of North Carolina and her "uselessness to our 
Mother Country" was due to the "thinness" of the popula- 
tion. 19 Although the population increases had not met all the 
expectations of those concerned it is certain that there was 
an improvement under royal control. 

Great Britain had purchased the Lord Proprietors' share in 
order to improve the empire relationship between the col- 
onies and the mother country. The colonists themselves had 
not revolted against the slugglish rule of the Proprietors nor 
had their complaints been sufficiently loud to cause Britain 
to take control. The transfer of royal rule was made largely 
because Great Britain saw that a proprietary rule would not 
guarantee the role of the colony that was demanded by the 
mercantilist arrangement of the empire. In making the de- 
cision the Crown was guided in part by the advice of colonists, 
in the main, neighbors of North Carolina. Virginians and 
South Carolinians like Francis Blair, Governor Francis Nich- 
olson, Colonel John Barnwell and Robert Carter had urged 
the shift in order to increase trade, restrain the French and 

Papers. Governor Dobbs also had his more practical and prosaic side 
as seen in the advertisements which appeared in the Belfast, Ireland, 
newspaper in 1754. This series of appeals for "Gentlemen, Artificers, and 
others" to settle in North Carolina represents one of the simplest and 
sincerest statements in the colonial promotional literature. Copy of South 
Carolina Items in the Belfast Newspapers, 1729-1760. South Caroliniana 
Collection, University of South Carolina, Columbia, 4. 

18 William Faris to Arthur Dobbs. February 18, 1749/50, Dobbs Papers. 
For the usual colonial point of view see the enactments of the North Caro- 
lina Assembly concerning intermarriage with Indians. Clark, State Records, 
XIII, 65, 106. 

19 Nina Moore Tiffany and Susan I. Lesley, eds., Letters of James Mur- 
ray, Loyalist (Boston, 1901), 64, 79-80. Hereinafter cited as Tiffany and 
Lesley, Letters of James Murray. 

North Carolina Advocates of Mercantilism 147 

preserve an orderly and well regulated society. 20 With few 
exceptions, the North Carolina settlers appeared to be in- 
different to the change. Once the shift was made, however, 
the colonists were quick to express their pleasure. Formal 
expressions of gratitude usually carried with them the double 
expectations of benefits to the Crown and to the colony. 21 
The prospects of the implementation of the mercantile theory 
in all its fullness by the British government was not looked 
upon with an apprehension by the colonists. The possibility 
of tapping a new source of power and assistance could only 
be contemplated with hope and expectation. 

To receive governmental benefits it was necessary for the 
North Carolinian to accept the English position regarding 
the colonial relationship to the empire. In the main, the North 
Carolinian did accept a mercantile philosophy that would 
classify him as an empire mercantilist. That is, he tended to 
view economic policies in the light of the benefits to the em- 
pire as a whole. Regulation of his economic life was accepted. 
That this meant the subordination of the colonial economic 
policies was no more questioned than was North Carolina's 
political subordinate position. At the same time it was under- 
stood that the plantations must prosper. The idea of mutual 
benefit was the cornerstone of the Carolinian's mercantile 

To the North Carolina ship builder, William Borden, who 
had already experienced the helping hand of the English 
government in raising hemp and flax, the prospects of further 
benefits was viewed with anything but alarm. Consequently, 
his writings abound with frequent references to the idea 

20 Enoch Walter Sikes, North Carolina as a Royal Province, 1729-1776 
(Richmond, 1909), 441. Hereinafter cited as Sikes, North Carolina as a 
Royal Province. See also Charles Lee Raper, North Carolina: A Study in 
English Colonial Government (New York, 1904), 25; Hugh T. Lefler, 
North Carolina History as Told by Contemporaries (Chapel Hill, 1934), 
30; Daniel Coxe, A Description of the English Province of Carolina (Lon- 
don, England, 1722), 7, hereinafter cited as Coxe, A Description of the 
English Province of Carolina; Saunders, Colonial Records, I, 527, 646; 
Journal of the Commissioners for Trade and Plantations (London, Eng- 
land, 1920-38), 197-198, 202. Hereinafter cited as Journals of the Board of 

21 Saunders, Colonial Records, III, 2, 135; Sikes, North Carolina as a 
Royal Province, 441; R. D. W. Connor, History of North Carolina (Chicago, 
1919), I, 138-141. 

148 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of "the King's Interest" and the "publick Benefit." 22 John 
Rutherfurd, merchant and colonial official, wrote in clear 
mercantilistic form of the advantages to Great Britain and 
North Carolina. The position of a raw material producing 
unit within the empire did not mean an economically inse- 
cure life; but was, in fact, the logical role for a frontier 
community that was long on land and short on people. "We 
can be certain," Rutherfurd wrote, "that so long as the Ameri- 
can planter can find vent for the produce of his land to 
enable him to purchase British manufactures, it will never 
occur to him to manufacture, because in every respect it 
would be contrary to his interest." 23 

The royal governors, who were always in a difficult spot in 
so far as loyalties were concerned, were the foremost ex- 
ponents of the belief in mutual assistance. George Burrington 
wrote, "I sincerely promise you my concurrance in Every- 
thing that shall be for his Majesty's Service and the Good of 
the Province." 24 Governor Johnston was even more explicit 
in stating that "the interest of the Crown and of this Province 
is entirely the same." 25 But it was Governor Dobbs who gave 
the clearest statement of the position that the governors had 
attempted to achieve when he wrote, 

I well know, My Lords, that as the liberties of the people when 
they degenerate into Republican principles are prejudicial to the 
just right of the Crown, so is the prerogative when raised be- 
yound its due limits destructive and hurtful to the just liberties 
of the people. I therefore made it my sole aim to preserve a 
due medium. . . . 26 

There were, after all, certain advantages in the colonial 
position just as there were other advantages for the mother 
country. The interdependency of the empire arrangements 
could be used by the colonists as a lever to pry assistance 

22 See William Borden, "An Address to the Inhabitants of North Caro- 
lina" (Williamsburg, 1746), as reprinted in Boyd, Some Eighteenth 
'Century Tracts, passim. Hereinafter cited as Borden, "An Address to the 
Inhabitants of North Carolina." 

23 John Rutherfurd, "The Importance of the Colonies to Great Britain," 

24 Saunders, Colonial Records, III, 565. 

25 Saunders, Colonial Records, IV, 79. 

26 Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 308. 

North Carolina Advocates of Mek^antyltsm 149 


from the mother country. A recurring note"4ii colonial' appeals 
for reforms and encouragements was the threat that the 
colonists would turn to manufacturing. Governor Johnston 
in urging bounties for the production of silk, hemp and flax, 
pointed out that not only would these commodities give Eng- 
land a favorable trade exchange but would prevent the 
colonist from "falUing] into such manufactures as may inter- 
fere with and be prejudical to those at home." 2T Even as rigid 
an adherent to the royal prerogative as Governor Dobbs used 
the technique on occasions. He suggested that if trade to 
Ireland in naval stores and indigo, and to Spain and Portugal 
in the same commodities was not opened the colonists would 
turn to manufacturing in order to relieve their unfavorable 
trade balance. 28 Individual colonists were even more prone 
to use the threat of manufacture. Richard Caswell, Cornelius 
Harnett, Samuel Swann, John Ashe, William Houston and 
Samuel Spruill, with Dobbs' endorsement, had joined in 
suggesting the removal of certain enumerated articles as a 
move to prevent the colonists from being forced to go into 
manufacturing. 29 James Murray, in urging a bounty on indigo, 
referred to the wasted time spent in manufacturing of wool, 
flax and cotton goods which could be diverted to fulfilling 
the raw material obligations of the colony. 30 The "Inhabitants 
of Albemarle County" used as one of the weapons to strike at 
the Virginia restrictions on Carolina tobacco the threat that 
they would be "obliged to fall upon such useful Manufactory s 
for their necessary Clothing & as will prevent the sale of 
considerable quantity of European Goods and consequently 
be prejedical to the Trade of Great Britain." 31 

Although this negative approach to gain aid was used 
frequently, the usual approach for requesting British gov- 
ernmental action was to demonstrate how a reform or assist- 
ance would perfect the role of the colony in the mercantilist 
arrangement. Appeals for correction of matters as dissociated 

27 Saunders, Colonial Records, IV, 6. 

28 Saunders, Colonial Records, V, 314-319. 

29 Saunders, Colonial Records, V, 323-331. 
80 James Murray to R. Oswald & Co., February 22, 1755, Tiffany and 
Lesley, Letters of James Murray, 79. 
31 Saunders, Colonial Records, III, 196. 

150 The North Carolina Historical Review 

as religious - apathy or James Moore's Indian policies were 
.expressed in good mercantile dogma. 32 The requests for boun- 
ties and other financial assistance inevitably carried with 
them the idea that Carolina could be guided into a more 
useful pursuit from the standpoint of empire trade. Thus, 
the group of North Carolinians who threatened to begin 
manufacturing spent more time in showing how the removal 
of certain enumerated articles would lead to the purchase of 
English manufactured goods. Dobbs likewise emphasized the 
return of Spanish and Portuguese bullion which would in 
turn be spent on English produce. 33 

The colonists did not expect British responses to their re- 
quests to come unattached. Government control, supervision 
and guidance was considered desirable. William Borden, 
using the familiar mercantilist simile of the bees, 34 pointed 
to the similiarity between the colonists and a swarm of bees. 
Once they leave their original home, he said, they are 

naturally incline [d] to assume to themselves the native Manner 
and Form of Government ; notwithstanding which, many of them 
(through Loss of their native Guide, or Want of proper Aid) get 
shatter'd, confused, and become useless in the Creation, ... al- 
though surrounded with rich and spacious Flowers. . . , 35 

Therefore the English who had "formed and nursed them 
up from infancy," to use Governor Johnston's phrase, were 
expected to guide and direct economic activities. The classic 
Carolina example of the benefits derived from such guidance 
can be seen in the primary industry of the colony, naval 
stores. Naval stores production had started early in Carolina 
but it was not until after the royal bounties were offered in 
1705 that the industry prospered. Few colonial industries 

3 ~ For comments of James Moore see John Ash, The Present State of 
Affairs in Carolina (London, England, 1706), 2. Just as Joseph Boone, 
Carolina agent and supporter of the dissenters, could mold religious issues 
to fit mercantilism in 1705, so could Governor Dobbs as late as 1755. 
Where Boone spoke of "Atheism and irreligion, destructive to trade and 
. . . depopulation," Dobbs requested more clergymen as a means of teach- 
ing morality and industry which would increase production and trade 
with England, Saunders, Colonial Records, V, 314. 

33 Saunders, Colonial Records, V, 318, 321. 

34 See Bernard Mandeville, The Fable of the Bees (London, England, 

86 Borden, "An Address to the Inhabitants of North Carolina," 75. 

North Carolina Advocates of Mercantilism 151 

fitted better the mercantilist theory. Not only did its develop- 
ment reduce English dependency upon a foreign power but 
any excess production could be re-exported in a favorable 
trade exchange. The demands created by the naval stores 
industry would increase English ships and seamen which 
would serve to make Great Britain strong in time of war. 
Slaves would also be needed in Carolina for its production 
and they would in turn consume more English products. The 
only flaw in the arrangement was that the colonial tar was not 
of as good a quality as that from the Baltic states. Throughout 
the first fifteen years of the bounty system, the Board of 
Trade attempted to discover some means of improving the 
quality of Carolina tar. In 1719 Parliament passed a law call- 
ing for inspection of all colonial tar and eventually demanded 
the adoption of the Swedish method of production. 

Petitions poured into Parliament in protest. Agents, mer- 
chants, and planters, including Joshua Gee, William Byrd, 
Joseph Boone and Abel Ketelbey, appeared before the Board 
to plead for the return to the old method. 36 Among the last 
of the colonists to testify to the Board was Christopher Gale of 
North Carolina, who indicated that his long experience in the 
industry had led him to the conclusion that the Swedish 
technique could not be used in Carolina. He feared that if 
the Board continued its insistence on a foreign technique the 
industry would decline and with it, trade to England. 37 Mean- 
while the colonists themselves were attempting to improve 
the industry through various legislative acts. 38 

The efforts on both sides of the Atlantic failed and the 
bounty was removed. Production declined radically, which in 
turn called up a new wave of demands for the reinstatement 

36 Justin Williams, "English Mercantilism and Carolina Naval Stores, 
1705-1776," The Journal of Southern History, I (May, 1935), 177-182. 
Hereinafter cited as Williams, "English Mercantilism and Carolina Naval 
Stores." See also Journals of the Board of Trade, (1714/15-1718), 209-218, 
220-227; (1722/23-1728), 139-142; Saunders, Colonial Records, II, 196-197. 

37 Journals of the Board of Trade, (1722/23-1728), 140-141. Gale's ap- 
pearance at the same time as Joshua Gee seems to refute Herbert Osgood's 
insistance that the colonists did not know the basic tenets of mercantilism 
and had not read their tracts. Gale at least, if he did not read, must have 
known personally one of the most preceptive of the mercantilist writers. 

38 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 55-56; XXV, 205. 

152 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of the bounty, even with the previous regulations. 39 Within 
four years the financial grant was repassed and the naval 
stores industry revived to the point of becoming the economic 
foundation of colonial Carolina. However, Carolina never 
developed a product which would meet the approval of the 
English navy. Various schemes were proposed to improve the 
quality and prevent wastage, such as that described by Cullen 
Pollock, but it was not until 1751 that an adequate inspection 
law was passed. This act, passed in response to Governor 
Dobb's urging, was amended from time to time but the 
English sailors continued to complain of the corrosive quality 
of Carolina tar. 40 The protests of the British sailors were to 
have little weight in the Board's consideration as long as 
Joshua Gee could demonstrate that there were only one hun- 
dred barrels of Swedish tar in England. 41 The British mer- 
cantilists could not tolerate such a precarious dependency on 
the Baltic states. The awareness of the English position was 
not lost on the colonists who made any number of requests 
on the basis of encouraging the naval stores industry. Henry 
McCulloh was to petition for land grants; Richard Beresford 
and the Council of North Carolina were to demand increased 
naval protection; Governor Burrington was to advise granting 
larger land tracts; and Governor Johnston was to ask for 
commodity money— all professing that these things were need- 
ed in order to improve or maintain the naval stores industry. 42 
The other sinew of the navy, masts, timber and hemp, were 
to be given the same consideration by the British government. 
The potential value of the Carolina forests had impressed all 
the earliest writers as it had Arthur Barlowe with its "excel- 

3U Saunders, Colonial Records, II, 396 ; Williams, "English Mercantilism 
and Carolina Naval Stores," 176. 

40 Cullen Pollock to Nathaniele Bethune, May 12, 1741, Pollock Letter- 
Book, North Carolina Department of Archives and History, Raleigh, 
hereinafter cited as Pollock Letter-Book; W. Neil Franklin, "Agriculture 
in Colonial North Carolina," The North Carolina Historical Review, III 
(October, 1926), 571, hereinafter cited as Franklin, "Agriculture in Colo- 
nial North Carolina." See also Saunders, Colonial Records, IV, 917, 1299; 
V, 266, 274, 432, 512; Clark, State Records, XXIII, 352. 

"Journal of the Board of Trade, (1714/15-1718), 213. 

"Saunders, Colonial Records, II, 230-232; III, 148; IV, 156, 162, 415; 
V, 682-683. 

North Carolina Advocates of Mercantilism 153 

lent smell and qualitie." 43 Preservation of pine masts and 
the granting of bounties for certain types of lumber used in 
ship construction were a part of the early British mercantile 
legislation. From time to time additions to the bounty lists 
were requested. James Murray suggested adding cypress 
masts and pine planks to the bounty list since the Carolina 
timber was as good as that "of Norway which you buy with 
ready money, whereas ours would be purchased of your own 
Manufactures." 44 

Hemp was also much demanded by the British navy and 
was on both the bounty and enumerated lists. But in spite of 
the encouragement given no larger scale production devel- 
oped in Carolina. Governors Johnston and Dobbs tried to 
get additional encouragements; Dobbs by way of colonial 
bounties and Johnston indirectly by having hemp rated as 
commodity money. 45 At least Johnston used good mercantile 
dogma in urging the encouragement of hemp when he wrote 
that allowing the rating of hemp as a commodity money 
would "encourage them [the colonists] to raise a Produce 
which would promote additional Trade to Great Britain." 46 
The encouragement of flax, which was usually coupled with 
hemp, and potash brought some equally interesting mercan- 
ilist argument from the colonists. John Rutherfurd devoted 
a large section of his mercantilistic pamphlet to describing 
the value to England of a bounty on colonial flax. 47 The Swiss 
promoters made much of the benefits that the glass, soap and 
woolen industries of England would receive from the devel- 
opment of potash which would come with Swiss settlement. 48 
In naval stores and related industries the colonists had been 
willing to accept regulation and the enumeration system in 
order to receive the bounties. Many felt that it was only 
by receiving encouragement of these infant industries that 

43 Richard Hakluyt, Collection of the Early Voyages, Travels, and Dis- 
coveries of the English Nation (London, 1809-12), III, 302. 

44 Tiffany and Lesley, Letters of James Murray, 78. 
^Saunders, Colonial Records, IV, 6; VI, 149, 175, 205. 

46 Saunders, Colonial Records, IV, 416. 

47 Rutherfurd, "The Importance of the Colonies to Great Britain," 131-136. 
^Saunders, Colonial Records, IV, 156, 162-163, 204; [Nairne], A Letter 

. . . from a Swiss Gentleman, 58. 

154 The North Carolina Historical Review 

North Carolina had few quarrels with the British mercantile 

The mercantilists in Great Britain and America had high 
hopes of developing luxury products of the type which Eng- 
land was buying in an unfavorable trade balance with Europe 
and the Near East. The Italian silk trade was one of the un- 
favorable exchanges that England was attempting to escape. 
The establishment of an English silk processing plant in 
1719 had led Sardinia to place an embargo on the export of 
raw silk. 49 The prospect of silk culture in a country abounding 
in wild mulberry trees had stirred the imagination of most 
of the early writers on Carolina. 50 But where her northern 
neighbor did very little in the way of actually producing silk, 
Oldmixon could write that "Silk is come to a great Improve- 
ment here. . . ." 51 Ludwig Michel also, as early as 1703, could 
boast of great profits. 52 The requests for bounties by governors 
Johnston and Dobbs, however, made little impression on the 
Board of Trade. Johnson was told bluntly to submit specimens 
of his production as an act of good faith before the Board 
would even consider the matter. Eventually, the Governor 
did direct Henry McCulloh to take his "Bona Fide" specimen 
to the Board. Although the quality of his silk failed to move 
the Board to give the desired bounty, Johnston's interest 
never flagged and a private improvement society in London 
did eventually grant some monetary encouragement to co- 
lonial production. 53 

i0 Marguerite B. Hamer, "The Foundation and Failure of the Silk 
Industry in Provincial Georgia," The North Carolina Historical Review, 
XII (April, 1935), 125. 

50 Archdale, A New Description of . . . Carolina, 30 ; John Brickell, The 
Natural History of North Carolina (Dublin, 1737), 253. Hereinafter cited 
as Brickell, The Natwal History of North Carolina. See also Mark Catesby, 
The Natural History of North Carolina, Florida, and the Bahama Islands 
(London, England, 1754), I, xxi; John Lawson, A New Voyage to Caro- 
lina (London, England, 1718), Coxe, A Description of English Province 
of Carolina, 72; John Oldmixon, The British Empire in America (Lon- 
don, England, 1741), 371. Hereinafter cited as Oldmixon, The British Em- 
pire in America. 

51 Oldmixon, The British Empire in America, 371. 

52 Schulz, "Addition to the History of the Swiss Colonization," 134. 

53 Mary Shaw Cunningham, "Gabriel Johnston, Governor of North Car- 
olina, 1734-1752" (unpublished master's thesis, University of North 
Carolina, 1944), 250-252. Hereinafter cited as Cunningham, "Gabriel John- 
ston." See also, Saunders, Colonial Records, IV, 267; Tiffany and Lesley, 
Letters of James Murray, 81. 

North Carolina Advocates of Mercantilism 155 

Discussions of silk production by North Carolina brought 
out some of the best expressions of colonial mercantilism. 
Oldmixon and Archdale gave the accepted mercantile theory 
of a full working force, in which no hands were to be idle, 
when they pointed out that the "little Negro children," other- 
wise unproductive, could be used to tend the silk worms. 54 
The Swiss agent, Jenner, was attempting to correct what was 
considered the chief deterent to the industry when he sug- 
gested that the Swiss settlers could instruct the natives in the 
technique of silk culture. 55 The policy of attracting skilled 
foreign labor and studying foreign techniques was practiced 
in the silk industry in Carolina more than any activity, and 
reflects the same economic and political sophistication that 
was typical of French Colbertism. Although Governor Dobbs 
was to follow William Byrd's lead in utilizing German indus- 
trial "know-how" in an attempt to develop Carolina iron, it 
was primarily in silk culture that the greatest returns were 
expected from skilled foreigners. Ludwig Michel, James Mur- 
ray, Governor Johnston and Martin Stehelin all brought skill- 
ed individuals from Europe to give instruction in silk produc- 
tion. Johnson and Murray also imported Italian mulberry 
trees after the silk worms failed to eat the native leaves. 56 
Governor Johnston was more impressed with the prospects 
of silk than any other Carolinian and his interest was to 
continue even in death through provisions of his will. During 
his life he loaned money to other people to start silk produc- 
tion and succeeded in getting <£200 advanced by the colonial 
government as a fund for stimulating the silk culture. 57 His 
interest in Carolina vineyards reflected the same mercan- 
tilistic hope of developing a luxury commodity that would 
relieve Great Britain of a pernicious and unfavorable French 

The implicit demands of the British mercantilists for self- 
sufficiency placed the production of dye stuffs in a special 

54 Archdale, A New Description of Carolina, 30; Oldmixon, The British 
Empire in America, I, 371. 

55 Saunders, Colonial Records, IV, 157. 

56 Schulz, "Addition to the History of the Swiss Colonization," 134; Tif- 
fany and Lesley, Letters of James Murray, 81; Saunders, Colonial Records, 
IV, 267, 293-295; V, 356. 

57 Saunders, Colonial Records, IV, 295. 

156 The North Carolina Historical Review 

category of preferment. The importance of indigo to the tex- 
tile industry lead to its inclusion in the list of enumerated 
articles in 1660. Great Britain not only attempted to create 
a monopoly of this raw material, so essential to home produc- 
tion, but she tried to stimulate the production in the colonies 
by granting a bounty. 58 Governor Johnston was among those 
to remind England of her dependency upon France for the 
vital indigo supply and to point to the advantages occurring 
from American production. 59 As in the other staple products, 
certain Carolinians took advantage of the importance that 
England placed on indigo to try to wring concessions from 
the mother country. Encouragement of immigration, exten- 
sion of land holding and removal of restrictions on Irish trade 
all were demanded as a price for increasing indigo produc- 
tion. 60 

The mercantilist conception of the colonies called for spe- 
cialization of each unit. Occasionally, the specialization in 
one unit worked hardships upon other units. Such was the 
case with Virginia's priority on tobacco production. Carolina, 
expecially the northern coastal region, produced tobacco in 
considerable quantity which was transported to Virginia to 
be reshipped to Great Britain. Virginia, confronted with 
overproduction and falling prices, tried to curtail her own 
production and placed restriction on importing North Caro- 
lina tobacco in a law of 1679 which was renewed in 1705 and 
enlarged upon in 1726. The most effective defense of the 
Virginia embargo came from Virginia's Lieutenant Governor 
Gooch, who condemned Carolina tobacco because of its 
"trashy" quality, which reduced its value to England. Opposi- 
tion to Gooch's stand in Carolina, and even in his own coun- 
cil, resorted to sound mercantilist arguments. A petition from 
the "Inhabitants of Albemarle County" pointing to the danger 
of restrictions which was likely to force the Carolinians to 
turn to manufacturing. Gooch's rebuttal, which simply re- 
versed the same mercantilistic coin, stated that Carolina hav- 

68 Saunders, Colonial Records, IV, 882 ; Charles M. Andrews, The Colonial 
Period of American History (New Haven, 1938), IV, 90. 
5,3 Saunders, Colonial Records, IV, 871. 
60 Saunders, Colonial Records, V, 149, 319, 323. 

North Carolina Advocates of Mercantilism 157 

ing so many other things to turn to: rice, hides, naval stores, 
etc.; would hardly resort to manufacturing. Besides, he rea- 
soned, if it was dangerous for North Carolina to turn to manu- 
facturing, how much more so for Virginia who had played her 
colonial role so perfectly. 61 Regardless of the opposition to 
restriction, even by such "impartial" men as the pamphleteer 
Fayrer Hall, the Virginia argument held. 62 

Never was the proverbial slowness of North Carolina to 
act better demonstrated than in the fact that she was some 
twenty-five years behind Virginia in establishing an adequate 
tobacco inspection system. When Carolina did turn to inspec- 
tion in 1754 she adopted an act that was as detailed as that 
of the Old Dominion. Designed to prevent "the many frauds 
in deceiving his Majesty of his Customs" and to rejuvenate 
tobacco production, the act called for the erection of public 
warehouses where all tobacco was to be inspected, graded, 
stored and shipped. The inspection system, the essence of 
colonial paternalism, was sponsored by men who would 
eventually advocate severing ties with the mother country. 
But in 1754 future patriots like Robert Jones, John Ashe, 
George Moore, Edward Vail and Jacob Blount helped frame 
restrictive legislation designed to give benefits to Great Bri- 
tain as well as to North Carolina. 63 Coming as late as the 
inspection system did in Carolina, an indication is given that 
British adherence to mercantilism was not offensive to the 
colonist. Nor was colonial resentment of the English eco- 
nomic system of mercantilism an important factor in stirring 
opposition to the Crown. The generation that was to oppose 
the Stamp Act but support Governor Tyron in suppressing 
the Regulators could agree with the declaration of the later 
Continental Congress that, "we cheerfully consent to the 
operation of such acts of the British parliament, as are bona 
fide restrained to the regulation of our external commerce, for 
the purpose of securing the commercial advantages of the 

61 Saunders, Colonial Records, II, 685, 773-774 ; III, 196. 

62 F. [Fayrer] Hall, The Importance of the British Plantations in Ameri- 
ca to this Kingdom . . . (London, 1731), 72. 

68 Saunders, Colonial Records, V, 232-263, 1078; Clark, State Records, 
XIII, 55-56. 

158 The North Carolina Historical Review 

whole Empire to the mother country, and the commercial 
benefits of its respective members. 64 

While it is true that tobacco was placed under inspection 
later than most staple commodities, all inspection laws came 
late to Carolina. The first general inspection law was adopted 
in 1751 in response to Governor Johnston's urging. At that 
time inspection was set up for naval stores, rice, beef, and 
pork. 65 As a result, by 1755 practically every major agricul- 
tural pursuit had come under governmental regulation, spon- 
sored and directed by the colonists themselves. Livestock 
production had been especially singled out for detailed con- 
sideration. The extent of the legislation is dramatically illu- 
strated by the fact that over half the cases in the Greenville 
Courts were connected with the livestock problem. 66 The 
presence of fence laws, brand laws, livestock inspection, and 
quarantine laws all attest to the local government's interest in 
regulating that industry. Colonial use of certain of the more 
sophisticated aspects of mercantilism were also apparent in 
the legislation dealing with livestock. The law of 1723 regulat- 
ing the number of horses one individual could keep and 
specifying the treatment of certain undersirable types, is one 
of the few colonial attempts to legislate the improvement 
of the breed of animals. 67 

The Assembly also attempted to develop the infant leather 
industry that was closely connected with livestock produc- 
tion. An act designed to encourage tanning of leather was 
passed in 1727 and was followed by an act in 1748 for the 
same purpose, restricting the exportation of hides. In 1754 the 
act was repealed on a petition from Wilmington and was not 
reinstated in spite of subsequent petitions from North Caro- 
lina tanners and merchants asking for repassage or at least 
the establishment of inspection coupled with a duty on ex- 

04 Worthington Chauncey Ford, Journals of the Continental Congress, 
1774-1789 (Washington, 1904), I, 68-69. 

05 Franklin, "Agriculture in Colonial North Carolina," 571; Saunders, 
Colonial Records, 917; Clark, State Records, XXIII, 352. 

60 Nannie Mae Tilley, "Industries of Colonial Granville County," The 
North Carolina Historical Review, XIII (October, 1936), 281. Hereinafter 
cited as Tilley, "Industries of Colonial Granville County." 

1,7 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 57, 59, 61, 74, 104, 112, 165. 

North Carolina Advocates of Mercantilism 159 

portation of green hides. 68 But between 1727 and 1754, just 
as the principle of inspection was being accepted in its fullest 
form, North Carolina had adopted one of the oldest mercan- 
tilistic techniques for developing domestic production. 

By the 1750's Carolina had caught the British mercantile 
spirit and governmental regulation of colonial economic life 
had become the accepted economic philosophy. Whether 
it was a minor matter of attempting to regulate the depreda- 
tion of pests and "vermin" or the all important matter of 
navigation, the colonial Carolina government felt justified 
in directing the activities of the individual. Consequently, 
laws regulating deer seasons were matched by those encour- 
aging the destruction of squirrels, dogs and wild cattle. 69 On 
the other hand attempts to improve transportation facilities 
run as a steady theme throughout the period under discus- 
sion. Transportation under the Proprietary rule was, to use 
Governor Burrington's phrase, "in a manner unregarded." 70 
Proprietary neglect plus the barrier of the outer banks had 
justly received much of the blame for North Carolina's re- 
tarded economic growth. Planters, like Thomas Pollock and 
his sons, Cullen and George, were continually complaining 
of the lack of transportation and navigation facilities which 
was stifling business. 71 Transportation costs were high, Hugh 
Meredith claimed as much as 100 per cent, and Carolina 
products failed to compete with either those of Virginia or 
South Carolina because of the unequal transportation 
charges. 72 

The meager success of Burrington's administration in de- 
veloping transportation was not caused by his failure to 
advocate mercantile techniques. His attempt to develop har- 
bor facilities by concentrating on one port through the estab- 
lishment of a single customs house was an application of 

68 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 111, 286, 419; Saunders, Colonial Records, 
IV, 902-903, 915; V, 248, 279, 445-446. 

69 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 71, 127-128, 218, 288, 419; Saunders, 
Colonial Records, IV, 97, 228, 363, 408, 745, 1262; V, 1066, 1097. 

70 Saunders, Colonial Records, II, 435. 

71 Pollock Letter Bock, passim. 

72 Cunningham, "Gabriel Johnston,'' 246; Hugh Meredith, An Account 
of Cape Fear (Perth Amboy, New Jersey, 1922), 29; Marvin L. Skaggs, 
"The First Boundary Survey Between the Carolinas," The North Caro- 
lina Historical Review, XII (July, 1935), 16-17. 

160 The North Carolina Historical Review 

mercantile regulation in its most stringent form. 73 By the time 
Johnston assumed office the number of petitions requesting 
governmental action plus his own inclination led to consider- 
able activity. As F. W. Clonts has pointed out, however, there 
was probably less government control than the statutes would 
indicate. 74 Whatever action was taken was based on mercan- 
tilistic concepts of monopoly and governmental stimulation. 
For example, more effective ferrying service was to be de- 
veloped by restricting competition within ten miles of an 
established crossing. The government also undertook to pro- 
vide for pilotage, beacons and other harbor improvements 
by levying port charges on all vessels. 75 

In a colony devoted to agricultural pursuits and naval 
stores production the need for grist and saw mills was ap- 
parent. As in all instances where a need existed and the 
capital to correct the deficiency was scarce, the government 
stepped in to regulate and encourage development. The act of 
1715 regulating construction of mills carried the interesting 
provision subjecting all mills to government regulation be- 
cause of their "Publick" character. Apparently there was no 
great need for regulation until late in the colonial period 
as the number of mills remained small until after the mid- 
century. It was not until 1758 that an extensive and detailed 
law was passed which gave governmental supervision of the 
operation of mills. 76 

Regulation of other businesses and industries was not very 
extensive. A number of bills regulating ordinaries and "Tip- 
pling Houses" were enacted and a law placing a duty of 2 
per cent upon all goods sold by "trader, peddlers, and petty 
chapmen" who did not live in the colony represented a kind 
of inter-colonial embargo of a retail business. 77 By and large 
the end of the French and Indian War did not find North 

73 Saunders, Colonial Records, III, 155-156, 184, 434. 

74 F. W. Clonts, "Travel and Transportation in Colonial North Caro- 
lina," The North Carolina Historical Review, III (January, 1926), 34. 

75 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 47 ; Saunders, Colonial Records, III, 184 ; 
IV, 1263, 1312. 

78 Brickell, The Natural History of North Carolina, 263; [Nairne], A 
Letter . . . from a Swiss Gentleman, 304; Tilley, "Industries of Colonial 
Granville County," 282; Clark, State Records, XXIII, 48-49, 485-487. 

77 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 81, 97, 182, 317. 

North Carolina Advocates of Mercantilism 161 

Carolina heavily engaged in policing sales and services as it 
was doing in agricultural industries. This is more of an indica- 
tion of the relative importance of these activities than any 
reluctancy on the part of the colonial government to regulate 
business. Whenever economic activities were sufficiently im- 
portant there was no hesitation on the part of the government 
to act, or fear of the too overshadowing state, because of these 
acts, on the part of the people. 

Of supreme importance to the Carolinians was their rela- 
tions with the Indians which were closely associated with 
the fur trade and with the expansive activities of France 
and Spain. At least one of the reasons for the Crown's assump- 
tion of the colony was the Proprietary neglect of Indian 
affairs. Although Royal control brought a renewed interest 
in preserving friendly relations it was not until the approach 
of the French and Indian War that rigid control of all con- 
tact with the Indian was urged. 78 Governor Dobbs, using 
pure mercantilist reasoning, suggested complete control of 
prices, standards of goods and the type of goods sold to the 
Indians as a means of further promoting trade and securing 
the frontier. 79 To offset the growing French influence, Dobbs 
suggested a compulsory underselling of the French trader, 
establishment of protective garrisons, and encouragement of 
intermarriage with the Indians. 80 The growing fear of the 
French was expressed by the Council in a petition to the King 
in 1756. The phrasing of this petition reflected an equal 
appreciation of mercantile logic and an understanding of 
their own importance in the eyes of the mother country. The 
petition called for added defense as a 

. . . means of securing not only our Trade and Commerce, but 
also preventing a province, remarkable for Naval Stores and 
Provisions from being attacked by . . . the French, who have long 

78 Martha Corbitt Chapman, "Indian Relations in Colonial North Car- 
olina" (unpublished master's thesis, University of North Carolina, 1937), 36. 

78 Saunders, Colonial Records, V, 215, 507. 

80 Saunders, Colonial Records, V, 462-275. See also Dobbs Papers for an 
earlier scheme which included an attack on Quebec and the development 
of an extensive island defense in the Atlantic that was nearly as grandiose 
as that of William Byrd. 

162 The North Carolina Historical Review 

had an Eye on this and the Neighboring Province of Virginia 
on account of the native produce of each Colony. 81 

If not as urgent as thwarting the "French romantic skemes 
to take the English colonies," certainly as important in the 
long run was the necessity of correcting North Carolina's 
unfavorable trade balance. Of all the Carolinians who ap- 
proached this problem none was so steeped in mercantile 
theory or expressed their thought so well as John Rutherfurd. 
Under the heading "some general Maximums of trade," he 

1. That the trade of a country which contributes most to the 
employment and subsistance of our people is the most 
valuable. . . . 

3. That we are most enriched by those countries which pay us 
the greatest sums upon the balance, and most impoverished 
by those who carry off the greatest balance from us. . . . 

6. That every country which takes off our finished manufac- 
tures, and returns us unwrought materials to be manufac- 
tured here, contributes so far to the employment and 
subsistence of our manufacturing those materials. 82 

England, he insisted, could command such advantages only 
by establishing a direct trade with the colonies in commodi- 
ties that the mother country specifically needed and encour- 
aged. He reasoned that more than one-sixth of the colonists 
were foregoing the purchase of British manufactured goods 
because of colonial production had not been directed into 
proper channels. It was only by direct trade, in a directed 
colonial economy, that the most successful trade could be 
maintained. 83 Although writing as if he were an English mer- 
chant, Rutherfurd, as a colonial planter, merchant and coun- 
cilman, expected the colonies to profit by commercial relation- 
ships with Great Britain. If Britain received the ultimate 
trade the colonies would receive the immediate aid. 

Where Rutherfurd appealed for a general strengthening 
of a balance of trade with the colonies, William Borden limit- 

81 Saunders, Colonial Records, V, 682. 

82 Rutherfurd, "The Importance of the Colonies to Great Britain," 114- 

88 Rutherfurd, "The Importance of the Colonies to Great Britain," 121. 

North Carolina Advocates of Mercantilism 163 

ed his plea to call for development of a Carolina trade. 
Rhetorically he asked 

Are not the Inhabitants . . . obliged to purchase all their for- 
eign Necessaries at the very last and dearest Hand? . . . consider, 
then, what all this amounts to, but a supporting Navigation and 
trade in neighboring Government, at the Expence of the poor 
North-Carolina Planter. ... Is it possible this can redound to the 
King's Honor? 84 

Borden's pamphlet reflected the merchants' and planters' 
desire for extended trade, which occasionally took the form 
of demand for relaxation of the English trade restrictions, but 
more frequently was the attempt to fit Carolina into the 
existing frame of the mercantile pattern. In spite of the efforts 
of each of the royal governors, Carolina's role in the Empire 
system doomed her to an unfavorable balance of trade. 85 As 
the eighteenth century progressed the enthusiasm that had 
greeted the assumption of royal authority tended to wear 
thin. Prosperity failed to materialize and Great Britain was 
reluctant to extend further concessions to the colonies. 

The inevitable result of Carolina's unfavorable trade ar- 
rangement was the draining of gold and silver to England. 
As long as commodity money was tolerated, Carolina could 
keep her creaking economic machine in operation, but the 
lubricant of gold and silver was obviously needed. Governor 
Dobbs not only strained his official instructions in order to 
allow the continued use of commodity money, but urged 
various reforms on Great Britain designed to relieve the 
monetary pressure in Carolina. 86 William Borden with con- 
siderable ingenuity outlined a compulsory bullion-barter 
trade arrangement which would have reduced but not elimi- 
nated the problem. 87 Other schemes, such as bills to encour- 
age importation of bullion, to establish a "Court Merchant," 
and to eliminate usury, failed to bring relief because they 

84 Borden, "An Address to the Inhabitants of North-Carolina," 72. 

85 For the various governors' attempts to encourage direct trade see, 
Saunders, Colonial Records, III, 155, 258, 287, 542; IV, 78, 228, 418; Vir- 
ginia Gazette, October 15, 1736. 

86 Saunders, Colonial Records, V, 214, 392, 574. 

87 Borden, "An Address to the Inhabitants of North Carolina," 79. 

164 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ignored the basic problem of the unbalanced trade. 88 Because 
of the limited amount of specie circulating in the colony any, 
even small, downward adjustment in the existing monetary 
conditions would have severe reprecussions. Therefore, any 
act of Parliament which tended either to extract more gold 
from the colony (such as the Stamp Act) or deprive the 
colony of its useful commodity money ( such as the Currency 
Act of 1764) would of necessity force the colonies to des- 
perate measures. 89 The choice of these measures in turn was 
guided by the colonial background of mercantilistic thought. 
The feeling of importance of the colonies in the interdepen- 
dency of the mercantile empire led to the evolution of co- 
lonial resistance along lines of economic sanction in the form 
of non-importation and non-exportation agreements. 

Furthermore, the acceptance of the mercantile theory did 
not exclude the development of an independent spirit. The 
basic principles of mercantilism such as a favorable balance 
of trade, an increased labor force and self-sufficiency could 
be readily transferred to local rather than Empire considera- 
tions. By denying only the principle of the subordinated 
position of the colonies to Great Britain, a stringent mercan- 
tilist might keep all his old beliefs and apply them to Carolina 
alone. As the colonists began to establish their own naviga- 
tion and industrial improvements through the action of the 
Assembly the opportunity for shifting allegiance became 
greater. Governor Dobbs noted with bitterness the tendency 
of "a Republican party to engross the executive power of the 
Crown," in order to adopt measures "Only related to the 
Interior benefit of this colony. . . ." 90 Unfortunately for the 
empire, just as the local spirit of initiative and independence 
was becoming manifest the British government turned away 
from her previous "pure" mercantilist program. The Procla- 
mation of 1763, the Quartering Act, the Stamp Act, the 
Townshend Acts, and many of the other new colonial policies 

^Saunders, Colonial Records, V, 274, 297; Clark, State Records, XXIII, 

89 For the nature and cause of the Carolina reaction to the Stamp Act, 
see C. Robert Haywood, "The Mind of the North Carolina Opponents of 
the Stamp Act," The North Carolina Historical Review, XXIX (July, 1952), 

00 Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 308, 319, 408. 

North Carolina Advocates of Mercantilism 165 

were not devised to implement any mercantilist doctrine. The 
general colonial acceptance of the theory just at a time when 
it was being at least partly discarded in England led to 
conflicting economic, as well as political, philosophies. By 
1763 mercantilism, which had been designed as a unifying 
and binding principle as far as the colonies were concerned, 
had become a basis on which to demand independence and 




By William S. Hoffmann 

One of the most significant determinants during the Jack- 
son period was consideration of land policy. Discussions of 
nullification, the national bank controversy, the split between 
Jackson and Calhoun and the unpopularity of Van Buren 
seem inadequate in explaining the rise of an anti-Jackson 
party. When one looks for reasons for the rise of the Whig 
party in North Carolina, and North Carolina seems typical 
of the Southeast, he finds that on none of these issues were 
anti-Jackson men able to gain great strength. 1 Yet because 
of the Jacksonian opposition to annual distribution the Dem- 
ocrat party lost its control of the state. 

The Whig plan of distributing the proceeds from federal 
land sales to all the states was not new. In North Carolina 
the legislature of 1828 and 1829 had debated resolutions on 
land policy, and in 1829 the Senate resolved that the fairest 
way of making appropriations for internal improvements was 
to distribute the funds equally among the states. 2 This reso- 
lution had caused little comment in the press or among poli- 
ticians. The North Carolina press gave only casual attention 
to land resolutions in Congress or to memorials of other state 
legislatures that advocated distribution. 3 Jackson's veto of 
Clay's first distribution bill in 1833 did receive some con- 
demnation in the National Republican press and in handbills 
by anti-Jackson congressmen, but Jackson's enemies placed 
comparatively little emphasis on this veto, and the issue was 

1 For a fuller discussion of these and other issues on North Carolinians 
see William S. Hoffmann, "North Carolina Politics in the Jackson Period, 
1824-1837" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of North Caro- 
lina, Chapel Hill, 1953). 

2 New Bern Spectator and Literary Journal, January 2, December 31, 
1829. Hereinafter cited as the New Bern Spectator. 

3 New Bern Spectator, January 24, 1829; Halifax Minerva, January 28, 
1830; Free Press (Tarboro), February 5, 1830, March 29, 1831. Hereinafter 
cited as Free Press. 


The Downfall of the Democrats 167 

not kept before the public. 4 As a general rule the anti- 
Jackson men had favored distribution and the Jacksonians 
had opposed it, but before 1834 neither group had con- 
sidered it a major issue. 

National land policy was a complex matter. Westerners 
wanted either reduction of land prices or cession of the public 
lands to the states in which they were situated. Northeast- 
erners and most southeasterners wanted a share of the pro- 
ceeds, although some southeasterners would have preferred 
for the federal government to use the proceeds for its own 
operating expenses and reduce the tariff below general rev- 
enue needs. The sectional division was complicated by par- 
tisan considerations. Democrats led by Thomas Hart Benton 
advocated lowering land prices; and Whigs, led by Henry 
Clay and Daniel Webster, generally favored distribution. 
Some partisans were willing to follow party instead of section. 

Whig Congressman Lewis Williams, a brother of Jackson's 
Tennessee enemy, John Williams, was an early advocate of 
distribution. In January, 1833, he charged that the Demo- 
crats intended to give the public lands to the Western states 
in order "to purchase the vote of those states for Van Buren 
as the next president." 5 Two years later this was to be the 
Whig battle cry. Although Democrat leaders never seriously 
considered ceding the land to the western states, Williams 
and most other Whig leaders constantly reiterated the charge. 

In late 1833 Willie P. Mangum, the most chameleon-like 
figure in North Carolina politics, wished to become a cham- 
pion of distribution. Senator Mangum had decided to break 
openly with Jackson, and he wrote Governor David L. Swain 
a "confidential" letter pledging his allegiance to the Whig 
Party. Mangum realized that support of the national bank 
was unpopular and wished to place his opposition on more 
popular grounds. While a Jackson supporter he had twice 
voted against distribution and was on record as stating that 

* New Bern Spectator, March 15, 1833; [Abraham] "Rencher's Circular," 
Star and North Carolina State Gazette (Raleigh), May 10, 1833; Lewis 
Williams, To the Citizens of the Thirteenth Congressional District of 
North Carolina (Washington, February 12, 1833), 15. 

5 Lewis Williams to General William Lenoir, Washington, January 11, 
1833, Lenoir Family Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University 
of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. Hereinafter cited as Lenoir Family Papers. 

168 The North Carolina Historical Review 

"without instructions" he must oppose the measure. 6 He 
argued that distribution would be popular in the state and 
urged Swain to arrange for instructions to be sent requesting 
him to change his vote. Mangum's letter arrived after the 
legislature adjourned, but his suggestion was not forgotten. 

David L. Swain liked Mangum's suggestion, and he did 
more than anyone else to make North Carolinians conscious 
of the distribution issue. Although never a Jackson supporter, 
Swain had posed as a non-partisan, and with some Demo- 
cratic support had won re-election as governor in 1834. He 
immediately dropped all pretense of non-partisanism and 
became the most ardent champion of Whig policies. Re- 
membering Mangum's desire to be instructed, Swain, in his 
inaugural address, gave a detailed historical account of land 
cession to the Confederation. He declared that the original 
states ceded their western lands to the union in order to pay 
the country's Revolutionary War debt. Swain argued that 
since the debt was virtually paid the old states were justly 
entitled to all the proceeds from the remaining land. He was 
graciously willing to grant the western states a portion of the 
proceeds and considered federal population a fair basis for 
distribution. The Governor painted a beautiful picture of 
North Carolina with $300,000 annually flowing in from the 
federal treasury to finance railroads and canal projects and 
the anticipated profits from these supporting free public 
schools. Swain charged that the Democratic administration 
in order to maintain itself in power had refused to grant the 
old states their fair portion of the common treasury. 7 

Swain's efforts to secure instructions concerning distribu- 
tion failed. The voters had selected the legislators when the 
main issue before them was Jackson's removal of the deposits 
from the national bank. Senator Mangum had delivered a 
bitter philippic against Jackson and voted to censure him 
for removing the deposits. 8 He had given publicity to reso- 

Willie P. Mangum to David L. Swain, December 22, 1833, Henry T. 
Shanks, ed., The Papers of Willie Person Mangum (Raleigh: North Car- 
olina State Department of Archives and History, 4 volumes, 1950-1955), 
II, 51-56. 

7 Swain's message, Hillsborough Recorder, November 28, 1834. 

8 Raleigh Register and North Carolina Gazette, March 18, 1834. Here- 
inafter cited as Raleigh Register. 

The Downfall of the Democrats 169 

lutions passed by a meeting of partisan Whigs "instructing" 
the two senators to restore the deposits. Mangum had at- 
tacked his colleague Bedford Brown for refusing to either 
obey or resign. The Whig press, suddenly becoming cham- 
pions of the "republican doctrine of instructions," denounced 
Brown for disobedience. 9 In the 1834 legislative campaign 
both parties had accepted the theory of senatorial obligation 
to follow instructions or resign. The Democrats won the 
election, and instead of passing the instructions desired by 
Swain and Mangum the legislature ordered the senators to 
support a resolution expunging the censure of Jackson. Whigs 
had opposed, and, forgetting which party had revived the 
doctrine of instructions, some had even declared that sena- 
tors had no obligation to obey. 10 Mangum disobeyed but 
remained in the Senate for almost two years— until just be- 
fore his term expired. The instruction issue nevertheless 
temporarily proved embarrassing to the Whigs. 

Although the Swain- Mangum plan had failed in its im- 
mediate objective, it was not in vain. After the lower house 
finished debating the instructions to expunge, Pleasant Hend- 
erson, Surry County Whig, introduced two resolutions on 
federal land policy. In deference to the Whig members who 
had opposed the principle of instructions, the resolutions 
were not called instructions but would have served the same 
purpose. Democrats could have been condemned for dis- 
obeying, while Mangum could have used them as an excuse 
to change his vote. The first resolution stated that any law 
by the federal government either to cede the lands to the 
western states or to lower the price of public lands was an 
injustice to the old states. The second resolution requested 
permanent distribution of the proceeds of public lands to all 
of the states. In defending the resolutions George Outlaw, 
Bertie County Whig, asserted that the Democrats opposed 
distribution because they intended to cede the lands to the 
western states. Samuel King, like Mangum a recent convert 
to Whiggery, charged that the administration favored reduc- 

9 Miners and Farmers Journal (Charlotte), March 1, 1834; Western 
Carolinian (Salisbury), March 8, 1834 (hereinafter cited as Western Caro- 
linian; Raleigh Register, February 25, March 18, April 15, 1834. 

10 Raleigh Register, December 30, 1834, January 27, 1835. 

170 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ing land prices in order to make Thomas Hart Benton vice- 
president. John Bragg, Democrat from Warren County, spoke 
against the resolution and attacked Swain for bringing up 
the question of public lands in his inaugural after ignoring 
it in his annual message. He charged that Swain wanted to 
"manufacture paupers" and declared Congress had no consti- 
tutional right to distribute the proceeds. 11 Distribution was 
popular, and about one-half of the Democrats voted for 
the resolution allowing it to pass the House eighty-two to 

Jacksonians led by William H. Haywood, Jr., the recog- 
nized Democratic leader in the House, filed a protest. They 
admitted that ceding land to the western states was unfair 
to the old states, but they would not concede that lowering 
land prices constituted any act of injustice. They objected 
to asking Congress to regulate land sales for the benefit of 
the old states and declared that Congress should legislate 
for the benefit of the whole union. They also pointed out 
that permanent distribution would weaken the nation in time 
of war. They asked if the resolution was meant as instructions 
and asserted that if so Whigs had been untruthful in denying 
the right of the legislature to instruct Mangum. They de- 
clared that if the resolution was not meant as instructions, 
the Whigs were guilty of wasting public money by dis- 
cussing it. The Democrats in the Senate refused to consider 
the resolution, and it failed to pass. The people considered 
Haywood's protest as the Democratic stand. 12 

The legislative discussions created an issue, and the Whigs 
rebuked the Democrats for their opposition. The Salisbury 
Western Carolinian attacked Haywood's protest as typical of 
the "cant" of the Democrats, who had "sacrificed the dignity 
of poor old North Carolina to gratify a miserable cabal at 
Washington." 13 William J. Alexander, Whig leader from 
Mecklenburg County, asserted that the refusal of the Demo- 
crats in the state Senate to consider the resolution would 

^Western Carolinian, January 10, 24, 1835; Bragg's speech, The North 
Carolina Standard (Raleigh), February 6, 1835. Hereinafter cited as The 

™ The Standard, January 16, 1835. 

13 Western Carolinian, January 24, 1835. 

The Downfall of the Democrats 171 

cause distribution to fail, and North Carolina would lose 
several hundred-thousand dollars annually. 14 Whig Congress- 
men Abraham Rencher issued a circular in which he argued 
that the old states had the right to the revenue from public 
lands. He called on the citizens to say "whether they will 
suffer these most important rights to be sacrificed for the 
sake of party." 13 Lewis Williams wrote his constituents that 
if distribution passed North Carolina could begin a $5,000,000 
road building project "without one cent tax of any kind." 
He declared: 

The old states should not tolerate for a moment the idea of giv- 
ing up the lands to the new state, or reducing the price . . . but 
. . . ought to require that the public domain be held as a common 
fund for the use and benefit of all the states. . . . North Caro- 
lina's share would be nearly $300,000 a year. . . . Railroads and 
canals could be constructed through the state and then a system 
of schools. . . . Shall we take it and apply it to our own use and 
benefit, instead of permitting others to riot upon it at our 
expense? 16 

The Whigs also attacked the Democratic proposal for re- 
ducing land prices. Congressman James Graham charged that 
the Democratic plan amounted to "a tax to rob the poor of 
North Carolina to enrich the poor of other states." 17 Con- 
gressman Edmund Deberry declared that reducing the land 
prices would throw the public lands into the hands of 
speculators. 18 Pleasant Henderson issued a circular in which 
he reiterated that a reduction of the minimum price would 
constitute a great injustice to the land owners of the state. 10 
Reducing land prices was not popular in North Carolina. 

u Extracts from Alexander's circular, Raleigh Register, March 10, 1835. 
^ A [braham] Rencher, To the Citizens of the Tenth Congressional Dis- 
trict (Washington, March 6, 1835), 1. 

16 Lewis Williams, To the Citizens of the Thirteenth Congressional Dis- 
trict of North Carolina (Washington, February 18, 1835), 4-5. 

17 Extracts from James Graham's Circular, Hillsborough Recorder, April 
3, 1835. 

18 Edmund Deberry, To the Freemen of Anson, Richmond, Cumberland, 
Moore, and Montgomery (Washington, February 28, 1835), 1, Edmund 
Deberry Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Car- 
olina, Chapel Hill. 

19 "Circular of Pleasant Henderson to the Voters of Surry County," 
Hillsborough Recorder, August 16, 1835. 

172 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Democrats declared that distribution would mean in- 
creased taxation. Dr. Thomas Hall issued a circular oppos- 
ing the measure. He emphasized its unconstitutionality, but 
he also insisted that distribution would mean higher taxes. 
He declared that if a surplus existed it should be returned 
to the "pockets of the people" by lowering the tariff. 20 The 
Raleigh Standard, the newly established organ of the party, 
cited figures to show that if the proposed distribution bill 
passed there would be a deficit of approximately $3,200,000 
which could only be made up by increased taxation. It 
charged that the real purpose of the Whigs was to secure 
more protection for manufacturers and that the land bill was 
"the first step toward breaking the compromise tariff." 21 

The congressional elections of 1835 came at the height of 
the distribution battle. The Whigs won one outstanding vic- 
tory when they defeated Dr. Thomas Hall. The Whigs of the 
district were well organized, and in county meetings they 
named delegates to a convention to select a candidate. The 
convention named Ebenezer Pettigrew, an eminently re- 
spectable citizen who had little previous connection with 
politics. 22 Although Pettigrew said little about distribution his 
friends attacked Hall for opposing it. 23 The Democratic in- 
cumbent had consistently championed state rights and logic- 
ally argued that Congress had no constitutional power to 
distribute money to the states. 24 Hall's opposition to distribu- 
tion was the most important factor in accounting for Petti- 
grew's victory. 

The contests in the other districts were primarily tests of 
personal popularity rather than decisions on major issues, 
but almost all the Whig candidates approved of annual distri- 
bution. The results of the election snowed that seven Writes 
and six Democrats would compose the state delegation. Al- 

20 Thomas Hall, To the Qualified Voters of the Third Congressional Dis- 
trict of North Carolina, 1835 [Washington, June, 1835]. Hereinafter cited 
as Hall, To the Qualified Voters. 

21 The Standard, January 2, 1835. 

22 Raleigh Register, December 23, 1834. 

23 Z. W. Burrows to Ebenezer Pettigrew [Washington, North Carolina], 
July [1835], Pettigrew Papers, North Carolina State Department of 
Archives and History, Raleigh. Hereinafter cited as the Pettigrew Papers. 

24 Hall, To the Qualified Voters, 1-2. 

The Downfall of the Democrats 173 

though the election was not a fair test of strength the Whigs 
had polled a much greater vote than their rivals, and distri- 
bution was undoubtedly one of the reasons for Whig strength. 
The Raleigh Register, organ of the Whigs, cited figures to 
show that even without counting two districts where Whig 
candidates were unopposed because "Van Burenites were 
afraid to show their weakness," the Whigs received 34,290 
votes to 22,680 for the Democrats. 25 They, therefore, claimed 
that the voters had given instructions to support the distri- 
bution bill. 

The elections to the legislature which were held at the 
same time were hotly contested. Personal popularity was 
still an important factor, but much party indication was 
shown in the results. Frequently Whig partisans held meet- 
ings and selected candidates pledged to favor distribution. 26 
Democrats held similar meetings and selected candiates who 
promised to support the administration. 27 The Democrats won 
a majority, but of only fifteen seats. 28 

The Whigs successfully made the discussions of land policy 
appear as the most important issue before the legislature. 
Governor Swain gave his last annual address and again made 
a strong plea for distribution. Stating that the revenue of the 
federal government greatly exceeded its needs, he warned 
that retention of surplus funds by the central government 
caused gross abuse of patronage and threatened Republican 
institutions. He argued that the income of the state govern- 
ment barely met its needs; he stated that it would be im- 
possible to inaugurate a system of internal improvements 
unless the proceeds of the public domain were distributed. 29 
The Democratic press took issue with Swain and prayed that 
the state would never "become pensioners of the general 
government." 30 Instead of distributing the surplus they sug- 
gested reducing the tariff. 

25 Raleigh Register, September 8, 1835. 
36 Hillsborough Recorder, April 6, 1835. 

27 The Standard, April 19, 1835. 

28 Raleigh Register, November 24, 1835. The figure is based on the elec- 
tion for state printer. 

29 Swain's message, Raleigh Register, December 1, 1835. 
80 Free Press, November 28, 1835. 

174 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Democrats had succeeded in electing Richard Dobbs 
Spaight as governor, and the chief executive answered his 
predecessor. In his inaugural address Spaight asserted that 
the constitution did not grant power to Congress for distribu- 
ting funds to the state. He called distribution "usurpation 
of power" and also attacked it on economic grounds. He 

A correct economy draws only so much from the earnings of 
the people as will properly administer their Government, leaving 
the remainder to be used by them according to the dictates of 
their own judgment; thus tending to increase the wealth of the 
state, by adding to the wealth of the citizens. 31 

Governor Spaight's solution to the problem of surplus funds 
was to reduce the tariff. 

On November 19 the land debate began. Thomas L. Cling- 
man, a western Whig leader, introduced a land resolution in 
the House that was virtually the same as the one introduced 
in the previous legislature. 82 Clingman emphasized that the 
old states specifically ceded western lands to the federal 
government for the benefit of all the states, and he pointed 
out that one-fourth of the proceeds had already been given 
to new states in specific grants. His three basic points were 
that the old states were entitled to the funds, that distribu- 
tion would diminish executive patronage, and that the funds 
would enable North Carolina to begin its much needed 
program of internal improvements. 33 James W. Gwinn, Demo- 
crat from Macon County, tried to amend the resolution to 
declare reduction of land prices "impolitic" instead of "un- 
just," and to allow the reduction of prices of "unsalable" land. 
On December 2, Gwinn withdrew his resolution, and another 
Democrat moved that the Senate's proposed land resolution 
be substituted for Clingman's original proposal. 34 

The Senate Democrats endorsed a plan of temporary dis- 
tribution. On November 28, Harvey Waugh, Democrat from 

1 Spaight's inaugural address, The Standard, December 17, 1835. 

2 Raleigh Register, November 24, 1835. 

13 Clingman's speech, The Standard, December 17, 1835. 

14 Raleigh Register, December 15, 1835. 

The Downfall of the Democrats 175 

Surry County, introduced a resolution that had the support 
of most of his party. His resolution called the cession of public 
lands to the new states "a plain breach of public faith," but 
it said nothing concerning reduction of land prices. 35 The 
resolution declared that normally Congress should limit rev- 
enue to the needs of government, but since the compromise 
tariff had been made in good faith it should not be changed. 
Therefore, if a surplus occurred Congress could divide it 
among the states. The resolution denounced the attempt to 
make the land question a party issue. Waugh's resolution 
passed the Senate by a vote of thirty-six to twenty-seven. 

Unlike their allies in the Senate the Democrats in the 
House of Commons did not vote as a unit. Henry Jordon, 
Cumberland County Democrat, led the supporters of the 
Senate resolution. He declared that permanent distribution 
would corrupt the state, lead to permanent high tariff, and 
weaken the country in time of war. Ralph Gorrell, Guilford 
County Whig, answered Jordon's arguments. He averred that 
Democrats in control of the government were using surplus 
funds to corrupt the press. He denied that permanent distri- 
bution would lead to permanent high tariff. He argued that 
a low tariff would result in a great increase in importations, 
and hence the total revenue collected would be as great as 
it had been when the tariff rate was higher. He stated that in 
time of war the distribution bill could be repealed, but he 
argued that the possibility of war eventually occurring was 
no reason for depriving the states of revenue to which they 
were justly entitled. He declared Jackson's veto of the first 
distribution bill had already cost the state several million 
dollars, and he charged that Democrats by supporting the 
Senate amendment were evading the issue. Many Democrats 
voted with the Whigs and defeated the attempt to substitute. 
The original Whig resolution passed. 36 

Neither house would yield. On December 21 the lower 
House received the Senate's resolution, but by a vote of 
fifty-one to forty-seven it voted to substitute its own proposal. 
The Senate in turn refused to accept the House resolution 


Raleigh Register, December 8, 1835. 

Jordon's and GorrelPs speeches, Raleigh Register, January 19, 1836. 

176 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and for the second time sent Waugh's measure to the House. 
By fifty-four to forty-three the House indefinitely postponed 
the Senate resolution, thus ending the debate in the legis- 
lature. 37 

The death of the resolution set off another battle of words 
in the press. A Whig journal, the Fayetteville Observer, 
charged that the "Van Buren party in the legislature" had 
kept North Carolina from receiving the means of placing 
the people "above want"; similar phrases were repeated by 
all the Whig papers. 38 Some Democrats blamed the Whigs 
for the failure of the state to endorse a distribution resolution. 
Harvey Waugh issued a circular charging the Whigs with 
causing the defeat of his resolution, and pointing out that 
it condemned the cession of public lands to the western 
states. 39 The Standard and the Register, the leading organs 
of the two parties, argued back and forth as to which party 
had killed distribution. 40 The Whigs got the better of the 
exchange; the people knew they actually did favor distribu- 
ting the proceeds of public lands. 

The Whig press denied that the Democrats actually fav- 
ored distribution. They pointed out the inconsistency of 
Democrats supporting a resolution that admitted Congress 
could divide an "unavoidable surplus" at the same time they 
were declaring Congress had no constitutional right to dis- 
tribute. They claimed that if the Democrats had their way 
and prohibited distribution North Carolina would be deprived 
of $500,000 a year, and there would be no roads, no canals, 
and no schools. 41 They asserted that the Democrats had tried 
to evade the issue because distribution would weaken Van 
Buren's chance of winning the presidency, and they mini- 
mized the Democratic warning that annual distribution would 
endanger the nation in time of war. 

While the Democrats were uttering warnings that perma- 
nent distribution would weaken the country in time of war, 

37 Raleigh Register, December 29, 1835. 

38 Raleigh Register, February 2, 1836, quoting Fayetteville Observer. 

a " Extracts from Waugh's circular, Raleigh Register, February 16, 1836. 
*° Raleigh Register, January 5, 12, 19, 1836; The Standard, January 7, 
14, 1836. 

41 Raleigh Register, December 8, 1835. 

The Downfall of the Democrats 177 

many people believed war was imminent. 42 In his annual 
message of December, 1834, Jackson had denounced France 
for not paying spoliation claims, and the French government 
refused to pay unless the President's language was satisfac- 
torily explained. The issue was settled peacefully, but in 
Jackson's belligerent attitude North Carolina Whigs found 
another club with which to strike the Democrats. As the con- 
troversy drew to a close Thomas Hart Benton introduced a 
bill to spend the government's accumulating surplus for put- 
ting the nation's defenses in a state of preparedness. Whigs 
declared that Benton's real intent was to defeat distribution. 
On the Senate floor Willie P. Mangum charged that the ad- 
ministration deliberately created "this parade of war with 
France" in order to get possession "of thirty-millions of sur- 
plus which would be so convenient to them in carrying out 
their plan of corruption." 43 Lewis Williams stated that Jack- 
son wanted the military appropriations merely to enrich 
friendly contractors and to defeat Clay's land bill. 44 During 
the crisis the Democrats gained much because they were the 
party of patriotism, but after the period of tension had ended 
the people saw less need for military appropriations and still 
desired distribution. 

Shortly before the end of the French crisis Henry Clay 
introduced another distribution bill. It provided for distri- 
buting the surplus revenue among the states. The Raleigh 
Register declared that under the bill North Carolina's share 
would be $988,632. Since part of the government's surplus 
had been derived from land sales, the Salisbury Carolina 
Watchman observed that the money was "jusly due us for land 
sold: for land put in the hands of a Trustee to pay a particular 
debt, . . ," 45 The bill passed Congress, but Jackson gave it a 
pocket veto, and the Whig press charged that this action cost 
North Carolina a million dollars. 46 James Graham, who repre- 
sented a mountain area greatly in need of transportation fa- 

42 Henry Clark to Ebenezer Pettigrew, Washington [North Carolina] , 
January 30, 1836, Pettigrew Papers. 

43 Mangum's speech, Hillsborough Recorder, April 1, 1836. 

44 Lewis Williams to William Lenoir, Washington, February 22, 1836, 
Lenoir Family Papers. 

45 Raleigh Register, January 19, 1836, quoting the Carolina Watchman. 

46 Raleigh Register, January 12, 1836. 

178 The North Carolina Historical Review 

cilities, attacked the veto. He issued a letter to his constituents 
asking whether the people or the politicians and "pet banks" 
should have the use of the money. He asked if Democrats 
"distributed" to banks, why could they not distribute to 
states. 47 

The Whigs made one more try. John C. Calhoun drew up 
a bill to deposit the surplus with the states as a non-interest 
paying loan. Most of the Whigs assumed that the states would 
never be required to pay the money back, but Democrats who 
supported it professed to accept it at face value and thus 
circumvented constitutional objections. The Democratic press 
denounced the act and charged that the "presidential candi- 
dates who fathered the bill" wanted to distress the country's 
deposit banks and "dazzle the states" with federal money. 48 
The bill passed, and Jackson reluctantly allowed it to become 

Some Democrats insisted that the law was not a distribu- 
tion bill, but that the states were to serve as banks and hold 
the money until the federal government needed it. 49 They 
charged that Calhoun, Clay, and Webster, the authors of the 
deposit bill, were the real authors of a high tariff which would 
be necessary in a few years when the compromise tariff 
would no longer supply the needs of government. 50 For their 
final argument they cited a toast by Jackson. The president 
had written: 

The Constitution of the United States — What it does not author- 
ize, is forbidden to those who act under it. . . . When taxes pro- 
duce more money than can be rightfully applied, the appropriate 
remedy is reduction or repeal. To continue a tax without neces- 
sity for the sake of distribution, is to subvert the principle of 
the constitution, and must end in destroying the liberties of the 
people. 51 

47 James Graham, To the Freemen of the Twelfth Congressional District 
(Rutherfordton, [1836]), 2. 

48 Free Press, May 21, 1836. 

49 Free Press, July 2, 1836. 
m Free Press, July 30. 1836. 

61 Andrew Jackson to Henry Horn and Henry Simpson, June 26, 1836, 
quoted in the Free Press, August 6, 1836. 

The Downfall of the Democrats 179 

The Whigs were only partially satisfied with the deposit 
bill. They still demanded permanent distribution. They had 
gained great strength by championing distribution. It was 
a popular measure, especially in western North Carolina 
where internal improvements were desperately needed. The 
ability to connect distribution with the State's need for in- 
ternal improvements made it seem a panacea for all the 
State's ills; it could make possible a fine transportation system, 
good schools, and yet not require one cent of additional taxes. 
The Democrats argued that distribution was unconstitutional 
and that it would lead to a higher tariff, but these arguments 
could not keep them from receiving odium for attempting 
to block a popular measure. 

In early 1836, while partisan discussion of distribution 
were still raging, both parties made plans to win the State's 
first direct election for governor. The election, more than 
any other, represented a test concerning the people's feeling 
toward distribution. The Democrats nominated incumbent, 
Richard Dobbs Spaight, who in the best Jacksonian tradition 
tried to create the illusion that he would neither seek nor 
decline public office. The Whigs nominated Edward B. Dud- 
ley, who campaigned arduously. Whig politicians still de- 
clared, "The measure of first magnitude is distribution among 
the states of the proceeds of public land." 52 Dudley cham- 
pioned annual distribution and state internal improvements, 
but gave the impression that he was running against Martin 
Van Buren instead of Spaight. 53 The way that Whig politi- 
cians and editors misrepresented Van Buren's policies the 
name of the national Democratic standard bearer could have 
been William Lloyd Garrison. 54 The Democrats could find 
ample pro-slavery statements to prove Van Buren not guilty 
of the charge of abolition, but they could not wipe out the 
stigma that his party had tried to block distribution. 55 Dud- 
ley won the election by approximately five thousand votes. 56 

52 Hillsborough Recorder, October 28, 1836. 

53 Edward B. Dudley to Weston Gales and others, February 17, 1836, 
quoted in the Raleigh Register, February 23, 1836, and the Raleigh Register, 
•June 30, 1836, quoting the New Bern Spectator. 

64 Raleigh Register, February 16, July 5, August 2, 1836. 

55 The Standard, July 10, 1835. 

56 Raleigh Register, September 6, 1836. 

180 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Democratic Senator Bedford Brown sadly took pen in hand 
to inform presidential candidate Van Buren of his party's 
loss. In accounting for the Democratic defeat, he wrote, "The 
land bill and the distribution of the surplus have been operat- 
ing for some time prejudicial to our cause. " 5T 

Brown had made an understatement. His party's opposition 
to distribution had been more than "prejudicial," it had been 
downright disastrous. The distribution issue changed western 
North Carolina from the section which had been most ardent 
in Jackson's cause to an area of solid Whig sentiment. Before 
the question of distribution became a major issue the Whigs 
were a coalition of important politicians, but a party with 
little popular support. After their leaders championed distri- 
bution and kept it before the public they gained control of 
the State. Although the Democrats occasionally gained vic- 
tories after 1836, because of the Whig stand on distribution 
Whigs generally retained control of the State for fifteen years. 
Distribution was the main issue which had caused the down- 
fall of the Democratic Party. 

57 Bedford Brown to Martin Van Buren, October, 11, 1836, Elizabeth 
McPherson, "Unpublished Letters of North Carolinians to Martin Van 
Buren," The North Carolina Historical Review, XV (January, 1938), 69. 





By Christopher Crittenden 

Throughout the United States there are many literary or- 
ganizations and also numerous historical groups of one kind 
or another. Here in North Carolina we have, however, an 
organization that, insofar as I know, is unique in that it com- 
bines the two interests and approaches. Our own State Lit- 
erary and Historical Association emphasizes both literature 
and history, and in so doing, I believe, consummates a mar- 
riage that on the whole is well-suited and companionable. 
For while all literature is not history and all historical writ- 
ing can certainly not be classified as true literature, neverthe- 
less there is a broad common ground between the two. And 
when they are married, for better or for worse, on the whole 
the good seems to outweigh the bad. One advantage would 
appear to be that the litterateur is thereby stimulated and 
encouraged to devote his interests and abilities to the field of 
history, while the historian may be spurred to present his 
findings in attractive literary form. I realize that there is room 
for difference of opinion, that every minute of every day the 
wedded pair may not see eye-to-eye, but by and large it ap- 
pears that the final entry in the ledger is black rather than 
red, that the marriage may be rated as a successful one. 

