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THE
North Carolina
Historical Review
Issued Quarterly
Volume XXXIV Numbers 1-4
JANUARY- OCTOBER
1957
Published By
STATE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY
Corner of Salisbury and Edenton Streets
Raleigh, N. C.
THE NORTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL REVIEW
Published by the State Department of Archives and History
Raleigh, N. C.
Christopher Crittenden, Editor
David Leroy Corbitt, Managing Editor
ADVISORY EDITORIAL BOARD
Walter Clinton Jackson Hugh Talmage Lefler
Frontis Withers Johnston George Myers Stephens
STATE DEPARTMENT OP ARCHIVES AND HISTORY
EXECUTIVE BOARD
McDaniel Lewis, Chairman
Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne
Fletcher M. Green William Thomas Laprade
Clarence W. Griffin Hershel V. Rose
Christopher Crittenden, Director
This review was established in January, 192b, as a medium of publication
and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other institutions
by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. The regular price
is $3.00 per year. Members of the North Carolina Literary and Historical As-
sociation, Inc., for which the annual dues are $5.00, receive this publication
without further payment. Back numbers may be procured at the regular
price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number.
MU
The North Carolina
Historical Review
VOLUME XXXIV
NUMBER 1, JANUARY, 1957
CHEROKEE-WHITE RELATIONS ON THE
SOUTHERN FRONTIER IN THE EARLY
NINETEENTH CENTURY 1
Henry T. Malone
THE COTTON TEXTILE INDUSTRY IN
ANTE-BELLUM NORTH CAROLINA 15
PART I: ORIGIN AND GROWTH TO 1830
Dipfee W. Standard and Richard W. Griffin
ORGANIZATION AND EARLY YEARS OF THE
NORTH CAROLINA BAR ASSOCIATION 36
Fannie Farmer Blackwelder
THE COLORED INDUSTRIAL ASSOCIATION
OF NORTH CAROLINA AND ITS FAIR OF 1886 _ 58
Frenise A. Logan
CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF HENRY W. BARROW
WRITTEN TO JOHN W. FRIES, SALEM 68
Edited by Marian H. Blair
BOOK REVIEWS 86
Eliason's Tarheel Talk: An Historical Study of the English
Language in North Carolina — By Richard Walser;
Walser's North Carolina Drama — By Percy G. Adams ;
Wellman,s Rebel Boast: First at Bethel — Last at
Appomattox — By Roy Parker, Jr.; Alexander's Here
Will I Dwell: The Story of Caldwell County — By
Blackwell P. Robinson; Weathers' The Living Past of
Cleveland County — By Horace W. Raper; Robinson's
I iii]
iv Contents
A History of Moore County, North Carolina, 17U7-18U7
— By Marvin W. Schlegel ; Cauthen's The State Records
of South Carolina: Journals of the South Carolina
Executive Councils of 1861 and 1862 — By Robert H.
Woody; Brooks's The University of Georgia Under
Sixteen Administrations, 1785-1955 — By David A.
Lockmiller ; Hindle's The Pursuit of Science in Revolu-
tionary America, 1735-1789 — By Elisha P. Douglass;
Green's Eli Whitney and the Birth of American Tech-
nology— By Cornelius 0. Cathey; Wiley's William
Nathaniel Wood, Reminiscences of Big I — By H. H.
Cunningham; Chambers' Old Bullion Benton: Senator
from the Neiv West — By G. C. Osborn ; Silver's Lincoln's
Supreme Court — By Dillard S. Gardner; Perkins'
Charles Evans Hughes and American Democratic
Statesmanship — By Joseph F. Steelman; and Lefler's
History of North Carolina — By H. G. Jones.
HISTORICAL NEWS 109
NUMBER 2, APRIL, 1957
THE COTTON TEXTILE INDUSTRY IN
ANTE-BELLUM NORTH CAROLINA
PART II: AN ERA OF BOOM AND
CONSOLIDATION, 1830-1860 131
Richard W. Griffin and Diffee W. Standard
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE PUBLISHED
WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN GRIFFITH BRAWLEY .165
John W. Parker
PAPERS FROM THE FIFTY-SIXTH ANNUAL
SESSION OF THE STATE LITERARY AND
HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION, RALEIGH,
DECEMBER, 1956
INTRODUCTION 179
DARE COUNTY BELLE-LETTRES 180
Richard Walser
Contents v
ROANOKE COLONISTS AND EXPLORERS :
AN ATTEMPT AT IDENTIFICATION 202
William S. Powell
NORTH CAROLINA FICTION, DRAMA,
AND POETRY, 1955-1956 227
C. Hugh Holman
NORTH CAROLINA NON-FICTION
BOOKS, 1955-1956 237
H. Broadus Jones
LIFE AND LITERATURE 247
Gilbert T. Stephenson
ONE HUNDRED YEARS AGO 255
Roy P. Nichols
NORTH CAROLINA BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1955-1956 270
William S. Powell
BOOK REVIEWS 282
Shanks' s The Papers of Willie Person Mangum, Volume
V, 1847-1894 — By Paul Murray; Cathey's Agricultural
Developments in North Carolina, 17 88-1860 — By Wayne
D. Rasmussen ; Barrett's Sherman* s March through the
Carolinas — By Jay Luvaas ; Ware's A History of Atlan-
tic Christian College: Culture in Coastal Carolina — By
J. D. Messick; Moore's Stories Old and New of the
Cape Fear Region — By William S. Powell; Goerch's
Ocracoke — By Holley Mack Bell ; Wates's Stub Entries
to Indents Issued in Payment of Claims Against South
Carolina Groiving Out of the Revolution. Book K — By
Lawrence F. Brewster ; Wright's and Freund's The His-
toric of Travell into Virginia Britania (1612), by
William Strachey, gent. — By Stanley South; Coulter's
Auraria: The Story of a Georgia Gold-Mining Town —
By Fletcher M. Green; Walton's John Filson of Ken-
tucke — By Weymouth T. Jordan ; Malone's Cherokees of
the Old South — By D. H. Corkran; Stampp's The
Peculiar Institution: Slavery in the Ante-Bellum South
— By Bell I. Wiley; Vandiver's Rebel Brass, The Con-
federate Command System — By John G. Barrett;
vi Contents
Dorothy and Richard Pratt's A Guide to Early Ameri-
can Homes — South — By Elizabeth W. Wilborn; and
Link's Wilson: The New Freedom — By George C.
Osborn.
HISTORICAL NEWS 302
NUMBER 3, JULY, 1957
JOHN LAWSON'S ALTER-EGO-
DR. JOHN BRICKELL 313
Percy G. Adams
THE DUGGER-DROMGOOLE DUEL 327
Henry W. Lewis
GIFFORD PINCHOT AT BILTMORE 346
Harold T. Pinkett
THE IDEA OF A COTTON TEXTILE INDUSTRY
IN THE SOUTH, 1870-1900 358
Herbert Collins
SIMMS'S VIEWS ON NATIONAL AND
SECTIONAL LITERATURE, 1825-1845 393
John C. Guilds
TRYON'S "BOOK" ON NORTH CAROLINA 406
Edited by William S. Powell
BOOK REVIEWS 416
Ferguson's Home on the Yadkin — By H. G. Jones ; Blythe's
James W. Davis: North Carolina Surgeon — By Clarence
E. Gardner, Jr. ; Ray's Index and Digest to Hathaway' s
North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register
and Colonial Granville County and Its People — By H. G.
Jones; Horn's The Decisive Battle of Nashville — By
William T. Alderson ; Vanstory's Georgia's Land of the
Golden Isles — By Sarah McCulloh Lemmon ; Wiley's The
Road to Appomattox — By Frank E. Vandiver ; Rowse's
True Discourse of the Present State of Virginia — By
William S. Powell; Hassler's General George B. Mc-
Contents vii
Clellan. Shield of the Union — By John G. Barrett;
Steven's The Early Jackson Party in Ohio — By William
S. Hoffmann ; Wright's The Cultural Life of the Ameri-
can Colonies, 1607-1763 — By Richard Walser; Charles's
The Origin of the American Party System — By V. 0.
Key, Jr. ; and Franklin's From Slavery to Freedom: A
History of American Negroes — By William S. Hoff-
mann.
HISTORICAL NEWS 432
NUMBER 4, OCTOBER, 1957
CHEROKEE PRE-HISTORY 455
David H. Corkran
COUNTERFEITING IN COLONIAL
NORTH CAROLINA 467
Kenneth Scott
JOSEPH SEAWELL JONES QF SHOCCO-
HISTORIAN AND HUMBUG 483
Edwin A. Miles
WOODROW WILSON: THE
EVOLUTION OF A NAME ____ 507
George C. 0 shorn
CHILDHOOD RECOLLECTIONS OF MY FATHER ..517
Mary C. Wiley
BOOK REVIEWS 530
Sellers's James K. Polk, Jacksonian, 1795-1843 — By C. W.
Tebeau ; Pike's 0. Henry in North Carolina — By Thomas
B. Stroup; Simpson's The Cokers of Carolina — By
Thomas D. Clark; Quattlebaum's The Land Called
Chicora: The Carolinas under Spanish Rule with
French Intrusions, 1520-1670 — By Robert H. Woody;
Easterby's The Colonial Records of South Carolina,
Entered as second class matter September 29, 1928, at the Post Office at
Raleigh, North Carolina, under the act of March 3, 1879.
viii Contents
Series I, Journal of the Commons House of Assembly,
September 10, 1745-June 17, 17 U6— By Henry T.
Malone ; Oliphant's, Odell's, and Eaves's The Letters of
William Gilmore Simms, Volume V, 1867-1870— By C.
Hugh Holman ; Wates's Stub Entries to Indents Issued
in Payment of Claims Against South Carolina Growing
Out of the Revolution. Books C-F — By William S.
Powell; Servies's A Bibliography of John Marshall —
By Gilbert L. Lycan; Craven's The Legend of the
Founding Fathers — By Herbert R. Paschal, Jr. ; Scott's
Counterfeiting in Colonial America — By Hugh T. Lefler ;
Scheer's and Rankin's Rebels and Redcoats: The Living
Story of the American Revolution — By Robert L.
Ganyard; Uhlendorf's Revolution in America: Confi-
dential Letters and Journals, 1776-17 '8 k, of Adjutant
General Major Bauermeister of the Hessian Forces — By
Hugh T. Lefler; Bass's The Green Dragoon: The Lives
of Banastre Tarleton and Mary Robinson — Hugh F.
Rankin; Vandiver's Mighty Stoneivall — By William B.
Hesseltine; Lively's Fiction Fights the Civil War: An
Unfinished Chapter in the Literary History of the
American People — By Bell I. Wiley; Roske's and Van
Doren's Lincoln's Commando: The Biography of Com-
mander W. B. Gushing, U.S.N. — By Winston Broadf oot ;
Davidson's Still Rebels, Still Yankees, and Other Es-
says— By Richard Walser; Hofstadter's, Miller's, and
Aaron's The United States: The History of a Republic
— By Joseph Davis Applewhite; Groce's and Wallace's
The Netv-York Historical Society's Dictionary of Artists
in America, 1564-1860 — By Elizabeth W. Wilborn;
and Swem's The Jamestown 350th Anniversary Histori-
cal Booklets — By Christopher Crittenden.
HISTORICAL NEWS 562
Nprth Carolina Mare uorory
Raleigh
THE
NORTH CAROLINA
HISTORICAL REVIEW
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Volume XXXIV
JANUARY 1957
Number 1
Published Quarterly By
State Department of Archives and History
Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets
Raleigh, N. C.
THE NORTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL REVIEW
Published by the State Department of Archives and History
Raleigh, N. C.
Christopher Crittenden, Editor
David LeRoy Corbitt, Managing Editor
ADVISORY EDITORIAL BOARD
Walter Clinton Jackson Hugh Talmage Lefler
Frontis Withers Johnston George Myers Stephens
STATE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY
EXECUTIVE BOARD
McDaniel Lewis, Chairman
Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne
Fletcher M. Green William Thomas Laprade
Clarence W. Griffin Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton
Christopher Crittenden, Director
This review was established in January, 192 U, as a medium of publica-
tion and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other
institutions by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only.
The regular price is $3.00 per year. Members of the State Literary and
Historical Association, for which the annual dues are $5.00, receive this
publication without further payment. Back numbers may be procured at
the regular price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number.
COVER— The Woodlawn Factory, or "Old Pinhook," as it was
known in the neighboring territory, was a pioneer cotton mill
of Gaston County. Built by Caleb Lineburger on the Catawba
River in 1848, the original wooden building (inset) housed
excellent machinery purchased in England and Philadelphia and
manufactured yarn sold throughout the ante-bellum South. The
older mill is shown again in the larger picture at the head of the
millrace which operated the newer Lawrence Mill, built after
the Civil War as an expansion of the Woodlawn Factory. See
pages 15-35 for an article on the early textile industry in
North Carolina.
The North Carolina
Historical Review
Volume XXXIV January, 1957 Number 1
CONTENTS
CHEROKEE-WHITE RELATIONS ON THE
SOUTHERN FRONTIER IN THE EARLY
NINETEENTH CENTURY 1
Henry T. Malone
THE COTTON TEXTILE INDUSTRY IN ANTE-
BELLUM NORTH CAROLINA 15
Diffee W. Standard and Richard W. Griffin
ORGANIZATION AND EARLY YEARS OF THE
NORTH CAROLINA BAR ASSOCIATION 36
Fannie Memory Blackwelder
THE COLORED INDUSTRIAL ASSOCIATION OF
NORTH CAROLINA AND ITS FAIR OF 1886 58
Frenise A. Logan
CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF HENRY W. BARROW
WRITTEN TO JOHN W. FRIES, SALEM 68
Edited by Marian H. Blair
BOOK REVIEWS: 86
Eliason's Tarheel Talk: An Historical Study of the
English Language in North Carolina — By Richard
Walser ; Walser's North Carolina Drama — By Percy G.
Adams; Wellman's Rebel Boast: First at Bethel — Last
at Appomattox — By Roy Parker, Jr. ; Alexander's Here
Will I Dwell: The Story of Caldwell County— -By
Blackwell P. Robinson; Weathers' The Living Past of
Cleveland County — By Horace W. Raper ; Robinson's A
Entered as second class matter September 29, 1928, at the Post Office at
Raleigh, North Carolina, under the act of March 3, 1879.
[II
History of Moore County, North Carolina, 1747-1847 —
By Marvin W. Schlegel ; Cauthen's The State Records of
South Carolina: Journals of the South Carolina Execu-
tive Councils of 1861 and 1862 — By Robert H. Woody;
Brooks's The University of Georgia Under Sixteen Ad-
ministrations, 1785-1955 — By David A. Lockmiller;
Hindle's The Pursuit of Science in Revolutionary
America, 1735-1789 — By Elisha P. Douglass; Green's
Eli Whitney and the Birth of American Technology
— By Cornelius 0. Cathey; Wiley's William Nathaniel
Wood, Reminiscences of Big I — By H. H. Cunningham ;
Chambers' Old Bullion Benton: Senator from the New
West — By Dillard S. Gardner; Perkins' Charles Evans
Hughes and American Democratic Statesmanship — By
Joseph F. Steelman, and Lefler's History of North Caro-
lina— By H. G. Jones.
HISTORICAL NEWS 109
[HJ
J
The North Carolina
Historical Review
Volume XXXIV January, 1957 Number 1
CHEROKEE-WHITE RELATIONS ON THE SOUTHERN
FRONTIER IN THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY*
By Henry T. Malone
The early nineteenth century was a period of tremendous
adjustment for the Cherokees, an era characterized by con-
trasting relationships with white men.
The belligerent, relentless push of pioneers, the infiltration
of friendly traders and artisans, and the constructive guid-
ance of able Indian agents and missionaries made inevitable
far-reaching changes in both Cherokee mores and relations
with the whites. After a crippling defeat by American forces
in the Revolutionary War, the Cherokees were slowly con-
fined by a series of treaties into a tightly encircled area in
the southern Appalachians. Forced into a new type of exist-
ence by sharply reduced hunting grounds and exposed to the
more comfortable agrarian economy of the white man through
the example and teaching of traders and Indian agents, the
tribe began a change in its pattern of life. The alteration
was alluring to many. During the several decades between
eighteenth century frontier-fighting and the removal agitation
of the 1830's thousands of Cherokee red men made great
strides along the white man's path. Largely peaceful relations
on the frontier underwrote the success of this remarkable
Indian development.
Cherokee progress was enormously abetted by the United
States government, through several measures designed to
promote Indian welfare. None of these had more social sig-
* This paper was read at the annual meeting of the Southern Historical
Association, Knoxville, Tennessee, November, 1952.
[1]
2 The North Carolina Historical Review
nificance for the Cherokee Nation than the Fourteenth Article
of the Treaty of Holston, which was written in 1791 in an
effort to establish peace between Cherokees and pioneers. In
this provision the American government guaranteed aid in
leading the Cherokees "to a greater degree of civilization,"
and promised to send both tools and agents to implement the
program.1
Cherokee reaction to this strange new attitude of the white
man was both skeptical and receptive. The favorable attitude
was perhaps best expressed by a Town Chief named Bloody
Fellow, who in referring to the Holston agreement, told the
Secretary of War:
The treaty mentions ploughs, hoes, cattle and other things
for a farm ; this is what we want ; game is going fast away from
us. We must plant corn, and raise cattle, and we desire you to
assist us. . . .
We wish you to attend to this point. In former times we bought
of the trader goods cheap ; we could then clothe our women and
children; but now game is scarce and goods dear, we cannot
live comfortably. We desire the United States to regulate this
matter. 2
Apparently the United States was willing "to regulate this
matter." Continued sporadic warfare in the Cherokee country
during the 1790's, however, forced Territorial Governor Wil-
liam Blount— serving also as Superintendent of Southern
Indians— to concentrate on the achievement of peace rather
than improvement of the red man. His successor as Indian
Superintendent was Colonel Benjamin Hawkins, long an out-
spoken advocate of Indian progress along the white man's
pattern. During two short years Hawkins stimulated numer-
ous Cherokees toward agriculture and domestic industry; but
1 "Art. 14. That the Cherokee nation may be led to a greater degree
of civilization, and to become herdsmen and cultivators, instead of remain-
ing in a state of hunters, the United States will, from time to time, furnish
gratuitously the said nation with useful implements of husbandry. . . ."
American State Papers, Class II, Indian Affairs (Documents, Legislative
and Executive, of the Congress of the United States, Dec. 4, 1815-March
3, 1827. Washington, D.C., 1834), I, 125, hereinafter cited as American
State Papers, Indian Affairs.
2 American State Papers, Indian Affairs, I, 205.
Cherokee-White Relations 3
his greater interest in Creek Indians confined his efforts
largely to that group.3
In 1801 the appointment of an agent especially for the
Cherokees brought the first real opportunity to put the govern-
ment's civilizing program into operation. The man chosen
by the War Department for this important post was a sixty-
year-old veteran of Revolutionary War and Ohio Land Com-
pany experience named Return Jonathan Meigs. For twenty-
three years Meigs working in the interest of both Indians
and whites performed yeoman service in the maintenance
of peace. He was particularly solicitous of Indian welfare,
and served his Cherokee wards variously as parent, adviser,
doctor, lawyer, and agricultural agent.4 He carried out the
provisions of Article Fourteen by distributing farming imple-
ments and domestic utensils, along with expert advice on how
to use them. From the government's viewpoint, his principal
duties were to keep the Cherokees peaceful along the frontier
and be able, when desired, to persuade them to make further
land cessions. )
Meigs received official support in maintaining peace from
Secretary of War Henry Dearborn, who told his agent to
prevent disturbances by "the licentiousness of daring and
unprincipled men." The menace of these objectionable per-
sons was clearly described by a group of Georgia commis-
sioners to the Cherokees who stated: "There are Numbers
of white people in the Nation who have wives among the
Natives, Carry on a Trifffing Commerce with them and are
averse to any further, or better understanding between whites
3 Records of William Blount's service as joint Territorial Governor and
Superintendent of Southern Indians are available in Clarence E. Carter
(ed.), The Territorial Papers of the United States, Volume IV, The Terri-
tory South of the River Ohio, 1790-1796 (Washington, D.C., 1936), passim,.
For the work of Benjamin Hawkins, see The Letters of Benjamin Hawkins,
1796-1806 (Savannah, 1916, Collections of the Georgia Historical Society,
Volume IX) ; and Merritt B. Pound, Benjamin Hawkins, Indian Agent
(Athens, Georgia, 1951).
4 Dumas Malone and others (eds.)> Dictionary of American Biography
(New York, 1928 — ), XII, 508-509, hereinafter cited as Malone, Dictionary
of American Biography. A voluminous record of Meigs's service as Cherokee
Indian Agent from 1801 to 1823 is found in the Cherokee Agency Files,
Bureau of Indian Affairs Records, National Resources Records Branch,
National Archives, Washington, D.C., hereinafter cited as Cherokee Files,
Indian Affairs Records.
4 The North Carolina Historical Review
and Indians than now exists. Several of these characters have
fled from punishment." 5
This attitude toward white people residing in the Cherokee
Nation largely reflected the bias of native white inhabitants
of the surrounding states. To them, the traders and artisans
and missionaries in the Cherokee country were dangerous
renegades who might easily encourage resistance to further
land grants or road privileges. But from the Indian's view-
point, most of the white residents brought a wholesome and
constructive influence. From the middle of the eighteenth
century traders, itinerant artisans, and even escaping Tories
had found commercial and political freedom in the Indian
territory, and had settled and married there. Many of the
mixed-breed descendants of these white-red families became
leaders among the Cherokees, and were of considerable im-
portance in the civilizing process. Born into comparative
wealth, many of them capitalized on Anglo-Saxon know-how
in agriculture and commercial ventures. But their leadership
was not restricted to the economic realm. When the Indian
nation exchanged its time-honored tribal government in 1817
for a representative republic, approximately forty per cent
of the new office-holders were mixed-bloods whose names
predominated among the top incumbents.6
Among the most outstanding examples of this mixed-blood
leadership during early nineteenth-century Cherokee history
were three unusual personalities: James Vann, Charles Hicks,
and John Ross. The contrasting careers of these Indians
demonstrate three different types of native leadership in an
era of increasing inclination toward the white man's ways.
James Vann, a descendant of a white trader named Clement
Vann, was a prominent Town Chief during the first decade
of the century. A peculiar combination of rip-snorting hood-
lum and benevolent leader, Vann was a constant trouble-
5 Dearborn to Meigs, June 25, 1801, Cherokee Files, Indian Affairs
Records; Journal of Georgia Commissioners to the Cherokees, January,
1803, in Cherokee Letters Collection, Georgia Department of Archives,
Atlanta, hereinafter cited as Cherokee Letters, Georgia Archives.
6 From "List of Officers in the Cherokee Nation [c. 1822]," in Records
of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Houghton
Library, Harvard University, Cambridge Mass., 18.3.1., II, no. 174-175.
This reference hereinafter cited as Records for Foreign Missions.
Cherokee-White Relations 5
maker. Yet on several occasions he used his local and tribal
influence to benefit the Cherokees. When Moravian church-
men sought to bring a mission to the Cherokees in 1800,
Vann's aid to them was outstanding. After helping to gain
Council approval for the mission station, he gave generously
of his time, advice, and property when the mission station
was begun at his home (in present-day Murray County,
Georgia ) . He was a wealthy man, owning a two-story brick
house, slaves, and considerable other property, including a
ferry on the Chattahoochee River and some business property
in Jackson County, Georgia. In spite of his interest in general
Cherokee betterment, however, James Vann remained a con-
stant source of difficulty. The missionaries, who described
him as "a half-breed with two wives, very dissipated and
drunken," worked in vain to convert him to a better life. Vann
continued to drink, exhibiting an excessively cruel nature
when intoxicated. His sins finally caught up with him, and he
was shot by his son-in-law in February, 1809, at the age of
forty-one.7
A mixed-breed Cherokee of more stable influence in pro-
moting the Indian development was Charles Hicks, son of a
tradesman named Nathan Hicks. Like many of his colleagues
in the Indian country, the elder Hicks saw to it that his sons
learned some of the white mans ways, including a knowledge
of the English language. At the beginning of the nineteenth
century, Charles had become an interpreter for the Cherokee
Council and was increasing his education by attending the
Moravian Mission School. As he grew in stature and experi-
ence, he became a spokesman for the tribe and probably one
of their principal advisers as well. He was not only one of the
first to attend the Moravian school, but in 1813 he became
their second Indian convert and was baptized Charles Re-
natus Hicks.8
7 Adelaide L. Fries (ed.), Records of the Moravians in North Carolina
(Raleigh, 8 volumes, 1922-1955), VI, 2759, 2799; VII, 3704, hereinafter
cited as Fries, Records o'f the Moravians; Buckner Harris of Jackson
County, Georgia, to Meigs, Feb. 22, 1808, and Dearborn to Meigs, May
7, 1808, Cherokee Files, Indian Affairs Records and Cherokee Letters,
Georgia Archives, passim.
8 Fries, Records of the Moravians, VI, 2798-2799; VII, 3435; numerous
communications by and concerning Charles Hicks may be found in Cherokee
Files, Indian Affairs Records.
""*«■
6 The North Carolina Historical Review
A striking description of Charles Hicks was recorded in
1817 by a missionary from the American Board of Commis-
sioners for Foreign Missions. While visiting in the Hicks
home, the clergyman wrote:
He is a half-breed Cherokee, about fifty years of age. He has
very pleasant features and an intelligent countenance. He speaks
the English language with the utmost facility, and with great
propriety. ... As a man of integrity, temperance, and intelli-
gence, he has long sustained a most reputable character.
A staunch advocate and a living exemplar of Cherokee prog-
ress, Charles Hicks rose to a high place in the Indian govern-
ment. In 1827 he was elected Principal Chief, a position which
he held until his death a year later.9
The third of these notable mixed-breeds was a one-eighth
Cherokee named John Ross. Indeed, John Ross was one of
the greatest of all Indian statesmen. Both his maternal grand-
father, John McDonald, who had been one of the earliest
white traders to settle in the Chickamauga country, and his
father, Daniel Ross, had become popular and trusted advisers
to the tribe. John Ross was a younger contemporary of Charles
Hicks, and like Hicks, became prominent in Indian affairs.
In the 1820's he was President of the National Committee
and Assistant Principal Chief. In 1828 he was named Prin-
cioal Chief under a new Cherokee constitutional government.
The skillful, effective, and occasionally absolute leadership
of this man, whose blood was predominantly white, graphi-
cally represents the complexity of Cherokee-white relation-
ships. For although John Ross spoke the white man's tongue
and wore the white man's clothes, he preferred to call himself
a Cherokee. Throughout the later periods of Indian removal
and resettlement, and until his death in 1866, white men
found Principal Chief Ross an implacable advocate of Indian
nghts.10
l^H
7- *\S- Edwards (ed.) Memoir of Elias Cornelius (Boston, Mass., 1833)
2 TkZTa Yf STCeS- t0 S-e ?ublic career of Charles Hicks may be
v7»Lvu Zl/'ru1' Z°rei£n MlTssj?ns; F^s, Records of the Moravians,
iod 1VI1I^a?,d Cherokee Files, Indian Affairs Records.
]914^CMiw n/"?! JOhn R?Sa and-the CJ.ierok™ tndians (Menasha, Wis.,
JJ\V' Malone' Dictionary of American Biography, XVI 178-179- Thomas
k^tTrV^ri^' The Indian Trib*s°f #"& AmeZa«3ohn
Ross (Edinburgh, Scotland, reprinted edition, 1933), III, 293-296.
Raleigh
Cherokee-White Relations 7
The influence in Cherokee deliberations of mixed-breeds
like Ross and Hicks was a prime factor in the growing diffi-
culty of white men seeking to extend land cessions and com-
mercial privileges. During the first two decades of the century
a number of land grants had been obtained. These cessions,
which scissored away Cherokee borderlands in areas claimed
by Tennessee, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and
Alabama, had been secured largely through the efforts of
Return J. Meigs on the insistence of the surrounding states,
and also through the reprehensible practice of secret con-
cessions to certain chiefs. In the last of this series of grants,
which occurred in 1817 and 1819, thousands of acres on the
northern, southern, and eastern boundaries were relinquished,
chiefly because a conservative minority was persuaded that
western tracts offered in exchange were richer in game than
the eastern areas coveted by the whites.11
Progressive Cherokees, largely under mixed-breed influ-
ence, denounced the minority treaty of 1817 and led the way
in a reorganization of the Indian government designed in part
to prevent such defections in the future. After 1817 white
men seeking land grants were probably surprised and cha-
grined to discover that treaties no longer could be obtained
from a tribal gathering consisting of an indeterminate number
of local Town Chiefs. Instead, the Cherokee government had
become a near republic similar in its pattern to the white
man's own government. The Council created a national
bicameral legislature. The upper house, called the "Standing
Committee"— later the "National Committee"— was chosen by
the Council from its own membership. The Council itself was
continued as a lower house. The Committee consisted of
thirteen members elected for two-year terms and eligible for
re-election. This group was given chief responsibility for
"the affairs of the Cherokee Nation," including negotiations
11 The various Cherokee treaties for this period may be found in Charles
J. Kappler, Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties (Washington, D.C., 1904),
II; and American State Papers, Indian Affairs, I, II. A Cherokee chief
who took advantage of the secret-concession arrangement once too often
was Doublehead — his continued efforts to secure personal gain at the
expense of the nation resulted in his assassination by appointed execu-
tioners. James Mooney, "Myths of the Cherokee," 19th Annual Report of
the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1897-1898, Part I (Washington, D. C,
1900), 85, hereinafter cited as Mooney, "Myths of the Cherokee."
8 The North Carolina Historical Review
with the United States Agent and with land-seeking treaty
commissioners. The Council, however, retained reviewing
power over the actions of the Committee. Three years later
the nation was divided into eight districts, each of which was
to send four elected representatives to the National Council.12
The creation and operation of this unusual Indian develop-
ment in political science reflects much of the confusion of
Cherokee- white relationships. Clearly the new government
was inspired by white suggestion and influence; but it was
also designed to halt further land cessions to white men.