This successful combination of the two fields is illustrated 
by the programs of our Association's meetings, where both 
literature and history are featured. The papers from the 
fifty-fifth annual meeting that are presented below are typical 
in this respect. Manly Wade Wellman's "The Valley of Hu- 
mility" is an original and astute commentary on the question, 
"What is a North Carolina Writer?" David Stick presents a 
thought-provoking survey of some of the leading works of 
non-fiction that were entered in the 1955 Mayflower compe- 


182 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tition, of which he was one of the judges. Clarence W. Griffin, 
President of the Western North Carolina Historical Associa- 
tion, tells of the beginnings and first few years of that young 
but active organization. Walter Spearman in his own inimit- 
able way reviews North Carolina fiction of the year, the 
books that were included in the Sir Walter Raleigh contest, 
of which he served as a member of the board of award. 
Fletcher Green in his presidential address discusses in mas- 
terly fashion a topic that is of great current interest and sig- 
nificance, southern sectionalism within recent years. Finally, 
Bruce Catton, Pulitzer Prize winner, presents a phase of the 
subject dearest to his literary and historical heart, the Amer- 
ican Civil War. 1 

Wellman's, Stick's, and Spearman's papers may be classified 
as primarily literary; Griffin's, Green's, and Catton's as pre- 
dominantly historical. But all of the first three devote some 
space and attention to history, while the last three most as- 
suredly are not lacking in literary qualities. Thus attention 
is devoted to both fields, and to a degree they are dovetailed 
and fused. It is believed that the papers will prove interesting 
to both historians and members of the literary guild, as well 
as to serious-minded readers in general. 

a Mr. Bruce Catton failed to submit a documented copy of his address for 
inclusion in this issue. Editor. 


By Manly Wade Wellman 

A certain joke has been made so frequently, to the North 
and South of us, that it has become a cliche: "North Carolina 
is a valley of humility between two high hills of pride." But 
I venture to believe that almost nobody in Virginia or South 
Carolina, or yet in North Carolina between them, is aware 
of the origin of the reference to the valley of humility, or 

You will find it in John Bunyan's The Pilgrims Progress, 
along with a number of other passages that are worth reading. 
Here is the description of this valley where we North Caro- 
linians are said to have our being: 

All states are full of noise and confusion, only the Valley of 
Humiliation is that empty and solitary place. Here a man shall 
not be so let and hindered in his contemplation as in other places 
he is apt to be. And though Christian had the hard hap to 
meet here with Apollyon, and to enter with him a brisk en- 
counter, yet I must tell you that in former times men have met 
with angels here, have found pearls here, and have in this 
place heard the words of life. 

Which, suddenly, sounds no more like a taunt, however 
high the hills of pride from which the joke is voiced. 

Humility in some form and measure must attend all honest 
effort to be of service. That may be one reason why North 
Carolina has achieved and deserved a literary reputation. 
This annual meeting, at a session of which we are now pres- 
ent, is a sort of focus of attention upon North Carolina's 
power of creative art. Every state has its pretensions in that 
quarter, and some of those pretensions, in some of those 
states, are no more than pretense. But North Carolina has 
made its claims valid. Elsewhere in the country, one meets 
with a sense that North Carolina is a natural breeder of 
creative writers— just as Ireland is supposed to breed police- 
men, and Texas is supposed to breed millionaires. I, myself, 
have known aspiring young students of creative writing, who 
have seriously and honestly felt that, if only they could come 


184 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to North Carolina, their careers would blossom and become 
fact. Oddly enough, that has happened, with more than one 
such pilgrim into the Valley of Humiliation. 

The designation of "North Carolina Writer" has become a 
coveted one, and a flattering one, within recent years. An- 
other title North Carolina used to bear, along with that of the 
Valley of Humiliation, was that of the Rip Van Winkle State. 
But Rip woke from his slumbers. The story of his dreams, 
and the language in which he told it, has brought him re- 
spectful attention. He has become a nine days' wonder, and 
he intends to be wonderful for many years to come. Now, the 
old textbook on logic says that definition lies at the threshold 
of all discussion: What and who is a North Carolina Writer? 

I will not be so presumptious or so pontifical as to jam a 
definition down your throats. But I say that we might do well 
to speculate on what makes a North Carolina Writer, and 
also what does not make him. I dare say that there are many 
different viewpoints and definitions among you. I will con- 
fine my efforts to the category of different suggestions. 

A recent catalogue of North Carolina Writers named sev- 
eral hundred, past and present. It was assailed by several 
persons of strong opinions. Most frequently presented was 
the argument that, to be a North Carolina Writer, you must 
have been born and reared in North Carolina. Of course, you 
must have written, too. 

I imagine that as good an example of any individual who 
meets these specifications would be Paul Green. He was 
born in North Carolina— Harnett County, to be exact. He 
was reared here. While, on occasion, he has ventured beyond 
the state line, to go soldiering to France or dramatizing to 
New York or Hollywood, or to Japan to observe the theatre 
there, or elsewhere, he has remained, at heart, a very lively 
and important chunk of North Carolina. He is North 
Carolinian, and so are his writings. Nobody will quarrel with 
his inclusion in the category of North Carolina literary 

But is birth in North Carolina to be a requisite? If so, what 
must be done with the late James Boyd? He was born in 
Pennsylvania, though most of us, and perhaps Jim Boyd him- 

The Valley of Humility 185 

self, forgot that accident. He returned to North Carolina, 
where his forbearers had been natives. He rejoiced to live in 
the Valley of Humiliation. He wrote magnificently, and I 
think truly, of North Carolina— Drums, and Marching On, 
and Long Hunt. Neither North Carolina, nor American lit- 
erature as a whole, can get along without his books. And 
what about Inglis Fletcher? Coming from out of the state, 
she most certainly entered North Carolina. She feels North 
Carolina as she writes. Whatever music is made by the air 
of North Carolina, she is in tune with it. What about James 
Street, who died too soon? Was he only a stranger here? 
What about so many others, who came as outlanders and 
remained as sons and daughters? Answer these questions 
for yourselves. 

Conversely, what about those who were born here and did 
not stay? A boy named William Sidney Porter used to live in 
Greensboro. He went far away, had bad luck, and became a 
writer under the name of O. Henry. He wrote about many 
things, many lands. He was a cosmopolite of a sort. And he 
did not forget North Carolina and North Carolinians, or omit 
them from his writing. Was he, or was he not, a North Caro- 
lina Writer? 

What about Mr. W. O. Wolfe's son, Tom, from Asheville? 
He left home when he was twenty, and came back only for 
visits. When he departed from North Carolina, did North 
Carolina depart from him? He called the State Old Catawba, 
and the town of which he wrote he disguised under the names 
of Altamont and Libya Hill, but did he write falsely or un- 
recognizably? Did he fail to understand, or refuse to under- 
stand, his home soil and his home people? Was he a North 
Carolina Writer, or was he not? 

What I have said may suggest the argument that some are 
born North Carolina Writers, and some acquire the name and 
fame of North Carolina Writers. What about those who have 
the title thrust upon them? 

I will be so bold as to wonder if we should not find out, 
first, whether such writers want the title thrust upon them. 
What of a certain writer who was born and educated here, 
whose external success has been considerable, who has lived 

186 The North Carolina Historical Review 

away from North Carolina for years, and who has been 
quoted recently as telling an old classmate, "Oh, forget 
North Carolina!" If this question is a true one, the gentleman 
himself must be forgetting North Carolina as swiftly and 
completely as he can manage. Would it be, therefore, a serv- 
ice or favor to him to call him a North Carolina Writer— 
when he doesn't want the name? 

And once a man named Albion Tourgee came to North 
Carolina. He was not exactly here between trains. He held 
public office for some time, during Reconstruction Days. 
More than that, he wrote about North Carolina. His North 
Carolina books have a certain vicious importance, and may 
be found on the shelves of the State's principal libraries. In- 
deed, those library collections would not be complete without 
them. Tourgee did not like what he found in the Valley of 
Humiliation, and said so, in terms that had very little of 
humility in them. If Albion Tourgee were here today and 
knew that some wanted to include him in the list, would he 
be flattered or grateful? 

A very different person was the late Struthers Burt, who 
for a number of years spent his winters in Southern Pines. 
He did some of his writing in his Moore County home, though 
none of his books had a North Carolina setting. He was born 
in Baltimore and educated in Philadelphia. Later he moved 
west. There, on the plains at the foot of the Rockies, he found 
his natural spiritual homeland. He was as much a westerner 
as Billy the Kid, who, as it happens, was born in New York 
City. He loved and understood the West. He was always a 
joy and an inspiration to those of us who knew him, but he 
never thought of himself as a North Carolina writer. Was 
he one? 

It is no disparagement, really, to say that so and so is not 
a North Carolina Writer. Shakespeare, for instance, wasn't 
one. He never heard of North Carolina. Probably John Bun- 
yan never heard of North Carolina, either, though something 
of a case might be made for him, on the strength of that de- 
scription of the Valley of Humiliation. Less of a case, per- 
haps, has been made for others who have borne the title. 

The Valley of Humility 187 

It is too great a simplification to say that a North Carolina 
Writer must write the truth about North Carolina. The truth 
is harder to define than is a North Carolina Writer. Probably 
the only man in history ever in a position to find out what 
truth is, was Pontius Pilate. You will remember that he asked 
Jesus what it was; and he did not wait for what would have 
been a highly interesting reply. Truth is not always beauty, 
John Keats to the contrary notwithstanding, but it is general- 
ly recognizable, and sometimes it is welcome. It is, neverthe- 
less, like beauty in that it rests in the eye of the beholder. 
Honesty in telling how it looks is good for writers. 

If you agree with some of my suggestions, you may de- 
cide that a North Carolina Writer necessarily must be pa- 
rochial. He must, you might feel, exclude other settings and 
other considerations. Yet this was not done by Thomas Wolfe 
or Paul Green, or by scores of others. Narrowness of view- 
point is not necessary to clearness of viewpoint. Indeed, clar- 
ity gives breadth. I take refuge with Henry David Thoreau, 
a New Englander of note who, had he chosen to live and 
write here, most surely have met every single requirement 
for the title of North Carolina Writer save that of nativity. 
Thoreau has said, in substance, that if you can see and ap- 
preciate a single small field, you possess yourself of the earth; 
that Walden Point can teach you of the seven seas. This is 
as true in North Carolina as ever it was true on the borders 
of Cambridge, Massachusetts. In fact, a vast deal of what 
is true about North Carolina is true of all the world, and 
manifestly true to those who read. 

Our literary reputation exists because of sound workman- 
like efforts by certain North Carolinians, to interpret in writ- 
ing the heart and soul and behavior and appearance of their 
home and their neighbors. The humility that has gone into 
this sort of labor has not partaken of cowardice or weakness. 
Humility will always be stronger than pride, another name 
for which is vanity. 

I doubt very strongly that the time has arrived when our 
valley can heave itself up into to toplofty peak, on which 
we can loaf and vaunt ourselves. We had better keep on with 
what we are doing, in the way we began doing it. We had 

188 The North Carolina Historical Review 

better continue to make welcome honest emigrants who want 
to settle here and thrive in the same occupation. After all, we 
were all strangers here once, even the founders of the Lost 

Once more to quote from The Pilgrims Progress: 

Did I say our Lord had here in former days his Country-house, 
and that he loved here to walk? I will add, in this place, and 
to the people that live and trace these grounds, he has left a 
yearly revenue to be faithfully paid them at certain seasons, 
for their maintenance by the way, and for their further en- 
couragement to go on in their Pilgrimage. Behold how green 
this Valley is, also how beautiful with lilies. I have also known 
many laboring men that have got good estates in this Valley 
of Humiliation . . . for indeed it is a very fruitful soil, and doth 
bring forth by handfuls. Some also have wished that the next 
way to their Father's house were here, that they might be 
troubled no more with either hills or mountains to go over ; but 
the way is the way, and there's an end. 


By David Stick 

Thirty-five books, the work of thirty-three North Carolina 
authors, were entered in the Mayflower Society Cup Compe- 
tition this year. They ran from 30 to 987 pages in length, and 
from 35 cents to 10 dollars in price. They covered enough 
different subjects to make necessary the use of a sort of junior 
Dewey Decimal System in cataloging them. For example, 
eight were biographical, seven were religious, and at least 
20 were in the general field of Americana, and according to 
my figures seven plus eight plus 20 would seem to cover the 
35 titles. But the facts are that the fields of economics, poli- 
tics, finance, agriculture, journalism and literature; and of 
education, natural history, segregation, philosophy, cooking 
and humor were represented as well. I emphasize this dupli- 
cation to make obvious the futility of attempting to review 
these books according to subject classifications. 

Neither would it seem logical to arrange them by type of 
publisher, though it is of interest that six University presses 
are represented with a total of 13 titles; that four major com- 
mercial publishing houses entered a total of six titles; and 
that the remaining 16 books were published by the authors, 
or by minor publishing firms. 

Faced at the outset with this difficulty in arranging my 
reviews, and with a precedent whereby the individual read- 
ing this paper at this meeting seems expected to say some- 
thing—and to say something nice— about each book entered 
in the competition, I find myself confronted with a question 
which may have faced some of my predecessors, and which, 
judging by the increased output of North Carolina authors, 
will most certainly face many of my successors. 

This is the question of whether it is possible to present a 
comprehensive introduction at the beginning of this paper, 
and a general summary at the end, and still give a competent 
and understandable review of each of the 35 titles, in the less 
than 30 minutes allotted for the purpose. I am sincere in say- 


190 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ing that I tried, but I failed. And so I have been forced to 
adopt a different procedure. 

Many of these books have been reviewed, or will be re- 
viewed in North Carolina publications. All will be listed in 
Miss Mary L. Thornton's "North Carolina Bibliography of 
the Year" in the April issue of The North Carolina Historical 
Review. Further, though I am a judge in this Mayflower 
competition, I am only one of five independent judges, the 
others being Dr. W. P. Cumming and Dr. Frontis W. John- 
ston both of Davidson College, Mr. Aycock Brown of Manteo, 
and Professor J. Carlyle Sitterson of the University of North 
Carolina. I propose, therefore, to be selective in my review- 
ing, but selective in a sort of hit-or-miss fashion— basing my 
comments on the thoughts which came to mind as I read 
these books, rather than on the manner or order in which my 
final votes were cast. 

As a first-timer at Mayflower judging, I was pleased to 
learn that mimeographed "Regulations Governing the May- 
flower Society Cup Competition" are made available to all 
judges, in which is outlined a point system for determining 
the first, second and third choices among the entrants. Under 
this system 30 points are allotted for coverage of subject; 30 
points for excellence of style; 30 points for universality of 
appeal; and 10 points for relevance to North Carolina and her 

Now for a quick look at some of the entrants. This is "Who- 
dunit Year" over at the usually staid University of North 
Carolina Press, with two full-length books of mystery and 
violence carrying the Chapel Hill imprint. Both are presented 
as factual, and both deal exclusively with North Carolina 
settings. The price is three dollars a book, and the reader is 
given a choice of his thrillers straight, or ghostly. 

In Dead and Gone, Manly Wade Wellman reconstructs ten 
outstanding Tar Heel crime stories, most of them murders, 
but with a kidnapping thrown in for good measure. Mr. Well- 
man's work, short stories as well as articles, has appeared 
previously in numerous magazines, and as a former fiction 
editor I'd say that any one of the ten pieces in Dead and 
Gone could stand on its own in the slick magazines of today. 

North Carolina Non-Fiction Books, 1954-1955 191 

For this is smooth, professional writing, on a foundation of 
solid research, and the net result is a book that holds the 
reader's interest from the first ambush to the last hanging. 
Mr. Wellman covers, with what may be just a touch too much 
emphasis on the post-crime developments, such celebrated 
cases as the poisoning of Alexander C. Simpson in Fayette- 
ville, the gang-killing of "Chicken" Stevens in Caswell Coun- 
ty, the murder of school teacher Clement Lassiter in Hyde, 
and the kidnapping of young Kenneth Beasley in Currituck. 
From the standpoint of the reader each is a well-planned and 
executed crime story, and there isn't a dud in the bunch. 

When the time comes for another printing of John Harden's 
Tar Heel Ghosts— and the time most certainly will come— it 
would be my suggestion that he include some brief instruc- 
tions on how and when to read his ghost stories. It so hap- 
pens that I work down on the coast in a little cottage sepa- 
rated from the house, and I was in the habit of reading 
these Mayflower books there, by myself, at night. I got 
around to Tar Heel Ghosts one night in September when 
the wind was howling in from the northeast and the driving 
rain was playing chopsticks on the window panes, and by the 
time I got through the story Mr. Harden calls "Buried Alive" 
there was an electrician ghost turning the lights off and on, 
a plumber ghost causing gurgling noises in the bathroom, 
and an unidentified ghost making faces and noises at me 
through the window. I read the rest of Harden's book in the 

John Harden, a good story-teller, has uncovered some good 
stories to tell about. There are twenty-two chapter length 
thrillers, and sixteen shorts, pretty well representing all parts 
of the State and the various periods in its history. Lindsay 
McAlisters chapter-head drawings add to the over-all ghost- 
ly effect. 

The importance of contemporary newspapers as a source 
for historical research is clearly demonstrated in Glenn 
Tucker's two-volume history of the War of 1812, Poltroons 
and Patriots. For Tucker has relied to a great extent on news- 
paper accounts of activities which led to the war, and of the 

192 The North Carolina Historical Review 

battles and political maneuvering during the course of the 

To the casual reader who will not be intimidated by the 
physical size of the work, and to the student who is looking 
for an easily understandable history of this war with the 
British and Spaniards, and the Canadians and the Indians of 
the North, Glenn Tucker's account will prove both interest- 
ing and enlightening. 

This was a war for which the fledging United States of 
America was not prepared, but which was triggered by her 
own declaration. It was a war which was fought from the 
Canadian plains to the Gulf of Mexico, resulting in the burn- 
ing of the national capitol at Washington and some of the 
most brutal butchery in the history of mankind. And, finally, 
it was a war which, in Mr. Tucker's words, "demonstrated 
that while the United States could not invade Canada, 
neither could the British invade the United States." 

You read the title on Dr. Frank Howard Richardson's new 
book— How to Get Along With Children— A More Excellent 
Way For Parents, Teachers, Youth Counselors and All Who 
Work with Young People," and you begin to think, well, this 
is another of those obscure, theoretical and thoroughly boring 
things. Then you read the blurb on the jacket and see Dr. 
Richardson referred to as an "expert parent," and two para- 
graphs later you read that "no parent is an expert," so you 
become resigned to wasting an evening's reading. But when 
you have finished the 172 pages of this book you are fully 
aware that the only wasted reading was in the title and on 
the jacket blurb, for Dr. Richardson has done a truly out- 
standing job. 

He has set out to explain the so-called modern technique 
of child raising, with the emphasis on giving the child plenty 
of genuine love and encouragement in place of bribes, threats, 
corporal punishment and meaningless commands. He has 
written it in everyday United States of America English, 
and has made forceful his major points by citing interesting 
and plausible incidents from his own experience. The bulk 
of the book is devoted to a series of 90 frequently asked 
questions about the treatment and handling of children, with 

North Carolina Non-Fiction Books, 1954-1955 193 

his detailed and common-sense answers to each, plus a good 
working index. It forms an excellent guide and reference 
work for parents interested in raising their children as indi- 

Many years ago the following item appeared in the humor 
magazine, Life: "Professor H. E. Spence, a teacher of religion 
at Duke University, had the reputation of never having 
flunked an athlete or a pretty girl. In order to protect his 
reputation, one day Professor Spence flunked an athlete." 

Now, after forty years of teaching at Trinity College and 
Duke this same Professor Spence has written a book called 
"I Remember," which consists of his recollections and remi- 
niscences as undergraduate and teacher at the Durham school 
from 1903 to his retirement in 1952. And he has put together 
just the right amount of fun, fact and philosophy to make 
this book "must" reading for any Duke or Trinity graduate, 
and entertaining reading for anyone else. 

One of the country's best known and most successful pub- 
lishing ventures is Rinehart's Rivers of America series, yet 
not until the appearance of the fiftieth of these volumes has 
a North Carolina river been the subject. This fiftieth River 
of America book is Wilma Dykeman's The French Broad, an 
interesting, informative and readable history of the French 
Broad country in western North Carolina and eastern Ten- 

By placing emphasis on sketches of individual residents 
of the area, past and present, the author has managed to 
transmit the atmosphere of the section, its mountains, and 
its mountain people. She includes a most interesting chapter 
on her in-laws, the canning company Stokelys who started 
out with a thirty-nine hundred dollar investment in 1898 and 
built a preserved-food empire; and tells an engrossing story 
of the old hog and turkey drives along the river bottom in 
the days before the railroads moved in. She puts proper 
emphasis on law enforcement officers and their moonshine 
problem; on the gradual destruction of forests and water 
supplies; on early settlers and their conflicts with the Chero- 
kees; on country preachers, old-time religion, mid- wives and 
lawyers. But most of all this is a book about mountain farmers 

194 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and woodsmen, and she tells their story with true under- 

Jay B. Hubbell devoted much of his time over a period of 
almost twenty years to the preparation of The South in Amer- 
ican Literature, and the book emerges as a monumental work. 

There is a basic chronological arrangement to this study, 
with six general periods covered as separate entities. In each 
period he treats not only of the writings of southerners, and 
writings about the South, but of the history of the time— the 
educational facilities, theatre, reading habits and libraries, 
as well as the actual printing and distribution of books, maga- 
zines, newspapers and other periodicals. In addition, he in- 
cludes extensive biographical sketches of outstanding and 
influential writers of each period, and reprints comments on 
and excerpts from their works. 

From it all emerges a general picture of southern literature, 
not so poor as was once pictured in the North, nor so good 
as is sometimes made out in the South; of the dearth of sub- 
stantial southern publishing firms throughout the history of 
the area, with the resultant dependence on northern and 
foreign publishers; and of much good southern literature, in 
periodical form, which has often been overlooked. 

In addition, this Duke University Press book of nearly one 
thousand pages contains a very extensive bibliography of 
writings by and about southern authors up to 1900. 

The competition this year is strong in good biographies, 
and one of the best is Samuel R. Spencer, Jr.'s, Booker T. 
Washington and the Negro's Place in American Life. 

One of Little, Brown and Company's Library of American 
Biography series, this is the intriguing, heartening and often 
astounding story of a Negro boy, born in slavery and poverty, 
who founded a school for his race at Tuskegee, Alabama, on 
the premise that with the possession of "intelligence, skill of 
hand, and strength of mind and heart" the Negro could live 
and work in harmony with his white neighbor in the South. 

By the time he was 32 years old Booker T. Washington had 
become an articulate and respected spokesman for his people, 
and his Tuskegee Institute a nationally known seat of learn- 
ing. Washington urged his students to buy land, build their 

North Carolina Non-Fiction Books, 1954-1955 195 

own homes, cultivate their own farms and start their own 
businesses. He was forever stressing the importance of per- 
sonal hygiene, and once told his class, "I believe I would 
rather see you own a bathtub without a house, than a house 
without a bathtub." 

Booker T. Washington was born in 1856 and died in 1915. 
Had his lifespan come fifty years later it is probable that he 
would have been no less a leader of his race, though his 
policy of moderation drew strong Negro opposition then, and 
would draw even stronger opposition now. 

The author of Just for the Fun of It is Carl Goerch, which 
means, as practically anybody in North Carolina can tell, that 
this book contains a mixture of funny stories, not-so-funny 
stories, human interest sketches, puzzles, and practical jokes, 
all tied together in typical Goerch "let's sit down and 111 tell 
you a story" style. 

Bernice Kelly Harris spent a lot of time writing about 
her people— the people who loved, and live, in the little towns 
and on the farms and along the meandering rivers of eastern 
North Carolina. She has told her stories straight, faithfully 
recording the speech and dress and habits of her people; she 
did it wistfully in Purslane, and almost bitterly in Portulaca, 
but no matter how she did it the people came to life. 

In the book, Bernice Kelly Harris, which is the sixth in the 
series on North Carolina authors put out by the University of 
North Carolina Library, Richard Walser tells the story 
straight, too, with a brief synopsis of her plays and novels and 
short stories in addition to the biographical essentials. And 
in the last few pages he records, verbatim, a conversation 
with Mrs. Harris on her reasons for writing and thoughts 
about writing, which gives the reader the impression that 
he's a third party, sitting with Richard Walser and Bernice 
Kelly Harris in her home at Seaboard, eavesdropping on the 
thoughts of this lovely lady storyteller. 

Dr. Robert E. Coker states in the introduction that his book, 
Lakes, Streams and Ponds, published by the University of 
North Carolina Press, "developed solely from a belief that 
there are those who would like a better understanding of 
what goes on in the generally unseen realms beneath the 

196 The North Carolina Historical Review 

glimmering film topping the still water, the rippling surface 
of the brook, or the silent winding face of the broad river." 
To this reviewer, at least, he has given that better under- 

The work is divided into three parts, accurately labeled 
"Water and Its Content"; "Running Water"; and "Still 
Water." Dr. Coker explains that "more water falls upon land 
than can be absorbed by the soil." Some of the resultant ex- 
cess forms in still-water lakes, ponds, marshes, and swamps; 
more is carried off in running brooks, streams and rivers. All 
of this natural water "contains a substantial array of dissolved 
materials," so that "no natural water is chemically pure." 

There is tremendous detail here of where this dissolved 
material comes from, what it consists of, and what happens 
to it in a given body of water. There is detail, likewise, of 
the life that feeds on this material, and other life which in 
turn feeds on the first. 

Throughout the book Dr. Coker treads a narrow line be- 
tween technical and lay language, and when he steps off 
that line it is most frequently on the technical side. 

Now, here is something to make glad the heart of every 
North Carolina writer of non-fiction who has kept pounding 
away at fact while the novels take over the best-seller listings 
and bring in the ready cash. 

Quite frequently, the procedure has been for a writer to 
produce a non-fiction book or two for prestige— with the pros- 
pect of the sale of a few thousand copies and a return of a 
few hundred dollars— and then turn to novels for cash. Burke 
Davis of Greensboro, who came up with three successful 
novels between 1949 and 1952, has reversed the process and 
now offers a biography of Lieutenant General Thomas J. 
Jackson, Confederate States Army, entitled, They Called Him 
Stonewall. Already this book has outsold the most successful 
of Davis's regular-edition novels, and it's easy to see why. 

This is a book of more than 450 pages, jam-packed with 
factual accounts of battles in which Jackson's units partici- 
pated and with direct quotations from the tongues and pens 
of people who were close to him; a veritable source-file of 
Stonewalliana, complete with index, campaign charts and 

North Carolina Non-Fiction Books, 1954-1955 197 

reference notes. Yet all this is presented in as smooth a narra- 
tive style as can be found in any of the contemporary novels. 

"Old Jack" Jackson— a man who died in his 39th year- 
emerges not as a character in a book, but as a human being: 
brilliant and stupid, devout and bloodthirsty, considerate and 
brutal. Yet Davis accomplishes this by employing a sort of 
"Peeping Tom" method of letting the reader look in on the 
man while he works and prays and fights and loves, and 
while he mends his clothes and washes his hands and sucks 
on a juicy lemon. 

The one criticism I could find of this fine book is that 
Davis, or his publishers, employed a confusing flash-back 
technique which puts Jackson's exciting Valley Campaign at 
the beginning of the book, his boyhood and pre-war days in 
the middle, and breaks the continuity toward the end with 
the insertion of a dimly related chapter on Abraham Lincoln. 
Even so, this is a top-notch job. 

In addition to the over-all struggle for independence from 
Great Britain, there was a secondary though no less important 
conflict in progress at the time of the American Revolution. 
This battle within a battle, ably defined and traced in Elisha 
P. Douglass's Rebels and Democrats, was what he terms "the 
struggle for equal political rights and majority rule." 

During the Colonial period, government had been in the 
hands of the select few, the landed aristocracy exemplified 
by the slave owners of the tidewater regions. And this inner 
conflict that developed during the course of the Revolution- 
ary War was over the question of whether the Federal and 
State constitutions should be framed so that the reins of 
government would remain in the hands of this aristocracy, or 
would be extended to the populace. 

This book is an excellent study of the question, based on 
the author's research in representative areas, notably the 
Carolinas, Massachusetts and Pennsylvania. 

In The Home Place, Nettie McCormick Henley has set 
down the recollections of her first 30 years in a farming com- 
munity in Scotland County. She gives the most detailed 
descriptions this reviewer has yet seen of a Southern farm 
home in the period between 1874 and 1904, covering every 

198 The North Carolina Historical Review 

phase of farm life from the original clearing of the land and 
construction of the farmhouse, to the materials and methods 
used in cooking. This emerges as an important source book 
on southern farm life fifty to seventy-five years ago. 

Carl Sandburg's Abraham Lincoln— The Prairie Years and 
the War Years is a one-volume condensation of the earlier 
six-volume work which has been accepted almost without 
question as the definitive biography of Lincoln. 

I am one of the more than 160 million Americans who did 
not read the six- volume set, so this was all new to me; bio£- 
raphy as it should be written— personal, understandable, and 
above all, readable. 

There are enough quotable passages here to fill a normal 
size book. 

There is Lincoln's wonderful sense of humor, never better 
than when, confronted by an irate office seeker who ex- 
claimed, "Why, I am one of those who made you President,'' 
Lincoln calmly replied: "Yes, and it's a pretty mess you got 
me into!" 

There is his grasp of the true purpose of government, "to 
do for the people what needs to be done, but which they can 
not, by individual effort, do at all, or do so well, by them- 

And there is clarification of his position with regard to 
slavery. His personal wish, on the one hand, "That all men, 
everywhere, could be free." And his position, as President, 
on the other, expressed in these words : "If there be those who 
would not save the Union unless they could at the same 
time save slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those 
who would not save the Union unless they could at the same 
time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them. My para- 
mount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and it is 
not either to save or to destroy slavery." 

This is not a book for Lincoln scholars, so long as there is 
available the original six-volume set. Neither, unfortunately, 
is it a book for the casual reader, since in time alone it re- 
quires something like 30 hours of reading. What I should like 
to see next is a condensation of this condensation, a book 
complete enough to tell the story, yet short enough so that 

North Carolina Non-Fiction Books, 1954-1955 199 

it will take its place on the bookshelves of an appreciable 
number of the more than 160 million Americans who won't 
have time to read this one either. 

The second Carl Sandburg book is Prairie-Town Boy, 
which is taken from his longer book, Always the Young 
Strangers. This consists of reminiscences by this famous au- 
thor of his boyhood in the midwest, and the descriptions of 
things he saw and did and heard in those early years are 
filled with detail. Of his early school days he says: "We re- 
cited in class and we learned that every word has a right way 
to say it and a wrong way. It came clear that any language 
is a lot of words and if you know the words you know the 
language." Carl Sandburg here demonstrates once again 
that he knows the words and knows the language, and above 
all, knows how to use both to perfection. 

With the presentation of Volume I of A New Geography 
of North Carolina, Bill Sharpe has launched a project for 
which there has long been a need. For it is his announced in- 
tention to present, in this and in two succeeding volumes, a 
general description of each of the 100 counties of the State. 

These descriptions, running from 4,000 to 10,000 words 
each, are drawn from personal observation and extensive re- 
search, and for the most part appeared first in The State 
Magazine, which Sharpe edits. In most cases they contain 
considerable information not to be found in other printed 
sources; in all cases they contain basic statistics and historical 
facts concerning the county discussed. 

I wanted to deal at some length with the most mouth- 
watering morsel dished up in this year's competition, Eliza- 
beth Hedgecock Sparks's North Carolina and Old Salem 
Cookery; with Roderick McGeachy's excellent History of the 
Sugaw Creek Presbyterian Church; with Cordelia Camp's 
Brief Sketches of Burke County, which contains more infor- 
mation per line than the classified sections of most Sunday 
editions; and with several others of these Mayflower books. 
But there is time left for only one more review, and so I turn 
to the most controversial book on the list, W. E. Debnam's 
Then My Old Kentucky Rome, Good Night. 

200 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Mr. Debnam says the Supreme Court decision on segrega- 
tion in the schools was a political decision not based on law. 
He calls on us to "stand up and fight with every weapon at 
our command to see to it that Integration is not forced upon 
a single White or Negro child in all the South." He infers that 
any southerners who attempt to bring about integration in 
the schools— and he cites the Greensboro School Board as an 
example— are doing so as the result of a thorough brain- 
washing by the National Association for the Advancement of 
Colored People. 

This sounds like strong stuff. Speaking as one whose brain 
was washed of racial superiority ideas soon after moving to 
an island in the West Indies where the bulk of doctors and 
lawyers and educators and public officials were Negro, and 
where "White folks" were in a decided minority, I'm forced 
to a strong confession. Not once in the course of reading Mr. 
Debnam's book did my blood boil over with indignation; 
not once did my typewriting fingers itch for the chance to 
pound out a reply to his arguments. 

For Mr. Debnam's book is not really so much an uncom- 
promising champion of White supremacy as it seems to be at 
the outset. He has exposed as false many of the arguments 
advanced by less temperate persons sharing his belief. He 
is outspokenly in favor of integration on vehicles of trans- 
portation, including the dining cars. He is not opposed to 
intergration in parks and public recreation facilities, and he 
infers that he would like to see complete integration in busi- 
ness and industry. The one thing he does oppose most strong- 
ly and seems to fear, and devotes most of his arguments 
against, is amalgamation or mongrelization of the races. 

His solution to the problem, poorly developed and pre- 
sented in a brief concluding chapter, is to integrate all public 
schools for those who want to attend, but to provide public 
funds to finance private schools for those who choose not to 

My time is up, and I find that I have covered only slightly 
more than half of these Mayflower books. If the other authors 
complain about being left out, I can only shift the blame to 
them for having written so many books this year. And since 

North Carolina Non-Fiction Books, 1954-1955 201 

the primary purpose of this paper is to interest you, rather 
than to please authors, I hope that the procedure adopted 
here today may establish a precedent which will simplify 
the job for those who are called on to present this paper in 
the future. 


By Clarence W. Griffin 

Many historically-minded people of Western North Caro- 
lina are strong boosters and supporters of the regional organ- 
ization formed less than four years ago and now widely 
known as the Western North Carolina Historical Association. 

This organization came into being, not as a competitor of 
any existing state or regional agency, but rather to serve the 
area from a historical point of view and to supplement exist- 
ing agencies. 

For several years a group of western North Carolina men 
and women, who frequently came in contact with the East 
Tennessee Historical Society, with headquarters in Knox- 
ville, felt that the western area of this state should have a 
virile, active organization similar to that in our adjoining 
sister state. 

Much of the economy of western North Carolina is closely 
tied in with four other states: Tennessee, Kentucky, and to a 
lesser extent upper South Carolina and southwest Virginia. 
Nearly all of the 23 counties embraced in the territory of the 
Western North Carolina Historical Association borders on 
one or more of these states, except Kentucky. But, historic- 
ally, these counties are more closely allied with Kentucky 
than with Virginia or South Carolina. 

Within recent years western North Carolina has progressed 
rapidly in the development of the tourist industry. About the 
same time it was learned in western North Carolina that 
history, like scenery and cool mountain air, is a commodity 
that can be sold over and over again without diminishing. 
Many groups, particularly the Daughters of the American 
Revolution, the Sons of the American Revolution, the United 
Daughters of the Confederacy, and others, began in a small 
way to exploit history as well as scenery. 

Impetus was given the program when the Department of 
Archives and History, then the old Historical Commission, 


The Western North Carolina Historical Association 203 

launched its roadside marker program in 1936. Western North 
Carolina was given its proportionate share of these markers, 
and a new revival of interest was instantly generated. Tour- 
ists began to notice them, and would frequently stop to 
visit the site of some historic spot so marked. Chambers of 
Commerce became enthusiastic. A new attraction for the 
area's millions of tourists had been created. There has been 
no lessening of interest in the program from that day to this. 
Shortly afterwards both the states of Kentucky and Tennessee 
supplemented North Carolina's program by inaugurating a 
roadside historical marker program in their areas. 

Western North Carolina was beginning to awake to the 
fact that it, too, has a history. Thousands who had gone 
through most of their lives with the impression that one must 
go to the eastern part of North Carolina to find history, sud- 
denly awoke to the fact that it abounded all around. This 
was doubtless due to the fact that many in childhood had 
studied North Carolina history books which placed undue 
emphasis on the rich colonial history of eastern North Caro- 
lina and the coastal areas, without regard to what was pos- 
sessed in the mountain region. 

About this time it became known that the first white man 
to visit the colony came to Western North Carolina approxi- 
mately a half-century before Sir Walter Raleigh's colonists 
settled at Roanoke Island. Through the studies of old histories 
it was learned that the Indians of this area were carrying on 
a thriving trade with the English at Charleston while the 
eastern North Carolina area was still a swamp, and that one 
of the earliest friendship pacts was signed at present Franklin, 
North Carolina, between the British and Indians as early 
as 1730. 

With a view of exploiting this history, as well as proving 
to the people of the nation that western North Carolina pos- 
sessed a history and to disseminate it, talk of forming a 
western North Carolina Historical Association was started 
as early as 1945. 

As talks progressed the opinion was formed that the asso- 
ciation should be organized along the lines of the Eastern 
Tennessee Historical Society, which serves about twenty-five 

204 The North Carolina Historical Review 

eastern Tennessee counties, most of them adjacent to western 
North Carolina counties. Across the years that organization 
has become famous as one of the really outstanding regional 
historical agencies in the nation, and is, in fact, more active 
than the Tennessee state organization. 

In March, 1952, Dr. H. C. Wilburn, of Waynesville, long- 
time historian of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park 
system, and Mr. J. H. Smith, Waynesville banker, sent out 
letters inviting a representative group to meet in Waynesville 
on the night of March 15, 1952, with the view of forming a 
regional historical association. 

Despite extremely cold weather, with snow in many of 
the western counties, representatives from about fifteen 
counties gathered at a dinner meeting in Waynesville and the 
proposition was considered from all angles. One of the speak- 
ers was Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Director of the Depart- 
ment of Archives and History of Raleigh. Tentative plans 
were made for the organization of a regional society at this 

For almost a half-century there has been an organization 
known as the Western North Carolina Press Association, a 
subsidiary of the North Carolina Press Association. This 
press group embraced twenty-three counties in its area. It 
was suggested that the boundaries of the Western North 
Carolina Historical Association and the Western North Caro- 
lina Press Association should be the same, as both organiza- 
tions would have many things in common, and to a degree 
would be working to a common end. After some discussion 
this suggestion was adopted and it was decided to include 
the twenty-three extreme westerly counties in the associa- 
tion. This area is bounded on the east by Rutherford, Burke, 
Caldwell, Wilkes and Alleghany. These counties and all 
others west of them comprise the territory of the Association. 
This was a natural division, as the Press Association recog- 
nized many years ago, since all of the mountain region of 
the state is embraced in that area. The boundaries embrace 
over 9,000 square miles with 616,000 population. 

Several committees were named at this first meeting and 
it was agreed that another meeting would be held within a 
few weeks. 

The Western North Carolina Historical Association 205 

The second ( organizational ) meeting was held in April in 
Asheville. The president of the East Tennessee Historical 
Society was present and addressed a group of more than 200 
people who attended the dinner. Following his address the 
association was formally organized by electing Dean W. E. 
Bird of Western Carolina College, Cullowhee, as President. 
A vice-president, a secretary, and a treasurer were elected, 
along with one director from each of the twenty-three coun- 
ties involved, plus seven directors at large, giving the associa- 
tion a board of directors of thirty persons. 

A committee was named to draft the by-laws and constitu- 
tion and one to draft papers of incorporation. Both the con- 
stitution and by-laws and the papers of incorporation were 
completed in July and were adopted at the October meeting. 
The Association was chartered as a non-profit and education 
organization under the laws of North Carolina. 

The purposes of the organization as set forth in the charter 

1. To be on the quest for information concerning matters of 
historical importance within the area of the Association, and 
to bring such information to the attention of the membership 
in order to stimulate and intensify interest in these matters. 

2. To encourage individual members and others within the area 
of the Association to collect and publicize information of his- 
torical value. 

3. To stimulate interest in the public schools within the area of 
the Association in the matter of collecting and preserving items 
of local history and utilizing such items as a vital part of their 
educational program. 

4. To provide appropriate housing space, properly equipped and 
approved by the membership of the Association, for the pro- 
tection and use of collected materials of historical value. 

5. To be responsible for the custodial care and use of such col- 
lected material. 

Much of Dean Bird's first year as president was taken up in 
getting the Association fully organized and on a firm basis. 
He concentrated on organizational work, using much of the 
East Tennessee Historical Society's long experience in form- 
ing the western North Carolina group. An author himself, 

206 The North Carolina Historical Review 

former president of the Western North Carolina Teachers 
College at Cullowhee and connected with that college most 
of his adult years, he realized the need of a regional group 
which would present western North Carolina as a region in 
its true light. For many years he had been interested in the 
history of this area, where he was born and reared, and had 
spent his life teaching the children of his friends and neigh- 
bors. He coveted for them many more advantages than he 
had enjoyed. He was one of the strongest contenders for 
the formation of a regional historical association, which would 
present the mountain folk in their true perspective. 

Dean D. J. Whitener of Appalachian State Teachers Col- 
lege, Boone, was the second president and he, too, was in- 
terested in spreading the true story of the mountain people. 
He conducted several history clinics among the junior col- 
leges and high schools of the area for teachers of history in 
the 23 counties. These were so successful that in 1955 he 
held at Appalachian a workshop for teachers of history and 
political and social science which was attended by a large 
group of people, and a number of the State's outstanding 
historians were speakers during the 15-day session. 

Samuel E. Beck of Asheville succeeded Dean Whitener as 
president and he made his contribution. The membership 
was enlarged, and the Association inaugurated at each an- 
nual session the presentation of the Western North Carolina 
Historical Association's cup to the outstanding historian of 
the area. 

Since its formation the Association has tried to prove that 
there is very little difference between a western North Caro- 
linian and the people of other sections of the state. All three 
presidents, and the current president, have attempted to 
establish this idea. 

Tourists and visitors to the mountain area frequently mail 
back to their friends and relatives postcards and other pic- 
torial matter purporting to show a "typical mountain cabin" 
or a "typical mountain scene." For commercial purposes this 
has been exploited to a disgusting degree. 

There are no typical mountain folk, any more than there 
is a typical resident of the Sandhills, of Guilford, of Pitt 

The Western North Carolina Historical Association 207 

county, or the areas around the Albemarle, and the coastal 

There are peculiarities of speech and custom in the moun- 
tains which are seldom encountered in other areas of North 
Carolina. These are different from other groups of people in 
the other sections of the country through association, environ- 
ment and remoteness. 

It must be remembered that almost all of the counties em- 
braced within the boundaries of the Western North Carolina 
Historical Association were for many years known as the 
"Lost Colonies." The State Highway Act of 1920 was the first 
effort to open up many of the western North Carolina coun- 
ties, other than an occasional railroad. The high mountains, 
the rough terrain and the inaccessibility of the people of 
these counties to other sections cut them off from contacts. 
The mountains were an effective barrier, and there was little 
contact with the remainder of the State until good roads came 
in the early 20's. Under those circumstances, the people de- 
veloped a culture of their own. They utilized the materials 
at hand for meeting everyday needs in the home and on the 
farm. They had been cut off so long from other sections of 
the State that they developed a self-sufficiency. They retained 
the Elizabethan speech of their grandsires in many counties. 

All other sections of the State have experienced the same 
problem at one time or another. They utilized the material at 
hand to make household furniture and meet farm needs. 
They built their homes out of building material at hand, and 
adapted themselves to their surroundings, as did the people 
of western North Carolina. In many areas, however, the peo- 
ple progressed more or had more outlets in commerce to 
other states and even foreign countries. Their culture devel- 
oped along with the materials and utilities available. West- 
ern North Carolina did the same. They had no connections 
with the other states, except East Tennessee, which like 
Weslern North Carolina, was also cut off by its mountain 
barriers; and with the steady stream of traffic which was 
flowing across the Cumberland Gap into Kentucky. 

By the very fact that these counties were cut off from the 
rest of North Carolina, many people, especially in late years, 

208 The North Carolina Historical Review 

have gained the impression that this area is a distinct and 
separate part of North Carolina. 

These people can't be typed. There is no such thing as a 
typical mountain cabin. The early settlers adapted this meth- 
od of building homes because there was a plentiful supply of 
timber on the site. As the area developed more and more and 
the price of lumber became higher and higher, people began 
deserting the log cabins, and sawing, by water power, lumber 
to build frame houses. As in all civilizations and develop- 
ments the people progressed. The fact that one will occasion- 
ally see a log cabin today in the mountains of Western North 
Carolina may be attributed to two things: either the family 
is a tenant, unambitious to build better quarters, or else some 
wealthy individual has established a hunting lodge on the 
site, or a vacation home for the use of his family in the 

There are fewer water-powered corn mills, saw mills and 
other establishments in Western North Carolina than in the 
Piedmont or Coastal Plains. For many years Western North 
Carolina depended largely on water for power to operate its 
mills. It still does, but it is furnished in the form of electricity 
from the mighty plants like Fontana, Hiawassee, or numerous 
other mountain hydroelectric plants. 

The speech of the people of certain counties is peculiar to 
most visitors. So is the speech of the people of the Outer 
Banks and along the coast. When people have been bottled 
up for 200 years in an area of 9,000 square miles speech will 
take on some peculiarities. If one is looking for pure Eliza- 
bethan speech, however, don't approach the present day 
crop of high school students in Cherokee, Robbinsville, 
Hayesville, Murphy or Waynesville. The same high school 
jargon will be heard that the students around Raleigh, 
Greenboro, Charlotte, or Winston-Salem speak. In fact, most 
of the Cherokee Indian youths around Cherokee today can't 
tell what a Cherokee word means or conjugate a Cherokee 

In all of these counties today there is a virile mountain 
stock, backed up by hundreds of outsiders who are just as 
shrewd traders as the old line Yankee clipper captains. Today 

The Western North Carolina Historical Association 209 

sales tax receipts, income tax receipts and other state and 
federal tax revenues from western North Carolina counties 
are in many instances far higher than from counties of a com- 
parable population in other sections of the State. 

When I was a wee brat and a resident of Montford's Cove 
in Rutherford County I heard much of the mountaineers. As 
I grew older I crossed the mountain at our back door to visit 
an old aunt. To my utter astonishment I found that the 
people across the mountain were just like those I left behind. 
As I grew older I crossed another mountain, then another 
until I had traversed all of the Blue Ridge and Appalachian 
Chain. Wherever I went I found the people were just like 
those I had left. There was no difference between them, and 
at length I realized an important fact: there is no difference 
between the mountaineer on Pisgah or Cowee or the Nanta- 
halas. There is a difference in his racial characteristics, caused 
by his long enforced remoteness from his neighbors; there 
is a difference in his social life and consciousness by being im- 
prisoned for years behind the barricade of the mountains in 
which he lived, and a slight difference in his speech, caused 
by long years of isolation, when, uninfluenced by outsiders 
he continued to use the same expressions and colloquial 
terms which had been used 150 to 200 years ago. 

Thus, the Western North Carolina Historical Association 
started a campaign to show that the mountain people are 
not a race apart from the people of other sections of North 
Carolina. They reside in the mountains of western North 
Carolina, but their habits and customs are no different today 
than elsewhere. Just as many television sets, radios and elec- 
tric and gas stoves are purchased as are bought by residents 
of Piedmont or eastern North Carolina. In fact, on a per capita 
basis western North Carolina has more radio stations than 
in those areas. 

The Association has a good record of achievement. When 
I became president it was resolved that the group would 
start at least three projects. A publication program was No. 1 
on the agenda, followed by a historical marker program, 
plus the dissemination of the history of this area, and the 
sponsorship of any program which would give recognition 

210 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to this part of the state, and an awards program for outstand- 
ing achievement. 

In January, 1955, the first issue of The Western North 
Carolina Historical Associations History Bulletin came from 
press. This four-page newspaper, carrying history news of 
the 23 counties, is published quarterly, appearing in January, 
April, July and October. It is used by the secretary in lieu 
of a letter to notify members of the next meeting of the 
Association. Meetings are held on the last Saturday of Jan- 
uary, April and October. The July meeting time is reserved 
for a joint regional meeting with the State Literary and 
Historical Association. 

The History Bulletin is supported entirely from funds de- 
rived from four or five commercial ads in each issue. It has 
met with the approval of the members of the Association, 
who receive it free of charge as a part of their membership 
fee. In addition approximately 200 copies each quarter are 
mailed to members of the board of trustees, officers and staff 
of the Department of Archives and History, and of other 
groups such as the Society of County and Local Historians, 
and the North Carolina Archaeological Society. Copies are 
sent to all libraries in the area, plus a number over the state 
and nation, such as Duke, University of North Carolina Li- 
brary, Wake Forest Library, and to others such as the Wis- 
consin Historical Society, American Antiquarian Society, In- 
diana State Library, New York Public Library, the East 
Tennessee Historical Society, and others too numerous to 
mention. An exchange is carried on with several county 
historical groups which publish their own bulletins, such as 
the Gaston County Historical Association and the Mecklen- 
burg Historical Association. 

The first official publication of the Association came from 
press in mid-October, followed by the second publication 
during the last week of October. The first was Mrs. Sadie 
Patton's Buncombe to Mecklenburg— The Speculation Lands. 
This booklet deals with a subject which is of concern to every 
property owner from the crest of the Blue Ridge in Bun- 
combe to Richardson's Creek in Union county. This is a sub- 
ject which has not been fully investigated and will be new 

The Western North Carolina Historical Association 211 

to most historians of the present. The second volume is a 
handbook entitled Local History— How to Find and Write It. 
The manuscript of this booklet was prepared by Dean D. J. 
Whitener of Appalachian State Teachers College, Boone, for 
use in the classroom. He donated the typescript to the Associ- 
ation, which had it printed and is selling this handbook to 
the general public. Plans are being made for the sponsorship 
of several other publications in the future. 

The first historical marker sponsored by the Association 
was unveiled on August 21, at Woodfields Inn in the historic 
Flat Rock country, with the president of this association, 
Dr. Christopher Crittenden and Mrs. Sadie Patton partici- 
pating in the afternoon's ceremony. The erection of other 
markers is planned during the year. 

The Association presents a cup at each April meeting to the 
outstanding historian of the area. In October of this year the 
Thomas Wolfe Memorial trophy cup was presented to Mrs. 
Wilma Dykeman Stokely as the outstanding author in West- 
ern North Carolina for 1955. Her book The French Broad, 
one of the Rivers of America series, won the cup. Hereafter, 
the cup will be presented each October, Thomas Wolfe's 
birth month, to the author who produces an outstanding work 
on or about western North Carolina. 

The Boy Scouts of America and the Association of Meth- 
odist Historical Societies are now working out details for the 
Cattaloochee Trail Hiking Award, which will focus the at- 
tention of the participating Scouts and Scouters on the life 
of Bishop Francis Asbury. This award will be made annually 
through the channels of the Western North Carolina His- 
torical Association to those who have made the hike across 
the Alleghanies and also read certain histories of the life of 
Bishop Asbury and in turn submit an essay on his life. The 
Association is looking for more awards of this nature, in order 
to focus attention on the early life and settlers of this area. 

The Western North Carolina Historical Association having 
made every effort to stimulate interest in and to disseminate 
information about its section of the State is forwarding the 
idea also of the west as a vacation playground. In 1955 the 
Great Smoky Mountain National Park had approximately 

212 The North Carolina Historical Review 

five million visitors, an attendance figure which led all other 
national parks; the beautiful Blue Ridge Parkway had over 
four million motorists; and the Fontana Dam community had 
about a million visitors during the summer season. Other 
scenic points are the famous Joyce Kilmer National Forest, 
the Pisgah National Forest, the Cherokee National Forest, 
the great Hiawassee dam near Murphy, Cliffside State Park 
near Franklin, and Lake Lure. Other places of historic in- 
terest include the Thomas Wolfe and Zebulon Vance home- 
steads and the Griffith Rutherford Trace across the Blue 
Ridge (when he destroyed all the Indian towns), and De- 
Soto's and Juan Pardo's trails, all of which have been marked. 
There is work to be done, but the Western North Carolina 
Historical Association accepts the responsibility with the 
same eagerness and enthusiasm which generated its forma- 
tion and which has served as an impetus since its organization. 

By Walter Spearman 

The year 1954-1955 was quiet and well-mannered in fiction, 
a year of "moderation." There were no really angry books, 
no exposes, no righteous indignations, no social problems. 

North Carolina fiction writers this year, like the poet Shel- 
ley, "look before and after" but are not too inclined to "pine 
for what is not"— and certainly "their sincerest laughter with 
some pain is fraught." 

One of our favorite novelists who looks back most success- 
fully is Inglis Fletcher. In her Carolina Series of seven novels, 
from Raleigh's Eden to Queens Gift, she has spanned North 
Carolina history from 1585 to 1789, from the Lost Colony on 
Roanoke Island to the ratification of the Constitution. In 
most of her books she had followed the principle of using 
historical characters to give authenticity to her background 
but has created the principal characters from her own imagi- 
nation to carry the thread of the story. But this year Mrs. 
Fletcher has tried a new method. In The Scotswoman her 
leading character is a magnificent woman who lived and 
breathed and exercised her own influence on the course of 
history— Flora Macdonald, who not only saved the life of 
Bonnie Prince Charlie in Scotland but also threw her weight 
into the American Revolution on the side of the Tories and 
the Crown. 

Beginning her story on the Island of Skye in the Hebrides, 
Mrs. Fletcher skillfully builds in a colorful background of 
Scottish dances, skirling bagpipes and Scottish history. Not 
until page 223 does the scene shift to Cross Creek and New 
Bern, North Carolina, but the characters are established, the 
plot is well underway, and the reader's sympathy is engaged 
for Flora Macdonald. 

There are both outer conflicts and inner conflicts in The 
Scotswonian. The outer conflicts are between North Caro- 
lina colonists determined to win their freedom from Great 
Britian and the loyal Tories who prefer the orderliness of 
British rule to the possible anarchy and chaos of self-govern- 


214 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ment. This conflict is resolved in the significant battle of 
Moore's Creek Bridge, when the Tories are defeated and 

The inner conflict within the heart of Flora Macdonald 
concerns Mrs. Fletcher more deeply. Why did Flora Mac- 
donald, who had no love for the English government which 
had rejected her Bonnie Prince Charlie, cast her influence 
upon the side of the Tories? Was it because of an oath taken 
to the English? Was it because of her husband, Allan Mac- 

Mrs. Fletcher wrestles with this problem, always realizing 
that she is dealing with a real person in Flora Macdonald, 
not a created character whose mind and motives she can re- 
veal or justify in her own omniscient way. Some readers may 
feel that Flora does not come fully alive, that she still exists 
more in the role of a legendary Carolina folk heroine than in 
flesh and blood woman. Whatever your opinion, Flora is 
still a magnificent woman worthy of being any novelist's her- 
oine; and Mrs. Fletcher has added another compelling novel 
to the series which brought her the Sir Walter Raleigh Award 
for her achievements in the field of North Carolina fiction. 

Women authors must like women characters, for the novel, 
Forbidden City by Muriel Molland Jernigan, also has for its 
leading character a woman of heroic proportions. The scene 
of this book is far from North Carolina and the heroine is an 
Empress Dowager of China, Nala, a beautiful Chinese girl 
selected at the age of 16 for the delectation of the ageing 
Emperor. So fascinating a woman and so strong a character 
was Nala that she remained in the Palace to seize the throne 
and command the Chinese Empire. 

Her warm reception to new ideas as an Empress and her 
love affair with her Prime Minister remind us of England's 
Queen Elizabeth although the English Queen who most 
piqued the curiosity of Nala was her contemporary, Queen 
Victoria. Some of the most delightful pages of Forbidden 
City concern the efforts of the Prime Minister to persuade 
his Empress to receive the English and Americans who were 
infiltrating into the Forbidden City, especially the American 
woman painter who wished to do a portrait of the Empress. 

North Carolina Fiction, 1954-1955 215 

The background of life in the Imperial Palace, with all its 
intrigues and romantic color, is as rich and evocative as an 
old Chinese painting; and the character of the Empress her- 
self is as vivid as a Chinese ancestral scroll. 

Just as Forbidden City catches the flavor of old Imperial 
China, so does Drought and Other North Carolina Yams 
by Edith Hutchins Smith catch the flavor of rural North 
Carolina and its people. 

On the jacket of her book Mrs. Smith explains her own 
technique when she says: "I write whenever and wherever I 
happen to think of anything to put down on paper. I realize 
that my way of writing is not a good policy, but I like it, and 
I believe in people doing the things they like, be it raising 
rabbit hounds or sailing around the world on a couple of old 
oil drums/' 

Mrs. Smith writes as informally and as amusingly as you 
would expect her to. She finds both tragedy and comedy in 
the daily lives of her Carolina folks, tragedy in the title story 
about a farm family suffering from drought and discourage- 
ment, comedy in the antics of a not-so-sedate grandmother 
who discovers a magic-making genie in a bottle in the attic 
and shocks her family with the amazing feats she can per- 
form with his mysterious aid. 

The stories are somewhat formless. Mrs. Smith rambles on 
about Boze Martin, who sat on his front porch with his hound 
dog and read books and dreamed, or Aunt Vinnie, who was a 
do-gooder and just loved to clean up somebody else's house 
and problems, or Uncle Mat, an old Negro who knew how 
to help a little girl back to health, or Pidie Wilks, who divided 
his time between hunting rabbits and hunting a girl. 

Mrs. Smith likes the way she writes— and most of us who 
like North Carolina would like what she writes. 

Frances Gray Patton of Durham, like Mrs. Fletcher, has 
already won the Sir Walter Raleigh Award for fiction. The 
particular book was a volume of short stories, The Finer 
Things of Life. Now her first novel, Good Morning, Miss 
Dove, is enjoying enormous popularity. Miss Dove, that in- 
domitable Liberty Hill school teacher who believed discipline 
was more important to her school children than easy learning, 

216 The North Carolina Historical Review 

first appeared in a short story in the Ladies Home Journal, 
"The Terrible Miss Dove." Then came the novel— and it 
was condensed in the Ladies Home Journal, selected by the 
Book of the Month Club, reprinted as a Readers Digest book, 
and then made into a movie with Jennifer Jones as Miss Dove. 

While none of us would insist that such honors indicate 
the literary value of a work of fiction— we have seen too many 
insipid romances and too many examples of sex and sadism 
soar in sales— we may feel that they indicate a universality of 

The truth is that Miss Dove does have a universal appeal. 
She may have grown up and taught school in Liberty Hill, 
North Carolina, but she is just as familiar to those who have 
gone to school in California or the Dakotas or New England. 
We all have our Miss Doves who started us on the road to 
learning. We may have called her "terrible" and rebelled 
against her discipline when she had us sit in a corner or stay 
after school and write "Do not talk" a hundred times, but 
when we look back we can call her blessed and be thankful 
that we were Johnnys who learned to read whether we built 
model grocery stores and displayed our favorite toys in some 
"Show and Tell" period or not. 

When Miss Dove's children drew pictures of robins, they 
looked like robins— and not like individual "impressions" of 
robins. If a child put a pencil or a lock of hair in his mouth, 
he had to wash it out with yellow laundry soap. 

"And," says Mrs. Patton, "if he had to disturb the class 
routine by leaving the room for a drink of water ( Miss Dove 
loftily ignored any other necessity) he did so to the accom- 
paniment of dead silence. Miss Dove would look at him— that 
was all— following his departure and greeting his return with 
her perfectly expressionless gaze and the whole class would 
sit idle and motionless, until he was back in the fold again. It 
was easier— even if one had eaten salt fish for breakfast— to 
remain and suffer." 

In both her short stories and her novel Mrs. Patton has 
the faculty of taking some moment of human experience and 
so illuminating it in the clear light of her wisdom and her wit 
that it becomes a recognizable moment every reader can re- 

North Carolina Fiction, 1954-1955 217 

call and share. Her Miss Dove, "terrible" though she may be, 
becomes our Miss Dove— and we love her. 

As Miss Dove lies on her hospital bed waiting for an opera- 
tion which she may not survive, and her loyal children 
of yesterday and today throng the hospital to offer their blood, 
the novel comes perilously close to sentimentality, but here 
again the author's warm wit and Miss Dove's acid comments 
save the day. For Miss Dove never surrendered to sentimen- 
tality herself. As Mrs. Patton says, "Miss Dove took a rather 
cool view of heaven. She did not question its existence, but 
she thought golden streets were ostentatious and that rivers 
that flowed with milk and honey would attract flies. And the 
place held no room for improvement! How dull it would be 
for a teacher!" 

Some books can be reviewed by telling the plot, but not 
this one. The story is simply the influence Miss Dove had on 
her students and their consternation when they discovered 
she had to have an operation. But this is a book that begs to 
be quoted. For instance, there was Miss Dove's way of rating 
each child with a single letter of the alphabet— T for Tract- 
able, W for willing, S for Satisfactory. "B" was really a bad 
mark, says Mrs. Patton: "It stood for Babyish and was given 
most frequently to the kind of pouting little girl who would 
become, in the future, a fattish, middle-aged woman who 
wore frilly bathing suits that showed her stomach and wept 
when the cook failed to come." 

Good morning, Miss Dove! 

A new outlet for our novelists has grown up in recent years 
in the pocket book series of paperbacks, which now bring out 
original novels as well as reprints. Three North Carolina 
novels appeared in this format during the past year: Dark 
Heritage by John Foster, a Wilmington newspaperman; After 
Innocence by Ian Gordon, a North Carolina import from the 
North; and Fort Sun Dance by Chapel Hill's author of so 
many excellent juveniles, Manly Wade Wellman. 

Dark Heritage is the all-too-familiar Southern novel of 
violence, degeneracy, lust and murder. It differs from other 
pocket books principally in the fact that the contents of the 
book are more lurid than the covers instead of vice versa. 

218 The North Carolina Historical Review 

After Innocence is described on the jacket as "the tangled 
currents of desire that overflowed a small southern campus." 
Residents of Chapel Hill, where Mr. Gordon has lived for 
several years, are still marvelling more at the author's in- 
genious imagination than at the riotous sex life his book de- 
scribes. Mr. Wellman's combination of historical and west- 
ern, Fort Sun Dance, seems refreshing after the other two 
since the violence in his story comes only as an integral part 
of the action-packed story. 

Then there are the poets, nine slim volumes of their hopes 
and aspirations and talents entered in this year's contest. It 
was the poet Wordsworth who suggested that poetry was 
"emotion recollected in tranquility." 

Some of this year's lyrics have emotion without tranquility, 
some have tranquility without emotion. Most of the volumes 
are locally published and will be of primary interest to 
friends, neighbors and admirers of local poets. Poetry at best 
these days has a difficult task in reaching any wide general 

H. A. Sieber, a Chapel Hill restaurateur who can turn a 
roast with one hand and a poem with the other, has a volume 
called In This Marian Year which contains perhaps the most 
provocative ideas and images. However, the form and vo- 
cabulary interpose such difficulties of comprehension on the 
part of the reader that communication is all too frequently 
lost. But then, as Mr. Sieber says in one of his poems, "A 
poem is a conversation between poets, whether the poets are 
man and man or God and man." 

Much easier to understand are the traditional verses of 
Laura E. Stacy in Home Folks, Luther C. Hodges in Run and 
Find the Arrows, Grace Saunders Kimrey in Glimpses of 
Beauty and J. Ray Shute in Prose Poems and Other Trivia. 
Each of these poets does indeed catch "glimpses of beauty" 
in the everyday life about him, but there is scarcely enough 
"emotion recollected in tranquility" to interest or move the 

An agreeable humor is present in two of the volumes, 
Nothin Aint No Good by the poet-philosopher E. P. Holmes 
and But Mine Was Different by the poet-professor Arthur 

North Carolina Fiction, 1954-1955 219 

Palmer Hudson. Mr. Holmes draws much of his material from 
a North Carolina background but sometimes strays away to 
have fun with something like this one called "Burning 

He asked for burning kisses 

She said in accent cruel : 
"I may be a red-hot mamma, 

But I ain't nobody's fuel." 

Bussell Henderson has contributed a series of delightful 
drawings which catch the flavor of Mr. Holmes' verses. Pro- 
fessor Hudson gives a poetic report on his trip to the hospital 
for an operation. 

One of the books reflecting genuine emotion and deep re- 
ligious conviction is Be Firm My Hope by the Negro preacher, 
James B. Walker. His poem entitled "Separate But Equal" 
has significant meaning for us all today. 

This year there were more juvenile books written in North 
Carolina than adult fiction and as many as there were vol- 
umes of verse. Was it because our young people are more 
interested in reading? If so, that is an encouraging note at a 
time when we are being tempted to ask "why Johnny can't 

Another interesting fact is that serious writers for adult 
readers are also writing for childen. For instance, Manly 
Wade Wellman of Chapel Hill, who had a grownup book, 
Fort Sun Dance, on the adult list and has written an excellent 
biography of Wade Hampton called Giant in Gray, has three 
juveniles on this year's list: Rebel Mail Runner, a story of the 
Confederate mail runners who slipped through Union lines 
to carry letters; Flag on the Levee, the story of a North Caro- 
lina boy who went to New Orleans back in the early 1800's, 
met Pirate Jean Laffite, was befriended by the Creoles, parti- 
cipated in Mardi Gras, end even helped Louisana become a 
state; and Gray Riders, the story of a boy who rode with dash- 
ing Jeb Stuart in the Civil War and learned what war was 

Mr. Wellman is a serious historian who meticulously 
weaves authentic history into his exciting adventure for boys. 

220 The North Carolina Historical Review 

My own 12-year-old son says the Wellman books are "keen 
stories"— and I find that I agree with him fully. 

Carl Sandburg, who writes poetry, novels and non-fiction 
for adults, has begun telling the story of his own life in Al- 
ways the Young Strangers. Some discerning editor, who 
recognized the fact that Sandburg could also speak to younger 
readers, has taken the first part of this book and issued it 
for children under the title of Prairie-Town Boy, sl warm and 
compelling account of what it was like to grow up in the 
midwest of the last century. 

A purely local story of "growing up" is Mama's Little 
Rascal by Edgar Mozingo of Roanoke Rapids, who sets his 
stage with two teen-age boys in the not-so-mythical town 
of "Slam Bang, North Carolina," and follows the Penrod-like 
adventures of Skeeter and Howie with nostalgic affection. 

Mebane Holoman Burgwyn has carved out a special North 
Carolina area for her own in a series of juveniles beginning 
with River Treasure and Lucky Mischief and continuing this 
year with Moonflower, a warmly appealing story of an east- 
ern Carolina girl who has to give up college and live on the 
family farm but finds new strength and deepened talents 
when she has to face discouraging realities. 

The volume Snow by Thelma Harrington Bell, with illus- 
trations by Corydon Bell, is the 1954 contribution of one of 
North Carolina's two famous husband-and-wife writing 
teams. "It is snowing," begins Mrs. Bell and then proceeds 
to tell what snow is like, where it comes from, what you can 
do with it and what it can do to you. The snowflake illustra- 
tions by Mr. Bell, reproduced in blue and white and black, 
are exquisite and imaginative. 

A solo achievement this year by Corydon Bell is John Ratt- 
ling Gourd of Big Cove, sl fascinating collection of Cherokee 
Indian legends presumably told by an old North Carolina 
Indian. It is an attractive method of presenting some charm- 
ing Indian stories and the book is eminently readable for 
adults as well as youngsters. 

Carolina's other writing team, Ruth and Latrobe Carroll, 
who have given us such delightful Smoky Mountain stories 
as Beanie and Tough Enough, turn to the Carolina beaches 

North Carolina Fiction, 1954-1955 221 

in their new Digby, the Only Dog. If you have any affection 
whatsoever for dogs, you will be enchanted with the drawing 
of Digby which the Carrolls use on their book jacket. Of 
course, if you prefer cats, you will still be content with this 
book, for Digby was the only dog on an island inhabited by 
hundreds of cats. And if you want to know what one lone 
dog can do in a situation like that, I suggest that you read 
Digby the Only Dog. Or if too much television has made you 
forget how to read, the illustrations of cat, dog and pony 
life on the island will be even more rewarding than Disney- 
land or Mickey Mouse. 

The book designed for the youngest readers— and probably 
written by the youngest author, Dorothy Koch of Chapel 
Hill, a fourth-grade teacher who knows how to hold the at- 
tention and affection of some 30 restless youngsters— is I 
Flay at the Beach. It is a simple, colorful, charming little book, 
with gay drawings by Feodor Rojankovsky. 

In conclusion, I might paraphrase that old Gilbert and 
Sullivan refrain of "the policeman's lot is not a happy one" by 
saying that: 

Our feeling's we with difficulty smother 
When our critical duty's to be done, 

Ah, take one consideration with another, 
A reviewer's lot is not a happy one! 

Or I might just be frank and admit that I enjoyed gleaning 
this year's North Carolina literary harvest. In fact, I felt some- 
what like the lady book club member who went up to the 
club speaker after the meeting and said: "I'm so glad to meet 
you, Mr. Hutchins. I want to tell you how much I enjoyed 
wading through your last book." 


By Fletcher M. Green 

A student of the history of the United States during the 
twentieth century and especially since 1933, observing the 
sweep and power of the nationalizing movement, would un- 
questionably agree with the statement of Elihu Root made 
in 1905 that "our whole life has swung away from old state 
centers, and is crystallizing about national centers." 1 The 
overwhelming importance of the national government under 
Franklin Delano Roosevelt and the New Deal and Harry S. 
Truman and the Fair Deal has brought support for, and fear 
of, national control of nearly every facet of human life- 
agriculture, industry, communication, health, education, and 
social security— from maternity aid to death benefits, or, as 
the English phrase it, from the womb to the tomb. 

The Great Depression, the Second World War, the cold 
war against Russia, and the hot war against Communism 
have caused a real revolution in the American philosophy and 
concept of government far removed from the Jeffersonian 
view that that government is best that governs least. Today 
the general attitude is, let the federal government do it. And 
this attitude has not been seriously checked by Republican 
control under President Dwight David Eisenhower. The 
Communist scare has led the federal government to employ 
undercover Federal Bureau of Investigation agents in school 
and college class rooms. And recent Supreme Court decisions 
have opened public schools, parks, golf courses, buses, trains, 
and public waiting rooms that had long been closed by 
Southern states to Negro citizens. Certainly the trend is away 
from state centers and toward control by the federal govern- 

But if we take a longer and backward view of our history 
we will find that the United States is in reality a federation 
of sections rather than a union of individual states. In politi- 

1 Quoted by Frederick Jackson Turner, The Significance of Sections in 
American History (New York, 1932), 287. Hereinafter cited as Turner, 
The Significance of Sections in American History. 


Resurgent Southern Sectionalism, 1933-1955 223 

cal matters the states act as groups rather than as individual 
members of the Union and are responsive to sectional in- 
terests and ideals. They have leaders who, in Congress and 
political conventions, speak for the sections, confer and com- 
promise, and form combinations to formulate national policies. 
In other words, party policy and congressional legislation 
emerge from sectional contests and bargainings. Congression- 
al legislation is hardly ever the result of purely national con- 
siderations. And when we study the underlying forces of 
social and economic life and the distribution of political 
power in the Union we find that sectionalism antedated na- 
tionalism and that it has endured, although sometimes ob- 
scured by political forms, throughout our entire history. 2 

There are, of course, varying degrees of sectionalism. The 
most extreme form was that exhibited in the struggle between 
the North and the South over the slavery issue which saw 
the emergence of a Southern Nationalism that culminated 
in the organization of the Confederate States of America and 
the American Civil War. Gradually the wounds of that con- 
flict healed and by 1900 the North and the South were once 
again united. The new national spirit was made manifest 
when Fighting Joe Wheeler and Fitz Hugh Lee, Generals 
C. S. A., led troops in Cuba during the Spanish— American 
War as Generals U. S. A. 3 Legend says that General Wheeler 
forgot himself and, while charging up San Juan hill, yelled, 
"Come on Men! Give those Yankees hell." Even so, Wheeler 
and his men were American not Southern soldiers. 

There is, however, another kind of sectionalism which, as 
Frederick Jackson Turner so interestingly pointed out in his 
The Significance of Sections in American History, has lain 
dormant but may, under sufficient provocation, gain vitality 
at any time. This sort of sectionalism does not threaten the 
unity of the nation, but it makes itself manifest through a 
feeling of distinctness and separateness from others— in a 
word, Consciousness of Kind. It may be of economic interest, 
of mores and customs, of public attitudes, of cultural pat- 
terns, or even a manner of speech. The tests of such section- 

2 See Turner, The Significance of Sections in American History, 321-322. 

3 Paul Herman Buck, The Road to Reunion, 1865-1900 (Boston, 1937), 306. 

224 The North Carolina Historical Review 

alism may be found in the methods by which an area resists 
conformity to a national pattern— by mental and emotional 
reactions, or by a combination of votes in Congress and in 
presidential elections. This type of sectionalism gives a dis- 
tinctive quality to a region. In this sense New England, the 
Middle States, the Old Northwest, the Great Plains, the 
Mountain States, the Pacific Coast constitute sections no less 
distinct than the South. Each has its peculiar geographic 
qualities, its economic resources and interests, its particular 
political bent, and its own social and cultural patterns. One 
may not be able to define exactly their specific differences 
but they undeniably exist. Frederick Jackson Turner said 
that in this sense "one of the most avowedly sectional por- 
tions of the Union" was and still is New England. And he 
devoted five pages in his book to depicting her sectional 
characteristics. 4 He noted that the Boston press has long 
urged the section to act as a political unit, and that the six 
states had formed a New England States Commission of 
seventy-two members, twelve from each state, that met in 
annual conference to formulate political and economic poli- 
cies for the section. 

But it is of the South I propose to speak. I believe that 
the Great Depression of the nineteen-twenties and thirties 
followed by the New Deal constituted the provocation that 
aroused the dormant sectionalism of the South. Southerners 
suffered severely during the depression and reacted violently 
to the New Deal. They either accepted FDR wholeheartedly 
and swallowed the New Deal hook, line, and sinker, or they 
hated Roosevelt and fought the New Deal stubbornly and 
viciously. The two points of view may be illustrated by the 
story of the public school teacher and the reaction of the 
governor of a southern state. The teacher, so the story goes, 
was drilling her pupils in the benefits derived from the New 
Deal and indoctrinating them in the Santa Clans like quality 
of Roosevelt. She asked, "Who gave us this beautiful new 
school building?" The children, properly coached, answered 
in chorus, "Mr. Roosevelt." "Yes," said she, "and who gave us 

4 Turner, The Significance of Sections in American History, 329-333. 

Resurgent Southern Sectionalism, 1933-1955 225 

these fine desks, charts, maps, and blackboards?" The reply 
was, "Mr. Roosevelt." Having exhausted the objects inside 
the schoolroom, she looked outside and asked, "Who gave us 
the playground and its equipment of slides and swings?" "Mr. 
Roosevelt," they replied. And, finally, "Who gave us the 
beautiful lawn with its shrubs and flowers?" One youngster, 
his sense of justice aroused, cried out in a shrill, small voice, 
"God." Whereupon the other children shouted, "Throw that 
Republican out." Speaking for the second point of view, 
Governor Sam Houston "Sad Sam" Jones of Louisiana wrote: 
"New Deal policies . . . have continued to kick an already 
prostrate South in the face. . . . [President Roosevelt] has 
allowed his New Deal to close down the horizons of the 
masses of Southern people, increase their handicaps, darken 
their future; he has permitted a senseless policy to continue 
whose end result can only be to impoverish the rich and 
pauperize the poor." 5 

Let us examine the evidence of this insurgent Southern 
sectionalism. In what areas does it manifest itself? I believe 
it can be seen in every major field of human interest, and 
that it has been growing stronger ever since the early 1930's. 
But time permits a brief discussion of only a few fields, and 
I have chosen to present ( 1 ) Emotional and social attitudes, 
(2) Cultural life, (3) General welfare activities, (4) Eco- 
nomic life, and (5) Politics. 

Emotional and Social Attitudes 

The overwhelming and crushing defeat of the Confederacy 
in 1865 left the people of the Southern states with a defeatist 
attitude, an inferiority complex, a tender skin to criticism, 
and a fear of ridicule. The victor naturally dictated the pat- 
terns of life and looked upon the South as backward and un- 
civilized. Southerners were on the defensive and often found 
criticism when Northerners were merely stating facts. 

This touchy attitude lingers on after ninety years, and in 
the 1930's Southerners, resenting Secretary of Labor Frances 

5 Sam Houston Jones, "Will Dixie Bolt the New Deal?" in The Saturday 
Evening Post, CCXV (Philadelphia, March 6, 1943), 20. Hereinafter cited 
as Jones, "Will Dixie Bolt the New Deal?" 

226 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Perkins's statement that "A social revolution would take place 
if shoes were put on the people of the South," charged that 
she was "poking fun" at Southerners for their poverty and 
that she accused them of going barefooted like peasants and 
country yokels. "Why, even the mules of the South wear 
shoes," indignantly rejoined one Southern senator. 6 

In like manner they resented President Roosevelt's Report 
on Economic Conditions in the South and the President's 
statement that the South constituted the nation's economic 
problem number one. In truth this study was designed to 
explore economic conditions in the South and to point the 
way to economic recovery and prosperity. Nevertheless, civic 
clubs, chambers of commerce, state legislatures, governors, 
and representatives and senators in Congress roundly con- 
demned the publication and adopted and presented resolu- 
tions of censure and protest to the Congress. 7 

More significant was the fear of the breakdown of social 
mores because of Roosevelt's interest in the advancement of 
the Negro. Governor "Sad Sam" Jones of Louisiana charged 
that it was the purpose of the New Deal to force social rela- 
tions between the two races, and that Roosevelt planned to 
use World War II as an instrument to force social equality. 8 
Southerners heard, believed, and retold over and over again 
rumors that Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt was organizing Eleanor 
Clubs among Negro cooks and maids to get them out of the 
kitchen in order to force white women to perform the menial 
duties of housework. H. A. Jessen, secretary of the South 
Carolina Sheriffs Association, in an address before that body, 
declared that the attitude of the Roosevelt administration on 
race relations was "an insult to every white man and woman 
in the South." He said also that no South Carolina sheriff 
would dare call on the Federal Bureau of Investigation for 

6 Stetson Kennedy, Southern Exposure (New York, 1946), 1-2; herein- 
after cited as Kennedy, Southern Exposure. See also Thomas D. Clark, The 
Southern Country Editor (Indianapolis, 1948), 334; Virginius Dabney, 
Below the Potomac: A Book About the New South (New York, 1942), 25; 
hereinafter cited as Dabney, Below the Potomac. 

7 Kennedy, Southern Exposure, 2-3. 

8 Jones, "Will Dixie Bolt the New Deal?", 21. 

Resurgent Southern Sectionalism, 1933-1955 227 

fear that he "might commit an act that the Administration 
would consider unfair to its Eleanor constituents. South- 
erners declared that there was no race problem. They claimed 
that they understood the Negro and could get along with him 
if Northerners would only keep their noses out of affairs that 
did not concern them. 10 This emotional reaction had both 
bad and good effects. On the one hand it led to an increase of 
mob violence and a renewal of Klu Klux activities; on the 
other it led to co-operation of whites and Negroes who or- 
ganized the Southern Regional Council in 1943 that has done 
effective work in the improvement of race relations in the 
South. 11 Southerners still resent Northerners who come into 
the South to champion the Negro, especially when they feel 
that they are interfering in affairs in which they have no con- 
cern. Witness for instance the feeling aroused by the activi- 
ties of the NAACP in the Till murder case in Mississippi. 

A curious episode in Southern emotionalism was the revival 
of interest in the Confederate cap and flag. The cap was 
widely worn by children and teen-agers. The flag was waved 
by college boys and girls at football games, worn as emblems 
on their jackets and raincoats, and flown from their automo- 
biles. Furthermore, Southern boys in the United States armed 
forces at various points throughout the world were reported 
to have flown the flag from United States warships or from 
their company and regimental standards. Both the flag and 
the cap became far more familiar than they had been at any 
time since 1900. Some Northerners reacted violently. The 
mayor of Newark, New Jersey, was reported in the daily 
press to have issued an order that anyone displaying either 
the cap or the flag in that city would be guilty of subversive 
action and would be punished accordingly. 

9 Undated clipping, The Charlotte Observer. 

10 Morning News (Dallas, Texas), November 20, 1944. See W. E. Debnam, 
Then My Old Kentucky Home Goodnight (Raleigh, 1955), 117-118, for a 
recent expression of this feeling. 

11 Charles S. Johnson and Associates, Into the Main Stream. A Survey 
of Best Practices in Race Relations in the South (Chapel Hill, 1947), 5-11. 

228 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Cultural Life 

The 1930's also witnessed the development of a new region- 
alism in cultural life. It was made manifest in many ways— in 
scholarly organizations, informal groups, publications, litera- 
ture, and official action in the field of education. In all of 
these there was particular emphasis on the South and South- 
ernisms. For instance, there was organized in 1934 a Southern 
Historical Association with emphasis not on history per se but 
on Southern history. It was followed by the Southern Political 
Science Association, the Southern Economics Association, the 
Southern Sociological Association, the Southern Humanities 
Conference and the Southern Council on International Re- 
lations. And there were the Southern Book Parade, the South- 
ern Newspaper Publishers Association, the Southern Training 
Program in Public Administration, the Southern Writers Con- 
ference, and the Southern Educational Film Production 

Emphasis was placed on the South both in name and con- 
tent in a continuing stream of books and periodicals. The 
Louisiana State University Press began the new ten volume 
History of the South and the multi-volume Southern Biogra- 
phy Series. North Carolina countered with the Southern State 
History Series and a Documentary History of Education in 
the South. Both these and other University presses issued 
numerous excellent books dealing with the Southern region. 
The pre-Civil War Southern Literary Messenger was revived 
and new periodicals with "Southern" in the title flourished. 
Among them were the Southern Review, the Southern Patriot, 
the Southern Magazine, The South, The South Today, the 
Southern Frontier, and the Southern Packet. The Journal of 
Southern History refuses to publish any article that does not 
deal with the South. Even the federal government succumbed 
to Southern regional publication and issued reports on South- 
ern Economic Conditions, Southern Labor, and Southern In- 
dustry. In fact, the South has become the best documented 
section in America. 

Southern literary writers, as they did before the Civil War, 
turned their attention to the Southern region and the South- 

Resurgent Southern Sectionalism, 1933-1955 229 

ern theme. They wrote of the Southern Negro, the Southern 
poor white, the Southern frontier, Southern society, Southern 
glamor and romance, Southern drama, and even of Southern 
religion. Much of this writing was of excellent quality and 
there were Pulitzer Prize winners in nearly every field of en- 
deavor. Among them are Julia M. Peterkin on the Negro, 
Caroline Miller and Marjorie Kinnan Rawlings on the frontier, 
Margaret Mitchell on glamor and romance, and Paul Green 
on the drama. William Faulkner has won world-wide fame in 
winning the Nobel Prize in Literature for his analysis of 
Southern society. And the South has become in reality the 
literary capital of the nation. 12 

In education there was organized the Southern Regional 
Council with a Board of Control and central offices in Atlanta. 
Fourteen states joined in and made appropriations of more 
than $1,500,000 the first year. It provided for exchange of 
students in medicine, dentistry, forestry, and veterinary sci- 
ence from one state to another. 13 More recent is the Southern 
Fellowship Committee, with headquarters in Chapel Hill, 
administering a fund of several millions of dollars, and grant- 
ing fellowships and research aid to graduate students and 
scholars on a regional basis. It might be noted, however, that 
this fund was made available by one of the national founda- 

General Public Welfare 

Liberal and progressive Southern leaders— ministers, journ- 
alists, educators, and statesmen— have been concerned also 
about the general well-being of the Southern people. It 
should be noted that there have been several Pulitzer Prize 
winners in this field as well as in literature. Among them are 
George E. Godwin of the Atlanta Journal for exposing vote 
frauds in Georgia; Louis I. Jaffe of the Norfolk Virginian-Pi- 
lot for advocating the rights of the Negro; Robert Latham of 
the Asheville Citizen for championing political independency 

12 See Donald Davidson, "Why the Modern South Has a Great Literature," 
Vanderbilt Studies in the Humanities, I (Nashville, 1951), 1-17, and Louis 
D. Rubin, Jr., and Robert D. Jacobs, Southern Renascence : The Literature 
of the Modern South (Baltimore, 1953). 

13 New York Times, September 5, 1950. 

230 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and liberalism; and W. Horace Carter of the Tabor City Trib- 
une and Willard Cole of the Whiteville News Reporter for 
exposing the Ku Klux Klan activities in North Carolina in 
1952-1953. For lack of time, two or three examples of work 
in this area will have to suffice, although the activities of 
leaders extend over a wide sphere— including farm tenancy, 
health, labor, education, civil liberties, race relations, law en- 
forcement, and many others. 

The Southern Policy Committee was organized in 1935 to 
investigate and publicize the need for reform in Southern life. 
From this committee came numerous short reports on the 
evils of farm tenancy, poor health conditions and the lack of 
medical care and hospitalization in the South, the burden of 
the poll tax as a prerequisite for voting on the poorer whites 
as well as Negro citizens in the Southern states, and the lower 
wages and longer hours of laborers in Southern industry as 
compared to those of workers in the North. 14 

The Southern Conference for Human Welfare, organized 
in 1938 in Birmingham and designed "to promote the gen- 
eral welfare and to improve economic, social, political, cul- 
tural, and spiritual conditions of the people of the South," 15 
offered the Thomas Jefferson Award to the person judged to 
have done the most during the year for the betterment of the 
Southern people. Two winners of this award were Frank P. 
Graham, then President of the University of North Carolina, 
and Hugo Black, at that time United States Senator from 
Alabama, and at present Associate Justice of the United 
States Supreme Court. Unfortunately, this organization fell 
under the control of the leftist group and was branded as 
Communist and subversive in a report of the United States 
House of Representatives Un-American Activities Committee, 
but was ably defended by Dr. Walter Gellhorn of Columbia 
University in the Harvard Law Review. 16 While its aims were 

"Dabney, Below the Potomac, 306-308. 

16 By-Laws, Southern Conference for Human Welfare (Nashville, 1946); 
Katharine DuPre Lumpkin, The South in Progress (New York, 1940), 228- 
230; hereinafter cited as Lumpkin, The South in Progress. 

16 For a sympathetic appraisal of the Conference's work see Kennedy, 
Southern Exposure, 360-363. The report of the Un-American Activities 
Committee and Dr. Walter Gellhorn's article are summarized in The South- 
ern Patriot, V (New Orleans, December, 1947), 8. 

Resurgent Southern Sectionalism, 1933-1955 231 

laudable, and while it did at first accomplish worthwhile 
things, its usefulness has dwindled away. 

The Southern Tenant Farmers Union, organized when 
about sixty-eight per cent of Southern farmers were tenants 
and sharecroppers, was another such organization whose 
goal— improvement in the conditions of the rural farm work- 
was praiseworthy. But it too fell under the leftist control and 
consequently failed in its major purpose. 1 


Economic Development 

The Civil War and Reconstruction left the Southern people 
poverty stricken. Certainly, if they were ever going to recover 
from the effects of that tragedy they should have done so by 
1930. And, indeed, they had made rapid strides economically. 
Nevertheless, they had not been able to close the economic 
gap between them and the Northerners for the North had 
advanced just as rapidly as the South. Like the runner in a 
race who falls behind, the South must advance more rapidly 
than the North if it is to close that gap. 

Smarting under poverty, Southerners were stung by what 
they believed were the taunts in the President's Economic 
Report on the South. Thirty Southerners, representing the 
fields of business, journalism, labor, law, education and re- 
ligion, meeting in Atlanta, Georgia, declared that many of 
the ills set forth in the President's Report resulted from things 
done or left undone by the national government. "The na- 
tion's treatment of the South," these representative Southern 
leaders declared, "has been that generally accorded colonial 
possessions. The South does not ask a preferred status; what 
it asks is equality of opportunity within the Union." 18 The 
Manufacturers Record, published in Baltimore, Maryland, 
published a series of editorials designed to refute what it 
called "the stigmatic statement that the South is 'the nation's 

17 Dabney, Below the Potomac, 129-130; Kennedy, Southern Exposure, 
279-280; Lumpkin, The South in Progress, 130-132. 

18 Quoted in an editorial "Equality of Opportunity Asked for the South," 
in The Journal (Atlanta, Georgia), January 17, 1939; hereinafter cited 
The Journal. Two books that emphasize the colonial status of the South are 
Walter Prescott Webb, Divided We Stand (New York, 1937) and A. G. 
Mezerik, The Revolt of the South and West (New York, 1946). 

232 The North Carolina Historical Review 

No. 1 economic problem/ It attributed the pamphlet and 
the statement to interests and sections jealous of the South' s 
industrial progress, to Northern fear of losing factories to 
the South, and to "unworthy political motives." 19 

Southern political leaders complained that Roosevelt and 
the New Deal did nothing to solve the economic problems of 
the South; rather they charged that the Roosevelt adminis- 
tration adopted policies that aggravated them. Governor 
Jones of Louisiana charged that the federal government con- 
tinued to dole out only seven per cent of War Industries to 
the Southern states until the Southern Governors Conference 
threatened to bolt the party. Even then, said he, "rank dis- 
crimination continued" and only $2,000,000,000 out of 
$38,000,000,000 in war contracts went to the South. Richard 
B. Russell of Georgia charged in the United States Senate 
that disbursements of United States Relief Agencies through 
November 30, 1938, amounted to $78.80 per capita. The 
amount in the Southern states ranged from a low of $28.40 in 
North Carolina to a high of $69.50 in Florida. In contrast 
eighteen Northern and Western states ranged from $81.00 in 
Wyoming to a high of $127.00 in Montana, and New York 
received $106.80 per capita. Russell charged and supported 
his charge with figures that a similar disparity existed in the 
wages paid Southern and Northern WPA workers. For in- 
stance, the average paid North Carolina WPA workers was 
$32.00 while those in Rhode Island were paid $84.63. Similar 
disparities existed in the AAA payments to Southern corn and 
cotton growers and Western corn and wheat growers, and 
in PWA grants to the states. These conditions, charged Rus- 
sell, magnified the inequalities that originally existed between 
North and South. 20 

In 1942 Representative Wright Patman of Texas blasted 
the Congressional War Plants Corporation, established to 
aid manufacturers engaged in war or essential civil produc- 
tion, for having "accomplished virtually nothing in the 
South." 21 Others complained that such war industries as were 

19 The Manufacturer's Record, CVII (Baltimore, August, 1938), 13-14. 

20 Quoted in The Journal, February 4, 1939. 

21 The Durham Morning Herald, December 7, 1942. 

Resurgent Southern Sectionalism, 1933-1955 233 

established in the South consisted largely of training camps 
and ship yards that would of necessity fold up with the com- 
ing of peace whereas the industries established in the North 
were heavy goods and tooling industries that would continue 
to benefit the North long after the war was over. 

And Southern born Thomas Parran, Surgeon General of the 
United States and a noted figure in public health service, 
charged that the federal government spent 40 cents per capi- 
ta for public health but that the highest expenditure in the 
South, where the need was actually the greatest, was 23/2 
cents in Florida. 22 Still others charged that of $400,000,000 
spent during the war for research by the federal government 
less than five per cent went to Southerners. 

While irate Southerners complained others went to work 
and organized the Southern Economic Council, the Southern 
Industrial Council, and the Southern Association of Science 
and Industry whose purpose was to influence industrial and 
economic progress in the South. This latter body, under the 
leadership of Thomas Boushall, president of the Bank of 
Virginia at Richmond and an alumnus of the University of 
North Carolina, declared that "Southerners were . . . given to 
platitudinous observations rather than specific and dynamic 
action," that "the South was experiencing a multiplicity of 
mediocrity," and that "loyalty to traditions of the South in- 
terfered with southern zeal to solve Southern [economic] 
problems." The Association began a campaign to revitalize 
the South through education, an appreciation of the oppor- 
tunities and resources of the South, and by an inventory of 
Southern resources. To achieve these goals it marshalled the 
ablest staff the South could produce. Its work was partially 
responsible for the increase in the number of industrial plants 
in the South from 34,143 in 1935 to 44,779 in 1945, and an 
increase in the value of manufactured products from 
$7,500,000,000 to $20,600,000,000. 23 Other such research 
agencies working toward the same general goal are the South- 
ern Research Institute at Birmingham, the Institute of Textile 

22 The Journal, February 4, 1939. 

23 The Journal, July 19, 1946. 

234 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Technology at Charlottesville, and the Herty Research Foun- 
dation at Savannah. 

Notable advances have been made all along the line. The 
Southern Newspaper Publishers Association played a major 
role in the coming of the paper pulp and newsprint industry 
to the South. The TVA, a New Deal agency, has done much 
to develop hydroelectric power and to diversify industry in 
the South. Able and aggressive industrialists have led in the 
development in new industries as well as to expand textiles, 
tobacco, furniture, and other older industries. Cities and 
states through their industrial commissions have secured new 
industries, and by advertising Southern industries have en- 
ticed many Northern plants into the South. Now the shoe 
is on the other foot, and Northern states, industrialists, 
and labor leaders are protesting to federal authorities that 
the Southern states are stealing their industries. 

In 1948 Lieutenant Governor Arthur Coolidge of Massa- 
chusetts, speaking to the Greater Lawrence Chamber of 
Commerce, charged that "Dixie Claghorns" were "kidnapp- 
ing the Massachusetts textile industry." They were, said he, 
"robbing Northern Peter to pay Southern Paul." He proposed 
"to fire an opening gun in a new industrial war between the 
North and South." 24 And Seymour Harris, Professor of Econ- 
omics at Harvard University and Chairman of the New Eng- 
land Governors Textile Committee, declared on November 9, 
1955, that "The South is fighting the Civil War all over again 
in trying to take away our industry." 25 New England con- 
gressmen, led by John W. McCormack, Democrat, and Joseph 
W. Martin, Jr., Republican, both of Massachusetts, have 
organized to put an end to the dispersal of new defense 
plants. On March 20, 1955, they asked Defense Mobilizer 
Charles E. Wilson for preferential defense contracts. 26 In 
August, 1955, the New York World-Telegram "charged South- 
ern states with assuming the role of a 'reverse carpetbagger' 
by attempting to entice storm-hit industries to rebuild in the 

24 The Durham Morning Herald, April 13, 1948. 

25 The Durham Morning Herald, November 10, 1955. 

26 New York Times, June 27, 1951, March 20, 1955. 

Resurgent Southern Sectionalism, 1933-1955 235 

South." 27 Governor Abraham Ribicoff of Connecticut de- 
clared: "I can't imagine anything more ghoulish. ... I am 
shocked that in this tragic time any Southern state would try 
to come and steal our industries. This is really a new low." 
Governor George Bell Timmerman, Jr., of South Carolina, 
wired in reply, "I am shocked that you would issue such a 
statement." Governors LeRoy Collins of Florida, Frank 
Clement of Tennessee, and Luther Hodges of North Caro- 
lina likewise expressed condemnation of RibicofFs charges. 28 

Political Action 

Much of the new Southern sectionalism stems from politi- 
cal conditions. Long the region of Democratic Party suprem- 
acy, Southern Democrats largely dominated congressional 
committees when the Democratic Party controlled Congress. 
The South, too, could block the nomination of any unsatis- 
factory Democratic presidental candidate through the two- 
thirds rule. But FDR persuaded the Democratic Convention 
to abrogate this rule in 1936 and Southern Democrats there- 
by lost power. Forgetting that the Roosevelt Democratic ad- 
ministration brought them the chairmanship of nearly all the 
committees in both houses of Congress, four members of the 
cabinet, three Associate Justices of the Supreme Court, sev- 
eral top posts in the foreign service, the head of the Recon- 
struction Finance Corporation, and the chief presidential 
assistant, and resenting both Roosevelt's attempted packing 
of the Supreme Court and his attempted purge of conserva- 
tive Southern Democrats in 1936, Southerners organized for 
opposition to the Roosevelt administration. They set up the 
Southern Caucus in Congress to keep a sharp eye on federal 
policies. They had in 1934 organized the Southern Governors 
Conference in an effort to secure unity of action in support 
of Southern economic and political interests. This latter body 
has been very influential in the partially successful fight on 
freight rate differentials between the Official or Northeastern 
states and the Southern Territory, the establishment of the 

27 The Durham Morning Herald, August 28, 1955. 

28 The Durham Morning Herald, August 26, October 23, 1955. 

236 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Southern Regional Educational Board, and the effort to se- 
cure new industries for the South. 29 

Less successful but more vocal has been the Southern Gov- 
ernors Conference in its opposition to federal action in regard 
to the extension of the suffrage and civil rights to the Negro. 
When the Supreme Court struck down the white primary in 
1944, state legislatures repealed all laws governing the pri- 
mary. Some states adopted new constitutional restrictions— 
the Boswell Amendment of 1946 in Alabama for instance- 
but the Courts invalidated these. Georgia, Mississippi and 
South Carolina adopted new registration procedures. Judge J. 
Waties Waring declared the South Carolina action unconsti- 
tutional. Today large numbers of Negroes register and vote 
in all the Southern states. 30 

When Harry Truman advocated a broader program of 
Civil Rights for Negroes in 1948, many Southern Democrats 
refused to go along with his nomination and organized the 
State Rights Party, generally ridiculed as the Dixicrat move- 
ment. Nominating J. Strom Thurmond of South Carolina and 
Fielding L. White of Mississippi as their candidates, the 
State Rights Party won the electoral vote of four Southern 
states and a very sizable popular vote in all the others. 31 And 
in 1952 Southern conservatives, bitterly opposing the Loyalty 
Oath imposed by the Democratic Convention, refused to 
support Adlai Stephenson, the Democratic nominee, and, led 
by such men as Governor James F. Byrnes of South Carolina, 
Senator Harry F. Byrd of Virginia, Governor Allan Shivers of 
Texas, and Governor Robert B. Kennon of Louisiana, South- 
ern Democrats bolted the party and Eisenhower carried seven 
Southern states and secured a large popular vote in the 
others. 32 Most of these disgrunted Southerners, however, are 
unhappy over the turn of events. They found no relief from 
the pressure for civil and equal rights for the Negro. Presi- 

29 Robert Alexander Lively, The South in Action: A Sectional Crusade 
Against Freight Rate Discrimination (Chapel Hill, 1949), 46-48; Dabney, 
Below the Potomac, 310. 

80 V. O. Key, Jr., Southern Politics in State and Nation (New York, 1949), 

31 Alexander Heard, A Two-Party South? (Chapel Hill, 1952), 25-26. 

32 The World Almanac and Book of Facts for 1953 (New York, 1953), 

Resurgent Southern Sectionalism, 1933-1955 237 

dent Eisenhower appointed Earl Warren Chief Justice of the 
Supreme Court and under his leadership the Court unani- 
mously struck down the "separate but equal" idea of Negro 
education in the South. Today the Lower South is seething 
with unrest, and Georgia, Mississippi, and South Carolina 
have already taken steps to abolish the public schools. A 
special session of the Virginia legislature has been called to 
consider a proposal to amend the state constitution so as to 
legalize state aid to private education. 33 North Carolina, long 
known for its progressivism and its moderate stand on race 
relations, is aroused and divided. Governor Luther H. 
Hodges's effort to secure voluntary acceptance of segregated 
schools has brought considerable criticism in many quarters. 
His reference to the NAACP as an outside body has been 
particularly displeasing to the Negro citizens. More recently 
the North Carolina legislature's Committee on Education was 
reported to be considering a plan for the abolition of the 
state's public school system. What the solution of this difficult 
problem will be no one can with confidence predict. The 
future is undeniably dark. 

The South has at least learned that it cannot expect support 
from the Republican Party on its segregation policy and has 
grown lukewarm to the Eisenhower administration. 34 Senator 
Lyndon Johnson of Texas has been working for some time to 
unify Southern Democrats, and the Southern Governors Con- 
ference at its meeting in Point Clear, Alabama, in October, 
1955, proposed that Southern Democrats act as a unit in order 
to gain greater influence in the Democratic Convention and 
control both the platform and the candidates for the presi- 
dency and vice-presidency in 1956. 35 

Jonathan Daniels, editor of the Raleigh News and Ob- 
server, has been highly critical of this sectional political atti- 
tude. He says that "No Southerner will ever be nominated 

38 After this paper was written the Virginia legislature passed by an 
overwhelming vote, 93 to 5 in the House of Representatives and 38 to 1 in 
the Senate, a bill to submit to the people a change in the state constitution. 
New York Times, December 6, 1955. 

34 See editorials "Republican Party's Impact on the Solid South," and 
"Any Signs that Two-Party South Is Imminent," in The Durham Morning 
Herald, October 4, 5, 1955. 

35 The Durham Morning Herald, October 18, 19, 22, 1955. 

238 The North Carolina Historical Review 

for the Presidency until he first becomes a national figure. . . . 
So long as Southerners . . . 'insist' upon seeking sectional ad- 
vantage they will invite retaliation from every other sec- 
ion . . ." 3(i Thomas L. Stokes, Georgia's Pulitzer Prize winner 
columnist, also criticized the action of the Governors Con- 
ference. He declared that Southern Democrats were conduct- 
ing a political civil war against the Northern wing of the 
party. "Only the South," said he, "still exists as a distinct po- 
litical entity. . . . Nothing exists elsewhere in this respect— 
or 'The East,' or 'The Middlewest,' or 'The West.' Nor do you 
find politicians in those geographical divisions constantly 
planning, as they do in the South and as the governors did 
again here, to form a cohesive bloc to regain for 'the South' 
what is called its 'proper share' in the direction of the Demo- 
cratic Party." 37 But Stokes was wrong in regard to the unique 
character of Southern political sectionalism. Two days after 
Stokes made his observation Mid-western party leaders, meet- 
ing in Chicago, "organized the Mid-western Democratic Con- 
ference," and adopted a resolution demanding that the Na- 
tional Democratic Party accept and incorporate in its plat- 
form a series of planks recommended by the Midwestern 
Conference. 38 

I have recounted in some detail the story of the resurgence 
of a militant Southern sectionalism. But what does it mean? 
It seems to be a mixture of bad and good, a warning and yet 
a glowing promise. There is a very close, in fact an almost 
exact, parallel in this story and that of Southern sectionalism 
in the 1830's and 1840's. For lack of proper leadership and 
because of the breakdown of the processes of democratic 
government the people suffered the great tragedy of the 
Civil War. The South must see to it that that part of the story 
does not repeat itself; in fact there is no danger of that for the 
sectionalism of today has none of the aspects of Southern 
nationalism that characterized that of the nineteenth century. 
Southerners must see to it that discrimination against minor- 

38 See editorial, "The Senatorial Complex," "The News and Observer 
(Raleigh), October 22, 1955. 

37 Thomas L. Stokes, "A Familiar Paradox," and "Feeling Their Oats 
Again," The Durham Morning Herald, October 21, 24, 1955, 

38 New York Times, October 23, 1955, 

Resurgent Southern Sectionalism, 1933-1955 239 

ity groups, whether of race, class, or creed, is ended, that the 
processes of democratic government are strengthened and 
broadened so that the government can cope with demagogic 
leaders and subversives at home and with Communists 
abroad. In doing this freedom of thought, freedom of speech, 
and freedom of individual action must be safeguarded and 
preserved. In other words the individual must be assured of 
the opportunity to develop along his own bent and must not 
be forced to conform to any fixed mold or pattern. 

There is also a promise in the new sectionalism. Out of it 
have come during the last twenty years many good things. 
No other section of the nation has made such rapid strides 
in education, in industrialization, and in general economic 
well-being. No other section has produced so many signifi- 
cant literary figures. Along the entire front the South has 
been closing the gap and catching up with the rest of the 
nation. The South is today a new frontier, a land of hope and 
promise for the future to her own, and to the people of all 
America. 39 But there is still much to be done. The South is 
still economically poor, and poorly educated. It should make 
the best use of its economic resources to further the well- 
being of the people— all the people— rich and poor, black and 
white, tenant farmer and industrial laborer, the professional 
and the business man. It must educate its young people and 
give them an apportunity to make the most of their talents 
whatever they may be. It must close entirely the gap between 
North and South, both cultural and economic, so that the 
best Southern brains and leaders will not be drawn to the 
North by greater opportunities but will remain in the South 
to contribute to her progress. 

The South must once again take her rightful place in na- 
tional life. Between 1776 and 1860, with only one-fourth of 
the political people, the South furnished nearly two-thirds 
of the national political leadership— presidents, cabinet mem- 

39 For progressive changes in the South see, "The Deep South Looks Up," 
Fortune Index, XXVIII (New York, July-December, 1943), 95; Wilbur 
Zelinsky, "The Changing South," Focus, II (October 15, 1951), 1-5; "The 
Industrial South," Fortune Magazine (New York, November, 1938), 45. The 
latter article states that while the South may be "the nation's economic 
Problem No. 1" to the President it is "to many industrialists the nation's 
No. 1 economic opportunity." 

240 The North Carolina Historical Review 

bers, legislative policy makers, diplomatists, and jurists. Those 
leaders formulated national policies and translated them 
into action. They contributed largely to the building of Amer- 
ica. Only when they put section above nation, denied to many 
equal rights and opportunities, and tried to curb freedom of 
thought and speech did they loose control. How can a politi- 
cal reformation be brought about? It can be done by the 
people. They must choose and elect to office militantly- 
aggressive liberal and progressive statesmen who will be con- 
cerned with the well-being, the prosperity, the happiness, 
and the progress of all the people of the South and the 
nation. Then will the promise of the new Southern section- 
alism be fulfilled. 


By Mary Lindsay Thornton 

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Lefler, Hugh Talmage. A guide to the study and reading of 
North Carolina history. Chapel Hill, University of North 
Carolina Press [1955] iv, 89 p. $2.00, pa. 

Marshall, Thomas F. An analytical index to American Litera- 
ture, v. 1-20, March, 1929 - January, 1949. Durham, N. C, 
Duke University Press, 1954. vii, 154 p. $5.00. 

Parker, Wixie E., ed. A checklist of scientific periodicals and 
of selected serials in the libraries of Duke University, North 
Carolina State College, The University of North Carolina, 
and the Woman's College of the University of North Caro- 
lina. Durham, N. C. [Duke University Library] 1954. 385 p. 

Thornton, Mary Lindsay. Official publications of the Colony 
and State of North Carolina, 1749-1939 ; a bibliography. Chapel 
Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1954. x, 347 p. $6.00. 

1 Books dealing with North Carolina or by North Carolinians published 
during the year ending August 31, 1955. 


242 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Whitener, Daniel Jay. Local history, how to find and write it. 
Asheville, N. C, Western North Carolina Historical Associa- 
tion, 1955. 17 p. $.75 pa. Order from The Association, Box 
5150, Asheville, N. C. 

Philosophy and Religion 

Crowder, Wilbur S. Up to infinity. New York, Comet Press 
[c. 1954] 88 p. $2.00. 

Emery, Stephen Albert, tr. The essence of philosophy, by 
Wilhelm Dilthey, translated into English by Stephen A. Emery 
and William T. Emery. Chapel Hill, University of North Car- 
olina Press [1954] (Its Studies in the Germanic languages 
and literatures, no.13) xi, 78 p. $2.50. 

Fries, Adelaide Lisetta, ed. Records of the Moravians in North 
Carolina, edited by Adelaide L. Fries . . . and Douglas LeTell 
Rights . . . volume VIII, 1823-1837. Raleigh, State Department 
of Archives and History, 1954, xi, 3613-4369 p. $3.00. 

Johnson, Elbert Neill. The Master is here; Jesus' presence 
in fact and experience. New York, American Press, 1955. 
141 p. $2.50. 

Jordan, Gerald Ray. Beyond despair; when religion becomes 
real. New York, Macmillan Co., 1955. 166 p. $2.50. 

McGeachy, Neill Roderick. A history of the Sugaw Creek 
Presbyterian Church, Mecklenburg Presbytery, Charlotte, 
North Carolina. Rock Hill, S. C, Record Printing Co., 1954. 
195 p. il. Apply The Church. 

Patterson, Robert Leet. Irrationalism and rationalism in re- 
ligion. Durham, N. C, Duke University Press, 1954. 155 p. 

Reid, Albert Clayton. Man and Christ. Durham, N. C, Duke 
University Press, 1954. 90 p. $2.00. 

100 Chapel talks. Combined ed., containing the talks ori- 
ginally published in Invitation to ivorship and Resources for 
worship. Nashville, Tenn., Abingdon Press [c. 1955] 304 p. 

Smith, Stuart Hall. The history of Trinity Parish, Scotland 
Neck, Edgecombe Parish, Halifax County [by] Stuart Hall 
Smith [and] Claiborne T. Smith, Jr., Scotland Neck [Pr. by 
Christian Printing Co., Durham, N. C] 1955. 115 p. il. $3.50. 

North Carolina Bibliography, 1954-1955 243 

Stinespring, William F., tr. The Messianic idea in Israel, by 
Joseph Klausner. New York, Macmillan Co., 1955. 543 p. $7.50. 

Young, Richard K, The pastor's hospital ministry. Nashville, 
Tenn., Broadman Press [1954] 139 p. $2.50. 

Economics and Sociology 

Aycock, William Brantley. Military law under the Uniform 
code of military justice, by William B. Aycock and Seymour 
W. Wurfel. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 
1955. xviii, 430 p. 

Drake, William Earl. The American school in transition. New 
York, Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1954. 624 p. $5.00. 

Harkavy, Oscar. Leadership for life insurance; the college 
graduate in the life insurance company home office. Chapel 
Hill, Published for the School of Business Administration, 
University of North Carolina, by the University of North 
Carolina Press [1955] (Its Studies in business administra- 
tion, v. 1) xvi, 229 p. 

Hauser, Margaret Louise. Etiquette for young moderns; how 
to succeed in your social life, by Gay Head [pseud.] New York, 
Scholastic Corporation [1954] 160 p. il. 

Heafner, Bruce Franklin. Encyclopedic digest of North Car- 
olina Supreme Court decisions on automobile civil cases : cases 
reported, index, decisions and principles of law. Lincolnton, 
N. C. [1955] Various paging. 

Heath, Milton Sidney. Constructive liberalism ; the role of the 
State in economic development in Georgia to 1860. Cambridge, 
Harvard University Press, 1954. xiv, 448 p. $7.50. 

Morgan, William Henry. Thinking together about marriage 
and family . . . [by] William H. Morgan [and] Mildred I. 
Morgan. New York, Association Press [1955] 178 p. il. $3.50. 

Morrison, Joseph L. Opportunities in business papers. New 
York, Vocational Guidance Manuals [1955] 96 p. $1.00, pa. 

North Carolina. Attorney General. Oliver Brown, et al., ap- 
pellants v. Board of Education of Topeka, Shawnee County, 
Kansas, et al . . . Brief of Harry McMullan, Attorney General 
of North Carolina, amicus curiae. Raleigh, 1954. 188 p. 

North Carolina. Commission on Higher Education. State- 
supported higher education in North Carolina. Raleigh, 1955. 
104 p. 

244 The North Carolina Historical Review 

North Carolina. Commission on Reorganization of State 
Government. Report. [Raleigh, 1954] 8 v. 

North Carolina edition, Governmental guide, 1955. Nashville, 
Tenn., C. H. Boone [1954?] 128 p. $3.00 pa. Address P. 0. 
Box 1091. 

North Carolina League of Women Voters. North Carolina: 
its government; a handbook for citizens. Chapel Hill, The 
League, 1954. 60 p. $.50 pa. 

North Carolina. University. Institute of Government. 
Handbook of North Carolina state agencies. Chapel Hill, 1955. 
Various paging. $5.00. 

A report to the Governor of North Carolina on the deci- 
sion of the Supreme Court of the United States. Chapel Hill, 
1954. 206 p. $2.00. 

Parsons, Brinckerhoff, Hall and MacDonald, Engineers, 
New York. An engineering and fiscal study of North Caro- 
lina's highways for the North Carolina State Highway and 
Public Works Commission. New York, 1954. 123, 37 p. il. 

Romein, Tunis. Education and responsibility. Lexington, Uni- 
versity of Kentucky Press, 1955. 210 p. $3.50. 

Rowe, Claude Watson. How and where lawyers get practice. 
Durham, N. C, Judiciary Publishing Co. [1955] 212 p. $5.00. 

Vance, Rupert Bayless, ed. The urban South [by] Rupert B. 
Vance and Nicholas J. Demerath, editors. Chapel Hill, Uni- 
versity of North Carolina Press, 1954. xii, 307 p. $5.00. 

Wellman, Manly Wade. Dead and gone; classic crimes of 
North Carolina. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina 
Press [c.1954] 190 p. $3.00. 

William, Robin Murphy, ed. Schools in transition; community 
experiences in desegregation, edited by Robin M. Williams, Jr., 
and Margaret W. Ryan. Chapel Hill, University of North 
Carolina Press [1954] xiii, 272 p. $3.00. 


Coker, Robert Ervin. Streams, lakes, ponds. Chapel Hill, Uni- 
versity of North Carolina Press [1954] 327 p. il. $6.00. 

Forest, Herman Silva. Handbook of algae, with special refer- 
ence to Tennessee and the southeastern United States. Knox- 
ville, University of Tennessee Press, 1954. (Contribution from 

North Carolina Bibliography, 1954-1955 245 

the Botanical Laboratory, the University of Tennessee, n. ser. 
no. 155) 467 p. $4.75. 

Labarre, Weston. The human animal. Chicago, University of 
Chicago Press, 1954. 372 p. $6.00. 

Applied Science and Useful Arts 

Brown, Marion Lea. Pickles and preserves. New York, W. Funk 
[1955] 282 p. il. $2.95. 

Morrill, Madge (Haines) The Wright brothers, first to fly, 
[by] Madge Haines and Leslie Morrill. Nashville, Tenn., 
Abingdon Press [1955] 128 p. il. $1.50. 

Murray, Raymond Leroy. Introduction to nuclear engineering. 
New York, Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1955. 418 p. $9.35. 

Schenck, Carl Alwin. The Biltmore story ; recollections of the 
beginning of forestry in the United States. St. Paul, Ameri- 
can Forest History Foundation, Minnesota Historical Society, 
1955. 224 p. il. $3.95. 

Sparks, Elizabeth Hedgecock. North Carolina and Old Salem 

cookery. Kernersville, 1955. 226 p. il. $2.95. 
Wright, Wilbur. The papers of Wilbur and Orville Wright, ed. 

by Marvin W. McFarland. New York, McGraw-Hill Book Co., 

Inc., 1954. 2 v. $25.00. 

Fine Arts 

Bailey, Howard. The ABC's of play producing. New York, 
D. McKay Co. [1955] 276 p. il. $3.50. 


Hodges, Luther Cranston. Run and find the arrows. Winston- 
Salem, N. C, Bradford Printing Service, 1955. 127 p. il. $2.50. 

Jarrell, Randall. Selected poems. New York, A. A. Knopf, Inc., 
1955. 205 p. $4.00. 

Kimrey, Grace Saunders. Glimpses of beauty. Emory Univer- 
sity, Ga., Banner Press, 1955. 60 p. $2.00. Order from Author, 
Box 77, Ramseur, N. C. 

Levin, Ron. Rebellion. Chapel Hill, Old Well Publishers, [c.1955] 
13 p. $1.00 pa. 

Sieber, Herman Alexander. In this the Marian year. Chapel 
Hill, Old Well Publishers [1955] 27 p. il. $1.00, pa. 

246 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Walker, James Robert. Be firm my hope. New York, Comet 
Press Books [1955] 114 p. $2.50. Order from Author, 424 
Green Street, Statesville, N. C. 


Poe, Charles Aycock. Climate of fear. Raleigh, The Author, 
c. 1954, 1955. 101 p. Apply The Author. 

Fiction 2 
Carroll, Ruth. Digby, the only dog, by Ruth and Latrobe Car- 
roll. 3 New York, Oxford University Press, 1955. 47 p. il. 
$2.75. Juvenile. 

De La Torre, Lillian. The white rose of Stuart; the story of 
Flora Macdonald. New York, Thomas Nelson and Sons [1954] 
214 p. il. $2.50. 

Faulkner, Nancy. Pirate quest. Garden City, N. Y., Double- 
day & Co., Inc., 1955. 256 p. $2.75. Juvenile. 

Fletcher, Inglis (Clark) The Scotswoman. Indianapolis, 
Bobbs-Merrill Co., Inc. [1955] 480 p. il. $3.95. 

Foster, John. Dark heritage. New York, Fawcett Publications 
[1955] 160 p. $.25 pa. 

Gordon, Ian. After innocence. New York, Dell Publishing Co., 
1955. 191 p. $.25 pa. 

Harden, John William. Tar Heel ghosts. Chapel Hill, Univer- 
sity of North Carolina Press [1954] 178 p. il. $3.00. 

Henderson, Le Grand. Tom Benn and Blackbeard, the pirate. 
Nashville, Tenn., Abingdon Press [1954] 63 p. il. $2.00. Ju- 

Jernigan, Muriel Molland. Forbidden City. New York, Crown 
Publishers [1954] 346 p. $3.50. 

Koch, Dorothy (Clarke). I play at the beach. [New York] 
Holiday House, c. 1955. Unpaged, il. $2.50. Juvenile. 

Mathis, Alexander. The lost citadel. New York, Pageant Press 
[1954] 273 p. il. $4.00. 

[Moore, Bertha B.] Mercy forever, a novel by Bertha B. Mc- 
Curry. Grand Rapids, W. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 
1954. 201 p. $2.00. 

2 By a North Carolinian or with the scene laid in North Carolina. 

3 AAUW award to juvenile literature, 1955. 

North Carolina Bibliography, 1954-1955 247 

Parker, Marian. Mountain mating. New York, Pageant Press 
[1954] 344 p. $4.00. 

Patton, Frances (Gray). Good morning, Miss Dove. 4 New 
York, Dodd, Mead and Co. [1954] 218 p. $2.75. 

Ruark, Robert Chester. Something of value. Garden City, N. 
Y., Doubleday & Co., 1955. 566 p. $5.00. 

Slaughter, Frank Gill. Apalachee gold: the fabulous adven- 
tures of Cabeza de Vaca. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday & Co., 
1954. 254 p. il. $2.50. 

Flight from Natchez. Garden City, N. Y. Doubleday & 

Co., 1955. 284 p. $3.75. 

-The healer. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday and Co., 1955. 

316 p. $3.95. 

Smith, Edith Hutchins. Drought and other North Carolina 
yarns. Winston-Salem, N. C, J. F. Blair, 1955. 153 p. il. $2.75. 

Sprinkle, Rebecca K. Parakeet Peter. Chicago, Rand McNally 
& Co., c. 1954. Unpaged. $.25. Juvenile. 

Steward, Davenport. Sail the dark tide. Atlanta, Tupper & 
Love, Inc. [1954] 310 p. $3.75. 

Tracy, Don. Carolina corsair. New York, Dial Press, 1955. 

375 p. $3.50. 
Roanoke renegade. New York, Dial Press, 1954. 367 p. 


-Second try. Philadelphia, Westminster Press, 1954. 189 p. 


Turner, Audrey. Betty Starling, private secretary. New York, 
Lantern Press [1955] 223 p. $2.50. 

Turner, Robert. The tobacco auction murders. New York, Ace 
Books, Inc. [c.1954] 131 p. $.35 pa. 

Wellman, Manly Wade. Fort Sun Dance. New York, Dell Books, 
1955. 222 p. $.35 pa. Juvenile. 

Wellman, Manly Wade. Rebel mail runner. New York, Holi- 
day House, [1954] 221 p. il. $2.75. Juvenile. 

Literature, Other Than Poetry, Drama or Fiction 

Friederich, Werner Paul. Outline of comparative literature 
from Dante Alighieri to Eugene O'Neill, by Werner P. Fried- 
erich and David H. Malone. Chapel Hill, University of North 

* Sir Walter Raleigh award for fiction, 1955. 

248 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Carolina Press, 1955 (University of North Carolina Studies 
in comparative literature, no. 11) xii, 451 p. $6.00. 

Hubbell, Jay Broadus. The South in American literature, 1607- 
1900. 5 [Durham, N. C] Duke University Press, 1954. xix, 
987 p. $10.00. 

Shute, John Raymond. Prose poems and other trivia. Monroe, 
N. C, Nocalore Press, 1954. 71 p. $2.50. 

Stein, Harry B. Legacy; essays. New York, Exposition Press 
[1954] 64 p. $2.50. 

Stovall, Floyd, ed. The development of American literary cri- 
ticism, by Harry H. Clark, [and others] Chapel Hill, Univer- 
sity of North Carolina Press, 1955. ix, 262 p. $4.00. 


Boddie, John Bennett. Southside Virginia families. Redwood 
City, Calif., Pacific Coast Publishers, 1955. 422 p. il. $10.00. 

Downs, Posey Edgar. The Captain Benjamin Newton-William 
Downs and other lineage history. [Shelby, N. C, Downs 
Newton Ancestral Association, 1954?] 373 p. $4.00. 

Patton, Sadie (Smathers) Smathers from Yadkin Valley to 
Pigeon River; Smathers and Agner families. Hendersonville, 
N. C, 1954. 56 p. 

Pharr, Henry Newton. Pharrs and Farrs with other descen- 
dants from five Scotch-Irish pioneers in America. New Or- 
leans, The Author, 1955. 604 p. il. $5.50. 

Stockwell, Roy. John Graves (1703-1804) and his descendants. 
Kansas City, 1954. 246 p. $10.00. 

Turrentine, George Ruford. The Turrentine family. [Russell- 
ville, Ark.] The Author, 1954. 128 p. il. 

History and Travel 

Arnett, Ethel Stephens. Greensboro, North Carolina, the 
county seat of Guilford. 6 Chapel Hill, University of North 
Carolina Press. 1955. xviii, 492 p. il. $6.00. 

Bell, Corydon. John Rattling Gourd of Big Cove, a collection 
of Cherokee Indian legends. New York, Macmillan Co., 1955. 
xi, 103 p. il. $2.50. Juvenile. 

Mayflower award, 1955. 

6 Smithwick Cup for local history, 1955, by the North Carolina Society of 
County and Local Historians. 

North Carolina Bibliography, 1954-1955 249 

Clark, David. Blue Ridge facts and legends. Charlotte, N. C, 
Clark Publishing Co. [1955] 132 p. il. $1.00 pa. 

Clinton, Sir Henry. The American rebellion; Sir Henry Clin- 
ton's narrative of his campaigns, 1775-1782, with an appendix 
of original documents, ed. by William B. Willcox. New Haven, 
Yale University Press, 1954. li, 658 p. $7.50. 

Coulter, Ellis Merton [and others] History of Georgia. New 
York, American Book Co., 1955. 448 p. il. $2.66. 

Dykeman, Wilma. The French Broad. New York, Rinehart & 
Co. [1955] 371 p. il. $5.00. 

Goerch, Carl. Just for the fun of it. Raleigh, N. C. [Edwards 
& Broughton, pr.] 1954. 256 p. il. $3.50. 

Henley, Nettie (McCormick) The home place. 7 New York, 
Vantage Press [1955] 182 p. 

Johnson, Talmage Casey. The story of Kinston and Lenoir 
County. Raleigh, N. C, Edwards & Broughton Co., 1954. 413 
p. il. $6.00. 

Link, Arthur Stanley. American epoch: a history of the 
United States since the 1890's. New York, A. A. Knopf, 1955. 
xxii, 724, xxxvii p. il. $6.00. 

Peckham, Howard Henry. Captured by Indians ; true stories of 
pioneer survivors. New Brunswick, N. J., Rutgers University 
Press, 1954. 238 p. il. $5.00. 

Robinson, Blackwell Pierce, ed. The North Carolina guide. 
Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press [1955] xxi, 
649 p. il. $5.00. 

Sharpe, William P. A new geography of North Carolina. Ra- 
leigh, N. C. Sharpe Publishing Co. [c.1954] v.l. $5.00. 

Street, James Howell. James Street's South. Garden City, 

N. Y., Doubleday & Co., 1955. 282 p. $3.75. 
The Revolutionary War. New York, Dial Press, 1954. 

180 p. il. $3.00. 

Todd, Richard Cecil. Confederate finance. Athens, University 
of Georgia Press [1954] x, 258 p. il. $5.00. 

Wells, Warner, tr. and ed. Hiroshima diary; the journal of a 
Japanese physician, August 6-September 30, 1945, by Mich- 

7 American Association of State and Local History popular history award, 

250 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ihiko Hachiya. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina 
Press [1955] 238 p. il. $3.50. 

Autobiography and Biography 

Allen, Gay Wilson. The solitary singer; a critical biography 
of Walt Whitman. New York, Macmillan Co., 1955. 616 p. $8.00. 

Covell, Elizabeth Greene. The two Williams: William King 
Covell, 1802-1890, William King Covell, 1833-1919 ; a story of 
nineteenth century Newport, Rhode Island, and Wilmington, 
North Carolina. Cambridge, Mass., University Press, 1954. 
[6] 137 p. Edition limited to 150 copies. 

Current, Richard N. Last full measure : Lincoln the president, 
by J. C. Randall and Richard N. Current. New York, Dodd, 
Mead and Co., 1955. 421 p. $7.50. 

Daniels, Jonathan Worth. Three presidents and their books, 
by Arthur Bestor, David G. Means, and Jonathan Daniels. 
Urbana, University of Illinois Press, 1955. 129 p. $2.50. 

Delta Kappa Gamma Society. North Carolina. Some pioneer 
women teachers of North Carolina. No place, The Society, 
1955. 213 p. il. $4.00. 

Douglass, Elisha P. Rebels and Democrats; the struggle for 
equal political rights and majority rule during the American 
Revolution. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press 
[c.1955] xiv, 368 p. $5.00. 

Grant, Dorothy (Fremont) The fun weVe had; highlights of 
a happy marriage. Milwaukee, Wis., Bruce Publishing Co., 
1954. 226 p. $3.75. 

Jordan, Weymouth T. George Washington Campbell of Ten- 
nessee, western statesman. Tallahassee, Florida State Uni- 
versity, 1955. 214 p. (Florida State University Studies, 17) 
214 p. $3.50. 

Judson, Clara (Ingram) Andrew Jackson, frontier statesman. 
Chicago, Follett Publishing Co. [1954] 224 p. il. $3.50. 

Kramer, Dale. The heart of O. Henry. New York, Rinehart and 
Co. [1954] 323 p. il. $4.00. 

Lorenz, Lincoln. The admiral and the Empress: John Paul 
Jones and Catherine the Great. New York, Bookman Asso- 
ciates [1954] 194 p. il. $3.50. 

North Carolina Bibliography, 1954-1955 251 

Maddry, Charles Edward. Charles E. Maddry: an autobio- 
graphy. Nashville, Tenn., Broadman Press [c.1955] xiii, 141 p. 

Pfister, Karen. Zeit und wirklichkeit bei Thomas Wolfe. Heidel- 
berg, Carl Winter, 1954. 139 p. $3.13. 

Reeves, George M., Jr. Thomas Wolfe et l'Europe. Paris, Jouve, 
1955. 158 p. $3.00. Order from the Author, University of 
S. C, Columbia, S. C. 

Rubin, Louis Decimus. Thomas Wolfe, the weather of his youth. 
Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University Press [1955] 183 p. 
il. $3.50. 

Sandburg, Carl. Abraham Lincoln, the prairie years and the 
war years. New York, Harcourt, Brace & Co., Inc. [1954] 
xiv, 762 p. il. $7.50. 

Shanks, Henry Thomas, ed. The papers of Willie Person Man- 
gum: v. 4, 1844-1846. Raleigh, State Department of Archives 
and History, 1955. xxvii, 579 p. il. $3.00. 

Spence, Hersey Everett. "I remember" ; recollections and 
reminiscences of Alma Mater. Durham, N. C, Seeman Prin- 
tery, 1954. 278 p. $3.00. 

Spencer, Samuel R. Booker T. Washington and the Negro's 
place in American life. Boston, Little, Brown & Co. [1955] 
212 p. $3.00. 

Walser, Richard Gaither. Bernice Kelly Harris, storyteller 
of eastern Carolina. Chapel Hill, University of North Caro- 
lina Library, 1955. (Its Library extension publication, v.20, 
no. 2) 52 p. $2.50 cl. $1.00 pa. 

Ward, John William. Andrew Jackson, symbol for an age. 
New York, Oxford University Press, 1955. xii, 274 p. il. $5.00. 

Weis, Frederick Lewis. The colonial clergy of Virginia, North 
Carolina, and South Carolina. Boston, 1955. (Publications of 
the Society of the Descendants of the Colonial Clergy, 7) vii, 
100 p. $3.00. 

Williamson, John Gustavus Adolphus. Caracas dairy, 1835- 
1840 . . . edited by Jane Lucas de Grummond. Baton Rouge, 
La., Camellia Publishing Co. [1954] xxxiv, 444 p. $10.00. 

252 The North Carolina Historical Review 

New Editions and Reprints 

Bennett, Hugh Hammond. Elements of soil conservation. 2nd 
ed. New York, McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1955. 368 p. il. $3.96. 

Boner, John Henry. Whispering pines. Winston-Salem, J. F. 
Blair, 1954. 116 p. il. $2.50. 

Couch, William Terry, ed. Collier's 1955 year book. New York, 
P. F. Collier & Son, 1955. 720 p. il. $10.00. 

Graham, William Franklin. Peace with God. New York, 
Permabooks [1955] 248 p. $.35 pa. 

Hill, Reuben Lorenzo, Jr., ed. Family, marriage, and parent- 
hood, ed. by Reuben L. Hill, Jr., and Howard Becker. 2nd ed. 
Boston, D. C. Heath & Co., c. 1955. 849 p. $6.25. 

Kenan, William Rand. Incidents by the way; more recollec- 
tions. 4th ed. [Lockport? N.Y.] 1955. 128 p. il. Apply the 
Author, Lockport, N. Y. 

Wolfe, Thomas. The hills beyond. New York, Lion Books, Inc. 
[1955] 288 p. $.35 pa. 


A Guide to the Study and Reading of North Carolina History. 
By Hugh Talmage Lefler. (Chapel Hill: The University of 
North Carolina Press. 1955. Pp. iv, 89. $2.00.) 

In this volume Professor Lefler expands the bibliographical 
section of North Carolina: The History of a Southern State 
which he and the late Albert Ray Newsome published in 
1954. The work begins with a short bibliographical essay on 
the principal general sources for the study and writing of 
North Carolina history. This is followed by a substantial and 
well selected list of books and articles of all types relating 
to the State's history. There is also a list of rosters of North 
Carolina soldiers in various wars. The annotated lists of nov- 
els, stories, pageants, and folklore will be especially helpful 
to the general reader. 

Half of the book is used to summarize the content and to 
reproduce the bibliography of each of the forty-six chapters 
in Lefler's and Newsome's North Carolina. Although brief, 
the summary outlines indicate clearly the topics treated in 
the larger work. The guide closes with a list of books and ar- 
ticles relating to North Carolina counties and towns. Profes- 
sor Lefler located at least one book or article for each of the 
State's one hundred counties. 

North Carolina's historical literature has now become so 

voluminous that a compilation of this type was much needed. 

Anyone interested in studying the State's past will find this 

a good place to begin. 

Henry S. Stroupe. 
Wake Forest College, 
Wake Forest. 


254 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Governor Tryon and His Palace. By Alonzo Thomas Dill. (Chapel 
Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 1955. Pp. xvi, 
304. $5.00.) 

Mr. Dill's book springs from the movement of recent years 
to restore Tryon Palace at New Bern, North Carolina's first 
capitol and the residence of several royal and early state gov- 
ernors. This kind of motivation sometimes produces narrow 
results, but such is not the case in this instance. In addition 
to a history of the Palace, Mr. Dill has written a more or less 
general history of the colony for the period of Governor Wil- 
liam Tryon's administration (1765-1771), a general history 
of New Bern for a much longer span, and a fine summary 
history of early North Carolina's perambulating capitol. 

Emphasis shifts back and forth between general and local 
problems. The first chapter gives a picture of the colony as a 
whole at the time of Tryon's arrival. Then follow two chapters 
on the history of New Bern, which paint a picture of the 
town and community that Tryon chose to be the province's 
first settled capital and the site of the Palace— a combined 
capitol and governor's residence. Other chapters deal with 
back country problems and the War of the Regulation, the 
building of the Palace, the effect of the Revolution upon New 
Bern and the Palace, and the final relocation of the state 
capitol at Raleigh in 1792. 

This broadened scope made it possible to place Governor 
Tryon and the Palace in their proper historical perspective 
and to provide in outline and in substance a splendid general 
interpretation of the restored Palace, which is now advancing 
toward completion. The book also has the effect, to this re- 
viewer, of further expounding and fortifying the chief justi- 
fication for the restoration project. The logic of this idea is: 
If the reconstruction and exhibition of the Palace can be 
made to illustrate, through its interpretive program, as much 
important early history as Mr. Dill has been able to make the 
original illustrate, then there can be little argument about the 
validity of the restoration. 

This book also embodies a fine piece of writing, which com- 
bines the successful journalist's concern for readability and 
the conscientious historian's regard for accuracy. The text is 

Book Reviews 255 

not footnoted, but extensive documentary notes for each 
chapter and a general bibliography take care of documenta- 
tion. There is also an adequate index. 

Good authorship happily has been matched by great care 
on the part of the publisher and printers. The quality and 
beauty of the physical book have already excited general 

William S. Tarlton. 

State Department of Archives and History, 


Local History: How To Find and Write It. By D. J. Whitener. 
(Asheville: Western North Carolina Historical Association. 
1955. Pp. 17. Single copies 75 cents; twenty or more copies 
50 cents each, postpaid.) 

This booklet is a practical guide for "grassroot" historians 
who are interested in preserving their local heritage. It sug- 
gests concretely what to look for, where to look for it, and 
how to make it "history." 

The second part of the publication gives a tentative list 
of nineteen recommended topics for research for historical 
articles with suggestions on how to proceed. It also itemizes 
things to find and where to look. 

It concludes with a list of available materials for people 
studying local history in North Carolina. 

This informative publication will be of particular benefit 
to the inexperienced historian who needs guidance in search- 
ing for material. The author, who is Dean and Head of the 
Department of History at Appalachian State Teachers Col- 
lege, has had wide experience in training teachers of North 
Carolina history. His practical and concise handling of his 
subject make this booklet a must for county and school libra- 
ries, county historical societies, newspaper feature writers, 
and literary clubs. There are many historical problems that 
need to be studied at the local level and Dr. Whitener has 
painstakingly pointed the way to proceed. 

Eleanor Bizzell Powell. 

256 The North Carolina Historical Review 

They Passed This Way : A Personal Narrative of Harnett Coun- 
ty History. By Malcolm Fowler. (Harnett Centennial, Inc. 
1955. Pp. 167. $2.00.) 

"This is not a definitive history of Harnett County. That 
remains to be written. I have tried to make this a readable, 
narrative story of the men and women who made Harnett 
County what it is today by Passing This Way" (Preface). 

Few authors attain the degree of accuracy in characterizing 
their own handiwork which is revealed in the foregoing quo- 
tation. Likewise, few books measure up to the objectives set 
by their authors in a manner comparable to this work. In- 
teresting and readable it certainly is, though most readers 
will regard it as a collection of widely assorted materials 
rather than a single narrative. Malcolm Fowler probably 
knows more about Harnett County materials than any other 
living individual, and it would be a foolhardy reviewer who 
would attempt to lecture him for his choice of tall yarns to 
illustrate his generalizations concerning people and events 
or his generous sprinkling of legends to enliven the recital 
of historical facts. 

The area now recognized as Harnett County was first in- 
cluded in Bladen, later became the northernmost section of 
Cumberland, and was erected into a separate county in 1855. 
The whole picture of its development through 1865 as it 
emerges from the Fowler formula of yarns, legends, and fact 
is about as follows: The area was settled in the middle years 
of the eighteenth century by English and Highland Scotch; 
it was bitterly divided in the Revolution between Whigs and 
Tories; was the scene of a hard struggle of plain people to 
establish an agrarian way of life in the nineteenth century 
and the focal point of the final tragedy of the Civil War in the 
battle of Averasboro. In the fashion that has become some- 
what standard in county histories the post bellum era is cov- 
ered in a series of chapters dealing in succession with 
churches, schools, lawyers, doctors, newspapers, and indus- 
tries. A chapter on Indians and one on Negroes present these 
people as dwellers in Harnett County rather than as integral 
parts of its life. Throughout the work the author maintains 
a balance of emphasis between the element of continuity in 

Book Reviews 257 

successive generations and the fact of change through the 
coming of new ideas and new people and the steady out- 

From the standpoint of mechanical construction the book 
is worthy of its designation as the centennial publication of 
Harnett County. Errors in spelling and grammatical construc- 
tion have been reduced to a fair minimum, twenty-six pages 
of photographs were inserted, and a working index makes it 
unique in the field of publications in local history. The lan- 
guage is breezy, colloquial, and altogether as indigenous to 
Harnett County as the materials it presents. 

Paul Murray. 

East Carolina College, 


"Zeb's Black Baby" Vance County, North Carolina. By Samuel 
Thomas Peace. (Henderson, North Carolina: 1955. Pp. viii, 
457. Illustrated and end maps.) 

Named for Senator Zebulon Baird Vance, and often humor- 
ously referred to by him as "Zeb's Black Baby," Vance Coun- 
ty, North Carolina, has had an interesting and notable career, 
albeit a short one. 

Vance was formed in 1881, largely as a matter of political 
expediency. In that year Negroes in large numbers were vot- 
ing solidly Republican. To save the uncertain counties of 
Granville and Franklin for the Democrats, sections of them, 
largely populated with Negro Republicans, and sections of 
the hopelessly Republican Warren County were formed in- 
to Vance. 

In spite of this rather nebulous beginning, the county grew 
and prospered. Mr. Peace's "first and last book" is an interest- 
ing and informative narrative of this growth. 

Written primarily for the people of Vance County, and 
designed as an attempt to give them an insight into their 
past, rather than serve as a reference book of facts and figures, 
it undoubtedly will recall nostalgic memories to the oldtimers 
and perhaps cause the younger reader to wonder what made 
grand-dad "tick." 

258 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The homey and unassuming style of the author brings to 
life the events he depicts and leaves with the reader a feeling 
of having personally known the people described. The entire 
work is interspersed with a homespun humor which makes it 
easily read. 

The book is divided into thirteen chapters, each of which 
covers a specific phase of Vance's development. The first 
chapter deals with the early history and genealogy of the 
county. The subsequent chapters cover: churches, schools 
and libraries, doctors, dentists and hospitals, soldiers, legends, 
homes, highways and railway transportation, finance and in- 
dustry, cities, and biographical sketches of some of the coun- 
try's more prominent citizens. 

A chapter of general interest is also included, which covers 
almost everything not taken up in other chapters. The author 
has also left space in the back of the volume for the addition 
of any material the reader might deem pertinent. He declares 
that he is going to use this space to record a short history of 
his own life and suggests that the reader might also find 
this space convenient for recording his own family history. 

Mr. Peace has not documented, through the use of foot- 
notes or other methods, his work and states that "Zeb Black 
Baby is nothing more (in fact is something less) than what 
I have been able to glean by picking my ears and keyholing 
dusty volumes for eighteen months." 

In short, "Zeb's Black Baby," while not the most highly 
authentic county history ever published, is undoubtedly one 
of the most humorous and interesting. 

Norman C. Larson. 

State Department of Archives and History, 

Book Reviews 259 

Buncombe To Mecklenburg — Speculation Lands. By Sadie 
Smathers Patton. (Forest City: The Forest City Courier for 
The Western North Carolina Historical Association. 1955. 
Pp. vi, 47. $2.00.) 

This booklet, the first published work sponsored by the 
Western North Carolina Historical Association (but private- 
ly financed ) , introduces a rather new field of North Carolina 
history. The introduction contains brief references concerning 
the opening of some lands of the old Cherokee nation to 
white settlers after 1783, the subsequent purchase of vast 
tracts by speculating "Land Barons," and special reference 
to a half -million acres identified as "Speculation Lands" and 
extending from Buncombe County in the west to Mecklen- 
burg in the east, and southward to Union County on the 
South Carolina line. 

In the booklet, the author shows how the creation of Bun- 
combe County in 1792 attracted non-resident speculators 
and started a period of land purchase and exploitation. She 
introduces such names as Blount, Allison, Cathcart, Sackett, 
Coxe, Polk, Morris, Erwin, Greenlee, Schenck, and especially 
Arthur Bronson of New York. Many of the absentee owners 
were from Pennsylvania and New York. 

Description of the hopes of these early western North 
Carolinians for development of industries such as cotton 
manufacturing, live stock raising, and mineral production; 
improvement of transportation and communication; the first 
real estate "boom" in the area; plans to encourage religion 
and education; all inspire an appreciation of the resourceful- 
ness and ambition of the land owners in the western section. 

Most of the booklet consists of letters and documents writ- 
ten by Jacob Hyatt, Land Agent of Arthur Bronson of New 
York, leader of the Speculation Company. Hyatt's writings 
contain interesting facts concerning local inhabitants, topo- 
graphy, climate, timber resources, fish, soils and mores. 

The author, a member of the Executive Board of the State 
Department of Archives and History and a leader in the 
Western North Carolina Historical Association, has done 
wide research in the preparation of her booklet. Examination 
of land grants, wills, legal papers, county records, personal 

260 The North Carolina Historical Review 

letters and papers, court proceedings, old maps, patents, 
journals, old land advertisements, etc., reveals earnest en- 
deavor to make a worthy contribution to the history of west- 
ern North Carolina. 

Some improvement is possible in the form of footnotes and 
in English construction, though the work is quite readable. 
The index is rather brief, but the booklet is not lengthy. 

A folding map, entitled "Lands in the State of North Caro- 
lina Belonging to the Estate of Isaac Bronson and Others," 
and containing numbers and locations of land grants, is in- 

The author has succeeded well in her purpose of presenting 
a significant new phase of western North Carolina history, 
for use of the reading public and future historians. 

M. L. Skaggs. 

Greensboro College, 


The Colonial Records of South Carolina: Journals of the Com- 
missioners of the Indian Trade, September 20, 1710-August 
29, 1718. Edited by W. L. McDowell. (Columbia: South Car- 
olina Archives Department, 1955. Pp. xi, 368. $8.00.) 

This is the first of four volumes concerning Indian affairs 
which the South Carolina Archives Department intends to 
publish as part of a larger plan (already initiated) to make 
available the extensive and valuable colonial records of South 
Carolina. The four volumes will consist of the seven manu- 
script volumes now labeled "Indian Books." The manuscript 
volumes are the remainder of what must have been a larger 
collection; they have been used by scholars concerned with 
the Indian trade, the settlement of the backcountry, the man- 
agement of Indian affairs, and matters of war and diplomacy 
before the Revolution. They constitute a valuable record, 
illustrating in considerable detail an immense trade which 
was far more important in colonial development than has 
been realized generally. 

The present volume contains two "Journals of the Commis- 
sioners of the Indian Trade," the lesser covering the period 

Book Reviews 261 

from 1710 to 1715, before the interruption caused by the 
Yamasee War, and the greater covering the two years, 1716- 
1718. Originally the Indian trade was controlled by the Pro- 
prietors; after 1707 it was in the hands of Commissioners re- 
sponsible to the Commons House of Assembly, which in turn 
must have been somewhat attuned to the mercantile in- 
terests of Charles Town. The first board of Commissioners 
operated through a system of licenses granted to bonded In- 
dian traders who were under the eye of an Indian Agent 
chosen by the Commissioners. The second board had a public 
monopoly of the trade and operated through carefully lo- 
cated trading posts designed to restrict the trade and facili- 
tate its control. On this and other matters, however, it was 
necessary for the Commissioners to modify plans and prac- 
tices, though constantly trying to eliminate the abuses inher- 
ent in the trade. The volume is valuable for information on 
the regulation of the trade, prices in terms of commodities, 
the practice of Indian slavery, and the attitudes of the In- 
dians, the traders, and the Commissioners in the intermixture 
of personal and business relations which were not without 
their humorous aspects. The red man was not always a dupe 
of the white man. 

Robert H. Woody. 