After 1819 it did so very effectively for nearly twenty years,
despite a rising tide of complaints from surrounding states.
Further efforts toward land cessions were led by two locally
interested successors to Return Meigs (who had died in
1823). These agents were former Governor of Tennessee
Joseph McMinn and a Georgian named Hugh Montgomery.13
But these and other land-seekers were unsuccessful until
1835, when the minority Treaty of New Echota became the
instrument of Cherokee removal. That Cherokee resistance to
further cessions lasted so long must be attributed in large
degree to the efforts and influences of white men and their
descendants in the Indian country. Even the former Agent
Meigs had an indirect part in this stiffening Cherokee resis-
tance, for he had encouraged the reorganization of tribal
government.14 The greatest influence by far, however, came
from the descendants of white men who seemingly preferred
their own Cherokee connections and despised the idea of
anv further land grants to their racial relations in surrounding
states. '^fWH
12 Laivs of the Cherokee Nation : Adopted by the Council at Various
Periods (Tahlequah, C[herokee]. N[ation]., 1852), passim. The native
term for the Cherokee legislature was "Tsaligi Tinilawigi." Preservation
and Civilization of the Indians (Washington, D.C., 1826, 19 Congress, I
Session, House Executive Document No. 102), 19.
13 McMinn died November 17, 1824; Montgomery's letter of appointment
as Indian agent is dated April 23, 1825, Cherokee Letters, Georgia Archives.
14 Shortly after his arrival in the Cherokee country Meigs suggested a
reorganization of government to the Council as follows: "Form the whole
[nation] into civil divisions, creating officers in each, to attend to the
manners, employments, Virtues, & Vices, — to advise, instruct, & encourage
virtuous actions — discourage and apprehend vice. . . ." Meigs to Dearborn,
Oct. 4, 1801, Cherokee Files, Indian Affairs Records; Journal of Occur-
rences in the Cherokee Nation (a manuscript record kept by Meigs from
1801 to 1804), Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress.
Cherokee-White Relations 9
The ill-feeling generated by land controversies was the
chief cause of irritation between red men and white men
during these years of comparative peace on the Cherokee
frontier. That this smouldering antagonism did not flare out
into open conflict early in the nineteenth century was due
in large measure to the efforts of Return J. Meigs, who was
able to maintain a generally friendly Cherokee attitude to-
ward his government. The value of his placating influence
was effectively demonstrated during the War of 1812, when
hostile Indians went on the warpath against the United
States. Those nearest the Cherokees were the Upper Creeks,
whose desires to destroy white supremacy in the South had
been drummed up earlier by Tecumseh and other agents of
his short-lived Indian confederacy. When this neighboring
branch of the Creeks launched raids against American posts
in 1813, the Cherokees were showered with requests for
assistance, not only from the United States and the hostile
Indians, but also from the Lower Creeks, who desired to
crush the revolt. Reactionaries within the Cherokee Council
advocated abandoning the white man and joining the attack-
ing Creeks. This proposal was defeated by the influence of
Meigs and the active opposition of Cherokee mixed-breed
progressives. A force of Cherokee volunteers was quickly
organized, which fought along with the United States and
the friendly Lower Creeks under the joint leadership of
Andrew Jackson.15
Altogether some eight hundred Cherokees participated in
the Creek War, but the struggle had unfortunate accompani-
ments for their nation. American troops marched through
Cherokee lands going to and coming from the Creek country
and inflicted serious depredations on property. Miegs' office
received many complaints about these unwarranted losses,
which became sources of contention in subsequent treaty
15 Major John Lowery [a Cherokee Chief] to Meigs, Feb. 1, 1813, Cherokee
Files, Indian Affairs Records; Mooney, "Myths of the Cherokee," 88-96.
Meigs himself urged the War Department to use Cherokees against the
hostile Creeks. Not only did Meigs believe that many Cherokees were
anxious to fight for the United States, but he thought it was their duty
in view of the advantages and opportunities for improvement given them
by the white government. Meigs to Dearborn, July 30 and Aug. 6, 1813,
Cherokee Files, Indian Affairs Records.
10 The North Carolina Historical Review
discussions. Although a treaty of March 22, 1816, promised
justice for the damage, no serious attempt to repay Cherokees
was made until the 1830's.16
Except in the matter of further land cessions, the growing
influence of mixed-breeds and the growth of white institu-
tions among the Cherokees may have sponsored a better feel-
ing toward whites. In numerous ways during the early nine-
teenth century had these red men advanced along the "white
man's path." By the 1830' s they had become a nation of
farmers. Approximately 93 per cent of the 2,700 families
possessed at least one farm, while total ownership of cattle,
horses, swine, and sheep numbered each in the thousands.
On the Cherokee farms were 2,450 plows, 700 looms, and
120 wagons. Business men operated 12 saw mills, 20 grist
mills, 55 black-smith shops, 6 cotton gins, 10 ferries, 9 stores,
a dozen turnpike toll-gates, and even a threshing machine.
Comparable progress was made by Cherokee women, who
probably grasped eagerly the white man's inventions to fa-
cilitate their household duties. Spinning wheels and weaving
paraphernalia became commonplace articles among the
Indians' possessions; when cotton became a staple crop, the
distribution of thousands of cotton cards by the Indian Agent
helped in the process of making cotton fibers ready for spin-
ning and weaving.17
Indians of initiative and energy improved their farms, and
some became country gentlemen with plantations and slaves.
Indeed, an increase in Negro slavery accompanied agrarian
progress in the Cherokee country. By 1824 more than one
thousand Negro slaves were owned by Cherokees, and within
a decade the number of bondsmen had increased to nearly
30 On January 15, 1814, a "Claims Journal," written by Charles Hicks,
containing more than seventy claims for damages, was presented to Colonel
Meigs. The total amount represented was $5,885, mostly for stolen and
butchered livestock. This document is among the Cherokee records in the
collection of Mrs. Penelope J. Allen, Chattanooga, Tennessee. For other
Creek War Claims filed by the Cherokees see "Cherokee Claims Papers" in
the Allen collection and in Cherokee Files, Indian Affairs Records.
17 "Cherokee Census," Cherokee Phoe?iix (New Echota [Georgia], 1828-
1834), May 14, June 11, 1829, hereinafter cited Cherokee Phoenix. This
was the official organ of the Cherokee Nation and was published in Cherokee
and English. See also the manuscript, "Census of the Eastern Cherokees,
1835," Cherokee Files, Indian Affairs Records, hereinafter cited as "Census
of the Eastern Cherokees, 1835."
Cherokee-White Relations 11
sixteen hundred. It should be noted, however, that less than
four per cent (or 101) of the 2,700 Cherokee families pos-
sessed any slaves at all, and that while the average number
of slaves held by any one family was fifteen, only eleven
families listed that many.18
The presence of Negro slaves on Cherokee farms led to
some curious relationships, especially in connection with
white men living in surrounding states, or on the Indian
borders. In 1808, for example, the Cherokee Council ordered
a white man named Evans Austill to give up
... a woman and her Children which you have in your Poses-
sion which appears to be one of our own people and you can not
have any objection to Deliver up as she is free born as any
White women — although you have paid for her as a Slave . . .
you must have a recourse to the Man you bought her of — 10
Another curious instance was noted a decade later by a mis-
sionary who learned that among the more devout Negroes
attending services at Brainerd Mission in Tennessee were
two slaves who were teaching their Cherokee mistress "to
read in the^ bible." 20
A case of inter-marriage created one of the most unusual
problems. The Cherokee Town Chief Shoe Boots married a
white woman, by whom he had two children. Later his white
wife deserted him, taking the children with her. Shoe Boots
thereupon married his favorite Negro slave, a girl named
Lucy. When two black-red children had been born from this
marriage, the chief petitioned the Council to grant the chil-
dren free status. This request was granted, but the Council
cautioned Shoe Boots against "begetting any more such legal
problems." 21
18 Cherokee Phoenix, June 11, 1828; "Census of Eastern Cherokees, 1835,"
66.
"Principal Chief Black Fox to Evan Austill, Sept. 12, 1808, Cherokee
Files, Indian Affairs Records.
^ Journal of the Mission Station at Chickamauga, June 7, 1818, Records
for Foreign Missions, 18.3.1, II. In August, 1818, a full-blooded Cherokee
youth applying for admission to Chickamauga Mission was found "able to
spell correctly in words of 4 & 5 letters. He had been taught solely by
black people who had received their instruction in our sunday-school."
Records for Foreign Missions, Aug. 7, 1818.
21 Marion L. Starkey, The Cherokee Nation (New York, 1946), 18-19.
12 The North Carolina Historical Review
One evidence of increasing white influence on Cherokee
affairs was revealed in the native slave codes, which during
the 1820's began to show prejudice against Negroes. Two laws
in 1824 required free Negroes to secure a permit from the
Cherokee government to remain in the nation, and banned
slaves from possessing livestock. When the Indian constitu-
tion was written in 1827, "negroes and descendants of white
and Indian men by negro women" who had been set free
were denied the right to vote. Furthermore, Negroes and
their descendants were held ineligible to "hold any office of
profit, honor, or trust under this government." When the
National Council resolved the following year to punish indi-
viduals who might disturb any religious services, it was an-
nounced that "if any negro slave shall be convicted ... he
shall be punished with thirty-nine stripes on the bare back." 22
A group of whites having especially close relationships with
the Cherokees were itinerant farmers and laborers known as
"croppers." By 1828 Indian Agent Hugh Montgomery re-
ported to the Governor of Georgia that more than two hun-
dred white farmers were in the Indian country, as well as a
considerable number of licensed traders, millers, ferrymen,
blacksmiths, masons, carpenters, and mechanics. In addition,
numerous missionaries from several denominations were busy
at more than a score of mission stations. With all these white
residents in their nation, the Cherokee government early
began to restrict their activities. In 1819 it was ruled that
white teachers and artisans could remain in the Cherokee
Nation only if their Indian employers procured permission
from the National Committee and Council and became re-
sponsible for their conduct. As a gesture of friendship and
appreciation for their services, however, the Council made
the following offer: "that blacksmiths, millers, ferrymen and
turnpike keepers, are privileged to improve and cultivate
twelve acres of ground for the support of themselves and
families, should they please to do so." In the same year white
merchants were forbidden to establish stores within Cherokee
22 Laws of the Cherokee Nation, 37, 39, 107; Article III, Cherokee Con-
stitution, Cherokee Phoenix, Feb. 21, 1828.
Cherokee-White Relations 13
borders, and a strict order was issued against the sale of
whisky by or to any white man. 23
The excessive consumption of liquor was a constant source
of friction between Cherokees and whites. Since early days
traders had found it profitable to haul in liquor, legal or
otherwise. Sometimes unscrupulous treaty commissioners
weakened Indian opposition with "fire-water." The menace
of strong drink was a great concern to Cherokee leaders, and
rightfully so, for liquor was often a cause of trouble with
whites. Frequently, Indian officials complained to the agent
about the constant introduction of liquor by white men. The
Cherokee government sought to correct part of the evil by
legislating against it. One regulation forbade the presence
of liquor "within three miles of the General Council House,"
or at Cherokee courthouses. A subsequent amendment spe-
cifically banned liquor from public gatherings under penalty
of "having it poured on the ground." But the Council did
not attempt to institute prohibition throughout the nation.
Perhaps the Indian leaders felt that it would be extremely
difficult to enforce. Besides, the nation was receiving some
taxes from whisky sales, and the owners of public houses and
general stores sold it freely.24
One group of whites in the nation was as anxious as the
Cherokee leaders to bring an end to the whisky menace.
These were the missionaries, a group of hard-working, self-
sacrificing Christian men and women. Their influence on
Cherokee development was perhaps greater than that of the
Indian agent, for the mission stations were scattered about
the length and breadth of the land, and thousands of Chero-
kees were exposed to their religious, educational, and cultural
teachings. The chief influencing factor came in the education
which Christian mission schools offered to young and old.
Indeed, most churches found far more success in their teach-
ing program than in conversions.25
23 Montgomery to Governor Forsyth, May 18, 1828, in Cherokee Letters,
Georgia Archives; Laws of the Cherokee Nation, 6-7.
^American State Papers, Indian Affairs, I, 655; Laws of the Cherokee
Nation, 6-7.
25 For a brief summary of this mission work, see Henry T. Malone, "The
Early Ninteenth Century Missionaries in the Cherokee Country," Tennessee
Historical Quarterly, X (June, 1951), 127-139.
14 The North Carolina Historical Review
All in all, white and red relationships in the early nine-
teenth century Cherokee country were varied and complex,
and hence they are difficult to assess. It is especially note-
worthy that relations were generally peaceful during this
period of enormous Cherokee development, a period which
came between frightful frontier warfare of the previous cen-
tury and the devastating shock of removal in the late 1830's.
In this halcyon era Cherokees made giant strides toward the
white man's way of life, and in the process were aided by
friendly agents, tradesmen, and missionaries. An even greater
impulse toward such progress came from descendants of
white men within the tribe, who emerged as leaders in what
became almost a nation-wide attempt to secure the white
man's agricultural and commercial security. This occurred de-
spite the efforts of some white men to destroy that security
through theft, persuasion, treaty, or the illegal use of liquor.
Thus to the early nineteenth-century Cherokee Indian the
white man appeared as a paradox— offering both friendship
and hostility, guidance and abandonment, inspiration and
degredation.
THE COTTON TEXTILE INDUSTRY IN ANTE-
BELLUM NORTH CAROLINA
By Diffee W. Standard and Richard W. Griffin
Part I
Origin and Growth to 1830
The potentialities of the South for the development of a
major cotton textile industry were noted even as early as the
colonial period. In 1775 Alexander Hamilton wrote that the
construction of cotton mills in the southern states, where
planters were already increasing their annual production of
cotton, was not only feasible but indeed inevitable. Advanc-
ing an argument that would be repeated in North Carolina
and throughout the South for the next hundred years, Hamil-
ton advocated the manufacture of the staple in the region
where it was grown and the distribution of finished textile
products to the other colonies.1
Despite the disruption of southern economy during the
Revolutionary War, a few pioneering planters now began a
shift in textile manufacturing from the older domestic system
to the factory method in much the same way that it had been
accomplished earlier in England. In 1776 Daniel Heywood,
a tidewater South Carolina planter, began working thirty
slaves at spinning wheels and handlooms in a primitive mill,
where he achieved a weekly production of 120 yards of cotton
and woolen cloth.2 With the conclusion of the war and the
establishment of the federal government, a stabilized do-
mestic economy encouraged the development of more ad-
vanced types of factory construction and the installation of
more modern equipment. The first real cotton factory in the
South was built in 1789 near Statesboro, South Carolina, by
1 Henry Cabot Lodge (ed.), The Works of Alexander Hamilton, I (New
York, 1885), 157-158.
2 Ernest M. Lander, "Manufacturing in Ante-Bellum South Carolina"
(unpublished doctoral dissertation, the University of North Carolina,
1950), 48.
[15]
16 The North Carolina Historical Review
an English mechanic who received financial backing from
local planters. This factory received widespread notice in the
local and national periodicals of the time and undoubtedly
came to the attention of North Carolinians.3 At least one state
newspaper, the Fayetteville Gazette, reflected this natural
interest in the cotton industry by reprinting articles of na-
tional industrial news. In 1789 the Fayetteville editor com-
mended the legislature of Massachusetts for subscribing five
hundred pounds to aid in the establishment of a cotton factory
at Beverly which was to use "Arkwright's machines." 4
This initial interest in the building of factories seemed to
languish in the South during the 1790's as men with capital
continued to place their faith in agriculture as the basis for
southern prosperity, but the development of extensive do-
mestic manufactures continued to give some impetus to the
infant idea. Increased home production of cotton and woolen
fabrics, especially in the relatively isolated upland areas, was
to provide a basis for later factory development in North
Carolina.
In 1794 Tench Coxe, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury,
wrote that the backcountry regions of all the South Atlantic
states produced textiles in greater quantities than they im-
ported from abroad, and that "family manufactures in cotton
are much greater in the four southeastern most states, than in
the four eastern states/' Coxe urged the people of the South
to take advantage of the possibilities for profit and to capital-
ize on the value of these home products by expanding them
further. Reflecting current Hamiltonian doctrine, Coxe be-
lieved that manufacturing would not interfere with agricul-
tural pursuits but rather would provide an increased demand
for farm products.5 In confirmation of Coxe's contentions, the
Census of 1810 reported that the annual amount of North
Carolina domestic textiles was 7,376,154 yards, valued at
$2,989,140; while those of Massachusetts, more open to
foreign importations, totaled only $2,219,279, and those of
3 The Maryland Gazette (Annapolis), July 22, 1790; The Universal
Asylum and Columbian Magazine (Philadelphia), V (July, 1790), 61;
The American Museum (Philadelphia), VIII, Appendix IV (1790), 1.
4 Fayetteville Gazette, September 27, 1789.
5 Tench Coxe, A View of the United States of America (Philadelphia,
1794), 274, 298, 304, hereinafter cited as Coxe, View of America.
North Carolina State Library,
Raleigh
The Cotton Textile Industry 17
all New England totaled $460,000 less than the textiles pro-
duced in North Carolina.6
The domestic weaving of cloth was an inextricable factor
in the rise of cotton mills in North Carolina. The Revolu-
tionary War accentuated colonial home industry and brought
on an increase in home spinning and weaving that continued
largely unabated through the following years of peace.7 Do-
mestic industry had arisen as a natural result of the lack of
commerce in the state caused by poor transportation facili-
ties and a general shortage of capital with which to purchase
imported wares. In 1790 less than one-fifth of North Caro-
lina's commerce was with foreign countries and the amount
decreased until brought to a virtual halt by the War of 1812.8
The influence of these wars and the shortage of imported
cloth served as irresistible pressures for the establishment of
factory industry in many of the southern states, and event-
ually this pressure exerted its influence even in agriculturally-
minded North Carolina. Initial efforts in the field of manu-
facturing caught the interest of all the nation, while Coxes
report called special attention to such budding enterprises
in Virginia, South Carolina, and Kentucky:
An association in Virginia, another in the territory south of
the Ohio, and a company in the western district of South Caro-
lina, have provided themselves with carding and spinning ma-
chinery on the British plans to manufacture their native cotton.
The planters in the southern states raise great quantities of this
raw material, unthought of before the war, and until this dis-
cussion of the subject of manufactures, which took place some
time after the treaty of peace. . . . An association containing
forty of the most respectable planters of South Carolina, has
been established within a few years for the promoting of manu-
factures, and agriculture. A subscription to the amount of about
25,000 dollars, has been made in the territory manufactory. —
An indication of the zeal not equalled in any middle or northern
state. 9
6 Tench Coxe, A Statement of the Arts and Manufacturers of the United
States of America for the Year 1810 (Philadelphia, 1815), 87, hereinafter
cited as Coxe, Arts and Manufacturers.
7 Allen H. Eaton, Handicrafts of the Soiithern Highlands (New York,
1937), 40-43.
8 Coxe, Arts and Manufacturers, 87.
9 Coxe, View of America, 303, 305.
18 The North Carolina Historical Review
Although the North Carolina legislature displayed a more
consistent interest in agricultural improvement than in indus-
trial growth throughout the ante-bellum period, the legisla-
tors were aware of various other needs of the state and oc-
casionally endeavored to aid manufacturing. In the 1790s
the General Assembly extended a loan to be used for the
establishment of a paper mill in the thriving Moravian settle-
ment of Salem, a village already known for the manufacture
of woolen hats and later to be the site of a successful cotton
mill.10
With the single exception of Georgia every state bordering
North Carolina had a cotton factory of some sort in operation
in the eighteenth century. In Tennessee John Hague began
the construction of spinning frames for his factory near Nash-
ville in 1791. Most of the machinery, all of which he was
building, was reported finished by a visitor to the mill in the
autumn of that year. This primitive factory was on the hostile
Indian frontier, and one employee fell victim to the scalper's
knife, an unusual occupational hazard which must have seri-
ously hampered the operation of this most western factory in
the country.11 While rudimentary mills such as this were
being constructed in states surrounding North Carolina, the
bulk of cotton and woolen textiles continued to be made in
the home. In the families of small farmers and among slave
women on the larger planters' holdings, the manufacture of
yarn and cloth was carried on in an excellent though piece-
meal fashion.12
Any industry in the South was confronted during this
period by a degree of hostility from a planter class prejudiced
in favor of an exclusively agricultural economy; but of all the
possible types of industry open to southern development, the
most logical and the least antipathetic to southern feeling
was the manufacture of cotton. In the backcountry especially,
a variety of newer settlers, largely unaffected by the planter
philosophy and cut off from cheap and convenient transpor-
10Coxe, View of America, 303, 305-307; Rolla M. Tryon, Household
Manufacturers in the United States, 1607-1860 (Chicago, 1937), 309.
11 The Maryland Gazette (Annapolis), April 5, 1792; July 18, 1793; The
Gazette (Knoxville, Tennessee), June 16, 1793.
u Holland Thompson, From, the Cotton Field to the Cotton Mill (New
York, 1906), 250-251.
The Cotton Textile Industry 19
tation, found it necessary to retain their trades and arts and
produce at home what they needed. As the Piedmont pro-
gressed from the pioneer stage of settlement, increasing de-
mands for more finished products led to the development of
small industries in many towns and villages. Thus in the early
nineteenth century industrious people of this region, less
susceptible to sectional suspicion of industry, began to devote
their skills and energies to more complex manufacturing
enterprises.13 ,
The mounting fury of the Napoleonic struggle in Europe
and the effects of non-intercourse, non-importation, and the
embargo acts of the national government forced the planter
of North Carolina to develop an interest in manufacturing
a variety of articles which he had been long accustomed to
receiving from Great Britain. This wartime pressure was also
felt by the energetic citizens of small backcountry towns like
Salem, and no doubt this emergency need accounts for the
early experiment in Salem in the mill manufacture of cotton
yarn and cloth. Realizing the increased demand for these
items, a Moravian tradesman in that settlement planned to
install textile machinery which would be more productive
than the community-sponsored sisters' house. The village
burgers of Salem, resisting another threat of private enter-
prise, made arrangements in 1808 for the community to pur-
chase spinning and weaving machines. Thus Salem, already
producing hats and paper, was extending and widening its
manufacturing interests.14
The cotton factory interest in Salem and that of a group of
coastal planters was of sufficient importance to capture the
eye of one of North Carolina's earlier historians. Hugh Wil-
liamson was intensely interested in the progress of the state
and took special note of the industrial beginnings in his own
times:
It is hardly necessary to observe, that they raise, or can raise,
in every part of the state, all the cotton they can use in the most
extensive manufactories. It is certainly to be presumed, that
13 Coxe, View of America, 303.
"Adelaide L. Fries (ed.), Records of the Moldavians in North Carolina,
VI (Raleigh, 1943), 2929.
20 The North Carolina Historical Review
people who live in a healthy climate where provisions are re-
markably cheap, who are well supplied with good streams of
water that are easily managed, and who have an ample supply
of all the raw materials, will avail themselves of these advan-
tages. It is to be presumed, we say : for the Moravians, who are
remarkably prudent, have lately made considerable progress in
the manufacture of cotton ; and in the course of last year [1811],
several gentlemen in the low country, where they work under
great disadvantages, have introduced machines for spinning
cotton. This spirit, as we infer from the manner in which it
spreads, will soon pervade the community: a circumstance that
must produce a balance of trade in favor of the state. 15
The period from 1807 to 1816 was one of widespread in-
terest in the field of manufactures due primarily to the dual
necessity of consuming cotton formerly sent to England and
supplying the demand for manufactured textiles earlier furn-
ished by British mills. In state after state throughout the
South entrepreneurs began the establishment of small, in-
efficient, but temporarily profitable cotton factories, while
in the few urban areas there was an increasing demand for
the establishment of permanent factories.
Maryland, a state half-southern and half-northern in its
industrial character, was the center of the largest and most
complete factory development in the South. In Georgia small
factories were placed in operation in 1810 and 1811, in Ala-
bama a spinning mill was established in the fertile and popu-
lous Tennessee Valley in 1809, and according to the census of
1810, a total of twenty- two small spinning mills of varying
capacity had been built in the Mississippi territory. The in-
dustrial spirit was perhaps most pronounced in Virginia, and
public meetings were frequently held in the state to secure
the support and cash of patriotic citizens. At one such meet-
ing, held in Richmond in 1809, an attempt to stimulate the
interest of the community met with little success. According
to a later published account of the proceedings, "the patriotic
fervor over flowed in frothy speeches, but when it subsided it
left little residium in cash." This barren meeting led Parson
Blair of Virginia to write a piece of doggerel to show his
scorn for such nonsense:
15 Hugh Williamson, The History of North Carolina (Philadelphia, 1812),
II, 221.
The Cotton Textile Industry 21
I've seen with pleasure in your patriot city
The appointment of a most august committee,
To encourage manufactures of our own,
And bring Old England to her marrow bone,
To spoil her commerce, since she's made us wroth ;
And bring her pride down with Virginia cloth. 16
In spite of much lukewarm feeling the industrial beginnings in
Virginia were stimulated by the public interest aroused at
such meetings. More tangible results were obtained when
factories were started at Petersburg in 1810 and at Win-
chester in 181 1.17
The editor of The Minerva was quite interested in the effort
made in Richmond to promote the establishment of a cotton
factory and published in full the activities of the meeting.
The governor of Virginia served as the chairman, and the
group resolved to establish cotton mills in order to free the
state from dependence upon European powers who were
ignoring the rights of neutrals. Stating in their resolution that
"it is highly expedient, that the people of these United States
should rely upon those internal resources with which they
are so amply supplied," the members of the committee agreed
to be present at a meeting on July 4 and would "as far as
practicable, appear clothed in articles of the Manufacture of
Virginia, or of some one of the United States/' 18
The outbreak of the war with Britain had introduced a
sense of urgency into the issue of North Carolina's need for
manufacturing. In 1813 a group of citizens of Hillsborough
and Orange County, North Carolina, held an organizational
meeting "for the purpose of establishing a COTTON and
WOLLEN FACTORY in the town of Hillsborough, or its
vicinity. . . ." The proposed company was to be a joint stock
enterprise with at least one hundred shares valued at twenty-
five dollars each, and its officers were to be elected as soon as
16DeBow's Review (New Orleans, La.), XXVIII (February, 1860), 187-
188, hereinafter cited DeBow's Review.
17 National Intelligencer (Washington, D.C.), June 18, 1811, hereinafter
cited National Intelligencer; The Maryland Gazette (Annapolis), January
31, 1810.
18 The Minerva (Raleigh), June 9, 1808. This newspaper appeared under
several titles such as The Minerva, North Carolina Minerva and Raleigh
Advertiser, and The Raleigh Minerva.
22 The North Carolina Historical Review
a minimum amount of capital was in hand. Adopting the name
The Hillsborough Manufacturing Company, the stockholders
drew up company rules providing "for one share, and not
more than two shares, one vote; for every two shares above
two, and not exceeding ten shares, one vote . . ." with a pro-
portional decline in voting powers as the number of shares
held increased. The gentlemen who organized this company
came from several different parts of North Carolina,19 but
perhaps the most significant leader of the group was Michael
Holt, father of Edwin Holt who later was the cotton mill pro-
moter of Alamance County. There is no indication that this
company ever went beyond the organizational stage, and
this may well account for Michael Holt's desire in the 1830's
to discourage his son from a similar enterprise at a time when
conditions seemed even less propitious for success in this
field.20
The motives for founding the four cotton mills in North
Carolina before 1830 are not difficult to discover. In convert-
ing raw cotton into cloth the most laborious step is carding
the cotton and spinning the yarn which was then woven on
hand looms. Much of the time consumed in making cloth
could be saved by purchasing yarn at the local store. It seems
only natural then that the first mills were built by the men
who wanted most to meet this demand for yarn— the mer-
chants of town and crossroad stores. The first cotton mills
in the state were begun as another adjunct to a general store
that probably already operated a grist mill and tanning yard
on the premises. The merchant sold the yarn in his store, and
19 The Raleigh Minerva, June 18, 1813. "John Umstead, Ch. John Taylor,
Jr., Sec. Subscription books shall be lodged in the hands of the following
gentlemen, viz. James Mebane, John Craig, Michael Holt, and Duncan
Cameron, Esq'rs of Orange; Frederick Nash, Wm. Whitted and John
Taylor, Jr. of Hillsborough; Edward Jones and John J. Alston, Esq'rs of
Chatham; Samuel Ashe of Halifax; Col. Sam'l Ashe of New Hanover;
Alex Murphey, Esq., Caswell; Col. R. Atkinson, Person; Joseph Gales of
Raleigh; Wm. M. Sneed, Esq., Granville; A. McBryde, Esq. of Moore;
Gen. Alex Grey, of Randolph; Hance McCain, Esq. Guilford; and Wm.
B. Grove, Esq. of Fayetteville, for the purpose of giving an opportunity
of subscribing to all those who may wish to be concerned."
20 Edwin Michael Holt, Diary, June 8, 1846, Southern Historical Collec-
tion, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, hereinafter cited as Holt,
Diary.
The Cotton Textile Industry 23
if his milling operations were successful, he would send bales
of the yarn by wagon to stores in nearby settlements.21
Ante-bellum cotton mills in North Carolina were generally
located in rural areas of the Piedmont section, and often the
mills and their 'stores became local social centers, while the
merchant owners were frequently the most civic-minded men
of the county.22 These mills became the setting for many
political meetings, as the county people gathered to memori-
alize the legislature to pass bills they desired or to protest the
passage of bills they disapproved.23
The first mill of any permanence in North Carolina was
that of Michael Schenck of Lincoln County in the Piedmont
section of the state near the South Carolina state line. Here
the typical meeting place developed and here emerged the
pattern of growth through which many mills would soon
evolve. Already a successful merchant of the county, in 1814
Schenck began his cotton mill by ordering spindle machinery
from Providence, Rhode Island, and having the gears and
shafting made in a local iron forge by his son-in-law Absolom
Warlick and Michael Beam, two skilled iron workers of the
community. Schenck's first mill was located about one and
one-half miles from Lincolnton on Mill Branch, but after the
first dam was swept away by a flood in 1816, the mill was
moved downstream and reopened. Soon the enterprise was
prosperous enough to attract additional investors, and the
capital furnished by John Hoke and Dr. James Bevens in 1819
was spent on new machinery and a new building on the south
fork of the Catawba River, two miles south of Lincolnton. The
rechristened Lincoln Cotton Factory operated machinery,
variously estimated at between 1,284 to 3,000 spindles, for
the production of coarse yarn, which by 1840 was valued at
$21,373 annually. Although its yarn was sold throughout an
21 Holt, Diary, March 4, 1845; William Turner to George W. Johnson,
May 14, 1836, in George W. Johnson Papers, Flowers Collection, Duke
University; The Greensboro Patriot, February 18, 1843.