Duke University, 


Stub Entries to Indents Issued in Payment of Claims Against 
South Carolina Growing Out of the Revolution. Books G-H. 
Edited by Wylma Anne Wates. (Columbia: South Carolina 
Archives Department. 1955. Pp. viii, 123. $3.50.) 

This volume contains two more of the twenty-nine books 
(nine having been published) of stub entries of indents 
( interest-bearing certificates of accounts audited ) issued by 
the Treasury of South Carolina, beginning in March, 1783, 
to men, women and estates for services rendered, for the 
most part, after May 12, 1780. 

Behind the mere statistics (date, name, amount, service), 
the entries reveal a practical expedient in Revolutionary 

262 The North Carolina Historical Review 

credit financing and some glimpses of the human side of the 
war. The stubs in Books G-H, which number respectively 
324 and 266, were recorded between April and August, 1784, 
and range in amount from £0:10:11M to £ 3,541: 15 :8M. 
Services and impressments noted include supplies for the 
Continental Line and the state militias of South Carolina 
and North Carolina, transportation, labor and military duty. 
Some entries are simply for provisions and forage or sundries: 
others specify items such as cattle (beef), sheep, hogs (pork), 
corn, wheat, oats, rice (rough and clean), flour, peas, pota- 
toes, firewood, lumber, tar, leather and boots, medicines and 
coffins. There are payments due for oxen, horses, teams and 
drivers, wagons, carts, saddles and bridles; for hire of sloops, 
brigs, flats, "pettiaugers"; for ferriage and wharfage; for 
negro hire and the services of overseers. Pay is certified for 
all grades from colonel and commodore down to private; and 
for such specialists as quartermaster-general, drum major, 
drummer, chaplain, surgeon, engineer, carpenter's mate, 
boatwright, ship's purser; also for a constable and the State's 

An index lists proper names and some of the items used in 
the indents. The preface announces that the series will be 
completed with an introduction relating the indents to the 
history of the period. 

Lawrence F. Brewster. 
East Carolina College, 

George Washington Campbell of Tennessee: Western States- 
man. By Weymouth T. Jordan. Florida State University 
Studies, No. 17. (Tallahassee: Florida State University. 1955. 
Pp. x, 214. Index and bibliography. $3.50.) 

Scottish born, George Washington Campbell was brought 
to Mecklenburg County, North Carolina, in infancy and, after 
a Princeton education, migrated to Tennessee from which 
state he served variously as congressman, United States sen- 
ator, secretary of the treasury, minister to Russia, and mem- 
ber of the French Spoliation Claims Commission. Next to 

Book Reviews 263 

Henry Clay he was perhaps the best-known practicing poli- 
tician of the West in national affairs during the entire Jeffer- 
sonian period; but unwilling or unable to compete with the 
new forces let loose by a triumphant Jacksonian democracy, 
he devoted the later years of his life to private affairs in 
which, as a lawyer and real estate operator, he amassed a 
large fortune. 

Writers on this period of Tennessee history, more con- 
cerned with such spectacular figures as Sevier and Jackson, 
have ignored Campbell to such an extent that his name is 
scarcely known and rarely mentioned today. Professor Jordan 
has attempted to penetrate this obscurity and rescue his sub- 
ject, but the effort has been only moderately successful. Rela- 
tively few materials concerning Campbell's private life and 
activities have survived, in consequence of which it was 
necessary to reconstruct his career from bits and pieces and 
from official records and newspaper accounts that are often 
none too revealing. Despite the obvious enthusiasm and com- 
mendable energy that went into the work, Campbell fails to 
emerge as a clear-cut and compact figure. 

A more serious defect arises from the author's neglect to 
revise this study, originally prepared as a doctoral disserta- 
tion twenty years ago, and to eliminate various errors which 
in the light of his more mature experience as a historian he 
might now be expected to detect. For example : Jacob Crown- 
inshield (p. 61) and Benjamin Crowninshield (p. 146) both 
appear in the index under the single entry "Jacob Crownin- 
shield"; Wilson Cary Nicholas becomes "Carey Wilson Nich- 
ols" twice (p. 83 and index); Cronstadt is rendered "Corn- 
stadt" (p. 161 and index); and what is evidently intended as 
the Washington Tontine Company is given as the Washing- 
ton "Fontine" Company (p. 196) and the Washington "Fon- 
taine" Company (in the index). It should also have been 
noted that the Lucius P. Brown (erroneously called "L. M." 
Brown) family Bible listed as being in the possession of 
Mrs. Susan M. Brown (now deceased) of Spring Hill, Ten- 
nessee, is currently in the Tennessee State Archives; and that 

264 The North Carolina Historical Review 

certain Campbell papers and Campbell's Russian diary, also 
described as being in the possession of Mrs. Brown, are in 
the Library of Congress. 

James W. Patton. 

University of North Carolina, 
Chapel Hill. 

Berea's First Century, 1855-1955. By Elisabeth S. Peck. (Lex- 
ington: University of Kentucky Press. 1955. Pp. xix, 217. 

This is a readable and sympathetic history of Berea Col- 
lege in Kentucky. The author, a teacher of history at Berea 
for forty-one years, will be remembered for her American 
Frontier and Tibbs Flooders. 

Once known as the Berea Literary Institute, the College 
was founded and exists today "to meet urgent human needs, 
especially when they are in the field of education." Beginning 
with the struggles of the early founders, John G. Fee, Cas- 
sius M. Clay, John A. R. Rogers, and Henry Fairchild, all 
antislavery men, the author traces the role of the college 
as it sought to provide "thorough education to all persons of 
good moral character, at the least possible expense" under 
influences "strictly Christian, and as such opposed to sectari- 
anism, slaveholding, caste, and every other wrong institution 
or practice." 

The first two chapters are general in nature and carry the 
story through the Civil War and Reconstruction periods. 
Considerable attention is given to the essential work of the 
American Missionary Association. The six remaining chapters 
are concerned with Berea's work in interracial education; the 
development of a primary area of service— the Southern Ap- 
palachian region; a century's development in "an adapted 
educational program"; the growth of the college's work-study 
program; Berea's financial success from indebtedness to an 
endowment of $16,000,000; and, finally, the sharing of oppor- 
tunities with mountain folk through extension service. 

Now that Negroes are again attending Berea, it is signifi- 
cant that about half of the school's students were of that race 

Book Reviews 265 

until the enactment of Kentucky's Day Law in 1904. As the 
college has changed its pattern of education to meet the needs 
of the "underprivileged" from the isolated coves and ridges 
of the mountain region, one can only speculate concerning 
future changes resulting from good roads, TVA electricity, 
better public schools at all levels, and the impact of media of 
mass communications. The under privileged of the next 
hundred years may well come from blighted urban areas 
rather than the mountains Berea and her sister institutions 
have served so well. 

This volume is enchanced by twelve illustrations, a splen- 
did survey of sources, and an index. The references are 
grouped by chapters in the back of the book, a debatable 
practice. The foreword, "The Berea Story" by Henry F. 
Pringle, is an excellent and highly favorable account of the 
college, but it is not necessary to Dr. Peck's interesting and 
successful study. 

David A. Lockmiller. 

University of Chattanooga, 

Chattanooga, Tennessee. 

The Journal of Major George Washington of His Journey to 
the French Forces on Ohio. Facsimile of the Williamsburg 
Edition 1754, with an Introduction by J. Christian Bay. (Ce- 
dar Rapids, Iowa: Privately printed for the friends of the 
Torch Press. 1955. Pp. 19, 29.) 

In 1753 Robert Dinwiddie, Governor of Virginia, sent 
George Washington, a major of the Southern District of Vir- 
ginia, to visit the French Commander in the North. The 
French had landed a strong force on the south side of Lake 
Erie in the spring of 1753 and had proceeded to fortify their 
position. This was disturbing to the British settlers and 
traders, and thus the British Government instructed Governor 
Dinwiddie to make representations to the French to desist 
and withdraw their forces. Washington was given the duty 
to visit the French and present the British Government's 

Washington gathered his forces and supplies and pro- 
ceeded on his mission, reaching Lake Erie on December 11. 

266 The North Carolina Historical Review 

After presenting his message to Legardeur de St. Piere, the 
French Commander, Washington returned to Williamsburg, 
January 16, 1754, and he reported to the Governor. Washing- 
ton performed his duty, but did not change the attitude of 
the French. 

In 1754 Washington's Journal was published in book form 
by William Hunter at Williamsburg. Only eight copies of the 
original printing have survived. This facsimile of 400 copies 
will make this rare item available to those interested in the 
experiences and training of our first commander-in-chief and 
our first president. Mr. Bay and the Torch Press are to be 
commended for making this early edition of Washington's 
Journal more accessible. 

D. L. Corbitt. 

State Department of Archives and History, 


The South Lives in History. By Wendell Holmes Stephenson. 
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1955. Pp. 
xiii, 163. $3.00.) 

Wendell H. Stephenson is notably well qualified to under- 
take the writing of this book. He is one of the two men who 
have edited both The Journal of Southern History and The 
Mississippi Valley Historical Review. In these and other edi- 
torial duties he has officiated at the birth of many interpreta- 
tion of Southern history. Even so, The South Lives in History 
is the published title of a brave task. 

This book is a presentation of three of the most celebrated 
interpreters of Southern history: William E. Dodd, Ulrich B. 
Phillips, and Walter L. Fleming. Treating historians of many 
original ideas has produced a book full of ideas. It would in- 
deed be impossible to list many history titles with as sound 
interpretations as Professor Stephenson lists in his 163 pages. 

It is difficult to do justice to Stephenson's closely balanced 
evaluations within the limits of a book review. Yet some indi- 
cations of apprasial can be made with a few quotations. Con- 
cerning Fleming's Sequel of Appomattox, Stephenson said: 
"If the writer's estimation that the redrafting of lines totaling 

Book Reviews 267 

a tenth of the study would bring conformity with revisionist 
thought, the volume made some permanent contribution to 
Reconstruction historiography." As to Dodd, "Historian of 
Democracy," it is said: "Evaluating his books at mid-century, 
only one of them has stood the test of time [Nathaniel 
Maconl ." To this Stephenson should have added Expansion 
and Conflict. Stephenson is undoubtedly correct in the criti- 
cism that Phillips neglected the small farmers in his preoccu- 
pation with large planters. Phillips overlooked the manuscript 
census returns and the records of "a thousand courthouses 
from the Potomac to the Rio Grande." 

The evaluations of Stephenson are brilliantly perceptive, 
but not subject to general endorsement or condemnation. 
They are rather carefully weighed conclusions which invite 
prolonged reconsideration. Contributions to historiography 
by the students of the three writers will require further evalua- 
tion before the place of the three masters is finally determined. 
The critical bibliography is valuable. 

Charles G. Summersell. 

University of Alabama, 

University, Alabama. 

As They Saw Forrest: Some Recollections and Comments of 
Contemporaries. Edited by Robert Selph Henry. No. 3 of a 
Series of Monographs, Sources and Reprints in Southern His- 
tory, edited by Bell Irvin Wiley. (Jackson, Tennessee: Mc- 
Cowat-Mercer Press, Inc. 1956. Pp. xvi, 306. Illustrations, 
folded map, and index. $5.00.) 

As a by-product of his research in the preparation of "First 
With the Most" Forrest (Indianapolis, 1944), Robert Selph 
Henry has here compiled selections from the writings of men 
who fought either with or against Forrest or who as civilians 
observed his operations during the Civil War. These include 
five memoirs of personal experience by Confederate partici- 
pants; two by soldiers who served on the other side; two by 
Southern civilians; and a group of letters written by a private 
soldier from near Nashville in December, 1864, and from 
northern Mississippi in January and March, 1865. Also printed 
is an estimate of Forrest published in 1892 by General Vis- 

268 The North Carolina Historical Review 

count Wolseley, a profound student of the art of war, who 
never knew Forrest personally but whose discerning appraisal 
did much to establish the great calvaryman's reputation as a 
genius in combat leadership. 

The narratives vary greatly in length, from the eighty-five 
pages of Private John Milton Hubbard to the two-page de- 
scription of the Battle of Brice's Cross Roads by the civilian 
Samuel Agnew. Similar contrasts occur in the character of 
the writing. Viscount Wolseley's article is naturally the best 
from a literary standpoint, as well from the thoughtfulness of 
his comments. Of the reminiscences, the best is that of the 
schoolteacher-private ( and later college president ) Hubbard, 
but each of the others has a flavor all its own. 

All except a portion of the letters of Private Hughes have 
been printed at some time or another, but it is convenient to 
have such material bought together in compact form. It must 
be remembered, however, that all the reminiscences were 
written long after the events of which they tell; and that as 
historical documents they must be judged accordingly. Also 
they include nothing of the period between June, 1862, and 
November, 1863, when the General and those who rode with 
him performed some of their most famous exploits. The edi- 
tor admits this and justifies it by explaining that he is not at- 
tempting another life of Forrest. 

Had the manuscript diary of Samuel Agnew been ex- 
amined, in the Southern Historical Collection at the Univer- 
sity of North Carolina, it would have supplied a more detailed 
account of the Battle of Brice's Cross Roads and various other 
comments on Forrest that were not included in Agnew' s 
reminiscences published in 1895. And for the benefit of those 
not having access to manuscript sources, attention might 
have been called to the fact that "The Civil War Reminis- 
cences of John Johnston, 1861-1865," not excerpted but re- 
ferred to as having been consulted in typescript (p. 67), have 
now been printed in the Tennessee Historical Quarterly ( De- 
cember, 1954; March and June, 1955). 

James W. Patton. 

The University of North Carolina, 

Chapel Hill. 

Book Reviews 269 

Famous Signers of the Declaration. By Dorothy Horton McGee. 
(New York: Dodd, Mead and Company, 1955. Pp. vii, 307. 
Illustrations, index. $3.00.) 

Dorothy Horton McGee's acknowledgments give some clue 
to the thoroughness of her research into the period of her 
work. She has apparently delved into the records from New 
Hampshire to Georgia to write a history, for the age group 
from junior high up, that reads more like a commentary on 
contemporary events than a dull account of bygone dates and 

In her introduction to these sketches of the famous signers 
of the Declaration she discusses the group of men as a whole, 
representing varying degrees of political sentiment, from the 
"violents" to the "moderates," from those interested in re- 
dressing the wrongs inflicted on the colonies by the British 
crown to those determined upon independence as the only 
solution of their difficulties. Events taking place within 
the different states and their influence upon the work of the 
delegates are brought out in letters to and from the people 
back home. 

As the author states, more space is given to certain signers, 
not only because there is more information available, but 
also because they influenced the Congress to a greater de- 
gree. Quotations from Benjamin Rush's characterizations of 
the various members enlivens the portraits, particularly those 
where other such first-hand information is lacking. 

A chronological table preceding the introduction helps the 
reader in keeping up with the sequence of events. A number 
of photographs, copies of well-known portraits and paintings, 
add to the interest of the book. A copy of the Declaration of 
Independence fittingly concludes this interesting account of 
an important period of American history. 

Beth G. Crabtree. 

State Department of Archives and History, 


The State Department of Archives and History recently 
completed arrangements necessary for the acquisition of the 
Alston House ( sometimes known as the House in the Horse- 
shoe ) in Moore County. $5,000 was paid to the Moore Coun- 
ty Historical Association, Inc., for the property and a contract 
was drawn up so that the county association could restore 
and operate the house as a historic site under the general 
supervision of the Historic Sites Division of the Department. 

Mrs. Ernest Ives, President of the Moore County Histori- 
cal Association recently announced that an old cemetery 
which contains the tomb of Governor Benjamin Williams and 
members of his family has been presented to the association 
by Mrs. E. M. Harrington of Georgia. This property is near 
the Alston House which was Governor Williams's retirement 

Dr. Christopher Crittenden and Mrs. Joye E. Jordan of the 
Department of Archives and History, and Mrs. Mary Brooks, 
hostess at the Andrew Johnson House, together with radio 
broadcaster Sam Beard, gave a five-minute broadcast from 
the house, presenting a few facts about Johnson and the 
building in which he was born. The recording was given by 
the National Broadcasting Company over a nation-wide hook- 
up, Sunday afternoon, February 19, as a part of a number of 
programs featuring Raleigh as NBC's "City of the Week." 

The Department of Archives and History for the past sev- 
eral years has co-operated with the History Department at 
Meredith College in training history majors (Juniors or Sen- 
iors) in archival, museum, and historical publication work. 
The course, completed on January 19, was characterized by 
an internship method of teaching which twice weekly gave 
the students an opportunity to learn by participating in the 
various duties and types of work conducted by the Depart- 
ment. Mrs. Julia C. Meconnahey instructed in archival work, 
Mrs. Joye E. Jordan in museum work, and Mr. D. L, Corbitt 


Historical News 271 

m historical publication. The Meredith seniors who completed 
the course were: Misses Catherine Atkins, Mary Ann Bras- 
well, Angela Griffith, Ruth Haines, Mildred Rebecca Knight, 
Lois Pond, Barbara Sellers, Dorothy Elizabeth Smith, Peggy 
Jo Williams and Mrs. Shirley White Byrum and Mrs. Peggy 
Ennis Hatcher. 

Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Director of the State Depart- 
ment of Archives and History, made a talk to the Division 
Executive Committee of the United Daughters of the Con- 
federacy at the Colonial Pines Hotel, Raleigh, December 5, 
1955. His subject was "Preserving North Carolina's Confed- 
erate Shrines." 

On December 28-30, 1955, Dr. Crittenden attended the 
meetings of the American Historical Association which met 
in Washington, D. C. On January 26, 1956, he talked to the 
new members of the Raleigh Junior League on "The Capi- 
tal City— A Historical Sketch." 

Dr. Crittenden participated as a discussant in a conference 
on February 15, in Miami Beach, Florida, on The Writing 
of Regional History in the South which was held by the Uni- 
versity of Miami, The Historical Association of Southern 
Florida, and The American Jewish History Center of The 
Jewish Theological Seminary of America. 

Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Head, Division of Publications of the 
State Department of Archives and History, made a talk to 
the Cosmopolitan Book Club, Raleigh, on February 8, on 
"Religious Groups in North Carolina/' On February 23 he 
presented a radio address, "Washington's Early Training," 
over Station WPTF in Raleigh for the Caswell-Nash Chapter 
of the Daughters of the American Revolution. On February 
28 he was the guest speaker of the Entre Nous Book Club 
in Raleigh. 

Mr. Norman Larson, Historic Site Specialist for the Ala- 
mance Battleground, has presented a series of slide-lecture 
programs to the following groups: December 16, Optimist 
Club, Burlington; January 5, Rotary Club, Graham, Pleasant 

272 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Grove High School, and Burlington Lions Club; January 9, 
Graham Kiwanis Club; January 13, Alamance Battleground 
Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution, Gib- 
sonville; January 19, staff meeting, State Department of Ar- 
chives and History, American Legion Post No. 1, Raleigh; 
January 30, Junior Chamber of Commerce, Burlington; and 
February 9, Lion's Club, Swepsonville. Mr. Larson was the 
author of an article dealing with the battleground which was 
featured in the Progress Issue of the Burlington Daily Times- 
News on January 20 and participated in a Junior Chamber 
of Commerce Forum over the Burlington radio station on 
February 9. 

Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Superintendent of the 
State Department of Archives and History, spoke on January 
10 before the assembly of St. Mary's School and Junior Col- 
lege, Raleigh, on "The Restoration of Tryon Palace." Mr. 
Morley J. Williams, consultant who has supervised physical 
research on the grounds, accompanied Mr. Tarlton and made 
a few remarks about the work. 

Mr. William W. Wood, Jr., Historic Site Specialist for the 
Town Creek Indian Mound, resigned as of February 1 to 
complete work on his doctorate at the University of North 
Carolina. Mr. John W. Walker of the University took over 
temporary supervision of the historic site until June 1. He 
plans to reorganize and improve the site museum. 

Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museum Administrator of the State 
Department of Archives and History, made a talk to the 
James Johnston Pettigrew Chapter, United Daughters of the 
Confederacy, at the home of Mrs. O. A. Lester in Raleigh on 
December 14. Her topic was "Star Pattern Quilts." She pre- 
sented a similar talk to the Vicinia Book Club on January 17 
at the home of Mrs. E. B. Morrow. On January 13 Mrs. Jor- 
dan gave a luncheon talk on "Wedgewood and North Car- 
olina Pottery," to the Bloomsbury Chapter, Daughters of 
the Revolution, at the home of Mrs. R. N. Simms, Raleigh. 

Mrs. Dorothy R. Phillips, member of the staff of the De- 
partment of Archives and History, spoke to the Hooper-Penn- 

Historical News 273 

Ilewes Chapter of the Daughters of the Revolution on Nov- 
ember 18 at the home of Mrs. I. Harding Hughes, Raleigh; 
and to the Vicinia Book Club on January 3, at the home of 
Mrs. E. L. Cloyd. Her slide-lecture for both programs was 
entitled "Early Architecture in North Carolina." On Febru- 
ary 10, Mrs. Phillips gave a slide-illustrated talk on "The Mo- 
ravians of North Carolina" to the Rloomsbury Chapter of 
the Daughters of the Revolution. 

The Junior Committee of the Caswell-Nash Chapter, 
Daughters of the American Revolution, presented a program 
with the co-operation of the staff of the Hall of History on 
February 3. Twenty-five costumes dating from 1790 to 1930 
were modeled. Miss Barbara McKeithan of the Department 
served as narrator, and a social hour followed the meeting. 

The Hall of History recently acquired from the Huntley 
family of Wadesboro, Anson County, a kitchen which has 
been moved to a lot near the Education Building in Raleigh. 
Plans are being completed to restore the kitchen and furnish 
it in the original manner of one hundred and fifty years ago. 

The Sir Walter Raleigh Chapter of the North Carolina 
Society of the Colonial Dames, Seventeenth Century, pre- 
sented the Hall of History with a replica of the Thomas Nor- 
com House in ceremonies which were held on February 24. 
Mrs. Thomas Stamps, President, presided; Mr. D. L. Corbitt 
of the Department of Archives and History extended a few 
words of welcome; and Mrs. Marvin B. Koonce, Chaplain, 
gave the invocation. Mrs. Stamps extended a welcome to the 
distinguished guests present, and Mrs. Raymond C. Maxwell, 
Historian, presented a history of the Thomas Norcom House. 
Mrs. Stamps then presented the house which was accepted 
by Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museum Administrator of the Hall 
of History. Following the program a reception was held in 
the Portrait Gallery of the Hall of History. 

The Western North Carolina Historical Association met on 
January 28 at the St. James Parish House, Hendersonville, 
with Mr. Clarence W. Griffin, Forest City, President, presid- 
ing. Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton of Hendersonville introduc- 
ed the two speakers of the evening, Mr. John Parris of Sylva 

274 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and Dr. Ben E. Washburn of Rutherfordton. Mr. Parris, 
author of Roaming the Mountains, urged the association to 
encourage the writing of county histories. Dr. Washburn re- 
viewed his book, A Country Doctor in the South Mountains, 
which deals with his work as a practicing physician in Ruth- 
erford County. 

Rev. J. B. Sill spoke briefly about his book, Historical 
Sketches of the Churches of the Diocese of Western North 
Carolina. Mr. George Stephens of Asheville reported on the 
Asbury Trail Award to be made to Boy Scouts by the asso- 
ciation of Methodist Historical Societies. Mr. Griffin named 
the following two committees: Dr. D. J. Whitener of Boone, 
Mr. George McCoy, and Mr. Albert McLean of Asheville to 
the Outstanding Historian Cup Committee; and Dean W. E. 
Bird of Cullowhee, Mr. Henry T. Sharpe, and Miss Cordelia 
Camp of Asheville as members of the nominating committee. 

The New Bern Historical Society Foundation, Inc., has 
sponsored the publication of a narrative poem, My Native 
Town, by James Hill Hutchins, native New Bernian, who 
was born in 1801. The pen and ink sketches illustrating some 
of the places and events depicted in the poem were done by 
Miss Janet Latham. 

The Centennial Celebration of St. Mark's Episcopal 
Church, Halifax, was held October 30, 1955, with a special 
program and luncheon served at the Woman's Club for out- 
of-town guests. Dedication of the church pews and a brick 
wall inclosing the church grounds followed the sermon 
which was delivered by the Rt. Rev. Edwin A. Penick, Bishop 
of North Carolina. 

The quarterly meeting of the Carteret County Historical 
Society was held on January 21, at the civic center in More- 
head City. Mr. Thomas Respess presided at the meeting 
and Mrs. Eunice Paul of Sea Level presented a paper on the 
early history of that settlement. A committee composed of 
Mrs. Nat Smith, Mrs. J. D. Rumley, and Mr. L. D. Ennett 
was appointed to make a genealogical study of families in 

Historical News 275 

the county. Mrs. Luther Hamilton, Miss Ethel Whitehurst, 
and Mr. F. C. Salisbury were named as members of the pro- 
gram committee. The society voted to ask the Onslow Coun- 
ty Historical Society to join them for a summer meeting at 
Harker's Island. 

The first issue of the Rowan Museum News Letter which 
was released in January has been distributed. It lists recent 
acquisitions of the museum as books, manuscripts, furniture, 
and a number of relics and mementoes connected with state 
and national figures. The museum which was formally dedi- 
cated on October 14 has attracted favorable comment from 
a large number of visitors. The Memorial Garden which is 
adjacent to the museum was given by Mrs. Fletcher Smith 
in memory of her son, Corporal Franklin F. Smith, Jr. The 
colonial-style garden employs a formal design with brick 
walks, English boxwoods, and other features including a 
lead statuary bird-bath which is the focal point of interest 
in the garden. Many individuals have contributed plants, 
labor, and money to this project. Mrs. Charles Raney is 
chairman of the garden committee, and Mrs. J. Ray Wilson, 
Mrs. Walter Grimes, and Mrs. Marion Snider serve with her. 

Mr. William D. Kizziah of Salisbury was presented an 
engraved plaque on February 22 by the Elizabeth Maxwell 
Steele Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolu- 
tion, in recognition of "outstanding historical research," and 
for his untiring efforts in keeping Rowan County history 
alive. The presentation was made following an address by 
Mr. Kizziah, "The Role of Patriots in Rowan County from 
1753 to 1800." 

The Colonel Andrew Balfour Chapter of the Daughters 
of the American Revolution of Asheboro has honored the 
organization's namesake and Randolph County's most illus- 
trious Revolutionary War hero by placing a highway marker 
at the site of the private cemetery of the Balfour family in 
Cedar Grove township. Formal dedication of the marker 
will take place in the spring. 

276 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The address by the Honorable Frank P. Graham which 
was delivered at a joint session of the North Carolina Gen- 
eral Assembly when a portrait of former Governor Cameron 
Morrison was presented to the State of North Carolina, has 
been printed and a copy given to the State Department of 
Archives and History by Mrs. James J. Harris. The booklet 
includes a picture of the portrait, the text of the acceptance 
speech delivered by Governor Luther H. Hodges, a letter 
from Dr. Graham to Mrs. Harris, and the address. 

The Pitt County Historical Society held its quarterly meet- 
ing on January 26, 1956. 

Dr. Frontis W. Johnston of Davidson, Mrs. James (Wilma 
Dykeman) Stokely of Newport, Tenn., and Mrs. Charles 
(Betty Vaiden) Williams of Raleigh, were special guests at 
the seventh annual Book and Author Luncheon sponsored 
by The Historical Book Club of North Carolina which met 
in the O. Henry Hotel Ballroom in Greensboro on February 7. 

Mr. John A. Kellenberger of Greensboro introduced Dr. 
Johnston, Head of the Department of History at Davidson 
College, who talked about Governor Zebulon B. Vance and 
announced that at some future time he planned to write a 
biography of the Civil War governor. Mrs. Karl Bishopric of 
Spray introduced Mrs. Stokely, author of The French Broad, 
one of The Rivers of America Series, who talked about the 
necessary qualifications of a writer. Mrs. Williams, who was 
introduced by Mrs. Willis Slane of High Point, sang a num- 
ber of North Carolina folksongs to the accompaniment of her 

Miss Clara Booth Byrd presided at the meeting and wel- 
comed these additional guests: Mrs. Johnston, Dr. Williams, 
Mrs. O. Max Gardner of Shelby, and Dr. and Mrs. Robert 
Lee Humber of Greenville. 

A History of the Rotary Club of Raleigh, North Carolina, 
1914-1955, which was prepared as a part of the Golden An- 
niversary Celebration of Rotary International, has been pre- 
sented to the Department of Archives and History. Dr. L. L. 

Historical News 277 

Carpenter served as chairman of the history committee and 
was assisted in preparing the book by Mr. Harry Davis, Mr. 
Felix Grisette, Mr. Ernest Layfield, and Mr. Jule B. Warren. 
The book is composed of a compilation of officers of the Ra- 
leigh club, the history of the club, and short biographical 
sketches of distinguished members. 

Miss Mattie Russell of the Duke University Library, Man- 
uscripts Division, has published "Why Lamar Eulogized 
Sumner" in Notes and Documents in The Journal of South- 
ern History (August, 1955). She also edited "The Bill of 
Fare of the Hotel de Vicksburg— 1863," in The Journal of 
Mississippi History (October, 1955). 

The Southern Historical Association has established the 
Charles S. Sydnor Award of $500 to be given in even years 
for the best book published in the field of southern history 
during the two preceding calendar years. The first award is 
to be made in 1956 (for books published in 1954 and 1955) 
by a committee composed of Dr. William Hesseltine, Chair- 
man, Dr. Lester J. Cappon, and Mr. Harris G. Warren. Cor- 
respondence concerning this award should be addressed to 
Dr. Hesseltine, University of Wisconsin, and the committee 
would be very happy to have suggestions for the award. 
The association has also established the Charles W. Ramsdell 
Award of $200 for the best article published in The Journal 
of Southern History, 1955, 1956, and in alternate years there- 

The Bulletin, American Association of University Profes- 
sors, spring, 1955, contains the final report of Dr. William T. 
Laprade, retired, of Duke University, as Chairman of Com- 
mittee A on Academic Freedom and Tenure, which is in 
large part a review and commentary on his long experience 
with the association. A resolution was passed at the forty- 
first annual meeting of the association in appreciation of the 
services of Dr. Laprade. 

278 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Books received during the last quarter include: Robert 
Selph Henry, As They Saw Forrest: Some Recollections 
and Comments of Contemporaries (Jackson, Tennessee: 
McCowat-Mercer Press, Inc., 1956); Leonard W. Labaree 
and Whitfield F. Bell, Jr., Mr. Franklin. A Selection From His 
Personal Letters ( New Haven, Conn. : Yale University Press, 
1956); John Angus McLeod, From These Stones: Mars Hill 
College, The First Hundred Years (Mars Hill, North Car- 
olina: 1955); George Washington Paschal, History of North 
Carolina Baptists, Volume II (Raleigh: The General Board. 
The North Carolina Baptist State Convention, 1955); Robert 
S. Rankin, The Government and Administration of North 
Carolina (New York, New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Com- 
pany. American Commonwealth Series, W. Brooke Graves, 
Editor, 1955 ) ; Herbert Clarence Bradshaw, History of Prince 
Edward County, Virginia. From Its Earliest Settlements 
Through Its Establishment in 1754 to Its Bicentennial Year 
(Richmond, Virginia: The Deitz Press, Inc., 1955); The Cen- 
tennial Committee, The First Baptist Church, Lumberton, 
North Carolina. One Hundred Years of Christian Witnessing, 
1855-1955 (Lumberton, North Carolina: First Baptist 
Church, 1955); Harry L. Golden, Jewish Roots in the Caro- 
linas; A Pattern of American Philo-Semitism (Charlotte, 
North Carolina: The Carolina Israelite, 1955); J. Christian 
Bay, The lournal of Major George Washington of His tour- 
ney to the French Forces on Ohio. Facsimile of the Williams- 
burg Edition, 1754 (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Privately Printed 
for the Friends of the Torch Press, 1955); A. D. Kirwan, 
Johnny Green of the Orphan Brigade, The Journal of a Con- 
federate Soldier (Lexington: The University of Kentucky 
Press, 1956); Robert L. Isbell, The World of My Childhood 
(Lenoir, North Carolina: Lenoir News-Topic, 1955); Julian 
P. Boyd and W. Edwin Hemphill, The Murder of George 
Wythe: Two Essays (Williamsburg, Virginia: The Institute 
of Early American History and Culture, 1955); Howard G. 
Roepke, Movements of the British Iron and Steel Industry— 
1720 to 1951 (Urbana: The University of Illinois Press, 
Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences: Volume 36, 1956); 
and Clarence Edwin Carter, The Territorial Papers of the 

Historical News 


United States, Volume XXI, The Territory of Arkansas, 1829- 
1836 [Continued] (Washington: United States Government 
Printing Office, 1954). 


Mr. C. Robert Haywood is Assistant Professor of History 
and Government, Southwestern College, Winfield, Kansas. 

Dr. William S. Hoffman is Assistant Professor of History at 
Appalachian State Teachers College, Boone. 

Dr. Christopher Crittenden is Director, North Carolina 
State Department of Archives and History, and Secretary of 
the State Literary and Historical Association. 

Mr. Manly Wade Wellman is a free lance writer living in 
Chapel Hill. 

Mr. David Stick of Kill Devil Hills is a free lance writer. 

Mr. Clarence W. Griffin is the managing editor of The 
Forest City Courier, President of the Western North Carolina 
Historical Association and a member of the Executive Board 
of the Department of Archives and History. 

Mr. Walter Spearman is Professor of Journalism at the 
University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. 

Dr. Fletcher M. Green is Chairman of the History Depart- 
ment of the University of North Carolina and a member of 
the Executive Board of the Department of Archives and 

Miss Mary Lindsay Thornton is librarian, North Carolina 
Collection, of the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. 


North Carolina State Library 

V 1 ^ 


JULY 1956 

Volume XXXIII 

Number 3 

Published Quarterly By 

State Department of Archives and History 

Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets 

Raleigh, N. C. 


Published by the State Department of Archives and History 

Raleigh, N. C. 

Christopher Crittenden, Editor 
David Leroy Corbitt, Managing Editor 

Walter Clinton Jackson Hugh Talmage Lefler 

Frontis Withers Johnston Douglas LeTell Rights 

George Myers Stephens 



McDaniel Lewis, Chairman 

Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne 

Fletcher M. Green William Thomas Laprade 

Clarence W. Griffin Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 

This review was established in January, 1924, as a medium, of publication 
and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other institutions, 
by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. The regular 
price is $3.00 per year. Members of the State Literary and Historical As- 
sociation, for which the animal dues are $5.00, receive this publication 
without further payment. Back numbers may be procured at the regular 
price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number. 

COVER — Harper House. This white-frame structure, in 1865 
the residence of Dr. John Harper, housed forty-five of the Con- 
federate wounded left behind by Johnston when he evacuated 
Bentonville. Most of Sherman's wounded were removed on wag- 
ons to Goldsboro. This house has been modernized. See pages 
332-357. Photograph by W. S. Tarlton, April, 1956. 

The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXIII July, 1956 Number 3 




Wesley H. Wallace 


CAROLINA, 1852-1902 310 

Griffith A. Hamlin 


Jay Luvaas 



Elmer D. Johnson 



Edited by James C. Bonner 


Rankin's The Government and Administration of North 
Carolina— By W. A. Devin ; Paschal's History of North 
Carolina Baptists, Volume II — By W. N. Hicks; 
McLeod's From These Stones: Mars Hill College, The 
First Hundred Years — By William S. Hoffmann; 
Arnett's Greensboro, North Carolina, the County Seat 
of Guilford — By Henry S. Stroupe ; The Centennial Com- 
mittee's The First Baptist Church, Lumberton. North 

Entered as second class matter September 29, 1928, at the Post Office at 
Raleigh, North Carolina, under the act of March 3, 1879. 


Carolina; One Hundred Years of Christian Witnessing 
— By John Mitchell Justice ; Isbell's The World of My 
Childhood — By William S. Powell; Stover's The Rail- 
roads of the South, 1865-1900 — By C. K. Brown; 
Tankersley's John B. Gordon. A Study in Gallantry — By 
John R. Jordan, Jr. ; Edge's Joel Hurt and the Develop- 
ment of Atlanta — By Sarah Lemmon; Kirwan's Johnny 
Green of the Orphan Brigade: The Journal of a Con- 
federate Soldier — By Allen J. Going; Lockmiller's 
Enoch Herbert Crowder: Soldier, Lawyer and States- 
man, 1859-1932— By David L. Smiley; Rutland's The 
Birth of the Bill of Rights — By Hugh F. Rankin; 
Townsend's Lincoln and the Bluegrass: Slavery and 
Civil War in Kentucky — By Richard C. Todd. 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXIII July, 1956 Number 3 


By Wesley H. Wallace 

"On the whole," observed a writer in the Edinburgh Review 
in 1843, "there is no denying Advertisements constitute a 
class of composition intimately connected with the arts and 
sciences, and peculiarly calculated to illustrate the domestic 
habits of a people." x Certainly advertisements in early New 
Bern and Wilmington newspapers prove this point, for they 
are colorfully and unconsciously descriptive of the "domestic 
habits" of eastern North Carolinians. In striking contrast with 
the news columns containing impersonal accounts of remote 
events, the advertisements are local, personal, immediate- 
social history unrefined. 

Though not as numerous as paid public notices dealing 
with various forms of real and personal property, advertise- 
ments on matters cultural and social nevertheless more than 
made up for the lack in numbers by varied and revealing 
subject matter. 2 There were a few advertisements reflecting 
literary tastes, educational, religious, and professional activi- 
ties—some of the same subjects dealt with in modern news- 
paper advertising but frequently written in an informal, 
more "chatty" manner. In addition, there were advertisements 
on subjects treated nowadays in the news and editorial col- 

1 [A. Hayward?], "The Advertising System," Edinburgh Review, 77 
(February, 1843), 2-3. 

2 Classification of advertisements as "cultural" or "social" is at best an 
arbitrary arrangement. Scarcely a single advertisement in early North 
Carolina newspapers lacks social or cultural overtones; but the effort 
here is to limit discussion to the more obvious examples. 


282 The North Carolina Historical Review 

umns— the stories of robberies, kidnapping, piracy, and other 
crimes, accounts of disagreements between husbands and 
wives, lists of letters lying unclaimed at the post office with an 
occasional side comment by the postmaster, and many other 
notices detailing the trivia of life in North Carolina in the 
last half of the eighteenth century. 

A notable characteristic of advertising in North Carolina 
newspapers, 1751-1778, is the relative scarcity of public 
notices about intellectual, cultural, and spiritual matters. It 
is difficult to escape the conclusion that North Carolinians 
of those earlier days were much more concerned with the 
material than with the aesthetic aspects of their existence. It 
also seems true, using advertising as a reflection of attitudes, 
tastes, and preoccupations, that life in North Carolina was 
more difficult and less varied than in— say— South Carolina. 3 

Literary Advertising 

Books imported for sale or listed in the effects of estates up 
for settlement were infrequently mentioned in early North 
Carolina newspaper advertising, and, even in these few 
notices, details were largely omitted. In New Bern, merchant 
Robert Williams, importing a stock of interesting goods, 
specified "a great variety of new and second hand books; 
among which are several concordances and small dictionaries, 
Martins philosophical Grammer . . . &c." George and Thomas 
Hooper, whose Wilmington store was located on Market 
Street, "a few doors above the sign of the Harp and Crown," 
included only general references to "prayer books, [and] 
the newest novels," in a lengthy list of goods imported at the 
end of 1773. Early in 1775, Edward Batchelor and Company 
of New Bern concluded an itemized list of importations with 
the note: "A few Setts of Leland's much esteemed History of 

3 See Hennig Cohen, The South Carolina Gazette 1732-1775 (Columbia, 
S. C, 1953), hereinafter cited as Cohen, The South Carolina Gazette. Even 
a superficial examination of Cohen's work reveals the greater emphasis 
in Charleston on meetings of societies, openings of schools, importations 
and publications of books, and a wide variety of artistic activity. Cohen 
does not differentiate between advertisements as such and public notices 
or items in other portions of The South-Carolina Gazette, but his listings 
of notices about the less materialistic subjects leave no doubt that North 
Carolinians can draw little comfort from a cultural comparison of New 
Bern or Wilmington with Charleston. 

Cultural and Social Advertising 283 

Ireland to be sold." 4 The word "books" without further elab- 
oration was included in Edmund Wrenford's executor's notice 
that the personal effects of Mary Conway were offered for 
sale. 5 A description of a plantation and accompanying articles 
for sale listed a "Variety of Books in Law, History, &c." 6 A 
similar mention was made by Frederick Gibble as he pre- 
pared to sell his land and personal property prior to moving 
to South Carolina. 7 

Advertisements relating to newspaper subscriptions are 
useful in revealing the extent to which newspapers were 
available to North Carolina readers and in revealing the 
reluctance on the part of some readers to pay for their sub- 

The circulation of the Cape-Fear Mercury was certainly 
not restricted to the town of Wilmington or its immediate 
environs. Printer and publisher Adam Boyd used the columns 
of his own paper in 1773 to insert a notice asking that sub- 
scriptions be paid. To make this easier, Boyd said, he was 
listing the names and localities of persons who would col- 
lect for him. Names of well-known North Carolinians were 
included. Payments could be made, so the notice ran, 

in Anson County to Mr. Kershaw or his Agent ; — at the Court- 
House in Mecklenburg to Mr. William Patterson, or Mr. Jeremiah 
McCafferty; — in Charlotte to Mr. John M'Knit Alexander; — in 
Rowan to Mr. Maxwell Chambers, or Mr. William Steel in Salis- 
bury; — in Surry to Mr. Lanier, or Col. Armstrong; — in the 
upper part of Guilford to Major John Campbell, or the Revd 
David Caldwell; — in the lower part of Guilford, to Col. John 

4 North-Carolina Magazine; Or, Universal Intelligencer (New Bern), 
November 16, 1764, hereinafter cited North-Carolina Magazine; Cape-Fear 
Mercury (Wilmington), December 29, 1773, hereinafter cited as Cape-Fear 
Mercury; North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), February 24, 1775, herein- 
after cited as North-Carolina Gazette. 

5 North-Carolina Gazette, September 2, 1774. 

6 North-Carolina Gazette, July 18, 1777. 

1 North-Carolina Gazette, December 12, 1777. It should not be supposed 
from these few examples that no other books were imported or were pos- 
sessed by North Carolinians. The scarcity of notices would seem to indicate, 
however, that the advertisers did not consider these items as worthy of 
mention as some others. Elizabeth Cometti, "Some Early Best Sellers in 
Piedmont North Carolina," The Journal of Southern History, XVI (Au- 
gust, 1950), 324-337, describes importations and sales of books of various 
kinds and in fair numbers by the Orange County firm of Johnston and 
Bennehan, and contrasts very briefly the Tidewater and back country 
reading tastes. 

284 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Boyd hoped his delinquent subscribers would pay attention 
to his notice, because in the following month someone would 
be "at these different Places to Receive the Money." 8 

James Davis had subscription troubles with his New Bern 
newspaper. In March, 1778, Davis called his readers' atten- 
tion to the fact that the following April 3rd would round out 
a "year of the publication of this gazette since it was last 
resumed," and he hoped his "good customers" would pay up 
what they owed. Those who wanted to continue to receive 
the paper were asked to pay half the subscription in advance. 
Davis warned: "These are the terms on which this gazette can 
be continued; and those who fail complying with them will 
be struck off the list without any further notice." Apparently 
collections were slow, for the next week Davis changed the 
tone of his notice and at the same time announced an increase 
in the price of the newspaper. The increase was necessitated, 
so Davis noted, by the "great rise in every article of life, or 
rather fall of our money," a familiar manifestation of wartime 
inflation. The subscription rate in the future would be "thirty 
shillings" a year, half to be paid in advance, the remainder 
at the end of the year. In conclusion, Davis stated flatly, 
"Those that fail complying with these terms cannot be served, 
as I am determined to keep no books. Our old customers 
long in arrear Isicli are once more called upon to make 
payment." 9 

Some North Carolinians subscribed to Virginia news- 
papers, and perhaps to The South-Carolina Gazette. 10 In New 
Bern, Richard Cogdell was apparently an agent for the two 
Williamsburg papers, the Virginia Gazette published by the 
firm of Dixon and Hunter, and the paper of the same name 
issued by Alexander Purdie. Both publishers wanted Cogdell 
to collect various unpaid balances on subscriptions already 
expired, and at the same time, asked "that 12 s. 6 d. Virginia 

8 Cape-Fear Mercury, September 22, 1773. See also the issue of November 
24, 1769, where across the bottom of the last page Boyd advertised: "Sub- 
scriptions for this Paper are taken in by Gentlemen in most of the adja- 
cent Counties . . . ." 

9 North-Carolina Gazette, March 27, April 3, 1778. For an earlier appeal 
for the payment of subscriptions, see the issue of June 30, 1775. 

10 For mention of agents in Brunswick and Wilmington representing the 
South Carolina newspaper, see Cohen, The South Carolina Gazette, 11. 

Cultural and Social Advertising 285 

Money, be paid down by those who choose to continue the 
same another Year; . . . " This request Cogdell passed along 
to the delinquent subscribers in an advertisement in the New 
Bern paper. He continued: "I am advised by the Printers, 
that the Scarcity and Dearness of Paper is such, that unless 
the Money is punctually paid at the Time of subscribing, and 
old Arrears paid up, it will not be in their Power to serve 
their Customers." Cogdell, as agent, had recommended some 
subscribers to the Virginia publishers. For this reason, and 
because these readers had paid only a dollar down, Cogdell 
felt he was "in some measure bound to request the speedy 
Payment of the Sums due." n 

Just a year later, in 1778, Cogdell returned to the adver- 
tising columns of the New Bern paper to advise Virginia 
Gazette subscribers living in New Bern, or in Craven, Dobbs, 
or Onslow counties, to pay their subscriptions up through 
December 31st. He was tired, Cogdell said, of having to keep 
detailed accounts "for every man, of his time of entry, what 
and when he pays, and what he is indebted, . . ." The new 
method would permit everyone to start off with a year's sub- 
scription beginning January 1, 1779, and for Cogdell would 
"he hut little trouble, and easier remembered by each sub- 
scriber." This notice, Cogdell pointed out, applied only to 
"Dixon and Hunter s gazette" and did not affect the arrange- 
ments of those who subscribed to the paper published by 
Alexander Purdie. 12 

North Carolina printers used their own advertising col- 
umns to offer pamphlets and various blank forms, to announce 
the importation of new type, and to call attention to the fact 
that bookbinding could be done and that "HANDBILLS, 
and every Thing else in the Printing Way, may be had on the 

11 North-Carolina Gazette, July 18, 1777. Cogdell listed subscribers and 
expiration dates which had occurred or would occur. The list, containing; 
many prominent North Carolina names (omitting expiration dates and 
the newspaper each one took), included: William Good, James Green, John 
Barry, Isaac Guion, David Forbs, Robert Schaw, Captain John Daly, Wil- 
liam Randall, Philip Cheyney, Edward Whitty, Abner Nash, Major John 
Bryan, George Clark, James Little, William Blount, John Cort, Dugald 
Campbell, Shadrick Fulsher, John Carruthers, Edmund Hatch, Joseph 
Marshall, Jarvis Buxton, Joseph Asbury, and Jesse Cobb. 

12 North-Carolina Gazette, July 10, 1778. 

286 The North Carolina Historical Review 

shortest notice." 1S These, however, were but mere sidelines 
to the main businesses of publishing the newspaper and 
printing and selling compilations of provincial and state laws. 

As public printer, James Davis was naturally active in the 
business of printing collections of laws. 14 Soon after he was 
established in New Bern and had begun to publish the North- 
^QtoUna Gazette, Davis offered for sale "THE Whole Body 
of LAWS of the Province of North-Carolina: Revised by Com- 
missioners appointed for that Purpose, and Confirm'd in full 
Assembly." Davis then capped the climax by reminding his 
readers the acts were "Publish'd by Authority." 15 Thereafter, 
the pages of Davis's paper seldom lacked one or more such 

Even in intellectual or informational matters there is likely 
to be competition for the attention of the consumer. Such 
competition was hinted at in an issue of the North-Carolina 
Magazine early in 1765. Davis, styling himself in his own 
advertisement as "Provincial PRINTER, appointed by the 
Lower House of Assembly," told his readers the laws from 
the previous meeting of the General Assembly in Wilmington 
were then in the press and would be published soon. Just 
below Davis's own advertisement was one which seems to 
have been inserted either by or on behalf of Andrew Steuart, 
then printing the Wilmington version of The North-Carolina 
Gazette. Perhaps because of proximity to the recently- 
adjourned Assembly, Steuart appears to have gotten ahead 
of Davis with the announcement that "THE LAWS, PASSED 
the last Session of Assembly, at Wilmington, are printed, by 
Andrew Stuart isicl , and ready to be delivered to the Clerks 
of the respective Counties." It was announced that Peter 
Conway would deliver the ones for the "District of Newbern" 

13 North-Carolina Gazette, January 7, 1774. See also Cape-Fear Mercury, 
November 24, 1769. In addition to pamphlets and blanks, Boyd's advertise- 
ment in the Wilmington paper offered to sell "Epsom & Glauber Salts by 
the lb. or in larger quantity." 

14 The most recent study of printing in North Carolina is that of Mary 
Lindsay Thornton, "Public Printing in North Carolina from 1749 to 1815" 
(M.A. thesis, University of North Carolina, 1943). An earlier and still 
useful account is that of Stephen B. Weeks, "The pre-Revolutionary 
Printers of North Carolina: Davis, Steuart, and Boyd," North Carolina 
Booklet, XV (October, 1915), 104-121. 

M North-Carolina Gazette, November 15, 1751, 

North Carolina Sw« ',^ 

R ales ; L 


and further that "A few Copies are left for Sale, Price 3 s. 
which may be had of Mr. Richard Ellis, Merchant, in 

One of the ways to get useful reading material published 
was to print it by subscription. James Davis resorted to that 
method in a variety of publications. In using the scheme with 
"A Collection of all the Acts of Assembly ... in Force and Use 
since the Revisal of the Laws in the Year 1751," Davis noted 
that he had prefaced the work with a "List of Names of those 
Gentlemen who subscribed for the BOOK." 17 It was not 
enough, however, for the public just to promise to buy one 
of Davis's publications. An advance in the form of a partial 
payment was also requested. In 1777, in proposing to publish 
"hy SUBSCRIPTION, AN exact ABRIDGMENT of all the 
ACTS of ASSEMBLY of this State," Davis announced the 
price for the volume of "about 500 pages" would be "three 
Dollars each, one of which Dollars to be paid at the Time of 
subscribing." Davis, with perhaps a hint of bitterness, went 
on to say: "As he is now detached from the Service of the 
Public as Printer to the State, in which honourable Service 
he has laboured Twenty Eight Years, he is quite at Leisure, 
and if properly encouraged, will publish the Book with all 
imaginable Expedition." 18 

Not all of Davis's publishing activities were compilations 
of laws. He also published two school books, which were 
duly advertised in the pages of the North-Carolina Gazette. 
The first was "THE Rudiments of the LATIN TONGUE: 
Or a plain and easy Introduction to Latin Grammar . . . By 
THO. RUDDIMAN, M.A."; and the second was "DYCHE's 

16 North-Carolina Magazine, January 4, 1765. The misspelling of Ste- 
uart's name might be an indication that Ellis, as sales agent, had placed 
the advertisement. 

17 North-Carolina Magazine, July 20, 1764. 

18 North-Carolina Gazette, July 4, 1777. That Davis did not long remain 
at leisure is indicated by a note he added to an advertisement of the pub- 
lication of laws passed by the North Carolina General Assembly in April, 
1777. In this note, Davis told his readers: "Mr. PINCKNEY, who was ap- 
pointed Printer to this State in April last, being dead, and no Prospect of 
the State's being able to get their Laws printed, Mr. DAVIS informs the 
Public, that he has undertaken this necessary Work, and will dispatch them 
to the several Counties as soon as possible." North-Carolina Gazette, Octo- 
ber 17, 1777. 

288 The North Carolina Historical Review 

TONGUE. In Two Parts." The price for the Latin grammar 
was two dollars, while that for the speller was half a dollar 
more. Davis went into considerable detail about the merits 
of the spelling book. The value of the first part, he noted, 
was that it was "proper for Beginners, shewing a natural and 
easy method, to pronounce and express both common words, 
and proper names; in which particular care is had to shew 
the accent, for preventing vicious pronunciation." The second 
part, designed "for such as are advanced to some ripeness 
of judgment," contained definitions of words, the method of 
hyphenation, and the rules for capitalization and punctuation. 
In addition, there was "An APPENDIX, containing many 
additional lessons, in prose and verse: First, in words of one 
syllable only; and then mixed with words of two, three, four, 
five, six, and seven syllables." 19 

Advertisements Relating to Education 

Both the Latin grammar and the spelling book, had they 
been available, undoubtedly would have proven useful to 
small scholars who earlier attended such schools as were 
being conducted in North Carolina. Using advertisements 
as criteria, the schools, however, must have been few in num- 
ber, irregular in session, short-lived, and somewhat strange 
in curricula when compared with twentieth century public 
schools. Again, the use of advertisements as sources of in- 
formation would leave the distinct impression that most, if 
not all, educational activity in North Carolina between 1751 
and 1778 was concentrated in New Bern. There is not a 
single piece of advertising evidence extant that a school 
existed in Wilmington or in any other place in North Carolina 
in the period. 

The financing and erection of a school building in New 
Bern were the concerns of the earliest advertisements dealing 
with the subject of education. Richard Cogdell, as sheriff of 
Craven County, ran an advertisement directing freeholders to 
be present at a meeting at the courthouse to attend to certain 
religious and educational business. Especially did Cogdell 

19 North-Carolina Gazette, September 4, November 7, 1778. 

Cultural and Social Advertising 289 

want "the several Subscribers to the School-House' to attend, 
so that they might "elect Two Commissioners, and One 
Treasurer' to supervise the school construction. 20 

Six months later, scarcely any progress could be noted in 
New Bern's attempt to provide itself with a schoolhouse. 
Apparently the two commissioners and the treasurer had been 
elected, and there must have been some promises to provide 
funds, but that was about where matters stood when there 
appeared an advertisement worded somewhat like an invita- 
tion to a ball. The building commissioners, ran the notice, 

. . . request the Favour of the Gentlemen who so generously and 
largely subscribed to that useful Edifice, to pay their several 
Subscriptions to the Rev Mr. James Reed, agreeable to the Tenor 
thereof; as [so] the Work may go on with all Expedition. 21 

The schoolhouse did get built, though just when the ad- 
vertisements do not disclose. Ten years later, Elias Hoell was 
using the building to conduct a school. He offered two courses 
of study, with the more advanced naturally costing the pa- 
rents of the pupils a little more. For "Sixteen Shillings per 
Quarter," Hoell announced he would teach "Reading, Writ- 
ing, Cyphering, Navigation, and Surveying," all practical 
subjects for a people engrossed in the acquisition of real 
estate and other property, and so largely dependent upon 
water transportation. The second course, Hoell indicated, 
would include "Algebra, Euclid's Elements, Latin and Greek, 
at Eighteen Shillings." 22 

Hoell's offering may not have appealed to the residents of 
New Bern and Craven County, for early in the next year, 
a schoolmaster named Florence McCarthy announced he had 
"opened School in the Academy," and was advertising for 
students. If McCarthy taught well all the subjects he adver- 
tised, eastern North Carolina youth had an opportunity to 
imbibe large doses of practical and general education, in- 
cluding "Grammatic English, with due Attention to Emphasis, 
Pause, Cadence, and puerile Declamation." 

20 North-Carolina Magazine, [June 29?], 1764. 

21 North-Carolina Magazine, December 28, 1764. 

22 North-Carolina Gazette, September 2, 1774. 

290 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Headed by English and writing, McCarthy's proffered 
curriculum stressed subjects useful and scientific rather than 
literary and classical. The scope of study is clearly shown 
in the advertisement, which listed: 

. . . consise [sic'] Arithmetic, vulgar and decimal, with many 
practic [sic] and inspectional Contractions, Italian Bookkeeping ; 
Mensuration in all its Parts; Navigation in all its Kinds [;] 
Gauging in all its Varieties; likewise by one general Method, 
not regarding the Casks Form. Practic and theoric Geometry; 
Surveying in Theory and Practice ; plane and spheric Trigonom- 
etry; simple and quadric Algebra; together with the occasional 
Application of the Whole, to whatever else shall be found, either 
recreative or useful, in practical, pure, or mixed Mathematics. 

The charges for the course were either four pounds or 
eight dollars annually, with one dollar to be paid in advance. 
In addition to the low price and the wealth of subject ma- 
terial, McCarthy went further and assured the parents that 
he would attend with "Viligance and Assiduity" any pupils 
they might send him. And then, seemingly almost as an after- 
thought, McCarthy's advertisement concluded: "He likewise 
intends opening a Night School, from 6 to 9 o'clock." 23 

It seems probable that McCarthy had no more success in 
educating North Carolina's youth than had his predecessor. 
At any rate, six months later the New Bern newspaper con- 
tained a notice that the trustees had granted permission with 
the result that "the Public School House of this Town is again 
opened." The course of study was similar to that offered by 
McCarthy, but added such subjects as Latin and French, 
geography and "the use of the Globes." The terms were the 
"established Price of the said School," and if this amount 
were not known by the reader, it could be learned from 
James Davis, "Printer of this Paper, and one of the Trustees." 24 

Nothing further in relation to education appeared in the 
advertising columns until 1778, when the interest of North 
Carolinians in things French showed a marked and natural 

23 North-Carolina Gazette, January 13, 1775. No other reference to a 
night school has been found, and whether such a school was actually opened 
is a matter of conjecture. At least the idea of a night school was not un- 
known in North Carolina. 

24 North-Carolina Gazette, July 7, 1775. 

Cultural and Social Advertising 291 

increase during America's struggle with Britain. 25 In that 
year, Gaspar Beaufort, "from Philadelphia," must have 
thought New Bern a good location for a school devoted to the 
teaching of French. In any case, Beaufort gave notice that he 
planned to start such a school, not in the schoolhouse, but at 
the "house of Widow Wosley." Addressing his appeal mainly 
to the genteel adults, Beaufort proposed to teach those who 
wanted to study French "to read, right isicl, and speak it 
grammatically." Those who objected to attending school at 
the widow's house could also learn French, for Beaufort was 
willing to visit "at their own houses in the evening" where, 
presumably, private lessons would be given. 26 

The ladies and gentlemen of New Bern must not have 
realized what a rare opportunity was theirs, for the following 
week Beaufort returned to the columns of the press with a 
complaint that he "has not met with such encouragement as 
he deserves, . . ." Beaufort said he planned to stay just a month 
more and invited those who wished to learn French to take 
advantage of his presence. He made it plain that New Bern 
needed Beaufort more than Beaufort needed New Bern, con- 
cluding his advertisement with the statement that he, Beau- 
fort, "is wanted where he may have encouragement suitable 
to his merit." 2T 

Gaspar Beaufort's lack of success did not seem to deter 
other schoolmasters who, in the following months, advertised 
the opening of schools. Joseph Blyth and George Harrison 
made the usual appeals to parents to have their children 
educated. Blyth, who had the advantage of conducting his 
school in the "public school-house," offered standard subjects. 
Harrison, whose announcement appeared in the same issue 
with Blyth's, said only that he proposed to open a school "on 
Monday next, opposite to Mrs. Dewey"; and since the same 
announcement appeared in each of the two succeeding issues, 

25 Advertisements reflect this increased interest in several ways: French 
names in North Carolina; ships from France arriving or departing; chan- 
ges in the nature of imported goods; desertions from the army or vessels 
in port. For examples, see North-Carolina Gazette for 1778, on the follow- 
ing dates: January 9, March 6, March 13, April 24, May 8, May 15, July 
24, August 7, September 18, and November 7. 

26 North-Carolina Gazette, March 6, 1778. 

27 North-Carolina Gazette, March 13, 1778. 

292 The North Carolina Historical Review 

it seems doubtful that Harrison actually carried through his 
project. 28 

Religious and Professional Advertising 

Extant advertisements relating to religious and professional 
matters are indeed few in North Carolina newspapers in the 
period, 1751-1778. The three insertions on church affairs all 
occurred in 1764, while the professional ones were grouped 
largely in 1778. Each advertisement, however, is instructive 
in the unconscious commentary which it makes on the life 
of the times. 

In the same advertisement in which Sheriff Richard Cog- 
dell directed the election of school commissioners, he notified 
the freeholders of Christ Church Parish to come to the court- 
house for the purpose of "electing a Vestry for said Parish, 
and take the Suffrages of the Vesters, as the Law Directs." If 
the freeholder himself could not come, he must be repre- 
sented by "his Deputy." Cogdell, in a nota bene, reminded his 
readers: "There is a Fine of Twenty Shillings on every Free- 
holder in the Parish who fails to attend, and give his Vote." 29 

Two months after this notice, John Smith, the clerk of 
the vestry of the same church, advertised that those who had 
any claims against the parish should present them on Oc- 
tober 4th. On the same day, all those who had formerly been 
wardens of Christ Church, and any others who were holding 
money belonging to the church, were urged to have their 
accounts put in order. When this was done, Smith stated, 
"the VESTRY will then sit to transact the Parochial 
Business." 30 

The last of the religious notices was inserted by the two 
Christ Church wardens, Jacob Blount and James Davis. In 
pursuance of their official duties, they were informing the 
members of the parish that, on January 3, 1765, there would 

28 North-Carolina Gazette, July 24, July 31, August 7, 1778. North Caro- 
lina educational advertising is particularly deficient when compared to 
similar South Carolina notices. Cohen, The South Carolina Gazette, 33-39, 
lists announcements of one sort or another of 139 teachers and schools 
during the period 1751-1775. 

29 North-Carolina Magazine, [June 29?], 1764. 

30 North-Carolina Magazine, September 7, 1764. 

Cultural and Social Advertising 293 

"be rented, to the highest Bidder, for one Year, the PEWS 
of the Church in Newbern; . . ." 31 

There was no ethical disapproval of medical or legal ad- 
vertising in eighteenth-century North Carolina but there 
were fewer of these notices than might be supposed. Perhaps 
the most spectacular of them all is the full column advertise- 
ment on page one of the Wilmington Cape-Fear Mercury 
for December 29, 1773. Though most of it is devoted to 
extolling the virtues of Ward's "Anodyne Pearls," the ad- 
vertiser, one "Doctor Ward," seemed also to be a specialist 
in the "curing" of "hair-lips." He had treated successfully ten 
harelips "at one and the same time," and he had "cut and 
cured" two cases in North Carolina. Anyone who needed 
references as to his work in North Carolina could consult 
"Robert Dixon, Esq. of Duplin . . . and Andrew Fullard of the 
Sound" for the facts in the cases. 

Shorter than Ward's advertisement and more restrained in 
language was an announcement by a Frenchman named 
Pambruse. Styling himself "Doctor in Physick, and one of the 
first surgeons in the King of France's armies," Pambruse pro- 
posed to set up a practice in Edenton where he might be of 
"service to the ladies and gentlemen that will employ me, . . ." 
Of himself Pambruse advertised: "I possess the art of man- 
midwife, I also undertake to cure all sorts of venereal dis- 
tempers, ulcers, and ring worms." To show that his heart 
was warm, Pambruse said that he would make no charge 
in treating the poor of the community. 32 

In addition to treating patients for such illnesses as oc- 
curred, physicians also seemed to perform some of the func- 
tions of modern wholesale and retail drug houses by offering 
medicines for sale. Pambruse would sell "by small or large 
quantity" a limited list of drugs, while Alexander Gaston of- 
fered a considerable quantity and variety of medicines. 
Gaston advertised that he had just imported a "large assort- 
ment" of items, adding that because "there is a greater quan- 
tity of almost all the . . . articles, than I could consume in my 

31 North-Car oiina Magazine, December 14, 1764. It would be interesting 
to know whether James Davis, as churchwarden, approved payment to 
himself as printer of the paper for this advertisement. 

82 North-Carolina Gazette, August 7, 1778. 

294 The North Carolina Historical Review 

own practice in many years, therefore [I] would be glad to 
supply others, . . ." 38 

Attorney Hamilton Ballantine, "late of the island of Ja- 
maica," announced that he planned to settle in North Carolina 
and expected to establish a legal practice in the state. Ballan- 
tine advertised that, the "laws being now opened in their 
full latitude," he would travel around to the various superior 
court sessions. His desires were quite modest and reasonable, 
for he wished only "such encouragement, as his integrity 
to his clients and the justness of their cause merits." 34 

Sometime toward the end of September, 1778, New Bern 
was honored by the arrival of Boyle Aldworth, a "Limbner." 
Aldworth established himself at Oliver's Tavern ready to ply 
his profession as an artist, his advertisement in the North- 
Carolina Gazette announcing to the public that he "paints 
LIKENESSES." In relation to other and perhaps more prac- 
tical commodities, his prices for portraiture may have seemed 
a little high to the town residents. Aldworth charged $130 
for "Portraits for rings," $100 for the same for "bracelets," 
but only $75 for portraits for "house ornaments from 1 to 2 
feet." Of course, Aldworth seemed to sneer, the last-named 
was only done in crayons. 35 Either the public was slow in 
responding to his appeals, or Aldworth quickly gathered in 
more commissions than he could handle, for after three 
insertions the notices stopped and Aldworth dropped from 
sight. He had the distinction, however, of being the only 
artist whose advertisements in North Carolina newspapers 
between 1751 and 1778 are a matter of present record. 

From Apologies to Post Offices 

In many instances advertisements in early North Carolina 
newspapers took the place of local news items, either in re- 
ports about or comments on the local scene. Sometimes the 
details of the event were discussed in full; upon other occa- 
sions, the advertiser seemed to feel his readers knew the 
basic story and all he was required to do was to supply a 

33 North-Carolina Gazette, May 22, 1778. 

34 North-Carolina Gazette, January 9, 1778. 

35 North-Carolina Gazette, October 2, 9, 16, 1778. 

Cultural and Social Advertising 295 

mention of recent developments. The variety in these adver- 
tisements is as great as the variety in the news columns of 
today's press and part of the value for the modern reader lies 
in learning what the earlier advertiser judged was interesting 
or important enough to warrant publication. 

The lack of detail is tantalizing in an apology made late in 
1773 by Burrel Lanier. Apparently Lanier had said or written 
something serious about one John Hill, and Hill's friends 
took exception to the report. It seems probable that the resi- 
dents of Wilmington knew more of the details than are 
brought down to the present day, so that the public apology 
was all that was required to set the matter straight. Be that 
as it may, it seems that on November 30, 1773, Burrel Lanier 
appeared before Andrew Thompson, Isaac Hill, Richard 
Clinton, James Kenan, Richard Brocas, and Michael Kenan 
to acknowledge that what he had reported "in Respect to 
John Hill's Character" was not true. In fact, the report was, 
according to Lanier's advertisement, "entirely False and 
Groundless and without Foundation, . . ." In conclusion, said 
Lanier: "... I am heartily sorry for it, and humbly ask his 
Pardon, as that what I said was through Passion." 36 

James Hobbs got Waightstill Avery and Robert Daly to 
witness his apology to Captain William Randel, whom Hobbs 
had accused "of getting his living by stealing hogs and 
cattle." Hobbs indicated the accusation was made in May, 
1778, "at a general muster." Upon later— and perhaps soberer 
—reflection, Hobbs admitted the charge against Randel was 
"false and groundless" and he took to newspaper advertising 
to make "amends for the injury" 3T 

On the other hand, Willam Bryan, resenting vociferously 
what he thought were false statements, took to the advertis- 
ing columns to hurl some charges of his own. According to 
the public notice, "some busy body" had circulated a report 
that he, Bryan, had said William Blount was going to be a 
candidate for election to the state legislature. So angry was 

36 Cape-Fear Mercury, December 29, 1773. Lanier's given name is spelled 
"Burrel" and "Burrell" in the same notice. 

37 North-Carolina Gazette, November 7, 1778. 

296 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Bryan the words of his denial seemed almost to tumble over 
themselves, as he stormed: "I was not at the election, and 
therefore had it not in my power to refute the falsity, but do 
now, in this public manner, declare that, whoever says he 
heard me say, or even intimate, that I thought Mr. Blount 
intended, or would offer himself, is a lyar; . . ." 38 

Not all the news items in advertisements were as spectacu- 
lar as those of the public apologies. More commonplace was 
a notice that an election of "overseers of the poor" would be 
held at the courthouse in New Bern. Advertised for "Easter 
monday the 20th of this instant [April, 1778]," the election 
was for the purpose of choosing "seven proper persons" to 
perform the functions of the office. 39 Equally prosaic but 
useful was the notice given by Nathaniel Rochester and Wil- 
liam Courtney, Orange County commissioners to supervise 
the building of the courthouse in Hillsboro. Pursuant to an 
enabling act passed by the General Assembly in 1778, the 
commissioners were ready to entertain bids or inquiries from 
persons interested in building the edifice. There may have 
been a wealth of local controversy concealed in the simple 
statement that the commissioners had "determined to build 
the same with brick, . . ." 40 

It is hard to imagine a more unlikely place to report a storm 
than in an advertisement proposing to print a revisal of laws; 
yet just such a mention occurs in a notice in the New Bern 
North-Carolina Gazette for November 10, 1769. In a column- 
long advertisement, printer James Davis proposed to print, 
"by SUBSCRIPTION," an up-to-date revisal of the North 
Carolina provincial laws. After going thoroughly into the 
matter of the value of the work and the conditions under 
which he expected to issue it, Davis noted that he had pub- 
lished these proposals "some time ago, and the books were 
to have been delivered this fall; . . ." Davis had prepared the 
"work" as promised, "but unfortunately for the Printer, every 
sheet of it was lost in the ruins of the Printing-Office, which 

38 North-Carolina Gazette, August 7, 1778. Why Bryan should have been 
so angry is not clear. 

39 North-Carolina Gazette, April 10, 1778. 

40 North-Carolina Gazette, June 20, 1778. 

Cultural and Social Advertising 297 

was totally swept away in the late storm; . . ." The storm 
caused the loss not only of the book sheets which had been 
done "in great forwardness," but also the lists of those who 
had earlier subscribed to the publication. The advertisement, 
Davis indicated, thus served the dual purpose of informing 
the public of his misfortune and of asking those who were in 
the first lists to submit their names again. 

A curious mixture of the modern "want ad" technique and 
the polite and wordy usage of earlier days is displayed in an 
advertisement by an overseer. Addressing himself "To the 
LANDED GENTLEMEN," the unidentified advertiser then 
described himself as being "A Steady, sedate Man, regularly 
bred to the farming Business, who understands the Manage- 
ment and Improvement of Farms, and every necessary Branch 
to Agriculture, . . ." The overseer was hoping to make an 
arrangement to manage some gentleman's farms, or to im- 
prove the land, whether it be in fields or merely pasturage, 
for he knew how to raise cattle, was "thoroughly versed in 
the Method of grazing," and was expert at "breaking young 
Horses to their proper Paces fit for the Saddle, having had a 
sufficient Experience in England." In addition to these abili- 
ties, the applicant also noted that he could "write a legible 
Hand," and knew how to keep books. Though the advertiser 
did not give his name, his readers were told that, if any 
interested party wrote "a Line direct to J.A.B. to be left with 
the Printer hereof," the advertiser would be glad to come for 
an interview, "and give every Satisfaction requisite." 41 

The position-seeking overseer, like others of his contemp- 
oraries, understood the importance of good horseflesh in a 
time when overland transportation in North Carolina could 
best be accomplished on horseback. 42 Good horseflesh also 

a North-Carolina Gazette, February 24, 1775. 

42 For the difficulties of traveling by carriage on North Carolina roads in 
1775, see Janet Schaw, Journal of a Lady of Quality; Being the Narrative 
of a Journey from Scotland to the West Indies, North Carolina, and Portu- 
gal, in the Years 177 b to 1776 (edited by Evangeline Walker Andrews in 
collaboration with Charles McLean Andrews, third ed., New Haven, 1939), 
146-147. An excellent description of the conditions of North Carolina roads is 
provided by Charles Christopher Crittenden, The Commerce of North Caro- 
lina, 1763-1789 (New Haven, London, 1936), 2lff. 

298 The North Carolina Historical Review 

meant the possibility of horse racing. 43 The stock of good 
horses could only be maintained, however, if there was proper 
breeding. Thus, advertisements announcing the availability 
of stud horses were neither lacking nor out of place in early 
North Carolina newspapers. The advertisements were fairly 
standard in form, usually including the name of the horse 
and part of his bloodline, followed by a description of the 
horse and some of his accomplishments on the race track. 
The stud fee was stated, as was the extra amount to be paid 
the groom; and the advertisement might then conclude with 
the statement that pasturage for the mares was available 
and that the mares, though well cared for, must be left at the 
owner's risk. 

Advertisements of two such stud horses were placed in 
adjacent columns of the North-Carolina Gazette in March, 
1775, by Richard Ellis and Abner Nash. In extolling the 
favorable points of his horse, Bajazett, Ellis struck rather 
closely to the accepted pattern; Nash, on the other hand, had 
more to say in his piece about Telemachus. The advertise- 
ment, Nash indicated, was written with the hope that the 
"Gentleman Farmers of this Part of the Province" could be 
induced to follow the lead of "their Neighbours of Halifax, 
Virginia, and other Places" in entering "spiritedly on this very 
profitable and public spirited Business of breeding good 
Horses, . . ." Nash obviously thought Telemachus a very fine 
horse, but honesty prevented him from exaggerating. Nash 
said he "hoped" his horse's "Pretensions (next to Bajazett, 
which he does not pretend to rival) will be thought to stand 
very fair in the Calendar of Fame." 44 

Prior to May, 1774, there was no postal service between 
Cross Creek and Wilmington, though the desirability of such 
a service was apparent to residents of both communities, and 
must have been so to an investigator for the Britist postal 

43 For evidence of interest in horse racing, see the comment of John 
Brickell, quoted by Hugh Talmage Lefler, ed., North Carolina History Told 
by Contemporaries (Chapel Hill, 1934), 64. 

u North-Carolina Gazette, March 24, 1775. Nash's charge was "Three 
Pounds the Season, payable if the Party chooses it in Corn, at 15s. a 
Barrel." Ellis's charge was "FIVE POUNDS the Season, . . ." For other 
examples of stud horse advertisements, see Cape-Fear Mercury, January 13, 
1773; and North-Carolina Gazette, April 10, 1778. 

Cultural and Social Advertising 299 

authorities. 45 Following the investigation, readers of the Cape- 
Fear Mercury were informed that, the "post master general 
having established a post between Wilmington and Cross- 
Creek," the service was about to begin on a fortnightly basis. 
Those who wished to make use of this official method had to 
present their letters the "day preceding" the departure of the 
post rider. 46 

Late in 1777, Richard Cogdell, in his capacity as post- 
master, inserted several advertisements in the North-Carolina 
Gazette to publicize the fact that there were quite a few 
letters lying unclaimed in the New Bern post office. Usually 
Cogdell gave the name of the person to whom the letter was 
addressed, the number of letters for that person, and the date 
or dates the letters were received. In his first advertisement, 
Cogdell stated that the addressees or their agents could get 
the letters by paying the postage. The postmaster was some- 
thing of a salesman for the postal system, as he pointed out 
the desirability of persons' receiving letters addressed to 
them. Some of these letters "may be of consequence," ran 
the notice, "and require to be answered by post again, which 
shall be punctually sent to any post-office in the united states, 
by Their humble servant, . . ." 47 One of the names in this 
first notice was that of Captain Francis Hodgson, for whom 
a letter had arrived on the 8th of September. A year later, 
Captain Hodgson, now identified as "of the sloop Sea 
Flower," had not yet picked up his mail. 48 

45 For a brief discussion of the state of the postal system and the results 
of a three month investigation by Hugh Finlay see Hugh Talmage Lefler 
and Albert Ray Newsome, North Carolina: The History of a Southern State 
(Chapel Hill, 1954), 104-105; hereinafter cited as Lefler and Newsome, 
North Carolina. 

46 Cape-Fear Mercury, May 11, 1774. A portion of the advertisement has 
been torn away, but from the remaining fragments the impression is given 
that the arrival of the mail at Wilmington from Cross Creek would make 
connection with postal service running north and south. Apparently the 
first trip of the rider was to be from Cross Creek to Wilmington, "on Sat- 
urday [torn] May next," while the trip from Wilmington to Cross Creek 
does not seem to have been specified. 

47 North-Carolina Gazette, October 3, 1777. Other postal advertisements in 
the same newspaper are in issues for March 27, August 21, and October 9, 

48 North-Carolina Gazette, October 9, 1778. 

300 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Advertisements of "Elopement" and Separation 

Human nature being what it is, it is not surprising to find 
in the columns of the various North Carolina newspaper 
announcements that wives had parted company with their 
husbands who then proceeded to disclaim any future respon- 
sibility for debts incurred by the wives. Fairly typical of such 
notices is that of William Hales, who advertised: "Whereas 
my wife Betty has eloped from me. I hereby forewarn any 
person or persons trusting her on my account; as I shall not 
pay any debts she may, after this date contract."* 9 William 
Jones did not accuse his wife Margaret of "eloping," but he 
did complain that she was extravagant. Jones said she had 
"made a Practice of dealing with Merchants and others, and 
running him largely in Debt;" as a result, he warned the 
public not to trust her and gave notice he would not pay her 
debts in the future. 50 

It would seem that most of the "elopement" notices were 
fairly routine matters, perhaps causing only a moderate 
amount of comment in the community. James Flett's situation 
started off that way, with an unexceptional notice that his 
wife, Katy, had departed and that he would no longer be 
responsible for her debts. The advertisement appeared in the 
New Bern North-Carolina Gazette on August 14, 1778. If 
Flett thought that was all there was to it, he was rudely en- 
lightened when the next issue of the newspaper appeared a 
week later. Flett's notice was there again— a standard proced- 
ure—but in an adjoining column a contradictory item appear- 
ed, and Katy Flett found herself with a champion. How the 
issue's readers must have chuckled over the defense and 
challenge issued by a New Bern merchant, John Horner Hill, 
whose advertisement ran: 

THE subscriber takes this method of acquainting the public 
that James Flett, (taylor of this totvn) hath unjustly traduced 
the character of his lawful, prudent, and virtuous wife — And he 

49 North-Carolina Gazette, September 4, 1778. A similar notice was inserted 
by William Wood, in the same paper on November 7, 1778. Morris Conner 
embellished his notice by saying that his wife had "eloped from my Bed and 
Board and otherways treated me ill, . . ." Cape-Fear Mercury, December 29, 

co North-Carolina Magazine, December 7, 1764. 

Cultural and Social Advertising 301 

further adds, that he will be accountable for any transgression 
said Flett can make evident against his tvife. — Therefore he 
expects the public will consider said Flett an unjust and cruel 
man, if he cannot prove any reason for acting in so vile a manner. 

Methinks I hear If from truths sacred paths Vve stray' 'd, 
Mrs. Flett Convince the world I do, 

express herself If not the world with justice may, 
thus, Transfer the same on you. 51 

There is much room for speculation concerning a most 
peculiar advertisement which occupies half a column of fine 
print in the New Bern North-Carolina Gazette for April 7, 
1775. In spite of the fact that legal divorce was not charac- 
teristic of the times, the word "divorce" is used in the notice, 
the purpose of which was to declare a legal separation. In the 
second place, the notice bears an internal date of August 29, 
1769, though the date of this publication is 1775. In the 
third place, no reference has so far been found elsewhere to 
any Joseph or Mary McGehe or to either of the two witnesses, 
Robert Goodloe and Thomas Jackson. Finally, James Davis 
provided no explanation in this issue of his New Bern paper 
as to the reasons for the wide separation in dates, so that per- 
haps his own readers might have been as mystified as are later 

Among the few positive statements which can be made 
about the advertisement is that it exists in print and that its 
language is somewhat blunt. The whole notice, couched in 
legal phraseology, gives details of the property settlement 
which is the main part of the separation agreement. After the 
necessary "whereases" and "know ye's" Mary McGehe got 
down to the business at hand, with a statement that, having 
been "dissatisfied" with Joseph, she had "eloped from his Bed 
for upwards of eight Months past; in which Time I have been 
gotten with Child by another Man . . . with which I acknowl- 
edge to be now pregnant, . . ." Mary went on to say that she 
did not intend to live with Joseph again, and in consideration 
for his having given her a portion of his property, she now 

^North-Carolina Gazette, August 21, 1778. Hill seems to have been the 
winner in this exchange, for his notice was published again on August 28, 
while that of Flett ended with the issue of August 21, even though the 
"elopement" notice had appeared only two of the customary three or more 
times. Information that Hill was a New Bern merchant is in the North- 
Carolina Gazette, September 25, 1778. 

302 The North Carolina Historical Review 

held herself "as divorced from him, . . ." The settlement 
amounted to "one Hundred and Twenty Pounds Value in 
Effects," and Mary expressed her satisfaction with the settle- 
ment. Joseph McGehe, in turn, acknowledged the separation 
and agreed to let Mary go wherever she pleased, with neither 
having any further claim on the other. 52 

Crime Reflected in Advertising 

Because advertisements frequently represented the only 
local information in early North Carolina newspapers, it is 
reasonable to expect there might have been paid public 
notices from time to time in connection with crimes and acts 
of violence. This was indeed the case and there were adver- 
tisements of jail breaks, an offer of a reward for apprehension 
of a murderer, a notice of piracy, accounts of kidnappings, 
and reports of armed robberies. Frequently these advertise- 
ments, interesting in themselves for the stories they tell, are 
also sources of collateral and equally interesting evidence 
on a variety of subjects. 

On September 8, 1777, three white men broke out of the 
Craven County jail, and Joseph Leech, a justice of the peace, 
advertised for their apprehension. Two of the men, Michael 
Kelly and Matthias Farnan, were in jail for robbery; the third 
James Rawlins, was convicted— or accused, the record not 
being clear on this point— of "high treason." Rawlins was a 
"noted villain, and was one of the principals in the late con- 
spiracy against the state, has lived for two years past in Martin 
county, and is very famous in the art of legerdemain; . . ." 
The notice went on to say that Kelly and Farnan had gotten 
"a pass from Mr. Tisdale a few days before their commitment, 
which it is probable they will now make use of." 53 

62 The document was apparently prepared and signed in Bute County. No 
reference to any Joseph McGehe or Joseph Magee has been found for the 
period in question (1769-1775), but a "Joseph M'Gee" is listed as a "Petit 
Juror" on February 14, 1773, at the Bute County Inferior Court of Pleas 
and Quarter Sessions, "Bute County Records, County Court Minutes, 1767- 
1776" (State Department of Archives and History, Raleigh, North Caro- 
lina), 266. The amount of the settlement, which was probably not greater 
than half of McGehe's estate, would indicate that he was a man of some 
property and, perhaps, standing. 

53 North-Carolina Gazette, September 12, 1777. See Lefler and Newsome, 
North Carolina, 217, for a mention of a conspiracy which could be the one 
referred to in the advertisement. 

Cultural and Social Advertising 303 

A much less spectacular escape was that of William Alcock, 
who, in some unmentioned manner, got away from a Craven 
County deputy. Alcock's entanglement with the law was less 
spectacular, also, but was indicative of the times. He had 
been "taken on a writ at the suit of Edward Boucher Hodges." 
It may well have been debt which got Alcock into trouble; 
but whatever it was, John Kennedy, the advertiser, thought 
only enough of the matter to offer a reward of twenty shill- 
ings for Alcock's capture and return. 54 

Before North Carolina severed her ties with England, the 
murder of two Cherokee Indians, "in the back part of the 
province of Georgia" caused Governor Josiah Martin to have 
an official proclamation published as an advertisement in the 
New Bern North-Carolina Gazette. The murderer was alleged 
to be one Hezekiah Collins, a youth of under twenty years of 
age, "tolerably well sett" and having "a very down cast look, 
and of a tawny complexion," According to the account, Col- 
lins had "absconded" from the scene of his crime and the 
authorities desired his capture enough to offer a substantial 
reward. Governor Martin said he was authorized by Major 
General Frederick Haldimand, commander of English forces 
in America, to offer in the general's name a reward of "One 
Hundred Founds sterling," an unusually large sum in hard 
cash; while Martin himself offered nominally the same sum, 
but in proclamation money. 

This high-placed and somewhat remote attention to the 
murder of two Indians was accounted for by the possible 
consequences of the act. Martin, Haldimand, and other 
officials seemed to agree that the murder had "Highly exas- 
perated" the Cherokees and might "tend to interrupt the 
good harmony subsisting between his Majesty's subjects, 
and that and other tribes of Indians, unless satisfaction be 
made for the said violence; . . ." All of this was, however, not 
necessarily news to North Carolinians. The real reason for 
the publication of the proclamation was a case of false 
accusation. Earlier, Governor Martin had advertised the 
same information, but offered the reward for a man 
named John Collins; and it was only on the receipt of 

54 North-Carolina Gazette, April 24, 1778, 

304 The North Carolina Historical Review 

later information from Georgia that the alleged murderer 
was thought to be Hezekiah. Martin's notice concluded by 
saying that the proclamation was thus to be "published again, 
and the Reward offered for the right Person." 55 

Also from Georgia came an advertisement concerning an 
act of piracy. Patrick Mackay of that province composed a 
long notice which not only gave the details of the crime, but 
but also provided a very complete description of the vessel 
which was stolen, along with other useful and interesting 
information. First of all, Mackay said he was publishing the 
account of this "most daring and flagitious robbery and 
piracy" in the hope that it would be "for the public good of all 
commercial counties, as well as for the recovery of his own 

The act of piracy occurred during the night of October 31, 
1775, when "nine armed men came on board a schooner, then 
lying moored off the point of Sappello . . . cut both her cables 
(which were all that were on board) and proceeded im- 
mediately to sea." Two of the pirates were known to Mackay, 
who named and described them. The others were unknown 
to him. When the schooner was attacked there were three 
Negroes and a white man on board. As the pirates worked 
the vessel "near the bar," the white man and two of the 
Negroes were put off into the schooner's small boat and per- 
mitted to return. The third Negro, however, was kept on 
board. Since the only provisions on the vessel were a few 
potatoes and a little water, Mackay thought it likely the 
pirates might try to sell the Negro, "that they may, with the 
purchase money, procure accessaries." 

The schooner herself was square-sterned and "painted light 
blue," with "bright sides, and six port holes and two quarter 
lights on each side." Designed to "carry about 300 barrels of 
rice," the vessel was "quite new, built in South Carolina," 
and was fifty-three feet long, twenty-two feet wide, with 
nine-foot hatches. Some of the painting had not yet been done, 
nor had the cabinet work been completed, "being just out of 
the builders hands." As for rigging, the topmasts were up but 
there were no crossyards; part of the canvas was new, though 

55 North-Carolina Gazette, January 7, 1774. 

Cultural and Social Advertising 305 

some of it was "half worn." New though she was, the "hook 
over her boltsprit" was gone and a hawser was used instead. 
Mackay then threw in the information that he had gotten the 
vessel at a "marshal's sale" at Savannah. 

At the end of the column-long advertisement, Mackay of- 
fered appropriate rewards for the capture and conviction of 
the pirates and for the return of the slave. In addition, he 
promised he would allow a "reasonable and generous salvage 
for recovering and delivering the said schooner ... to be 
awarded and determined upon by any three merchants or in- 
different persons, or otherwise according to law or custom." 56 

Though the word kidnapping was not used, that particu- 
larly heinous crime was chronicled by John Caruthers in the 
New Bern North-Carolina Gazette in the spring of 1778. In- 
serted ostensibly to offer a reward for the capture of the ab- 
ductors, the advertisement nevertheless is an excellent news 
story as well, providing many details of the crime. On a 
Saturday night early in April, two men, "in disguise . . . with 
masks on their faces, and clubs in their hands," broke into the 
house of Caruthers's caretaker, a free Negro woman named 
Ann Driggus. The attackers "beat" the woman and "wounded 
her terribly and [then] carried away four of her children, 
three girls and a boy, . . ." One of the girls, presumably the 
eldest, "got off in the dark and made her escape," though the 
captors still held the others. Caruthers said that Ann Driggus 
had identified the two men, one being a "sailor lately from 
Newbern" and that both men "were on board of a boat 
belonging to Kelly Cason, and was with him about the mid- 
dle of the day." Caruthers would give fifty dollars to anyone 
who would recover the children and seize the kidnappers so 
the law could take its course. 57 

From the standpoint of newspaper space occupied, wealth 
of details published, and the side issues involved, the case 
conveniently labelled "The John Foy Robbery" is easily the 

66 North-Carolina Gazette, [December 22?], 1775. 

57 North-Carolina Gazette, April 10, 1778. A similar case was advertised in 
the same paper on October 9, 1778, by Beaufort County Justice of the Peace 
Thomas Bonner. His was a legal notice directing the various officers of the 
county to bring the culprits to justice. In this case, there were three ab- 
ductors; and two children of a free Negress, Sara Blango Moore, were 
taken. The children were six-year-old twins, a boy and a girl. 

306 The North Carolina Historical Review 

most interesting of crimes reported in the advertising columns. 
The robbery occurred on the morning of February 4, 1775, 
and it is reasonable to suppose that before nightfall all New 
Bern was discussing the event. In the course of the next 
few days, the victim, John Foy, had drawn up an advertise- 
ment describing the crime, had enlisted the aid of Governor 
Josiah Martin in the matter, and had made a public apology 
for having made a false accusation in attempting to identify 
the robbers. 

On Friday, February 3rd, two men stopped by John Foy's 
house to spend the night. The next morning, having eaten 
breakfast, they gave Foy "a Thirty Shilling Bill to change, 
in Order to pay their Reckoning." When he went into the next 
room to get the change, Foy recounted, "they rushed in upon 
me, presenting their Rifles at me, and ordered me to deliver 
up my keys; . . ." When he insisted he did not have the keys, 
Foy continued, "they made my Negro Wench bring them a 
Hammer, and compelled me to break open the Chest, . . ." 
Once this was done, the robbers stole about 375 pounds, 
proclamation money; and then, forcing Foy to unlock yet 
another chest, "plundered it of near the like Sum." To add 
insult to injury, the thieves also made off with a coat, leather 
bags and breeches, and some other articles. 

John Foy's powers of observation seemed to be in full 
operation that day, for he gave a very thorough description 
of the men, their appearance, what they wore, and their horses 
—one of which had been stolen from Foy himself. One of the 
men was rather undistinguished except for a "down Look," 
while the other, who had "curled Locks," was described as 
"full mouthed, talks very pertly, and is lame in his right Knee 
and Leg; . . ." 58 

Taking cognizance of this "most daring Robbery," Governor 
Josiah Martin issued a proclamation directing law enforce- 
ment officers to assist in capturing the criminals. The procla- 
mation repeated a few of the details of the crime, though it 
placed the date erroneously as February 3rd. The Governor's 
statement charged that the robbers, who were thought to be 


North-Carolina Gazette, February 24, 1775, 

Cultural and Social Advertising 307 

Virginians, had placed John Foy "in Fear of instant Death, 
. . ." The proclamation did not offer a monetary reward- 
John Foy had already offered a hundred pounds— but it did 
invoke the majesty of the law in Foy's behalf so that the 
robbers might more quickly be brought to justice. 59 

Sometime within a few days after the robbery, John Foy 
must have accused two men of having committed the crime 
but upon further investigation had discovered the accusation 
to be false. To make amends, Foy drew up a certificate in the 
form of an advertisement which he acknowledged before 
Lewis Williams and Edmund Hatch and then had published 
in the newspaper. In the item, Foy admitted "that I have seen 
and conversed with Mr. James Ran and Mr. Joel Mavery, and 
they are not the Men which I suspected to have robbed me, 
as described in the Papers of the 10th Instant." 60 

Foy's description of the robbery continued to appear for 
some time; but he apparently felt that the recovery of the 
£750 was not likely, for on April 7, 1775, he announced that 
the reward would be "in Proportion to the Money they [the 
captors] shall find with them [the robbers] ." 61 

Upon at least one occasion, a North Carolina newspaper 
printed a denial that a crime had been committed, a refuta- 
tion of rumors which seemed to have gained wide acceptance 
and to have created a stir in the community. The advertise- 
ment itself provides an excellent description of some of the di- 
versions enjoyed by those who were not of the elite. Accepting 
the advertisement as a candid statement of fact, it is not diffi- 
cult to believe that the social activities of the lesser folk were 
boisterous and even dangerous— anything except relaxing. 

B9 North-Carolina Gazette, February 24, 1775. 

60 North-Carolina Gazette, February 24, 1775. This notice is on page three 
and the internal date is February 22nd. The other advertisements relating 
to the robbery are on page four. 

61 North-Carolina Gazette, April 7, 1775. The advertisement last appeared 
in the issue of May 12, 1775, and it is possible that one of the robbers was 
captured about that time. A news item from Dobbs County, appearing in 
the New Bern North-Carolina Gazette on July 14, 1775, contained this 
notation: "We hear from Salisbury, that this Province is at last delivered 
from that Pest of Society Joseph Pettaway, one of the Persons that robbed 
Mr. Foy, and who has committed [with others] . . . the most daring 
Robberies that perhaps have been perpetrated in America. This Man 
[Pettaway] made his Exit at the Gallows in Salisbury, on the 30th of June 
last/, • . . 

308 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Roughly a century before Samuel Clemens branded reports 
of his death as "grossly exaggerated," a North Carolinian 
named John Banks, apparently a carpenter, appeared before 
Justices of the Peace James Davis and Thomas Haslen in 
New Bern to make a somewhat similar, though more legal- 
istic, denial. The preamble to the deposition explains why the 
deposition was necessary. It seems that a story "was raised 
and spread about," sometime around November 12th to 15th, 
1774, that John Banks was "most inhumanly murdered" in 
the vicinity of Peacock's bridge in Dobbs County. This story, 
which "spread ... to every Quarter of this and the neighbour- 
ing Provinces with surprising Rapidity and Credulity," was 
doing damage to the reputations of "innocent Persons, said 
to be concerned therein, . . ." In order to set the record 
straight and to prove that the "innocent Persons" were really 
innocent, John Banks appeared in the flesh and told, to the 
best of his remembrance, the events which led up to the 
creation of the rumors. The deposition ran thus: 

THAT he John Banks, sometime near the 15th of November 
past, borrowed a Horse of Jesse Accock (for whom he was at 
that Time engaged to build a House) to ride to Peacock's 
Bridge, at which place Mr. Zachariah Mason had advertised the 
Public he would take a Boat out of his Pocket in which a Man 
should cross Contentny Creek, to see which, many People beside 
himself met: That some Time after he . . . got there, he sat in 
to drinking, continued to do so at Intervals that Day out, the 
ensuing Night, and the next Day until about 2 o'Clock, P. M. 
that then he went up Stairs (at Coopers, the Person who then 
lived at the Bridge) and went to sleep upon a Bed, and slept 
until about 3 o'Clock in the Morning, at which Time some Per- 
sons came up Stairs, and bound a Cord round one of his Legs, 
and drew him and the Bed to the Head of the Stairs, then 
slacked the Rope, and he walked down Stairs, where he found 
he supposes, about 20 People, mostly (to Appearance) drunk: 
That upon his entering the Room below Stairs, his Heels were 
knocked up, and some Person thrown upon him, then was per- 
mitted to rise, and the same was twice or thrice repeated, after 
which the Company began to exercise the same Kind of Treat- 
ment upon each other : That he then went up Stairs for his Coat 
and Shoes, after obtaining which, he left the House and County 
in as secret a Manner as he possibly could : And that he received 

Cultural and Social Advertising 309 

no Wound whatever at that Time, or at any other Time, at that 
Place, that endangered the Loss either of Life or Member, and 
he believes no other Person did at the Time before mentioned. 62 

'"North-Carolina Gazette, October 6, 1775. The deposition was taken be- 
fore Davis and Haslen on September 28, 1775. Why there was a delay of 
more than ten months between the event and Banks's affidavit is not clear. 
Perhaps it took that long for the rumors to grow to dangerous proportions, 
or perhaps the whereabouts of Banks was not known earlier. 


By Griffith A. Hamlin 


The Disciples of Christ in North Carolina were in their 
infancy in 1852. They were less than ten years old as a 
religious body within the State. The following fifty years 
were years of struggle to establish such institutions and or- 
ganizations that would enable them to do more effective 
work and also to take their place with the older and more 
established churches in the State. Sunday schools, private 
schools, missionary organization, ministerial training and 
kindred items were born and grew into some degree of ma- 
turity during that half-century. 

These pages are devoted primarily to the educational ac- 
tivities as manifested in the establishment of numerous pri- 
vate schools and, finally, a permanent college. Furthermore, 
the Disciples of Christ were committed to establish the kind 
of educational institutions and practices that would be in 
harmony with the ideas that had been set forth by their 
founding fathers. Since that educational heritage did have 
direct bearing upon the educational pattern they would at- 
tempt in North Carolina, it is important that their heritage 
be understood. 

Alexander Campbell and His Educational Interests 

The church known as the Disciples of Christ was founded 
in Pennsylvania in 1809 by Thomas Campbell and his son, 
Alexander. Both men had come to America from Ireland 
where they had been ministers of the Presbyterian church. In 
an age of much controversy regarding theological beliefs as 
expressed in creeds, both Thomas and Alexander Campbell 
were impressed very greatly by the philosophy of John Locke 
who had written that the only requirement for membership 
in the Church of Christ "should consist of such things, and 
such things only, as the Holy Spirit has in the Holy Scriptures 


Disciples of Christ 311 

declared, in express words, to be necessary for salvation." 1 
Thus, the Campbells inferred from Locke that all creeds were 
to be abandoned, and that the Bible alone contained sufficient 
instructions without the use of any creed or catechism. When 
Thomas Campbell wrote his famous The Declaration and 
Address in 1809, setting forth the new principles to be fol- 
lowed by the new church, its similarity to Locke's statements 
is unmistakable. 

There were additional factors, of course, that were influen- 
tial in determining the kind of church the Campbells would 
establish. During his educational preparation at the Univer- 
sity of Glasgow, for example, Alexander Campbell became 
closely associated with some leaders of the Haldane move- 
ment in that city. The Haldanes were interested in returning 
to what they regarded to be the correct practice of the church 
of the first century. Such things as the independence of local 
congregations, weekly observance of the Lord's Supper and 
baptism by immersion became openly advocated by them. 
Those same practices were to become an integral part of the 
Disciples of Christ. 

Alexander Campbell did not stop with the minimum es- 
sential of evangelism. He seemed to have a very high regard 
for education, even regarding it as a panacea for most of the 
ills of society. From his investigation of penitentiary records 
he concluded that the tendency toward crime among il- 
literates was fourteen times greater than among literates. He 
concluded that education would very greatly reduce crime 
if not eliminate it completely. It must be remembered that 
when Campbell spoke of education, he included therein what 
might be called "character education." On one occasion he 
defined education as "the full development of man in his 
whole physical, intellectual, and moral constitution, with a 
proper reference to his whole destiny in the universe of 
God." 2 His interest in education led him to be a crusader 

1 John Locke, "A Letter Concerning Toleration," Charles L. Sherman, ed., 
Treatise of ■Civil Government and a Letter Concerning Toleration (New 
York, D. Appleton-Century Co., 1937), 177. 

2 Alexander Campbell, The Millenial Harbinger (Bethany, Virginia [now- 
West Virginia], 1830-1870), XX, New Series, Vol., 5, 1850, 123. Hereinafter 
cited as Campbell, The Millenial Harbinger. 

312 The North Carolina Historical Review 

for the establishment of common (public) schools in his 
State of Virginia. As a representative from Brooke County to 
the Constitutional Convention of 1829, 1830, Alexander 
Campbell introduced the only resolution calling for the legis- 
lature to establish "such common schools as will be the most 
conducive to secure for the youth of this commonwealth such 
an education as may most promote the public good." 3 When 
his resolution was rejected by the Convention, he wrote very 
indignantly that Virginia, once distinguished for her eminent 
statesmen, now "has sent her Magna Carta to the world with- 
out the recognition of education at all— without one word 
upon the subject, as though it were no concern of the state." 4 
His efforts to promote common schools were not confined to 
the legislative halls. He welcomed every opportunity to speak 
before teachers' assemblies and thus to bring the need for 
education closer to the people. Furthermore, he worked out 
a curriculum that he believed should be followed by the 
whole system of education— through the common schools, 
academies, and colleges. His suggested curriculum was based 
upon seven "arts" which he maintained were basic for edu- 
cation: thinking, reading, spelling, singing, writing, calculat- 
ing, and bookkeeping. 

At the same Constitutional Convention in Virginia, Alex- 
ander Campbell presented another resolution in the field of 
education that sounds out of harmony coming from a Chris- 
tian educator. He sought to include in the Virginia Constitu- 
tion a clause that would make it impossible for the State of 
Virginia ever to grant a charter to any church group for the 
purpose of establishing a "Theological School." The reason 
was that Campbell opposed "theological speculation" as a 
valid method of arriving at religious truth. Only the explicit 
writings of the Scriptures should be the basis for a minister's 
education, in his estimation. Such an emphasis by Campbell 
was to have far-reaching influence across the United States 
in regard to the kind of schools and colleges that should be 
established by the Disciples of Christ. Should their colleges 
be strictly "Bible Colleges," or could they be more like "Lib- 

8 Journal of the Virginia 'Constitutional Convention, 1829, 1830, 181. 
4 Campbell, The Millennial Harbinger, XI, 1841, 431. 

Disciples of Christ 313 

eral Arts Colleges"? In brief, the more conservative Disciples 
of Christ choose to establish and support "Bible Colleges." 
Names like Ozark Bible College, Cincinnati Bible Seminary, 
and, in North Carolina, Roanoke Bible College in Elizabeth 
City are typical. Such schools have not chosen to become 
affiliated with the Board of Higher Education of the Disciples 
of Christ. They have become the training centers for the 
group known as the "Independents" or "Churches of Christ." 

It was in 1839 that Alexander Campbell announced his in- 
tention to open a new type of Institution on his plantation. 
The institution would include a printing press, a primary 
school, a college and a church. It seems apparent that his idea 
for such an enterprise came from contemporary "colony" 
experiments by such men as Fellenberg in Switzerland, Ober- 
lin in France, and a great many in America. Perhaps the 
New Harmony enterprise, founded by Robert Owen, was 
the most famous in America. The printing press continued 
only during Campbell's lifetime, but the church and college 
(Bethany College) have continued to the present. Several 
North Carolinians attended Bethany College before a similar 
school was established in North Carolina. 

There is much more that could be said about Alexander 
Campbell's keen interest and concern about education. What 
has been said, however, has been sufficient to indicate some- 
thing of his desire for an educated ministry and laity, and 
also something of the kind of education that he believed 
was best. 

Campbellian Ideology Enters North Carolina 

There were three major ways by which the principles ad- 
vocated by Alexander Campbell made their way into North 
Carolina. First of all, periodicals edited by him, beginning in 
1823, soon found their way into North Carolina homes. In 
1826 the first item from North Carolina appeared in the cur- 
rent periodical, The Christian Baptist, thus indicating written 
contact between two areas. 

In the second place, and evidently much more vital, was 
the personal contact that Thomas Campbell, Alexander's 
father, made in North Carolina in his lecture tour of 1833. 

314 The North Carolina Historical Review 

For one thing, his visit to the State resulted in certain Baptist 
groups uniting with the Disciples of Christ. Twelve years 
after Thomas Campbell's visit to the State enough Free Will 
Baptist churches and ministers had adopted the principles 
of the Campbells that the Disciples of Christ consider his visit 
as the birth date of their organized work in North Carolina. 
Of the twenty-six ministers on the first roll of the Disciples 
of Christ in 1845, twenty-four were from the Free Will 
Baptists. The assimilation of the Free Will Baptists within the 
Disciples' fold brought many of the Baptist customs into the 
Disciples of Christ. One was the custom of having regular 
meetings of churches within a given geographical area. They 
were called "Union Meetings," and they usually met when- 
ever a fifth Sunday occurred in a month. Often the previous 
Friday and Saturday were included too. Those Union Meet- 
ings were to become effective avenues through which the 
educational leaders could get to the mass constituency of 
the membership. Another group of Baptists who contributed 
to the membership and educational leadership of the Dis- 
ciples of Christ were the Union Baptists. Two ministers of 
their church, John L. Winfield and C. W. Howard, joined 
with the Disciples of Christ around 1870 and became out- 
standing in educational work. 

The third way in which Campbellian ideology entered 
North Carolina was through the person and work of the first 
educator-evangelist who was employed to work throughout 
all the churches of the Disciples of Christ within the State. 
His name was John Tomline Walsh, a Virginian, who began 
his work in North Carolina in 1852. His background made 
him well-qualified for his new duties. A number of years 
earlier, 1844, he edited in Richmond, Virginia, his first publi- 
cation— The Southern Review. 5 There are no copies of that 
periodical known to be extant. Indications are that it was a 
secular journal including articles on religion. In 1848 Walsh 
moved to Philadelphia where he established a medical col- 
lege and occupied the chair of anatomy and physiology. 
Those experiences in education, administration, and writing 

5 Griffith Askew Hamlin, The Life and Influence of Dr. John Tomline 
Walsh (Wilson, 1942), 19. 

Disciples of Christ 315 

were to be of value to him in somewhat similar tasks in North 
Carolina. Actually, it was in 1852 when Walsh moved to 
North Carolina that the story of private schools and Sunday 
School really begins for the Disciples of Christ. Prior to that 
time the churches had been primarily occupied with evange- 
lism and establishing themselves. By 1852, under competent 
leadership, they could begin a larger program. This is not 
to imply that over-night there would come into existence pri- 
vate schools and Sunday Schools adequate in every way to 
meet the needs of the people. On the contrary, the first twenty 
years could best be described as a period of many failures 
and few successes. 

The Status of Contemporary Common Schools and 
Denominational Colleges in North Carolina 

The educational efforts of the Disciples of Christ in the 
years just prior to, and immediately following, the Civil War 
can be understood better in the light of contemporary educa- 
tional work by the State and by churches. The first State- wide 
school system in North Carolina was established by the legis- 
lature in 1839. There were many weaknesses in that first 
school law. It did not state how school houses were to be 
provided. Nothing was said about the qualifications and em- 
ployment of teachers. No mention was made as to when 
schools should begin and what subjects should be taught; nor 
was any provision made for a general authority at the head 
of the system for the purpose of guiding and advising super- 
intendents, committee members and teachers. In spite of the 
weakness, however, public schools in North Carolina had 
come to stay. The financial arrangement was for the State to 
pay two dollars for every dollar raised by the counties 
through taxation. The first year's budget was $3,600, with 
$1,200 coming from counties and $2,400 coming from the 
State treasury. By 1850 the budget was $158,564. 6 One hun- 
dred and four thousand pupils were enrolled in 2,657 schools 
with 2,730 teachers. In 1853 an important step was taken 
when the legislature created the position of General Super- 

6 Charles Lee Smith, The History of Education in North 'Carolina (Wash- 
ington, D. C, United States Government Printing Office, 1888), 169. 

316 The North Carolina Historical Review 

intendent of Common Schools. Calvin H. Wiley was ap- 
pointed to fill that position, and he remained in office until 
1865. Wiley generally is credited with founding the present 
educational system in North Carolina. He soon made it obli- 
gatory for teachers to be certified before employment and 
he also recommended books for teachers and pupils. At first 
the wealthier people did not patronize common schools. 
Those who could afford it sent their children to private schools 
and academies. However, with the passing of years, common 
schools became more firmly entrenched, and parents increas- 
ingly turned to them for the education of their children. As 
that happened, private schools and academies decreased for 
lack of patronage. That change did not take place appreci- 
ably, however, until the late years of the last century. But 
it was to have direct bearing upon the private schools of the 
Disciples of Christ and of all other religious bodies. 

The beginning of denominational colleges might be as- 
cribed to the great religious revival that swept through North 
Carolina in 1810 and 1811, resulting in a desire of the 
churches to establish colleges that would be orthodox in 
doctrine. The Baptists took the lead in that movement, fol- 
lowed by the Presbyterians and Methodists. Wake Forest 
opened in 1834; Davidson in 1837; Trinity in 1851. Those 
denominational schools were under way before the Disciples 
of Christ were scarcely established as an organized body 
in North Carolina. 

Early Failures and Successes of Private Schools 

The first attempt of the Disciples of Christ to establish an 
educational institution in North Carolina was in 1854. John 
Walsh was the leader in that crusade. The tentative plans 
called for a Female Institute to be established in Hookerton. 
An urgent appeal was written by Walsh in his periodical. 
The appeal was entitled "The Hookerton Female Institute," 
and it ran thus: 

Why should we be behind all other denominations in the State, 
with reference to schools and colleges? Can any good reason 
be given? Why should we help build up institutions of learning 

Disciples of Christ 317 

for other denominations and send our children to them to be 
secularized ? We have followed this suicidal pattern long enough. 
We can have a female school of high order, and we must have 
one. Many brethren are now ready to act in this matter. We want 
no small affair. Let us have a school worthy of public patronage 
— one free from all sectarianism. And Hookerton is the place for 
such a school. It is central and healthy. We would suggest that 
all the friends of such a school, who can make it convenient to 
do so, attend the Union Meeting to commence on Friday before 
the fifth Lord's Day. 7 

Several statements in the above quotation need to be 
amplified. In the first place, the stated intention to make the 
school free from all sectarianism was in accord with the 
Campbellian meaning of that term. That is, the desire was for 
no particular opinions to be advocated as the source of 
religious truth. If they were to teach Christian truth, the 
Bible alone should be the source book for it. 

The second important statement is in regard to Hookerton 
being central. The Disciples of Christ were confined mainly 
to the eastern third of the State. That was due, in part, to the 
fact that Thomas Campbell had preached in that area, and 
also because that was the location of most of the Free Will 
Baptists out of which the Disciples of Christ had developed. 
Therefore, when Hookerton is described as central, it meant 
that it was central to that eastern part of the State, and not to 
the State as a whole, for Hookerton was not over seventy-five 
miles from the Atlantic coast, but four hundred miles from 
the western boundary of the State. 

In the third place, it can be seen that the Union Meetings, 
inherited from the Baptists, were coming to have increasing 
significance. They provided a very effective medium for tak- 
ing any proposal directly to the constituency of the churches 
within a given geographical area. Such meetings have con- 
tinued to be a highly effective promotional medium to the 
present day. 

In addition to soliciting funds from the Disciples of Christ, 
an appeal also was sent to the Baptists. The Baptists were 
reminded that when they established Chowan Female Insti- 

7 John Tomline Walsh, ed., The Christian Friend (Wilson, Goldsboro), 
January, 1854, 121. 

318 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tute in Murfreesboro in 1848, they had solicited funds from 
among the Disciples of Christ. Now the Baptists were given 
a chance to reciprocate. Plans for the Hookerton school went 
to far as to organize a Board of Trustees. The officers of the 
Board were: John P. Dunn, President; Winsor Dixon, Vice 
President; George Joyner, Secretary; William Dixon, Assistant 
Secretary. To the disappointment of the enthusiasts funds 
were slow to be realized, and the project finally was dropped. 
The Disciples of Christ had failed in their first venture to 
establish a school. It should be remembered that it was a 
rather ambitious project for such a small group— less than 
five thousand. Furthermore, the Disciples of Christ were a 
loosely-knit body without any means of assessing the mem- 
bers for an enterprise involving financial support. 

Three years later, 1857, there was another attempt to estab- 
lish a boarding school for young ladies in Farmville. Even 
after three thousand dollars had been pledged the school was 
not founded. Shortly after that second failure Walsh himself 
attempted to establish a school for girls in Kinston, but he, 
too, was unsuccessful. He claimed that he had received in 
pledges about nine thousand dollars, and that its failure was 
"a monument to our folly as lasting as the hills, or the pyra- 
mids of Egypt." Such words are reminiscent of the indigna- 
tion with which Alexander Campbell had criticized the fail- 
ure of Virginia to establish common schools nearly thirty 
years before. 

The First Taste of Success 

After the failure of John Walsh to establish a school in 
Kinston, the attempt was revived by several others in 1860. 
The school was established, and Walsh was made the princi- 
pal. It is credited with being the first school established by a 
member of the Disciples of Christ in North Carolina for the 
purpose of educating young ladies. The first term began in 
January, 1860, and continued through June. The second term 
began on July 23, and closed on December 21. The official 
name of the school was the Kinston Female Seminary. A 
survey of the course of instruction indicates that it included 

Disciples of Christ 319 

both elementary and higher branches of study. The list of 
courses and the cost were written as follows: 

Elementary — Spelling, Reading, Writing, Primary 

Geography and Arithmetic $8.00 

Higher English — Grammar, Geography, Arithmetic, 

History, Geology, Natural Philosophy, 

and Chemistry 10.00 

The above, including moral and mental philosophy, 

logic, Rhetoric, Algebra and Astronomy .... 12.00 
The Languages — French, Latin and Greek 

five dollars each 15.00 

Music — on Piano, with use of instrument 17.00 

On Melodeon, with use of instrument 12.00 

Embroidery, Etc — Five dollars each. 

Wax flowers 10.00 

Contingent Expenses 25 8 

The announcement added a footnote that a few small boys 
of good moral character would be received under the special 
charge of the principal. Furthermore, it added that when 
parents have both boys and girls, and wish to enter the boys, 
they will be expected to enter the girls also; and when the 
girls are sent to other schools in Kinston, the boys would not 
be received. 

After one year the Civil War began, and the Kinston Fe- 
male Seminary was disbanded. During the years of the War 
there is no record of any private educational institution in 
North Carolina being conducted by a member of the Disciples 
of Christ. Immediately after the War there were two schools, 
but very little can be learned about them. One was a school 
conducted by Joseph Foy in Stantonsburg from 1865 until 
1870. Foy's prominence as an educator, however, was to come 
a few years later. Likewise, another rising young educator 
of that period, Joseph Kinsey, conducted a school in Pleasant 
Hill, Jones County, just after the Civil War. But very little 
is known about it except that among his pupils was Furnifold 
M. Simmons who later became a distinguished senator from 
North Carolina. 

8 "Semi-annual Announcement of Kinston Female Seminary," John Tom- 
line Walsh, ed., Carolina Christian Monthly (Goldsboro), May, 1860, 120. 

320 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Such was the first phase of the attempt on the part of the 
Disciples of Christ in North Carolina to establish private 
schools. The number of failures far outnumbered the suc- 
cesses. The people soon were to become school conscious, 
however, and the final quarter of the century was to witness 
a rapid growth and integration of efforts. 

Private Schools After the Civil War 

Students of North Carolina history are familiar with the 
fact that the year 1870 witnessed the impeachment of Gov- 
ernor William Woods Holden. The remainder of his term was 
filled by Lieutenant Governor Tod R. Caldwell who suc- 
ceeded himself and died in office. The remainder of Cald- 
well's term was filled by Lieutenant Governor C. H. Brodgen. 
The next governor, Zebulon B. Vance, who took office on 
January 1, 1877, succeeded in restoring an orderly and pro- 
gressive state government. Declaring that it was impossible 
to have an effective school system without providing for the 
training of teachers, Vance asked the legislature to establish 
a normal school for white teachers and one for Negro teach- 
ers. The legislature accepted his request. A school for white 
teachers was established at the University of North Carolina, 
and one for Negro teachers at Fayetteville. 9 

By 1884 a state teachers' organization had been estab- 
lished, adopting the name North Carolina Teachers' Assem- 
bly. It has had a continuous existence, developing into the 
North Carolina Education Association. The 1887 Teachers' 
Assembly met at Morehead City in a building that had been 
erected that year at a cost of about three thousand dollars. 
The major portion of that cost was borne by Julian S. Carr, 
North Carolina's first millionaire. The building at Morehead 
City served as the central meeting place of the Teachers' 
Assembly until its destruction by fire in 1894. In spite of all 
those apparent progressive movements in the direction of 
better public schools, it should be noted that in 1880 North 

9 The Fayetteville school is the oldest institution in the South devoted 
exclusively to the training of Negro teachers, Lefler and Newsome, North 
Carolina: The History of a Southern State (Chapel Hill: The University 
of North Carolina Press, 1954), 501-502. 

Disciples of Christ 321 

Carolina spent less than $2.00 per child for education. 10 
Private schools still had their place in helping to meet the 
educational needs of the people. The Disciples of Christ, like 
other religious bodies, fostered such schools. 

As a result of the Civil War there were many war orphans. 
In the 1873 General State Convention of the Disciples of 
Christ it was proposed that "a Committee on High School be 
organized and instructed to report a plan for establishing a 
High School, with an Orphan Department, at our next meet- 
ing." 11 The Committee appointed was R. W. King, Dr. F. W. 
Dixon, R. J. Taylor, J. J. Harper, George Joyner, Josephus 
Latham and J. H. Foy. 

The next year the Committee reported as requested, and 
recommended a plan to establish the high school with an 
orphan department. It was to be under the supervision of the 
General State Convention, and not just operated privately 
by an individual. That was a significant and progressive sug- 
gestion by the Committee. The plan called for the formation 
of a stock company with the total capital to be not less than 
ten thousand dollars— in shares of twenty-five dollars. If any 
church or individual donated two hundred dollars or more to 
the school, it would be privileged to keep one pupil in the 
school free of tuition. Finally, the Committee requested that 
a Board of Education be appointed by the Convention Chair- 
man to try to raise the ten thousand dollars by the next 
Annual Meeting. The Chairman appointed Joseph Foy, J. L. 
Winfield, Dr. H. D. Harper, S. H. Rountree, and Dr. F. W. 
Dixon to serve on the Board of Education. 

The lack of anticipated support prohibited the proposed 
High School from being established. In 1875 the project 
was dropped entirely. The statement was to the effect that 
from the spirit manifested by the people, no school could 
be inaugurated "under the specific control of the brethren" 
for the present. Words of high appreciation were expressed 
regarding the teaching activities of Joseph H. Foy in Wilson 

10 C. W. Dabney, Universal Education in the South (Chapel Hill: The Uni- 
versity of North Carolina Press, 1936), I, 114. 

11 Minutes of Proceedings, 1873, Annual Convention, North Carolina 
Disciples of Christ, hereinafter cited as Minutes of Proceedings. 

322 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and Joseph Kinsey in LaGrange — two educators of the 
Disciples of Christ who were rising to prominence. Kinsey 
operated his own school, and Foy was principal of the male 
division of Wilson College. Sylvester Hassell, prominent 
Primitive Baptist leader, was president of the college. 

Foy and Kinsey were not the only ones prominent in edu- 
cational work during that period. Other individual Disciples 
of Christ were making their reputation as teachers and ad- 
ministrators. One such educator was Josephus Latham who 
served for a while as superintendent of education in Pitt 
County. Later he conducted a school of his own near Farm- 
ville. In May, 1876, John Walsh wrote that "Brother Latham 
is now conducting a school in Farmville, Pitt County, which 
is in a prosperous condition. He is a popular teacher whose 
greatest proficiency is in mathematics rather than philology 
or the languages." 12 

Another teacher of note was Curtis W. Howard. Originally 
a Union Baptist, Howard turned his attention to the Disciples 
of Christ under the tutelage of Joseph Foy. After his academic 
preparation he taught mathematics in the Kinston Collegiate 
Institute operated by Dr. R. H. Lewis, a Baptist. During the 
1877-1878 session Howard was listed as an assistant to prin- 
cipal Lewis. In 1890 he became superintendent of schools 
for Lenoir County, maintaining that position for sixteen years. 

A layman, Dr. F. W. Dixon, operated an educational insti- 
tution known as Clarella Institute in Snow Hill. Dixon had 
been a student at Bethany College, founded by Alexander 
Campbell, and later he entered medical practice. Very little 
is known about Clarella Institute, but the records indicate 
that it was in operation during most of the 1870's. Each ses- 
sion was for twenty weeks. The course of study was probably 
on the elementary level. 

The question might well be raised regarding the value 
of these various schools in the education of the ministry. 
Those schools were on the elementary level only, and offered 
no special training for the ministry. To receive special minis- 
terial instruction it was necessary to go out of the State and 
attend a college such as Bethany or Transylvania. That is 

12 John Tomline Walsh, ed., The Watch Tower (Kinston), May, 1876, 9. 

Disciples of Christ 323 

not to say that the ministers in North Carolina received no 
specific instruction of any kind. In spite of the lack of insti- 
tutional education there were several channels through which 
instruction was offered especially for ministers. John Walsh 
used the pages of his monthly journals to include specific 
instructions for ministers. One such article was entitled 
"Rules for Preachers" in which he discussed the ethics of a 
minister, and the preparation and delivery of sermons. Again, 
in 1884, just two years before his death, Walsh wrote his 
"Rules of Interpretation" in which he stressed the importance 
of discovering the meaning of the words "as they were em- 
ployed by the sacred writers of the Old and New Testa- 
ment. 13 

Next to John Walsh, Joseph Foy was probably the most 
significant influence in helping ministers. In 1889 Foy pub- 
lished a manual that was destined to be used by ministers 
for half a century. It was The Christian Worker— A Practical 
Manual For Preachers and Church Officials. Its 189 pages 
were devoted exclusively to suggestions and recommended 
procedures for ministers in the performance of their duties. 
The value of such a manual was enhanced by the fact that 
very few of the ministers had attended an educational insti- 
tution that would have taught them the formal aspects of the 
ministry. Eight years before the publication of his manual, 
Foy and Calvin H. Wiley were awarded honorary doctorates 
by the University of North Carolina. Among Foy's pupils 
were Charles Brantley Aycock, Josephus Daniels, Frank 
Daniels, Rudolph Duffy, James W. Hines and James Y. Joyner. 
The biographer of Aycock has written that Foy encouraged 
young Aycock to such an extent that Aycock "never failed to 
acknowledge the interest which this instructor took in him." 14 
Josephus Daniels wrote of Foy that ". . . it is doubtful if a 
more brilliant teacher lived in North Carolina in the seventies 

13 John Tomline Walsh, The Living Age (Kinston, 1884, 1885), November, 
1884, 295. 

14 R. D. W. Connor and Clarence Poe, The Letters and Speeches of Charles 
B. Aycock (Garden City, New York, Doubleday, Page and Company, 1912), 

324 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and eighties." 15 In his later years Foy was given a pension 
through the Carnegie Foundation largely because Josephus 
Daniels personally brought the matter to Carnegie's attention, 
and the rules and regulations were waived to permit Foy to 
be included. 

Attempts At Permanency 

Beginning about 1890 there was a great revival for public 
education in North Carolina. The North Carolina Teachers' 
Assembly, along with the State Superintendent of Public In- 
struction, for several years had been crusading for the estab- 
lishment of a normal college for women where teacher train- 
ing could be obtained tuition free. The normal department 
of the University of North Carolina was for men only, but 
two-thirds of the public school teachers were women. Accord- 
ingly, a normal school for white women was established in 
Greensboro in 1891. 

It was with the inauguration of Charles B. Ay cock as gov- 
ernor in 1901 that a new chapter began in the history of 
education in North Carolina. As a result of Aycock's work, 
the number of towns and cities that established schools be- 
tween 1901 and 1910 increased from 42 to 118. With the in- 
crease in efficiency and standards for public instruction, pri- 
vate schools of inferior quality began to disappear. Only the 
stronger church-related colleges continued to prosper. 

The Disciples of Christ in North Carolina gave evidence 
that they were conscious of their need for a college. In the 
General Convention of 1886 the Committee on Education 
charged that some Disciple students who go to other denomi- 
national colleges "come home prejudiced against the Church 
of their parents, and in some instances cannot even commune 
with the mothers who nursed them in infancy". 16 As a result, 
it was decided in 1891 that the President of the General Con- 
vention should appoint a Board of Trustees of fifteen persons 


From a letter to C. C. Ware, April 22, 1927, from Josephus Daniels, 
Raleigh, N. C, pertaining to Dr. Joseph Henry Foy, C. C. Ware, History of 
the North Carolina Disciples of Christ (St. Louis, Missouri, Christian 
Board of Publication, 1927), 169. 
16 Minutes of Proceedings, 1886, 

Disciples of Christ 325 

whose duty it would be to erect buildings and exercise gen- 
eral supervision of a school. The Chairman of that Board 
of Trustees was J. L. Winfield. Desiring to bring about tangi- 
ble results quickly, the Trustees erected what was known as 
Carolina Christian Institute in the Old Ford community of 
Beaufort County. The Institute opened September 26, 1892, 
and lasted for one session only. During the year of its exist- 
ence it served to instruct a few older students who came 
there. Six ministerial students were enrolled. The Institute 
had only two teachers, no dormitory, and issued no catalog. 
It had the distinction of being the first school of the Disciples 
of Christ in North Carolina to which a financial contribution 
was made from the treasury of their General State Conven- 
tion. The sum of $60.00 was approved, and it was the first 
time that a Convention, as such, had given financial support 
to a school. 

During the ensuing year the Board of Trustees sought a 
better location which might become a permanent establish- 
ment. Several towns offered inducements for a college to be 
established in their vicinity. After due deliberation, the town 
of Ay den was selected. The proposition offered by Ay den 
was one hundred dollars and five acres of land. To encourage 
ministerial students, the Convention approved that all minis- 
terial students would be received tuition free. The new school 
was named Carolina Christian College. It opened its doors on 
September 18, 1893, occupying a frame building that had 
been erected that summer. The catalog of the college listed 
the faculty as Prof. L. T. Rightsell, Mrs. Rightsell, P. S. Swain, 
J. R. Tingle, and Mrs. Mollie Winfield. Seventy students were 
enrolled that first year. Actually, the school was not a college 
in the sense that the term is used today. The course of study 
consisted of secondary English, history, mathematics, music 
and Bible. No degrees were granted. It was more on the order 
of a high school, serving a community in which there was no 
high school operated by the state. The school grew, however, 
until in 1897 the enrollment had reached one hundred-forty, 
with a financial expenditure of about eight hundred-fifty 
dollars. It appeared that Carolina Christian College was on its 
way to becoming the permanent educational institution 

326 The North Carolina Historical Review 

owned and operated by the Disciples of Christ in North 
Carolina. Upon the death of President Winfield in 1897, Asa 
J. Manning was called to fill that office. Manning continued 
to administer its program until it went out of existence five 
years later in 1902. At that time the property was sold, with 
part of the proceeds going to the Ayden Church, and the 
remainder going to establish a new college in Wilson. The 
choice of Wilson as the final location of the permanent col- 
lege was a phase of development that demands a more de- 
tailed explanation. 

Wilson Is Chosen For Permanent College 

There were two factors that led to the choice of Wilson as 
the location for the permanent educational institution of the 
Disciples of Christ in North Carolina. One stems from the 
removal in 1897 of the Kinsey Seminary from LaGrange to 
Wilson. An educational association in Wilson was familiar 
with the quality of work that Kinsey had been doing for sev- 
eral years in LaGrange, and the Association reached an agree- 
ment with Kinsey whereby it would erect a large building for 
occupancy by the fall of 1897. The building was erected at 
the edge of the city at the cost of twenty thousand dollars. 
The Executive Committee of the Board of Directors for the 
new Kinsey Seminary in Wilson consisted of George Hackney, 
Joseph Kinsey, George D. Green and Jonas Oettinger. The 
school opened on its new location September 15, 1897. For 
four years the Seminary operated most successfully but Kin- 
sey's health began to fail after nearly thirty-five years of edu- 
cational work. Furthermore, the financial responsibility was 
becoming increasingly great in the maintenance of an insti- 
tution which appeared to be the leading institution of learn- 
ing in eastern North Carolina. Consequently, Kinsey Semi- 
nary closed in 1901. It was an opportune time for some church 
body to acquire the property and make it into an educational 
enterprise of the first order. It was fortunate for the Disciples 
of Christ that they were able to make the acquisition. 

The second factor that favored Wilson as the choice for 
an educational institution was that the city had been an edu- 

Disciples of Christ 327 

cational center in eastern North Carolina. The State Chronicle 
of May 31, 1889, stated that even before the Civil War, 
Wilson had become the educational center of a large section, 
as well as the commercial depot. The Primitive Baptists 
largely were responsible for the educational growth of the 
community. The first church known to be established in 
Wilson County was Primitive Baptist. It was founded in 1754 
as Toisnot Baptist Church. For practically one hundred years 
all churches of Wilson County were Primitive Baptist. In 
1867 Zions Landmark, the official publication of the Primi- 
tive Baptists, was founded in Wilson and has continued 
through the years. A brief listing of the various schools that 
had been established in Wilson indicates something of the 
educational significance of that town. 

1. Toisnot Academy was incorporated under the laws of 
North Carolina in 1846. It did not begin operation until 
1853, and then under a different name. The date is signifi- 
cant, in that it indicates the earliest known attempt at 
formal education in the township of Wilson. 

2. The Wilson Male Academy, 1853-1863, was the out- 
growth of the proposed Toisnot Academy. 

3. The Wilson Female Seminary, 1853-1859, might be 
regarded as the counterpart of the contemporary Male 

4. The Wilson Male Academy, 1859-1861, was a project of 
Methodist educators. It overlapped the other Male Academy 
in point of time. 

5. The Wilson Female Seminary, 1859-1865, was operated 
by Methodists. The founder was Charles F. Deems who es- 
tablished the Church of the Strangers in New York City 
in 1866. 

6. The Wilson Female Seminary, 1868-1875, was the first 
school to be established in Wilson after the Civil War. It was 
Primitive Baptist in leadership. 

7. The Wilson Collegiate Institute, 1872-1875, was reopened 
two years after it closed and remained in operation until 
shortly before Kinsey Seminary was established — the fore- 
runner of Atlantic Christian College. The Institute was the 
first to publish catalogs which are still in existence. 

8. Wilson College, 1875-1877, was under the supervision of 
Sylvester Hassell. Joseph Foy assisted in the administration. 
His presence there was another factor in turning the atten- 

328 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tion of the Disciples of Christ toward Wilson as a place of 
educational opportunity. It was during the 1875-1876 session 
of the college that Charles B. Aycock, Josephus Daniels, 
Frank Daniels and John D. Gold were students there. It is 
worth noting that Wilson College, administered by a Primi- 
tive Baptist, did not contain any courses in Bible or religion 
in its curriculum. Neither have Primitive Baptists conducted 
Sunday schools or missionary societies in the usual sense of 
the terms. Being rather Calvinistic in doctrine they have 
minimized any works on the part of man to bring about 
conversion to Christianity. Nevertheless, the Primitive Bap- 
tists have sought to foster communities of high moral and 
intellectual development. In that respect they were similar 
to the Campbellian emphasis upon communities of high 
moral and intellectual culture. 

9. The Wilson Collegiate Institute, 1877-1894, was a revival 
of the former Institute of 1872-1875. The new Institute 
continued in operation longer than any other school. For 
several years it was supervised by Silas Warren, a Primitive 
Baptist leader. When it finally closed in 1894, and subse- 
quently no academic institution existed in Wilson for three 
years, this was the longest period in the history of the city 
of Wilson that there was no private school. 

10. Kinsey Seminary, 1897-1901, was the direct antecedent 
of Atlantic Christian College. The Wilson Education Asso- 
ciation purchased for the Seminary a tract of land bordered 
by the streets known as Whitehead, Lee, Rountree and 
Gold. 17 

The Founding of Atlantic Christian College 

When Kinsey Seminary came to a close in 1901 education- 
minded leaders of the Disciples of Christ saw an opportunity 
for making an important step in their scholastic program. 
Daniel Motley, the State Evangelist for the Disciples of 
Christ, wrote a series of articles entitled "Our Need of a 
College." In one article he pointed out that if a college could 
be established in North Carolina it would draw students also 
from South Carolina and Georgia in which there was no 
colleges operated by the Disciples of Christ. 18 By the time of 
the General State Convention in the fall of 1901 the stage was 

17 Charles G. Shreve, "Development of Education to 1900 in Wilson, North 
Carolina" (unpublished M.A. thesis, The University of North Carolina, 
Chapel Hill, 1941), passim. 

18 John Tomline Walsh, The Watch Tower (Washington), June 5, 1901, 1. 

Disciples of Christ 329 

set for the acquisition of the Wilson property formerly used 
by Kinsey. It was agreed that the North Carolina Christian 
Missionary Convention ( the legal name of the Convention of 
Disciples of Christ) would pay the sum of nine thousand for 
the property. Capitalizing upon the enthusiasm generated 
at the Convention, pledges were taken which contributed 
about three thousand dollars within twelve months. Dr. J. J. 
Harper was made the Chancellor. Serving with him on the 
Board of Trustees were Joseph Kinsey, B. H. Melton, D. W. 
Arnold, George Hackney, E. A. Moye, J. W. Hines, K. R. 
Tunstall, and J. S. Basnight. Dr. Harper took quite seriously 
his task of promoting the college throughout the churches 
in the State. On one occasion he wrote that he was grateful 
for the many small contributions, but that there were "many 
Disciples in North Carolina who could contribute large 
amounts, and large amounts are necessary to manage a large 
enterprise." 19 J. C. Coggins was engaged as the first president 
of the college. He travelled extensively among the churches, 
speaking on behalf of the college and soliciting funds for its 
support. The women of the Wilson church effected a plan for 
the furnishing of the thirty-three student rooms. The cost 
was $30.00 per room. Following the example of the Wilson 
church, other groups throughout the State helped furnish 
the building. Nearly seven hundred dollars was raised by that 

When Atlantic Christian College opened on September 3, 
1902, the faculty numbered 9, and the enrollment was 185, 
of which number, 141 were women and 44 were men. Ten 
ministerial students were included. At the State Convention 
in the fall of 1902 the Trustees were empowered to issue 
bonds to cover the cost of the property and improvements 
amounting to eleven thousand dollars. Those bonds were 
fully paid in 1911. 

The catalog of 1902 carried the names of the faculty and 
their respective academic departments as follows: 


Joseph D. Waters, The Watch Tower (Washington), January 2, 1902, 4. 

330 The North Carolina Historical Review 

James Caswell Coggins, President, A.M., S.T.D., L.L.D. 

School of Bible Study 

Abdullah Kori, Syrian Linguist. 

School of Oriental Languages, Greek and Latin 

Glenn G. Cole, B.S., C.E., M.S. 

School of Mathematics and Science 

Miss Ruth M. Alderman, B.S., M.S. 

German, French, English Literature 

Luther R. Shockey 

School of Piano Music 

Miss M. Adele Martin, Mus. B., Mus. M. 

School of Vocal Music 

Miss Bessie Rouse 

School of Painting and Drawing 

Miss Christine Ornberg, B.O., M.O. 

School of Elocution, Oratory, and Physical Culture 

D. W. Arnold 
Bookkeeping and Business Forms 20 

Evidence of the exuberance with which the leaders planned 
for the future of the College is seen in their proposal to grant 
the M.A. and Ph.D. degrees as soon as demand would justify 
it. Those degrees were to be offered in the Language Depart- 
ment, supervised by Professor Kori, who was described as 
being "doubtless the ablest linguist of his age in America." 
Kori remained at the College for only one year, however, 
and the plans for advanced degrees did not materialize. 

There was nothing in the academic pattern of the new col- 
lege particularly different from similar schools of that time. 
The emphasis was on the languages, arts and Bible. The 
desire to offer advanced degrees doubtless was a result of 
enthusiasm that had been kindled to a degree far beyond 
what was merited by the financial resources and other factors 
necessary to establishing a college on a high academic 

From its beginning, Atlantic Christian College was coedu- 
cational in the sense that both men and women were admitted 
to the classes. In accordance with the prevalent practice of the 
times, however, the two groups were kept in strict separation 
from each other— even to the extent of separate dining rooms. 

20 The First Annual Catalogue of Atlantic Christian College, Wilson, N. C, 
1902- OS (Joseph J. Stone and Co., Greensboro, 1902). 

Disciples of Christ 331 

With the establishment of the college in 1902, the long strug- 
gle for a Convention-owned educational institution came to 
successful conclusion. The Disciples of Christ in North Caro- 
lina at last had acquired an institution that would be able 
to serve their needs for a better educated ministry and laity. 

In a sense, the Disciples of Christ had been driven to estab- 
lish a first-class college because of the advancements in public 
education. Private schools and academies, operated by indi- 
viduals, had become obsolete and no longer could attract 
the patronage of the public. Public schools had taken their 
place, leaving the Disciples of Christ in North Carolina with 
no choice but to establish an institution of higher learning on 
a basis that would insure permanence. With the establish- 
ment of Atlantic Christian College, the still relatively young 
Disciples of Christ in North Carolina were able to meet the 
educational needs of their people to much the same degree 
that the older religious bodies were meeting their educational 


By Jay Luvaas 

It was several hours before dawn, March 18, 1865, when 
the courier reached General Joseph E. Johnston at his head- 
quarters in Smithfield, North Carolina. The dispatch he de- 
livered was from Wade Hampton, commanding all Confed- 
erate cavalry in the area. Hampton, with the bulk of the 
cavalry, was encamped some twelve miles to the south, near 
the village of Bentonville. He had just encountered a portion 
of the invading army which General W. T. Sherman was 
pushing through the woods and swamps of eastern North 
Carolina, and from all indications a clash was imminent. 

Johnston acted quickly. Charged with the task of stemming 
Sherman's sweep northward, 1 he had been unable to assemble 
enough troops to challenge the invading army. Upon first 
assuming command, on February 23, 2 Johnston had found his 
army so dislocated that, in the words of Wade Hampton, "it 
would scarcely have been possible to disperse a force more 
effectually," and only ten days ago his troops had been scat- 
tered over an area extending from Kinston to Charlotte. 3 
General William J. Hardee, with two divisions totalling 7,500, 
had been in almost daily contact with Sherman s columns for 
the past two weeks, but this small force could delay Sher- 
man's advance only momentarily. On March 16, Hardee was 

1 On February 1, 1865, Sherman departed from Savannah, Georgia, with 
an army of 60,000. His ultimate destination was Petersburg, Virginia, where 
Robert E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia was gradually choking to death 
in the trenches around Petersburg. 

2 General R. E. Lee assumed command of all Confederate armies February 
9, 1865. On February 23 he appointed Johnston in command of all Confed- 
erate forces from North Carolina to Florida. 

3 Wade Hampton, "The Battle of Bentonville," Battles and Leaders of the 
Civil War (New York, 4 vols., 1914), IV, 701, hereinafter cited as Hampton, 
Battles and Leaders. On March 9 the Confederate army was located as 
follows : Bragg, with the division of Hoke, Clayton, Hill and Pettus's brigade 
from Stevenson's division, faced a Union force under Jacob D. Cox at 
Kinston; Hardee was falling back on Fayetteville before Sherman; and 
Stewart's corps had just passed through Charlotte, a day's march in advance 
of Cheatham. See The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official 
Records of the JJnian and Confederate Armies (Washington, 70 volumes 
[128 books], 1880-1900), Series I, XLVII, part 1, 1078-1082, hereinafter cited 
as Official Records. All future references are to Series I unless otherwise 

[332 ] 

Johnston's Last Stand — Bentonville 333 

brushed aside in a severe fight at Averasboro and was forced 
to yield the strategic crossroads formed by the junction of 
roads leading to Raleigh and Goldsboro. 

Uncertain of Sherman's destination, Johnston on March 13, 
had ordered his army to concentrate at Smithfield, where he 
could threaten the flank of an army advancing in the direc- 
tion of either Raleigh or Goldsboro. Not until the Left Wing 
of the Union army turned east at Averasboro, however, did 
it become apparent that Sherman was headed for Goldsboro. 
On March 17, urgent reports from his cavalry commanders 
indicated that Sherman's entire army was advancing toward 
Goldsboro in two columns. When Hampton, confirming these 
reports, suggested that the situation offered possibilities for 
an attack upon one of these columns, Johnston did not hesi- 
tate. Quickly setting his army in motion for Bentonville, he 
instructed Hampton to hang on until the entire army could 
concentrate. 4 

Prospects for a Confederate victory were dreary. Sherman 
commanded an army of 60,000 veterans, which he had divid- 
ed into two permanent columns, or wings, in order to attain 
greater mobility. The Left Wing, under General H. W. 
Slocum, consisted of two corps— the 14th and the 20th. This 
was the column which had recently defeated Hardee at 
Averasboro, and now was opposite Hampton on the 
Goldsboro pike, two miles south of Bentonville. The Right 
Wing, commanded by General O. O. Howard, was composed 
of the 15th and the 17th corps. It was known to be some 
distance to the south and east, in the direction of Goldsboro. 
Faulty maps exaggerated the distance separating these two 
wings and led Johnston to believe that Howard was a full 
day's march away, beyond supporting distance of the exposed 
Left Wing. 5 

Even so, the forces at Johnston's disposal were scarcely 
adequate. Slocum, counting the Union cavalry under Kil- 
patrick, had nearly 30,000 men; Johnston's army did not ex- 

4 Official Records, XLVII, pt. 2, 1385-1428, passim; Hampton, in Battles 
and Leaders, IV, 701. 

5 Joseph E. Johnston, Narrative of Military Operations Directed During 
the Late War Between the States (New York, 1874), 385, hereinafter cited 
as Johnston, Narrative. 

334 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ceed 20,000 and this was a makeshift aggregation with 
dangerous weaknesses in organization and command. Frag- 
ments of Hood's army of Tennessee ( which had been dashed 
to pieces in the charge at Franklin and again at Nashville), 
Robert F. Hoke's division from the Army of Northern Virginia, 
detachments from the military departments along the Atlantic 
coast, artillery regiments grown stale from garrison duty, 
and a youthful brigade of the North Carolina Junior Reserves 
—"the seed corn of the Confederacy," 6 were thrown together 
in this eleventh hour attempt to stop Sherman. 

A galaxy of generals led this heterogeneous array. In addi- 
tion to Johnston there was General D. H. Hill, a brilliant 
combat officer; Braxton Bragg, who had been relieved from 
command after the disastrous defeat on Missionary Ridge in 
November, 1863; Lafayette McLaws and Hoke, from the 
Army of Northern Virginia; and Stephen D. Lee, A. P. Stew- 
art, Benjamin F. Cheatham and Hardee, all from the Army 
of Tennessee. Also present were Wade Hampton, Jeb Stuart's 
successor, and Joseph Wheeler, an equally skilled leader of 
cavalry. Famous names, these, but many of the generals had 
not worked together before, while several were conspicuous 
for previous failures. 

If Johnston hoped to turn back the Union army, however, 
he must use all the forces at his disposal and strike soon. 
Against such odds his only chance for a tactical success was 
to catch an isolated portion of Sherman's army and defeat it 
in detail. If Sherman were allowed to reach Goldsboro, a 
town of the utmost strategic importance because of its rail- 
road connections with the coast, 7 he could get the new cloth- 
ing and provisions which his men badly needed. 8 And here 
Sherman would be joined by two additional corps under 

6 Governor Z. B. Vance, quoted in Fred A. Olds, "The Last Big Battle," 
The Confederate Veteran, XXXVII (February, 1929), 51. 

7 Goldsboro was Sherman's immediate objective. Not until this railroad 
center was in his possession and a new supply line from the sea was securely 
established did Sherman intend to move against Johnston. Official Records, 
XLVII, pt. 1, 28; Henry Hitchcock, Marching with Sherman (New Haven, 
1927), 274-276. 

8 Sherman's instructions to General A. H. Terry on March 12 reflect this 
need. Terry was ordered to send from Wilmington "all the shoes, stockings, 
drawers, sugar, coffee, and flour you can spare; finish the loads with oats or 
corn. Have the boats escorted, and let them run at night at any risk." 
Official Records, XLVII, pt. 2, 803. 












,-a C 

















Johnston's Last Stand — Bentonville 335 

A. H. Terry and J. M. Sehofield, marching inland from Wil- 
mington and New Bern. The arrival of these corps would 
swell Sherman's army to nearly 100,000^ and the Confederates 
would be powerless to oppose an army of such strength. 
Johnston's only chance was to overwhelm the Left Wing 
before the Union army concentrated at Goldsboro; to delay 
would be to forfeit the campaign. 