22 This seems to have been generally true in all parts of North Carolina.
Among these owners were Charles P. Mallet of Fayetteville, John M.
Morehead of Leaksville, Henry Humphreys and Charles Benbow of Greens-
boro, and the Trolingers, Gants, and Holts of Orange County. The Raleigh
Register and North Carolina Gazette, July 16, 1838; April 18, 1849, here-
inafter cited as Raleigh Register.
23 Holt, Diary, passim; Raleigh Register, June 1, 8, 1839.
24 The North Carolina Historical Review
area of a one hundred mile radius of the mill, lack of addi-
tional capital kept this first mill relatively small until after
the Civil War.24 However, when a superintendent from
Lowell, Massachusetts, was placed in charge of the company
in the late 1840's, an industrial community sprang up near the
mill. A blacksmith shop, producing iron bedsteads and axes, a
brass foundry, a cotton gin, and a shingle factory were built
around the inevitable large dry- goods store and brought
prosperity to the company.25
While the western edge of the Piedmont was experiencing
this embryonic development of the cotton textile industry,
there were other primal stirrings at the eastern edge. In 1817
Henry A. Donaldson, a New England manufacturer, immi-
grated from Rhode Island expressly to establish a cotton mill,
and indeed by 1830 this talented organizer had been instru-
mental in the incorporation or operation of three of the four
cotton mills built in North Carolina before 1830.26 Soon after
his arrival in the state, Donaldson met Joel Battle, a wealthy
and energetic planter of Edgecombe County. Battle owned
a flourishing flour and grist mill on the Tar River and had
accumulated $25,000 in capital with which he wished to con-
struct a cotton mill. The combination of Donaldson's technical
skill and Battle's available capital led to the organization in
1817 of the Rocky Mount Mills at the falls of the Tar River
in Nash County. Donaldson went to Rhode Island, purchased
machinery, supervised its installation and taught the slaves
secured by Colonel Battle to operate it.27 Equipped with two
thousand spindles, this early factory produced throughout
the 1820's a daily allotment of twelve to fifteen hundred
pounds of coarse cotton yarn, packaged in five pound skeins
for the local market.28 It was the early career of this mill that
34 David Schenck, Historical Sketch of the Schenck and Bevins Families
(Greensboro, 1884), 14-16; William L. Sherrill, Annals of Lincoln County
North Carolina (Charlotte, 1937), 83, 102; Michael Schenck Papers, De-
partment of Archives and History, Raleigh.
25 Carolina Republican (Lincolnton), April 10, 1849; April 3, 1851.
2eNiles' Weekly Register (Baltimore, Md.), XXVII (February 5, 1825),
352, hereinafter cited as Niles' Weekly Register.
27 Raleigh Register, December 17, 1833; September 23, 1834.
28 The Rocky Mount Mill in the 1820's was also sending shipments of
cotton goods to the markets of New York, Philadelphia and Boston and
in 1828 sent one shipment of twenty bales to New York alone. Niles'
Weekly Register, XXIV (May 10, 1828), 175, citing the Tarborough Free
Press.
The Cotton Textile Industry 25
prompted magazine editor Hezekiah Niles to express the hope
in 1828 that the South would soon "join in the scuffle" with
the North to satisfy the demands of the domestic cotton
market.29
Although the early years of the Rocky Mount Manufactur-
ing Company do not seem to have been ones of unalloyed
success, by 1833 the mill was apparently booming. In that year
Colonel Battle advertised in a Raleigh newspaper, "After
struggling for fifteen years against the most adverse circum-
stances, the cotton factory at the Falls of the Tar River is in a
state of successful operation." He called upon all patriotic
citizens to support what he termed "the oldest Cotton Factory
in North Carolina."30
The "state of successful operation" that the mill had reached
by 1833 was probably the result of hiring a trained cotton mill
superintendent from Massachusetts in 1830 and making him
another partner in the factory. John Parker brought new ma-
chinery with him and apparently did such a thorough job in
teaching the slaves and Colonel Battle and his son William the
operation of the mill that the Battles felt secure enough to buy
out his partnership in 1833, as they did the partnership of the
errant Henry Donaldson the same year.31
Joel Battle retired in 1839, and the young William had
ambitious plans for the Rocky Mount Manufacturing Com-
pany. He sold the family's turpentine holdings along the coast
and persuaded several other planters to join him in recapital-
izing the mill for $500,000, which would have made it one of
the largest in the South. But in 1839 the price of cotton rose
two cents a pound, and the eager planters invested their
money instead in more cotton lands and slaves. The mill con-
tinued to operate on its $50,000 capitalization until 1860, and
the yarn it produced above the local demand was occasionally
29 iV^es' Weekly Register, XXXIV (May 10, 1828), 175.
80 Raleigh Register, August 20, 1833; December 31, 1833. This may have
been a case of trying to secure the patronage of a wider market by equivo-
cation, for Battle had been sufficiently successful by 1828 to be joined by
a group of investors who tried to raise $100,000 for a cotton factory in
Edgecombe County. Acts Passed by the General Assembly of the State
of North Carolina, 1828-1829 (Raleigh, 1829), 39, hereinafter cited as
Acts Passed by the General Assembly, 1828-1829.
31 Raleigh Register, September 23, 1834; July 28, 1835; Niles' Weekly
Register, XXVII (February 5, 1825), 352; XXX (July 1, 1826), 321.
26 The North Carolina Historical Review
shipped to New York and Philadelphia. After its successful
operation during part of the war years, the mill was destroyed
by a calvary raid from New Bern in 1863. The Daily Journal
of Wilmington carried a series of four feature articles on the
Rocky Mount Mills after the war, three in 1867 and another
in 1869:
The Federals visited this place during the war — in 1863, I
believe — and cavorted around considerably. They tore up the
track, burnt the depot, burnt Battle's Cotton Factory and mills,
at the falls, and appropriated all the hams, niggers, jewelry and
chickens they could carry off. . . . After their destruction the
third year of the war, nothing was done toward rebuilding . . .
these valuable and important works. . . ,32
Perhaps the "adverse circumstances" of the Battle mill in
the 1820's were a result of Henry Donaldson's interests having
wandered afield from the growing Rocky Mount community.
While retaining his partnership in the first mill, Donaldson
had joined forces with an industrially-minded North Caro-
linian, George McNeil, and together they constructed the first
of many mills that were to make Fayetteville an important
urban textile center of the ante-bellum South. Their choice
of location was a wise one, for Fayetteville had already be-
come a thriving cotton trading center. It was the transfer
point for cotton brought from the farms by wagon to the
river boats that would carry it to Wilmington for shipment
to England and the North.38
The Fayetteville mill was completed in 1825, and although
an article in Niles' Register described it as "capable of con-
taining 10,000 spindles," it probably contained closer to the
1,200 in Joel Battle's mill since each was capitalized at
$50,000. Like Battle's, this mill employed slave labor until the
late 1830's. Despite the apparent success of this factory,
Donaldson and McNeil sold the property in 1834 to the owner
32 The Daily Journal (Wilmington), May 14, 1867; July 12, 1867.
33 Niles' Weekly Register, XXXII (April 21, 1837), 131, XXXV (October
11, 1828), 97. This river traffic continued throughout the ante-bellum
period. In 1853 nine steamers and twenty-two barges operated between
the two river ports. DeBow's Review, XIV (June, 1853), 611-612.
The Cotton Textile Industry 27
of the fourth and last cotton mill built in the state before
1830, Henry Humphreys of Greensboro.34
First built in 1818, Humphrey's Mount Hecla Mill had
two distinct periods of operation, the first from 1818 to about
1825 and a second and more prosperous period after 1830
when plans were made for the use of steam power. The origi-
nal mill was built on a stream outside Greensboro and em-
ployed the waterpower of a dam Humphreys had constructed
earlier to operate a grist mill. The first frame structure ap-
parently excited little interest in the 1820's, for it was listed
in a newspaper article as merely "one of the four mills in the
state. " But from this humble start, the second largest mill in
ante-bellum North Carolina soon developed.35
In North Carolina the establishment of four modest mills
was a comparatively small beginning for the years preceding
1830, during which the New England textile industry seemed
to blossom overnight into full flower. Yet there are compelling
reasons why the South and North took divergent paths. New
England's commercial prosperity passed away rapidly with
the War of 1812, and her only recourse was to industrial ex-
pansion. The South, however, was on the eve of a boom era
of cotton planting for geographic and climatic conditions mili-
tated in favor of exclusively agricultural pursuits. North Car-
olina, with an area almost as large as all the New England
states combined, possessed an infinitely superior soil and
climate, and the growth of cotton, rather than the manufac-
ture of textiles, seemed to offer the natural road to prosperity.
The correspondence, diaries, and ledgers of the ante-bellum
mill owners give ample and repeated reasons why men of
prudence might well hesitate to embark on the money-con-
suming scheme of cotton manufacturing, in which many
failed and few became wealthy. The chief factors working
against cotton mill expansion in the state were the high price
and great demand for raw cotton until 1824, the inadequacy
and expense of transportation in the state which limited the
market for the mills' products, the shortage of capital among
34 Raleigh Register; September 23, 1834; Niles' Weekly Register, XXVII
(February 5, 1825), 352.
35 Niles* Weekly Register, XXX (July 1, 1826), 321, citing The Newbern
Spectator and Literary Journal.
28 The North Carolina Historical Review
men long accustomed to investing all profits in more land and
slaves and the lack of managerial experience by even the
ambitious and willing.36
The philosophic atmosphere created by the major planters
and by their economic satellites was not conducive to the
establishment of industry in the period before 1830, and
any support planters gave was seldom more than grudging
throughout the period before the Civil War. North Carolina
landholders might be persuaded to adopt temporarily any ex-
pedient, even manufacturing, to revive declining farm reve-
nues, but whenever there was a slight increase in the price of
cotton they would revert to the old patterns of plantation in-
vestments. Writing in 1848, a Salisbury editor recalled quite
clearly that throughout the 1820's and early 1830's "manu-
factures were so odious" that planters or any gentleman
scoffed at the idea of investing in cotton mills.37 J. D. B.
DeBow well understood the deep-seated prejudice against
manufacturing held by men "accustomed to the respectable
gaining of wealth from the land." The New Orleans editor
wrote of the damage done in 1835 by Nathaniel Macon, one
of the most respected and venerable citizens of the state, who
declared in a speech in Raleigh that North Carolina would
never become a commercial state.38 Before this feeling even
slightly abated during the mill building era of the 1840's,
many such editorial cries as this from the Raleigh Register
in 1833 would be heard. "Away then you people of the South
with an ill-founded prejudice, which stands in the way of
your prosperity, and open your eyes to your true interest." 39
Many early efforts to construct profitable cotton mills did
not meet with a sufficient degree of success to encourage other
investors to put their capital in similar ventures. Recognizing
this fact, one mill owner wrote to a merchant that the dry
weather of North Carolina summers created such hardship
88 Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, (New York), XV (October, 1846), 380;
(November, 1849), 496-497; DeBow' s Review, XXXVI (January, 1867),
90; William Turner to George W. Johnson, May 14, 1836, George W. Johnson
Papers, Flowers Collection, Duke University.
37 The Carolina Watchman (Salisbury), May 18, 1848.
^DeBow's Review, XXXVI (January, 1867), 90.
89 Raleigh Register, December 17, 1833.
The Cotton Textile Industry 29
for grist and saw mill operators that he was not surprised
that so few people built cotton mills.40 Yet despite the failure
of several early cotton mills and the sometime indifferent
success of those that continued to operate, the enthusiasm of
a few determined North Carolinians and the effects of an
agricultural depression presaged a period of active mill build-
ing in the years after 1830.
Under the pressure of declining farm prices in the 1820s
and the ensuing unrest in western North Carolina, the legis-
lature began seeking means for stemming the growing tide of
emigration and for making the state prosperous again by
encouraging both diversified agriculture and industry. To
investigate the possibility of more widespread construction
of woolen and cotton mills in the state, the General Assembly
established a select committee under the chairmanship of
Charles Fisher of Rowan County, who was an ardent advo-
cate of this program.41
After conducting a series of public hearings and listening
to experienced local manufacturers,42 the committee present-
ed an exhaustive report for the consideration of the legisla-
ture. The report dealt with many facets of the problem and
enumerated the obvious advantages that would accrue to
North Carolina by the introduction of manufactures. The
committee foresaw the widespread ramifications that such a
plan would have in presenting new economic opportunity to
the poor, in encouraging and reviving agriculture, and in
introducing general prosperity to all North Carolinians.
The Fisher committee believed that the citizens of North
Carolina must determine to divert a part of their labor and
efforts to other pursuits than agriculture or face ruin as a com-
munity. The depressed state of cotton prices had caused a
decline in property values and resulted in such a shortage of
money that existing farm debts were comparatively double
their actual figure. The competition in the world market for
cotton was keener than ever before as new areas of production
were opened in Greece, Egypt, India, and South America.
40 William Davidson to William H. Horok, July 14, 1832, William H. Horok
Papers, Flowers Collection, Duke University.
"Acts Passed by the General Assembly, 1828-1829, 78.
** Raleigh Register, March 18, 1828.
30 The North Carolina Historical Review
Competition from farmers on the new rich lands of the south-
west was even more pressing, for they were now able to raise
more cotton at less expense. The crisis facing agricultural in-
terests thus appeared acute. Unless North Carolina cotton
growers could create a greater local demand, many planters
would be driven from its production by low prices.
As part of its attempt toward a solution of the state's prob-
lems, the committee pointed out that, although North Caro-
lina had all the facilities for manufacturing, the people ig-
nored these and purchased millions of dollars worth of foreign
articles manufactured of materials exported from the state.
There was no reason why increased manufacturing could not
supply many more of the consumers' demands at home. An-
nual cotton production of North Carolina in 1828 was eighty
thousand bales valued at two and a half million dollars. The
committee believed that if the entire crop were manufactured
locally the income of the residents of the state would be
increased bv some seven million dollars and make a total
j
annual income of ten million dollars from cotton alone. Only
by a marked increase in the domestic manufacture of cotton
could its full value be restored. "As it is now, we lose it, and
the profits are enjoyed by Old and New England." 43
With cautious optimism the Fisher committee advanced a
plan for diversifying the state's economy. The introduction of
manufactures would
. . . build up flourishing villages in the interior of our State,
and improve not only the physical but the moral and intellectual
condition of our citizens. . . . But it may be asked are the circum-
stances of our state such as to render practicable the intro-
duction of the system among us? The hand of nature itself
seems to point out North Carolina as a region of country well
adapted to manufactories. Cut off from the ocean by a sand
bound coast, her rivers filled with shoals and obstructions along
the whole extent, and their mouths inaccessible to large vessels,
she can never be greatly commercial. On the other hand, her
43 Charles Fisher, "A Report on the Establishment of Cotton and Woolen
Manufactures and on the Growing of Wool," Legislative Papers, 1828.
North Carolina Department of Archives and History, Raleigh, hereinafter
cited as Fisher, "Report."
The Cotton Textile Industry 31
climate and soil are equal to those of any of her sister states, and
she abounds with all the facilities necessary to the manufactur-
ing arts.44
The committee's report analyzed each of several elements
necessary for "sustaining manufacturing establishments" and
pointed out their application to the natural situation of North
Carolina. With an abundant supply of local cotton available,
savings on transportation to other markets was estimated at
twenty-five per cent of the total cost of finished cloth. The
southern manufacturer gained an advantage in having the
cotton fresh from the seed, which was the best time for it to
be spun, and he would save the cost of bagging, roping, and
waste, estimated by Henry Donaldson, the Rocky Mount
manufacturer, to be ten per cent of raw material costs of the
northern and European manufacturer. Abundant water
power, a mild and healthful climate, inexpensive food for
workers, and a convenient home market would assure the
prosperity of new mills.
This unique and significant report on southern industrial
potential concluded:
The Committee have thus, at greater length than they could
wish, presented their views on the policy of introducing the
Manufacturing System into North Carolina. They firmly believe
that it is the only course that will relieve our people from the
evils that now so heavily press on them. They have nearly
reached the lowest point of depression, and it is time for the
reaction to begin. Our habits and prejudices are against manu-
facturing, but we must yield to the force of things, and profit
by the indications of nature. The policy that resists the change,
is unwise and suicidal. Nothing else can restore us.
Let the Manufacturing System take root among us, and it
will soon flourish like a vigorous plant in its native soil! It will
become our greatest means of wealth and prosperity; it will
change the course of trade, and, in great measure, make us
independent of Europe and the North.
Nature has made us far more independent of them then they
are of us. They can manufacture our raw material, but they
cannot produce it. We can raise it and manufacture it too. Such
are our superior advantages, that we may anticipate the time,
when the manufactured articles of the South will be shipped
Fisher, "Report."
32 The North Carolina Historical Review
North, and sold in their markets cheaper than their own fabrics,
and then the course of trade and difference of exchange will turn
in our favor. The committee, at this time, are not aware that it
is within the powers of this General Assembly, by any act, to
forward the introduction of the system into North Carolina.
They however recommend the granting of acts of incorporation
to companies for manufacturing purposes as often as suitable
applications may be made. 45
The insight shown in this statement influenced the govern-
ing body of North Carolina to take its first notice of an issue
of overwhelming importance to its citizens. Niles' Register
wholeheartedly endorsed this valuable report and expressed
the wish that it would receive wide circulation and be seri-
ously considered by North Carolinians, for the great natural
resources of the state should be used for the general welfare.
"With the growth of manufacturers, causing the circulation
of much money, will cease the present rickety state of banks,
and rather render North Carolina a creditor than a debtor
state, in her domestic and foreign commerce," Niles urged
North Carolinians to take advantage of the highly protective
Tariff of 1828 and secure the benefits anticipated from the
American System, "and buffet the Northern manufacturer
with their own weapons."46
The circulation of the Fisher report by the newspapers of
the state excited editorial approval and stimulated reader
interest in a program of cotton industry for the state. The
reorganization of the Mt. Hecla Mill of Greensboro, begun
during this period, was hailed as a forward step.47 John M.
Morehead, who had extensive investments in manufactures
at Leaksville, became an ardent supporter of the report and
within ten years built a successful pioneer cotton mill.48
Charles Fisher and John Morehead were among the foremost
promoters of a progressive program of industrial, agricultural,
and educational improvement in North Carolina, and from
them the cotton textile industry in this formative stage re-
45 Fisher, "Report."
"Mies' Weekly Register, XXXIII (January 19, 1828), 346; XXXIV
(May 10, 1828), 175.
47 National Intelligencer, May 3, 1828.
48 Burton J. Konkle, John Motley Morehead and the Development of
North Carolina, 1796-1866 (Philadelphia, 1922), 103.
The Cotton Textile Industry 33
ceived incalculable assistance in its permanent establishment.
The year 1828 saw attempts to establish five cotton manu-
facturing companies.49 The Leaks and Crawfords were given
a charter for the Richmond-Rockingham Company at Rock-
ingham, and the Randolph Manufacturing Company was in-
corporated by Hugh McCain, Jesse Walker, Benjamin Elliot,
and Jonathan Worth. A charter for the Belfort Cotton Manu-
facturing Company was issued to W. A. Blount, John Myers,
and William Ellison, while Henry A. Donaldson and a group
of prominent residents of Fayetteville secured the fourth
charter of 1828 for a cotton factory in that city. In Edgecombe
County Joel Battle and a large group of investors organized
the Edgecombe Manufacturing Company. These five pro-
jected cotton factories were capitalized at a total of $350,000
and were given the right to manufacture a variety of fibers
—cotton, wool, flax, and hemp. Despite the wave of editorial
enthusiasm in 1828, the incorporators apparently had consid-
erable difficulty in raising the necessary capital, for there is
no evidence that any carried their ideas to fruition before
the middle 1830's.
Thus the cotton mill campaign begun by Charles Fisher
and endorsed by newspapers throughout the state has con-
tinued to the present day, a century and a quarter later. Al-
though its momentum faltered under the impact of the sec-
tional crisis of the fifties and suffered during the lethargic
years induced by defeat and radical Reconstruction, even in
these periods new cotton mills were built, old ones modern-
ized, and still others projected.
Born of crisis and necessity, these early industrial plants
were truly pioneers, and their existence was far from assured
in the critical years ahead. Perhaps their greatest service was
merely offering proof by their existence that cotton manu-
facturing was practical in North Carolina, but only new
problems in the 1830's would stimulate mass momentum in
the cotton mill movement.
The years 1828-1830 mark the turning point for North
Carolina's industrial future. With both encouraging and dis-
couraging signs on the eve of a new era, the work yet to be
49
Acts Passed by the General Assembly, 1828-1829, 39, 41, 46, 59, 60, 65.
34 The North Carolina Historical Review
done for the success of this new type of enterprise was the
challenge facing advocates of industry in a traditionally agri-
cultural state.
APPENDIX
Cotton Mills Projected and Built in
North Carolina, 1800-1830
Beam Cotton Factory, Lincoln County x 1804*
Moravian Cotton Mills, Salem 2 1808*
Planters' Cotton Mill, Coastal Plain 3 1811*
Hillsborough Manufacturing Company, Hillsboro4 1813*
Lincolnton Cotton Factory, Lincolnton 5 1813
Rocky Mount Mills, Rocky Mount 6 1817
Mount Hecla Mill, Greensborough 7 1818-1822
Reorganized and enlarged 1828-1830
Moved to Lincoln County 1848
McNeil and Donaldson Mill, Fayetteville 8 1825
Richmond-Rockingham Manufacturing Company,
Rockingham9 1828**
* Cotton mills that probably did not progress beyond the organizational
stage.
** Mills that were not completed until after 1830.
1 Daily Charlotte Observer, October 9, 1881, quoting The Aurora (Shelby).
2 Adelaide L. Fries, ed., Records of the Moravians in North Carolina
(Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton, 8 volumes, 1922-1954), VI, 2929.
3 Hugh Williamson, The History of North Carolina (Philadelphia:
Thomas Dobson, 2 volumes, 1812), II, 221.
* The Raleigh Minerva, June 18, 1813.
5 Michael Schenck Papers, North Carolina Department of Archives and
History, Raleigh; David Schenck, Historical Sketch of the Schenck and
Bevens Families (Greensboro: Thomas, Reece & Company, 1884), 14-16.
*Niles' Weekly Register, XXVII (February 5, 1825), 352; XXXIV (May
10, 1828), 175.
7 Niles' Weekly Register, XXX (July 1, 1826), 321; Raleigh Register,
July 5, 1836; The Carolina Watchman (Salisbury), March 29, 1849.
*Niles' Weekly Register, XXVII (February 5, 1925), 352; Raleigh
Register, September 23, 1834.
9 Burton J. Konkle, John Motley Morehead and the Development of North
Carolina, 1796-1866 (Philadelphia: William J. Campbell, 1922), 103.
The Cotton Textile Industry 35
Randolph Manufacturing Company, Randolph County10 1828**
Belfort Cotton Manufacturing Company,
Fayetteville n 1828**
Fayetteville Manufacturing Company, Fayetteville12 1828**
Edgecombe Manufacturing Company, Rocky Mount13 1828**
[To be continued]
10 Raleigh Register, July 16, 1838.
11 Acts Passed by the General Assembly, 1828-1829, 39, 41.
M Acts Passed by the General Assembly, 1828-1829, 46, 59; Raleigh Regis-
ter, December 17, 1833; September 23, 1834.
13 Acts Passed by the General Assembly, 1828-1829, 60, 65; Raleigh Regis-
ter, August 20, 1833.
ORGANIZATION AND EARLY YEARS OF THE
NORTH CAROLINA BAR ASSOCIATION
By Fannie Memory Blackwelder
Though the present North Carolina Bar Association dates
only from 1899, the roots of the organization are to be found
some fifteen years earlier. In July, 1884, the editor of the
Asheville Citizen commented on the first annual meeting of
the Bar Association of Western North Carolina, which had
been held in Asheville on July 9. The editor made it known
that his paper was in sympathy with the aims of the Associa-
tion when he wrote, "If made to embrace the entire profes-
sion of the State, we regard it as capable of becoming one
of the most useful, as well as potential agencies for the
welfare of the commonwealth." He continued by mentioning
the growth which was occurring in North Carolina and by
indicating the necessity for new laws to meet changed con-
ditions. The legal profession was the group to lead in these
changes. Such an organization as that meeting in Asheville
could do much to insure the speedy administration of justice.
"To nobody can we look with more propriety for measures
to correct . . . [abuses] than members of the Bar,5' wrote
the editor.1
Whether or not the Asheville meeting inspired a committee
of Raleigh lawyers to act in 1885 is only a matter of surmise.
T. M. Argo, J. B. Batchelor, D. G. Fowle, T. C. Fuller, and
R. H. Battle, all of Raleigh, issued a call to lawyers of the
state inviting them to a meeting in the capital city on Jan-
uary 28 at noon. The call, issued January 8, 1885, stated that
the lawyers should study imperfections in the judicial system
of the state and should come together to make "common
stock of our information and experience. . . ." It emphasized
the need of the support of a large number of lawyers and of
the most experienced in the profession if the plan was to be
1 Asheville Citizen, July 17, 1884. See also Edwin Godwin Reade, Address
Delivered by the Hon. Edwin Godwin Reade, LL.D., before the Convention
of the Legal Profession of North Carolina, at Asheville, N. C, July 9, 1884
(Raleigh, 1884), 1-16.
[36]
North Carolina Bar Association 37
successful.2 The men who issued the call were themselves
leaders of the profession. For example, Argo was described
by the editor of the Raleigh News and Observer as "brilliant
and original to a degree that made him easily the foremost
man as an advocate at the Raleigh bar."3 Fuller, a notable
trial lawyer, served as associate judge of the United States
Court of Private Land Claims from 1891 until his death in
1901. Fowle was a judge of the North Carolina Superior
Court and was later chosen governor of the state.4 Battle
was described as a "laborious and painstaking" lawyer, accu-
rate in his knowledge of the law and eminent in his profes-
sion.5 Batchelor, attorney general of North Carolina in 1885,
was an "able and fearless lawyer. . . ." 6
The lawyers who responded to the call met in the Raleigh
courthouse on January 28, with representatives of the nine
judicial districts present. Argo, chairman of the committee,
read the call and address and moved that J. J. Davis be made
temporary chairman. Davis was elected to the position; B. F.
Long and Samuel A. Ashe were made secretaries.7 The first
point of business was the appointment of a committee, one
member from each district and six from the state at large,
to which suggestions could be referred.8
John W. Hinsdale moved that the temporary organization
be made the permanent one, a motion which was carried.
Davis was thus made president of the organization for the
year 1885. The News and Observers account stated that
"Mr. Davis in a few well chosen words said he would under-
take any duty that the bar might desire to impose upon him.
2 Constitution and By-Laws of the North Carolina Bar Association, To-
gether with the Proceedings of a Convention of the Bar of the State, Held
in Raleigh, the 28th of January, 1885 (Raleigh, 1885), 3, hereinafter cited
Proceedings of January, 1885.
8 The News and Observer (Raleigh), January 15, 1909, hereinafter cited
The News and Observer.
4 Ernest Haywood, Some Notes in Regard to the Eminent Lawyers Whose
Portraits Adorn the Walls of the Superior Court Room at Raleigh, North
Carolina (n. p., 1936), 10-11.
6 Samuel A'Court Ashe and others (eds.), Biographical History of North
Carolina (Greensboro, 1905-1917), VI, 41.
6 J. Crawford Biggs (ed.), Report of the Fifth Annual Meeting of the
North Carolina Bar Association held at Morehead City, N. C, July 1, 2, 8,
1903 (Durham, 1903), 71-72, hereinafter cited Biggs, Bar Report, 1903.
7 The News and Observer, January 29, 1885.
8 Proceedings of January, 1885, 4.
o
8 The North Carolina Historical Review
He only wished that his capacity and experience were such
as would enable him the better to serve the cause which
the association had at heart." The organization voted to call
itself "The North Carolina Bar Association." 9
Several matters of business were discussed at this initial
meeting. The Charlotte bar, at a meeting held January 24,
had passed resolutions to be introduced at the Raleigh meet-
ing. These dealt with the need of separating civil and crim-
inal dockets in many counties and pointed out the fact that an
increase in the number of superior court judges would not
solve the problem. W. W. Peebles recommended the estab-
lishment of courts of pleas and quarter sessions.10 The subject
of county courts evoked considerable discussion, J. B. Batch-
elor speaking with "unusual eloquence" on the matter.11 Still
another resolution dealing with judicial improvement was
introduced by R. H. Battle, who thought that judges should
be appointed by the governor and his council, with ratifica-
tion by the Senate, rather than a continuation of the elective
system.12
In the evening session, the resolutions, which had been
studied by the committee on the judicial system, were
reported. The suggestions included the recommendation of a
Constitutional amendment for appointment of judges by the
governor and his council with Senate ratification, a Consti-
tutional amendment to increase the number of judges of the
Supreme Court to five, and an increase in the number of
Superior Courts in the counties which needed additional
facilities, with the provision that some terms be designated
for civil cases only. The further recommendation was that
the number of judges should be increased to fifteen. These
resolutions were adopted.13
The adoption of these resolutions is evidence that the
North Carolina Bar Association began by carrying out its
9 The News and Observer, January 29, 1885. Davis was, in 1887, made
associate justice of the North Carolina Supreme Court. See Robert Digges
Wimberly Connor, North Carolina, Rebuilding an Ancient Commonwealth
(Chicago, 1928), II, 436, hereinafter cited as Connor, North Carolina.
10 Proceedings of January, 1885, 5-6.
11 The News and Observer, January 29, 1885.
12 Proceedings of January, 1885, 8.
™ Proceedings of January, 1885, 10,
North Carolina Bar Association 39
object of improving the judicial system. It is doubtful that
any direct results followed the adoption of the resolutions
since the 1885 Association dissolved shortly. The object of
the Association, as set forth in its constitution, was full of
lofty ideals. It would endeavor to
. . . cultivate the science of jurisprudence, to promote reform
in the law, to facilitate the administration of justice, to elevate
the standard of integrity, honor and courtesy in the legal pro-
fession, to encourage a thorough and liberal legal education,
and to cherish a spirit of brotherhood among the members
thereof. 14
Following a resolution of T. R. Purnell, a committee of
nine had been appointed by the chairman to inquire into the
propriety of a permanent bar association. The committee,
including Purnell, Frank Vaughn, G. C. Lyon, J. S. Hender-
son, B. F. Long, and W. H. Malone, was charged with the
duty of drafting a constitution and plan of organization for
the Association. The constitution, as adopted by the Associa-
tion, provided for a president, vice president from each judi-
cial district, and various committees. Any lawyer in good
standing was eligible to membership, provided that he paid
his dues and subscribed to the constitution. There was to be
a committee on admissions. Meetings were to be held in Ra-
leigh in July, 1885; all subsequent annual meetings were to
be held at such place and time as the Association should
determine by a three-fourths vote of members present.15
All was not work at the first meeting of the Bar in January
of 1885. On the evening of the 28th the Raleigh bar enter-
tained at the Yarborough Hotel. The News and Observer
waxed eloquent in its description of the occasion:
The gathering of legal luminaries was a notable one; so ex-
cessively brilliant in fact that it looked as if half a dozen electric
lights were in the dining room [.] There were eating and drink-
ing and speeches galore. . . . The banquet was certainly a hand-
some affair and very greatly enjoyed by the visitors and their
hosts. The speeches were capital. 1(i
14 Proceedings of January, 1885, 11.
15 Proceedings of January, 1885, 9-13.
18 The News and Observer, January 29, 1885.
40 The North Carolina Historical Review
Seventy-five attended the banquet. Unusual toasts, such as
"Our Present Judicial System, and How it Should be Cor-
rected," "Marriage License Fees, Ought They to be Re-
duced?" were given, with proper responses.
Samuel A. Ashe, editor of the Raleigh paper, wrote a long
editorial on the organization of the Bar Association. In part,
he said:
The meeting of the North Carolina bar here . . . and the for-
mation of the North Carolina Bar Association mark a step
forward in the history of the State. In the olden time when the
knights rode in their mailed armor and roamed the world in
quest of adventure, their deeds alone were on the tongues of
men and it was deemed unfit to sully the historic page with
aught but a relation of their achievements on the tented field.
Such were the uses of historic lore. But the olden time is gone
and a new light breaking through the rift of the clouds illumines
mankind and we see more on the face of God's earth than strong
men seeking reputation at the cannon's mouth and vigilant and
bold is the cause of destruction. We see the teeming millions
. . . who live to elevate and ennoble mankind. It is of such now
that history takes account, and so it has come to pass that
"Peace hath her victories no less renowned than war," and the
life of a people is studied while once only the daring deeds of
the few were thought worthy of portrayal.
Among recent events but few will exert a more notable influ-
ence upon the people of North Carolina than the organization
which has just been perfected. . . . The members of the bar are
usually the foremost men in their respective communities and
give tone to society while in some measure controlling and di-
recting public sentiment.
It is then of consequence that the bar should . . . possess
every requirement necessary to preserve the confidence and es-
teem of the people. Grave duties devolve upon the profession
and in order to discharge them properly its reputation should
be kept free from slurs and entirely unsmirched. It is one of the
objects of the newborn association to protect the bar from the
presence of unworthy men, to seek for it a higher standard of
excellence, to enlarge its influence and maintain that popular
confidence which its glorious history and achievements in behalf
of constitutional liberty have so justly won for it. 17
The editor's own phrase, "unusual eloquence" would be ap-
propriate comment on his editorial! Ashe rambled on in a
17
The News and Observer, January 29, 30, 1885.
North Carolina Bar Association 41
similar vein for several additional paragraphs, emphasizing
the idea that the Bar Association and lawyers were a great
group.
Though the regular meeting of the Association was sched-
uled for July, it was not held until October.18 However, the
idea of the Bar Association was in the minds of lawyers in
the intervening months. For example, in March of 1885,
Francis D. Winston, a Bertie County lawyer, wrote to Walter
Clark, saying "You will please enter my name among the
members of the State Bar Association." 19 By the time of the
October meeting, 131 members had joined the group.20
The Association met in the Senate chamber in Raleigh on
the evening of October 14, 1885. Judge Edwin Godwin
Reade21 was admitted without the formalities of the sanction
of the Commitee on Admissions; he was immediately chosen
president for the following year. Thomas M. Argo was elected
secretary and W. J. Peele treasurer.22 Retiring President
Davis addressed the group, appealing to members to continue
to adhere to high standards and praising lawyers as a group.
Reade "made some eloquent remarks on taking the chair.
He thanked the members for the honor and confidence
shown, encouraging them to exhibit interest in whatever
would elevate and purify the honorable profession to which
they belonged, and expressing a willingness to contribute
his aid in furtherance of so desirable an object."25
Various minor constitutional amendments were proposed
and adopted. Officers having been elected, the Association
adjourned subject to the call of the president and executive
committee.26
23
24
™ Proceedings of January, 1885, 13.
19 Aubrey Lee Brooks and Hugh Talmage Lefler (eds.), The Papers of
Walter Clark (Chapel Hill, c. 1948), I, 222.
20 Proceedings of the North Carolina Bar Association, at a Meeting Held
in Raleigh, the ltfh of October, 1885 (Raleigh, 1886), 13-14, hereinafter
cited Proceedings of October, 1885.
21 Reade was elected associate justice of the North Carolina Supreme
Court in 1885. See Connor, North Carolina, II, 274.
22 Proceedings of October, 1885, 4. The News and Observer, October 15,
1855, names Walter Clark as treasurer. From other references in the Bar
reports, it is known that Peele was treasurer.
23 Proceedings of October, 1885, 7-12.
24 The News and Observer, October 15, 1885.
28 Proceedings of October, 1885, 5.
29 Proceedings of October, 1885, 6.
42 The North Carolina Historical Review
Why the Association was not called is not known. As
The News and Observer put it, "for some reason or other
it fell into inocuous [sic] desuetude." 2T Finally, February 9,
1899, The News and Observer announced a meeting of
lawyers to be held the following day to form a bar associa-
tion.28 J. Crawford Biggs, professor of law at the University
of North Carolina, had decided that a legal organization was
needed in the state, though there had been no talk among
lawyers on the subject. While the legislature was in session,
he went to Raleigh, approached lawyers in the legislature,
and procured the signatures of attorneys from all over the
state to a call which he had prepared.29 The call was issued
January 21, 1899, with the signatures of 62 interested law-
yers.30 Having taken the initiative it was natural for Biggs
to become the father of the Association. The example of
leadership was manifested by his father who was the moving
spirit in the organization of the North Carolina Press Associa-
tion.31 Though the American Bar Association had been organ-
ized in 1877,32 there were no local city or county bar organi-
zations; since the state association of 1885 had perished,
Biggs felt that a formal organization would be of benefit to
the legal profession, and, through its activities to improve
the administration of justice, to the people of the state.33 The
need for such an association was not felt in old circuit riding
days, before modern transportation, when the lawyers became
acquainted as they traveled from court to court. By the
twentieth century the "old companying together" had van-
ished.34 Though there was no active opposition to a bar
association, there was much indifference.35
27 The News and Observer, June 28, 1901.
28 The News and Observer, February 9, 1899.
29 Interview with J. Crawford Biggs, Raleigh, June 29, 1950.
30 J. H. Chadbourn, "The Activities of the North Carolina Bar Association
in Stimulating Legislation," North Carolina Law Review, VIII (December,
1929), 101, hereinafter cited Chadbourn, "Activities of the N. C. Bar
31 R. C Lawrence, "The Family of Biggs," The State (Raleigh), X
(February 6, 1943), 25.
32 John L. Bridgers, "The American Bar Association," North Carolina
Journal of Law, I (July, 1904), 335.
33 Interview with J. Crawford Biggs, June 29, 1950.
34 "The Bar Association," North Carolina Journal of Law, II (July, 1905),
297.
86 Interview with R. N. Simms, Sr., Raleigh, June 29, 1950. Mr. Simms
was a member of the Bar Association in 1899.
North Carolina Bar Association 43
The Raleigh paper, announcing the meeting, said:
There are many reasons why the organization of members of
a learned profession is to be desired. It elevates the tone, gives
a community of interest, and stimulates the whole membership.
The lawyers in all ages have been in the fore-front of strug-
gles for the preservation of liberty regulated by law. In North
Carolina they have been the foremost leaders of the people from
the days of Iredell. The profession never embraced so many able
and learned men as now. Their organization for mutual good
will not be confined to the membership, but will have a salutary
influence upon the men of all callings. 36
The call invited lawyers to a meeting in the Supreme Court
room in Raleigh on February 10, 1899, at 7:30 p.m. J. Craw-
ford Biggs called the meeting to order and asked J. B. Batch-
elor, a Raleigh lawyer, to act as temporary chairman. Biggs
was made temporary secretary. Charles W. Tillett of Char-
lotte stated that the object of the meeting was to organize the
bar of North Carolina into an association.37 At the time of its
organization, each lawyer in the state had acted for himself
alone. The primary purpose of the formal organization was
to foster good will among lawyers; work for improvements
in the legal system, as by codification of the laws; and to
create a feeling of fellowship among lawyers. The fraternal
function was one of the main purposes of a bar association.38
Occasionally, the bar added another function by coming to
the rescue of members in distress. For example, in 1901, an
appeal was made for an attorney who had lost his library,
papers, and other personal property in a flood. The recom-
mendation was made that the organized bar help him.39
Biggs had prepared a constitution and by-laws. The sug-
gestion was made that they be read at the February 10th
meeting. William R. Allen, a Goldsboro attorney, indicated
39 The News and Observer, February 10, 1899.
87 Charter, Constitution, By-Laws and Proceedings of the Meeting of
Organization of the North Carolina Bar Association, February 10, 1899
(Chapel Hill, 1899), 1-2, hereinafter cited Proceedings of February, 1899.
38 Interview with R. N. Simms, Sr., June 29, 1950.
39 J. Crawford Biggs (ed), Report of the Third Annual Meeting of the
North Carolina Bar Association, Held at Seashore Hotel, Wrightsville
Beach, N. C, June 26, 27 and 28, 1901 (Durham, 1901), 24, hereinafter
cited Biggs, Bar Report, 1901.
44 The North Carolina Historical Review
that the group should first see which lawyers intended to join.
Another member wanted the group to hear the constitution
and by-laws first, as no one would want to join without know-
ing what sort of group he was supporting. This remark
elicited from Tillett the observation that the lawyers were
starting off with a suspicious attitude and that any member
could withdraw if dissatisfied.40
A committee on permanent organization was appointed.
The constitution was read by the secretary, and officers were
suggested by the permanent organization committee. J.
Crawford Biggs was made secretary and treasurer; as such,
he was to receive the sum of $100.00 per year.41 At the organ-
ization of the new association, W. J. Peele, treasurer of the
1885 association, reported that he had the sum of $80.00 from
the group "which was organized a number of years ago and
has gone down. ..." On the motion of T. M. Argo, members
of the old organization who were present retired to discuss
the relationship between the old and the new associations.
The members of the 1885 group decided to dissolve that
association, to turn over books, records, minutes and the
$80.00 to the new group.42 The News and Observer, com-
menting on the $80.00 donation, stated that "This generous
offer on the part of the members of the defunct association
was received with thanks." 43
Any white member of the bar of North Carolina was eli-
gible to join the Bar Association. An admission fee of $5.00
and annual dues of $2.50 was charged to members.44
Piatt D. Walker of Charlotte was chosen president; in ac-
cepting the office, he was not modest in his statement of
opinion as to the meaning of the presidency of such an organ-
ization as the North Carolina Bar Association. His opinion
that the "highest honor that can come to any man in North
Carolina is die expression of confidence of the representatives
of the bar of the State/' 45 is a bit astounding.
40 Proceedings of February, 1899, 3.
^Proceedings of February, 1899, 4, 10.
42 Proceedings of February, 1899, 6-7.
43 The News and Observer, February 11, 1899.
"Proceedings of February, 1899, 9, 12.
48 Proceedings of February, 1899, 5.
North Carolina Bar Association 45
At the meeting of the organization the bar agreed to have
the secretary secure a charter of incorporation from the legis-
lature,46 a request which was carried out.47
Thus was the North Carolina Bar Association officially
launched. J. Crawford Biggs probably deserves most of the
credit for the beginning of the permanent organization; with-
out his "painstaking and enthusiastic work" the Association
would probably not have been born as early as 1899. 48
The North Carolina Lata Journal, established in 1900,
frequently exhorted lawyers to join their association. The
editor wrote, "If the Association is to stand, it should stand
as a Profession united." Again, Paul Jones, editor, wrote:
... if previous efforts to establish and maintain a Bar Asso-
ciation have failed of their purpose, we have much now to stim-
ulate and give us courage. Let us not remember the former
things, neither consider the things of old, but live and act in the
present, and go intrepidly forward to the work that is before us
with that kind of will and determination of which success is
always the flower and the fruit. 49
Thanks to the editorials of the Law Journal's editor and
thanks to the efforts of the lawyers themselves, the Bar Asso-
ciation has held regular meetings and has grown in member-
ship from 1899 to the present.
Big advertisements in The Netos and Observer in the first
week of July, 1899, announced that the Atlantic Hotel in
Morehead City would give special rates to all members of the
Bar Association who attended the first annual meeting.50 The
meeting opened on July 5th, at 10:30 p.m. F. H. Busbee of
Raleigh, chairman of the Executive Committee, called the
meeting to order and the president, Piatt D. Walker, was
introduced. Walker very sagely announced that "Owing to
the late hour of the night, and to the fact that the train is
late . . ." the Executive Committee had recommended that
48 The News and Observer, February 11, 1899.
47 See Proceedings of February, 1899, 26-29 for the charter of incorpora-
tion.
48 "James Crawford Biggs," North Carolina Law Journal, II (October,
[1901]), 175.
49 "The State Bar Association," North Carolina Law Journal, I (March
[1900]), 5-6.
The News and Observer, July 4, 5, and 6, 1899.
60
46 The North Carolina Historical Review
the night's program be postponed until the following day.51
Walker addressed the body the next day, urging the mem-
bers to look to the future, not to past failures. He recom-
mended the establishment of local and county bar associa-
tions to bring members into closer contact with one another.
About one-third of the active practitioners of North Carolina
were members of the Association in 1899. Walker urged that
the organization consider the problems of congested dockets,
the legal condition of married women, revision of the statute
law, and other matters needing legal reform.52 His address
was "able, eloquent and . . . enthusiastically received."53
The speakers at the early meetings now and then found it
impossible to attend at the ninth hour. For example, R. T.
Bennett, scheduled to speak in 1899, wrote that he would
... be pleased to be with you on this occasion, but conspiring
circumstances prevent it; the heat, increasing infirmities of
body, and the demands of my farming work, somewhat in
arrear, render my going inconvenient, and a serious tax on my
strength.
Though Bennett sent his prepared speech to the Association,54
it seems peculiar that he did not realize until such a late date
that the heat, his farming work, and infirmities would keep
him at home.
Various matters of business were taken up at the first an-
nual meeting. A committee which had been appointed to
prepare a constitution and by-laws reported and those instru-
ments were adopted.55 The constitution provided that judges
should be admitted to the Association as honorary, non-dues
paying members. It stated the object of the organization,
including such matters as reforming the law, elevating the
standard of the legal profession, and fostering a spirit of
brotherhood among the lawyers. The constitution provided
51 J. Crawford Biggs (ed.), Report of the First Annual Meeting of the
North Carolina Bar Association, Held at Atlantic Hotel, Morehead City,
N. C, July 5th, 6th and 7th, 1899 (Durham, 1899), 7, hereinafter cited
as Biggs, Bar Report, 1899.
52 Biggs, Bar Report, 1899, 16-20.
58 The News and Observer, July 6, 1899.
M Biggs, Bar Report, 1899, 8-9.
66 Biggs, Bar Report, 1899, 22.
North Carolina Bar Association 47
that the president, twelve vice-presidents, and the secretary-
treasurer should be elected annually. Standing committees
on membership, legislation and law reform, the judiciary,
legal education and admission to the bar, memorials, griev-
ances, and legal ethics were to be appointed by the president
within ten days after the annual meetings. Those present at
the annual meetings were to constitute a quorum. The consti-
tution provided that the president should deliver an address
on any subject he chose at the meetings.56
A matter of business which concerned the lawyers was the
establishment of a law periodical. The idea was presented
by Charles W. Tillett of Charlotte, who expressed the opinion
that the editor should be a lawyer, but that good lawyers
were too busy to edit a magazine.57 Tillett was firmly con-
vinced that a law journal was necessary, however.58 Paul
Jones of Tarboro spoke, saying that he wanted to publish
a legal periodical. The matter was finally referred to a com-
mittee of three, which was given full power to act, though
not to involve the Association financially.59
The Morehead City meeting was not devoid of entertain-
ment. E. C. Smith of Raleigh extended an invitation to the
group to go sailing with him, an invitation which was unani-
mously accepted. The same year, the Association had a long
discussion about its proposed banquet. F. H. Busbee told the
group of the difficult time he had had with hotel officials
arranging for wines to be included at $1.50 a plate.60
The 1899 meeting was a very successful one. Charles F.
Warren, of Washington, was elected new president.61 J. Craw-
ford Biggs reported that the total membership, including
honorary members, had reached 260; but over 800 lawyers
were practicing in North Carolina at the time, therefore,
others should join the Association.62
56 Biggs, Bar Report, 1899, 10, 91-94.
"Biggs, Bar Report, 1899, 45-46.
68 The News and Observer, July 7, 1899.
59 Biggs, Bar Report, 1899, 52-56.
60 Biggs, Bar Report, 1899, 23-25 and 44-45.
61 Biggs, Bar Report, 1899, 88. See J. Crawford Biggs (ed.), Report of
the Second Annual Meeting of the North Carolina Bar Association Held
at Battery Park Hotel, Asheville, N. C, June 27th, 28th and 29th, 1900
(Durham, 1900), 170, for an account of his administration, hereinafter
cited Biggs, Bar Report, 1900.
62 Biggs, Bar Report, 1899, 25-26.
48 The North Carolina Historical Review
The News and Observers special editorial correspondent
from Morehead City wrote that the general average of the
legal profession in the state was high, though there were no
"towering figures/' He reported that the speeches were of
high quality; "the profession is composed of able men who
have the gift of speech as of yore."63 Likewise, the North
Carolina Law Journal, in March, 1900, in its maiden number,
referred to the summer meeting of the Association in More-
head City. The editor wrote:
This meeting at Morehead was marked for its enthusiasm,
and though the first regularly held, yet it came up to the expec-
tation of all. All the sessions of the Association were perfectly
harmonious, and the addresses that were delivered were of the
highest order. 64
In April, 1900, the Late Journal announced that the next
meeting would be held in Asheville on June 27th, 28th, and
29th.65 After the meeting had been held, the Law Journal
stated that there was not enough space to give a full account
of the proceedings, but that all lawyers who attended were
fully repaid. A member "is benefitted [sic]. He is elevated.
He makes friends, and he goes away a better and a wiser
man."66 The discussions at the Asheville meeting "were ani-
mated, yet no one seemed to lose himself." 67 The meeting of
1901 was held at Wrightsville.68 Attendance was about aver-
age, with nearly every eastern town being represented. The
Journal's strong opinion was that there was "not in the United
States a more successful or stronger association than the Bar
Association of North Carolina." 69 The next year Asheville
was again the host city.70 In 1903 the lawyers returned to the
63 The News and Observer, July 8, 1899.
64 "The State Bar Association," North Carolina Law Journal, I (March,
[1900]), 3-4.
05 See the announcement on page 37 of the North Carolina Law Journal,
I (April, [1900]).
66 "Bar Association," North Carolina Law Journal, I (August, [1900]),
222.
67 "Bar Association," North Carolina Law Journal, I (August, [1900]),
220.
08 "Bar Association," North Carolina Law Journal, II (May, [1901]), 30.
69 «The Bar Association," North Carolina Law Journal, II (July, [1901] ) ,
65-66.
70 Asheville Citizen, July 8, 1902.
North Carolina Bar Association 49
seashore,71 but in 1904 they held their meeting in Charlotte.72
By the end of 1904 the North Carolina Bar Association was
a definitely established organization. There was no doubt but
that it would live and grow. What did the Association do in
these early years of its organization? What was the nature
of the programs? What was the significance of the group? A
brief summary of the events of these years will answer these
queries.
First of all, the legal periodical which had been discussed
in the 1899 meeting became a reality. In 1900 the President
of the Association reported that a law journal was being
published in Tarboro by Paul Jones. Jones announced that
he had published four issues; sample copies had been sent
to the lawyers; he hoped for additional subscribers.73 The
committee of the Bar Association had studied the situation
and had decided that the Association should accept Jones's
proposition to publish a journal.74 The periodical would con-
tain biographical sketches of outstanding lawyers, articles on
North Carolina law, digests of court opinions, editorials, se-
lections of wit, book reviews, and similar items of interest.75
The North Carolina Lata Journal was published as the organ
of the North Carolina Bar Association for approximately two
years.76 At the 1903 meeting, Jones reported that he had dis-
continued the publication of the Journal for reasons he
thought proper. His reasons are perhaps understood by his
statement that he did not see how he could "in the future
issue from 500 to 800 Journals gratis in the State year after
year." He thought he could carry on, but his efforts would
be futile when the support was lacking. A committee was
appointed to confer with Jones.77
Evidently Jones and the committee were unable to reach
any agreement; the next publication, the North Carolina
71 The News and Observer, July 2, 1903.
72 Charlotte Daily Observer, June 21, 1904.
78 Biggs, Bar Report, 1900, 8-9.
74 "To the Lawyers," North Carolina Law Journal, I (March, [1900]), 13.
75 "The North Carolina Law Journal," North Carolina Law Journal, I
(March, [1900]), 9.
76 See issues of the North Carolina Law Journal for 1900-1902.
77 J. Crawford Biggs (ed.), Report of the Fifth Annual Meeting of the
North Carolina Bar Association held at Morehead City, N. C, July 1, 2, 3,
1903 (Durham, 1903), 42-43, hereinafter cited Biggs, Bar Report, 1903.
50 The North Carolina Historical Review
Journal of Law, was issued from Chapel Hill, under the
patronage of the North Carolina Bar Association. James C.
MacRae served as editor.78 The Bar Association had agreed
to pay MacRae $300 the first year under conditions almost
certain to occur.79 The publication was discontinued after
1905. The editorial of farewell stated that the publication
had been established with the idea of turning it over to some-
one else.80 However, no other legal journal was published
until the establishment of the North Carolina Law Review
in June, 1922, published by the law school of the University
of North Carolina.81
Another matter coming before the meetings of the early
years was that of legal education and admission to the bar.
Albert Coates says that "no one can read the proceedings
of the North Carolina Bar Association since its organization
. . . without feeling its keen and enthusiastic interest in
standards of admission to the bar." 82 In 1900 the committee
recommended that two years' study be required for legal
education. The opposition favored a more stringent bar exam-
ination. They felt that increasing the required time of study
would deprive the poor but brilliant from entering the pro-
fession. At that time the University of North Carolina's law
course was planned for one year preparatory to the bar exam-
ination; the LL.B. degree was awarded if a person studied
for two years. J. Crawford Biggs' position was that more
study would produce better lawyers.83 The Association agreed
with Biggs; the lawyers voted to recommend to the Supreme
Court that the requirement for legal study be raised to two
years.84 The following year F. H. Busbee reported to the As-
78 "The North Carolina Journal of Law," North Carolina Journal of Law,
I (January, 1904), 34, 30.
79 J. Crawford Biggs (ed.), Report of the Sixth Annual Meeting of the
North Carolina Bar Association Held at the Colonial Club, Charlotte, N. C,
June 20, 21, 22, 1904 (Durham, 1904), 65, hereinafter cited Biggs, Bar
Report, 1904.
80 "Farewell," North Carolina Journal of Law, II (December, 1905), 553.
81 See Volume I, Number 1 of the North Carolina Law Review (June,
1922).
82 Albert Coates, "A Century of Legal Education," North Carolina Law
Review, XXIV (June, 1946), 394.
83 Biggs, Bar Report, 1900, 49-71 includes the discussion on the problem.
84 Biggs, Bar Report, 1900, 71.
North Carolina Bar Association 51
sociation that the Supreme Court had acquiesced in the
lawyers' recommendation.85
In 1903 a discussion of texts used in legal preparation
occupied the attention of the lawyers. Many minutes were
spent debating the merits of Blackstone versus Ewell's Es-
sentials, a book containing some parts of Blackstone.86 Prob-
ably no man was swayed from his original opinion on the
matter.
Also in 1903 came the suggestion that the lawyers ask the
legislature to make them responsible for the examination of
and licensing of new attorneys. Though a resolution to this
effect was passed,87 the matter was held over until the next
meeting.88 In the interim a study was made of means of exam-
ination in sister states. Idaho, Montana, Oregon, South Da-
kota, Vermont, Alabama, South Carolina, and Virginia fol-
lowed North Carolina in having Supreme Court examinations.
The Bar Report for 1904 contained the following statement
on the matter:
... it will be seen that outside of our sister southern states,
the other states which follow the North Carolina plan are not
states that North Carolinians feel a pride in following. 89
The attempt of lawyers to gain control of the bar exami-
nations was not successful for years to come.90
The bar not only wanted to regulate the admission of new
members; it wanted power to expel undesirable members.
In 1900 the committee on legal ethics reported to the Associa-
85 Biggs, Bar Report, 1901, 19.
88 Biggs, Bar Report, 1903, 37-38, 20-22.
87 Biggs, Bar Report, 1903, 31.
88 "The Meeting of the North Carolina Bar Association, July 7, 1905,"
North Carolina Journal of Law, II (August, 1905), 380.
89 Biggs, Bar Report, 1904, 59-60.
90 Chadbourn, "Activities of the N. C. Bar Association," 105-106. In 1933
the North Carolina State Bar was incorporated and the examination of
applicants was turned over to that organization. See A. Hewson Michie,
Charles W. Sublett, Beirne Stedman (eds.), The General Statutes of North
Carolina of 1943 (Charlottesville, Va., 1943), Chapter 84, Section 24 and
Article VIII of the "Rules, Regulations, Organization, and Canons of
Ethics of the North Carolina State Bar," found as Appendix VI in Volume
IV of The General Statutes of North Carolina of 1943, 55-56. Today, every
licensed attorney is automatically a member of the North Carolina State
Bar; membership in the North Carolina Bar Association is purely volun-
tary. See The General Statutes of North Carolina of 1943, Ch. 84, Sees. 16
and 35.
52 The North Carolina Historical Review
tion and set forth rules to guide members in their practice.
They recommended that the lawyers refrain from public
criticism of judges, that they not seek special favors in court,
that they be frank in dealing with one another, that they be
punctual, that they control their tempers, that they be faithful
to their clients and also the law and to God, and that numer-
ous other rules of ethics be observed.91 In 1901 a resolution
was passed which provided that the Association draw up a bill
for the legislature on disbarment.92 The next year a special
committee was appointed to draft such a bill.93 In 1903 Biggs
made the statement that North Carolina had little legislation
on the important subject of disbarment; he, therefore, moved
that the matter be referred to committee, a step which was
taken.94 A draft of a bill was prepared in 1905 and passed in
1906.95
The lawyers frequently expressed dissatisfaction with the
crowded dockets and emphasized the need for additional
judges. The idea of rotation of judges was introduced and
discussed.96 The efforts of the Association to abolish the
rotation system of judges were unsuccessful.97
In 1902 a resolution was introduced suggesting that the
Supreme Court judges of the state be requested to wear robes
as they presided. Such a resolution called forth heated dis-
cussions on "democratic simplicity" against the formality of
judicial dress. The resolution did pass, however.98 In 1903
the secretary reported that Chief Justice Walter Clark had
replied to the Association on the question of robes. He wrote:
With the greatest deference to the wishes of your Association,
we are constrained to say that we do not feel at liberty to insti-
tute such a [sic] innovation upon the habits and traditions of the
Court. "
81 Biggs, Bar Report, 1900, 87-97.
92 Biggs, Bar Report, 1901, 21-22.
83 The News and Observer, July 11, 1902.
84 Biggs, Bar Report, 1903, 45.
95 Chadbourn, "Activities of the N. C. Bar Association," 103.
96 Biggs, Bar Report, 1900, 37-48 and Bar Report, 1901, 42-47.
97 Chadbourn, "Activities of the N. C. Bar Association," 103.
68 Biggs, Bar Report, 1902, 62-66.
"Biggs, Bar Report, 1903, 57.
North Carolina Bar Association 53
The Bar Association was more successful in its efforts to
bring about the codification of the laws than it was in per-
suading the judges to wear robes. There had been no codifi-
cation since 1885. It was because of the efforts of the Asso-
ciation that a revision was begun soon after the bar organ-
ized.100 In 1902 the Asheville Citizen went so far as to say
that the lawyers were considering the problem of codification
because the laws were so intricate that they could not be
understood.101 In 1903 the secretary reminded the members
that at the two previous meetings the Association had favored
a Code Commission. He announced that the General As-
sembly had created such a Commission composed of three
members, its chairman being the president of the Bar Asso-
ciation.102 In 1905 a revisal of the laws was issued.103
Still another problem which was discussed by the attorneys
was that of the jury system. Many people did not agree with
Clement Manly of Winston who spoke of the juror as "the
most dignified person that God Almighty ever created."104
They wanted to be exempted from jury service; the question
of exemptions, particularly as to ministers and physicians,
was discussed at length.105 The final decision was that the
Association would recommend that there be no exemptions,
without specific cause, except in the case of ministers.106
The discussions mentioned above give a general idea of
the problems which confronted lawyers and which they
hoped to solve. At the meetings hours were spent listening
to speeches, both of North Carolina and of visiting attorneys.