Accordingly, on March 18, Hampton's cavalry moved out 
to meet the enemy. Fighting dismounted, his troops were 
able to stand off the Union skirmishers until sunset, when 
both sides withdrew. That evening Johnston reached Benton- 
ville with most of his command. Hardee, with the divisions of 
McLaws and W. B. Taliaferro, had been more than a day's 
march away and was forced to bivouac at Snead's house, five 
miles to the northwest. 9 As soon as Johnston established his 
headquarters Hampton reported, briefed his chief on the 
general situation, and suggested a plan of action for the fol- 
lowing day. 

At daybreak on the 19th the Confederate cavalry moved 
forward and reoccupied the position held by them the previ- 
ous evening. Under the protective cover of dismounted cav- 
alry Johnston made his dispositions. Bragg, nominally in 
charge of Hoke's division from the department of North 
Carolina, was placed on the Confederate left, his line strad- 
dling the Goldsboro road. Hardee, as soon as his two divisions 
reached the scene, was to take up position en echelon to the 
right, 10 with Stewart's corps prolonging the line still further 
until it ran virtually parallel to the Goldsboro road. The Con- 
federate line was to thus resemble a sickle, with Bragg the 
handle and Stewart and Hardee the cutting edge. The target 
was Jeff Davis's 14th corps, then commencing its march east 
along the Goldsboro road. 

According to plan, Hampton's cavalry withdrew as soon as 
the infantry was in position, passing through Bragg's line and 
moving over to the extreme right, where it was joined by 
Wheeler's cavalry corps later in the day. Because there was 

9 Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 1076. 

10 Actually Hardee arrived late, causing Johnston to alter his disposition. 
See below, page 342. 

336 The North Carolina Historical Review 

only one road through the dense woods and thickets, the 
deployment of troops "consumed a weary time," and all the 
brigades had not reached their assigned positions before 
Hoke's skirmishers were driven back by advance units of the 
14th corps. Soon hundreds of blue-clad infantry could be 
seen advancing across the fields of Cole's plantation, totally 
unaware that before them lay Johnston's entire army, small 
in numbers but "in high spirits and ready to brave the com- 
ing storm." n 

Sherman anticipated no attack. For several days he had 
accompanied the Left Wing, fearing that Johnston would 
strike, although the latest reports from Kilpatrick indicated 
that the Confederates were withdrawing to the north, in the 
vicinity of Raleigh. Confident "that the enemy . . . would not 
attempt to strike us in flank while in motion," Sherman then 
left Slocum early on the morning of the 19th in order to be 
nearer Schofield and Terry as they converged on Goldsboro. 
He had ridden only a short distance when the sound of 
artillery fire became audible. Soon he was overtaken by a 
messenger from Slocum who informed him that the 14th 
corps had merely run into stubborn cavalry resistance- 
nothing serious. Reassured, Sherman rode on. 12 

To the men in Slocum's command Sunday, March 19, began 
like any other day. At daybreak the troops were roused, con- 
sumed their usual fare of hardtack and coffee, and by 7:00 
the leading regiments of Carlin's division, 13 14th corps, had 
filed into the road and were headed for Goldsboro. "For the 
first time almost in weeks, the sun was shining, and there was 
a promise of a beautiful day; and the men strode on vigorously 
and cheerfully." 14 For several weeks they had struggled 
through the dense woods and swamps. At times it had seemed 
that even the elements were secessionists, as weeks of con- 

11 R. L. Ridley, Battles and Sketches of the Army of Tennessee (Mexico, 
Missouri, 1906), 452-453, hereinafter cited as Ridley, Battles and Sketches. 

12 Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 25; pt. 2, 886; W. T. Sherman, Memoirs 
of General William T. Sherman (New York, 2 vols., 1891), II, 303, herein- 
after cited as Sherman, Memoirs. 

13 Brig. General William P. Carlin. The division consisted of 3 brigades, 
commanded by Generals H. C. Hobart, G. P. Buell and Colonel David Miles. 

14 Alexander McClurg, "The Last Chance of the Confederacy," The At- 
lantic Monthly, L (September, 1882), 391, hereinafter cited as McClurg, 
"Last Chance of the Confederacy." 

Johnston's Last Stand — Bentonville 337 

tinuous rain removed the bottom of the roads, making it 
necessary to corduroy miles of woodland paths so that the 
artillery and wagons could pass. Now, with the peach trees 
in full bloom and warmed by the spring sun, the weary 
soldiers anticipated the rest that would be theirs once they 
had reached Goldsboro. "It is a long campaign we have had," 
one staff officer noted in his diary, ". . . and repose would be 
welcome." Another soldier confided: "I would like to see . . . 
[the Confederates] whaled, but would like to wait till we 
refit. You see that too much of a good thing gets old, and one 
don't enjov even campaigning after fifty or sixty days of 
it " 15 

lit ♦ • * 

Carlin's division had marched but a short distance when 
Confederate cavalry pickets were encountered. When these 
dismounted cavalrymen "didn't drive worth a damn," Slocum 
ordered Carlin to deploy and clear the road. By 10:00 a.m. 
the division, which had progressed only five miles, found the 
road blocked by a line of infantry posted behind rail works 
at the western edge of the fields bordering Cole's plantation. 
This was the infantry commanded by Hoke, the handle of 
the Confederate sickle. The cutting edge, Stewart's corps, 
was already in position, 16 ready to fall upon Carlin's division 
as it moved against Hoke's entrenchments. 

No sooner had Carlin's leading brigade reached Cole's 
house, situated at the far end of a large field, than Hoke's 
artillery opened fire. Quickly Hobart moved his brigade 
forward and to the left, where it found temporary shelter in 
a wooded ravine. It was soon joined on the left by Buell's 
brigade, which had been ordered to suspend a flanking move- 
ment and prolong the defense line which was being impro- 

35 Bvt. Maj. George Ward Nichols, The Story of the Great March, from 
the Diary of a Staff Officer (New York, 1865), 261, hereinafter cited as 
Nichols, The Story of the Great March; Reminiscences of the Civil War, 
from Diaries of Members of the One Hundred and Third Illinois Volunteer 
Infantry (Chicago, 1904), 201. See also Captain A. H. Dongall, "Benton- 
ville," War Papers Read before the Indiana Commandery Military Order 
of the Loyal Legion (Indianapolis, 1898), 214. 

16 Contrary to plan, Hardee did not arrive before the Union army attacked. 
He was then ordered to divide his corps, in order to reinforce weak spots 
which had appeared in the Confederate line. During the battle Hardee 
seems to have commanded the right and Stewart the center, with a consid- 
erable overlapping of authority. 


The North Carolina Historical Review 

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Johnston's Last Stand — Bentonville 339 

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340 The North Carolina Historical Review 

vised. 17 Carlin's third brigade, led by Miles, deployed to the 
right of the Goldsboro road. 

Still under the impression that the force confronting him 
"consisted only of cavalry with a few pieces of artillery," 
Slocum sent word to Sherman that no help would be neces- 
sary. Meanwhile General Jeff Davis, commanding the 14th 
corps, ordered Buell to advance once more, supported by the 
rest of Carlin's division. 

The division plunged into the woods. A few minutes passed, 
then a furious discharge of shots broke out on the left. Buell 
had stumbled into a hornets' nest. A young Union officer de- 
scribes the scene: 

The Rebs held their fire untill we were within 3 rods of the 
works when they opened fire from all sides and gave us an awful 
volley. We went for them with a yell and got within 5 paces of 
their works. ... I tell you it was a tight place. . . . Men pelted 
each other with Ramrods and butts of muskets and [we] were 
finally compeled to fall back. . . . [We] stood as long as man could 
stand and when that was no longer a possibility we run like 
the duce. . . . 18 

Some distance to the rear, Slocum was consulting with Jeff 
Davis when a staff officer dashed up with a startling bit of 
information. "Well, General," he gasped, "I have found some- 
thing more than Dibrell's [Confederate] cavalry— I find in- 
fantry intrenched along our whole front, and enough of them 
to give us all the amusement we shall want for the rest of the 
day." 19 At 11:00 Morgan's division 20 moved up on the right 
and after a brush with Hoke's troops took up position south 
of the Goldsboro road. Slocum sent another message to Sher- 
man, this time pleading for reinforcements. 21 

17 Official Records, XL VII, pt. 1, 449 ff. 

18 Charles S. Brown to his family, April 18 and April 26, 1865. Charles S. 
Brown Papers, Duke University, Durham, hereinafter cited as Charles S. 
Brown Papers, Duke University. The statements quoted above have been 
lifted intact from these two letters. Minor liberties have been taken with the 
punctuation to facilitate the reading of the passage. 

w Henry W. Slocum, "Sherman's March from Savannah to Bentonville," 
Battles and Leaders, IV, 695. 

20 Major General James D. Morgan. The division comprised the brigades of 
Generals William Vandever, J. G. Mitchell, and Benjamin Fearing. 

21 Official Records, XLVII, pt. 2, 903. 

Johnston's Last Stand — Bentonville 341 

It was now 1:30, and Slocum was in trouble. Carlin's di- 
vision, deployed carelessly without reference to the strong 
force that confronted it, was in single line of battle, shielded 
only by unfinished breastworks. Buell's brigade (on the left) 
and three of Hobart's regiments 22 occupied this line in the 
ravine near the Cole house. J. S. Robinson arrived with a 
brigade from the 20th corps and was placed on Hobart's right, 
behind the ravine containing Carlin's works. Miles's brigade 
and Morgan's division, the latter with two brigades in line 
and one in reserve, were posted behind "good log works" 
south of the Goldsboro road, opposite Hoke. 23 

There was one glaring weakness in the Union position: 
Hobart's brigade was exposed. Instead of drawing back his 
right regiment, he had pushed it forward, making it vulner- 
able to a flank attack by the Confederates. Both Robinson, 
whose left flank was exposed by this opening, and the regi- 
mental commander involved were aware of the danger. Slo- 
cum sent an engineer officer to suggest to Carlin that he fall 
back across the little creek in his rear in order to present one 
continuous line to the enemy. This, however, Carlin neglected 
to do, and Robinson, weakened by the recall of two regiments 
to meet a threatened attack elsewhere, was unable to fill the 
gap. 24 Thus two divisions plus a stray brigade, scarcely 10,000 
men, found themselves facing a force of unknown strength. 
Some estimates of the strength of the Confederates ran as 
high as 40,000 and it was even rumored that Lee himself was 
present to direct operations. 25 

The initiative now passed to the Confederates. Johnston 
had hoped to launch his attack sooner, but Carlin's attack, 
although easily repulsed, had upset his timetable. Bragg, feel- 

22 Hobart had divided his brigade into two wings of three regiments each. 
The right wing fought south of the Goldsboro road as a separate unit. 
Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 453. 

23 Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 485, 666. 

24 Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 449-461, passim, 666. 

25 For various estimates see H. V. Boynton, Sherman's Historical Raid 
(Cincinnati, 1875), 210; McClurg, "Last Chance of the Confederacy," 391; 
Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, Letters and Diary of the Late Charles A. 
Wells (Washington, 1906), 364. While Johnston probably had less than 
20,000 present at Bentonville it is important to note that the Union generals 
were convinced that his force was much larger, Official Records, XLVII, pt., 
1, 1057. 

342 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ing hard-pressed, had called for reinforcements, and Hardee, 
whose troops were just arriving upon the field, was ordered to 
send McLaws's division to Bragg's assistance. McLaw's ar- 
rived too late to be of any real assistance, but his absence was 
felt on the Confederate right, where Hardee and Stewart were 
preparing their counter stroke. (Johnston later stated that he 
committed a serious error by ordering Hardee to reinforce 
Bragg. This weakened his right— the cutting edge— and de- 
layed the Confederate counterattack). 26 When the Confed- 
erates were ready to advance, precious minutes had been 
wasted; Union breastworks were now strengthened and the 
20th corps was arriving upon the field. 

By 2:45 Hardee's troops were in position. On the extreme 
right was Taliaferro's division. W. B. Bate, with two divisions 
of Cheatham's old corps, was next. D. H. Hill, commanding 
Stephen D. Lee's corps, occupied the center with three divi- 
sions, and on his left was the division of W. W. Loring, now 
shrunk to a pitiful 500 men. Atkins's battery of artillery was 
stationed oposite the Cole house, with E. C. Walthall's divi- 
sion in support. McLaws's division was retained by Bragg 
and placed on the Goldsboro road in support of Hoke. 

Finally the order was given to advance. Forming in two 
lines the Confederate infantry moved across the 600 yards 
that separated the two armies. It was a stirring sight. Leading 
the charge were Hardee, Stewart, and Hill who waved their 
men forward. A battery of artillery dashed up on the left 
and unlimbered. To those watching anxiously from Bragg's 

... it looked like a picture and at our distance was truly 
beautiful . . . [but] it was a painful sight to see how close 
their battle flags were together, regiments being scarcely larger 
than companies and a division not much larger than a regiment 
should be. 27 

Brushing aside the Union skirmishers, the long grey lines 
staggered momentarily as they hit Carlin's breastworks. Pass- 

28 Johnston, Narrative, 386. See also Hampton in Battles and Leaders, IV, 

27 Quoted in Walter Clark, ed., Histories of the Several Regiments and 
Battalions from North Carolina in the Great War 1861-1865 (Goldsboro, 
5 vols., 1901), IV, 21. Hereinafter cited as Clark, North Carolina Regiments, 

Johnston's Last Stand — Bentonville 343 

ing "over the bodies of the enemy who had been killed in 
the [first Union! assault, and whose faces, from exposure to 
the sun, had turned almost black," the advancing Confed- 
erates charged "down the slope . . . until half the distance 
had been covered and the enemy's line is only a hundred 
yards away. The 'zips' of the minies get thicker and thicker 
and the line partially demoralized by the heavy fire suddenly 
halts . . .[then] moves forward again." 28 

Hill's Confederates poured through the gap in Hobart's 
position and, together with troops from Taliaferro's division, 
outflanked Buell's brigade and overran Robinson's lines some 
300 yards beyond. One of Buell's young soldiers has left a 
candid account of the rout of Carlin's division: 

. . . the [Union] skirmishers were driven back and the Rebs 
came at us. We lay behind our incomplete works and gave them 
fits. We checked them and held them to it untill they turned 
the left of the 1st Brigade [Hobart] and of course that was 
forced to retreat. . . . Our Brigade had to "follow suit." [General 
Carlin] was a [sic'] cool as ice. When the Rebs got around us 
so as to fire into our rear he turned to the boys : "No use boys," 
and started back. The Regt. followed and ... it was the best 
thing we ever did. For falling back we met a line of Rebs 
marching straight for our rear and in 15 minutes more we 
would have been between two lines of the buggers . . . We 
showed to the Rebs as well as our side some of the best running 
ever did. . . . 29 

The entire Union left was crushed by this well-executed 
blow. Buell, Robinson and Hobart were driven back in con- 
fusion upon the 20th corps, which was just moving into 
position a mile to the rear. Miles's brigade took refuge within 
the lines of Morgan's division, south of the Goldsboro road. 
Three guns of the Nineteenth Indiana Artillery were taken 
by Walthall's men, and, according to one eyewitness, ". . . 
the vast field was soon covered with men, horses, artillery, 
caissons, etc., which brought vividly to our minds a similar 

28 Walter A. Clark, Under the Stars and Bars (Augusta, 1900), 194, here- 
inafter cited as Clark, Stars and Bars. 

29 This quotation is pieced together from three letters written by Charles 
S. Brown to his family, April, 1865, Charles S. Brown Papers, Duke Uni- 
versity. The words are those of Lieutenant Brown; however, minor liberties 
have been taken with the punctuation. 

344 The North Carolina Historical Review 

scene at the battle of Chancellorsville." 30 A Union staff officer, 
making his way to the front, was greeted by the sight of: 

. . . masses of men slowly and doggedly falling back along the 
Goldsboro road and through the fields and open woods on the 
left. . . . Minie balls were whizzing in every direction. . . . 
Checking my horse, I saw the rebel regiments in front in full 
view, stretching through the fields to the left as far as the eye 
could reach, advancing rapidly, and firing as they came. . . . 
The onward sweep on the rebel lines was like the waves of the 
ocean, relentless. . . . 31 

Bragg's troops did not participate in the charge, and it was 
not until the Confederates had halted, reformed their lines, 
and once more advanced to the attack that Hoke's division 
went into action. McLaws's division, which had been sent to 
the relief of Bragg earlier in the day, "seemed to have no 
particular instructions" and remained in reserve until 6:00 
that evening. 32 

Meanwhile, Morgan's division, south of the Goldsboro 
road, had also become engaged. As Carlin's troops retreated 
before the hard blows of Hardee and Stewart, Jeff Davis, 
commanding the 14th corps, ordered Morgan to move his 
reserve brigade ( Fearing ) to the left in an effort to plug the 
gap opened by Carlin's withdrawal. Arriving just as Fearing 
was ready to charge, Davis shouted: "Advance to their flank, 
Fearing. Deploy as you go. Strike them wherever you find 
them. Give them the best you've got and we'll whip them 
yet." 33 

The men caught up the words "well whip them yet," and 
pressed forward. When they reached the Goldsboro road 
they saw the Confederates pursuing Carlin's division across 
the fields in front. Fearing promptly charged the flank of 

30 Samuel Toombs, Reminiscences of the War, Comprising a Detailed Ac- 
count of the Experiences of the Thirteenth Regiment New Jersey Volunteers 
(Orange, New Jersey, 1878), 214. 

31 McClurg, "Last Chance of the Confederacy," 393. 

32 Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 496-504, 1091, 1105; Johnson Hagood, 
Memoirs of the War of Secession (Columbia, 1910), 361, hereinafter cited 
as Hagood, Memoirs. No reports from Hoke's command on the battle of 
Bentonville are included in the Official Records. 

33 McClurg, "Last Chance of the Confederacy," 293-294. 

Johnston's Last Stand — Bentonville 345 

these advancing Confederates, 34 pushing them back until he 
himself was taken in flank by additional Confederates coming 
down the road on his right. The brigade then retreated some 
three hundred yards to the rear, where a new line, with the 
left resting on the Goldsboro road, was formed. Here the 
fighting gradually "dwindled off to an extended skirmish." 35 

The Confederates next concentrated against Morgan's 
division. Fearing's withdrawal had created a gap between 
his brigade and the rest of the division. Before this gap could 
be closed three brigades from Hill's corps 36 smashed through 
and moved against the rear of Morgan's breastworks. Hoke 
wanted to exploit this break-through by throwing his division 
into the breach, but Bragg restrained him, ordering him in- 
stead to attack from the front. 37 

For the next few minutes the fighting was desperate, as 
men clubbed each other in dense thickets and swampy woods. 
"Officers who had served in the army of Northern Virginia 
said it was the hottest infantry fight they had ever been in 
except Cold Harbor." 38 Morgan's soldiers, completely sur- 
rounded at one point, were actually forced to fight from both 
sides of their breastworks. Hoke's division suffered 593 casu- 
alties; one regiment, the 36th North Carolina, losing 152 out 
of 267 in a few minutes' fighting. 39 

This was the crucial moment. Jeff Davis, sitting uneasily 
in his saddle some distance to the rear, remarked to an aide: 
"If Morgan's troops can stand this, all is right; if not, the day 
is lost." He had no reserves; even his personal escort and 

34 Probably Clayton's division of Hill's corps. See Official Records, XLVII, 
pt. 1, 1106-1107; Atlas of the Official Records, Plate LXXIX. The details of 
this action are so obscure that it is impossible to state exactly what units of 
the Confederate Army opposed Fearing. Many essential reports are lacking 
in the Official Records. 

85 Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 534-538. 

36 The brigades of Baker, Carter and part of Palmer's brigade. Official 
Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 1090-1100. 

37 This attack failed. According to one of Hoke's generals, the Confederate 
loss "would have been inconsiderable and our success eminent had it not 
been for Bragg's undertaking to give a tactical order upon a field that he 
had not seen." Hagood, Memoirs, 361. See also Official Records, XLVII, pt. 
1, 1090-1091. 

38 Clark, North Carolina Regiments, II, 651. 

39 Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 72, 486-496, 511, 1059; Clark, North 
Carolina Regiments, IV, 312. 

346 The North Carolina Historical Review 

headquarters guard had been thrown into the battle. 40 At 
this juncture Cogswell's brigade from the 20th corps arrived 
and Davis immediately ordered it forward in an effort to save 
Morgan. Plunging through a tangled swamp, Cogswell's tired 
troops stumbled upon Hill's brigades as they assaulted Mor- 
gan's rear lines. With a yell the brigade went at them and 
after a sharp fight pushed the Confederates back to the 
Goldsboro road. Cogswell's attack was unquestionably the 
turning point in the battle. Although the fighting continued 
after dark, a continuous battle line was established; rein- 
forcements arrived during the night and by morning new 
breastworks lined the edge of the woods. 41 

The third and final Confederate attack was directed against 
the 20th corps on the left of the Union line. At the first sound 
of firing Williams had hurried this corps into position. Robin- 
son arrived in time to go into battle with Carlin's division. 
Hawley's brigade, the next on the scene, reached the battle- 
field about 2:00 p.m. and was sent to the left to meet a threat- 
ened attack in that quarter. Two of Robinson's regiments 
were recalled to bolster this new line, 42 forming a mile to the 
rear of Carlin's breastworks. 

Hardly were these dispositions completed when Carlin's 
division broke before the steamroller attacks of Stewart and 
Hardee. The three regiments which had remained with Rob- 
inson fell back across the fields to a position parallel with the 
original line, their right resting on the Goldsboro road. 43 
Four hundred yards to the left, across an open field, rested 
Hawley's brigade. The gap between Robinson and Hawley 
was covered by a powerful line of Union artillery situated on 
a slight eminence a short distance to the rear. Selfridge's 
brigade was in reserve, and as the troops of Ward's division 
arrived they were placed in prolongation of Hawley's lines, 

^McClurg, "Last Chance of the Confederacy," 395; Nichols, Story of the 
Great March, 272. 

^Official Records, XLVII. pt. 1, 785-844, passim; Samuel H. Hurst, 
Journal History of the Seventy -third Ohio Volunteer Infantry ( Chillicothe, 
Ohio, 1866), 174-176; Captain Hartwell Osborn, Trials and Triumphs: The 
Record of the Fifty-fifth Ohio Volunteer Infantry (Chicago, 1904), 201-202. 

rJ See above, page 341. 

43 In the new Union line Robinson's right ultimately connected with Fear- 
ing's left. Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 666. 

Johnston's Last Stand — Bentonville 347 

to the left. Kilpatrick's cavalry, coming up at the sound of the 
firing, guarded the Union left flank. 44 

While Morgan beat off the attacks of Hoke and D. H. Hill, 
Hardee's lines massed for an attack against the 20th corps. In 
chasing Carlin's troops the Confederates had become disor- 
ganized, and Fearing's flank attack probably contributed to 
the confusion. 45 This breathing spell was used to good advan- 
tage by the Union soldiers. Rail fences were dismantled and 
converted into breastworks. Carlin's command was reorgan- 
ized and placed in reserve, and new ammunition was distrib- 
uted. Williams instructed his artillery to use doubleshot; and 
even rags filled with bullets were loaded on top of canister 
charges. 46 When the Confederates finally made the assault, 
they found the 20th corps ready and waiting. 

At 5:00 the grey lines emerged from the pine woods in 
front of the 20th corps. As they moved toward the field that 
separated the brigades of Hawley and Robinson they met a 
deadly barrage of artillery fire. Five times the Confederates 
attacked, trying desperately to drive a wedge between the 
two Union brigades. Each time they withered and fell back 
before heavy artillery and small arms fire. The Union artillery 
was especially effective, as "the raging leaden hailstorm of 
grape and canister literally barked the trees, cutting off the 
limbs as if cut by hand." Confederate dead and wounded 
littered the road in Robinson's front. Bate estimated his losses 
at one-fourth of the number engaged; one of Taliaferro's 
regiments alone suffered 190 casualties. "If there was a place 

44 Official Records, XL VII, pt. 1, 587. 

45 In his report General W. B. Bate infers that some development on 
another part of the field caused this delay. See Official Records, XLVII, pt. 
1, 1106-1107. This occurred at nearly the same time that Fearing made his 
attack. Since there is some evidence to indicate that at this time Hardee was 
with the command of D. H. Hill, opposite Morgan's division, it is also pos- 
sible that the attack on the Twentieth Corps was held up until the situation 
on the Confederate left was clarified, Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 497. 

^"Entire boxes of cartridges were fired from some of the Union guns." 
Charles S. Brown to his family, April 18, 1865. Charles S. Brown Papers, 
Duke University. See also Edwin E. Bryant, History of the Third Regiment 
of Wisconsin Veteran Volunteer Infantry (Cleveland, 1891), 323; G. B. 
Bradley, The Star Corps; or Notes of an Army Chaplain During Sherman's 
Famous March to the Sea (Milwaukee, 1865), 273. 

348 The North Carolina Historical Review 

in the battle of Gettysburg as hot as that spot," a Confederate 
sergeant wrote long after the battle, "I never saw it." 47 

The last attack came at sundown. Gradually the firing died 
away as dusk faded into darkness and night separated the 
weary combatants. Hastily burying their dead, the Confed- 
erates then withdrew to the positions they had occupied that 
morning, with skirmishers holding Carlin's original line. 

The night of March 19 was one of sustained activity. On 
the battlefield both sides labored to strengthen defenses, 
while 20 miles to the east Howard's Right Wing marched in 
the direction of Benton ville. Since early morning sounds of 
the battle had been audible. At first Howard and most of his 
staff thought it was "nothing more than a spirited cavalry 
engagement," but as the rumble of the artillery increased 
they realized that the Left Wing was in trouble. 48 Howard 
grew so apprehensive that he finally ordered his rear division 
( Hazen ) to turn back and march to Slocum's aid. This order 
was countermanded by Sherman, who had left Slocum only 
several hours before and who had since received word that 
everything was under control. 49 

As the firing continued, however, and no further word was 
heard from Slocum, Sherman also began to worry. Slocum's 
second message did not reach Sherman until late in the eve- 
ning. When the messenger appeared, Sherman rushed out of 
his tent without bothering to dress. Standing "in a bed of 
ashes up to his ankles, chewing impatiently the stump of a 
cigar, with his hands clasped behind him, and with nothing 
on but a red flannel undershirt and a pair of drawers," 50 
Sherman issued the necessary orders, setting the Right Wing 
in motion towards Bentonville. 

47 Samuel W. Ravenel, "Ask the Survivors of Bentonville," The Confed- 
erate Veteran, XLVII (March, 1910), 124; Robert W. Sanders, "The Battle 
of Bentonville," The Confederate Veteran, XXIV (August, 1926), 299; 
Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 587-588, 612, 637, 666-667, 1106-1108, pt. 2, 
909. In these attacks the Confederates lost 566, the Federals 234. 

48 McClurg, "Last Chance of the Confederacy," 399. "Sounds of the battle 
. . . were reportedly heard fifty miles away." Jacob D. Cox, Military Remi- 
niscenses of the Civil War (New York, 2 vols., 1900), II, 446. 

^Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 25, 206; O. O. Howard, Autobiography 
of Oliver Otis Howard (New York, 2 vols., 1908), II, 143. 
50 McClurg, "Last Chance of the Confederacy," 399. 

Johnston's Last Stand — Bentonville 349 

By daybreak on March 20 the first Union reinforcements 
arrived. Four brigades which had been guarding the wagon 
trains were the first to reach the battlefield. Then Hazen's 
division came up (after a night march of six hours) and 
moved into position on Morgan's right. The 17th corps, under 
Blair, began its march at 3:00 a.m., picked up the 15th corps 
at Falling Creek Church, and dawn found both corps moving 
westward on the Goldsboro pike. This route would bring 
them behind Johnston's army, but it was the shortest way to 
the battlefield. Progress was slow because of the resistance 
of Wheeler's cavalry, fighting stubbornly from behind suc- 
cessive breastworks. By noon, however, Howard's leading 
division ( Woods ) was bearing down upon the rear of Hoke's 
line of breastworks and Hoke was forced to abandon these 
and take up a new position, parallel to the Goldsboro pike 
and near enough to command it. 

By 4:00 p.m. Sherman's army was united (some of How- 
ard's regiments had marched 25 miles without food or rest) 
and by nightfall Howard's troops were firmly entrenched, 
facing Hoke's new line. Johnston was now surrounded on 
three sides, with Mill Creek, swollen by recent rains, in his 
rear. The new Confederate position may be described as an 
enlarged bridgehead, embracing the village of Bentonville and 
covering the only bridge crossing Mill Creek. 

Johnston's line now resembled a huge, irregular, V. On 
the west side, facing the Left Wing and occupying the 
trenches from which they had launched their assault on the 
19th, was Taliaferro's division and the corps of Bate and 
Hill. The divisions of Loring and Walthall had likewise re- 
turned to their position of the previous morning. The left, 
or east side of the V, was held by the divisions of Hoke and 
McLaws, 51 commanded by Hardee. The cavalry of Hampton 
and Wheeler guarded the right and left flanks respectively. 

The Union line roughly corresponded to the Confederate 
position. The left was still held by the 20th corps, strongly 
reinforced and well fortified. Carlin's division was reorgan- 

51 McLaws was shifted from the Confederate right, where he had partici- 
pated in the final attack upon the Twentieth Corps the evening of March 

19. Ridley, Battles and Sketches, 453 ; Clark, North Carolina Regiments, III, 

20, 197; Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 1131. 


The North Carolina Historical Review 

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Johnston's Last Stand — Bentonville 351 

ized and sent to relieve the brigades of Fearing and Cogswell, 
which were now in reserve. Morgan's division had changed 
front after taking over the trenches recently evacuated by 
Hoke. To his right, opposite Hoke's new position, was the 
15th corps, with three divisions in line and one in reserve. 
Blair's 17th corps was stationed on the extreme right, while 
Kilpatrick's cavalry remained on the left flank. 52 

No heavy fighting broke out on March 20th, although "a 
good deal of sharp skirmishing" occurred along the entire 
front. 53 Johnston, now on the defensive, remained all day in 
his trenches, hoping to induce Sherman to attack. Sherman, 
however, had other plans. He was anxious to open communi- 
cation with Schofield and Terry at Goldsboro and had no 
desire to bring on a general engagement until this had been 
accomplished. Skirmish lines were pushed forward to feel 
out the Confederate positions, but the corps commanders 
were cautioned against committing their forces to an all-out 
battle. 54 At dusk a heavy rain set in which lasted until morn- 
ing. Confederate troops, anticipating orders to fall back 
across Mill Creek, spent a sleepless night in their trenches. 
Sherman himself expected — and rather hoped — that John- 
ston would slip away during the night. "I cannot see," he 
wrote Slocum that evening, "why he [Johnston] remains. . . . 
I would rather avoid a general battle if possible, but if he 
insists on it, we must accommodate him." 55 

Johnston's men were still in their trenches on the morning 
of the 21st, however, and the fighting flared up again. On 
the Union right and center a steady pressure was maintained 
against the Confederate lines; Union sharpshooters, sheltered 
in the buildings on Cole's plantation, annoyed the men of 
Hill's command 56 while on the right Logan's corps wrenched 

52 Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 235-246, 383, 436, 486, 915. 

53 The most lively action took place in Hoke's front, where a Union brigade 
which had pressed too close to the new Confederate position was forced to 
retire before "a withering fire" of musketry, grape and canister. Official 
Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 499, 1056. 

" Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 27; pt. 2, 921-922. 

Official Records, XLVII, pt. 2, 919. 

Cole's house and all the outlying buildings were eventually destroyed 
by Confederate artillery fire, to prevent their further use by Union sharp- 
shooters. Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 235-261, passim, 512, 1092. 



352 The North Carolina Historical Review 

an advance line of rifle pits from the skirmishers of Hoke 
and McLaws. All attempts to retake these rifle pits failed. 

The most serious fighting developed in front of Blair's 
17th corps, on the extreme Union right. Here, shortly after 
midday, General J. A. Mower succeeded in working two 
brigades around the Confederate left flank and by 4:00 p.m. 
these had overrun two lines of rifle pits and were advancing 
in force upon the bridge which spanned Mill Creek — John- 
ston's sole line of retreat. In his eagerness Mower out-dis- 
tanced the rest of the corps, with the result that he found 
himself in an exposed position fully three-quarters of a mile 
in advance of the nearest supporting troops. 57 

To meet this sudden threat the Confederates launched a 
series of bold counter-attacks. Cumming's Georgia brigade, 
which had already been ordered to bolster the Confederate 
left, arrived just in time to strike Mower's columns head-on 
as they neared the Smithfield road. Simultaneously General 
Hardee, now commanding the Confederate left, appeared at 
the head of the Eighth Texas Cavalry and promptly charged 
Mower's left flank. 58 Wheeler's cavalry appeared to the right 
of Hardee and succeeded in driving a wedge between 
Mov/er's brigades and the rest of the 17th corps and Wade 
Hampton, with Young's Cavalry brigade, attacked Mower's 
right flank. Forced to retreat from this nest of angry hornets, 
Mower took shelter in a ravine some distance to the rear. 
When the fire slackened he again withdrew, this time to his 
original position. He had reformed his lines and was about 
to resume the attack when Sherman ordered him to remain 
where he was and dig in. With this order all offensive action 
ceased for the day.' 


57 Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 383-391. 

^ According to one witness the Eighth Texas went into action "holding 
their bridle reins in their mouths and a pistol in each hand." Hardee's son, 
a youth of sixteen, was killed in this charge led by his father. Clark, Stars 
and Bars, 196-197. 

59 Details of this action can be found in Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 
383-404, 1096-1097; Clark, North Carolina Regiments, III, 197-198; Nichols, 
Story of the Great March, 267. It is impossible to reconcile the various 
accounts of Mower's repulse. The Confederate version is that Mower was 
forced back by a small force of 300. See Hampton in Battles and Leaders, 
IV, 705. Sherman contends that Mower withdrew because he had recalled 
him, Sherman, Memoirs, II, 304. Actually the Confederates used consider- 

s 44 



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Johnston's Last Stand — Bentonville 353 

The fighting concluded, both armies spent a wet, miserable 
night. Tired and hungry soldiers huddled together in trenches 
and rude shelters, exposed to a driving rain that denied them 
even the comforts of a camp fire. Occasionally the flash of 
gun fire would illuminate the sky, revealing the position of 
the Union batteries which lobbed shells into Confederate 
positions with cruel persistence. During the night Johnston 
learned that Schofield had entered Goldsboro; 60 with noth- 
ing to gain and everything to lose by remaining cooped up 
at Bentonville he ordered an immediate retreat. By 2:00 a.m. 
all the wounded that could be moved had been evacuated 61 
and soon afterwards the Confederates abandoned their 
trenches and turned wearily towards Smithfield, beginning 
the last lap of a journey that could have but one end. The 
next morning when Sherman's skirmishers probed cautiously 
forward they found only deserted works before them. 

No vigorous attempt was made to pursue Johnston. The 
Union army followed a few miles beyond Mill Creek and 
then turned back. After burying the dead and removing the 
wounded, Sherman's army went into camp in the vicinity 
of Goldsboro, "there to rest and receive the clothing and 
supplies of which they stood in need." 62 

In its proper perspective the battle of Bentonville appears 
as the climax to Sherman's successful Carolina campaign. 
Although the war in North Carolina was to last for another 
month, this was the final battle between Johnston and Sher- 

ably more than 300 in repulsing Mower; Cumming's brigade alone had over 
200 effectives and it is safe to assume that the cavalry led by Wheeler and 
Hampton, together with the Eighth Texas Cavalry brought the number to a 
much higher figure. One of Mower's brigadiers reported that the greatest 
damage was inflicted not by Cumming's infantry nor by Hardee and the 
Eighth Texas, but by "cavalry which had got into the rear." Official Records, 
XLVII, pt. 1, 404. This can only have been Wheeler. Moreover, the size of 
Mower's force has been greatly exaggerated. He had only two brigades and 
one of these was not at full strength. Even so, the Confederates were 
greatly outnumbered and it was due less to good fortune than hard fighting 
that Johnston managed to save his army. 

60 Schofield reached Goldsboro on the evening of March 21. Official Records, 
XLVII, pt. 1, 913. 

61 Johnston left behind 108 Confederate wounded, 63 at Bentonville and 45 
which were removed to the Harper House. Of these only 54 lived. Official 
Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 1060. See also Robert W. Sanders, "More about the 
Battle of Bentonville," The Confederate Veteran, XXXVII (December, 
1929), 463. 

62 Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 28. 

354 The North Carolina Historical Review 

man. On April 10, Sherman's army, reorganized and well- 
rested, resumed its march in the direction of Raleigh. The 
preceding day Lee had surrendered to Grant at Appomattox, 
making it mandatory for Johnston to reach an agreement with 
Sherman. On April 26, after several previous attempts at 
negotiation, the two commanders met at the old Bennett 
House, a few miles west of Durham's Station, where peace 
was finally concluded. 

Bentonville was not a large battle, even by Civil War 
standards. Compared with the slaughter at Shiloh, Antietam, 
Gettysburg or Chickamauga the casualty lists seem slight. 
Sherman lost 1,527, chiefly in the Left Wing, while Johnston 
suffered a total of 2,606 casualties, a large number of whom 
had been captured. Considering the numbers actually en- 
gaged, however, these losses seem quite severe, and had the 
battle of Bentonville occurred during the first years of the 
war, it would have been considered in all probability a con- 
flict of major proportions. As it was, neither army won a 
clear-cut victory and public attention soon focused on more 
dramatic events as they unfolded in the trenches about 
Petersburg. 63 

Nor was Bentonville a decisive battle. Sherman succeeded 
in fulfilling the object of his campaign — the occupation of 
Goldsboro, the consolidation of his forces (including the 
detached corps of Schofield and Terry) at that point, and 
the establishment of a new line of communications based 
upon the New Bern railroad. Johnston was allowed to escape 
to the north, where he lingered until the surrender was 

Even if Johnston had defeated the Left Wing before the 
Right Wing arrived with assistance, would it have affected 
the final outcome of Sherman's Carolina campaign? Probably 
not. Johnston still would have had to face the combined 
forces of Howard, Schofield and Terry — better than 60,000 

63 "Hardee, Carter Stevenson, Hampton and [General M. C] Butler . . . 
who were there and in many another hard fought fight, have told me that 
Bentonville was the handsomest Battle they ever saw. And so little interest 
did it arouse then, that no less a soldier than Gen. Hunton, laterly asked me 
what Battle was Bentonville." Dabney H. Maury to Major John Warwick 
Daniel, December 25, 1894. John W. Daniel Papers, Duke University, 

Johnston's Last Stand — Bentonville 355 

men — for it would have been impossible to prevent their 
junction at Goldsboro. Moreover, it is extremely unlikely 
that he could have defeated the Left Wing. By 1865 the 
Civil War armies had become very proficient in the art of 
constructing field works, 04 and it was a rare occasion when 
either side achieved a decisive victory. 65 At Bentonville 
Slocum alone commanded at least as many and probably 
more troops than Johnston, and he had only to dig in and 
hold off the Confederates until help arrived. If Morgan's 
division had been defeated as decisively as the troops under 
Carlin, the 14th corps might have been crippled, but there 
was still the 20th corps to contend with. It is inconceivable 
that this corps, posted behind strong breastworks and sup- 
ported by both cavalry and artillery, could not have held 
its ground until reinforced the following morning. One is 
forced to agree with General Jacob D. Cox, who, when in- 
formed by "rebel citizens" that Slocum had been whipped, 
noted in his journal: "We suspect that his [Sherman's] ad- 
vance guard may have received a rap, but know the strength 
of his army too well to believe that Johnston can whip him." 66 
Bentonville was a battle of subordinates. There seems to 
have been little direction from the top commanders in either 
army once the battle was joined. On the Union side Morgan, 
aided by the timely maneuvers of Fearing and Cogswell, 
emerges as the real hero and for his work on the 19th he was 
recommended for promotion to the rank of major-general. 67 
Slocum handled his reserves with skill and displayed sound 
judgment in choosing his defensive positions. If Carlin had 
heeded Slocum's advice and formed his line behind the creek 
the Union retreat might not have been so precipate. Buell 

64 "It is almost impossible . . . for either one side or the other to catch his 
opponent unprepared. Both parties in a wonderfully short space of time will 
throw up defenses which can not be carried without a disastrous loss to the 
assaulting party." Entry of March 22, Nichols, Story of the Great March, 

65 The battle of Nashville must stand as the exception, but there the cir- 
cumstances were entirely different. Hood was attacked by a vastly superior 
army and had no reserves to fall back upon. This was not true of Slocum 
at Bentonville. 

66 Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 934. 

67 Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 419. 

356 The North Carolina Historical Review 

then would not have been outflanked so easily and Hobart's 
position would have been less exposed. 

In the Confederate army Hardee seems to have been the 
guiding spirit. He personally organized and led the Confed- 
erate charge on the 19th and was instrumental in setting up 
the opposition to Mower on the 21st. Hampton too, played 
an important role; he not only selected the site of the battle 
but also suggested the plan which ultimately was adopted. 
Wheeler's cavalry performed wonders on the 20th and 21st, 
first by opposing Howard's march to the battlefield and then 
by holding the Confederate left. Braxton Bragg figured in 
two unfortunate decisions on the 19th. By calling for rein- 
forcements which were not needed he must bear the respon- 
sibility for delaying the Confederate attack against Carlin, 
as well as for weakening it at its most decisive point. And 
by restraining Hoke from exploiting Hill's breakthrough be- 
hind Morgan's lines, he may also have jeopardized the suc- 
cess of this attack. On the whole the Confederate staffwork 
was faulty and the co-ordination between the individual com- 
manders left much to be desired. This was doubtless due to 
the fact that Johnston's army was only recently organized 
and had never fought before as a unit. 

Johnston's plan to fall upon the isolated Left Wing was 
fundamentally sound, but he lacked the numbers necessary 
for a decisive victory. Why he remained at Bentonville after 
both of Sherman's wings had united, however, is a mystery. 
Johnston claimed that it was to enable him to evacuate the 
wounded 68 — a humane reason, but scarcely defensible from 
a strictly military point of view. Johnston was entrusted with 
one of the few Confederate armies still intact, and it was not 
his duty to sacrifice this army for the sake of a few hundred 
wounded (Sherman had more surgeons and better medical 
facilities). Yet he lingered at Bentonville with no apparent 
plan. No substantial reinforcements were expected, no new 
attacks planned, and on the surface it would seem that he 
had no reason to expect even a local tactical success after 
his attacks failed on the 19th. Perhaps he sensed that his 
mission was futile. Or perhaps he just hoped that an offensive 


Johnston, Narrative, 388. 

Johnston's Last Stand — Bentonville 357 

by Sherman would result in a second Kenesaw Mountain. 
Whatever the reason, Johnston maintained his position with 
great skill, and when it came time to fall back across Mill 
Creek his withdrawal was as masterly as any of his career. 

To understand Sherman's conduct at Bentonville one must 
understand his method of waging war. Sherman was essen- 
tially a strategist, a master of maneuver and logistics; with 
him strategic considerations always came first. In this case, 
Goldsboro, and not the Confederate army, was his primary 
objective (Sherman was actually riding forward to effect a 
junction with Schofield when Johnston struck at Bentonville ) . 
The battle of the 19th was Slocum's affair; Sherman did not 
even learn of the details until nightfall. On the 20th his 
orders were to shun a general engagement because, as Sher- 
man himself expressed it, "I don't want to lose men in a 
direct attack when it can be avoided." 69 Three considerations 
probably influenced his decision to recall Mower on the 
21st. First, the general situation was uncertain; secondly, he 
overestimated Johnston's strength, and finally, he desired 
first to unite and supply his army. Each of these factors must 
be taken into consideration when appraising Sherman's ac- 
tions. They do not excuse all of his decisions, but they do go 
far to explain them. 

Sherman has been severely criticised for recalling Mower 
and it is probably true that had he supported the attack he 
could have gained a great tactical victory. In his Memoirs 
Sherman admitted that he erred in not crushing Johnston. 70 
But this opportunity was not actually as golden as even 
Sherman believed. Mower had actually retreated before re- 
ceiving Sherman's orders, and if he had been permitted to 
advance a second time he would have found the Confederates 
heavily reinforced in his front. 71 Then too, no one, least of 
all Sherman, had anticipated that Mower would penetrate 
the Confederate lines so deeply. Only on the following day, 
when the bodies of Union soldiers were found within fifty 


Official Records, XLVII, pt. 2, 910. 

70 Sherman, Memoirs, II, 304. 

71 Soon after the attack Hardee was reinforced by the divisions of Walt- 
hall and Taliaferro, plus three brigades from Hill's command. Hagood, 
Memoirs, 363 ; Ridley, Battles and Sketches, 453. 

358 The North Carolina Historical Review 

yards of Johnston's headquarters, did the real extent of the 
breakthrough become known. 72 By attacking promptly with 
all available troops the Confederates created an illusion of 
strength. 73 That it was not altogether illusory, however, is 
indicated by the. Union casualty returns. Mower lost 149 men 
in this action — more than the entire 20th corps had lost in 
the fighting of March 19th. There is some justification, then, 
for Hampton's assertion that if Mower was really ordered 
back, "the order was obeyed with wonderful promptness and 
alacrity." 74 

Today Bentonville is one of the least disturbed — and least 
cared for — battlefields of the Civil War. Much of the forest 
has been cleared away and Cole's plantation is now cut up 
into many small farms, but in general the topography has 
changed little over the years. Some breastworks and rifle pits 
have been plowed under, of course, but enough remain to 
enable the visitor to reconstruct the main course of the battle. 
Traces of Carlin's breastworks can be seen today, while 
across the fields to the north and east stands the main Con- 
federate line. Union parapets still guard the sluggish stream 
which separated the belligerents in Howard's front. Cole's 
house was destroyed during the battle, but the Harper House, 
which was used as a field hospital for both armies after the 
battle, remains. Its inhabitants can point to bullet holes 
scarring the surface of its white structure. 

And in the field near-by lie 360 Confederate dead, 19 of 
them taken from the Harper House. They offer a silent re- 
minder that Sherman did not pass by unchallenged. 75 

72 Charles H. Smith, The History of Fuller's Ohio Brigade 1861-1865 
(Cleveland, 1909), 273; Nichols, Story of the Great March, 271. 

73 "The Rebels . . . nearly surrounded [Mower] ... on three sides with a 
much larger force . . ." Hitchcock, March with Sherman, 266-267, See also 
E. J. Sherlock, Memorabilia of the Marches and Battles in which the One 
Hundreth Regiment of Indiana Infantry Volunteers Took an Active Part 
(Kansas City, 1896), 212; Official Records, XLVII, pt. 1, 403. 

74 Hampton, in Battles and Leaders, IV, 705. 

75 Since Dr. Luvaas submitted this article, the General Assembly has ap- 
propriated $2,000 for the biennium, 1955-1957, to be used to mark various 
positions of the two armies during the battle. The work on this battlefield 
is to be done under the supervision of the Historic Sites Division, Depart- 
ment of Archives and History. A museum is contemplated for the future 
and a number of county historical societies have shown interest in this 
program. Editor, 

James Yadkin Joyner 


From a portrait by Jacques Busbee, who was commissioned by the North 
Carolina Teacher's Assembly, and which was presented by that body in 1912, 
to the State of North Carolina. 


By Elmer D. Johnson 

In the history of education in North Carolina, a few names 
stand out above all the others — the names of Alderman, 
Ay cock, Joyner, and M elver. They were all of the same gen- 
eration, in fact, they were all students together at the Uni- 
versity of North Carolina in the early 1880's. They were a 
part of the New South — a South reawakened after years of 
war and reconstruction, and dedicated to the building of a 
newer, better North Carolina. They saw that one of the great 
needs of their State was education — not only for the few 
but for all — and they combined their efforts to revolutionize 
the State's educational system. Together, they are mainly 
responsible for the creation of a system of public education 
in North Carolina — a system whereby public taxes supported 
public schools available for all the children of the State. 

Of this quartet of outstanding North Carolina educators, 
the man most directly responsible for the great improvement 
in the public school system was Dr. James Yadkin Joyner, 
State Superintendent of Public Instruction from 1902 to 1919. 
Charles Brantley Aycock, as governor of the State from 1901 
to 1905, was the political power behind the educational re- 
vival in North Carolina; it was he who appointed Joyner to 
his post, who campaigned for education from one end of the 
State to the other, and who stood behind the necessary school 
laws as they made their slow way through the legislative 
channels. Charles Duncan Mclver and Edwin A. Alderman 
were the philosophers of the new educational movement — 
practical ones it must be admitted — and they are remem- 
bered for their promotion of education at all levels, but mostly 
for their activities in higher education at the University of 
North Carolina and the Woman's College. Dr. Joyner, on the 
other hand, was both philosopher and practical educator. 
It was he who put the ideas of Alderman and Mclver, and 
the laws of Aycock, into working operation at the local level 
throughout North Carolina's hundred counties. He trans- 

[ 359 ] 

360 The North Carolina Historical Review 

lated ideas and laws into school rooms and classes, and so 
well did he perform this task that, at the end of his first ten 
years as State Superintendent, it could be said, with no one 
denying it, that "whoever writes the educational history of this 
decade will be the biographer of James Yadkin Joyner." * 

James Yadkin Joyner 2 was born at Yadkin College, David- 
son County, North Carolina, on August 7, 1862, the youngest 
of a family of seven children. His father was John Joyner, 
originally of Pitt County, and his mother was Sarah ( Sallie ) 
Wooten Joyner, daughter of Council Wooten, of Mosely Hall, 
Lenoir County. The Joyner family, together with Mrs. Joy- 
ner's parents, had moved to the western part of the State 
early in 1862, after the landing of Federal troops on the coast 
had threatened their original home in Lenoir County. John 
Joyner was a graduate of Wake Forest College and a planter 
near the present town of LaGrange before the war. His 
health was poor and he died about a year after his son was 
born. His father, also named John Joyner, had been a prom- 
inent planter in Pitt County, and a member of the State Sen- 
ate from 1824 to 1828. J. Y. Joyner's maternal grandfather, 
Council Wooten, was also a prominent planter and politician, 
having served in the General Assembly for six terms, and 
being a member of the Governor's Council in 1862. Sarah 
Wooten Joyner also died only a few months after her son's 

Following the end of the war, young Joyner returned to 
Lenoir County with his maternal grandfather and grew up 
on the Wooten plantation there. When he was ten, his grand- 
father died, and a maternal uncle, Shadrach Wooten, took 
over the rearing of the young orphan. Shadrach Wooten was 
married to Henrietta Harper, the aunt of Joyner's wife-to-be 
(EfBe Rouse's mother's sister). This emphasizes the close 
relationships which had existed for many years. His early 

1 R. D. W. Connor and Clarence Poe, eds., The Life and Speeches of 
Charles B. Ay cock (Garden City, New York; Doubleday, Page and Company, 
1912), 122, hereinafter cited as Connor and Poe, Charles B. Aycock. 

2 Facts about Joyner's early life are taken from N. W. Walker, "James 
Yadkin Joyner," University of North Carolina Magazine (November, 1906), 
67-73, hereinafter cited as Walker, "James Yadkin Joyner"; and from Lucy 
M. Cobb, "James Yadkin Joyner, Educator," The Charlotte Observer, 
February 22, 1931. 

James Yadkin Joyner 361 

education came from his grandfather, and from the only 
nearby school, LaGrange Academy. By 1878, barely sixteen 
years old, he completed the studies offered at the Academy 
and entered the University of North Carolina. He was young 
for college work, but he soon became a sound student and 
a leader in a group of friends who were destined for prom- 
inence in later years. Among his classmates were Ay cock, 
Alderman and Mclver, already mentioned, and also such 
outstanding men as Charles R. Thomas, later a Congressman; 
Robert P. Pell, a college president; Locke Craig, Governor 
of North Carolina; M. C. S. Noble and Horace Williams, both 
prominent in the University and in education circles in gen- 
eral during later years; and Robert W. Winston, noted State 
judge and writer. 3 After only three years at Chapel Hill, 
young Joyner was graduated with a Bachelor of Philosophy 
degree. He was chosen as one of the commencement speakers 
out of the 31 graduating in 1881, and the topic of his speech 
was "Self-Government." Throughout his life he was a loyal 
alumnus of the University, active in alumni work and ever 
ready to lend a helping hand to any worthwhile project 
undertaken at Chapel Hill. 

In August of the year he was graduated, Joyner began his 
teaching caieer at the LaGrange Academy in his home 
county, and the next year, 1882, he became its principal. 
When Joyner began teaching here, his future wife, Miss Effie 
Rouse, was one of the older students and therefore was 
taught by her future husband. It was a small private school, 
similar to the hundreds of other academies that provided 
almost all of the secondary educational facilities available 
in the South at that time. It was both a boarding and a day 
school, and the young principal probably taught all of the 
subjects in the upper grades, thus providing himself with 
the first-hand knowledge of teaching problems and methods 
that was to be so useful to him in later years. He also served 
as superintendent of schools in Lenoir County during the 
years 1882 to 1884, but since the county's public school sys- 
tem was almost non-existent at this date, this position did 

3 Connor and Poe, Charles B. Aycock, 23. 

362 The North Carolina Historical Review 

not interfere very much with his duties as teacher and prin- 
cipal of LaGrange Academy. 

In 1884 Joyner was called to Winston, North Carolina, to 
become superintendent of the schools in that growing town. 
Calvin H. Wiley, a man who had also played a great role 
in North Carolina's educational history, was then chairman 
of the school board in Winston, and he wanted a progressive 
young man to set up a system of graded public schools in 
his town that would serve as a model for public schools 
throughout the State. This was Joyner's task, and as a teacher- 
administrator he laid the foundation for a successful school 
system in Winston- Salem. But school teachers were poorly 
paid in the 1880s, and their task was often a thankless one. 
Funds for school work were almost nonexistent and much of 
the school administrator's time was taken up with trying to 
obtain funds, or trying to get along without them. With a 
future in the educational field far from assured, Joyner turned 
to another profession — the law. During the winter of 1885- 
1886 he took up the study of law with the firm of Dick and 
Dillard in Greensboro, and the next summer he was admitted 
to the State bar. He temporarily abandoned the field of edu- 
cation, and returned to the eastern part of the state, where 
he opened a law office in Goldsboro. His partners were 
William Turner Faircloth, an older experienced lawyer who 
had married Joyner's aunt (the sister of his mother), and who 
was later chief justice of North Carolina, and William A. 
Allen, later a state supreme court judge. He was not com- 
pletely separated from school work while practicing law in 
Goldsboro, however, because he was soon elected chairman 
of the board of education of Wayne County. His superintend- 
ent of schools in Goldsboro was an old classmate, Edwin A. 

Probably another of the reasons that brought Joyner back 
to eastern Carolina was Miss Effie E. Rouse, a sister of N. J. 
and T. R. Rouse, both of whom were his classmates at Chapel 
Hill. Miss Rouse was the daughter of another Lenoir County 
farmer, Noah H. Rouse and Eliza Harper Rouse, and the 
young people had known each other for years. On December 
14, 1887, James Yadkin Joyner and Effie E. Rouse were mar- 

James Yadkin Joyner 363 

ried in LaGrange, and their union was to be a long and happy 
one. Two sons were born to them, James N. and William T., 
and both proved to be a credit to their parents: James as an 
official of the British American Tobacco Company in China 
and later a farmer in LaGrange, and William as a lawyer in 

But the legal profession was not enough to hold Joyner 
away from the field of education. When Alderman in 1889 
was called from his position in the Goldsboro schools to teach 
at the State Normal School in Greensboro, Joyner was pre- 
vailed upon to take the position of superintendent of the 
Goldsboro city schools. During his four years in this position 
the work already begun by Alderman was continued, and 
Joyner gained considerable additional experience in educa- 
tion on the local level. Before leaving Goldsboro, Joyner was 
known throughout the State as a leading school authority, 
and this led directly to his next position. In 1892, Alderman 
moved from his position at the Woman's College (it was 
then called the State Normal and Industrial College) to be- 
come president of the University of North Carolina at Chapel 
Hill, and once again Joyner followed in his footsteps. Charles 
Duncan Mclver was then president of the college at Greens- 
boro, and he remembered with favor his old classmate at 
Chapel Hill. He called Joyner to become Professor of English 
Literature and Dean of the Normal School at Greensboro, 
and Joyner filled the position creditably for nine years. As 
dean he was responsible for the building up of a department 
for the training of teachers, and for the first time a state 
institution in North Carolina began the training of women 
as classroom teachers. 

At Greensboro, Joyner came into his own as a teacher and 
administrator. In addition to teaching his classes in literature, 
he also taught 'methods of teaching," and trained hundreds 
of young women in the art of bringing education to the 
children of the State. His experience at LaGrange, Winston, 
and Goldsboro made his teaching practical and to the point. 
His wide range of knowledge and his healthy appetite for 
reading kept him abreast of his profession, and he was well 
aware of the newer methods of teaching and learning then 

364 The North Carolina Historical Review 

being introduced in the northern schools and colleges. But 
he never could get away from the fact that what North 
Carolina needed was more teachers, better teachers; more 
schools and better schools. During his summers at Greens- 
boro, he continued the conducting of county teachers' insti- 
tutes, already begun by Mclver and Alderman. In these, the 
faculty of the Normal College would go out to the various 
counties and conduct five-day institutes for teachers and 
would-be teachers in the various locations. The rudiments of 
teaching methods would be stressed and the more important 
problems connected with teaching would be discussed. Joy- 
ner, and possibly also President Mclver, would make a talk 
about the need for education, and the whole "institute" would 
end with a "speaking day," when the public would be invited 
in to hear the teachers and some of their students promote 
the cause of good schools. 4 The county teachers' institutes 
served a good cause, and they convinced Joyner of the need 
for several teacher training institutions in the State. Later 
on, as State Superintendent of Public Instruction, he was to 
help meet this need by pressing for the creation of teachers' 
colleges for both white and colored. 

Also while at Greensboro, Joyner found time to be of public 
service other than in the field of education. His law training 
and experience had interested him in public affairs, and so 
he ran for the position of alderman in Greensboro, and was 
elected. During part of the time that he was alderman ( 1899- 
1901), he served as mayor pro tern of the city during the 
absence of the elected mayor. He also was appointed to serve 
as a member of the board of directors of the Colored Agri- 
cultural and Mechanical College at Greensboro, and in 1901, 
he was made chairman of the North Carolina Text-book 
Commission. Even after leaving Greensboro, he remained 
deeply interested in the Woman's College, and when in 1906, 
on the death of President Mclver, he was offered the position 
of president of the college, he found it difficult to decline. 
He was then in the midst of his work as State Superintendent, 

4 See biographical sketch of James Yadkin Joyner in Archibald Hender- 
son, ed., North Carolina, The Old North State and the New (Chicago, The 
Lewis Publishing Company, 5 volumes, 1941), III, 14-15. 

James Yadkin Joyner 365 

however, and he felt that he could best serve his state in 
Raleigh rather than in Greensboro. His own words about this 
decision to decline the offer were reported to be: "My heart 
is with the Normal, but my duty is along other lines." 5 

In 1901 Charles B. Ay cock became governor of North 
Carolina, after a hard-fought election in which public edu- 
cation was a prominent issue. Along with Governor Ay cock, 
Thomas F. Toon was elected State Superintendent of Public 
Instruction. Toon seems to have been sincerely interested in 
his work, and with the support of Aycock, he began a con- 
certed effort to improve educational conditions in the State. 
But unfortunately, his health was poor and he died early in 
1902, after only about a year in office. The appointment of 
his successor was up to the Governor, and Aycock had little 
difficulty in finding a likely candidate. Joyner, veteran of the 
teachers' institutes, teacher and friend of teachers through- 
out the state, chairman of the Text-book Commission, and 
active worker in the field of education for more than twenty 
years, was a logical man for the job. Moreover, Aycock knew 
him personally, and knew that he could depend upon him. 
Joyner's selection was generally approved throughout the 
State, and one contemporary, R. D. W. Connor, said: "In no 
act of his administration did Aycock show better judgment 
than in selecting this modest, retiring teacher' to become the 
head of the most important department of the State govern- 
ment." 6 

The task that Joyner took over as State Superintendent was 
no easy one, and the salary was by no means large. Despite 
years of effort on the part of a few dedicated workers in the 
field of public education, North Carolina's school system was 
still in a very poor condition. The public schools of the State 
were based on the district system, in which each individual 
school district supported, or tried to support, its own feeble 
school. Including white and colored, there were more than 
eight thousand school districts in North Carolina in 1900. 
Of these, 5,028 white school districts had schoolhouses whose 
average value was only $231.00 each, while 2,236 colored 

5 Walker, "James Yadkin Joyner," 70-71. 

6 Connor and Poe, Charles B. Aycock, 122. 

366 The North Carolina Historical Review 

school districts had schoolhouses valued at an average of 
only $136.00 each. A total of 830 school districts had no 
schoolhouses at all. Most of these schoolhouses were in very 
poor condition, and 829 of them were still plain log cabins. 
The only secondary schools in the State were the private 
academies and the few high schools supported by the larger 
towns. The teachers in the schools were hard workers, and 
many of them were devoted to their task, but few of them 
were trained, all of them were poorly paid, and only a few 
held the same school long enough to make much headway 
toward educating their half -interested charges. Salaries for 
white teachers in North Carolina averaged only $26.78 per 
month, and for colored teachers only $22.19. Since the school 
term was only three to four months, ordinarily, this meant 
that teachers had to have other incomes, and that no one 
could afford much training for such a poorly paid position. 
In all, 8,663 teachers brought the best they could in the way 
of teaching to some 245,000 North Carolina school children 
in 1901, and of these teachers all but 692 taught in rural 
schools, where only one out of two enrolled children were 
actually present on any average day. Many of these teachers 
had little more than a grammar grade education themselves, 
especially in the colored schools. As for teacher training, most 
of the trained teachers in the State came from the Woman's 
College in Greensboro, or from the few private colleges in 
the State that offered teacher education. The University at 
Chapel Hill turned out a few men teachers, but most of these 
soon found their way into administrative positions as county 
and city superintendents, or went into more lucrative profes- 
sions. 7 

In his Raleigh office, Joyner found little help and many 
problems. Although he had the full support of Governor 
Aycock, he did not always find the legislature completely 
co-operative. For example, in his 1902 report, he asked for 
five "full-time deputy superintendents" to assist him in his 

7 J. Y. Joyner, Superintendent Public Instruction, Biennial Report of the 
Superintendent of Public Instruction, for the Scholastic Year, 1900-1901 
and 1901-1902 (Raleigh, Edwards and Broughton, State Printers, 1902), 
v-viii, and statistics, hereinafter cited as Joyner, Biennial Report, 1901-1902. 

James Yadkin Joyner 367 

work; by his 1904 report, one can see that all the additional 
help he got was two clerks, and one of them only half-time. 
His staff as of 1904 consisted only of a general clerk, a special 
clerk for "loan fund, rural libraries, etc.," and a stenographer, 
with a state superintendent of colored normal schools also 
working closely with him. 8 Despite the shortcomings of his 
official staff, and the enormity of the task before him, Joyner 
entered into his job with a vigor of spirit and a personal 
devotion to duty that were equalled only by his capable and 
efficient approach to the problems that faced him. Some 
excerpts from his first report to the governor will indicate 
his attitude toward his position: 

Every age has its spirit, properly called spirit, something 
born in heaven and sent to earth to direct the destiny of that 
age. The spirit of this age, as all men must feel, is universal 
education. The greatest undeveloped resources, then, of this 
State are her undeveloped intellectual and moral resources. 
Greater than her towering mountains, her rushing rivers and 
her fertile fields, her smiling seas, her balmy climate and her 
starry skies, ay!, greater than all of these combined are the 
minds and hearts of her little children. The State Superintendent 
will do the best he can, whether the Legislature sees fit to give 
him the necessary assistance or not. He does not ask it for him- 
self. He asks it for his people and the sacred cause that he repre- 
sents. For the little children of his State he would be willing 
to work for a bare living, if necessary. He prefers an increase 
in the means of efficiency for his office to any increase in per- 
sonal gain for himself. 9 

Despite the fact that his state had recently disfranchised its 
colored population, Joyner was far from being disinterested 
in the education of the Negro. In fact, he fought strongly 
for educational facilities for the colored people, as can be 
seen in the following notes from the same report: 

8 Joyner, Biennial Report, 1901-1902, 72; Biennial Report and Recom- 
mendations of the Superintendent of Public Instruction of North Carolina 
to Governor Charles B. Ay cock, for the Scholastic Years, 1902-1903 and 
1903-190 h. (Raleigh, E. M. Uzzell and Co., State Printers and Binders, 
1904), 121. 

9 Joyner, Biennial Report, 1901-1902, iii, v. 

368 The North Carolina Historical Review 

But there are those who . . . are unwilling for the white race 
that pays the greatest part of the taxes to assume the burden 
of the education of the negro. . . . The weaker and more help- 
less the race, the louder the call to the strong to help. The 
humbled and more hopeless the child, the more binding the duty 
to elevate. . . . We have made many and grievous mistakes in 
the education of the negro. . . . We can correct these mistakes 
not by decreasing the quantity of his education, but rather 
by improving the quality of it — not by destroying the means 
of his education, but rather by directing it in proper channels. 
. . . There is danger in ignorance, whether it be wrapped in a 
white skin or a black one. 10 

Even before Joyner took office, Governor Aycock had al- 
ready formed his "Central Campaign Committee for the 
Promotion of Public Education in North Carolina," made up 
of the Governor, Superintendent Toon, and Charles Duncan 
Mclver. Joyner took over in place of Toon, and the Com- 
mittee got under way in 1902 with headquarters in Joyner's 
office. The purpose of the Committee was to promote public 
education through every possible legal means — campaigns 
for local school taxes, for the consolidation of school districts, 
for better school buildings and equipment, for longer school 
terms, and for better trained and higher paid teachers. The 
general plan was to show the people of North Carolina what 
could be done in the way of public education, and then to 
lead them in demanding and achieving better educational 
facilities. Local committees all over the State were organized 
to back the Central Committee; speakers toured the State, 
campaigning for education. Other interested followers of 
the "educational governor" wrote articles for the newspapers, 
and distributed pamphlets and leaflets urging better schools. 
Even the ministers in the churches were asked to preach a 
sermon on the subject of education at least once a year. 
Of course, Joyner was in the midst of this campaign — in 
practice, its actual leader — although E. C. Brooks, then 
superintendent of schools in Monroe, was appointed execu- 
tive secretary of the committee. In the first two years of the 
committee, over three hundred-fifty meetings were held in 
North Carolina, and no less than seventy-eight of the state's 


Joyner, Biennial Report, 1901-1902, vi-vii. 

James Yadkin Joyner 369 

counties held county-wide educational rallies, attended by 
teachers, school board members, and citizens. Meetings were 
held in courthouses, in churches, in schoolhouses, and even 
out in the open, to hear outstanding speakers on educational 
problems and policies. It took on the nature of a revival — an 
educational revival — and for once North Carolina took more 
interest in education than in politics. 

On the whole, the campaign was a success, and Joyner, 
speaking in December, 1904, could point with pride to the 
fact that North Carolina was at last awake to the need for 
education, and it was up to the legislature to provide the 
means. On this occasion, he said: 

I weigh my words when I declare it to be my deliberate con- 
viction that the great masses of the people in North Carolina 
are interested as never before in this question of the educa- 
tion of their children, that they are talking about it among 
themselves more than ever before, and that a deep-seated con- 
viction and a quiet determination that their children shall be 
educated are finding surer lodgment in the minds and hearts 
of the people than ever before. ... I believe that ... a revo- 
lution upon this question of the education of all the people is 
well under way in North Carolina. 11 

The problems that faced Joyner in his first decade as State 
Superintendent were manifold, and of course not all of them 
were solved. But tremendous headway was made on all of 
them, as can be well seen from a pamphlet which he issued in 
1912, entitled, A Decade of Educational Progress in North 
Carolina, 1901-1910, , 12 In the matter of obtaining local funds 
for schools, the county tax rates were supplemented in only 
eighteen special school tax districts in 1901, but in a total of 
1,167 by the end of 1910. The total public school expenditures 
in the State almost tripled in the decade, while the school 
age population increased only 10 per cent, and the actual 
school enrollment only 20 per cent. The average rural school 

n Edgar W. Knight, Public School Education in North Carolina (Boston, 
Houghton Mifflin Company, 1916), 332-336, hereinafter cited as Knight, 
Education in North Carolina. 

12 Issued from the Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction (Raleigh, 
March, 1912). 

370 The North Carolina Historical Review 

term was increased from four months to nearly five, while the 
city schools average term was brought up to almost eight 
months per year. More than three thousand new schoolhouses 
were built in the State during the decade— averaging more 
than one a day after Joyner took office. The value of the 
school property in the State was more than tripled as new 
schools took the places of old ones and better desks and 
equipment were added. The salaries of teachers increased 
about 30 per cent, and since their annual terms increased in 
length, their average annual salaries almost doubled. Some 
2,500 additional teachers were brought into the state school 
system, making a total of 11,162 teaching in white and 
colored, rural and city schools, in 1910. The number of one- 
teacher schools decreased, although this was still the standard 
type in most rural areas. 

But the importance of Superintendent Joyner's contribu- 
tion to the educational history of the State far transcends 
mere statistics. There were many phases of educational work 
that he sponsored and promoted— such as school libraries, 
farm life schools, teacher training institutes, increased state 
aid for schools, and the education of adults— that were previ- 
ously unknown, or nearly so, on the North Carolina scene. In 
the school libraries, Joyner sought to have a standard collec- 
tion of books, small in number but worthwhile in quality, 
placed in every rural school in the State. These books were 
to be available for reading by parents as well as by the school 
children. In adult education, he was mainly interested in re- 
ducing the very high illiteracy rate in his state. The "moon- 
light schools," held for adults in most of the counties, taught 
thousands of grown men and women the elements of read- 
ing and writing, and this fact, together with the better edu- 
cation for children, reduced adult illiteracy in North Caro- 
lina from 28.71 per cent in 1900 to 18.5 per cent in 1910. In 
the field of teacher training, the decade saw the enlargement 
of the facilities at the State Normal College at Greensboro, 
and at the Cullowhee Normal School (founded as a private 
school in 1888 and taken over by the State in 1903 ) , and also 
the beginning of two new teacher training schools at Boone 
(Appalachian Training School, 1903), and at Greenville (East 

James Yadkin Joyner 371 

Carolina Teachers' Training School, 1907). For the Negroes, 
the seven "teachers' institutes" that had been operating in 
1900 were consolidated into three, at Winston, Fayetteville 
and Elizabeth City, and these were gradually raised to college 
level, along with the Croatan Normal School for Indians at 
Pembroke. In addition, teacher training institutes were held 
in seventy-eight counties in the summer of 1909, and short 
two-week courses were given to the more than three thousand 
teachers who attended them. Other subjects also occupied 
the attention of the Superintendent, including compulsory 
school attendance, transportation of pupils to schools, rural 
roads, public health, the teaching of health in the schools, 
school consolidation, and improved school administration. 
All of these topics, and others, were mentioned and recom- 
mended time after time in Joyner's official reports, and event- 
ually, in almost all cases, he got at least a part of what he 

Probably the most outstanding accomplishment of Joyner's 
first decade in the office of state superintendent was the pas- 
sage of the State Public High School Act of 1907. Prior to 
that time there had been no publicly supported high schools 
in North Carolina, except in the towns where the support 
was purely local. The Public High School Act appropriated 
forty-five thousand dollars to aid in the establishment of 
high schools, with counties and school districts also required 
to pay a share of the costs. Joyner was particularly interested 
in seeing that local funds were required, because he felt that 
the people would take more interest in institutions in which 
they had a financial concern. On the other hand, he knew that 
most counties could not afford high schools without state aid, 
and that state action and funds were necessary in order to 
stimulate the organization of high schools. That he was ap- 
parently right was evidenced in the opening of 156 public 
high schools in the State in the first year after the passage 
of the Act. Along with the High School Act there was a pro- 
vision for the hiring of a competent State Inspector of High 
Schools who would advise school superintendents and school 
boards all over the State on all phases of high school work. 
Appended to the Act was an act creating a third white teacher 

372 The North Carolina Historical Review 

training institution at Greenville. A previous legislature had 
refused to appropriate funds for this institution, but tied to 
the High School Act, and with Joyner's influence behind it, 
the legislation creating East Carolina Teachers' Training 
School was finally passed. Dr. Joyner maintained a strong 
interest in this young college from the beginning. He was 
ex officio chairman of the board of trustees, and he took an 
active part in the direction of the college as long as he was 
State Superintendent and an active interest in it for the re- 
mainder of his life. 13 

As Joyner approached the end of his first decade as State 
Superintendent he was becoming a nationally known figure, 
and the recipient of many outstanding honors. His alma 
mater, the University of North Carolina, rewarded his years 
of service to the state by bestowing upon him the LL.D. de- 
gree at the June commencement in 1908. This made him "Doc- 
tor" Joyner, and as such he was known for the remainder of his 
life. Another possibly less important, but still sincerely ap- 
preciated, honor came on December 1, 1911, when the coun- 
ty school superintendents of the State presented him with a 
gold-headed cane in token of their appreciation of his services 
to education in North Carolina. Shortly afterward, the North 
Carolina Teachers Assembly presented to the State a large- 
sized portrait of Dr. Joyner to hang in the Capitol. 14 Prob- 
ably the most signal honor that came to him, though, was 
his election in 1909 to the position of President of the Na- 
tional Education Association, at that group's annual meeting 
in Denver, Colorado. Few southern educators had been 
honored with even minor positions in this national association 
up to this time, and Dr. Joyner's election to this post indicated 

13 See the narrative reports in J. Y. Joyner, Superintendent Public Instruc- 
tion, Biennial Report of the Superintendent of Public Instruction of North 
Carolina to Governor Robert B. Glenn for the Scholastic Years, 1906-1907 
and 1907-1908 (Raleigh, E. M. Uzzell and Company, State Printers and 
Binders, 1908) ; and Biennial Report of the Superintendent of Public In- 
struction to Governor W. W. Kitchin for the Scholastic Years, 1908-1909 
and 1909-1910 (Raleigh, E. M. Uzzell and Company, State Printers and 
Binders, 1910). 

14 R. D. W. Connor, ed., [Secretary] Proceedings and Addresses of the 
Twenty-Ninth Annual Session of the North Carolina Teachers' Assembly at 
Greensboro, November 27-30, 1912 (Raleigh, Published Under Authority of 
the State Superintendent of Public Instruction, 1913), 33-36, hereinafter 
cited as Connor, Proceedings and Addresses, 1912. 

James Yadkin Joyner 373 

the esteem with which he was held by his fellow educators 
throughout the nation. His presidential address, delivered at 
the 1910 meeting in Boston before the largest audience ever 
to attend a National Education Association meeting up to 
that time, was on "Some Dominant Tendencies in American 
Education." In this address he pointed out that "changed and 
changing conditions of life and civilization demand and pro- 
duce changed and changing conceptions of education." He 
was thoroughly in accord with changing the form of educa- 
tion to meet the needs of a changing society, but he warned 
that "There is danger that the new education will become 
too dependent upon voluntary interest and will develop no 
power to drive the will to the discharge of unpleasant duties 
and to the performance of unpleasant tasks." He felt that 
the child should be taught self-guidance and self-reliance in 
the school: "Out yonder in life there will be rough places in 
the road, there will be mountains of difficulty to overcome, 
there may be nobody there to help. The child should learn in 
the little world of the school, which is his life then, to face 
difficulties bravely, to grapple with them courageously, to 
rely upon himself to overcome them, and to acquire in over- 
coming them the strength, the courage, and the confidence 
to overcome other and greater ones." He closed his address 
with a challenge that is still pertinent: "Teachers of America, 
go forth to your work of lifting humanity into finger touch 
with the Almighty, unawed by fear, unrestrained by pessi- 
mism, sustained by faith in the holiness of your mission, 
assured that you hold the strategic point in education, which 
ever must be the strategic point in civilization." 15 

Throughout his educational career, Joyner was prominent 
in local, regional, and national educational associations. In 
addition to his year as president of National Education Asso- 
ciation, he served as the association's secretary for several 
terms, and after 1910 he was a lifetime member of its council. 
On at least five occasions he spoke at the national educational 

15 National Education Association of the United States, Journal of Pro- 
ceedings and Addresses of the Forty-Ninth Annual Meeting Held at Boston, 
Massachusetts, July 2-8, 1910 (Winona, Minn., Published by the Association, 
Secretary^ Office, 1910), 78-87. 

374 The North Carolina Historical Review 

meetings, and his addresses were printed in the National 
Educational Association's yearly journals. As late as 1935 he 
attended the National Educational Association annual meet- 
ing and made a brief talk on "Early Recollections" of the 
Association's leaders and activities some three decades be- 
fore. 16 He was active in the North Carolina Teachers Assem- 
bly from 1891 on, and long after it became the North Carolina 
Education Association he was one of its most prominent mem- 
bers. He served several terms as president of the State Asso- 
ciation of County Superintendents, and also as president of 
the Southern Education Conference. At different times he 
served, either ex officio or by appointment, on the boards of 
trustees of East Carolina College, the Woman's College at 
Greensboro, the University at Chapel Hill, the Agricultural 
and Technical College at Greensboro, and Meredith College 
at Raleigh. He was active in alumni work for the University 
of North Carolina, and attended many of the University's 
commencements and alumni reunions. In 1890 he was sec- 
retary of the University of North Carolina alumni group in 
Goldsboro, and in 1891, just ten years after his graduation, 
he was asked to deliver the University Day address at Chapel 
Hill. His subject was "Edgar Allan Poe." In 1895 he led his 
class in raising five hundred dollars to donate toward the 
building of Memorial Hall at the University, and in May, 
1905, he was the University's commencement speaker. In 
1910, at an alumni meeting in Chapel Hill, he spoke strongly 
on "The Need of a Better School of Education" at the Uni- 

18 National Education Association of the United States, Proceedings of the 
Seventy-Third Annual Meeting Held in Denver, Colorado,, June 30 to July 5, 
1935, Volume 73 (Washington, D. C, National Education Association of the 
United State, 1935), 135-137. For Joyner's other addresses at National 
Education Association meetings see the organization's, Journal of Proceed- 
ings and Addresses of the Forty-Sixth Annual Meeting Held at Cleveland, 
Ohio, June 29-July 3, 1908 (Winona, Minn., Published by the Association, 
Secretary's Office, 1908), 279-281; Proceedings and Addresses of the Fifty- 
Second Annual Meeting Held at St. Paul, Minnesota, July U-H, 191U (Ann 
Arbor, Michigan, Published by the Association, Secretary's Office, 1914), 
129-131 ; Proceedings and Addresses of the Fifty-Third Annual Meeting 
and International Congress on Education Held at Oakland, California, 
August 16-27, 1915 (Ann Arbor, Michigan, Published by the Association, 
Secretary's Office, 1915), 76-82; and Addresses and Proceedings of the 
Fifty-Fourth Annual Meeting Held at New York City, July 1-8, 1916, 
Volume LIV (Ann Arbor, Michigan, Published by the Association, Secre- 
tary's Office, 1916), 79-82. 

James Yadkin Joyner 375 

versity, and for several years he served on the University 
Alumni Council. 17 

In February, 1912, at the presentation of Joyner's portrait 
to the state, E. C. Brooks, President of the North Carolina 
Teachers' Assembly, said of him: 

When he entered the office of State Superintendent of Public 
Instruction he found only one clerk and a stenographer em- 
ployed on half salary. . . . Today there is a supervisor of teacher 
training, a supervisor of rural libraries and schoolhouses, and 
inspector of high schools, and a supervisor of elementary schools, 
all working out from the office of the State Superintendent. . . . 
Moreover, the duties of his office were but poorly outlined and 
its possibilities but vaguely understood. He first magnified the 
office and the State Superintendent of Public Instruction became 
at once equal in rank and dignity to that of any official in the 
Governor's Council. Ten years ago North Carolina did not be- 
lieve in public education. At that time only forty-two districts 
in the State, including cities, towns and rural communities, 
considered education of sufficient importance to support the 
schools by special taxation. . . . Under ten years of wise leader- 
ship, public school expenditures have increased nearly threefold. 
One month has been added to the average school term, and over 
twelve hundred districts now levy a special tax for school pur- 
poses. Moreover, the amount raised by local taxation alone in 
these districts is greater than the total amounts expended in 
all the rural districts ten years ago. . . . Few men have so ex- 
tended a great system like this and breathed into it a finer 
spirit in so short a time. . . . 18 

In accepting the portrait for the state, the Honorable J. Bryan 
Grimes, Secretary of State, said: 

This is a unique honor that you are paying to Mr. Joyner. I 
believe it is the most beautiful tribute that I have ever known 
bestowed upon a living North Carolinian; and, in paying him 
this tribute, you are only honoring yourselves and honoring 
the State, because no man in the last generation has done more 
for North Carolina than James Yadkin Joyner. 19 

17 Kemp P. Battle, History of the University of North Carolina (Raleigh, 
Edwards and Broughton Printing Company, 2 volumes, 1907-1912), II, 235, 
444, 523, 647, 705. 729. 

18 Eugene C. Brooks, "A Decade of Educational Service," in Connor, 
Proceedings and Addresses, 1912, 35. 

19 Connor, Proceedings and Addresses, 1912, 37. 

376 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The last few years of Joyner's administration, in the years 
leading up to and including World War I, were disturbed 
ones. Yet, despite these factors, several more educational 
accomplishments were added to the previous ones, and 
Joyner's services continued to be eminently successful. He 
was re-elected to his state position in the elections of 1904, 
1912 and 1916 with virtually no opposition. In 1913 one of his 
long time ambitions was achieved when a State Farm Life 
School Law was passed. Joyner had always felt that the edu- 
cation of rural children should be directed toward life on the 
farm, and concerning this new law, he said: 

We must prepare country boys and girls to make the most, 
and to get the most, out of all that is about them — soil, plant 
and animal, the three great sources of wealth in the world; 
and to use what they make and get in the best ways to enrich, 
sweeten, beautify, and uplift country life, socially, morally, 
intellectually, spiritually, making it the ideal life that God 
intended it to be, which men will seek and love to live. 20 

The Farm Life School was designed to make farmers out of 
farm boys, and homemakers out of farm girls. Since it was 
expected that not enough students would be living in reach 
of any one rural high school to warrant its construction, pro- 
visions were made for boarding students, and dormitories 
were constructed for boys and girls. Each school had a farm 
attached to it, and the students were able to practice what 
they were taught. Some twenty of these Farm Life Schools 
were established during Joyner's term in office, but they never 
became as popular as he would have liked them to be. 

Another accomplishment in his later years in office was the 
passage in 1913 of an act strengthening the State Equalization 
Fund— originally established in 1901— to make possible a 
state supported six-month school term in all counties. If the 
counties would support a four month term, then the State 
would pay for the extra two months. In 1918 this six-month 

20 James Yadkin Joyner, "The County Farm-Life School Law and Ex- 
planations" (Raleigh, (E. M. Uzzell and Company, State Printers, 1911), 
supplement to vol. 2, no. 2, N. W. Walker, The North Carolina High School 
Bulletin (Chapel Hill, Published by the University of North Carolina, 1910- 
1917), April, 1911. 

James Yadkin Joyner 377 

term was made mandatory for all public schools in the State. 
With longer school terms, the compulsory attendance laws 
needed to be strengthened. There had been laws since 1907, 
authorizing counties and school boards to enforce attendance 
between the ages of eight and fifteen if they cared to do so, 
but these laws had been only rarely enforced. The result was 
that even in 1918 attendance in the State's schools averaged 
only about 65 per cent of those enrolled, and only 53 per cent 
of all children between the ages of six and twenty-one. The 
act of 1907 was strengthened in 1913, especially with the 
addition of county attendance officers, but it still was not 
completely satisfactory, since there were too many loopholes. 
In 1917 the ages for compulsory attendance were extended 
from eight to twelve to eight to fourteen, and then in 1919, 
after Joyner had retired, but acting on his recommendation, 
the legislature extended the period of required attendance 
from four to six months in order to coincide with the new 
six months school law. Also, in 1917, the Legislature created 
the State Board of Examiners and Institute Conductors, of 
which Joyner was chairman. This board was authorized to 
issue first class certificates to those teachers with the neces- 
sary training and experience to merit them. Second and third 
class certificates, however, were still issued by county and 
city superintendents and boards. This was a step towards 
standard certification of teachers, but it still left much to be 
desired. In 1919 only 20 per cent of the State's white teachers 
and only 7 per cent of the Negro teachers held the highest 
grade certificate, while 16 per cent of the white teachers and 
43 per cent of the Negro teachers had themselves never fin- 
ished high school. 21 

By no means the least important of Dr. Joyner's accomp- 
lishments as superintendent was his inauguration of a series 
of valuable publications for the teachers and school workers 
of the State. His publications, which began in his first year in 
office, included a wide variety of useful items. Courses of 

21 Knight, Education in North Carolina, 346-348. See also the various Bien- 
nial Reports mentioned, especially E. C. Brooks, Biennial Report of the 
Superintendent of Public Instruction for the Scholastic Years, 1918-1919 
and 1919-1920 (Raleigh, Edwards and Broughton Printing Company, State 
Printers, 1921). 

378 The North Carolina Historical Review 

study for both elementary and high schools were most im- 
portant, and were several times revised and brought up to 
date along with handbooks for teachers in the various grades 
and subjects. Book lists, song collections, public school laws, 
directories of school officials, and the rules and regulations 
of the State Board of Examiners were only a few of the many 
publications that poured out of the State Superintendent's 
office. Other pamphlets were on North Carolina Day, which 
Joyner sought to have observed in all the State's schools; on 
Arbor Day; on Washington's Birthday; and on the work of 
the Teachers' Institutes of the various years. The annual re- 
ports of the Superintendent were very full and complete, 
forming virtual histories of education in the State for the years 
they covered. Other reports were made also for the various 
assistants in the Superintendent's office, such as the State 
Inspector of Negro High Schools, and also for the North 
Carolina Teachers' Assembly. There had been little educa- 
tional material published by the State before Joyner took 
office, and this publishing activity was a most valuable con- 
tribution to the work of the schools, because it gave the 
teachers practical aid and advice just where they needed it. 

Dr. Joyner's recommendations in his final report (1916- 
1917 and 1917-1918) showed that he felt that his task was 
still far from completed. He called for a strengthening of the 
six-month school act, and for a minimum salary law for 
teachers and superintendents. He especially wanted increased 
salaries for teachers to reward them for extra training and 
experience above the minimum. He wanted the salaries of 
the workers in the offices of the State Superintendent to be 
increased. Since he was resigning, he pointed out, he could 
speak at last about the salary of the state superintendent it- 
self, and he said that it should be "big enough to command 
and retain the services of one of the biggest men in the pro- 
fession without making it necessary for him to pay for the 
privilege of serving his state by supplementing his salary from 
his private fortune. . . ." He recommended a state teachers' 
employment bureau, to be operated at no expense to the 
teachers registered with it. For the Negroes of the State he 
wanted higher teachers salaries, better schools, and above all, 

James Yadkin Joyner 379 

more funds for the Negro normal schools. He repeated his 
thesis that "If the state fails to perform its duty in the proper 
education of its negro citizens, the white race as well as the 
black will pay the penalty." Finally, he asked for a traveling 
auditor, paid by the State, to audit the accounts of the 
county and city boards of education throughout the State. 
Such an auditor, he believed, would save the State several 
times his salary in any given year. 22 

Seventeen years as a state official had taken its toll on the 
energies of Dr. Joyner, if not on his abilities. He had traveled 
extensively and almost continuously since taking office, visi- 
ting every county in North Carolina and over half of the 
states in the Union. His health was no longer good, and he 
was approaching sixty years of age. With these cares in mind, 
Dr. Joyner decided in the summer of 1918 to retire from his 
position and return to his farm in Lenoir County. He wrote 
Governor T. W. Bickett as follows: 

My Dear Governor: 

As county superintendent of my native county before I was 
twenty-one years of age, as chairman of the county board of 
education, as teacher and superintendent of city public schools, 
as teacher and dean of the State Normal and Industrial College, 
as State Superintendent of Public Instruction for the past sev- 
enteen years, I have been in public service and have felt the 
weight of public responsibility continuously for thirty-seven 
years. I have had joy in the service. I am more grateful and 
appreciative than I can ever express in word or act for the 
measure of confidence, support, cooperation, and appreciation — 
far beyond my deserts — that I have received from the people 
of North Carolina during all these years. I need a rest now. I 
hope I have earned it. . . . 23 

Governor Bickett replied: 

22 J. Y. Joyner, Superintendent Public Instruction, Biennial Report of the 
Superintendent of Public Instruction for the Scholastic Years, 1916-1917 
and 1917-1918 (Raleigh, Edwards and Broughton Printing Company, State 
Printers, 1919), narrative report, 47. 

23 R. B. House, ed., Public Letters and Papers of Thomias Walter Bickett, 
Governor of North Carolina, 1917-1921 (Raleigh, Edwards and Broughton 
Printing Company, State Printers, 1923), 386. Hereinafter cited as House, 
Letters and Papers of T. W. Bickett. 

380 The North Carolina Historical Review 

... I deeply regret that the State is to lose the benefit of your 
services, but concur in the opinion that you have rightly earned 
a period of rest. I know that any words of fulsome praise would 
be distasteful to you, but writing with rigid conservatism, I 
am constrained to say that during the seventeen years you have 
been State Superintendent of Public Instruction you have made 
a noble and imperishable contribution to the intellectual and 
moral life of the State. . . . 24 

And so, at the end of the year in 1918, with the World War 
over and the State and nation entering a new era of hope, 
Dr. Joyner left his desk in Raleigh, and returned to his farm 
at LaGrange, confident that he was retiring from active life 
to mend his health, and also to put his business affairs in 
order. His work was left in the capable hands of his successor, 
Dr. E. C. Brooks, and probably no one would have been more 
surprised than Dr. Joyner if he could have known that Jan- 
uary day in 1919 that he still had thirty-five years of active 
and useful life ahead of him. 

Dr. Joyner returned to his farm, but his "rest" there was 
not to be a long one. In addition to active participation in 
the farm work, he soon saw that there was a need for leader- 
ship among the farmers of North Carolina as well as among 
the educators. He had long been interested in farm life, and 
in the farmer's economic position, and as the war prosperity 
ended and the country settled into the agricultural depression 
of the 1920's, Dr. Joyner took a lead in organizing the farmers 
of North Carolina in a movement to improve their economic 
condition. He felt that the processors, manufacturers and 
distributors reaped more than their share of the consumer's 
dollar spent for agricultural products, and he wanted to help 
the farmer-producer to increase his share. To this end, in 
December, 1920, he attended a large meeting held in Rich- 
mond, Virginia, to make plans for marketing tobacco on a 
co-operative basis. Out of this meeting, and others like it all 
over the tobacco-growing section, came the Tobacco Grow- 
ers Co-operative Association. In 1922 Joyner left his farm 
and returned to Raleigh, this time as an organizer and di- 
rector of the Tobacco "Co-op" as the association came to be 


House, Letters and Papers of T. W. Bickett. 369. 

James Yadkin Joyner 381 

known. The purpose of this group was to encourage the 
growing of better types of tobacco, the better grading of the 
cured product, and especially the marketing of the tobacco 
through the "Co-op" which was able to command, through 
controlled selling, better prices than the individual farmer 
could expect on the usual tobacco auction market. There was 
considerable opposition to the "Co-op" and without govern- 
mental price support it could not meet the economic pressure 
and therefore did not survive. There is no doubt that in the 
mid-twenties, when the farmers needed it most, the Associa- 
tion did give an economic boost to the tobacco-growing in- 
dustry in North Carolina, and postponed for a few years the 
worst effects of the depression for the tobacco farmer. In 1926 
Dr. Joyner resigned as a field service employee of the Asso- 
ciation, but he continued an active interest in it while sup- 
porting himself and his family with a position with the Pru- 
dential Life Insurance Company. 25 

After a successful career with the life insurance company, 
Dr. Joyner once more retired, in 1932, to his farm at La- 
Grange. Actually at this time he had three farms, more than 
1,200 acres, to manage. For the remainder of his life he made 
his home at the farm, but was ever ready to serve his region 
and state at a moment's notice. He remained active in local 
affairs, paying particular interest to his membership in the 
Rotary Clubs of Raleigh and LaGrange, and to other civic 
activities. In 1937, for example, he served on a Public Forum 
Council for his county in one of the most interesting and 
successful adult education ventures of the depression years. 
He continued his work in the Baptist Church, in both Raleigh 
and LaGrange, and participated regularly in the meetings 
of the board of trustees of Meredith College, of which he was 
a long-time member. He was always interested in improved 
agricultural methods, and personally directed the work on 
his farms as long as he was able. 

Nearly every governor of the State after Aycock called on 
Dr. Joyner to render service to the people of North Carolina 

25 J. Y. Joyner, "The Tobacco Grower's Co-operative Association," East 
Carolina Teachers College: Training School Quarterly (1922), X, 1-3; 
Nannie Mae Tilley, The Bright Tobacco Industry (Chapel Hill, The Uni- 
versity of North Carolina Press, 1948), 452, 464. 

382 The North Carolina Historical Review 

in one or more capacities. Governor Cameron Morrison ap- 
pointed him to the State Ship and Water Transportation Com- 
mission, and also to the Finance Committee, Atlantic and 
North Carolina Railroad which was partially State-owned. 26 
Governor Angus W. McLean appointed him to the Commis- 
sion on Adult Education in 1928, 27 and Governor O. Max 
Gardner placed him on the Ay cock Statue Committee. Gov- 
ernor Gardner also placed him on the Adult Illiteracy Com- 
mission, and on a Committee on Agricultural Credit Corpora- 
tions. Dr. Joyner was present at the dedication of the Aycock 
Memorial Tablet in Goldsboro in 1929, and made a short 
speech presenting the tablet to the State. On May 21, 1932, 
he delivered an address when the statue of Aycock was placed 
in Statuary Hall in Washington, D. C. 28 His admiration for 
Governor Aycock never diminished, and in the late 1940's and 
early 1950's after he had passed his eightieth birthday, he 
actively participated in a drive to raise funds for reconstruc- 
ting the Aycock homeplace as a public monument to his 

During World War II, under Governor J. Melville Brough- 
ton, Dr. Joyner served on the District Three Appeal Board 
for the State Selective Service System, and in 1947 Governor 
Cherry appointed him to serve on the Commission to Con- 
sider Provisions for a Suitable Memorial for Andrew Jackson, 
James K. Polk, and Andrew Johnson, and he worked with 
this group right up to the dedication of the monument to the 
three presidents. 29 His interest in public affairs never dimin- 
ished, and in 1948 and 1953, respectively, he strongly 
espoused the cause of State Road Bonds and State School 
and Hospital Bonds. He was a lifelong loyal Democrat, and 

26 D. L. Corbitt, ed., Public Papers and Letters of Cameron Morrison, 
Governor of North Carolina, 1921-1925 (Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton 
Company, State Printers, 1927), 329, 335. 

27 D. L. Corbitt, ed., Public Papers and Letters of Angus Wilton McLean, 
Governor of North Carolina, 1925-1929 (Raleigh: Council of State, State of 
North Carolina, 1931), 894. 

28 D. L. Corbitt, ed., Public Papers and Letters of Oliver Max Gardner, 
Governor of North Carolina, 1929-1933 (Raleigh: Council of State, State of 
North Carolina, 1937), 436, 714, 756, 763. 

29 D. L. Corbitt, ed., Public Addresses and Papers of Robert Gregg Cherry, 
Governor of North Carolina, 19U5-19U9 (Raleigh: Council of State, State of 
North Carolina, 1951), 987. 

James Yadkin Joyner 383 

as late as the campaign of 1952 he wrote widely in favor of 
the presidential candidacy of Governor Adlai Stevenson of 

On his 91st birthday, in 1953, Dr. Joyner received con- 
gratulations from friends and admirers all over the United 
States. He was reported as saying, "I got so many letters and 
good wishes, I had to go to Kinston and hire myself a secre- 
tary and spend several days answering them." 30 He was up 
and active almost to the end, which came suddenly on Janu- 
ary 24, 1954. His pastor at LaGrange, Rev. Alexander Passetti, 
conducted his funeral services, and he was buried beside his 
wife in Oakwood Cemetery in Raleigh. 

Throughout his long and useful life, James Yadkin Joyner 
had received numerous acclamations from his fellow men, 
and after his death laudatory statements poured in from all 
sides. The Greensboro Daily News probably summed up the 
feelings of all who knew him when it said in its editorial of 
January 26: 

As Dr. Joyner returns to the soil from which he came, his 
creed, his philosophy, and his faith are reincarnated in every 
school child in North Carolina. The State which he and his 
fellow crusaders inspired looks forward, its faith, its hope and 
its investment centered in its children. . . . Dr. Joyner was a 
dreamer spared long enough to see his dream come true. 31 

30 Weekly Gazette (LaGrange), February 4, 1954. 
81 Greensboro Daily News, January 26, 1954. 


Edited by James C. Bonner 

In October, 1853, Benjamin Franklin Williams, 1 a North 
Carolina planter-physician, returned to Clifton Grove planta- 
tion in Greene County with a bride whom he had met eight 
years previously in New York. At the time of their first meet- 
ing Sarah Frances Hicks was eighteen years of age and a 
popular student at the Albany Female Academy. Williams, 
seven years her senior, had just arrived in Albany where he 
had come to pursue the study of medicine. He secured board 
and lodging at the McDonald House at 66 North Pearl Street 
where his sister, a niece, and Sarah Hicks were already 
living. 2 Thus began a courtship which lasted eight years. 

The young woman's letters to her parents, full of schoolgirl 
charm and betraying a genuine solicitude for the approval of 
her elders, indicate the reasons for such an extended court- 
ship in that day of youthful marriages. The explanation un- 
doubtedly lies in the misgivings which the young woman 

1 Benjamin Franklin Williams (1820-1892) was the youngest son of Joseph 
and Avey Murphy Williams, of Greene County, North Carolina. He entered 
Wake Forest College in 1839 where he remained for one year and then at- 
tended Union College at Schenectady, New York. In 1845, nine years after 
the death of his father, he pursued the study of medicine at the Albany 
Medical College and later became a licensed physician in North Carolina. 
However, his practice of medicine was only casual, most of his time being 
devoted to the management of extensive landholdings which he had acquired 
largely through a legacy left by his father. These holdings consisted of 
cultivated cotton land and of large tracts of pine land which were worked 
for turpentine. In the course of time his business activities came to consist 
almost entirely of lumber and naval stores production. 

2 Mary and Harriett Williams were students at the Albany Female 
Academy in 1844-1845. Mary was Benjamin's youngest sister. She married 
Elias J. Blount in 1852 and later moved to South Carolina. She was approxi- 
mately the same age as Harriett, daughter of Benjamin's oldest sister, 
Martha, whose married name was also Williams. Martha, who is frequently 
referred to in these letters as "Patsy," was married first to William 
Williams and, after his death, to James Williams who was her brother-in- 
law by the former marriage. Martha's oldest child, Harriett, was married in 
1848 to William Alexander Faison who lived near Warsaw in Duplin 
County. Duplin County Marriage Bonds, a typescript in the State Depart- 
ment of Archives and History, Raleigh; Records of Duplin County, Will 
Book IV, 94; Alumnae Association, Historical Sketch of the Albany Female 
Academy (Albany, New York, 1884), 16. 


Plantation Experiences 385 

entertained toward the unfamiliar role which she would need 
to assume as mistress on a southern plantation, and not to 
any defects in character or temperament which she could 
detect in the suitor from North Carolina. In a letter to her 
father, Samuel Hicks, 3 of New Hartford, New York, in March, 
1845, she wrote: 

You may be surprised when I tell you we have a young gentle- 
man boarding with us, a brother and uncle of two of the young 
ladies. They are Southerners from North Carolina. I suppose 
James would not like them very well, as between them they own 
300 slaves. Their name is Williams and he is studying Medicine 
with Dr. McNaughton 4 of this city. He appears like a very fine 
young gentleman, and Dr. McNaughton, being one of our trustees, 
would not recommend him unless a fit moral young man. 

Well might Sarah Hicks break this news to her parents 
with trepidation. Her mother, the former Sarah Parmelee, of 
Durham, Connecticut, had brought into the family circle the 
puritanical traditions of a long line of New England fore- 
bears. Although her husband, Samuel Hicks, was no violent 
critic of southern institutions, he had already given his oldest 
daughter in marriage to James Brown, 5 mentioned in the 
above letter, who was an uncompromising abolitionist of the 

3 Samuel Hicks (1785-1876) was the son of Zachariah Hicks, a veteran of 
the Revolutionary War, and Rebecca Sherrill Hicks. His first wife was 
Lucinda Huntington (1789-1820) of Walpole, New Hampshire. After her 
death he married, in 1821, Sara Parmelee (1794-1880) of Durham, Con- 
necticut. Hicks came to New Hartford, New York, in 1804 and was manager 
of the Eagle Mills near Clayville. He was a presidential elector in 1824 and 
later became a Whig in politics. Huntington Family Association, Hunting- 
tan Family in America; A Genealogical Memoir . . . 1635 to 1915 (Hart- 
ford, Conn., 1915), 26; Utica Daily Press (New York), Jan. 27, 1951. 

4 Dr. James McNaughton was professor of Theory and Practice of Medi- 
cine at the Albany Medical College from 1840 to his death in 1874. He was 
a leading citizen of Albany for more than fifty years. Amasa J. Parker, 
Landmarks of Albany County (Syracuse, New York, 1897), 174, 202, here- 
inafter cited as Parker, Landmarks of Albany County. 

5 James Monroe Brown (1818-1867) of North Bloomfield, Ohio, married 
Mary Hicks, a half-sister of Sarah, in May, 1844. He was the son of Eph- 
riam Alexander Brown (1775-1845) who removed from New Hampshire to 
the Western Reserve of Ohio in 1813. The elder Brown served as a colonel 
on the governor's staff in New Hampshire, and he was a member of the 
Ohio legislature in 1825. He was elected a Whig senator from his district in 
1832. Ephriam Brown and his son, James Brown, were ardent abolitionists 
and the latter's house in North Bloomfield is said to have been a station in 
the underground railway in {he 1850's. Isaac Harter to James C. Bonner, 
Dec. 12, 1951; George Clary Wing, Early Years on the Western Reserve 
(Cleveland, 1916), 640. 

386 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Western Reserve in Ohio and a close personal friend of 
Joshua Giddings. Mary Hicks Brown, 6 his wife and a half- 
sister of Sarah Hicks, was in complete accord with her hus- 
band's abolitionist views. Even though Samuel Hicks did not 
agree with the extremist stand of his Ohio son-in-law, he 
must have respected him highly for his success as a wool 
broker, for Hicks himself was a successful manufacturer and 
the family from which he sprang had long been identified 
with the industrial and commercial life of New York and 
New England. A younger daughter, Lucinda, 7 was married to 
Luther McFarland who operated an importing business in 
Brooklyn. The closely-knit ties of this respectable and genteel 
family included both sons-in-law and extended somewhat 
intimately to business and political relationships. 

Samuel Hicks must have found it difficult to give encour- 
agement to a marriage which would consign his youngest 
daughter to a life so alien in spirit from that to which she was 
accustomed and for which she had no experience. Nor did 
Sarah find it a simple matter to accept a husband who would 
take her so far from her cherished home and girlhood friends 
and place her in strange surroundings amid people whose way 
of life she did not profess to understand. On March 7, 1853, 
she wrote to her parents from Brooklyn as follows: 

It is my twenty sixth birthday and my thoughts turn to the 
home where cluster the bright visions of life and to the parents 
whose kindness has made life so much a gleam of sunshine. 
My Heavenly Father has been very kind to His child in giving 
her such a home and such parents. Could I know that this would 
remain to the end of my life, I think I would never leave you, 
would never seek another home in this life, but I know that 
changes must come. I have been led to thoughts of this kind 
during the last week by a letter which I enclose to you from 
Dr. Williams which if I answer will probably bring a renewal 
of an offer made nearly three years since. Feeling as I did three 
years ago, and under the same circumstances I would act again 
in the same way. I feel that I acted rightly and do not repent 

Mary Brown's mother was Lucinda Huntington Hicks, formerly of 
Walpole, New Hampshire. 

7 Lucinda Hicks was Sarah's half-sister, the second daughter of Samuel 
Hicks and Lucinda Huntington Hicks. Lucinda married Luther McFarland 
of Brooklyn, New York, on Dec. 23, 1852, She died in 1907. 

Plantation Experiences 387 

the course I took. But if, as I do believe, his affection for me has 
outlived so many reverses I cannot but respect the man most 
highly. Eight years is a long time to test friendship and such 
fidelity is seldom met with in this world and is sufficient to 
cause me some serious thought. 

There are but two things that I know of to dislike in the man. 
One is his owning slaves. I cannot make it seem right, and yet, 
perhaps there may be my sphere of usefulness. The other is not 
being a professing Christian. Will you both give me your candid 
opinion in regards to him? I shall not answer it until I hear 
from you, and please return his letter in yours. 

Perseverence brought Williams final success in winning 
the heart of this girl from the Mohawk Valley. The two were 
married from the old Hicks mansion in New Hartford on 
September 20, 1853. After a wedding trip to Niagara Falls, 
Montreal, and Quebec, they proceeded leisurely southward 
to North Carolina, visiting in New York, Philadelphia, and 
Washington, before settling down to the realities of life on the 
Williams plantation near Snow Hill. 

The following letters are concerned mainly with Sarah 
Hicks Williams' experiences as a planter's wife in eastern 
North Carolina and later in southeastern Georgia where, in 
1856, her husband's turpentine business took them. They are 
a part of more than two hundred letters of the Hicks-Parme- 
lee-Williams family, which extend from 1815 to 1867. 8 Edi- 
torial notes which appear in this paper without bibliographi- 
cal citations are taken largely from this collection of letters 
and papers and from records of the Williams family. 

The portions of the collection which are published here 
were selected because of their fresh and pentrating analysis 
of southern social life in the late ante-bellum period. They are 
of unusual significance because the author was an intelligent 
and keen observer and her writing possessed style and pre- 
cision. Although unconditioned to the new life which she 
found in the South, she became an efficient mistress of the 

8 The original letters belong to the estate of the late Col. Warren Lott of 
Blackshear, Georgia. The editor is indebted to Col. Lott for assistance in 
transcribing from the original letters and in locating data on the Williams 
family. (After the letters included herein were accepted for publication, 110 
of the originals were deposited in the Southern Historical Collection, Uni- 
versity of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.) 

388 The North Carolina Historical Review 

plantation, a dutiful wife and mother, and in time, a thorough- 
going southerner. 

Sarah Hicks Williams was born in New Hartford, New 
York, on March 9, 1827, and died at Waycross, Georgia, on 
December 23, 1917. 

Donneganna's Hotel, Montreal 
Sept. 24, 1853 
My own dear Parents: 

We arrived here about ten o'clock last evening. Today we 
rode around Montreal, visited the Gray Nunnery, 9 Cathedral, 
&c, and intend leaving for Quebec this evening, where we shall 
spend the Sabbath and part of Monday. Shall reach New York 
probably Wednesday or Thursday. I wish you would both meet 
us there. I would love to see you once more before I go to my 
far distant home. Why can't we all meet at Lucinda's? 

I need not tell you that Ben does all he can to make me happy 
and I am so, but I know too much of the world to expect of it 
perfect bliss. That remains for a better world and purified 
human nature. ... By the same mail as this Ben sends the fine 
imposed by the sewing society for taking one of their members 
which he quite forgot to leave. . . . Perhaps you think I left 
home without sorrow. I can tell you I did not. My heart yearns 
for my home and all its associations and it will take a long time 
for another home to seem so dear. There is not a hill and valley 
in old New Hartford which is not dear to me & the people that 
I love dearly. If any letters have come to me since I left, please 
send — or what would be far better — bring them to New York. 
Ben has just come in and sends love. With much love as ever, 
your affectionate daughter. 

Sara F. Williams 
Doesn't that look funny. But there is no more Sara Hicks. 

9 Members of the Order of the Sisters of Charity of the Hopital General 
of Montreal are known as Grey Nuns because of the color of their attire. 
The order was founded in 1738 as a refuge for old people, orphans, found- 
lings, and incurables. Charles G. Herbeman and others, eds., The Catholic 
Encyclopedia (New York, 15 vols. 1910), VII, 31. 

Plantation Experiences 389 

Clifton Grove, 10 [N. C] Oct. 10, 1853 

My dear Parents: 

I arrived safely at my new home on Friday last, but have 
had no time to write until now. . . . You may imagine I have 
seen many strange things. As for my opinions, in so short a 
time, it would not be fair to give them. I have seen no unkind 
treatment of servants. Indeed, I think they are treated with 
more familiarity than many Northern servants. They are in 
the parlor, in your room and all over. The first of the nights 
we spent in the Slave Holding States, we slept in a room without 
a lock. Twice before we were up a waiting girl came into the 
room, and while I was dressing, in she came to look at me. She 
seemed perfectly at home, took up the locket with your minia- 
tures in it and wanted to know if it was a watch. I showed it 
to her. "Well," she said, "I should think your mother and father 
are mighty old folks." Just before we arrived home, one old 
Negro caught a glimpse of us and came tearing out of the pine 
woods to touch his hat to us. All along the road we met them 
and their salutation of "Howdy (meaning How do you) Massa 
Ben," and they seemed so glad to see him, that I felt assured 
that they were well treated. As we came to the house, I found 
Mother Williams n ready to extend a mother's welcome. Mary 
and Harriett were both here and delighted to see me. I felt at 
home. At dinner we had everything very nice. It is customary 
when the waiting girl is not passing things at table, to keep a 
large broom of peacock feathers in motion over our heads to 
keep off flies, etc. I feel confused. Everything is so different 
that I do not know which way to stir for fear of making a 
blunder. I have determined to keep still and look on for a while, 

10 Clifton Grove was the plantation of the Williams family located approxi- 
mately five miles from Snow Hill in Greene County (formerly Glasgow), 
North Carolina. This county lies in the central Coastal Region. The land is 
flat and the soil fertile. While small in area, it is one of the richest agricul- 
tural counties in the state. Formed in 1799, it contained approximately 500 
families by 1810. These had emigrated largely from the northern counties 
and from Virginia and Maryland, some having arrived as early as 1710. By 
1850 there were 686 white families in the county and the total population 
was about equally divided between whites and slaves. In 1860 it was one of 
the sixteen counties in the state which had a greater number of slaves than 
whites. Naval stores products and lumber had been an important early 
industry but was declining in importance in 1860, giving way to cotton, corn, 
and sweet potatoes. Today it is an important tobacco-growing area. Albert 
Ray Newsome, "Twelve North Carolina Counties in 1810-1811," North 
Carolina Historical Review, VI (April, 1929), 178, hereinafter cited as 
Newsome, "Twelve North Carolina Counties"; Guion G. Johnson, Ante- 
Bellum North Carolina (Chapel Hill, 1937), 470; S. O. Perkins, Soil Survey 
of Greene County, North Carolina (Washington, D. C, 1928), 14. 

"Mrs. Joseph Williams (1785-ca. 1866), the mother of Benjamin Wil- 
liams who before her marriage was Avey Murphy. Her husband, Joseph 
Williams, Sr., died in 1836. 

390 The North Carolina Historical Review 

at any rate. Yesterday I went to Church 12 in a very handsome 
carriage, servants before and behind. I began to realize yesterday 
how much I had lost in the way of religious privileges. We went 
six miles to church, as they have preaching at Snow Hill only 
every one or two Sabbaths. On arriving I found a rough framed 
building in the midst of woods, with a large congregation, con- 
sisting of about equal numbers of white and black. These meet- 
ings are held about one a month and then addressed by two or 
three exhorters, who are uneducated, and each speaks long 
enough for any common sermon. The singing is horrible. Prize 
your religious privileges. They are great and you would realize 
it by attending Church here once. I shall miss these much. Things 
that Northerners consider essential are of no importance here. 
The house and furniture is of little consequence. To all these 
differences I expect to become accustomed, in time. My husband 
is all kindness and loves me more than I am worthy. With him 
I could be happy anywhere. I have seen enough to convince 
me that the ill-treatment of the Slaves is exaggerated at the 
North but I have not seen enough to make me like the institution. 
I am quite the talk of the day, not only in the whole County, 
but on the plantation. Yesterday I was out in the yard and an 
old Negro woman came up to me, "Howdy, Miss Sara, are you 
the Lady that won my young Master. Well, I raised him." Her 
name was Chaney and she was the family nurse. Between you 
and me, my husband is better off than I ever dreamed of. I am 
glad I didn't know it before we were married. He owns 2000 
acres of land in this vicinity, but you must bear in mind that 
land here is not as valuable as with you. But I'll leave these 
things to talk of when I see you, which I hope may be before 
many months. I will write you more fully when I have the time. 
Some of our friends leave this morning and I must go and see 
them. Write soon, very soon. Ben sends love. Love to all. Ever 

I wish you could see the cotton fields. The bolls are just opening. 
I cannot compare their appearance to anything but fields of 
white roses. As to the cotton picking, I should think it very light 
and pleasant work. Our house is very unassuming. Not larger 
than Mary's. I shall feel unsettled until my furniture comes and 
after our return from Charleston next month. Then I hope to 
settle down and be quiet for a while. The house has been full of 
relatives ever since we came and more friends are expected 
tomorrow. Direct to Clifton Grove, near Snow Hill, Green Co., 
N. C. 

u Probably the Jerusalem Methodist Church, one of the oldest in the 
county. It is located five and one-half miles from Snow Hill, on the Goldsboro 

Plantation Experiences 391 

Clifton Grove, Oct. 22, 1853 
Saturday Morning 
My dear Parents: 

Your letter enclosing others has been received and ere this 
you have received one from me informing you of our safe arrival 
here. It would be wrong, perhaps, for me to form or express an 
opinion in regard to the manners and customs of the people, 
after only two weeks tarry among them. I shall not speak for 
or against, but will state things as I have seen them and you 
may form your own opinions. The woods present a beautiful 
appearance now, the rainbow hues of autumn contrasting beauti- 
fully with the deep dark green of the pines. Many of the trees 
are hung with vines of the honeysuckle, woodbine and others. 
Now to mingle the bitter with the sweet, in those woods are 
snakes of various sizes, both harmless and poisonous, among 
the latter are large adders and occasionally a rattlesnake. Scor- 
pions, too, they tell me, are plentiful. There is one thing I miss 
sadly, and that is our beautiful grass. The soil is sandy and the 
grass is of a different character entirely, being course and full 
of weeds. But when the ground is planted and cultivated with 
the different products of the country, it presents a fine appear- 
ance. The cotton fields are beautiful, the corn will range from 
ten to twelve feet in height, and the sweet potatoes and yams 
look fine. Ambition is satisfied here by numbering its thousands 
of dollars, acres of land and hundreds of negroes. Houses, furni- 
ture, dress are nothing. For instance, the Dr.'s brother, 13 a very 
wealthy man, lives in a brown wood house without lathing or 
plastering. To be sure, he has a handsome sofa, sideboard and 
chairs in his parlor, which contrast strangely with the unfinished 
state of the house. However, he purposes building soon. This, I 
might say, is the common style of house, and ours, which is fin- 
ished, the exception. As to household arrangements, I have dis- 
covered no system. Wash, bake or iron, just as the fit takes. . . . 
Baking is all done in bake kettles and cooking at a fire place. 
Chimneys are all built on the outside of the houses. The Negroes 
are certainly not overtasked on this plantation. One house girl 
at the North will accomplish more than two here. But I think 
the great fault lies in the want of system. Mother Williams 
works harder than any Northern farmer's wife, I know. She 
sees to everything. The Dr. has another place, seven miles from 

13 James Williams (1805-1857) was at this time the only surviving brother 
of Benjamin Williams and lived on an adjoining plantation. On this planta- 
tion, which lay between Clifton Grove and the village of Snow Hill, there 
were twenty-one field hands in 1850. Four years later James Williams com- 
pleted a substantial two-story dwelling house on this plantation which is 
still standing in 1956. Census of 1850, Schedule II, Slave Inhabitants of 
Greene County. All census records used are housed in the State Department 
of Archives and History, Raleigh, unless otherwise indicated. 

392 The North Carolina Historical Review 

here, mostly pine land. 14 That with his other business demands a 
good share of his time. He has gone with his brother to Green- 
ville to engage his turpentine, which is selling for $4.00 per 
barrel. I don't expect him back until Monday. As to the treat- 
ment of servants, the overseer that Ben employed while he was 
away, struck one of the Negroes, and his mother would not speak 
to him afterwards, and had him discharged. They are not diffi- 
dent, either. One of the field hands asked me to fix a dress for 
her the other day. Another servant wanted to know if Massa 
Ben and I couldn't ride over to Snow Hill and get her a new 
dress. They have plots of ground they cultivate and have what 
they make from them. They can go to Church (Preaching, as 
they say) on the Sabbath. Indeed, a majority of the congrega- 
tion is colored. On Sundays they dress up and many of them look 
very nice. They leave off work at sundown during the week. You 
will not wonder, finding everything here so entirely different, if 
I should feel like a stranger in a strange land. It must take time 
for me to become accustomed to such an utter change, but with 
a husband who has proved so devoted, I could not be unhappy 
anywhere. I think I can appreciate Miss Ophelia's feelings for 
I have not approached any of the little negroes very closely 
yet, like her I should wish a good application of soap and water, 
comb & clean clothes. I have just received a letter from Malvina 15 
full of good kindly feelings. In it she said "I meant to write to 
your mother ere this." Will you tell her that a rush of engage- 
ments has prevented me. Give her my very best love and tell 
her that I very often think of the family alone in the dear 
pleasant homestead. "Mother sends her regards with many 
thanks for the liberal supply of wedding cake she received." 
By the way, the cake that John 16 brought, came safely and we 
have had it on the table twice. The house was full for a week 
after we came with relatives. We had a very pleasant time & 
we felt rather lonely after they all left. I expect my furniture 
is in New Bern, but we cannot get it until the river rises. Ben, 
I expect, will go away next week to Beaufort, where he is talking 
of purchasing a lot and perhaps of building a residence at some 
future time. My paper is full and I have just room to say to 
both Write often to your 

Dr. sends love. Please send me a good receipt for soda biscuit. 
Love to all. I hope our neighbors have buried their unkind 

14 This was known as the Sandy Run plantation and was worked for 
turpentine. The success of this enterprise led Williams to venture more of 
his time and capital in the turpentine business. 

15 Malvina Pohlman, a former schoolmate. 

18 John B. Williams, a nephew of Benjamin and the second son of Martha, 
was one of the guests at the wedding of his uncle in New Hartford. 

Plantation Experiences 393 

feelings ere this. I can assure you I cherish no hard feelings 
toward them. I still think their course mistaken for my Bible 
tells me that "Charity suffereth long & is kind." And even our 
Saviour could eat with publicans and sinners. 

Clifton Grove, Nov. 7, 1853 
Monday Morning 
My dear Parents: 

. . . Before this you have received another letter from me, 
but as I have forgotten now what I wrote, I shall answer your 
questions in order. . . . Our travelling South was entirely by 
railroad. We passed through Richmond and Petersburg, stopping 
only long enough to get dinner and tea. We came by cars to 
Wilson, twenty miles from here, where the Dr. expected his 
carriage to meet us, but was disappointed and so hired a car- 
riage and came to within seven miles by plank road. The rest 
of the way is good common road. In the whole of that twenty 
miles I don't think we passed over a half dozen houses. The 
road on both sides was bounded by woods, mostly pine, and the 
trees are much taller and larger than ours. Well, Mother, you 
like quiet. If you come and see me I'll promise you a plenty of it. 
Ben was gone eight days with Richard 17 to Beaufort on busi- 
ness and there were just three persons in the house, besides 
Mrs. Williams, myself and the servants. These were John, a 
nephew and a niece of the Dr.'s. For a week after we came we 
had company a plenty in the house. Mary and her husband, Dr. 
Blount, Richard, John and Joseph 18 and their sister, Harriet, 
and her husband and child and nurse, and their mother, also 
Brother James and wife, 19 with one or two children almost 
every day. But since the first week, we have been very quiet. I 
ride horseback very often and enjoy it much. Have been twice 
to the Dr.'s brother's and stayed all night once. Have also called 
twice at Mr. Dowell's 20 in Snow Hill, the teacher in the Academy. 
I find my wardrobe quite too extravagant, I assure you, but 
Experience is a good teacher and I don't intend to cry over 
what can't be helped. You have no idea how entirely different 
everything here is. If you call Long Island behind the times, 
I don't know what you would call North Carolina. It has been 
rightly termed Rip Van Winkle. I am a regular curiosity. You 
can imagine how thickly the country is settled when I tell you 

17 Richard Williams, nephew of Benjamin, was the oldest son of Martha. 

18 Joseph Williams (1832-1881) was the youngest son of Martha Williams. 
He lived near Kinston where his house stands today on the grounds of the 
Caswell Institute. 

19 James Williams married Elizabeth Josephine Darden. 

20 A. H. Dowell, born in 1824, was a teacher in the Greene Academy which 
was incorporated in 1804. Newsome, "Twelve North Carolina Counties," 
179; Census of 1850, Schedule I, Free Inhabitants of Greene County. 

394 The North Carolina Historical Review 

that in the whole of Greene County there are only about as 
many inhabitants as there are in the town of New Hartford, 
and more than half of these colored. There are only two hundred 
voters in the county. If you want to know about the country 
and people you must come and see for I cannot give you a 
description. The servants are treated better in most respects 
than I expected. We have one that can read. I asked who taught 
her "My young mistress, before I came here." She told me that 
she had had four and they were all kind to her. As for religious 
privileges, they enjoy all that their masters do. I should say 
more, for all the preaching I have heard has been more suited 
to the illiterate than to the educated. 

Clifton Grove, Nov. 18, 1853 
My dear Parents : 

You have before this received mine mailed at Wilmington. 
We had a very pleasant time there. Harriett and quite a large 
number of her friends met us and we returned with them to 
Sampson County & from there to Duplin County, to visit her 
mother. We returned home on Tuesday & found her husband 
(Dr. Blount) 21 here. They remained two days with us. Our 
furniture arrived during our absence, all but one bureau & I 
feel most tired out putting things to order. There is but one 
closet in our house, so you can imagine that I find some difficulty 
in knowing where to put things. And Mother William's ways 
are so entirely different from anything I have ever been used 
to that I sometimes feel disheartened and discouraged. She is 
very kind to me & I intend making my will bend to hers in every 
respect, but I assure you I miss the order and neatness which 
pervades a Northern home. I can but feel that it would have 
been much better for us to have gone to housekeeping at once, 
even if we had deferred our marriage a year. I do not pretend 
to know much of housekeeping, but I know I could improve on 
some things here in the way of order. The weather today is 
summerlike. I have windows up all through the house and doors 
open. The Dr. and I sat on the piazza for a long time this morning 
and our roses are still blossoming in the yard. The Synod was 
in session in Wilmington & we attended several of its meetings. 
You may imagine I appreciated the opportunity once more of 
attending an orderly religious service. In the gallery were the 
colored (I should say slave population, for some are quite too 
light-colored to be Negroes) people & quite a large proportion of 
them found their places in the hymn books & joined the singing. 
So, it seems, that some at least can read. I think I told you in 

21 This is apparently an error, since Harriett's husband was William 
Alexander Faison. 

Plantation Experiences 395 

my last, of one (a house servant) in our family who reads and 
asked me for a Testament. I gave her one, and a tract. But the 
print of the former is too fine and I intend getting her a larger 
one. I told my husband and he approved my course. ... I have 
been helping to make pumpkin pies, a new dish here, and they 
promise to be good. We made some a short time since and they 
were very good. Write soon to your affectionate daughter 

I had forgotten to tell you that servants here have some means 
for self support. Dr. has one man who will probably lay by fifty 
or sixty dollars this year. He attended the pine trees and Ben 
gave him a certain share & he told me the other day he would 
make that sum. 

Clifton Grove, Dec. 10th, 1853 
My dear Parents: 

Your last was received Tuesday evening. Some of the Dr.'s 
friends at Snow Hill sent us word that there was to be preaching 
there that evening & we were well paid for going. We heard an 
excellent sermon from Mr. Miner, 22 an agent for the Baptist 
State Convention and in addition received your letter and papers. 
Mr. Miner is from New York state & also his wife. He is talking 
of coming to Snow Hill to live. Ben has offered to give him an 
acre of land if he will build on it and another to Mr. McDowell, 23 
the teacher of the Academy. The latter accepts the gift and con- 
ditions. Whether Mr. Miner does, we have not yet heard. Mr. 
McDowell has a pleasant wife. She was from Alexandria in 
Virginia. I have become quite well acquainted with them. We 
expected them here last night to spend the day with us, but a 
severe storm has prevented. You ask if I am allowed to do any- 
thing. I attend to the part of the house I am in. Keep it in 
order. However, in it Mrs. Williams has furniture and a right, 
though she seldom enters it. At present there is sewing a plenty 
on hands for the servants. At this season the women have each 
a thick dress, chemise, shoes, & a blanket given them. The men 
pantaloons & jacket, shirt, blanket & shoes, besides caps & 
bonnets. The children, too, are clothed in the same materials. 
Now, many keep a seamstress to do this, but Mother Williams 
has always done it herself with the assistance of her daughters 

22 Hurley Miner, a Missionary Baptist minister, was born in Lewis County, 
New York in 1808. With his wife, Anne B., and three children he moved 
from Ontario County, New York, to Wayne County, North Carolina, in 
1849, and settled on the south side of the Neuse River. George W. Johnston, 
Proceedings of the Twenty-Sixth Annual Session of the Baptist State Con- 
vention of North 'Carolina (Raleigh, 1855), 46; Census of 1850, Schedule 
I, Free Inhabitants of Wayne County. 

23 A. H. Dowell. The name appears variously as Dowell and McDowell. 

396 The North Carolina Historical Review 

when they were home. Of course, I choose to do my part. One 
week we made seven dresses & a few jackets and pantaloons 
we sent to a poor white woman. I have made two pairs of panta- 
loons and we are now to work on the underclothes. The servants 
have three suits of clothes a year and as much more in clothes 
and money as they choose to earn. But as a whole, they are 
naturally filthy & it is discouraging to make for them, for it is 
soon in dirt & rags. There are exceptions, of course. You wish 
a description of my house — the part I stay in. On the lower floor 
is the parlor and my room. ... I have not yet quite regulated 
upstairs & can't until my things come. I feel the need of good 
closets, I assure you, but the houses here are built with only a 
small one under the stairs. On my bed I have the dark quilt 
you gave me. I assure you I shall be very glad of the petticoat 
you spoke of giving me. I am sorry I did not bring the cotton 
one. We need quite as thick clothing as you do. The houses are 
not as tightly built as with us, and they use fireplaces altogether, 
and there is a chill in the air. I have been very sorry I did not 
bring my woolen sack. Then, too, the people most always sit 
with open doors, even though they sit over the fire shivering. 
Last week I went with the Dr. to visit his sister Mary, stayed 
two nights and a day & had a very pleasant visit. We are now 
expecting her here to spend some time at Christmas. Hattie, 24 
we found living very quietly in a beautiful oak grove. They are 
living in what is to be their kitchen. Mr. Faison will build this 
year a very large and commodious house. 25 Ben has gone on to 
Sandy Run to see how they are getting along with his turpen- 
tine. He intends returning by Snow Hill & I am hoping for 
letters and papers in yesterday's mail. Richard and John may 
return with him. We made them a short visit in their bachelor 
home the other day. Everything was neat and tidy & they always 
seem in first rate spirits. John is going to take his servants in 
February and going on to another plantation to reside. Tell 
Em 26 I can't help wishing she was going there, too. I almost 
forgot to tell you of my baking. I have made pumpkin pies, or 
helped, twice & the last, which are best, I made all alone, crust 
& all. They never had had them before & Ben particularly liked 
them. So, of course, my success pleased me. Soda biscuits, I 
have made twice with good success and measure cake. Not until 

24 Harriett Faison. 

25 This house of three stories contained sixteen rooms all of which are 
said to have been provided with a fireplace. It was built on the 2000-acre 
Faison plantation near the present village of Turkey, in Duplin County. 
When the house burned in the 1870's much of the furniture was saved and 
is in the hands of various descendants of William A. Faison. Claude Moore, 
Turkey, North Carolina, to James C. Bonner, Oct. 26, 1951. 

26 Emily Shays, a friend in New Hartford. 

Plantation Experiences 397 

you come here can you imagine how entirely different is their 
mode of living from the North. They live more heartily. There 
must always be two or three different kinds of meats on Mrs. 
Williams' table for breakfast & dinner. Red pepper is much 
used to flavor meat with the famous "barbecue" of the South 
& which I believe they esteem above all dishes is roasted pig 
dressed with red pepper & vinegar. Their bread is corn bread, 
just meal wet with water & without yeast or saleratus, & biscuit 
with shortening and without anything to make them light and 
beaten like crackers. The bread and biscuit are always brought 
to the table hot. Now, I want you to send me a receipt for bread 
with yeast and your corn bread. Is there any way of making 
yeast without hops or Irish potatoes? I wish we could send you 
some of our beautiful sweet potatoes & yams. The Dr. spoke 
of it, but it is now too late & cold as they would spoil before 
we could get them to you. Perhaps another year we will be 
more fortunate. They tell me they have beautiful peaches and 
apples, but we were too late for the peaches and the apple 
orchard is young & they say the Negroes got more than their 
share. You don't know how I have longed for some of those in 
the cellar at home & for a slice of Peggy's 27 good bread and 
butter. In season we have fine grapes. 

Evening. John came home with the Dr. from Snow Hill. We 
have just had dinner & my pumpkin pies have been highly 
complimented. Of course, that is gratifying. Tomorrow is the 
Sabbath. How I should like to hear Mr. Payson 28 & occupy my 
seat for one Sabbath, at least. Ben and I are reading Barnes' 
Notes 29 and are much interested in them. We have read too, 
a little Medicine, & are now reading Hyperion. 30 

Monday, 12th Dec. Yesterday was spent as I do not like to 
spend the Sabbath. Brother James and wife & 7 children and 
nurse came to spend the day, also Sister Mary & her husband 
& servant. The latter has started for South Carolina to purchase 
turpentine lands. His wife and Mother Williams went home with 
Mrs. James Williams to spend the night leaving Ben and me 
alone with the servants for the first time. With the assistance 
of the cook, I had a very good breakfast, coffee, beef hash, fried 
chicken, sweet potatoes, corn bread and soda biscuit. The latter 
were my own make. And tell Peggy they were as good as hers. 
Dr. did not think it strange of the ladies for hinting about the 
fee, but quite enjoyed the joke. We are quite impatient to get 

27 A servant in the Hicks home in New Hartford. 

28 Elliott S. Payson was the Presbyterian minister at New Hartford. 

29 Albert Barnes, An Inquiry into the Scriptural Views of Slavery (Phila- 
delphia, 1846). 

80 Probably the romance by that title written by Henry W. Longfellow 
and first published in 1839 and republished at various times thereafter. 

398 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the letter. I hope they'll all write something. He says he will 
write sometime and sends love. He is just getting ready to go 
to Sandy Run. We are expecting company today. The other day 
I had calls from a Mr. & Mrs. Patrick 31 and Dr. Harvey. 32 The 
lady consisted of flesh and bone put together very prettily . . . 
but beautifully dressed. The gentlemen were exceedingly agree- 
able and intelligent. Dr. Harvey, an unmarried gentleman, would 
create quite a sensation in New Hartford. . . . John has gone to 
a large wedding in Sampson County. A sister of Hariett's hus- 
band is to marry a Mr. McDougal, 33 a lawyer and member of 
the legislature. She is to be dressed in white brocade silk. There 
are to be 12 bridesmaids dressed with white satin waists & pink 
skirts & as many groomsmen. John is to be one, I believe. Last 
night after the company had all left we read & sang & I felt 
better satisfied with the evening than any portion of the day. 
Every day we speak and think of you and at nights I often 
dream of you and the pleasant home we have left. I really flatter 
myself that not many years hence, if our lives are spared, we 
may remove North. Ben likes the idea & I do, of course. . . . Your 
affectionate daughter 


Clifton Grove, March 3rd, 1854 
My dear Mother: 

Our windows are open today, there is a soft balmy air, the 
peach & plum trees are in blossom. One of our servants is very 
sick with dropsy. The Dr. thinks she will never be any better. 
I did not answer some questions which you asked. The Northern 
Branch of the Neuse River runs between us and Snow Hill, viz. 
Contentnia Creek. 34 It bounds this plantation on the southern 
side for about five miles. There are about 750 acres, worth from 
12 to 15 dollars per acre. The pine land averages from 3 to 6 

81 John M. Patrick (b. 1816) and his wife Elizabeth (b. 1827) were 
neighbors of the Williams family in Greene County. 

32 John Harvey (1827-1889) was a planter-physician and one of the 
wealthiest young men in the county. He was married in December, 1854. 
Census of 1860, Schedule I, Free Inhabitants of Greene County; litho- 
graph in the Episcopal churchyard at Snow Hill, N. C. 

33 Mary A. Faison, daughter of William (d. 1857) and Susan Mosley 
Faison of Sampson County, was married in December, 1853 to J. G. 
McDugal who represented Bladen County in the General Assembly from 
1852 to 1854. Records of Sampson County, Will Book I, 512; R. D. W. 
Connor, ed., A Manual of North Carolina, Issued by the North Carolina 
Historical Commission for the use of Members of the General Assembly , 
Session, 1913 (Raleigh, E. M. Uzzell and Company, State Printers, 1913), 
508. Hereinafter cited as Connor, A Manual of North Carolina. 

34 Contentnea Creek flows into the Neuse River about thirty miles above 
New Bern. It was at that time navigable for flats of 150 barrels burden 
as far as the upper part of Greene County. Newsome, Twelve North 
Carolina Counties, 178. 

Plantation Experiences 399 

dollars per acre. 35 Of that land there are 1400 acres. Besides 
these there are 73 acres at Snow Hill, of which we don't know 
the value. If that town should wake up it would be quite valuable. 
But all these things we will talk over, I hope, next month. I 
wish you could spend the summer with me, somehow, I can't 
help dreading it. If I have left anything at home, which you 
think I may need, & you can bring it and do not wish them, I 
wish them, I wish you would. Will you get me some tapioca & 
sago & isingglass & I will pay you. Mrs. Shays uses a kind of 
yeast I wish you would inquire about. Maybe it would do for 
me. We have ordered a stove. With love to Pa, I am still your 
affectionate daughter. Ben sends love. 


[ Clifton Grove, March 17, 1853 [1854] 

My dear Parents: 

Yours was received on Wednesday & I hasten to reply. You 
may imagine that the very thought of seeing you filled me with 
joy, but there are circumstance which surround us, & which I feel 
due to you as well as to us to explain, some things that we feel 
must be changed before you come in order to make a visit plea- 
sant. We ordered a stove some time since from New York, 
hoping to receive it & be installed at our own house keeping 
(a proposition of Mother Williams) by this time, but we hear 
nothing from Luther 36 or the stove. I do feel that I want to see 
you very much. I want your council particularly, but under the 
circumstances, I do not feel at liberty to make friends of mine 
guests at Mother's. I feel quite sensitive enough at being here 
myself. . . . There is one thing that to me throws light on the 
whole matter, although Ben is hardly willing to allow it. A 
Southern lady generally receives a number of servants as her 
marriage dower. I have no doubt that Mother had looked for- 
ward to her son marrying such an one & thus adding to the 
rather small number of hands (Sister Mary having removed 
about twenty last spring, they being her portion) & leaving 
about the same number here, which are not sufficient to work 
so large a farm. 37 Then, too, I can look back and see wherein I 
have erred. Had my wardrobe been plainer I would have pleased 

35 The real estate owned by Benjamin Williams appears in the 1850 
census and is recorded at twelve thousand dollars' value. 

m Luther McFarland, a brother-in-law and a member of the firm of 
Shingerland and McFarland, of Brooklyn. 

37 Clifton Grove plantation had thirty-seven slaves in 1850, before Mary 
Williams' marriage to Elias J. Blount. These consisted of approximately 
twenty-two full hands. Census of 1850, Schedule II, Slave Inhabitants of 
Greene County. 

400 The North Carolina Historical Review 

her better. But I do not imagine that she is wholly destitute of 
kindness to me. I have received favors from her, but Ben's 
marrying seems to have turned her against him. She proposes 
for him to attend the business this year, divide profits next fall, 
then each attend to their own. 250 acres are his now, the rest 
not until she is through with it. . . , 38 Ben talks some of moving 
to Snow Hill in the fall to a house in which he owns an interest 
and renting his land here. He does not like to remove any of 
his hands from his turpentine land, the income from that being 
much larger than from the plantation & he would have to in 
order to farm to any advantage. His most valuable farm hand 
is now sick with dropsy & will probably never be any better. 
In attending to her I find that I can be useful, also in sewing. 
. . . The Dr. says we must have some cool weather yet and 
he thinks you may come with safety in the middle of May. But 
you must use your own judgment. The Dr. hated to have me 
write this letter, but I told him I had always told you everything 
and I knew you would not love us less for dealing frankly now. 
I know none of us would enjoy the visit as well as if you wait. 
Company disturbs Mother Williams and her ways are so en- 
tirely different from what I have been used to that it seems quite 
impossible for me to help her. We are hoping to hear from 
Lucinda and Luther daily. Unless the stove and box that we have 
sent for come within a few days, we may not get them until fall, 
as the creek is fast falling and will soon be too low for flats to 
come up from New Bern. Love to all and much, very much from 
your daughter, Sara and her husband. 

Clifton Grove, April 3rd, 1854 

My dear Parents: 

Yours of the 24th of March was received on Saturday & I 
hasten to answer by return of mail. Our stove has not yet come, 
but I had a talk with Mother Williams & told her frankly that 
if your visit would trouble her, I would write for you not to 
come. She took it very kindly and would not hear a word to my 
doing so, but seemed frankly glad to think that you were coming. 
Her only fear seems to be that she cannot get anything for 
you to eat. . . . Since writing last the weather has been much 
cooler, almost as cold as during any time of the winter. There 
have been several frosts and we fear the fruit is killed, another 
last night. From the present aspect of the weather there would 

38 The will of Joseph Williams, probated in 1836, provided an ample 
legacy for his widow and for each of his seven children. The legacy as- 
signed to Benjamin, who was the only minor son, was subject in part to 
the life estate of his mother. 

Plantation Experiences 401 

be no risk of coming whatever. Indeed, Ben says that the sickly 
season does not commence before July or August. He sends 
love & we shall hope to see you very soon. ... I understand the 
nurses here feed babies pork and potatoes when a fortnight old 
and give them good strong coffee. I have little doubt that the 
journey will do you good. 

With love, yours 

Clifton Grove, June 14, 1854 
My dear Father : 

I have promised the Dr.'s niece to go with her to Snow Hill 
this morning & before starting I thought I would write a few 
lines to let you know that we are well. Several of the servants 
and Mother Williams have been down with dysentery, but are 
all better now with the exception of old Frank (the old Negro 
who came here to be taken care of) . People may talk of the 
freedom from care of a Southern life, but to me it seems full of 
care. Mother Williams treats me with much kindness now & 
things seem to jog along more evenly than ever before. Still we 
remain undecided, as when you were here, as to future plans. 
As soon as we know, I will, of course, inform you immediately. 
I am trying to learn a lesson in patience, perhaps I need it. You 
know I am an impulsive creature, and am for driving right 
ahead, through thick and thin. There's a good deal of the Yankee 
spirit in me. If I meet a mountain I want to climb or go through 
it, if a valley or stream, bridge them. And, by the way, didn't 
I come honestly enough by that trait of character? 

June 17th. Saturday. Well, I didn't finish this for the last 
mail, but Ben is going to Snow Hill today, and I intend this shall 
go. . . . Mother Williams has made me a present of a hen's 
thirteen chickens — by the way, the very hen whose nest you 
found under the gate steps. The whole family are in a thriving 
condition. Two of the Dr.'s nieces intend going to Mr. Critten- 
den's 39 school in September. They have been to school in Salem 
in this State, for two years from where they have just returned. 40 

39 Alonzo Crittenden was appointed principal of the Albany Female 
Academy in 1826 and continued in that capacity until 1854 when he left 
that institution to establish a school for girls in Brooklyn. Parker, Land- 
marks of Albany County, 266. 

40 Alumnae records at Salem College identify these young women as Mary 
Jane (b. 1837), daughter of James Williams of Snow Hill, and Martha 
Ann (b. 1840), daughter of Henry Williams and Phila Hazelton Williams 
of Pitt County. Martha Ann married Frank X. Miller, of Gainesville, 

402 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Brother James' daughter I have seen. She is a most interesting 
girl, I think. She says she doesn't want to board at Mr. Critten- 
den's. She wants to board at Aunt Sara's sisters'. Ben wishes 
to be remembered. With love, yours 


Clifton Grove, Monday, Oct. 2nd, 1854 
My dear Parents: 

Yours was received on Saturday & I hasten to reply today, 
that we may enjoy a chance of enjoying some of your good 
apples before going to Raleigh, or at least before Ben does. They 
will be very acceptable, I assure you. Please direct them to the 
Dr. care of B. F. Havens, 41 Washington, N. C. Ben is sending 
(or going to) turpentine to Greenville and can get it more easily 
than from New Bern. I wish as sincerely as you possibly can 
that we lived nearer you. What changes the next few years may 
make in our arrangements, it is impossible to divine. I could 
wish they might find us in a pleasant home at the North. And, 
yet, to gain that end I should be very unwilling to sell our ser- 
vants. I know that they are kindly cared for now, and they 
might easily fall into worse hands. The recent discussions upon 
the slavery question have kindled the smouldering fires of ani- 
mosity both in the North and the South. How I wish the Aboli- 
tionists of the North could see these things as I see them. If 
they knew what they were about they would act differently. As 
they are doing, they are tightening the bonds of the slave and 
putting farther off his emancipation. . . . Brother James has a 
son very sick 42 which will detain him from visiting the North 
at present. Baby is crying and I must close. 43 With love, in 
which the Dr. joins me, I am your affectionate daughter, 


41 Benjamin F. Havens (b. 1812) was a commission merchant in Wash- 
ington, North Carolina. North State Whig, (Washington), Aug. 3, 1848. 

42 A lithograph in the family cemetery at Clifton Grove indicates that 
this son, William Henry, age 15, died a few days later. Of the ten children 
born to James Williams and his wife, Elizabeth Josephine, four died 
between 1850 and 1860. James Williams's death occurred on May 16, 1857, 
at the age of fifty-two. 

43 Sara Virginia, frequently referred to as Lilly, was the first of seven 
children born to Sarah and Benjamin Williams. 

Plantation Experiences 403 

Pleasant Retreat, 44 Dec. 11th, 1854 
My dear Parents: 

I have waited with some impatience for the last few weeks 
for an answer to my last, written a week before starting for 
Raleigh, 45 and while Ben was absent in Wilmington, but as yet 
have received none. In the meantime I have been to Raleigh and 
spent three weeks, but scarlet fever and measles drove us from 
there & here I am at my old friend Hattie's, who remains the 
same true-hearted friend I knew in Albany. Lizzie is with me as 
a nurse. In Raleigh I met some most agreeable people. Mr. 
Barringer, 46 the ex-Minister to Spain and predecessor of Mr. 
Soule, 47 is a member of the Commission. I met him and his lady 
at a party at Governor Reed's. 48 Mrs. Reed is a perfect lady & 
made me feel at home, although a stranger in a strange land. 
I enjoyed the evening much — far better than I had expected, 
as I anticipated but little pleasure. Ben seemed gratified at my 
receiving so much attention & of course I was pleased if he was. 
I received a letter from Ben last night. He is well but says the 
scarlet fever is still raging and some of the members are be- 
coming alarmed and talk of adjourning until next winter. . . . 
We are expecting Ben here Christmas to spend a few days. The 
Legislature has received an invitation to visit Wilmington and 
I can go with him if I choose. My love to all, particularly to Em 
Shays. Why doesn't she answer my letter. Also to Abby Gros- 
venor. . . . 