The subjects varied widely.
In 1900 Armistead Burwell of Charlotte spoke on the legal
rights of married women. He did not feel that there should
be any changes which would remove their disabilities, con-
tending that women were content; though they were classed
as incapable, they ruled with "almost divine intelligence . . ."
100 Interview with R. N. Simms, Sr., June 29, 1950.
101 Asheville Citizen, July 10, 1902.
103 Biggs, Bar Report, 1903, 58.
103 Interview with R. N. Simms, Sr., June 29, 1950.
104 The News and Observer, June 22, 1904.
105 Biggs, Bar Report, 190 U, 16, 21, 23-24.
108 The News and Observer, June 22, 1904.
54 The North Carolina Historical Review
in their homes.107 The News and Observer called the address
"a masterly effort . . . [which] was highly complimented by
the members of the association."308 James E. Shiplands
speech on the development of the science of the law "was
an able paper, full of thought and information";109 Charles M.
Stedman's presidential address of 1901, "Characterized by
deep earnestness and convincing eloquence . . . was an effort
not easily to be surpassed!" no Though the address of Charles
M. Blackford, a visitor from Lynchburg who spoke on "The
Influence of the English Speaking Lawyer in Preserving the
Liberty of the English Speaking Race," m lasted an hour or
over, the audience paid "flattering attention."112
In 1902 the Association was enlightened as to the laws
of Louisiana by Francis T. Nichols, the Louisiana chief
justice. He discussed the history of the state under the dom-
ination of France, Spain, and the United States, as well as
her laws.113 Not only did lawyers learn about Louisiana law;
in 1904 they heard about the law of Washington state from
R. C. Strudwick.114
The lawyers never feared broad subjects. James M. Mac-
Rae spoke at the 1902 meeting on "The Triumph of Equity,"
in which he "entertained" the audience for more than an
hour. He discussed the history of the early government of the
world, not failing to discuss old Roman laws; his remarks
"elicited much cheering." 115 George F. Rountree of Wil-
mington spoke on the Supreme Court of the United States,
a history of the court.116 Also in 1902 came Charles M.
Rusbee's presidential address, on legal ethics and admission
to the bar. He was distressed because the actions of the few
lowered the profession in the eyes of the public. The speech
was one which would "interest lawyers, . . . business men,
107 Biggs, Bar Report, 1900, 128-142.
108 The News and Observer, June 29, 1900.
109 The News and Observer, June 30, 1900.
110 The News and Observer, June 27, 1901.
111 Biggs, Bar Report, 1901, 83-114.
112 The News and Observer, June 28, 1901.
™ Asheville Citizen, July 10, 1902.
114 The News and Observer, June 21, 1904.
115 Asheville Citizen, July 10, 1902 and The News and Observer, July 11,
1902.
118 Asheville Citizen, July 11, 1902.
North Carolina Bar Association 55
farmers and mechanics. ... It is able, timely and interesting,"
according to The News and Observer.117
The next year, 1903, the lawyers heard Seymour D. Thomp-
son of New York on "Twentieth Century Problems," which
difficulties included foreign immigration, with emphasis on
the problems created by the immigrants' rapid rate of repro-
duction; the race problem in the South; imperialism of the
United States; and the labor problem.118 The address was
"ornate [,] scholarly and eloquent. . . ."119 Francis D. Win-
ston's speech on "The Historical Value of Our Court Rec-
ords," was "delivered in his own peculiarly happy and pleas-
ant manner. . . ." 12° The North Carolina Journal of Law felt
that the addresses of 1903 "were of the highest order of
merit. . . ,"121
At each meeting some local lawyer welcomed the visitors
to the host city. The welcoming address of 1900 is evidence
that not all was serious business at the legal meetings. The
Asheville lawyer said:
Our customs and usages will not be disagreeable to you, but
in order to follow them you need not consult Gould on Waters,
but you may casually examine Black on Intoxicating Liquors.
All your demurrers to our customs will be overruled, and no
devices of yours can change them. . . . We will covenant and
guarantee to you a good time, if you will only follow our advice
— which, different from our usual custom, we will give you free
of charge. 122
The lawyers thoroughly enjoyed their gatherings. A vari-
ety of entertainment was provided for them at their meetings.
The afternoon of June 28, 1900, they rode street cars around
Asheville and had refreshments at the Swannanoa Country
Club. The next afternoon they drove through the Biltmore
117 J. Crawford Biggs (ed.), Report of the Fourth Annual Meeting of the
North Carolina Bar Association, Held at Battery Park Hotel, Asheville,
N. C, July 9, 10, and 11, 1902 (Durham, 1902), 113-127, hereinafter cited
Biggs, Bar Report, 1902. See also The News and Observer, July 10, 1902.
1U Biggs, Bar Report, 1903, 95, 102-103, 106-113.
119 The News and Observer, July 4, 1903.
120 Biggs, Bar Report, 1903, 121-139. See also The News and Observer,
July 4, 1903.
121 "The North Carolina Bar Association," North Carolina Journal of Law,
I (January, 1904), 31.
122 Biggs, Bar Report, 1900, 6.
56 The North Carolina Historical Review
Estate.123 In 1902 the Asheville bar invited members and their
families to a trolley ride to Overlook Hill.124 The following
year they enjoyed a moonlight sail, compliments of the boat-
men of Morehead City. That same year some of the lawyers
made catches of mackerel at Morehead.125 On the way to their
homes from Morehead, many of the lawyers stopped at New
Bern for an excursion down the river.126 In 1901 the attorneys
were invited to inspect Fort Caswell, though generally civili-
ans were not admitted.127 At the same meeting they heard
the secretary announce that a ball game would be played in
Wilmington.128
Banquets were favorites with the lawyers. In Asheville in
1900 they banqueted at the Battery Park Hotel,129 where the
"toasts were brilliant and the spread luxurious." 130 In 1901 a
"brilliant german ... in the ball room of the Seashore Hotel
. . . served as a fitting finale for this occasion. The ball was an
elegant affair and was attended by members of the Bar As-
sociation and other guests at the hotel and society people of
Wilmington."131 A smoker was held at the Battery Park Hotel
at the 1902 meeting in Asheville.132 In closing that session,
the newly elected president of the Association invited the
members to adjourn to a cafe downstairs. "This announce-
ment was received with much applause and the invitation
unanimously accepted."133
By 1905 the Bar Association was well established. Includ-
ing honorary members the Association had 285 members in
1904. 134 The attorneys who attended the meetings found
fellowship and social life, heard profound and lengthy ad-
dresses, and discussed serious problems relating to the legal
profession and to the relationships of the profession to the
123 Biggs, Bar Report, 1900, 17, 34-35.
124 Biggs, Bar Report, 1902, 25.
125 The News and Observer, July 4, 1903.
126 "North Carolina Bar Association," North Carolina Journal of Law,
(January, 1904), 33.
127 Biggs, Bar Report, 1901, 41-42.
128 Biggs, Bar Report, 1901, 17.
™ Semi-Weekly Citizen (Asheville), July 3, 1900.
130 The News and Observer, June 30, 1900.
131 The News and Observer, June 29, 1901.
182 The News and Observer, July 12, 1902.
138 Asheville Citizen, July 11, 1902.
184 Biggs, Bar Report, 190 A, 49-50.
North Carolina Bar Association 57
public. As the editor of the North Carolina Journal of Law
indicated, the deliberations of the body had borne fruit in
that some of the laws had been improved.135 The members
felt the need of their Association and realized its importance.
When Charles Price of Salisbury was elected president, in
1902, he said that he appreciated the honor even more than
he would the chief justiceship of North Carolina.136 Perhaps
he stated the case more strongly than most lawyers would
have done, but there is no doubt but that the Association by
1904 merited the support of lawyers. The organization, ac-
cording to Paul Jones, was intended "to be of the lawyers,
by the lawyers, and for the lawyers." 137 The members of the
bar were leaders of North Carolina;138 the Charlotte Daily
Observer went so far as to call the profession the "ablest in
the State."139 The organization, according to a News and
Observer prophecy, was "destined not only to live, but to
flourish like a green bay tree."140 Time has fulfilled this
prophecy.
135 "The Bar Association," North Carolina Journal of Law, II (July,
1905), 295.
138 Asheville Citizen, July 11, 1902.
137 "The Bar Association," North Carolina Law Journal, II (March,
[1902]), 317.
138 The News and Observer, July 3, 1903.
139 Charlotte Daily Observer, June 21, 1904.
140 The News and Observer, June 28, 1901.
THE COLORED INDUSTRIAL ASSOCIATION OF
NORTH CAROLINA AND ITS FAIR OF 1886
By Frenise A. Logan
Among the more important agencies promoting Negro
welfare in the South after Reconstruction were Negro spon-
sored state- wide industrial and agricultural fairs. Although
of significance in their day, these efforts for self-betterment
by southern Negroes are not well known by present-day
historians, perhaps because they have been obscured by more
extensive publicity and historical research given to the res-
toration and consolidation of white supremacy in the South
in the 1870's and 1880's. In this article an effort is made to
place these fairs in their setting; and those of one state are
emphasized: the agricultural and industrial exhibitions spon-
sored by the Colored Industrial Association of North Caro-
lina. The fairs of this State are selected because they, being
the first of their kind in the South, most clearly reveal the
philosophy and motivations of all such undertakings; they
attracted the widest recognition; and they appeared to be the
most important and interesting. Rather than recite a year by
year account of these annual gatherings, the 1886 exhibition
is selected as representative of all fairs preceding and suc-
ceeding it.
The Colored Industrial Association of North Carolina was
organized in 1879 by a group of twenty-two Raleigh Negroes
with a capital stock of $20,000. Its expressed intent was to
improve and educate the Negroes of the state as well as to
demonstrate at an annual fair the progress and capabilities
of that race.1 Perhaps the clearest statement of the purpose
of this organization and its reasons for sponsoring annual
fairs was set forth by one of its founders, Charles N. Hunter,
on the eve of the first exhibition in Raleigh in the autumn
of 1879.
1 Laivs and Resolutions of the State of North Carolina, 1879, 799-800.
T58]
The Colored Industrial Association 59
Many circumstances combine to render such a gathering not
only desirable, but of the highest importance. Fifteen years are
on the eve of completion since universal Negro emancipation in
the American Republic became a fixed and accepted fact. With
keenest interest the world has been watching every indication
of progress on the part of the emancipated race. Many regarded
the experiment with doubt and anxiety, fearing lest we should
prove unequal to the great and grave requirements of indepen-
dent freemen . . .
Despite all the disadvantages of our surroundings, we have
already made advances which give promise of a bright and a
happy future. . . . The design of the North Carolina Industrial
Association, and the object of the Industrial Fair, is to place
before the world every evidence of our progress as a race which
it is possible to secure. In this work we call upon our farmers,
mechanics, artizans, and educators, to come forward and place
on exhibition their best productions.,-2
By 1886 these aims were largely realized. In less than a
decade after its inception, then, the Colored Industrial Asso-
ciation of North Carolina had become a major force in the
economic life of the Negroes of the State. Recognition of this
fact came from without as well as from within North Carolina.
For example, Blanche K. Bruce, the first Negro elected to the
United States Senate, declared that the exhibitions ought to
convince the most skeptical that the Negro "had arrived."
In 1886 in a letter to Charles N. Hunter, one of the two secre-
taries of the association for that year, the Senator from Mis-
sissippi declared that the fairs organized by the Negroes of
North Carolina had conclusively attested to the progress of
the Negroes. He went on to say that the Negro expositions
in the State proved not only "the hopeful growth of the race,
but have supplied the opportunity and the evidence alike of
our capacity to conduct such enterprises."3
2 Clipping from the Journal of Industry (Raleigh), in the Charles N.
Hunter Scrapbook, 1879-1888, Charles N. Hunter Papers, Duke University,
hereinafter cited as Hunter Scrapbook and/or Hunter Papers. The Journal
of Industry, edited by Charles N. and Oliver Hunter, was the official organ
of the Colored Industrial Association of North Carolina. This writer, un-
fortunately, has been unable to locate any complete copies of this newspaper.
For an interesting eye-witness account of the 1879 fair, see the article ''The
Colored Fair at Raleigh, N. C. ," in Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper,
XLIX (December, 1879), 242-243.
3 Bruce to Hunter, October 14, 1886, Hunter Papers. See also letter from
George Wassom to Governor Alfred M. Scales, September 17, 1886, Gov-
ernors' Papers, North Carolina Department of Archives and History, Ra-
leigh, hereinafter cited as Governors' Papers.
60 The North Carolina Historical Review
Having satisfied themselves that the organization was a
"growing concern," the Executive Council of the Colored
Industrial Association of North Carolina was determined to
make the 1886 fair "the finest ever." Although not scheduled
to open in Raleigh until November 9, plans for the exposition
were launched some nine months earlier. The other secretary
of the association for 1886, George T. Wassom, writing in the
1886 April-May issue of The Appeal, a Negro newspaper,
urged all Negroes of the state to support the fair because of
"race pride," and because they must "demonstrate to the
Southern white people that 'Ethiopia' has put forth her hand
in the new world." 4
The plans of the Colored Industrial Association of North
Carolina for the 1886 fair, however, called for more than
mere appeals to race pride. In order to further interest in and
support of the fair among the Negroes, the association organ-
ized local committees and contacted prominent Negro leaders
in various sections of North Carolina and urged them to
"spread the news." Thus on September 10, 1886, John S.
Lewis, a Negro lawyer from Lumberton, promising to do all
in his power to "work up" an interest in the fair among the
Negroes of his section, began a speaking tour which lasted
nearly six weeks. With the aid of a pass on the "C. C. R. R.," 5
he canvassed the section of North Carolina between Char-
lotte and Wilmington, embracing the counties of Union,
Anson, Richmond, Columbus, and Bladen. 6 On October 8,
as Lewis neared the end of his tour, he wrote Wassom that
the prospects for a good representation at the fair from the
area he had covered were excellent.7 From Asheville a Negro,
J. E. Thomas, informed the association that the local com-
mittee was performing a most creditable job and that "quite
an interest is manifested in the fair and from all indications,
we should have quite a concourse of people from the 'Land
of the Sky" [Buncombe County].8 From Warrenton J. R.
* Clipping from The Appeal, April-May, 1886, Hunter Scrapbook, 1887-
1928, Hunter Papers.
5 Carolina Central Railroad.
6 Lewis to Wassom, August 12, September 7, September 10, 1886, Hunter
Papers.
7 Lewis to Wassom, October 8, 1886, Hunter Papers.
8 Thomas to Wassom, August 21, 1886, Hunter Papers.
The Colored Industrial Association 61
Hawkins wrote Wassom that the hand-bills and premium
list 9 sent him would be posted in conspicuous places and that
he would spare no energy in arousing interest among the
Negroes in behalf of the association. He continued:
I am proud of what has been done, and hope to see greater
and grander things accomplished. With the work in the hands of
our worthy President, Mr. Leary and yourself as secretary, I am
hopeful of success. I feel it a duty that I owe to my race and my-
self to encourage the enterprise. Whatever I can do to assist you
within the bounds of my ability, I am yours to command. 10
Reports from local committees and speakers in other towns
and counties of the State were equally as optimistic, enthusi-
astic and "dedicated." n
The plans for the 1886 fair also included enlisting the co-
operation of the railroads of the state, notably the Seaboard
and Roanoke and Atlantic Coast Line. In consequence of
appeals by the Colored Industrial Association of North Caro-
lina, these railroads not only provided members of the asso-
ciation and its speakers with free passes, but they agreed to
sell reduced round trip tickets to all Negroes attending the
fair in Raleigh.12 The Atlantic Coast Line and the Cape Fear
and Yadkin Valley railroads also agreed to transport articles
intended for the exhibition at regular rates one way, and on
presentation of certificates from the association that the
articles had been on exhibition at the fair, the lines would
return the articles to the original shipping point free and
refund the amount paid on the articles going.13 Without this
9 A list of the prizes, usually ranging from fifty cents to $25.00, for the
best articles submitted to the various departments of the fair.
10 Hawkins to Wassom, August 23, 1886, Hunter Papers.
II See letters to Wassom from Nellie E. Cox, September 4; W. C. Coleman,
September 6; J. A. Wright, September 3; Hugh Cale, August 24, 1886,
Hunter Papers. Interestingly enough, attempts to arouse interest in the
fair was not confined to North Carolina. Oliver Hunter, brother of Charles
N. Hunter, and one of the founders of the Colored Industrial Association
of North Carolina, wrote Wassom from Washington, D. C that the former
minister to Liberia and a Negro, J. Smyth, and "other dignitaries" would
be present, Hunter to Wassom, November 1, 1886, Hunter Papers.
™ See letters to Wassom from L. T. Myers, July 8, 13, 1886; S. Hass,
August 11, 1886; F. W. Clark, October 26, 1886, Hunter Papers.
MT. M. Emerson to Wassom, October 7, 1886; letter from the Office of the
General Superintendent, Cape Fear and Yadkin Valley Railroad to Wassom,
October 7, 1886, Hunter Papers.
62 The North Carolina Historical Review
unselfish support of the railroad companies, the success of
these annual gatherings would have been placed in jeopardy.
Lack of adequate or even sufficient funds on the part of both
the association and the Negroes who desired to attend or
submit articles was a perennially vexatious problem. It was,
therefore, only through this "outside" assistance that the
fairs sponsored by the Colored Industrial Association of North
Carolina continued to be of such a high order.
That finance was a real and pressing problem can be seen
in a letter the president of the association, John S. Leary,
wrote to Wassom on October 26, 1886. Leary requested that
Wassom itemize the indebtedness of the 1885 fair and the
amount of indebtedness anticipated for the 1886 exhibition
as well as the "amount of money, if any, secured from all
sources for the present fair." 14 While the records do not reveal
whether Wassom complied with this particular request of
Leary, they do show that the association in 1886 received
some financial support from "other sources." Individual don-
ors included some of North Carolina's leading white bankers,
businessmen and industrialists.15 To supplement these private
contributions, stock in the Colored Industrial Association of
North Carolina was sold.16 However, despite these donations,
and if the final report of Wassom can be believed, the total
amount of cash received by the association from "all sources"
in 1886 was a moderate $598.80.17 Thus it appears that had
the railroad companies not offered their facilities with little
or no charge to the Colored Industrial Association of North
Carolina, it is extremely doubtful if that organization could
have survived. Certainly, its effectiveness would have been
greatly impaired.
14 Leary to Wassom, October 20, 1886, Hunter Papers.
13 See for example, letters from Julian S. Carr, October 30, 1886; P.
Cowper, October 29, 1886; Oliver Hunter, October 21, 1886, Hunter Papers.
16 Statement by James Young, March 31, 1886, Hunter Papers. It was not
until 1887 that the Colored Industrial Association of North Carolina received
any state support. In that year, at the request of the governor, Alfred M.
Scales, the North Carolina legislature granted $1,000. Alfred M. Scales,
Letterbook, 1886-1889, 83-84, North Carolina Department of Archives and
History. See also Laws and Resolutions of the State of North Carolina,
1887, 772-773.
17 Clipping from The Outlook (Raleigh), July 28, 1887, Hunter Scrapbook,
1886-1921, Hunter Papers.
The Colored Industrial Association 63
Encouraging the submission of articles by the Negro farm-
ers, artisans, and housewives of North Carolina was a vital
part of the pre-fair activities of the North Carolina Industrial
Association. In reply to letters sent out by the association,
the Negroes of the State responded by "promising" items
which included homemade boats, needlework, shoes, silk
quilts, poultry, crazy-patchwork quilts, a variety of farm
products, and one coffin and hearse.18 Contributions from
prominent Negroes from outside the state were also solicited.
T. Thomas Fortune, editor of the New York Freeman, wrote
the association that he was certain his publishers would for-
ward to them a copy of his work, Black and White.19 William
Still, author of the Underground Railroad, agreed to forward
"2 or 3 copies of the U. G. R. R." to the 1886 fair.20
Notwithstanding these "herculean efforts" to insure an
excellent exhibit and a large attendance, it should occasion
no surprise to note that there existed some non-interest among
the Negroes of the State toward the fair. For example, a
member of the association in Western North Carolina wrote
Wassom :
We have called three mass meetings but have not had, at
either, a full attendance though we are not discouraged. I think
we shall be able yet to give Western N. C, Buncombe County
especially, a full representation, if not in articles or funds, I am
certain, almost sure a number of people.
Anything like this doesn't seem to interest our people at first,
like many other things of less importance, but if we continue to
agitate no doubt we shall bring them out. 21
A supporter from the eastern part of the State voiced a
similar feeling.22 In one instance a worker of the North Caro-
18 Letters to Wassom from J. L. Montgomery, October 8, 1886; John A.
Strange, Richmond, Virginia, October 28, 1886; L. R. Randolph, October 21,
1886; unidentified writer, New Bern, North Carolina, October 21, 1886;
Mamie Alexander, October 27, 1886, Hunter Papers.
19 Fortune to Wassom, October 16, 1886, Hunter Papers. Fortune's work
was published in 1884 and discussed very ably contemporary political and
economic problems of the South as they effected the Negro. For a brief
but critical appraisal of the book, see Herbert J. Doherty, Jr., "Voices of
Protests from the New South," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Vol.
42 (June, 1955), 47-49.
20 Still to Wassom, October 19, 1886, Hunter Papers.
21 John A. Love to Wassom, September 19, 1886, Hunter Papers.
22 Maggie Whiteman to Wassom, October 21, 1886, Hunter Papers.
64 The North Carolina Historical Review
lina Industrial Association was rebuffed by a minister of the
gospel. In an attempt "to get up a meeting" in the Negro
Methodist Church of Goldsboro, B. S. Stevens was curtly
refused by the minister on the grounds that he did not "want
such matters in his church."23 Despite these occasional in-
stances of disinterest, it is reasonable to assume that interest
in and support of the fair by the Negroes was general and
widespread throughout North Carolina.
Another important phase of pre-fair planning was the se-
lection of speakers. Excluding state and federal government
officials, the association usually sought Negroes of national
and international reputation to address the crowds attending
the fairs. The exposition of 1886 was no exception to this
practice. The governor of North Carolina, Alfred M. Scales,
was extended and he accepted the invitation to open the fair
on November 9.24 In spite of a busy schedule, Henry W. Blair,
United States Senator from New Hampshire, "gratefully ac-
cepted an invitation.25 Among the Negroes invited to address
the 1886 fair was John M. Langston, former United States
Representative from Virginia. In his acceptance letter Lang-
ston praised the effort of the North Carolina group "to better
the condition of our people by stimulating them to habits of
industry, economy and progressive enterprise." 26 Of the Ne-
groes who were extended invitations but were unable to
attend the 1886 exhibition, T. Thomas Fortune and Booker T.
Washington were the most notable.27 The Colored Industrial
Association of North Carolina, in urging Fortune to address
the fair, said that he was especially welcome because "we
23 Stevens to Wassom, October 27, 1886, Hunter Papers.
24 Wassom to Scales, September 17, 1886, Governors' Papers; C. M. Arm-
field, private secretary to the Governor, to Wassom, September 18, 1886,
Hunter Papers.
25 Blair to Wassom, August 30, 1886, Hunter Papers. In 1886 Blair's name
was familiar to most southerners, Negro and white. Some five years earlier,
in 1881, he introduced in the Senate a bill to distribute among the states
on the basis of illiteracy $120,000,000 covering a period of ten years. In
1886 the bill was still being debated in the federal congress.
26 Langston to Wassom, August 17, 27, 1886, Hunter Papers.
27 Thomas was viewed in 1886 as one of America's foremost Negro news-
paper editors. A bitter foe of "second-class" citizenship for his race, he
represented the more militant type of Negro leadership. Washington in 1886,
though nine years before he was to make his famous Atlanta speech, was
rapidly rising to the fore as a Negro leader of the moderate, conservative
school.
The Colored Industrial Association 65
look upon you as one of the national leaders of the race who
dares to utter the truth in the Negroes' behalf. . . ." Fortune
replied that because he was an outspoken, militant crusader
for Negro rights, the support which his newspaper, The Free-
man, received would not permit him to attend the fair.
I have to stand at my post because I cannot go away without
positive sacrifice. If I were more of a white man's Negro and
less a Negro's Negro, I am sure I would have less cause to com-
plain in matters of support. But I would not do so much good
for the race, nor satisfy my own opinion of what is just and
proper ... I am not ashamed to be poor for the reasons that
make me so. 28
Booker T. Washington, Principal of the Tuskegee Normal
School, was unable to attend because the Negroes of Alabama
were preparing an exhibit to be included in the Alabama
State Fair (white) which opened in Montgomery on the same
date ( November 9 ) as the Negro fair in North Carolina. Since
he was scheduled to take an active part in the proceedings,
his presence in Montgomery, Washington informed the asso-
ciation, was imperative.29
Despite these disappointments, the fair opened in Raleigh
on November 9. The four-day occasion was properly initiated
by a procession. At its head were two military bands, the
Kinston Band and the Oak City Blues, two fire companies,
the Victor and Bucket of Raleigh. Then followed a carriage
drawn by "four cream colored horses abreast" which con-
tained the executive officers of the association. Behind the
executive carriage was another in which sat the invited guest.
The procession moved through the heart of North Carolina's
capitol city to the fair grounds where they and the assembled
crowd, a large but orderly multitude," heard an address
by John M. Langston.30 Following the speech of the Negro
from Virginia, the crowd turned to view the "best produc-
28 Fortune to Wassom, October 18, 1886, Hunter Papers.
29 Washington to Hunter, October 16, 1886; L. Mayo to Hunter, October
20, 1886, Hunter Papers.
30 Clipping from the Evening Visitor (Raleigh), November 10, 1886 in the
Hunter Scrapbook, 1886-1921, Hunter Papers. This newspaper title varies
(1879 to 1895) as Evening Visitor, Daily Evening Visitor, Raleigh Evening
Visitor and Raleigh Times.
66 The North Carolina Historical Review
tions" of the Negro artisans, farmers, mechanics, and edu-
cators of North Carolina.31
The fair lasted four days, ending on November 12. General
reaction to it, as evidenced in the Raleigh press, was most
favorable. According to one Capital City paper, the 1886
exhibition "not only equals but in many respects excels all
that has preceded it." Special praise was given by the editor
to the exhibits of needlework, decorative household work, oil
paintings and stock and poultry. One of the "curiosities" at
the fair was a table which contained 365 squares and was
made of seventy-two different kinds of wood collected within
a half mile of the capitol.32 The News and Observer was im-
pressed by cotton stalks ten feet tall, corn stalks twelve feet
in length, and some collard greens four feet tall. The stock
display included "some of the finest hogs in the State . . . ." 33
The State Chronicle ( Raleigh ) declared that the products on
exhibition would convince the most skeptical of the progress
of the Negro race.34
White newspapers in other cities of the State were equally
as effusive in their commendations. For example, on Novem-
ber 16 the editor of the Daily Chronicle (Charlotte) wrote:
31 If the organization of the 1879 exhibition can be taken as representative
of the fairs sponsored by the Colored Industrial Association of North
Carolina, the articles on display at the 1886 fair were divided into thirteen
"departments. " Over each "department" several judges presided who were
appointed by the Association to award premiums, prizes and diplomas for
the most outstanding articles in their respective groups. The thirteen "de-
partments" were as follows : Department A : field crops and samples of field
crops; Department B: horses, mules, cattle, sheep and swine; Department
C: poultry, bees and honey; Department D: household supplies; Department
E: horticulture, orchard and wines; Department F: manufacture of home-
made articles; Department G: fine arts, painting, drawing, musical instru-
ments; Department H: mechanic arts, carpenter's work, vehicles, cabinet
and upholster's work; Department I: agricultural implements; Department
J : saddlery, harness ; Department K : plowing match ; Department L : dairy
and vegetable garden; Department M: educational production, map draw-
ing, essays, penmanship. Clipping from the Journal of Industry (Raleigh),
n. d. in the Hunter Scrapbook, 1879-1888, Hunter Papers.
32 Clipping from The Raleigh Times, November 11, 1886 in the Hunter
Scrapbook, 1885-1929, Hunter Papers. See also The News and Observer
(Raleigh), November 10, 1886, hereinafter cited as The News and Observer.
33 The News and Observer, November 16, 1886.
941 The State Chronicle (Raleigh), November 11, 1886, hereinafter cited
as State Chronicle.
The Colored Industrial Association 67
The colored people of North Carolina can point with pride to
their State and Industrial Fair. It was very successful and dis-
played great advancement in their industrial pursuits and many
of the higher arts. The colored people of this State, those who
have shown a disposition to work and take advantage of their
opportunities, are progressing as rapidly as any people under
the sun and their recent State Fair bears marked evidence of
this fact. 35
Governor Scales and Senator Blair both described the 1886
fair as "most creditable." 36
In conclusion it may be pointed out that the annual fairs
sponsored by the Colored Industrial Association of North
Carolina benefitted both the Negro minority and the state at
large. There is no question but that the exhibitions promoted
a degree of harmony, co-operation and mutual respect be-
tween the two races; that they stimulated the Negroes to
improve their livestock, farm products, tools and machinery
by offering prizes for the superior articles; that they advanced
the material interests of North Carolina as a whole by encour-
aging the development of the educational, agricultural and
industrial resources of the Negro people of the State.
35 Clipping from Hunter Scrapbook, 1886-1921, Hunter Papers.
38 Alfred M. Scales Letter Book, 1885-1889, North Carolina Department of
Archives and History; The State Chronicle, November 18, 1886.
CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF HENRY W. BARROW
TO JOHN W. FRIES
Edited by Marian H. Blair
The Peoples Press published in Salem (Winston-Salem)
on Friday, April 26, 1861, carried the following editorial
comment:
With our friend of the Hillsborough Recorder we have not
changed our opinion as to the impolicy of secession as a measure
of redress or a security to our peculiar institution, nor of the
value of the Union as the source of the unexampled prosperity
of the whole country. But all our fondest hopes for an amicable
adjustment of our sectional difficulties have been blasted.1
Three weeks later, in the Friday, May 17 issue, the editor
states that "Two Volunteer companies formed in this county
are now quartered among citizens of Winston and Salem.
They are drilled regularly and will soon be thoroughly equip-
ped for the camp when they will offer their services to the
Governor." This was three days before the convention meet-
ing in Raleigh approved the secession of North Carolina and
"Ratified the Provisional Constitution of the Confederate
States of America."2 On June 21 The Peoples Press records
that "On Monday morning last the First and Second com-
panies of Forsyth Volunteers— the 'Riflemen' and the 'Grays,'
took their departure from this place for Danville, Virginia."
One of the volunteers from Salem was Henry W. Barrow
whose letters, written from various camps in 1861, 1864, and
1865 and preserved among the papers of John W. Fries, give
intimate glimpses of personal experiences during the war.
Henry Barrow, son of Moses and Sarah Barrow, was born
January 28, 1828, on a farm near Salem. He attended Trinity
College for one year, and then came to Salem where for
1 From the files in the Moravian Archives, Winston-Salem, hereinafter
cited as Moravian Archives.
2 Hugh Talmage Lefler and Albert Ray Newsome, North Carolina, The
History of a Southern State (Chapel Hill: The University of North Caro-
lina Press, 1954), 425, hereinafter cited as Lefler and Newsome, North
Carolina.
[68]
Civil War Letters of Henry W. Barrow 69
thirty-seven years he was employed by the firm of F. and H.
Fries. He became a member of the Moravian Church in
1856, and until the beginning of the War, lived with the
family of Francis Fries, senior partner of the firm. In 1861
he enlisted in the Twenty-first Regiment of North Carolina
Volunteers, serving as corporal, and was later promoted to
regimental quartermaster sergeant. He was one of five
brothers, all of whom served in the army and several of whom
were severely wounded.3
John W. Fries, son of Francis Fries, to whom the letters
were written, was, during the Civil War, detailed for service
in the mills of F. and H. Fries which were making cloth for
Confederate uniforms.4 He was only fifteen years of age when
the war beg^n, but two years later upon the death of his
father in 1863, he shared the full responsibility of the mills
with his uncle, Henry Fries, and eventually became head of
the firm. Supplies were frequently sent from Salem to the
men in camp by wagons from the mills, and it is easy to
imagine with what anticipation the young soldiers looked
forward to the arrival of the wagons bringing word from
home— and with what anxious hearts those in Salem awaited
the return of the wagons with news from the front.
The letters, written as they were, hurriedly and in poorly
lighted tents, have many errors in spelling and punctuation
for which the writer frequently apologizes. Yet, although the
form is faulty, and although there is no new information about
the many battles in which the Twenty-first Regiment fought,
the letters are of interest because they make vivid the prob-
lems, other than military, with which the Southern army
was faced. Barrow writes of the recurring attacks of fever
which kept needed men from the battle line, of the totally
inadequate provisions for caring for those who were ill, and,
in the last months of the war, of the desperate need for shoes,
the difficulty of foraging for food, and the growing discour-
agement in the face of impending disaster.
8 From the "Memoir," Moravian Archives (unpublished manuscript).
In succeeding footnotes there are a number of references made to "memoirs"
of individuals which are housed in the Moravian Archives.
* "North Carolina was the only state with the obligation to clothe its own
troops in the Confederate armies." Lefler and Newsome, North Carolina, 430.
70
The North Carolina Historical Review
Most of the letters were written in 1861. No letters by Bar-
row written in 1862 and 1863 have been preserved. The
spring of 1862 marked the beginning of the Valley campaign,
and the Twenty-first Regiment "marched and counter march-
ed up and down the Valley" 5 and took part in some of the
bloodiest battles of the war. At Gettysburg Major Beall re-
ports that "all the field officers of the Twenty-first were killed
and wounded except Colonel Kirkland" 6 who after the battle
was promoted to Brigadier General. Perhaps the rapid march,
the shifting lines of battle, and the distance from Salem made
the sending of mail impossible. If the letters were received
during those years, they must have been destroyed. Early
in 1864 the Twenty-first Regiment was moved to North
Carolina and most of the letters written by Barrow during
1864 and 1865 were sent from the eastern part of the
State. The last days of the struggle are not recorded by him
as he was not with the Twenty-first Regiment when, after
the fierce combat at Hatcher's Run, it retreated to Petersburg
and surrendered at Appomattox.
After the surrender Barrow returned to Salem and resumed
his work at the F. and H. Fries mills. In June, 1874, he mar-
ried Mrs. Nannie Webster Cardwell, sister of Colonel I. R.
Webster of Reidsville. They had one daughter. He continued
to live in Salem until his death on April 5, 1905. The "memoir"
read at his funeral speaks of him as "a good man, kind and
upright and faithful in all relations of life." 7
Camp Hill Danville Va July 4 1861
Mr John W. Fries
Dear friend
Yours of 30th came to hand in due time which was gratifying
to me to hear from you all again. I am somewhat low spirited,
we have this morning received a Telegrapick Dispatch that we
6 James F. Beall, "Twenty-First Regiment," Walter Clark (ed.), His-
tories of the Several Regiments and Battalions from North Carolina in the
Great War, 1861-65 (Raleigh: State of North Carolina, 5 volumes), II,
132. This reference is hereinafter cited as Beall, "Twenty-First Regiment,"
The volumes will hereinafter be cited as Clark, Histories of the Several
Regiments.
a Beall, "Twenty-First Regiment," II, 137.
7 Unpublished manuscript, Moravian Archives.
Civil War Letters of Henry W. Barrow 71
have to leave here for Richmond as soon as we can get ready. I
cant say how soon that will be, but I prosume it will be in a few
days ; I promise you will hear from the Election of officers over
this regiment The election took place on yesterday and resulted
in electing a man from Raleigh N. C. by the name of W. W. Kirk-
land 8 he is a young man I am told a competant man for Colonel,
and James M. Leach 9 for Leiutenant Colonel and a man from
Hillsboro N. C. for Major 10
I have nothing to write you that will be interesting Our com-
pany are all tolerable well with the exception of a man in our
company by the name of Jack Smith and Albert Alspaugh they
have both been in the Hospitle for several days I am told they
are on the mend. I am looking for your father's Wagon tonight
or tomorrow. Mr. Lewis Belo Wm Hauser and Charles Belo are
here and tell me \ that the Wagon started one day sooner then
they had expected. I would like very much to come to see you all
once more before I have to leave here. I have been building upon
some slender hopes that we would stay here a few weeks and I
would be able to leave here long enough to come to see you all
again but all hopes are blasted at present
I cant learn where we are to go from Richmond I fear we wont
find as pleasant a place as we have had here. I have fell very
much in love with this place and especially with some of the
good folks here in Town they are very clever to us. I want you
to show this to your Father I have been preparing and fixing up
tricks for the office of Commissary and have got up my recom-
mendation and this morning Telegraphed to Col. Kirkland at
Raleigh some of my friends say I will stand a tolerable good
chance but I dont think there is any chance for the reason Leach
has gone to Raleigh and he will do all he can against me and he
had Ham. Sheppard here already to fill the place before the elec-
tion I will write to you again soon how I came out but I feel like
I can tell you now I wont get any appointment with certainty.
This will look very bad to give the appointment to a man living
in another State but such things go by favors you know. I would
like to hear from you soon I will write you when I arrive at
Richmond. ... I must close for it is late and my light is very
bad I am lying in my tent writy by a bad light you can gane some
Idea how it goes Remember me to all the Family and all enquir-
ing friends. You will say to your Sisters that some of the Ladies
8 Major James F. Beall says of him : "This efficient and Accomplished
officer, with vigorous efforts, brought the regiment to a state of perfection
in discipline and drill." Beall, "Twenty-First Regiment," II, 129. Kirkland
was later promoted to Brigadier General.
9 Of Davidson County. After the War he served as a member of the
Lower House.
10 James F. Beall.
72 The North Carolina Historical Review
of Danville say we have decidedly the best looking Flag in
camp. n I think so myself. I was showing the Flag to some Ladies
yesterday they said I ought to be proud that we have at home
Ladies in our Town that can do such nice work as is on those
Flags I told them that was most certainly so
Respectfully
H. W. Barrow
You will Please say to your Father that I received his letter
with such a very good recommendation for which I feel myself
under many obligations to him and hope I can always conduct
myself in such a manner as to keep that noble high minded con-
fidence I would like to say more on this subject if I could. You
will please excuse bad writing and spelling for I know I have
made many mistakes
Yours Truly
H. W. Barrow
Camp Hardie Va August 28, 1861
Mr. John W. Fries
Salem N. C.
Dear Sir
I write you a few lines to let you know I am in the land of the
living. We left Camp Rhett on last Friday for this place. We
came a distance of Eleven miles North West direction We are
now nine miles north west of Manasses Junction but still intend
to send there every day for our mail and the Boxes of Goodies
we are looking for from home. We are at a tolerable nice place
and where we can have some favors. If there dont too many Regi-
ments come here. There are only Three here now But if more
come they will soon Eat up everything in this neighborhood We
have a considerable number sick here at this time I think half
of this Regiment is sick not able to do anything. Drs. Keen and
Douthet have not been here for sometime. We have no one but
Dr. Fulton of Stokes County being we had no one at all he left
u "The first flag of Forsyth County was made for Company I, Captain
A. H. Belo. It was made by Misses Bettie and Laura Lemly, Nellie Belo,
Carrie and Mary Fries [sisters of John W. Fries]. It was made of red,
white and blue silk, and was embroidered in large letters with yellow silk,
on the white side, with the words 'Liberty or Death'. After the war, Colonel
Belo settled in Texas, which accounts for the fact that after his death his
widow presented the flag to the Texas Room in the Confederate Museum at
Richmond, Va. The second flag was made by the same young ladies. They
could not get more silk like the first so used white silk for the whole flag,
embroidering it in blue silk. . . . Both of these flags were presented to the
Companies of the Forsyth Rifles. . . ." Mrs. John Huske Anderson, North
Carolina Women of the Confederacy ( Fayetteville : Published by the author,
1926), 112. The second flag is now in the Wachovia Museum, Winston-Salem.
Civil War Letters of Henry W. Barrow 73
his company and attended to all he could and has Broke himself
down.
But we have at last succeeded in procuring two Physicians
here at Head quarters that I am told are both very good Physi-
cians and by that means Fulton can rest and Recruit again.
We are in about two miles of the Winchester Rail Road Sta-
tion at a little place called Ganesville
We managed to have all of our sick that was able to travail
brot on the Rail Road of Ganesville and had them brot from
that place to this in Wagons We was compelled to leave some
that was not able to be mooved at all and some of them had died
since we have left that place it hurts my feelings very much to
have to say to you that we was compelled to leave Henry But-
ner 12 from Old Town I am expecting to hear of his Death at any
moment He has Typhoid Fevor of the worst kind; I think the
Doctors have gave his case up for gone. We left Pink Beles also
he is not very bad but somewhat excited if Butner is dead or
dies he will be the first we have lost out of the Forsythe Rifles
But as life is uncertain he may Recover and outlive many of us
after all.
We are living in tolerable Rough manners but I prosume from
what I can see and Learn about as many others We have to live
on very common coarse diet but this is what I expected before I
left home. I think if I can only keep my health I will try to make
the trip anyway, you had better believe I could tell you all some-
thing about hard times. We hope to have more favors shown us
in the section of the county where we are I road out about 2*/2
miles on yesterday with our Wagon master to buy some Hay for
Bedding in Tents we went to one Mr. Chinns about Dinner time
He and his good Lady gave us one of the best Dinners and de-
cidedly the best wine I think I have ever drinked in my life They
treated us so very well I almost forgot which one of the Boys I
was. When we started back the good Lady insisted on my taking
a bottle of her good wine with me to camp for some of my friends
who was troubled with Bowel complaints. She also insisted on
my coming back to Eat with them before we leave this place I
think I will go again
We bought a little watermellon yesterday at the Junction for
fifty cents and have just Eat it today you had better believe it
was good it had Red meat and Red seeds. This is the first I have
Eat this season.
I have been trying to find you a very nice Bomb Shell, if I
succeed I will try and send it by the first opportunity I saw a
peculiar one the other day it was all scolloped out it was a butif ul
33 Butner was reported as having died. See John Henry Clewell, History
of Wachovia in North Carolina (New York: Doubleday, Page and Com-
pany, 1902), 246, hereinafter cited as Clewell, History of Wachovia.
74 The North Carolina Historical Review
one but the young man would not let me have it We are in a field
where we have lots of Green Grass and Clover in fact too much
I fear for good health for we have so very much wet weather it
is very disagreeable especially of mornings and Evenings, The
water is not very good and scarce
We came here to try to recruit and get our men Restored again
to good health if we can We happened to meet with better luck
here in finding some Barns and out Houses for our sick and two
very large Hospital tents we are prepared to take better care
of the sick than we have been before
The three houses all have floors in them and we had sleepers
laid in the Extra Large Tents and plank Floors and then a fine
chance of Straw and Hay put Down for the sick Beds My Broth-
er Charles has been sick for some time I have managed to pro-
cure a Room at a private Residence close by when we first ar-
rived here for him and Mr. Hart, where they are both treated
very kindly by the good old Gentleman and his Lady, They like
to stay their very much for they take very great pains and treat
them very kindly. They say they are mending very fine Brother
has fell of some forty odd lbs since he got sick But is doing very
well at present
... I wish to be remembered to all enquiring friends and hope
to have the pleasure of Returning again to see them all again
sometime if not before next Spring I anticipate a joyful time if
such time ever be . . . Please remember me to George and all the
Black ones at home Tell old uncle Daniel I often think about him
and how he is doing and hope to come back and find him with all
things in a good condition I must close please write to me soon
and dont have this Exposed for it was gone over in great hurry
without much pains
Respectfully
H. W. Barrow
Broad Run Station Va. Sept, 27 1861
Mr. John W. Fries
Dear Sir I have Received your very kind letter of the 10
and hope you will excuse me for not answering it sooner I have
been very busy for a few weeks But I think I have my business so
arranged at this time to have more Leisure time
I understand you all at home think I am sick because I dont
write oftener I am sorry I did not write oftener and will prom-
ise you all to do better if you will Excuse me for what I have
done already. I think the health of this Regiment is better than
what it was a short time back I think about all the worst cases
have been sent up the Road about forty miles above this place to
Front Royal I think the moste that are sick here now are those
Civil War Letters of Henry W. Barrow 75
who are recovering from a spell of Fevor or measles I think the
first cause of this sickness comes from being in camp at Mitchells
Ford on Bull Run for our men was exposed to bad weather about
the time of the Battle 13 and that camp was at a very low filthy
place and the worst water to drink I have ever seen any human
drink, I Recollect when we would have coffee made of muddy
water it would look like coffee with a very large quantity of
Cream, you may gane some idea how the coffee would taste. We
staid at that place a few weeks and then went up to a place we
called camp Rhett, About two miles from the Junction where The
water was some better but not very plenty This camp was in the
woods where we had to cut out quite a number of small Groath.
The place was very damp and so very much vegitable matter
decaying I think that was unhealthy. At this place a very large
number got sick and died The condition got worse every day
At last we Received permission to go to a place about ten
miles on this side of the Junction called Page Land We called
it Camp Hardee This was a low flat county and the water was
very bad Some thought that was a healthy place But they got
worse every day and the men died very fast at that place We
staid their a few weeks and at last got permission to come up here
across the mountain
We are in a Beautiful healthy looking Country our Camp is
between Winchester Rail Road and Bull Run mountain which is
a very high mountain our camp is cloce to Broad Run Station
The Boys are at liberty to go all over this neighborhood I think
this will be good for them if they dont Expose themselves
I am sorry some of this Regiment has been writing terrible
Letters home to Excite our friends about us The Truth is bad
enough, But I hear some have been holding up the dark side of
the question all the time and are not very particular about telling
the Truth at all time some say They dont have plenty to Eat I
think with the exception of a few days at Mitchells ford all hands
have had plenty to Eat such as Bacon Beef Flour Coffee Sugar
and Rice this is more than some who complain so very much was
used to at home. I understand there is a great deal said about
our Colonel This is something I have always been opposed to do-
ing, for I am told it is a court martial offence to be writing any-
thing much concerning my Superior officers but I can say this
13 Beall makes the following comment: "Immediately the regiment moved
in double quick time to our position at Mitchell's Ford on Bull Run — this
being the center of the Confederate line of battle. . . . We continued to hold
the same position on 21 July when the first battle of Manassas was fought
and a victory won for the Confederates which electrified the whole country/'
He also mentions that the regiment suffered greatly from illness. Beall,
"Twenty-first Regiment," II, 130.
76 The North Carolina Historical Review
much for Col. Kirkland 14 he has always treated me like a Gen-
tleman and therefore I have nothing more to say on this subject.
We have had the pleasure of seeing several of our friends from
N. Carolina and amongst the Rest a number of our good Ladies
from Salem 15 We have put up 5 good Large Hospital Tents on
a beautiful place about one quarter of a mile from camp Mrs.
Kremer 16 Miss Vogler and Miss Clewell will stay in one and a
short distance from them we will moove over our Sick to occupy
the others I came across a very cleaver Gentleman about three
miles from us that Loaned me inch Plank enough to lay good
Floors in each Tent, and also Large Rafters for Sleepers, This
is a great improvement in the way of comfort. The other nurses
have all gone up to Front Royal to attend to the Sick at that
place
... I must try to make some appoligy for not sending you the
Bomb Shell I had promised to send you when I came to Examine
I found it had something in it looked very much like part of a
load I asked your uncle Henry what I had best do he said I could
send it by my Brother and write to you to be careful how you
managed it and I put it in my Brothers carpet Sack that night
and the next morning I told him abount finding some hard sub-
stance inside of the Shell He said I ought not to send it if there
was any danger in it, and I was fearful some accident might take
place and I had best not send it, But I will try to send you some-
thing if I can.
You will please say to Aunt Betsey Shore that her son Henry
is sick and has been sent to Front Royal for medical treatment
he has not been very sick and is on the mend Augustus Samuels
is doing very well Williams Parsons is stout and harty I think
from what I can learn Thomas Hunter 17 and Ade. Voss are the
worst caces now on hand from our siction of the county Hunter
is at Front Royal and Voss is at Gansville I passed that place
last evening on the cars and stopped their but few minutes.
They thought Voss to be some little better but he is very low
and it would take but very little to take him anyway.
""This officer was a splendid fighter and a superb soldier." David E.
McKinne, "Seventy-Second Regiment," Clark, Histories of the Several
Regiments, IV, 45.
15 "Among those who went to Blantyre Hospital were Mrs. Eliza Kremer,
and Misses Lizetta Stewart, L. Shaub, Laura Vogler, and Margaret Clewell."
Clewell, History of Wachovia, 254.
16 Mrs. Kremer taught in Salem Academy, and after her husband's death
she taught in the Salem Boys' School. She was a pioneer in Sunday School
work. During the war she was President of the Ladies' Relief Association
of Salem. "After the battle of Manassas she took a group of women from
Salem to the fever hospital at Blantyne, near Culpepper, Va. where they
served as nurses for several months." "Memoir."
17 Died Sept. 28, 1861.
Civil War Letters of Henry W. Barrow 77
The Boys that are here dont have any thing much to do for
we dont have any Guard. They can go to Bed and sleep as late
as they please of mornings The Colonel said he would gave them
all the privlege he posibly could and see if that would help them
We are amongs very cleaver people they are quite [different]
from what some were on the other Side of the Junction I think
that to be a very uncertain county This is a very bad disagree-
able wet day I very much dislike to see such especially here in
camp but we have to take such things as we find them I think
if I can have my health I can stand this kind life But this is a
very bad place to be sick in camp
I must close you will please Excuse bad Spelling and writing
please dont have this Exposed Please gave my kindest Regards
to all and tell them I would like to hear from them all
Yours very Truly
H. W. Barrow
Broad Run Station Va October 9 1861
Mr. John W. Fries
Dear Sir
By Mr. William Gentry I send you a cannon ball. This is the
best I can do for you at present. . . . There will be no danger in
the Ball
I have nothing much to write at present some bring" news
from below, That there is fighting going on below Fairfax Court
house, some twentyfive or thirty miles from this I was down at
the Junction on yesterday all things was quiet But they have
sent back all the Sick and what Bagage they can spare to the
Junction and to other places They were expecting an engagement
every hour
The health of the Regiment is improving very much But it will
be some time before some of the men are able for duty. On last
monday the paymaster was here he paid the Boys They are flush
with money I heard from the Boys up at Front Royal The Boys
from Forsythe County are doing very well We have very dis-
agreeable weather it is damp and cool
We are compelled to send home Philip Mitchell 18 by Mr.
Vaughn who is here on a visit, he says he will see him through
Philip has had a very hard spell of Fevor and is mending very
slow and I fear he wont be able to do anything here in camp this
winter We must try to do without him for we have had to do so
for some time already I can say this much for Philip he was a
faithful hand but very slow Peter Scales and his mess brot him
with them and they wanted to give him up and our mess took
ia
A Negro.
78 The North Carolina Historical Review
him to help Gid and he very soon took fevor and was bad sick
on our hands but this was not Philips fault. . . .
I have heard of no new caces of Fevor in camp for several days
Yours very truly
H. W. Barrow
Broad Run Station Va Nov. 10 1861
Mr. John W. Fries
Dear Sir
As I have a chance of sending you a few lines by Mr. Samuels
I write in haste to let you know how I am doing. I prosume you
have heard that I am left at this place in company with a part
of the Regiment, I cant say how long we will be here in this con-
dition
When they left for Centerville I thought we would be with
the balance of the Regiment before now
As the men are thought to be able They are sent on for duty.
I prosume I will have to stay here as long as any of the Regiment.
There is not much sickness here now there are no new caces, and
those who have been sick are mending, and I hope will soon be
well again I have nothing to write more than what you have
heard We have rather Bad news from the South and good from
Kentucky
We have been expecting a great fight for some time at or near
Centerville. There are two very large armeys within a few miles
of each other and I dont think this state of affairs can continue
long For the weather is getting cold and they will have to do
something soon We have had some very disagreeable weather
here I think on Saturday the second of this month was one of the
worst days that I have ever seen We had a considerable storm
of wind and Rain Cold wet weather is very bad on us who are in
Tents But when the wind Blows so very hard it is much worse
I have been this afternoon upon a very high mountain with the
Ladies We had a splendid vew of a large portion of Virginia
I hope there will be some arrangements for us to go into
Winter quarters soon I would like for the fight to take place first
For I would be much better satisfied if we can give the Yankees
another thrashing and then we will not be interrupted this win-
ter. Augustus Samuels received his discharge this Evening since
dark I told him to make ready to start in company with Mr.
Holder This is very good news for him
I would like to know why you dont write to me I have been
looking for a letter from you for some time please say to Mr.
Civil War Letters of Henry W. Barrow 79
C. T. Pfohl 10 his letter of the second has come to hand and I will
answer it soon. ... I am well and Sam is mending fast
Yours very truly
H. W. Barrow
Camp Kremer Va Dec 13/61
Mr. John W. Fries
Dear Sir
I have been wanting to answer your moste welcome letter
for several days But owing to business I have not done so We
have had a fine day here But rather cool to be pleasant Times are
quiet here But there was considerable canonading going on the
larger portion of the day to our left, I think towards Leesburg,
But I have not heard whether they were fighting or not The Pay-
master was here today and paid this Regiment for Two months
The Boys are flush again But I hope they will take care and send
some money home This Regiment is going to start out Tomorrow
morning on picket this is a hard undertaking. They will be out
three days and nights before they Return I calculate to go with
them. The staff generally stay in a house if they can find one
close by and as I belong to that Body I hope we will stay in a
house for it will be much more pleasant The health of the Regi-
ment is tolerable good with the exception of Colds I think they
are harty and have plenty Beef Flour and coffee I think when we
Return from picket if nothing happens we will go into Winter
quarters Belo the Junction at a place on the Rail Road called
Union Mills This is I am told near Fairfax Station I hope we will
get into the woods where we can Build Log Cabbins in a hurry.
John when I once think how the great army Ruins this county
I am glad that the Battle ground is not in our section of county
and I hope that will never be the Battle ground I want for us to
stand firm and Beat the miserable Scoundrels back and teach
them to stay on their own soil and let us alone
Then I think we will be a free and happy people, I was much
Rejoiced this morning very soon on the Receipt of your Father's
letter I dont think I have ever received a letter that done me
more good . . . please gave my Respects to all
Yours truly
H. W. Barrow
19 Christian T. Pfohl was detailed for service in the F. and H. Fries
Woolen Mills during the War. Later he served as a member of the Board
of Elders of the Moravian Church for twenty-five years. "Memoir."
80 The North Carolina Historical Review
Weldon, N. C. Feb. 1, 1864
Mr. John W. Fries
Dear Sir
I arrived here on the train from Petersburg last Saturday,
Capt. Brame of the 6th N. C. Sergt. Shreenes of the 54th and my-
self were ordered to Report to our Brigade at this place with the
Tents and some other Babage. But when we arrived here we
learnt that the Brigade had left and gone in the direction of
Goldsboro We then Telegraphed to Genl. Hoke20 he then Tele-
graphed for us to remain here until further orders We have our
Bagage stored away in the ware house and we are occupying a
Room at the Gooch Hotel for the present We draw Rations and
have a servt. to cook for us. When our Brigade left their winter
quarters in Va. We then moved the Transportation back to Gor-
donsville where we Built very good quarters thinking we would
remain. The weather has been very fine for some time But for
the last day or two we have had rather damp weather. . . . Since
I commenced this the Band of the 26 N. C. arrived here on the
Petersburg Train They say they are going on Furlogh I am
sorry that I could not send you a better Bridle Bit When I saw
you I thought I would send one that I left when I started But
during my absence it was taken. . . . Please give my kindest Re-
gards to all.
Yours very truly
H. W. Barrow
Kinston N. C. March 10th 1864
Mr. John W. Fries
Dear Sir, yours of the 6th is at hand, We remain at the same
Camp. I think we will stay here some time. The Recruits are
comming to this Brigade every day. Our men are tolerable well
provided for at present, They are looking very well There was
a Scouting party of sixty men sent down towards Newbern the
other day and was out four days But they found no Yankees Our
men are at work on the Gun Boat at this place it will be a very
strong Boat when finished. This has been a very Rainy day here.
I think this will be a very warm place to stay during the Summer
Season, But By that time we may all be somewhere else. I think
20 After the battle of Sharpsburg Colonel Hoke was placed in command
of the Twenty-first North Carolina Regiment. Following the battle of
Fredericksburg he was promoted to Brigadier General and a brigade was
formed for him which included the Twenty-first N. C. In January, 1864,
Hoke's Brigade was sent to North Carolina and after the victory at
Plymouth Hoke was promoted to Major-General. Biographical History of
North Carolina, Samuel A. Ashe (ed.), (Greensboro: Charles L. Van
Noppen, Publisher, 8 volumes, 1905-1917), I, 312-315. He was "a superlative
Colonel and an excellent, hard-hitting Brigadier." Douglass Southall
Freeman, Lee's Lieutenants (New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 3
volumes, 1942-1944), III, 618.
Civil War Letters of Henry W. Barrow 81
our prospects are looking more favorable than they have for a
long time. By Mr. Nathaniel Styers I send a pair blue Pants and
1 Comfort, you will please have them packed away in my Trunk,
as I have pants plenty to last me for some time yet to come.
I thought I would send the one pair home for safe keeping
until I may want them
We will look for Capt. James back in a few days I have been
having a tolerable good time here and have been Riding about
in this neighborhood I would like to come up the County a few
days this Spring But I fear it will be a hard matter for me to get
off as I have [to] do the Business here of Quartermaster of the
Regt as Capt. Vogler is in Va. . . .
Let me hear from you again
Yours very truly
H. W. Barrow
Kinston N. C. April 9th 1864
Mr. John W. Fries
Dear Sir
I have been owing you an answer to yours of the 27th. We
have quiet times yet. Yesterday being the day the President ap-
pointed We all tryed to keep it as much as we could, I think
there was Preaching in all the different Regts. of this Brigade.
We have a vast deal of Rain here this Spring. Sergt Pfohl has
returned from home, he tells me you have had some very rough
weather lately. We dont hear much said about us leaving here.
Some think we will not remain here much longer when the
weather gets good again Our Regt have not been Drilling very
much for the last few days They have been cleaning up and
putting our Camp in good order We have a good Camp From
your last Letter I have been looking for you and Mr. C. T. Pfohl
to pay us a visit The Neuse River has been very high for some
time, There has been very few fish caught here for some time I
fear they wont catch many more
I think the Yankees are going to try to capture Richmond
again as Grant has been successful out west He thinks he can
manage Genl. Lee and his army, But I think he will find out
some difference between Genl Lee and old Pemberton who I
believe is a Yankee Our men here in the army are in fine spirits
We think this summer will end this cruel war I have been talking
with several men who have lately been up in Forsythe and Stokes
Counties they tell me there has lately been a change amongst a
great many up their I hope all of the Traitors will soon be con-
vinced they have been doing so very much harm and have caused
a many a good young man to have to loose his life already in de-
82 The North Carolina Historical Review
fence of his country I must close as I have nothing to write that
is interesting I want you to write again when you have time
Please give my Regards to all
Yours very truly
H. W. Barrow
Greenville N. C. April 30th 1864
Mr. John W. Fries
Dear Sir
Since we left Kinston We have had a very hard time I pro-
sume you have heard all about our forces Capturing Plymouth
and contents. 21 I am told that the soldiers had a good time after
the place was surrendered. They have mostely provided them-
selves with clothing and Eatables
Before the place surrendered I was sent back to Tarboro with
our wounded. I returned too late to supply myself with any thing.