44 The plantation of William and Harriett Faison in Duplin County. 

45 Benjamin Williams represented Greene County in the North Carolina 
House of Commons from 1850 to 1854. Connor, A Manual of North Carolina, 

46 Daniel Moreau Barringer (1806-1873) was born near Concord, North 
Carolina, and was a member of Congress from 1843 until 1849 when 
President Zachary Taylor appointed him minister to Spain where he re- 
mained until 1853. In 1854 he was a member of the North Carolina House 
of Commons where he served one term. Dumas Malone, ed., Dictionary of 
American Biography (New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 21 volumes, 
1928 — ) , I, 648, hereinafter cited as Malone, Dictionary of American 

47 Pierre Soule resigned as minister to Spain in 1854 as a result of the 
Ostend Manifesto. Malone, Dictionary of American Biography, XVII, 405. 

48 David Settle Reid (1813-1891) was a Democratic governor of North 
Carolina from 1850 to 1854. He married Henrietta Settle in 1835. Malone, 
Dictionary of American Biography, XV, 476. 

404 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Jan. 2, 1855 
My dear Parents : 

I am still staying with Hattie, where I intend remaining until 
the adjournment of the legislature. They gave a large party 
here last Thursday at which there were 60 or 70 present, and 
all relatives but four, mostly Faisons. The society in this county 
is much better than in Green & much like that I have been 
accustomed to. The table was full of nice things and arranged 
with taste. It is quite another thing to give a party here than 
with us. For here they come to pass the night & stay until after 
breakfast the next morning. Then, there are almost as many 
servants as white people, and they are not confined to the 
kitchen alone but are in every place & share in the good things. 
I went to Church and heard the regular clergyman a week ago 
Sunday, He is a Presbyterian, solemn and earnest in his manner 
and evidently an honest man. 

Richard has returned from Georgia & was here. They have 
not received near all their money yet. Mr. Hannam owes Ben 
$4500. 00. 49 If his commission merchant in New York should 
fail, we would lose a nice sum. But we ought to be thankful that 
even then we would be far above want. And, as long as there 
is no need for alarm I shall not borrow any. But these hard 
times are going to be felt throughout the country. 

Christmas was a beautiful day, almost summerlike. We had 
doors and windows open and then were too warm. Ben came the 
Saturday before. He is very, very kind to me, and the troubles 
of the past four years have only served to show me the good 
traits in his character still more. 


Direct to me in the care of Wm. A. Faison, Esq., Warsaw 
Duplin County, N. C. 

February 3rd, 1855 
Saturday Eve. 
My dear Parents: 

I am now spending a few weeks with the Dr.'s sister in Duplin 
County — Harriet's mother. I should have answered your last kind 
letter long ere this, but one thing after another has prevented 
until now. I have left Baby in good hands down stairs while I 
have sought my room to chat with you. Soon after I left Raleigh 

49 Richard and Benjamin Williams acquired some interest in a turpentine 
company in southeastern Georgia in 1854. That year the firm produced 
6,630 barrels of spirits which one Enoch Hannum contracted for at $2.75 
per barrel. As a result of the financial recession of 1855 he apparently 
was unable to meet his obligations. Largely because of this involvement, 
Williams acquired title to considerable turpentine and timber lands in. 

Plantation Experiences 405 

I sent Lizzie back to her old mistress. Although I do not expect 
"Thank you" for it, still I know Mother wanted her, and I want 
to do right even if I cannot please. Harriet immediately provided 
me with a nurse while visiting her, and the Dr.'s sister with 
another while I am here, and as I go backwards and forwards 
you may imagine me with a servant to drive & sometimes an 
outrider in addition to driver and nurse. Sometimes I go alone 
& sometimes Sister or Harriet go with me, but do not imagine 
I am merely visiting. At present I am making shirts for Ben. 
Sister Patsy 50 seems like a mother. She advises & comforts me, 
cuts out my shirts & helps sew. She is the smartest woman I 
ever saw in my life. There are 65 or 70 servants here. They are 
all well clothed and fed and all is made on the plantation. Spin- 
ning and weaving she attends to, besides sewing for all her 
family. She does more than any Northern woman I ever saw, 
and I believe she is conscientious in the discharge of her duties. 
Ben was here a part of two days and one night a week ago. He 
hopes to get through at Raleigh in another week. Never was a 
man more anxious to get away from a place than he from there. 
We heard a few weeks since that Hannum had failed, but after- 
wards found it was a hoax. However, I don't feel quite sure of 
it yet. "A bird in the hand is worth two in the bush" is an old 
saying but it contains a valuable hint. You ask for a description 
of Raleigh. Were I to attempt, I should fail. The principal street 
is probably % of a mile long. The capitol is at one end, of granite, 
a beautiful building and the Governor's "Palace" (as it is called) 
faces it at the other end. By the way, it gives one a very humble 
idea of a palace. The city contains about 6000 inhabitants, and 
as to the hotels, don't imagine me at a St. Nicholas or even a 
Baggs Hotel, although we paid $4.00 per day. The Governor's 
party was conducted much as we have parties conducted with 
us. The ladies were elegantly draped — but I hope to talk to you 
next summer and then I can go into particulars. A party in the 
country at the South is a different affair. There they go to spend 
the night and a part of the next day. There comes about as many 
servants as guests. I had a fine specimen at Harriet's, but more 
of this anon. I hear Baby crying and I must go. 

Monday Morning. I have risen early in order to finish this & 
send it today. I received a real good letter from Mary not long 
since which had laid in the post office at Snow Hill for some 
time. And, more wonderful still, one from Lucin, a week or 
two since, being the second since I was married. I have been 
permited to hear some most excellent preaching since I came 

Martha Williams. 

406 The North Carolina Historical Review 

here from a Mr. Sprunt, 51 a Scotch gentleman. His history is 
rather interesting. He ran away from Scotland to avoid becom- 
ing a clergyman, as his father designed him for that Profession. 
He came to this country a dissipated young man. Finally he 
became minus money and bethought himself to teach. He applied 
to a Mr. Hall, residing near here. The whole family objected 
but one daughter, who said "We had better give him a trial." 
He succeeded as a teacher, studied for the Ministry, married the 
young lady who wished to give him a trial, commenced a select 
school, and is promising a blessing to the community. They have 
built him a nice Church and schoolhouse and around these is 
springing up quite a village. Verily, education and religion are 
twin sisters, alike tending to make us wiser and better and ever 
pointing us to Heaven. Mr. Sprunt sent for his sister, 52 who has 
married his wife's brother. She is said to be a well educated 
woman. How often I have wished that some Mr. Sprunt might 
come to Snow Hill, but I am faithless — too unbelieving. Mr. 
Sprunt says that on his way here he stopped at St. Domingo. 
He says that he there saw the effect of emancipation & became 
convinced that servitude is the only suitable place for the Negro. 
Be that as it may, may the Lord deliver me from any more such 
property. I speak with all reverence, for I assure you it is an 
honest prayer. 


Monday, February 26, 1855 
Clifton Grove. 
My dear Parents : 

The Legislature has at last adjourned, and we arrived here 
last Monday. Mother Williams seemed really glad to see us and 
has treated us kindly; she seems to think a great deal of the 
baby. She calls her Mr. Hicks, because she says she looks so 
much like him. 

I have passed a very happy winter with Hattie & her mother. 
They prove themselves warm friends. Hattie is just having com- 
pleted a new house and thinks of going on North next summer 

51 James Manzies Sprunt, younger brother of Alexander Sprunt, left 
Trinidad in 1839 after the failure of the Sprunt business there and took 
passage on a ship bound for Boston. The ship put in at Wilmington for 
repairs and the long delay caused him to take the position of tutor to the 
children of Nicholas Hall (1787-1861) who lived on the Neuse River 
twenty miles north of Kenansville. Eleanor, the daughter of Nicholas Hall 
later became his wife. J. Laurence Sprunt to Joseph G. deR. Hamilton, 
July 22, 1952; Walter P. Sprunt to Joseph G. deR. Hamilton, July 24, 1952. 
These letters are in the possession of Dr. Hamilton, Chapel Hill. 

62 Isabella Sprunt, the sister, came to America with her parents shortly 
before the Civil War, as did her brother, Alexander Sprunt. Isabella 
Sprunt married George Hall. Walter P, Sprunt to Joseph G. deR, Hamilton, 
July 24, 1952. 

Plantation Experiences 407 

to purchase furniture. If she should, she says she shall certainly 
want to make a short stay in New Hartford, of which she has 
heard so much. Richard says he is bound to go this year in 
August, and should have done so last August had it not been 
for the Georgia business. You will see by the papers that tur- 
pentine, as well as everything else, has had a fall. But Ben did 
pretty well with his, selling it for $3.50 per barrel before he left 
Raleigh. However the scrape is still on hand, and at present 
prices, is not likely to be soon sold. 

The old people say that there has seldom been such an un- 
healthy & dry season as the past winter. Fevers have raged all 
winter, and among children, the diseases peculiar to them seem 
to be raging through the State, viz. measles, whooping cough 
and mumps. Hitherto ours has been spared although we have 
been in the midst of it. 

The 14th of this month was the time for planting & sowing 
gardens here. I heard some telling of having mustard up. You 
know they cultivate it for greens. Farming has already com- 
menced, ploughing almost finished, that is the first for planting. 
Since our return, I have seen the first snow I have seen this 
winter, and that hardly enough to call snow. Last week we were 
out on the piazza with the baby. Since then it has been colder. 
Richard and John have both been to see us. Richard thinks of 
building. Ben purchased "Downing's Architecture" 53 this win- 
ter, & Richard says he wants us to help him select a plan & 
he is going to build. He is determined to have a pretty place. 
There has been a saw mill put up on his land & he has a fine 
opportunity. This is the beginning of better things and I think 
one or two making a move of this kind may arouse a spirit of 
improvement even in Greene County, and make the people am- 
bitious for comfort as well as wealth. I want to see a nice little 
church at Snow Hill & a good settled clergyman, but I must 
"let patience have her perfect work." 

The baby can sit alone, and has one tooth & can bow to people. 
These are all of her accomplishments at present. I shall keep 
you informed of all her improvements. 

Pa, I hope you will not think we did not appreciate your in- 
formation in regard to stocks, but Ben has already made invest- 
ments in RR stocks in this State, which pay seven per cent. I 
am very glad that he is disposed so to invest his money, instead 
of purchasing negroes, which I do believe is the most unprofitable 
property a person can possess. . . . 

08 Probably Andrew Jackson Downing, Cottage Residences; or A Series 
of Designs for Rural Cottages and Cottage Villas . . . published in New 
York in 1842 and republished under varying titles thereafter. The house 
built by Richard and that of his brother Joseph, of Kinston, betray the 
Gothic features of Downing's designs. 

408 The North Carolina Historical Review 

March 19, 1855 
My dear Parents: 

The baby (or Lilly, as we call her) and Charity are on the 
floor playing. And, although I have not received an answer to 
my last, I am constrained to write you a few lines, knowing 
that you are happy to hear from your children at any time, & 
also knowing that we occasion you anxiety when we do not 
write frequently. But, then, if you knew how much pleasure a 
few words from you give, I am sure you would send them at 
least once a month. It is now six weeks or more since I have 
heard a Avord from you. When I wrote you last I was having 
chills and fever every other day. I did not think best to tell you 
then, knowing that it could do me no good & fearing it might 
occasion you anxiety. Happily they left me week before last and 
I have seen nothing of them since. They are ugly things, while 
they last, but I believe I felt as well as ever the next day, only 
not quite so strong. It has been a very sickly winter, owing, I 
suppose to the want of the usual rains. The last week has been 
rainy. One day seemed like July, so sultry. The peach and plum 
trees are in blossom & in the yard we have jonquils & hyacinths. 
The birds have been singing with us for several weeks; indeed, 
some stay the whole winter. However, they say it is a late season, 
but it seems early to me. We are having a temporary kitchen 
built by way of an experiment. 54 But I have misgivings in regards 
to my success as a housekeeper. Had I been accustomed to more 
inconveniences at first, perhaps I might have succeeded better 
nere. But, I'll try to do my best & if I fail, why, I won't be the 
first one — that's all. I wish I really could feel as "I don't care" 
as I have written, but I can't. If I don't answer others' expecta- 
tions it troubles me, and I am sometimes afraid I shall never 
make a good housekeeper here. The servants are far from being 
as neat and tidy as those I have been accustomed to. But enough 
of this. I hope to see you sometime the last of July or the 1st of 
August. . . . Love to all. Ben wishes remembrance. Yours ever 


54 The Williams house at Clifton Grove burned in 1945. As described by 
the last occupant, the original structure of hewn logs had five rooms, two 
of them upstairs. The additions which were made apparently by Benjamin 
Williams after he brought his bride there to live included a kitchen, 
which stood apart from the main structure, and two rooms attached to 
the main body of the house, one on each level. A unique feature of the 
house was a double stairway, each leading to a separate upstairs com- 
partment without connecting doors. 

Plantation Experiences 409 

May 1, 1855 
Tuesday Eve. 
[To Mr. and Mrs. Luther W. 
McFarland, Brooklyn, N. Y.] 
Do not imagine, my dear Brother and Sister that I have lost my 
interest in you in failing for so long a time to write, but im- 
perative duties are my excuse, occurring, to be sure in the daily 
routine of life, but perhaps the more necessary for my immediate 
attention, for that very reason. The news in your last did not 
surprise me, for ever since these hard times commenced I have 
felt anxious for S & McF, 55 having had a peep behind the scenes. 
But, I believe, Luther, you have done your best, so cheer up, my 
Brother, take Excelsior for your motto and "try, try again, 
always remembering that it is a slight thing to be judged of 
man's feeble judgment but see that thy conscience is clear and 
that God regards thee as an honest man. . . ." 

We have been in a melting mood all day. The weather is like 
the middle of summer and no rain for a long time. If it does not 
come soon the crops will suffer much. 

May 2nd. I have just come from the garden. By the way it is 
customary here for the ladies to attend to the vegetable garden. 
I am trying to learn and with Ben's assistance this season, I 
hope to be able to superintend it alone next year. We have rad- 
ishes large enough for the table, Irish potatoes as large as a 
hickory nut, corn V2 foot high and sweet potatoes growing nicely. 
The peach trees are loaded with fruit, of which we have a large 
orchard. Also an abundance of plums, nectarines, crab apples, 
cherries and apples. How I wish that they were ripe in a season 
when it would be pleasant for you to come and enjoy them with 
us. We shall soon be housekeeping and then I can truly say I shall 
be glad to see you, in which, I believe Ben will join most heartily. 
The woods are full of flowers and the trees festooned with jessa- 
mine, trumpet and honeysuckle. The spring is beautiful here, 
the air full of the melody of the birds. By the way, I have told 
our servants up on Sandy Run to secure a mocking bird and 
tame him before I go North. I intend him for you, Brother Lu. 
There is some difficulty in getting them, at least the Negroes 
say that if you cage a young one, the old ones will bring poison- 
ous berries to them to kill them. 

I have nothing to write that will particularly interest you. 
Baby grows finely, and of course we think her a remarkable 
child. Ben — excuse me, Ma writes that she particularly wishes 

65 Shingerland and McFarland, the Brooklyn importing firm which went 
into bankrupcy in 1855. 

410 The North Carolina Historical Review 

me to call him "the Dr." — well then, the Dr. declares she's the 
prettiest baby he ever did see, so show up your Alice. 

Remember me with love to all enquiring friends and write 
soon to yours truly, 


May 22nd, 1855 
My dear Parents : 

I am still alone. Ben has not returned from the South yet, 
unless he has passed & gone on North, which is not unlikely, as 
Mr. Hannum had large interests in New York, and they intended 
to get security if it is to be had. However, don't worry about us, 
for with proper economy, and even though we lose this, we can 
still be independent. You inquire in regard to the kitchen, etc. 
It is a rough affair for temporary use, but much better than 
none. The cooking is all done in the new stove now. It would be 
better if it were a wood stove, but it is a coal stove. However, I 
suppose Luther hadn't time to be particular & it answers our 
purposes much better than none. The kitchen is over by old 
Lucy's house & connected with it to Lizzie's house. Lettuce and 
Charity stay with Lizzie & Ann stays in the house. Mother 
Williams is not very well, but still will not call herself sick. She 
scolds about as much as ever. But I don't care as much for it, 
for I know I have tried to do right. . . . She will never forgive 
Ben for not marrying "Niggers", never, never, never. He tends 
his own land, and since he has been away, I see to his business. 
I am up before sunrise to give out the keys. He told me how to 
order & sometimes I steal Mother's thunder. I watch and see 
what her hands are doing & then I order ours as if I knew it 
all. For instance, I set them to setting out sweet potatoe sprouts 
the other day. I did not know anything about it, but I watched, 
and then I told them I wanted to "throw three furrows together 
and set the sprouts in the middle furrow", and our patch looks 
as good as Mother's. Now they are plowing and hoeing the corn. 
If Ben doesn't come this week I shall make them thin it out and 
leave only one stalk in a hill except in the richest places. Don't 
you think I'll make a farmer. Then, I have a vegetable garden, 
which I superintend. I have collards (most like cabbage) almost 
a foot high and leaves as big as the palm of your hand, peas that 
are running, Irish potatoes that are in blossom, cucumber with 
leaves half as large as my hand and mustard going to seed. We 
have had radishes a month or more. Another year, I'm going 
to see what I can do. If I live and am well, I am going to have 
the best garden in the County. I want some Shanghai chickens, 

Plantation Experiences 411 

and am going to try for a pair if I go home this summer. I don't 
think you need look for me before August. Lilly stands alone and 
says "mama" and has four teeth. I received a letter from Luther 
last night in the same mail with yours. The fruit trees are loaded 
with fruit ; we shall have bushels and bushels of peaches, plums 
and apples a plenty. We had red cherries last week. They are 
all gone now. Love to all from your daughter 


Nov. 9, 1855 
My dear Parents : 

I sit down to write to you with my right hand crippled with 
salt rheum, so as to render sewing quite impossible, but I can 
manage to knit a little. So it seems that this climate is not to 
exempt me from my life long affliction, but I have much, very 
much, to be thankful for, inasmuch as Lilly is not in a like 
manner afflicted. . . . 

Richard has gone to Savannah, where he hopes to meet Mr. 
Hannum, who has a suit pending there with Messrs. Edwards & 
Blount, and he goes, hoping to secure his debt, and Ben sent for 
his deed by him. There is nothing of news to communicate. Ben's 
crops have come in as well as he expected. Brother James has 
been dangerously sick, but is now getting better. All other friends 
are usually well. My love to all. Hattie sends her kindest 
regards. . . . 


Jan. 3rd 1856 
... I hope this will be the last I write before leaving for 
Georgia. We hope now, to leave in two weeks. You must write 
me as soon as you receive this, for I want to get another letter 
from you before I go. Ben got Lilly a willow wagon & chair to 
set at table and a wooden one similar to the one she used at 
New Hartford. He says he will leave her wagon so whether she 
ever gets another is rather doubtful. ... I find she learns many 
things I do not like. If I take her out and she sees the ladies 
dipping snuff and spitting she must dip and spit too. The little 
negroes too (if I don't watch) will teach her much that is bad. If 
she sees one of them kicking up her heels, up hers must go too. 
She imitates everything and everybody. The other day a gentle- 
man in leaving made a very low bow. Before he got off the steps, 
Lilly was bowing just like him. I was truly glad to hear from 

412 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Mary. I had sent her a letter a few days before, being the third 
I had written without receiving an answer. She is much mistaken 
and judges the Dr. much too harshly when she hints that he 
may not like for me to correspond with her. I think my coming 
South has changed some of my friends more than it has me. We 
remained over in Philadelphia a day hoping to meet James and 
Mary, as James wrote Luther he thought they would meet us, 
but neither were in the city. . . . Ever yours 

S. F. Williams 

[To be Continued'] 


The Government and Administration of North Carolina. By 
Robert S. Rankin. (New York, New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 
Company. American Commonwealth Series, W. Brooke Graves, 
Editor. 1955. Pp. xiv, 429. Bibliography and index. $4.95.) 
This book, as its title indicates, presents a well-written 
description and analysis of North Carolina's governmental 
machinery and shows how it operates in carrying out its ulti- 
mate purpose of democratic government. With singular ac- 
curacy and care the author has sought to evaluate the state's 
political system and to present a fair estimate of its efficiency. 
He discovers some unorthodox methods of administration in 
government but in most instances he comes to the conclusion 
that our way of doing things operates surprisingly well. 

The author, who has devoted many years to scientific study 
and is now Chairman of the Department of Political Science 
at Duke University, has long been a resident of North Caro- 
lina, and a student of the way in which governmental agencies 
are carried on here. He has presented in readily accessible 
form the resume of his studies, valuable not only to the stu- 
dent but to any citizen who will take time to examine his 
comprehensive work. Most of us may have a fairly good idea 
of how government is administered in North Carolina, but 
when the details of the functioning of its several departments 
are laid before us in this book, we find some things which 
are surprising, much that is interesting, and all of it informa- 

North Carolina is the only state in the Union in which 
the governor does not have the power of veto. While under 
the constitution the powers of the governor are limited, his 
influence on legislation and state policy is powerful. Dr. 
Rankin thinks the State's constitution, which dates in struc- 
ture from 1868, should be re-written; that instead of being 
legislative in character it should be limited to a statement of 
basic principles of liberty and representative government in 
conformity with modern thought and ideals. The legislative 
branch of the state government, he thinks, functions com- 


414 The North Carolina Historical Review 

mendably. It reflects the popular will and its power is subject 
only to constitutional limitations. He calls attention, however, 
to its reluctance to reapportion representation in the General 
Assembly according to changes in population as required by 
constitutional mandate. 

The author thinks our court system in some respects lack- 
ing in unity and cohesion in view of the number and vague- 
ness of statutes and the number of court decisions, but he 
fails to note recent improvements being wrought in our 
judicial system as a result of continuous study by bench and 
bar which has produced promptness and certainty in the 
determination of causes and a more elastic system of courts. 
The administration of Justice in North Carolina at the top 
level of the Supreme Court and the Superior Courts is charac- 
terized by legal learning and unquestioned fairness. The only 
discordant feature is found in the courts of Justices of the 
Peace, due to the fee system and the number of justices. Im- 
provement here seems difficult to achieve. The constitutional 
requirement of rotation of Superior Court Judges, found 
only in North Carolina, has long been a subject of debate. 
This system may eventually be changed. 

Education is one of the major industries of the State. In the 
public school system the agencies for the administration of 
government are well co-ordinated, and the conclusion is 
reached that in this department North Carolina's progress is 
commendable. Our course in the future, however, contains 
many imponderables. 

The demand for regulation of many phases of our social 
and economic life has caused the creation of numerous gov- 
ernmental agencies and broadened the scope of government 
until now it is the State's largest business. The State has led 
the way in centralization. Only Florida approximates. North 
Carolina's development and growth to first place in popula- 
tion and wealth in the South is ascribed to the native ability 
and energy of her people. The State now ranks third in the 
nation in agriculture and twelfth in manufacturing. The 
author, however, finds that the State government while foster- 
ing agriculture has been conservative in labor legislation, 
and that wage earners receive less than the national average. 

Book Reviews 415 

The State government has grown up without organized plan- 
ning but the result is good. The machinery of government has 
improved in form and quality. There is a minimum of scandal 
and dishonesty.The author aptly quotes from Alexander Pope: 

For forms of government let fools contest, 
Whatever is best administered is best! 

W. A. Devin. 

History of North Carolina Baptists, Vol. II. By George Wash- 
ington Paschal. (Raleigh: The General Board, North Carolina 
Baptist Convention, 1955. Pp. 597. $5.00.) 

This is Volume II of a series of volumes authorized by the 
Baptist State Convention of North Carolina in 1926, to the 
end that a comprehensive history of North Carolina Baptists 
might be made available. Volume I appeared in 1930, twenty- 
five years prior to Volume II. 

Volume I brought the history of the Baptists of North 
Carolina down to approximately 1805, and dealt chiefly with 
the eastern half of the state. Volume II is a continuation of 
Volume I and "the chief concern is the development of Bap- 
tists in the western part of North Carolina where the settle- 
ments and development, civil and religious, were a half- 
century later than in the east," are the words of the beloved 
and illustrious author, Dr. George Washington Paschal of 
Wake Forest. 

Dr. Paschal is, as always, painstakingly thorough in his 
task. Full use is made of available colonial records, minutes, 
letters, and journals, as he reconstructs the experience and 
strenuous struggles of our Baptist kith and kin against frontier 
and Indians, the persecutions of a Provincial governor who 
equated the Baptists with the Regulators, and over the whole 
span from then to now the continuing battle against excesses 
as relating to "fiddling, dancing, and frolicking." 

The positive and, in the main, unappreciated contribution 
of the Baptists to the development and stabilization of the 
western portion of the State is emphasized. Significant docu- 

416 The North Carolina Historical Review 

mentary support is constantly in evidence in this connection 
and throughout the volume. In the days when North Carolina 
had no schools for her children, when there were no secular 
meetings for people to discuss their social and moral issues, 
there was the simple gospel of the New Testament, preached 
by unlettered men, and the discipline enforced by local con- 
gregations to oppose tendencies toward degradation and pro- 
duce in the long run an energetic and stable people second 
to none in the State. 

The volume should be of great interest and value to pro- 
fessional historians, members of particular local Baptist con- 
gregations, the North Carolina Baptist State Convention, and 
of course to the legions of personal friends and former stu- 
dents of the great author. 

W. N. Hicks. 

North Carolina State College, 

From These Stones : Mars Hill College, The First Hundred Years. 
By John Angus McLeod. (Mars Hill: Mars Hill College. 1955. 
Pp. ix, 293. $3.00.) 

Mars Hill College has an interesting history which few 
readers will find dull. One can visualize the dramatic inci- 
dents concerning the slave Jim that attended the school's 
founding. Some of the early presidents were interesting men, 
and we can sympathize with them or smile at their acticities. 
A reader gets excited when he reads of a heated argument be- 
tween President Zebulon Vance Hunter and the trustees in 
1890. We can see harassed trustees of the early 1890's, 
threatened with law suits and unable to pay teachers or presi- 
dents, hiring six presidents in seven years and finally telling 
the latest, Dr. Robert Lee Moore, to set all charges, collect all 
fees, pay all bills, and keep as salary anything left over. We 
appreciate the self-sacrifice of Dr. Moore, and we can under- 
stand the struggles of the school when we see Mrs. Caroline 
Jane Biggers telling God, "You know how badly our boys 
need a dormitory. Send us $50,000." This book, despite its 
shortcomings, will hold your attention. 

Book Reviews 417 

Dr. McLeod, a professor of English, is not a professional 
historian. He relies on church records, old letters, reminis- 
cences, secondary accounts, and remembered conversations 
with Dr. Moore for his information, and he quotes extensively 
from his sources. The book is well organized although two 
chapters have practically nothing to do with the college, one 
giving generally accepted facts about Western North Caro- 
lina and the westward movement and another quoting evi- 
dence concerning the activites of George W. Kirk and James 
A. Keith during the Civil War. One questions whether any 
man could be as perfect as McLeod pictures Dr. Moore, but 
certainly both Moore and his successor, the current president, 
Dr. Hoyt Blackwell, gave their full measure of devotion to 
the institution which, without their service, would not be the 
fine school that it is today. It is fitting that tribute be paid to 
great educators, and McLeod, who worked intimately with 
both Moore and Blackwell, pays them high honor. 

All Mars Hill alumni, all Baptists, and all others interested 
in getting the flavor of educational struggles will enjoy the 

William S. Hoffman. 
Appalachian State Teachers College, 

Greensboro, North Carolina, the County Seat of Guilford. By 
Ethel Stephens Arnett. (Chapel Hill: The University of North 
Carolina Press. 1955. Pp. xviii, 492. Illustrations. $6.00.) 

This fact-filled volume points out that in 1807, when the 
General Assembly of North Carolina passed an act to create 
a new county seat for Guilford, Greensboro was nothing more 
than an area of pine barrens lying at the center of the county. 
Today it is a metropolitan trading center and distributing 
point for the 1,500,000 people who live within its fifty-mile 
radius. The manufacturing plants of Greensboro employ 
22,530 people and produce seventy-five completely different 
types of products. The development of manufacturing is the 
principal reason for the growth of the city. 

418 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Although handicapped by the scarcity of records for the 
early years, the author includes all phases of Greensboro's 
history. After describing the coming of the Quakers, Germans, 
and Scotch-Irish to the area, she sketches the founding of the 
village and the development of its government. Attention is 
then turned to the cultural life of Greensboro, which, since 
the days of David Caldwell's Log College, has been charac- 
terized by an unusually large number of educational insti- 
tutions. Several chapters are given to the treatment of trans- 
portation, communication, manufacturing, and other business 
interests. O. Henry is described as Greensboro's most distin- 
guished writer, but by no means the only one of note. Some 
of the material on social customs in the nineteenth century 
constitutes an original contribution to historical writing in 
North Carolina. 

The index, which does not include names in the appendix, 
contains over two thousand entries, more than half of them 
the names of people connected with the development of 
Greensboro. Herein lies both the strength and the weakess 
of the book. The people who planned, built, and lived in the 
city should have their deeds recorded, and this is usually well 
done. In some places, however, the volume catalogues people, 
businesses, churches, schools, newspapers, and events with- 
out giving enough information to make a complete narrative. 
Perhaps this is inevitable in a history of a city. 

There are no conventional footnotes, but at times the source 
is indicated in the text and occasionally there are explanatory 
sentences at the bottom of a page. The eighty pages of pic- 
tures add variety and interest. Several hundred city officials 
and pastors of churches are listed in the appendix. There is 
a bibliography of the major references. 

This book shows that Mrs. Arnett devoted years of pains- 
taking research and writing to its preparation. The people of 
Greensboro and all others interested in the story of a thriv- 
ing North Carolina city are deeply indebted to her. 

Henry S. Stroupe. 
Wake Forest College, 
Wake Forest. 

Book Reviews 419 

The First Baptist Church, Lumberton, North Carolina; One 
Hundred Years of Christian Witnessing. By the Centennial 
Committee of the Church. (Lumberton : First Baptist Church. 
1955. Pp. 92. Appendix.) 

This "historical review" of the First Baptist Church of 
Lumberton was written to commemorate the one hundredth 
anniversary of its organization. The principal source of in- 
formation was the minutes of the church. 

A brief account of the founding and of the rigid code of 
conduct imposed in the early days upon the members is 
followed by a list of all the pastors and deacons, with their 
terms of service. The work of the church in the ordination 
of young ministers, the development of the musical program, 
and the progress in improvement of the church plant are re- 
corded. The spiritual vigor of the church through the years 
is attested by its progress in the field of local missions ( to it 
five active congregations owe their origin ) and by the growth 
of its Sunday School, Training Union, and Women's Mis- 
sionary Union. 

It is regrettable that more source material was not avail- 
able to the authors of this little book. Enough evidence is 
revealed, however, to show that their church has been a vital 
influence in both the spiritual and material growth of Lum- 
berton and Robeson County. They have made a good start 
and many other church congregations should follow their 
example in preserving valuable records for the inspiration of 
future generations. 

John Mitchell Justice. 
Appalachian State Teachers College, 

The World of My Childhood. By Robert L. Isbell, D.D. (Lenoir : 
The Lenoir News-Topic, 1955. Pp. 208. Illustrations. $2.00.) 

The Rev. Robert Lee Isbell, a minister of the Advent Chris- 
tian Church, was born in Happy Valley, Caldwell County, in 
1871. For a number of years prior to his death in 1954 at the 
age of 83, he wrote a series of chatty, nostalgic articles for the 

420 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Lenoir News-Topic recalling the days of his childhood. These 
articles have now been collected and published in book form. 

These delightful stories of a carefree boyhood make an 
interesting evening's reading. There are tales of visiting 
preachers, regular trips to the country store for supplies, a 
neighborhood murder, old soldiers' stories of the Civil War 
and afterwards, and a wide variety of boyish escapades. 
Running through the whole series is a note of tender affection 
and real understanding of the Negroes with whom the author 
grew up. 

There is something of a conversational tone about these 
little stories. The author seems to have jotted down his remi- 
niscences just as they occurred to him and a neighborhood 
character encountered in the early part of the book is likely 
to appear and reappear until he begins to seem like an old 

The preservation of such segments of local history as this 
may not bring thanks from far and wide, but to the immediate 
area concerned it is important that all sources be tapped. 
This is a source worth sharing with the "outside." 

William S. Powell. 

The University of North Carolina, 

Chapel Hill. 

The Railroads of the South 1865-1900. By John F. Stover. 
(Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 1955. 
Pp. xviii, 310. $5.00.) 

The sub-title of this book, A Study in Finance and Control, 
reveals the scope of the work. The railroads of the South were, 
of course, in deplorable physical condition in 1865. Owner- 
ship of railroad stocks and control of the companies were, 
however, held almost entirely by southerners. Thirty-five 
years later, most of the original lines, as well as those con- 
structed after 1865, had been merged into a small number of 
large systems, the control of which was firmly in the hands 
of northern financiers. 

Book Reviews 421 

After four preliminary chapters on pre-war railroad build- 
ing and the effects of the war, Mr. Stover carries the reader 
through the various stages of this transfer of control from 
southern to northern hands. One chapter is devoted to the 
corruption of the carpetbag period. The deplorable proceed- 
ings of that time did not, however, result in any permanent 
shifting of control to northern interests. The southern people 
were able to dispel the carpetbaggers; but lack of capital, 
especially in the hard times following the panic of 1873, 
made it impossible for them to retain control of their rail- 
roads. For a while it appeared that northern railroads would 
take over directly a large segment of the southern transpor- 
tation system. Both the Pennsylvania and the Baltimore and 
Ohio had ambitions in that direction, but both retired after 
a few years and left the field to other groups representing 
northern financial power. The Illinois Central did, however, 
come into the South to stay. 

The heavy railroad construction of the 1880's was chiefly 
the work of the northern promoters, and the depression of 
the 1890's gave them a new opportunity to extend and tighten 
their control. By 1900 half a dozen large systems that they 
had formed dominated the scene. 

Despite the tremendous amount of detail involved in this 
story, Mr. Stover has written a readable book. The reader 
does not lose sight of the main line of development. The text 
is heavily documented and the author has consulted a large 
number of primary and secondary sources. An occasional 
error of minor importance, such as the statement that the 
North Carolina Railroad was completed in 1852, can be de- 
tected; and there are a few errors of typography or expression 
that the proofreader should have eliminated. These are, of 
course, insignificant in relation to the general excellence of 
the work. The volume is a welcome addition to the economic 
history of the South. 

C. K. Brown. 
Davidson College, 

422 The North Carolina Historical Review 

John B. Gordon. A Study in Gallantry. By Allen P. Tankersley. 
(Atlanta, Georgia: The Whitehall Press. 1955. Pp. xii, 400. 

Ninety years have passed since the cannons were silenced 
at Appomattox but the bugles of both North and South con- 
tinue to sound from the mounting flow of volumes published 
each year on the subject of the War Between the States. That 
war long ago became the best documented in all history and 
it is surprising to find a fresh and original area being explored 
for the first time. Such is the case, however, with Allen Tank- 
ersley's biography of Confederate General John B. Gordon, 
beyond doubt the most important military figure in the history 
of Georgia. 

Gordon's military career began in 1861 as the captain of a 
volunteer company. Coming under fire early in the War at the 
first battle of Manassas he rose rapidly in rank. A courageous 
and even dashing soldier he served with distinction in the 
battles of Seven Pines, Malvern Hill, Antietam, Chancellors- 
ville, Gettysburg, the Wilderness, and Winchester. By the 
end of the War he had become one of Lee's most trusted 
lieutenants and was in command of half the Army of Northern 
Virginia when it was surrendered at Appomattox. It is a com- 
pliment to his military prowess that all the Confederate offi- 
cers attaining the rank of corps commander or higher, Gordon 
was one of the less than half-dozen who had not been officers 
of the regular United States Army or graduates of West 

A colorful figure in civilian as well as military life Gordon 
fired the imagination of his fellow Georgians and was for 
forty years the idol of his State. A leader in the Reconstruc- 
tion he was elected to the United States Senate in 1873 and 
re-elected in 1878, from which body he resigned two years 
later. He subsequently served two terms as Governor and 
was again elected to the United States Senate in 1890. He was 
commander-in-chief of the Confederate veterans organization 
from its inception until his death. 

Mr. Tankersley, however, writes of General Gordon as an 
admirer and not with the detachment necessary for really 

Book Reviews 423 

good biography. There were many questionable instances 
in the General's public career that are not adequately ex- 
plained. While a member of the United States Senate it was 
charged that he had unduly collaborated with certain railroad 
interests seeking legislative favor. His part in the settlement 
of the Hayes-Tilden controversy was also suspect. His resig- 
nation from the Senate in 1880 was made questionable by 
the fact that he was immediately made general counsel for a 
railroad owned by his appointed successor. Charges against 
Gordon in connection with these occurences and others went 
unanswered in Georgia and were apparently regarded as un- 
important by the electorate there. The author has contributed 
little in the way of real evidence to explain these apparent 
contradictions in the character of the man who for a genera- 
tion was known in his native state as the "Gallant Gordon." 

John R. Jordan, Jr. 

Joel Hurt and the Development of Atlanta. By Sarah Simms 
Edge. (Atlanta: Atlanta Historical Society, 1955. Pp. 347. 
Illustrations. $5.00.) 

The granddaughter of Joel Hurt has prepared a eulogy 
of this Atlanta businessman which also gives an account of 
the growth of Atlanta in the era of Henry Grady and the 
early years of the twentieth century. Following a confused 
account of several generations of ancestors comes a descrip- 
tion of the inauguration of savings and loan, banking, and real 
estate companies, and the history of the Atlanta streetcar 
system, the building of suburban Inman Park and Druid Hills, 
and the erection of the Hurt Building, all notable achieve- 
ments in the career of Joel Hurt. 

The narrative, which could be excitingly written, suffers 
from unwieldy quotations of entire articles from newspapers, 
many of them repetitious. The author relied heavily on these 
articles, memoirs, and undated clippings in Mrs. Hurt's scrap- 
book. While there is a glimpse here and there of interesting 
controversies, Joel Hurt's side is defended but never ex- 

424 The North Carolina Historical Review 

amined. Conversely, the seating arrangement at the Equitable 
Building Banquet is given in its entirety, as well as lists of 
directors of innumerable business concerns and the square 
feet of every office in the Hurt Building. The author shows 
no selectivity and never tells the story in her own words if 
a quotation, preferably lengthy, is at hand. If condensed to 
half its length and narrated straightforwardly, the book would 
be valuable to students of the New South. 

It would be helpful if the format of the book included the 
title and the author, as well as an index. The bibliography and 
citations are in a form never seen before by this reviewer, 
and citations are given only for direct quotations. In every 
biography the choice arises as to use of the topical or the 
chronological approach; in this case the topical approach 
contributes to the confusion. This book contains the stuff 
from which history is written, but it is not history. 

Sarah Lemmon. 

Meredith College, 


Johnny Green of the Orphans Brigade: The Journal of a Con- 
federate Soldier. Edited by A. D. Kirwan. (Lexington: The 
University of Kentucky Press. 1956. Pp. xxviii, 217. Introduc- 
tion, index, and illustrations. $3.50.) 

This original account of war-time experiences by a Con- 
federate sergeant is a welcome addition to the many recent 
Civil War publications. Beginning with his induction at Bowl- 
ing Green, Kentucky, on October 7, 1861, Johnny Green 
presents a colorful account of his life and action with the 
Orphan Brigade that saw service in practically every major 
campaign in the western theater. His unit went from Nashville 
to Shiloh to Vicksburg to Baton Rouge and back to Tennes- 
see for the Battle of Murfreesboro in 1862; to Jackson to 
Mobile and to Chattanooga in 1863; from Dalton to Atlanta 
and to Savannah in 1864; and finally to Camden, South 
Carolina, where the brigade was operating as cavalry at the 
surrender in 1865. 

Book Reviews 425 

The book should appeal to three groups of readers. First, 
those concerned with the Orphan Brigade itself or with Ken- 
tucky history will be much interested in the many names 
mentioned and the biographical annotations provided by the 
editor in footnotes. Second, the general reader can acquire 
a sound understanding of many important military activities 
west of the mountains. Professor Kirwan's well- written intro- 
ductions to each chapter and the excellent campaign maps 
are especially helpful. In explanatory footnotes the editor 
also corrects or amplifies the journal by citing appropriate 
references to the Official Records, Battles and Leaders, and 
other standard accounts. 

Finally, any student of the Civil War and the Confederacy 
will profit from this forthright account of everyday army life. 
Fascinating are Green's descriptions of living conditions, 
amusements, religious revivals, fraternization between the 
lines, and many other sidelights. The accounts of his own 
almost miraculous escapes from death read almost like fiction. 
Although apparently written many years after the war, the 
journal must have been compiled from accurate day-to-day 
notes. Green s spelling is inconsistent and often peculiar, but 
his style has a down-to-earth sincerity. "Our cause," he com- 
mented after Vicksburg and Gettysburg, "is just & will surely 
prevail. We must have been a little too puffed up with pride 
and confidence." (p.85) Extremely moving are the accounts 
of weather hardships, overwhelming enemy numbers, scarci- 
ty of food, and the ever present suffering and death. 

A full introduction, index, and some illustrations complete 
this attractively designed, well-edited, and clearly printed 

Allen J. Going. 
University of Alabama, 
University, Alabama. 

426 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Enoch Herbert Crowder : Soldier, Lawyer, and Statesman, 1859- 
1952. By David A. Lockmiller. (Columbia: The University of 
Missouri Studies, Volume XXVII. 1955. Pp. 286. $5.00.) 

This is the definitive biography of a farm boy from Grundy 
County, Missouri, who became an officer in the army in 1881 
and who subsequently served his country as soldier and 
statesman for half a century. Crowder had the good fortune 
to serve during the formation of the American empire, and 
he spent many years in the Philippines and in Cuba. He was 
an ambitious, intelligent officer; after receiving his commis- 
sion in the cavalry he studied law and was accepted by the 
bar of several states. He soon transferred to the Judge Advo- 
cate General's Department and eventually became its chief, 
the first of his West Point class to become a general officer. 
In that position Crowder wrote and administered the Select- 
ive Service Act of the First World War. 

In writing this book Dr. Lockmiller has performed a labor 
of love; he admires Crowder and justifies the general in every 
conflict. At times the story bogs down in detail, but the writ- 
ing is generally good and at times is thrilling. Like Crowder's, 
the author's viewpoint is militaristic, but not unquestioningly 
so. From that frame of reference Dr. Lockmiller tells the story 
of the soldier-lawyer who fought Indians, who presided over 
the army's military justice, who revised the Articles of War, 
who served as legal officer in the Philippines and as military 
observer in Manchuria, and who served with distinction as 
Ambassador to Cuba. But above all, Crowder is remembered 
for his part in the Draft of 1917. As the author sums it up, 
"General Crowder was the draft— the mobilizer of manpower 
for victory." 

David L. Smiley. 
Wake Forest College, 
Wake Forest. 

Book Reviews 427 

The Birth of the Bill of Rights. By Robert Allen Rutland. 
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press for the 
Institute of Early American History and Culture. 1955. Pp. 
243. $5.00.) 

In these troubled times when individual liberties are more 
than ever a topic of discussion, Mr. Rutland's book has a par- 
ticular timeliness. Yet it is to be remembered, and a point 
made by the author, that the consideration of human rights 
is a question that is almost ageless in its implications. 

In the opening chapters in which he discusses English 
precedents, Mr. Rutland strikes a nice balance between the 
development of individual rights in England and the short- 
comings that existed in the actual political life of that country. 
In turn, his emphasis appears to have been sometimes mis- 
placed when dealing with the American colonial background, 
especially when considering the case for religious freedom. 
Nor is there sufficient stress placed upon the claim that cer- 
tain liberties were considered as the natural rights of all 
Englishmen, a position which was to play an even more sig- 
nificant role in those turbulent years before the outbreak of 
the American Revolution. On the other hand, one significant 
point is emphasized in that the colonists, after gaining politi- 
cal freedom, realized the wisdom of putting their guarantees 
of freedom in written statutes rather than trusting traditions. 

Beginning with George Mason's famous Virginia Declara- 
tion of Rights in 1776, individual freedoms are treated as a 
basic concept of the new nation, reaching a climax in the 
struggle for ratification of the Constitution in 1787. In his 
discussion of that contest the author apparently feels that 
the demand for a Bill of Rights was not so much political 
strategy by the Anti-Federalists, as something demanded by 
public opinion. This may have resulted from his heavy use 
of the writings of Richard Henry Lee and George Mason, who 
certainly wielded the more attractive and facile pens among 
the Anti-Federalists. 

One provocative conclusion put forth by Mr. Rutland is 
that the guarantees of individual rights was well-established 
on the state level between 1776 and 1789 and were rather 

428 The North Carolina Historical Review 

effectively upheld by the state courts during that period. In 
fact, most states had been concerned with the matters of civil 
rights and liberties, either adopting a formal bill of rights or 
incorporating guarantees for them into their constitutions. 

James Madison is designated as the good shepherd who, 
more than any other person, was responsible for a written 
bill of rights in the national constitution, but even he doubted 
the future strength of these written guarantees. As in the 
case of the more moderate conservatives on the state level, 
a good many Federalists sensed something of the demand for 
a written bill of rights and, like Madison, did a good deal to 
help its passage; a theme not fully exploited by the author, 
but one which may have been of real significance in pointing 
out the position and influence of the moderate conservatives 
throughout the period. 

Mr. Rutland writes in a lucid style, and there is never any 
doubt of the meaning he is trying to convey, although the first 
and last chapters do not seem to measure up to the rest of 
the book. At times the author seems repetitious and one could 
quibble with the organization, but these are criticisms of 
little consequence, and the consideration of such minutiae 
in no way detracts from the general excellence of the work. 

Hugh F. Rankin. 

Colonial Williamsburg, Inc. 

Williamsburg, Virginia. 

Lincoln and the Bluegrass : Slavery and Civil War in Kentucky. 
By William H. Townsend. (Lexington : University of Kentucky 
Press. 1955. Pp. xiv, 392. Illustrated. $6.50.) 

The Bluegrass region of Kentucky was the only part of the 
slaveholding South that Abraham Lincoln knew intimately 
and Mary Todd Lincoln had spent the first twenty-one 
years of her life in Lexington, the heart of the Bluegrass 
region. Among the Lincoln friends and acquaintances in Ken- 
tucky were Cassius M. Clay, the fiery emancipationist; 
Henry Clay, the Great Compromiser; Dr. Robert J. Breckin- 
ridge, a Unionist and Presbyterian minister; John C. Breckin- 

Book Reviews 429 

ridge, Confederate General and Secretary of War; and Judge 
George Robertson, who although supporting emancipation 
demanded the President to protect his slave property. 

During Lincoln's visits to Lexington he was able to observe 
slavery first hand. Here he saw both the genteel and seamy 
sides of the South's "peculiar institution/' He saw the trusted 
mammies whose word was law and the valets whose talent for 
mixing mint juleps was unsurpassed. Too, he saw the whip- 
ping post, the slave jails, the auction block, and the white 
man's utter disregard for the humanity of the Negro. 

This is the fifth Lincoln book written by William H. Town- 
send, descendant of a stanch Confederate family. Really, the 
book is a revision of his third volume, Lincoln and His Wife's 
Home Town, written twenty-six years ago. The present vol- 
ume was undertaken because the recent appearance of so 
much new Lincoln and Civil War source material permitted 
Townsend to develop Lincoln's relation to the Bluegrass with 
greater clarity and insight than was previously possible. 

Townsend's descriptions of the cholera epidemic, Cassius 
Clay's bowie-knife duels, slave auctions on Cheapside, and 
the death of Lincoln will long be remembered by the reader. 
Chapters entitled "The Lincolns of Fayette" and "The Early 
Todds" will be of especial interest to genealogists. 

Unfortunately, one must look in vain for a formal biblio- 
graphy and the index is inadequate except for main charac- 
ters. Twenty-seven pages of notes are included at the back 
of the book and the fifty-eight illustrations (many of them 
previously unpublished ). are well-chosen. 

Generally speaking, Lincoln and the Bluegrass is a book 

that will add stature to the growing list of Lincolniana. 

Richard C. Todd. 
East Carolina College, 


On April 12 Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Director of the 
State Department of Archives and History, made an address 
at a meeting of the Historical Halifax Restoration Associa- 
tion, Inc., on the one hundred-eightieth anniversary of the 
signing of the Halifax Resolves. His topic was "Preserving 
Historical Halifax." He talked to the Carolina Dramatic 
Association at the Playmaker Theater in Chapel Hill, April 
14, on "History: Germinal Ideas for Playwrights." He also 
attended a meeting of the North Carolina Historical Society 
on that same date at Davidson College. At a meeting of the 
Bertie County Historical Association on April 19 in Windsor, 
Dr. Crittenden talked on "Preserving North Carolina's His- 
toric Sites." On April 20 he and the several division heads 
of the Department went to the Meredith College Vocational 
Education Week and discussed the Department's internship 
courses for the Meredith history majors. Dr. Crittenden 
talked to the Virginia Society of Colonial Dames in Rich- 
mond on April 27 on the subject "Across the Dividing Line: 
Virginia and Carolina in History." On May 10 he spoke at a 
luncheon meeting in Concord to several chapters of the 
United Daughters of the Confederacy on "Preserving North 
Carolina's Historic Landmarks." He accepted for the Hall of 
History of the Department a number of paintings from the 
North Carolina Dental Society in Pinehurst on May 13. As 
a member of the Governor Richard Caswell Memorial Com- 
mission, Dr. Crittenden attended a meeting of this group in 
Raleigh, May 14, at which time the Commission considered 
plans for developing the grave site and heard a report from 
Mr. Frank Brant, landscape architect of the State Highway 
Department. The group authorized the planning committee 
to proceed with recommendations as soon as possible. On 
May 22 Dr. Crittenden attended a meeting of the National 
Trust for Historic Preservation at Woodlawn, near Mount 
Vernon, about ten miles south of Washington, D. C. He at- 
tended in Cincinnati, Ohio, May 27-30, the annual meeting 
of the American Association of Museums of which he has 
been elected a member of the council. 


Historical News 431 

Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Head of the Division of Publications, 
met with a group of interested persons in the Yanceyville 
Agriculture Building on March 28 to assist in the organiza- 
tion of the Caswell County Historical Society. He presided 
at the meeting and made a talk on the purposes and ob- 
jectives of local historical groups. On April 13 he spoke to 
the Bloomsbury Chapter, Daughters of the Revolution, on 
the need of a Wake County historical society. The meeting 
was held at the home of Mrs. Zeno Martin and Mrs. Vance 
Jerome had charge of the program. Mr. Corbitt attended 
the meetings of the North Carolina Historical Society at 
Davidson on April 14; and on April 28 he met with a group 
in Wilmington where he aided in the formulation of plans 
for a local historical society. The group led by Mr. Winston 
Broadfoot, organized under the name, the Lower Cape Fear 
Historical Society. On May 31 Mr. Corbitt met with the 
Northampton County Historical Society at the courthouse in 
Jackson where he talked on the need to arouse local interest 
and cited objectives for the society. 

On February 24 Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Superin- 
tendent for the Department, spoke to the Boy Scouts at the 
Frances Lacy School on the topic "Pirates in North Carolina." 
He met with the Highway Marker Committee on March 2 at 
which time twenty-two markers were approved for erection 
in twenty counties. On April 29 he participated in a tour of 
Pender County including a stop at the Moore's Creek Battle- 
ground and a luncheon at Sloop Point Plantation with the 
Misses McMillan. Mr. Tarlton made a short talk to the group 
on the historic sites program. On March 26-27 he went to 
Asheville where he visited the Zebulon B. Vance birthplace 
and examined the present building to determine what part 
of the original structure remained and to make plans to de- 
velop the site. On April 8 he attended a meeting at Benton- 
ville where he made a brief talk, and on May 9 he went to 
the Richard Caswell grave site with Mr. Frank Brant, land- 
scape architect for the Highway Department, to make pre- 
liminary plans and suggestions to be presented to the Gov- 

432 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ernor Richard Caswell Memorial Commission which met on 
May 14. With Dr. Crittenden he attended the opening of 
restored Old Salem Tavern, Winston- Salem, on May 31. 

Mrs. Ernest Ives, Southern Pines, has given $5,000 to the 
Alston House Restoration— one of the approved projects of 
the Historic Sites Commission— which allowed the Moore 
County Historical Society to complete the restoration. 

The old covered bridge known as the Bunker Hill Bridge 
in Catawba County which was restored last year has recently 
been landscaped and painted. The cost was met with funds 
appropriated by the 1955 General Assembly through the 
Department of Archives and History. 

Mr. Stanley South, who is a candidate for a master's degree 
in anthropology at the University of North Carolina, assumed 
the duties as Historic Site Specialist of the Town Creek 
Indian Mound on June 1, replacing Mr. John W. Walker. He 
will continue the archaeological research and restoration 
with particular emphasis on the completion of the temple 
on the mound. 

Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museum Administrator of the De- 
partment of Archives and History; Mr. and Mrs. John A. 
Kellenberger, Treasurer and Chairman respectively of the 
Tryon Palace Commission; Miss Virginia Home, Chairman of 
the Commission's Acquisitions Committee; and Mrs. Lyman 
A. Cotten, Committee member, visited in Annapolis, Mary- 
land, on March 28 to appraise certain furnishings offered for 
Tryon Palace. On April 9 Mrs. Jordan assisted Dr. Bertram 
K. Little, Director of the Society for the Preservation of New 
England Antiquities, and his wife, Mrs. Nina Fletcher Little, 
Consultant for the Abby Aldrich Rockefeller Folk Art Collec- 
tion, Williamsburg, Virginia, in identifying a painted room 
which was removed from the Alexander Shaw house near 
Wagram (Scotland County). On May 9 she attended in 
Williamsburg the council meeting of the Southeastern Mu- 
seums Conference, of which she is the Secretary-Treasurer. 

Historical News 433 

Mrs. Fanny Memory Blackwelder represented the Depart- 
ment of Archives and History on a tour of Davidson and 
Davie counties, June 3, which was sponsored by the North 
Carolina Society of County and Local Historians. 

Mr. Norman Larson, Historic Site Specialist for Alamance 
Battleground, presented slide lecture programs to the Gra- 
ham High School and the Burlington Rotary Club on March 
5, and to the Exchange Club of Mebane on March 13. He 
began a ten day mobile unit trip on May 16 with exhibits 
depicting the Battle of Alamance, stopping at schools during 
the day and city centers in the evening. About 5,000 persons 
visited the display which had been arranged in co-operation 
with the Hall of History. He also reports that construction 
has been started on a mounting of native stone for a battle- 
field marker at Alamance Battleground, and a shed to house 
the marker. An exhibit relating to the battle has been set up 
in the May Memorial Library in Burlington and will remain 
there during the summer months. 

On June 15 Mr. Houston G. Jones, formerly Professor of 
History and Chairman of the Division of Social Sciences at 
West Georgia College, Carrollton, Georgia, assumed the 
duties of State Archivist of the Department of Archives and 
History. Mr. Jones is a graduate of Appalachian State 
Teachers College, Boone, and has done graduate work at 
Peabody College, Vanderbilt University, New York Univer- 
sity, and Duke University. He has taught at Appalachian and 
at Oak Ridge Military Institute and has been correspondent 
for a number of daily newspapers. During World War II 
he served with the Navy. He is a member of several historical 
associations and is the author of "Bedford Brown: State 
Rights Unionist," which appeared in the July and October 
issues of this publication last year. 

The Tryon Palace Commission met in New Bern on June 

The spring regional meeting of the State Literary and His- 
torical Association met on May 18-19 at the Carolinian Hotel, 
Nags Head. President Gilbert T. Stephenson presided at the 

434 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Friday afternoon meeting at which time the group was wel- 
comed by Mr. Melvin Daniels, Dare County Register of 
Deeds. Mr. R. E. Jordan outlined the tours which had been 
arranged by the Roanoke Island Historical Association cover- 
ing the island, the villages of the Outer-Banks, Cape Hatteras 
Lighthouse and Museum, Wright Memorial, and other points 
of interest. The evening dinner meeting featured the intro- 
duction of the new officers and speeches by Mr. David Stick, 
"History in Your Own Backyard," and Dr. Charles W. Porter 
III, of the National Park Service, "The Cape Hatteras Na- 
tional Seashore Area— Plans for Historical Development." The 
Saturday meeting was composed mainly of visits to the his- 
toric sites with a picnic luncheon at Cape Point. 

Members of the staff of the Department of Archives and 
History who attended were: Dr. Christopher Crittenden, 
Miss Jean Denny, Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Mrs. Grace Mahler, 
Miss Barbara McKeithan, and Mr. W. S. Tarlton. 

At 8:00 on April 30 a reading of an operetta, "The Pirate 
and the Governor's Daughter," was given by the author, Miss 
Lucy Cobb, in the Assembly Room of the Department of 
Archives and History. The operetta is based on the Black- 
beard story with an added love affair having Governor 
Charles Eden's step-daughter as one of the principals. The 
lyrics and piano score were written by Professor Dorothy 
Home, Maryville College, Maryville, Tenn., and the orches- 
tration was done by Professor Patrick McCarty, East Carolina 
College. Miss Cobb also prepared authentic watercolor 
sketches of the costumes. Several of the musical numbers 
were played by Mrs. Betty Vaiden Williams on her autoharp. 
Following the reading a reception was held. 

News items from the University of North Carolina are as 
follows: Dr. Carl H. Pegg has published Contemporary 
Europe in World Focus, by Henry Holt and Company; Dr. 
C. O. Cathey has published Agricultural Developments in 
North Carolina, 1783-1860, as the thirty-eighth volume of 
the James Sprunt Studies in History and Political Sciece; Dr. 
James L. Godfrey, who has recently been appointed Chair- 

Historical News 435 

man of the Faculty, has published "Churchill's Peace-Time 
Government" in the South Atlantic Quarterly, Vol. IV (Jan- 
uary, 1956); and Dr. Loren C. MacKinney will spend the 
summer in England doing research on medical miniatures in 
medieval science. He will also attend the International Con- 
gress of the History of Science at Florence, Italy, as a mem- 
ber of the Committee on Bibliography. He served as local 
chairman at the meeting of the American Association of the 
History of Science of Medicine in Chapel Hill in April and 
presented a showing of medical miniatures. Other news items 
state that Dr, Richard K. Murdoch has been appointed Assis- 
tant Professor at the University of Georgia; Dr. James E. King 
will be on leave 1956-1957 to do research on the intelluctual 
origins of the welfare state in France; Dr. George V. Taylor 
will be Visiting Lecturer in History at the University of Wis- 
consin during the summer session of 1956; Dr. Fletcher M. 
Green will be Visiting Professor of American History at Stan- 
ford University during the summer session of 1956; Mr. 
Robert M. Miller of Texas Western College has been ap- 
pointed as Assistant Professor of History beginning Septem- 
ber, 1956; Mr. Vincent dePaul Cassidy, doctoral candidate, 
has been appointed Assistant Professor at Southwestern 
Louisiana Institute, September, 1956; and Mr. Charles Lewis 
Price, doctoral candidate, has been appointed Assistant Pro- 
fessor at West Georgia College. 

Mr. William Stevens Powell, Librarian, North Carolina 
Collection, is the winner of a Guggenheim Fellowship for 
1956-1957 to permit him to engage in research on the back- 
ground of explorers and colonists, 1584-1590. He is now in 
England working on this project. 

The Woman's College of the Univeristy of North Carolina 
reports the following faculty news items: Dr. Richard Bar- 
dolph has been awarded a Guggenheim Fellowship for 1956- 
1957 to continue his studies of the history of the Negro in 
the United States, and will remain in Greensboro while doing 
the research; Dr. Lenoir Wright has been awarded a Ful- 
bright lectureship in Iraq and will spend the coming year 
at the University of Bagdad; Dr. Lenore O'Boyle is resigning 

436 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to accept a position at Smith College; Dr. Jordan E. Kurland 
is returning to the history department to teach Russian history 
in September; and Drs. Louise Alexander and Magnhilde 
Gullander, who are retiring this year, will continue work as 
emeritus lecturers during 1956-1957. 

Meredith College news items include the promotion of Dr. 
Sarah McCulloh Lemmon to Associate Professor of History. 
Dr. Lemmon is also serving as a member of the Executive 
Council of the North Carolina Historical Society. Dr. Alice 
B. Keith read a paper on "Some Experiences in Editing" at 
the Annual Conference for Social Studies of the Baptist Col- 
leges of North Carolina which met at Campbell College in 
March. She is also a member of the Executive Council of the 
Society mentioned above. Dr. Lillian Parker Wallace is serv- 
ing as a member of both the Nominating Committee and the 
Executive Committee of the State Literary and Historical 
Association. Misses Dorothy Elizabeth Smith and Barbara 
Sellers have received grants to pursue graduate work at 
Vanderbilt University and The College of William and Mary 

Dr. H. H. Cunningham of Elon College is serving as re- 
gional chairman (North Carolina) of the Mississippi Valley 
Historical Association's Committee on Membership. On May 
12 Dr. Cunningham spoke to the North Carolina Civil War 
Round Table meeting in High Point on "The Confederate 
Medical Officer in the Field." 

History majors at Elon who have received scholarships are 
as follows: Mr. Terry Emerson, Morehead City, a $1,000 re- 
gional scholarship from the Duke University School of Law 
which is renewable for two years; Mr. Kenneth H. Lambert, 
Norfolk, Virginia, a Goodwin Memorial Scholarship at the 
College of William and Mary for $1,000 and renewable for 
two years; Mr. Robert Baxter, Burlington, a $700 scholarship 
to the Duke University Law School; and Mr. Robert Robert- 
son, Burlington, a regional scholarship valued at $550. a year 
to the Tulane University School of Law. 

Historical News 437 

Dr. Philip Africa, Head of the Department of History at 
Salem College, has received a grant-in-aid from the Southern 
Fellowship Fund to do research in the summer of 1956 on the 
subject of the "Moravian Church and the Slavery Issue, 1830- 
1860." Dr. William Spencer has resigned at Salem to accept 
an appointment in the history department at The College of 
William and Mary, Norfolk Division. 

Three new members have been added to the faculty of the 
Department of Social Sciences of Wake Forest College which 
began using the new campus in Winston-Salem on June 18. 
Dr. Lowell R. Tillett, formerly of Carson-Newman College, 
began teaching as Assistant Professor of History with the 
summer session. He is a native of Tennessee and received his 
Ph.D. degree at the University of North Carolina. Dr. Roy 
E. Jumper will begin teaching in September as Assistant Pro- 
fessor of Political Science. He spent two years studying in 
western Europe as a Fulbright Scholar and has recently re- 
turned from two years of research in Vietnam under a Ford 
Foundation Fellowship. He is a native of South Carolina and 
received his doctorate from Duke University. Mr. John K. 
Huckaby, a native of Texas, will begin teaching in September 
as Instructor in History. He received his master's from Co- 
lumbia University and is a candidate for the Ph.D. degree 
from Ohio State University. 

Dr. Henry S. Stroupe, Professor of History and Chairman 
of the Department of Social Sciences at Wake Forest College, 
is the author of a newly-published book, The Religious Press 
in the South Atlantic States, 1802-1865. This is the thirty- 
second in a series published by the Trinity College Historical 
Society and the Duke University Press. 

An Interuniversity Summer Seminar on "Isolation and Col- 
lective Security in Twentieth Century American Diplomacy," 
sponsored by the Social Science Research Council, June 11- 
July 20, has brought the following scholars to the Duke 
campus: Dr. Richard N. Current, Woman's College of the 
University of North Carolina; Dr. Robert H. Ferrell, Indiana 
University; Dr. J. Chalmers Vinson, University of Georgia; 
Dr. William L. Neumann, Goucher College; Dr. William R. 

438 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Allen, University of California at Los Angeles; and Dr. Ken- 
neth W. Thompson, Rockefeller Foundation. Dr. Alexander 
DeConde, Duke University, is Chairman of the Seminar. 

Among the scholars who are in residence under the au- 
spices of the Duke University Commonwealth-Studies Center 
are Dr. Paul Knaplund, Professor Emeritus of British History, 
University of Wisconsin; Mr. Raymond A. Esthus, University 
of Houston; Dr. E. R. Wicker, University of Indiana; and 
Mrs. Josephine Milburn, Duke University, all of whom are 
working on aspects of the history of the Commonwealth. Dr. 
Paul H. Clyde is Chairman of this group. In addition Dr. 
Paul A. Marrotte, Davidson College, has been awarded a 
grant-in-aid for research by Duke University; and Dr. Burton 
Beers of North Carolina State College and Dr. Lillian Parker 
Wallace of Meredith College have Japan Society Scholar- 
ships to study the Far East with Dr. Ralph Braibanti. 

The University in the Kingdom of Guatemala by Dr. John 
Tate Lanning was published in 1955. Dr. Lanning's manu- 
script, "The Enlightenment in the University of San Carlos 
de Quatemala," was selected by the American Historical 
Association for publication on the Carnegie Revolving Fund 
and will appear shortly. He was on a leave of absence during 
the spring of 1956. Dr. F. B. M. Hollyday, a Duke graduate 
currently holding a Ford Fellowship at Case Institute, has 
been added to the staff for 1956-1957 to teach European his- 
tory. Mr. W. Harrison Daniel and Mr. Eugene Drozdowski, 
doctoral candidates, will teach next year at the University of 
Richmond and Kent State University, respectively. Dr. Louis 
Bumgartner, who received his Ph.D. in June, will join the 
faculty of Birmingham-Southern College. 

Dr. Robert F. Durden was a member of a Conference on 
the Progressive Period, June 17-18, sponsored by the Depart- 
ment of History at the University of Kansas. Dr. Irving B. 
Holley will be on sabbatical leave in 1956-1957 to complete 
his book, Buying Air Power, which will form one of the vol- 
umes of the official History Series, U. S. Army in World War 
II. Dr. Holley has also received a fellowship from the Social. 
Science Research Council to study the development of 
American military policy during the twentieth century. Dr. 

Historical News 439 

William B. Hamilton has been appointed Associate Editor 
of the South Atlantic Quarterly, of which Dr. W. T. Laprade 
is Managing Editor. He has compiled "The Post-Revolution- 
ary South, 1783-1805," in Thomas D. Clark, ed., Travels in 
the Old South, 1527-1825, 2 vols. (University of Oklahoma 
Press, 1956). Dr. Allen S. Johnson, Shorter College, has a 
Duke grant-in-aid and is a member of the Commonwealth 
Summer Research group. 

Dr. Thomas Anton Schafer, Assistant Professor of His- 
torical Theology at Duke Divinity School, received a Guggen- 
heim Fellowship to continue studies of Jonathan Edwards' 
"Miscellanies" as sources for the structure of Edwards' theo- 
logical thought. 

The Southern Fellowships Fund has announced the follow- 
ing persons as winners of awards for advanced study and 
research with fellowships for 1956-1957 awarded to Mr. 
Herbert A. Aurbach and Mr. Robert D. White, Jr., both of 
State College; Mr. Hal L. Ballew, Miss Shasta M. Bryant, 
Mr. John M. DeGrove, Mr. Morton Y. Jacobs, Mr. Carl C 
Moses, Mr. John F. Mahoney, Mr. Henry C. Randall, Mr. 
Dana P. Ripley, Mr. Diffee W. Standard, and Mr. Edward D. 
Terry, all of the University of North Carolina; Mr. Richard 
L. Capwell and Mr. Robert B. Jackson, Jr., both of Duke; 
Mr. Whitfield Cobb of Guilford College; Mr. R. Leland 
Starnes of the Woman's College, University of North Caro- 
lina; and Miss Mary Paschal of Wake Forest College. 

Summer grants-in-aid were awarded to Mr. George L. 
Abernathy and Dr. William P. Cumming both of Davidson; 
Mr. Warren Ashby and Miss Jean E. Gagen both of the 
Woman's College, University of North Carolina; Mr. Edwin 
K. Blanchard and Miss Lois E. Frazier both of Meredith; 
Mr. John A. Holliday of Queens; Mr. Edsel E. Hoyle of 
Lenoir-Rhyne; Miss Muriel D. Tomlinson of Guilford; Mr. 
John F. West of Elon; and Mr. Marvin D. Wigginton and 
Mr. Johnny L. Young both of Catawba. 

440 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Mrs. Wilma Dvkeman Stokely, Asheville, has been awarded 
a Guggenheim Fellowship winch will allow her to make a 
study of the Civil War in the Mountains of western North 
Carolina and eastern Tennessee. 

The Statesville Arts and Science Museum held its Spring 
Art Festival at the Statesville Country Club on May 16-18, 
bringing together the selected works of thirteen leading art- 
ists in this section of the country. The group sponsoring this 
museum believe it to be the only one in the State which com- 
bines art and science and have planned a program which will 
include loan exhibits from all over the world, ranging from 
textiles to dinosaurs; lectures on all phases of the arts; music 
and art appreciation; and handicraft and art classes. 

Dr. Marvin L. Skaggs, Head of the Department of History 
at Greensboro College, spoke to the State Convention of 
Colonial Dames, Seventeenth Century, on May 12, on "Social 
Conditions in America in the Seventeenth Century." 

Mr. Taylor C. Scott, Jr., of Silver Springs, Maryland, will 
begin teaching at Greensboro College in September as Pro- 
fessor of Sociology. He formerly taught at the University of 
Maryland where he also did graduate work. 

Mr. Clarence W. Griffin, Managing Editor of The Forest 
City Courier and a member of the Executive Board of the 
Department of Archives and History, addressed the Spindale 
Woman's Club on April 12 on the topic "The First Half- 
Century." The talk after giving a brief summary of North 
Carolina's economic, social, and cultural history, explained 
the purposes, origin, and development of the Department of 
Archives and History and its program of records preservation, 
publications, museum, and historic sites. 

On April 14 more than a hundred people from Forest City, 
Rutherfordton, and other points in Rutherford County made 
the historical tour which was led by Mr. Edley Beam and 
sponsored by the Rutherfordton County Chapter of the 
Daughters of the American Revolution. Points visited includ- 
ed the Mcentire home built about 1830 and formerly owned 

Historical News 441 

by Dr. Ben E. Washburn who spoke briefly on the history of 
the house and plantation presently owned by Dr. and Mrs. 
G. O. Moss. Dr. Moss was introduced to the group by Miss 
Logna B. Logan. The Green River plantation was also visited 
and Mr. Clarence W. Griffin talked about the former residents 
and the history of the plantation. A tour of the grounds was 
permitted but the house which was built about 1804 was not 

Mr. Clarence W. Griffin, retiring president of the Western 
North Carolina Historical Association, was awarded the As- 
sociation's Outstanding Historian's Cup at the annual meet- 
ing which was held on April 28 in the Pack Memorial Library 
in Asheville. The cup was presented by Dr. D. J. Whitener, 
Appalachian State Teachers College, Boone. Mr. Griffin was 
honored for his numerous services in the fields of local and 
state history. He is a member of the Executive Board of the 
State Department of Archives and History, former Vice- 
President of the Association, former Vice-President of the 
State Literary and Historical Association, a member of the 
board of governors of the North Carolina Society of the Sons 
of the American Revolution, Vice-President of the North 
Carolina Society of County and Local Historians, and many 
times historian of the Western North Carolina Press Associa- 
tion. He is the author of numerous pamphlets and five vol- 
umes of the history of the western part of the State and co- 
author of a State fifth-grade textbook. Mrs. Sadie Smathers 
Patton of Hendersonville was elected President of the Asso- 
ciation, Mr. George W. McCoy of Asheville was elected 
Vice-president and chairman of the program committee for