I had heard that there was a large quantity of goods in the place
I was in hopes I could be present when the place surrendered and
procure some valuable goods for myself and friends, but failed
to do so. We remained there a few days and then came to Wash-
ington and drove in their pickets at that place We staid their
one day and night. I am told the Enemy were very much excited
thinking our forces would storm the place. We arrived here on
yesterday about one oclock I dont think we will stay here long.
We dont know in what direction we will moove from here Hoke
is now a Major General Our Brigade is for the present com-
manded by Lieut Col Lewis of the 43 N. C. Regt.
Leiut Robert Belo and Athel Lemly are here with us They
are both very well, Maj Pfohl Capt James and the rest of our
Boys are very well
Yours very truly
H. W. Barrow
Camp Below Harrisonburg Va Nov. 23rd 1864
Mr. John W. Fries
Dear Sir
As I have time I drop you a few lines Our forces have moved
up to this place. I dont have much news to write it was reported
here last Evening that the Enemy were advancing But we dont
hear anything said about it this morning. I have been up above
Staunton for the last fifteen days hunting Forage for our Stock
I find it very scarce. I prosume you have heard that our forces
went down the valley near Winchester They soon returned. They
21 The battle of Plymouth was fought on April 20, 1864. The garrison
surrendered to General Hoke.
Civil War Letters of Henry W. Barrow 83
assertained at Strasburg that Maj W. J. Pf ohl 22 died very soon
after he was wounded
Some of our men saw his Grave at Strasburg.
I am looking for his brother. I have been told that our army
has recruited very much lately I am told they are bringing nearly
all of the men from our section of country Carlos Strupe and
Wely Petree are here with us I hope we wont have to winter
here in the Vally as it is a very cold place We have had for some
time very wet and disagreeable weather But the clouds Blew
away last Evening and we had a very cold night last night. I
fear we are going to have a very hard winter. We have not Re-
ceived any News Papers for some days until this morning.
There seems to be very little news in the Papers. I fear we wont
be permitted to go into winter quarters soon if at all this winter
I would very much like to have a pair of good coarse heavy
Boots for this winter. Will you and Mr. Joseph Stockton do me
the kindness to see if you can have such a pair made if you can
I want them no. 9 Course and Strong with thick bottoms suitable
to tromp the mud this winter perhaps the best chance would be
at Waughs Shop Either of you know best. When I was at home
last winter I left a pair of old Boots at my Brother Williams at
Winston I think the Legs of those would do very well to front if
you can have a pair fronted. You or Mr. Stockton will please send
up for those. I dont like to be so much trouble to you But I have
heard that my Brother is not at home I have been very much
troubled about Boots lately I purchased a pair at Staunton for
a very large price thinking they would answer for me for this
Winter But they are like to be worthless, I never have been so
badly cheated in my life before. I would also like to have a Hat
no. 7% if you should see any person coming out that you could
send one, if there is no Hats on hand for sale in Town where they
make them, I think I have a black soft fur Hat in my Room at
the store You will please write to me soon what the chance would
be for the above mentioned articles and I will satisfy you for
your trouble and pay you all Expenses You will please remem-
ber me to all the family My health is tolerable good write soon
and gave all the news
Yours very truly
H. W. Barrow
22 "Among the killed was the heroic Pfohl, commander of the regiment.
No man ever exhibited in such a time a greater coolness, skill, and bravery
which excited the admiration of his men." Beall, "Twenty-First Regiment,"
II, 143.
84 The North Carolina Historical Review
Pleasant Hill NC January 20th 1865
Mr. John W. Fries
Dear Sir
Sergt. R. A. Wammock will be at Salem in a few days if
you have not sent the Hat and Boots, you have for me, you will
Please send them By him I have been sent up here to collect
Forage and will remain here until he returns I also wrote to
your mother some days back requesting her to send me a Box
of Provisions. You will please say to her if she has not sent it,
To not send until she can hear from me I am not with the Com-
mand and cant say when I will be and I would rather she would
not send the Box for fear I would not receive it 23 I hope I can
live tolerable well up here I left Petersburg about four days back
all was quiet there I cant tell when I will be able to come home on
Furlough But when Wammock returns I will make application
But I am fearful I wont succeed for I would very much like to
come home I will close please accept my thanks for your kind-
ness Write when you can Gave my regards to all the family
Yours very truly
H. W. Barrow
Quarter Masters Office
Lewis Brigade
February 19th 1865
Mr. John W. Fries
Salem, N. C
Dear Sir
I hope you will excuse me for not writing you sooner
The Boots and Hat that I have been troubling so long about,
reached me on the 14th of this month. I am very much pleased
with the Boots, they fit very well and I think they are a very
good strong article I dont have much news to write you have I
prosume heard of the evacuation of Columbia S. C. 24 A few
weeks back I was down in Northampton County N.C. I remained
their about two weeks for the purpose of collecting up Forage
for this Brigade. I then returned back to my post and have since
been verry busy writing in this Office. I have Sergt Ed. Pfohl
with me
We have our quarters in a verry comfortable House on what
is called the Cox Road about three miles South of Petersburg Va.
Our Brigade is about Eight miles from us They are down on
our Right. We have had tolerable quiet times here for the past
23 "Many received boxes of provisions from home, but food so sent often
was stolen or spoiled in transit, or was left in railway stations that never
were cleared of freight and express." Freeman, Lee's Lieutenants, III, 620.
24 Sherman "entered Columbia, South Carolina on the 17th," Freeman,
Lee's Lieutenants, III, 641.
Civil War Letters of Henry W. Barrow 85
week, But I think it has been mostly owing to the verry disagree-
able weather We have had a vast quantity of Rain here this
Winter, But very little Snow This has been a beautiful day here
and the ground is drying up very fast I think if the Weather
keeps fair a few days, Hostilities will be renewed again I dont
think I will be able to obtain a Furlough this Spring. I have
been hoping I could do so. ... I have been hoping that our future
prospects would brighten up by this time, But to my great re-
gret they look at present very much to the contrary. We are but
a short distance to the rear of our front lines. We can hear the
Yankee cars run up and they can hear our cars also. The Enemy
have built a very large observatory oposite our quarters it dont
look like it is but a short distance from us. This is a very high
concern. They can see from the top a verry considerable distance
I think Genl. Lee will have this observatory Shot down with
artillery for it is in reach I prosume you have heard of the fight
that took place about two weeks back down where our Brigade
is in camp. 25 This was a hard fight Our Division I am told fought
about twenty thousand Yankees. They drove the Yankees back
Our loss was said to be very small When the Enemy advanced,
They captured Mr. Edwin Minung.26 He was out guarding a pri-
vate House and they took him by surprise I must close by re-
turning to you many thanks for your trouble and kindness until
you are better paid
Please write to me soon and gave me all the news direct my
Letters to the care of Capt. S. H. Brame A.Q.M. Lewis Brigade
as I am not with the Regiment any more. . . .
Yours very truly
H. W. Barrow
25 Winter quarters on Hatcher's Run, Beall, "Twenty-First Regiments,"
II, 142.
26 His life was spent in Salem "with the exception of the trying time spent
with the army in Virginia. He often referred with thankfulness to the
experiences of God's goodness which he made during this season of priva-
tion disease and danger." "Memoir."
BOOK REVIEWS
Tarheel Talk : An Historical Study of the English Language in
North Carolina. By Norman E. Eliason. (Chapel Hill: The
University of North Carolina Press, 1956. Pp. x, 324. $5.00.)
A lot of popular notions about North Carolina speech
are exploded in this delightfully entertaining study by a
Professor of English at Chapel Hill. For instance, our moun-
tain people and our coastal residents do not employ "pure
Elizabethan" or antique "Chaucerian," even when they say
hit instead of it. Hit is simply a survival retained in folk
speech after the elimination of the word from cultivated
usage. Similar word histories are numerous. Current unfash-
ionable phrasing is almost uniformly traceable to dialects in
those various sections of England from which our ancestors
came.
For his research Dr. Eliason copiously investigated the
papers of the Southern Historical Collection at the Univer-
sity of North Carolina Library: letters, diaries, journals, ac-
count books, plantation records, wills, deeds, speeches,
poems, and class notes. Even so, the author is careful to make
no broad generalizations. He constantly warns against form-
ing any principles based on insufficient evidence. But withal,
he gives us enough examples to set a pattern, and incidentally
provides us with information about many social attitudes of
our forbears. The upper classes, for example, were not
aloof in speech matters. In North Carolina it was quite the
contrary, we are told. Frequently, folk and cultivated speech
were indistinguishable in what must have been a very demo-
cratic society.
North Carolina is no lexicographer's paradise. Dr. Eliason
found few "North Carolinaisms." Definite native products
are buncombe and scuppernong, both derivities of place
names. Among the words antedating citations in DA and
OED are jew down (1848), scarce as hens teeth (1858),
corduroy ( 1795 ) , and fixing ( 1854 ) as in "Aunt Lizy is just
fixing to go to church." Fixing to is not cited by OED till
1907.
Book Reviews 87
The drawl of North Carolina speech is not due to Southern
laziness, but rather to a patrician attitude about language
matters. The dropped g in morning and the dropped r in car
have respectable antecedence. The broad a in fast (which
North Carolinians abhor) was once, we are glad to learn,
considered unashamedly vulgar.
Though grammar was flexible in ante-bellum times, Dr.
Eliason "found no convincing instance anywhere of you all
used for the singular." Ain't was infrequent. Professor E.
Bagby Atwood in a University of Michigan publication is
the authority cited for the startling news that Mowed, growed,
knowed, and have wrote are prevalent North Carolina forms
today except among the "highly educated"!
A word list, carefully documented, plus 440 significant
spellings (e.g., Catauber, Guildford, Hye, and Macklingburgh
counties), is appended.
This valuable study— one of the first anywhere to be based
on manuscript rather than printed material— is evidence of
Dr. Eliason's scholarship, good sense, and humor. It must
have troubled him, however, to use the one-word Tarheel in
his title instead of the Tar Heel sanctioned by six of the seven
leading morning newspapers in the State, only the Durham
paper concurring with the usage-ignoring dictionary-makers
of the North.
Richard Walser.
North Carolina State College,
Raleigh.
North Carolina Drama. Edited with an Introduction by Richard
Walser. (Richmond, Va. : Garrett & Massie, Inc. 1956. Pp.
vii, 229. $4.00.)
This volume of plays is a companion to North Carolina in
the Short Story and North Carolina Poetry, both by the same
editor, a graduate of the University of North Carolina, cur-
rently an Associate Professor of English at North Carolina
State College, and a tireless and thorough student of his
State's literature. The knowledge that Professor Walser has
88 The North Carolina Historical Review
gained, both from libraries and from personal acquaintance
with writers, shows not only in the two-page introduction
that precedes each of the ten one-act plays included, but also
in the 37-page introduction to the volume itself. Here is per-
haps the only attempt at a complete history of the drama in
North Carolina. One reads in it of such producers as Augustin
Daly and the De Mille's; of such actors as Forrest, Modjeska,
and Mansfield, who toured North Carolina in the late nine-
teenth century; of such writers as Thomas Godfrey, whose
"Prince of Parthia," finished in North Carolina, was the first
real drama by an American, and Lula Vollmer, whose "Sun-
Up" ran so long on Broadway in the 1920's; of such plays as
"Blackbeard," the first about North Carolina by a native of
the State; and of the currently and universally popular out-
door symphonic dramas written by such men as Paul Green
and Kermit Hunter. But at greatest length one reads of
Proff Koch, who came to Chapel Hill in 1918 to exert a perma-
nent influence on all the state's dramatists, particularly on
the writers of autobiographical and local color plays.
The dramas that Professor Walser chose for his anthology
are all products of the Koch period. Many of them are by
ProfFs former students, and all of them are about North
Carolina people. There are three tragedies, the best of which
is "The Scuffletown Outlaws," by William Norment Cox, a
play of the Croatan Indians of Robeson County and their
post-Civil War feud with the law-abiding "whites." It is best
because of the pathos, the suspense, the subtle weaving-in
of background, the convincingly realistic dialogue, and the
well-drawn characters of Henry Berry Lowrie, chief of the
outlaws, and John Sander, the Yankee who joined the gang
in order to capture it. The other two tragedies, "Sea Psalm,"
by Charles Edward Eaton, and "The Return of Buck Gavin,"
by Thomas Wolfe, are surprisingly poor to be included in this
selection of plays, but understandably poor when one real-
izes how young the poet and the novelist were at the time
of composition.
Of the comedies, there is one light satire of small-town
life, "The Beaded Buckle," by Frances Gray Patton, author
of the successful novel "Good Morning, Miss Dove." This
Book Reviews 89
play contains an amusing and ironic treatment on the leader
of a small-town smart set, who with charm and cunning gets
what she wants, twisting a doting son around her fingers and
stopping gossip with flattery on the one hand and threats
on the other. There are two plays about Negroes, "Sleep on,
Lemuel," by John W. Parker, and "The No 'Count Boy," by
Paul Green. One treats humorously the old Negress conjuror
who straightens out the course of true young love while in
the background is heard the singing and praying of a funeral
service. The other, perhaps the most sensitive, discerning,
and dramatically successful play in the collection, deals with
the "Rainmaker" theme, bringing an imaginative, harp-
playing, tale-telling boy briefly into the hum-drum life of a
young girl who has immortal longings but a staid, sober, and
very mortal fiance. And finally, there are four other folk
comedies, "In Dixon's Kitchen," by Wilbur Stout, "Quare
Medicine," by Paul Green, "Ca'line," by Bernice Kelly Har-
ris, and "Wash Carver's Mouse Trap," by Fred Koch, Jr. One
shows a young girl persuading her boy friend to propose,
combatting not only his shyness but her father's denseness
and her little brother's interruptions. Another presents the
smooth-operating, poetic vendor of patent medicines, who
gives a young husband the strength of character to take
command of his household. "Ca'line" concerns the old, hard
working community servant who is sent to the county poor
house where she ironically learns to like electricity and other
luxuries and, as a result, refuses to go through with a mar-
riage planned by altruistic relatives trying to insure her old
age. And the last comedy gives a short but convincing glimpse
of the scheming mountaineer who fleeces detouring vacation-
ists by pulling them out of a mud hole that he made but who
in the end is himself cheated by a smart city slicker.
Ordinarily a book of selections from the literature of a
particular state would be of greatest interest to the natives
of that state, and certainly North Carolina Drama will pro-
vide most appeal for the readers who know the communities,
the dialects, and the types of people represented in its covers.
But there is also a universal appeal. Some of these plays are
90 The North Carolina Historical Review
of interest simply because they are the youthful efforts of
great writers, some because they are intrinsically successful
as drama, and nearly all because they are entertaining.
Percy G. Adams.
University of Tennessee,
Knoxville, Tenn.
Rebel Boast. By Manly Wade Wellman. (New York: Henry Holt
and Company. 1956. Pp. 317. Photographs and notes. $3.95.)
Manly Wade Wellman has mined into a vein of Civil War
material that has heretofore been largely neglected. He has
provided a fully-rounded model for others who will undoubt-
edly take to the same rich store.
Manuscript material used was in the form of diary and
letter collections in the Southern Historical Collection at
Chapel Hill, and from private sources in Halifax County.
Using the manuscript and standard reference works, the
author traces the war experiences of five common soldiers of
the Confederacy from their enlistment in the Enfield Blues
until the surrender at Appomattox.
The five soldiers (none of whom rose above the rank of
captain) were all members, first, of the Bethel Regiment
(First Volunteers), and then of Company D of the Forty-
Third North Carolina.
Two of the five literally lived the "rebel boast" of being
"First at Bethel, last at Appomattox." Three became victims
of The War, dying or fatally wounded during Jubal Early's
Shenandoah Valley campaign in the summer of 1864.
The book abounds in good detail on the day-to-day life
of the lower ranks, hangs fire when the principals go to
battle ( diary- writers seldom reach their peak in describing
battles)
Written in journalistic style, the work nevertheless shows
good attention to historiographic discipline. Extensive direct
quotation is used. Even when not quoting, the author lets
the manuscript speak for itself with hardly an author's judg-
ment intruding. This naturally causes gaps, and several of
Book Reviews 91
the principals fail to spring fully to life, despite the capable
word-working of the author.
Extensive and interesting notes are helpful not only for
their material, but as an interesting study of how Wellman
developed the mass of manuscript into a coherent, fast-
moving story.
The book is valuable for its plan, interesting for its wealth
of detail on North Carolina's part in the War for Southern
Independence, and written in a style that catches the mood
of its period.
Roy Parker, Jr.
Windsor.
Here Will I Dwell: The Story of Caldwell County. By Nancy
Alexander. (Lenoir: Published by the author. 1956. Pp. 230.
Illustrations. $5.00.)
As the title would seem to indicate, this history of Caldwell
County was performed as a labor of love by one of its loving
daughters.
Broken down into thirteen chapters, the book devotes
chapters to the Indians, the early explorers and settlers, and
the Revolutionary days of the area, through its various stages
of development as part of Rowan, Burke, and Wilkes before
its actual formation in 1841. Later chapters deal at length
with the social, economic, religious, and cultural progress of
this piedmont-mountain county. In fact, its accounts of camp
meetings, ancient superstitions, weddings, funerals, excur-
sions, and bees of various varieties give it a homelike quality
which will no doubt awaken many nostalgic reminiscences
in the minds of others who dwell in Happy Valley and its
environs. Legends, reminiscences, memorabilia, and anec-
dotes abound.
The author states that the book is based on five years of
research among "many hundred historical books and volumes,
family records, scrapbooks, manuscripts, documents, and
newspaper files" at various places in Caldwell and other
counties, in libraries at Duke, Chapel Hill, the Woman's
92 The North Carolina Historical Review
College, State College, and the Department of Archives and
History. Interviews with "innumerable persons" rounded
out the research. Unfortunately there is no documentation
except a few internal references, mostly to published journals,
such as Bishop Asbury's, and to Lenoir newspapers of the
past half -century. Nor is there a bibliography, but there is a
fifteen-page index, which, incidentally, is labeled "Appendix."
A careful check of facts ( e. g. Patrick Ferguson is elevated
to a general) and careful proofreading would have improved
the book. For instance, Louis Round Wilson is referred to as
R. L. Wilson, Mrs. C. P. Dey becomes Mrs. Day, "exag-
gerated" is mispelled, the year "1887" should read "1787,"
"hung" should read 'hanged," et cetera.
Despite the lack of scientific training, the author has
breathed into this volume a great deal of life and love which
should bring pleasure to the inhabitants of 'this beautiful,
protected valley in the foothills of the Blue Ridge."
Blackwell P. Robinson.
High Point College,
High Point.
The Living Past of Cleveland County. By Lee A. Weathers.
(Shelby: Star Publishing Company. 1956. Pp. 269. $4.00.)
It is probable that no one is better qualified to record the
general history of Cleveland County than Lee Weathers, for
since 1911 he has edited the Shelby Daily Star and his an-
cestors lived, worked, and participated in the country activi-
ties for five generations. He has been active in the writing of
its day-to-day history and is thus on familiar ground in dis-
cussing the background of the problems and events that
occurred. More important, he was on intimate and personal
terms with the Shelby "political dynasty" of O. Max Gardner,
Clyde R. Hoey, and Judge James Y. Webb and could discuss
the political leadership of these men who helped to mold
the destiny of North Carolina throughout the twentieth
century.
The author does not attempt to make this a scholarly or
documented history of Cleveland County. Instead, it is more
Book Reviews 93
of a personalized sketch of facts, myths, and "tidbits" of the
highlights of the county's past. It is regretable that a more
scientific study was not made, especially on the Civil War and
Reconstruction political story and the industrial development
of the county. Yet, for the general lay reader it was fortunate
that the present format was followed since otherwise much
of the personality and "flavor" of Mr. Weathers would have
been inevitably lost.
The most important topics included: formation and early
settlement of the county; building the railroads after the
Civil War; public education; resort center and recreation;
King's Mountain; industrial pioneers; and, political develop-
ment and leadership. The latter was the highlight of the
study, but here again, this reviewer would have liked a more
thorough analysis of the political leadership and contributions
of the "Cleveland dynasty."
Mr. Weathers should be commended for making his study
so readable and for the many timely illustrations. Its appeal
will be altogether local, but enough information is included
that should lead to several excellent graduate thesis and local
research histories.
Horace W. Raper.
Tennessee Polytechnic Institute,
Cookeville, Tennessee.
A History of Moore County, North Carolina, 1747-1847. By
Blackwell P. Robinson. (Southern Pines: Moore County His-
torical Association. 1956. Pp. viii, 270. Maps, illustrations, and
bibliography. $5.00.)
Moore County has produced a local history that is well
above the average county history. Mr. Robinson, apparently
a writer of some experience, tells his story ably, if not brilliant-
ly, and has wisely relegated most of the customary lists of
early settlers and other scattered bits of information to a
series of appendices, which occuply about one-fourth of the
text. The result is a readable book, which holds the interest
even of some one, like this reviewer, who had never before
heard of Moore County.
94 The North Carolina Historical Review
For those who have no roots in Moore County, the chief
value of the book is its account of the arrival of the Highland
Scots, their Tory sympathies during the Revolution, and the
brutal civil war in the area following the battle of Moore's
Creek Bridge. A glimpse of the way in which crude and
violent men were raised to positions of power by the passions
of the Revolution is afforded in the sketch of Colonel Philip
Alston, justice of the peace and state senator, who was ac-
cused of murder as well as counterfeiting, not to mention
petty tyrannies over the local Tories.
Other chapters are devoted to the organization of the
county, education, churches, farming and industry, and the
Alston house, later the home of Governor Benjamin Williams,
now preserved as a historic shrine. The book avoids the usual
weakness of local histories, the neglect of more recent history,
by stopping rather abruptly in 1847, the centennial, not of
the county, but of the first settlement in the area. This sudden
ending has at least the virtue of leaving the reader in sus-
pense, waiting for another volume to take Moore County
through two world wars and to add the story of Pinehurst and
Southern Pines, Moore County's most important contribution
to the twentieth century. It is to be hoped that the author of
the second volume will be able to dig a little deeper than Mr.
Robinson has had time to do.
Marvin W. Schlegel.
Longwood College,
Farmville, Virginia.
The State Records of South Carolina: Journals of the South
Carolina Executive Councils of 1861 and 1862. Edited by
Charles E. Cauthen. (Columbia: South Carolina Archives De-
partment. 1956. Pp. xv, 336. $8.00.)
For several years the South Carolina Archives Department,
under the able direction of J. H. Easterby, has been printing
an invaluable series of colonial records. The present volume
is the first in a series of state records which promises to be of
equal importance.
Book Reviews 95
This volume deals with the critical Civil War period. As
Professor Easterby says in the Series Preface, "The effects of
its [South Carolina's] decision to withdraw from the union
in 1860 have been more far-reaching than those of any other
event in its history." The event has been studied attentively.
So far as the reviewer knows, however, this is the first time
the journals of the Executive Council have been available.
The editor of this volume, Professor of History in Wofford
College, is the author of an excellent study, South Carolina
Goes to War, 1860-1865 (Chapel Hill, 1950), including two
chapters on the executive councils, in which he did not cite
the journals. Laura A. White, in an article in the American
Historical Review (July, 1929) dealing specifically with the
Council and the Convention that gave it birth, does not cite
the journals of the Council but only those of the Convention.
It is true that some of the essential material may be found
elsewhere, but in matters of historical importance there can
be no substitute for original sources. The sense of urgency
surrounding the Fort Sumter crisis, the confusion of war,
the inter-mixture of high policy and petty administrative
detail, can nowhere be felt more vividly than in the day-to-
day minutes of the Council. The work of the Council as an
experiment in executive control, and its ultimate failure be-
fore the bar of public opinion— in spite of the editor's view
that it "exercised its great powers with considerable wisdom
and success"— is made doubly interesting because of the
war crisis.
The editor has explained the origin of the Council, its lapse
after the state's formal association with the Confederacy,
its revival at a critical time near the end of 1861, and its final
demise a year later.
Robert H. Woody.
Duke University,
Durham.
96 The North Carolina Historical Review
The University of Georgia under Sixteen Administrations, 1785-
1955. By Robert Preston Brooks. (Athens : The University of
Georgia Press. 1956. Pp. ix, 260. $4.50.)
This is a timely and interesting survey of the history of
The University of Georgia from the closing years of the
eighteenth century to the present. It supplements the earlier
works of A. L. Hull and E. M. Coulter and covers new ground
in its treatment of the University during the late nineteenth
and first half of the twentieth centuries.
The author was eminently qualified for this assignment,
having been on the campus in Athens for fifty-five years as
student, professor, and dean. In addition to an intimate per-
sonal knowledge of men and events, he has consulted col-
leagues and made extensive use of published and unpublished
material. The emphasis is on "financial problems, the growth
of the enrollment, and changes in the curriculum." These,
along with sketches of distinguished teachers, are woven into
the administrations of the several presidents and chancellors.
Dr. Brooks states that North Carolina is clearly entitled to
the distinction of having the first state university in actual
operation, but notes that Georgia was the "first state actually
to charter a university." Discussion of difficulties with church-
related colleges, the Civil War years, athletics, and political
meddling in higher education by the late Governor Eugene
Talmadge enliven and add to the value of this study.
The book contains appendices on enrollment, income,
principal officers, and a tribute to Harold Hirsch. One misses
illustrations of the University campus and of the worthies
who have contributed so much to higher education in Georgia
and the South. A bibliography and index are included.
Dr. Brooks is to be commended for this valuable addition
to the growing list of college and university histories. His
efforts will be welcomed by alumni and friends of The Uni-
versity of Georgia and those concerned with the problems
and opportunities of the South.
David A. Lockmiller.
University of Chattanooga,
Chattanooga, Tennessee.
Book Reviews 97
The Pursuit of Science, in Revolutionary America, 1735-1789. By
Brooke Hindie. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Caro-
lina Press. Published for The Institute of Early American
History and Culture. 1956. Pp. xi, 410. $7.50.)
For a nation whose destiny is bound to science, perhaps
as Prometheus was bound to the rock, the story of our scien-
tific beginnings must have a particular fascination. Brooke
Hindie, formerly Research Associate at The Institute of Early
American History and Culture and now a rising young his-
torian at New York University, here follows the first faltering
footsteps of American scientists in a volume which is original
in scope, meticulous in attention to detail, and based on wide
and comprehensive research.
Explaining that the relatively backward economic develop-
ment, poor communications, and workaday spirit of colonial
America retarded scientific advance, Mr. Hindie finds the
first evidence of scientific interest among a group of amateurs
who made natural history their special study and among
physicians. Slowly these men, by exchanging accounts of
their observations and by establishing contacts with leading
European scientists, formed the nucleus of an Atlantic scien-
tific community. By the middle of the eighteenth century
their interests had widened to include astronomy and elec-
tricity and America had produced two scientists of the first
order, Benjamin Franklin and John Winthrop.
The coming of the Revolution and the influence of the idea
of progress implicit in the Enlightenment further spurred
scientific advances, but the first flowering of American science
came only, as Mr. Hindie makes clear, in the 1780's when
colleges expanded their scientific curricula, scientific societies
were formed, and "a bewildering number of inventions and
gadgets appeared." Nevertheless, Mr. Hindie notes at the
conclusion of his work, America still lagged behind Europe
in scientific advance principally because of its less developed
internal conditions, a general unfamiliarity with mathematics,
and the unwillingness of a somewhat narrowly practical
people to interest themselves in scientific theory.
Perhaps the only serious criticism of this fine book is that
Mr. Hindie, in his occupation with scientists, nowhere ex-
98 The North Carolina Historical Review
plains for us the state of scientific knowledge in any of the
fields he deals with. Thus the lay reader is sometimes con-
fronted with unfamiliar terms and processes whose signifi-
cance can only be left to conjecture.
Elisha P. Douglass.
University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill.
Eli Whitney and the Birth of American Technology. By Con-
stance McL. Green. (Boston: Little, Brown and Company.
1956. Pp. vii, 215. Bibliographical note and index. $3.50.)
This is a fine new volume in The Library of American
Biography, edited by Oscar Handlin, and contains a preface
by the editor. The author's academic background, experience
as Chief Historian for Ordnance in the Army history program,
and interest in urban history equip her particularly well to
tell the story of Eli Whitney.
The book begins with a survey of the economic problems
with which the United States was confronted after winning
political independence. In most respects the nation was still
in the frontier stage of development although possessed of
untold natural resources. The labor supply was inadequate,
there were few skilled artisans, and there were no factories
as such. America, as a result, continued dependent upon
Europe for manufactured goods. Agriculture also languished
for want of markets. It was largely by chance that Eli Whit-
ney, who had demonstrated earlier an aptitude for mechanics,
invented the cotton gin in 1793. This invention bolstered up
the economy of the South by stimulating an enormous expan-
sion in cotton culture and providing profitable employment
for slaves. The enthusiasm for the gins was so great that
Whitney immediately set to work devising ways and means
of producing them in quantity. He was handicapped by a lack
of skilled labor and necessary implements. "Other than ham-
mers and chisels, saws and files, he could buy no tools. He
had to make them by hand, just as he had cut and threaded
every individual screw." A partnership with Phineas Miller
was formed to produce and operate the gins. Although the
Book Reviews 99
gin was patented, pirating began almost immediately. This
led to long years of expensive litigation and frustration for
the inventor. As a result, Whitney made very little money
from the cotton gin.
Whitney turned next to the manufacture of muskets for
the government. France, from whence we had previously
secured most of our muskets, was on the verge of war with
the United States. Whitney believed that he could design
and construct machines which "could produce muskets of
greater precision than could the most carefully trained hands,
and make them faster than could an army of gunsmiths." It
was contemplated that the component parts of the musket be
made by separate machines, and that the parts be inter-
changeable. On this basis, the government gave Whitney a
contract to produce 10,000 muskets, and agreed to advance
the money for this experiment in mass production. Out of
this experiment came the American system of manufacturing.
This is a well-balanced account of Eli Whitney's contribu-
tion in laying the ground work for the gigantic structure and
productivity of American industry. Technological details are
presented in a manner intelligible to the lay reader. A "Note
on Sources" is helpful in the absence of footnotes. It is to be
regretted that more information is not available on Whitney's
private life.
Cornelius O. Cathey.
Universiry of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill.
William Nathaniel Wood tieminiscences of Big I. Edited by Bell
Irv^n Wiley (Jackson, Tennessee: McCowat-Mercer Press,
Inc 1956. Pp. xxviii, 138. Introduction, preface, appendices,
\r\( jx, and illustrations. $3.95.)
Since even the editor of this engaging narrative— one of
the very few such accounts written by Confederate junior
officers— was unaware of its existence until just a few years
ago, most students of history will undoubtedly find Nat
Wood's personal experiences to be a new and rewarding
source of the Civil War. An earlier edition of the work was
100 The North Carolina Historical Review
published in 1909, but only 200 copies were printed and
these were given to friends and relatives of the author. Hence,
as claimed by the publisher, this is really the first public
edition of Big I.
The title stemmed from the fact that Wood weighed only
127 pounds and not from any tendency toward boastfulness,
although his record was sufficiently gallant to have excused
some self-praise had he been inclined to indulge in such
pastime. A native of Albemarle County, Virginia, Wood left
his clerkship in a dry-goods store to enlist in Company "A,"
Nineteenth Virginia Infantry, just before First Manassas. His
dependability, loyalty, and bravery did not go unnoticed
during the following months and, when Company "A" was
reorganized early in 1862, Wood was elected to the rank of
junior second lieutenant. He apparently participated in all of
his company's numerous engagements, leading the unit in sev-
eral major battles and even commanding his entire regiment
at Sharpsburg. The climax of Wood's military career was
reached at Gettysburg where he and his comrades, then in
Pickett's Division, "for the first time, failed to do what we
attempted" (p. 47) in the assault on Cemetery Ridge. Near
the end of the war (April 6, 1865) Wood and his company
were captured at Sailor's Creek, and he spent two months as
a prisoner first in Washington and then on Johnson's Island.
"Though greatly crushed by the outcome of our struggle,"
he wrote, "I felt proud that I had been permitted to do my
part, and even to suffer for the cause I loved." (p. 76)
Editor and publisher have combined to present a signifi-
cant and attractive historical record. The physical make-up
of the volume is excellent, and the interesting appendices,
well-chosen illustrations, and useful index add considerably
to its value.
H. H. Cunningham.
Elon College,
Elon College.
Book Reviews 101
Old Bullion Benton: Senator from the New West. By William
Nisbet Chambers. (Boston : Little, Brown and Company. 1956.
Pp. xv, 517. $6.00.)
Of the four greatest United States senators of the middle
period of American history only one— Thomas Hart Benton—
has not heretofore found a competent biographer. The other
three— Calhoun, Clay, and Webster— have all been written
about ably. Until this book made its appearance, Benton had
somewhat faded from the picture. Professor Chambers spent
ten years producing this excellent biography. It restores
Benton to his well-earned place among the senatorial leaders
of the middle period and corrects some of the false impres-
sions about him. Mr. Chambers has clarified some of the
vagaries which have heretofore prevailed about Old Bullion
Benton.
Among the last must be listed the fact that young Benton
was expelled from the University of North Carolina for steal-
ing. Apparently this weighed heavily on his conscience and
he left his native state for Tennessee. At 24 years of age he
practiced law and entered in the War of 1812. If he failed
to find fighting in military uniform, he found it several times,
as the writer reveals, in civil life. Before Benton married, at
the age of 39, he repeatedly engaged in duels or threatened
to fight on the field of honor.
In 1815 Benton moved to St. Louis, a mere frontier town.
When he died in 1858, it was a city of over 100,000. Benton
grew in intellectual stature and political wisdom with his
adopted home.
Elected to the United States Senate in 1820, Benton began
a tenure in that august body which lasted over 30 years. He
came to know the men who governed the Bepublic. As the
author vividly reveals, Old Bullion was soon in the midst of
fierce political battles and subseqeuntly ranked foremost
among those whose words were respected in Washington.
Shortly after Benton entered the Senate, he was among the
radical Democrats. As such he opposed the Clay- Adams
coalition. As Jackson rose in power Benton's star shone in
splendor. He was soon recognized as Jackson's spokesman on
102 The North Carolina Historical Review
many occasions, especially when the United States Bank was
the issue.
That Benton was the author of the Expunging Resolution
is widely known but that he also wrote the Specie Circular is
not generally recognized. Although spoken of repeatedly as
presidential timber, Benton usually retorted "not available."
Seemingly, as Professor Chambers states, Benton would have
sought to succeed Van Buren had the latter been re-elected
in 1840.
In debate Benton was not the equal of Webster but he
fathered more constructive legislation than either Calhoun
or Webster. Moreover, the Senator from Missouri wrote more
readable historv than Clay, Webster, or Calhoun. Many have
read Benton's Thirty Years View, but few know of his Abridg-
ment of the Debates of Congress, 1789-1850, in 16 volumes,
nor of his Examination of the Dred Scott case. All of these
achievements of Old Bullion are related in this long-needed
biography.
Since Benton's papers were burned shortly before his
death, the author had to reconstruct his subject from the
papers of Benton's contemporaries. The story is written in an
interesting style. The footnotes are at the back of the book,
the bibliography is selective, and the index accurate. This book
will be a strong contender for some of the major awards for
biographies published in 1956.
G. C. Osborn.
University of Florida,
Gainesville, Florida.
Lincoln's Supreme Court. By David M. Silver. (Urbana: The
University of Illinois Press. 1956. Pp. ix, 272. $4.00 in cloth,
$3.00 in paper.)
This volume seeks to evaluate the Court's relationship to
the Lincoln administration. It is an almost aridly objective,
non-legal study in historical interpretation. No effort is made
to present the internal history of the Court. As the study leans
heavily on private letters and newspaper comments, the odor
Book Reviews 103
of the paste-pot and the scrapbook is sometimes evident. The
author rarely escapes from his documentation sufficiently to
offer those perceptive generalizations so necessary in assimi-
lating a large mass of primary material. However, this weak-
ness is necessarily inherent in all pioneer studies.
The book begins with the aged Taney, of Dred Scott fame,
administering the presidential oath to the gangling railsplitter
who had said that the Court must reverse the Scott decision.
Hostile to the Court and its coolness to his emergency powers,
in such typical situations as the Habeas Corpus and Prize
cases, Lincoln skillfully evaded efforts to test his doctrine of
necessity. Meanwhile, he filled vacancies with known sym-
pathizers—and even increased the Court to make his "pack-
ing" more effective. Even then he barely managed to have
his war-time powers sustained. When he reluctantly appoint-
ed Chase to Chief Justice (to remove a dangerous rival to
the presidency ) , the Court began to move back to the Taney
position. The new peace-time Court, with a majority of
Lincoln appointees ( in the Milligan case ) admitted that war-
time pressures had unfortunately influenced it. Thus the
story of the Lincoln Court is really a vindication of Lincoln's
adversary, Taney. This story the author permits the docu-
mentation to tell, as he remains in the background.
Dillard S. Gardner.
Raleigh.
Charles Evans Hughes and American Democratic Statesman-
ship. By Dexter Perkins. (Boston: Little, Brown & Co. 1956.
The Library of American Biography. Edited by Oscar Hand-
lin. Pp. xxiv, 200. $3.50.)
The theme of this short biography hinges upon the dilem-
ma a corporation lawyer must face in reconciling the public
interest with that of powerful, wealthy clients. Charles Evans
Hughes was richly endowed with the intellectual capacity
and administrative ability to become a successful lawyer.
Having won acclaim at the bar, he responded to the call of
public duty at the age of forty-three. His investigations into
104 The North Carolina Historical Review
New York's gas, electric, and insurance scandals revealed
sordid connections between business and politics and led to
his election as governor in 1906. Until his retirement in 1941
Hughes served almost constantly in high public office, and
so established a record unparalleled in recent American
history.
As governor of New York, Hughes applied the principle
of regulation to business interests. He grasped the spirit of
progressivism and, eschewing radicalism and demagoguery,
hastened moderate reforms. While associate justice of the
United States Supreme Court from 1910 to 1916, he defended
extension of federal control over interstate commerce and
upheld social and economic legislation of the states against
the injunctions so freely granted by district court judges. The
security of the courts, he believed, depended upon the way in
which they exercised their powers to meet the demands of
the times.
Professor Perkins describes with candor and insight
Hughes' shortcomings in the presidental campaign of 1916;
it was the sole political misadventure of his long public
career. On the subject of foreign relations in the post World
War I era the author writes with zest and erudition. Hughes,
he reveals, favored the League of Nations with reservations
but refused to subscribe to any effective policy of collective
security. In doing so, it is explained, he acted within the
framework of public opinion. As Secretary of State from 1921
to 1925 he attained high rank among the several occupants
of that office, but the policies he initiated were not of lasting
consequence.
From 1930 to 1941 Hughes served as Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court. Perkins presents an eloquent defense of the
over-all record during these years and of the forbearance and
judicial statesmanship Hughes demonstrated when beset by
the court packing threat. In these pages the chief justice
emerges as a liberal jurist, a champion of the rights of minori-
ties, of civil, religious, and intellectual liberty, of the Bill
of Rights, and of social and economic reform. The author
of this study, as did Merlo J. Pusey in a more detailed biog-
Book Reviews 105
raphy, presents Hughes as a judicial statesman of the highest
calibre. Perkins defines statesmanship as the use of public
authority to make the necessary adaptations to a changing
political and social environment. Hughes measured up to this
exacting standard with distinction.
Joseph F. Steelman.
East Carolina College,
Greenville.
History of North Carolina. By Hugh T. Lefler. (New York, N.Y. :
Lewis Historical Publishing Company, Inc. 1956. Volume I.
Pp. xx, 1-466. Volume II. Pp. 467-883. Volume III [Biog-
raphy]. Pp. 1-450. Volume IV [Biography]. Pp. 451-854.
$87.50.)
With the appearance in 1954 of the one-volume North
Carolina: The History of a Southern State, co-authored by
Hugh T. Lefler and the late Albert Ray Newsome (largely
the work of the former), the State at last had an up-to-date
history worthy of the story it told. The volume was received
with enthusiasm by scholars and general readers alike.
Through that and his several other works, Professor Lefler' s
name has come to occupy a place alongside that of the late
R. D. W. Connor. Unfortunately, the new History of North
Carolina will not enhance a deservedly-earned reputation.
Publishing combined series of North Carolina history and
biography is not new for the Lewis Historical Publishing
Company, Inc. In 1919 this firm published the R. D. W.
Connor-William K. Boyd-J. G. de R. Hamilton three-volume
history plus three volumes of biography; in 1928-29, under
the name American Historical Society, Inc., it published
R. D. W. Connor's two volumes of history and two of bio-
graphy; and in 1941 it brought out Archibald Henderson's
two volumes of history and three of biography. In the latest
series, Professor Lefler is author only of the history of the
State and his name does not appear on the title pages of the
biographical portions. Unfortunately, however, the natural
tendency will be for the public to assume his authorship of
the entire series— "unfortunately" because the idea of a person
106 The North Carolina Historical Review
having to pay to get his name in history books is not a happy
one.
The history volumes are essentially a re-writing of the
Lefler-Newsome work. Except for consolidation of chapters
and some re-working of paragraphs, the first volume bears
striking similarities to the corresponding sections of Lefler-
Newsome. The most noticeable changes occur in the sections
of Volume II on Civil War and Reconstruction, and on the
twentieth century. A more traditionally southern view of the
coming of and the results of "The Waw" can be noted in the
new work, and there appears to be missing some of the frank
self-criticism which always added spice and often added
common sense to the earlier volume.
A work of this magnitude could not be published without
flaws, but the frequency of what appear to be careless errors
in these volumes leads to the belief that the manuscript and
page proofs were not given critical readings. Such defects as
the following have no place in a history that will grace the
shelves of hundreds of North Carolina homes and libraries:
page numbers of cited works are frequently omitted (e.g.,
pp. 154-155, 230, 253); the same quotation is repeated but
with different dates of the source (p. 277, n. 27, and p. 465,
n. 7); slaves were taxed as persons, not as property (p. 389);
Bartlett Yancey was a State Senator, not a Representative, in
1818 (p. 469); Governor Holden was impeached in 1871, not
in 1870 (p. 578); the caption "Albemarle County Hospital,
Burlington," (p. 656) needs no comment; Elias Carr was
elected Governor in 1892, not 1888 (p. 663); William Howard
Taft was not President in December, 1908 (p. 713); David
F. Houston was not only Secretary of Agriculture but also
Secretary of the Treasury under Wilson (p. 718); Clyde R.
Hoey was not the incumbent U. S. Senator in the 1944 pri-
mary (p. 846); Jonathan Daniels' Man of Independence could
not have been the most intimate biography of Truman pub-
lished before 1946 because it was not published until 1950
(p. 850); and the reader will be surprised to learn that the
population of North Carolina in 1920 was "3,170,276" (when
actually it was only 2,560,000), of which the rural population
amounted to only "490,370" (actually 2,069,000) (p. 737).
Book Reviews 107
The claim that Winfield Scott won the presidential cam-
paign in 1852 in North Carolina is not only repeated, but is
fortified with figures from the oft-erring North Carolina
Manual, 1913 (p. 391). One has only to check the Congres-
sional Globe to learn that North Carolina's vote was cast for
the Democratic candidate in 1852.
But the most serious error is a mystifying one. On page 199
one reads, "Professor DeMond wrote that 'an examination of
the records reveals that of 883 of the known Regulators, 289
were Whigs, 34 Tories, and 560 Revolutionary status un-
known.' A footnote refers the reader to R. O. DeMond's
The Loyalists in North Carolina During the Revolution "for
a list of the names of the 'known Regulators/ In the first
place, DeMond not only didn't make such a statement, but
his book took the opposite point of view. In the second place,
the figures (though the quotation is unfaithful) and the list
are found only in Elmer D. Johnson, "The War of the Regula-
tion: Its Place in History," a master's thesis which was written
under Professor Lefler's direction at the University of North
Carolina.
The two biographical volumes consist of eulogies of several
hundred North Carolinians, living and dead, as well as a
number of business enterprises and the New Hanover County
public schools. The sketches— based on willingness to pay
the price— range from a modest three-fourths of a column and
no picture for the late Congressman Robert L. Doughton to
more than seven columns and a full-page picture for Greens-
boro lawyer C. C. Frazier, Sr. Of the State's top political
leaders, only Senator Sam J. Ervin, Jr., is included. The chief
value of these sketches will be for genealogical research. The
attractive slick paper and neat print of these volumes are in
sharp contrast to the coarse paper and poor reproduction
of the history volumes.
While shortcomings are easy to find in this newest history
of North Carolina, it is, notwithstanding, a good one. Profes-
sor Lefler knows the history of the State and he writes it well.
Few contemporary historians do a better job of interweaving
relevant quotations with the author's text. This effective
blending leads to a feeling of history that a straight narrative
108
The North Carolina Historical Review
can hardly give. Too, statistics in these volumes appear to
give more than usual meaning when interpreted lucidly with
comparisons and contrasts.
In summary, an otherwise excellent History of North Caro-
lina is marred by far too many defects which should never
have reached the printed page. Although undoubtedly some
of the shortcomings are attributable to the publisher, the
name of an author on a title page implies his assumption of
blame as well as credit. A critical reading of manuscript and
proof would have prevented embarrassment to both.
H. G. Jones.
Department of Archives and History,
Raleigh.
HISTORICAL NEWS
The Department of Archives and History participated
in a series of radio broadcasts over Station WPTF, Raleigh,
on Sunday afternoons during September and October on a
program, "Let's Visit," under the direction of Ted Daniel.
Mr. Daniel interviewed officials of various State agencies
to inform the public of their functions and work. Those who
were interviewed were Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Director
of the Department; Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Super-
intendent; Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Editor; Mrs. Joye E. Jordan,
Museum Administrator; and Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archivist.
The Department announces plans for a half -hour television
program, "Our Heritage," to be given from 5:30 to 6:00 on
the following Sunday afternoons: January 27, February 24,
March 24, and April 21. The programs will be designed to
present various phases of North Carolina history and will
be telecast on Station WRAL-TV.
Dr. Christopher Crittenden attended the board meetings
of the Calvin Jones Memorial Society in Wake Forest on
September 7, October 1, November 2, and 18. On October
2 he spoke to the Harnett County Historical Society on a
suggested program for county historical societies and on Oc-
tober 7-9 attended the annual meeting of the American
Association for State and Local History at Old Sturbridge
Village, Sturbridge, Mass. At this meeting the association
adopted a long-range program presented by a committee of
which Dr. Crittenden was chairman, which will broadly ex-
pand the services of this group to the people of the country.
He attended the annual meeting in Washington, D. C, on
October 10-12 of the Society of American Archivists and on
October 19-21 the annual meeting of the National Trust for
Historic Preservation in the same city. On October 25-27
he attended the meeting of the Southeastern Museums Con-
ference in Williamsburg, Virginia, accompanied by Mrs.
Joye E. Jordan, Museum Administrator, and two members
of the staff of the Hall of History, Mrs. Dorothy R. Phillips
[109]
110 The North Carolina Historical Review
and Miss Barbara McKeithan. Dr. Crittenden spoke to the
members of the Lower Cape Fear Historical Society in Wil-
mington on November 1, on a possible program and objec-
tives for the group. On November 7 he spoke at the unveiling
of a marker to showman P. T. Barnum at Rocky Mount
which was the result of a twelve-year effort on the part of
Dr. Crittenden and Mr. Josh L. Home. On November 9
Dr. Crittenden was elected President of the Historical So-
ciety of North Carolina at the meeting in Greensboro. Other
members of the staff of the Department who attended were
Mr. H. G. Jones, Mr. D. L. Corbitt, and Mrs. Elizabeth W.
Wilborn. He attended the annual meeting of the Southern
Historical Association in Durham on November 15-17 and
spoke briefly at a meeting on November 19 when an inter-
ested group met at the Governor's Mansion to organize a
historical society in Wake County. On November 25-27
Dr. Crittenden, Mr. W. S. Tarlton, and Mrs. Joye E. Jordan
met with the Try on Palace Commission in New Bern. On
December 28-30 he attended the annual meeting of the
American Historical Association in St. Louis, Mo.
Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museum Administrator, attended the
fourth annual meeting of the Museum Educators' Conference
sponsored by the National Federation for Junior Museums
held in Jacksonville, Florida, on December 5. She was one
of the speakers on a program "Our Common Problems-
Meeting the Demand." On November 14 Mrs. Jordan, accom-
panied by Mrs. Martha H. Farley of the staff of the Hall of
History, went to Chapel Hill to assist Dr. Joffre L. Coe in
planning an exhibit on North Carolina Indian life. On De-
cember 13 Mrs. Jordan, Mrs. Dorothy R. Phillips of the staff
of the Hall of History and Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites
Superintendent, attended a meeting of the acquisitions com-
mittee, took photographs, and measured the Alston House-
Trie House in the Horseshoe— in Moore County.
Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archivist, spoke at the annual
dinner meeting of the Currituck County Historical Society
at Shawboro, October 29, on "Sources of Currituck History."
Historical News 111
The society is currently engaged in setting up a county
museum and plans are being made for the compilation of a
county history. Mr. Jones was the speaker at the quarterly
meeting of the Caswell County Historical Association at
Yanceyville on October 3 on "Eighteenth Century Caswell."
Mr. Jones and Mrs. Fannie Memory Blackwelder, Super-
visor of the Records Center, attended the annual meeting
of the Society of American Archivists in Washington, D. C,
October 10-12. Prior to the meeting they visited the National
Archives, Library of Congress, Folger Shakespeare Library,
and the Federal Records Center for two days.
Additions to the staff of the Division of Archives and
Manuscripts during the past quarter are Miss Patsy Daniels,
Mrs. Doris Swann, Mrs. Ethel Borchers, and Mrs. Bessie
Bowling.
Among the visitors to the Archives recently were Miss
Agnes Conrad, Archivist for the Territory of Hawaii; Dr.
George Spragge of the Canadian Archives; Mrs. Wilma
Dykeman Stokely, author, of Asheville and Newport, Tenn.;
and Secretary of State Ben Fortson and a delegation of offi-
cials from the State of Georgia.
The Archives of the North Carolina Department of Ar-
chives and History: Services to the Public, an eight-page in-
formational leaflet, has been released by the Department.
The leaflet is intended primarily to give information to gen-
ealogists and briefly describes various records groups avail-
able in the Archives and the policies of the Division of Ar-
chives and Manuscripts. Copies may be obtained free from
the State Archivist.
The alphabetizing and cataloguing of the following items
have been completed and the papers are now available to
the public: the War of 1812 vouchers, Mecklenburg Coun-
ty estates papers, and scattered Orange County inventories,
apprentice, guardian, and administrators' bonds.
The original agriculture, industry, mortality, and social
statistics schedules of the Censuses of 1850-1880, inclusive,
112 The North Carolina Historical Review
which were returned to the State in 1918, have been trans-
ferred to the Archives from the State Library. Due to the
weight and poor condition of the volumes, a program has
been instituted to microfilm them. In this way these valuable
manuscript copies may be made available to the public with-
in the next year.
The Department plans to publish in the near future the
text of the documents which were given to the Department
by Mr. Thurmond Chatham.
Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Superintendent, talked
to the Wake Forest Civic Club on October 9 on the subject,
"The Importance of Preserving the Calvin Jones House,"
and on October 18 he represented the Department at a
special program at Moore's Creek Bridge Battleground spon-
sored by the Battle of Moore's Creek Bridge Association.
Mr. Norman Larson of the Historic Sites Division spoke
to the Sertoma Club and presented a slide program on the
work of the Historic Sites Division on November 5.
Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Editor, spoke at the pre-organizational
meeting of the Wake County group which met at the Gov-
ernor's Mansion on November 19 to make plans for the for-
mation of a historical society. On December 5 he spoke to
the Executive Committee of the United Daughters of the
Confederacy on "Historical Activities in North Carolina."
The thirtieth annual meeting of the North Carolina State
Art Society which met in Raleigh on December 5 opened
the yearly meetings of the ten cultural societies which closed
on December 8. A business session was held during the
morning at which time the following directors were named:
Mrs. Isabelle Bowen Henderson and Dr. Clarence Poe, both
of Raleigh; Dr. Clemens Sommer of Chapel Hill; and Mr.
Egbert L. Davis of Winston-Salem. Other officers who were
re-elected are Dr. Robert Lee Humber of Greenville, Pres-
ident; Mr. Edwin Gill of Raleigh, First Vice-President; Mrs.
James H. Cordon of Raleigh, Treasurer; and Mr. John Allcott
Historical News 11
Q
of Chapel Hill, Mrs. Jacques Busbee of Steed, anc} Mrs. W.
Frank Taylor of Goldsboro, all Vice-Presidents-at-large.
Governor Luther H. Hodges, Honorary President, pre-
sided at the luncheon session and Mr. John Richard Craft,
Director of the Columbia, S. C, Museum of Art, was the
featured speaker. Dr. Robert Lee Humber presided at the
evening meeting at which time Dr. W. R. Valentiner, Direc-
tor of the North Carolina Museum of Art, made a brief talk,
and Dr. Jacob Rosenberg of the Fogg Museum of Art, Har-
vard University, gave an address on Rembrandt. The win-
ners of the 1956 North Carolina Artists Competition were
announced as follows: Mr. George Bireline of the faculty
of the School of Design at State College for his "Painting
No. 10"; Miss Edith London of the Duke University Art
Department for "Provincetown Memories"; and Mr. Grove
Robinson of Mars Hill for "Regional Landscape No. 5." Dr.
Humber reported on the gifts received by the North Caro-
lina Museum of Art during the past year which are valued
at approximately $182,300 and stated that the sum of approx-
imately $14,000 in cash was given for the purchase of works
of art. Reports were given by Mr. Ben Williams, Museum
Curator; Mr. James B. Byrnes, Associate Museum Director;
and Mrs. James H. Cordon, Treasurer. Following the even-
ing session a reception was held for members and guests.
The North Carolina Society for the Preservation of An-
tiquities held its sixteenth annual session on December 6
with Mrs. Charles A. Cannon of Concord, President, pre-
siding. Mr. James A. Stenhouse was elected at the morning
session to succeed Mrs. Cannon who was elected Honorary
President of the society of which she is a charter member
and of which she has been President since 1941. Members
of the group voted to give $1,000 as a tribute in honor of
Mrs. Cannon to be used toward the construction of a gate-
house in the Elizabethan Garden at Manteo, to be built
in replica of Hayes Barton, Sir Walter Raleigh's home. Mrs.
J. W. Labouisse of Durham was elected Vice-President and
Mrs. Ernest A. Branch of Raleigh was re-elected Secretary-
114 The North Carolina Historical Review
Treasurer. Progress on the various restoration projects
throughout the State were reported on by Mrs. Joseph O.
Talley, Jr., of Fayetteville, Mrs. K. T. Penniman of Rocky
Mount, Dr. Mary Wiley of Winston-Salem, Mrs. W. G. Guille
of Salisbury, and Mrs. J. A. Kellenberger of Greensboro. Dr.
Christopher Crittenden gave a brief illustrated talk on "Pre-
serving Our Historic Shrines."
Governor Luther H. Hodges brought greetings at the
luncheon at which Mrs. Ernest Ives of Southern Pines pre-
sided. Mr. C. J. McDonald, President of the Moore County
Historical Society, gave a talk on "Some Historic Facts Con-
cerning the Late Governor Williams and also the Alston
House."
Mrs. Cannon brought greetings at the evening session
which was highlighted by the presentation of the Cannon
Awards and a presentation by the Carolina Playmakers of
Adolphe Vermont's melodrama, "Esther Wake, or the Spirit
of the Regulators." This year's recipients of the awards,
which are made for outstanding work in the field of history,
are: Mr. Clarence W. Griffin of Forest City, for historical
articles and his work with the Western North Carolina His-
torical Association; Mrs. Blanche Manor of Raleigh, for her
work in interesting out-of-state people in the work of the
Antiquities Society; Mr. James Kay Kyser of Chapel Hill,
for his work in historical preservation and with the Roanoke
Island Historical Association; Mrs. R. L. McMillan of Ra-
leigh, for her work in restoring ancient gardens in the State
and with the Memorial Highway project of the Federation
of Women's Clubs; Mrs. Sidney McMullen of Edenton, for
her work in historic preservation in Edenton; and Mr. George
Maurice of Eagle Springs, who has directed research and re-
construction of the "House in the Horseshoe." Mr. Paul
Green of Chapel Hill announced the winners and Mrs. O.
Max Gardner of Shelby presented the awards. Following
the meeting a reception was held with life members and
officers receiving.
Historical News 115
On the afternoon of December 6 Governor and Mrs. Luther
H. Hodges entertained at a reception at the Governor's Man-
sion for all members and guests of the participating societies.
The Roanoke Island Historical Association held its sub-
scription luncheon and annual business meeting in the Man-
teo Room of the Hotel Sir Walter on December 6.
The fifty-sixth annual meeting of the North Carolina Lit-
erary and Historical Association, Inc., opened on December
7 with Mr. Gilbert T. Stephenson of Pendleton, President,
presiding. Reports were given by Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Dr.
Christopher Crittenden, Mr. M. R. Dunnagan, Mrs. Eliza-
beth H. Hughey, Miss Clyde Smith, and Mr. Richard Walser.
The entire slate of officers was re-elected: Mr. Gilbert T.
Stephenson, President; Mrs. Taft Bass of Clinton, Dr. Marvin
L. Skaggs of Greensboro, and Mr. Ray S. Wilkinson of Rocky
Mount, all Vice-Presidents; and Dr. Christopher Crittenden,
Secretary-Treasurer. New members of the Executive Com-
mittee elected were Dr. R. B. House and Colonel Jeffrey F.
Stanback. Mr. Richard Walser of State College read a paper,
"Dare County Belles-Lettres"; Mr. William S. Powell of the
University of North Carolina Library read a paper, "Roanoke
Colonists and Explorers: An Attempt at Identification"; and
a review of North Carolina fiction of the year was given by
Dr. C. Hugh Holman of the University of North Carolina.
Presentation of the various awards were made as follows:
Dr. Henry S. Stroupe, the R. D. W. Connor Award to Mr.
Houston G. Jones of the State Department of Archives and
History for his article, "Bedford Brown: State Rights Union-
ist," which appeared in The North Carolina Historical Re-
view; Mr. Roy Parker, Jr., the Roanoke-Chowan Poetry
Award to Mrs. Helen Bevington of Durham for her volume
of poems, Change of Sky; Mrs. M. W. Peterson, the Ameri-
can Association of University Women Juvenile Literature
Award to Mrs. Julia Montgomery Street of Winston-Salem
for her book, Fiddlers Fancy. Mr. William S. Powell pre-
sented the American Association for State and Local His-
tory Awards to the following: Mrs. Ethel Stephens Arnett
116 The North Carolina Historical Review
for her book, Greensboro, North Carolina, The County Seat
of Guilford; Mr. Clarence W. Griffin of Forest City for his
contributions to the development of local history; and to
the Moore County Historical Association for its publication
of an authentic county history.
Mrs. Taft Bass of Clinton presided at the subscription
luncheon which featured a review of North Carolina non-
fiction books of the year given by Dr. H. Broadus Jones of
Wake Forest College. A collection of original documents
covering the period, 1664-1674, was presented to the State
by Mr. Thurmond Chatham of Ronda. These documents in-
clude letters and instructions from the Lords Proprietors to
governors Peter Carteret and Samuel Stephens, reports,
grants, accounts, commissions, and certificates of appoint-
ment. Mr. McDaniel Lewis of Greensboro, Chairman of the
Executive Board of the Department of Archives and History,
accepted the gift on behalf of the State.
Dr. Marvin L. Skaggs of Greensboro presided at the din-
ner meeting at which time Mr. Gilbert T. Stephenson made
the presidential address. Following the dinner the evening
session which was presided over by Mr. Ray Wilkinson of
Rocky Mount was held. The address was given by Dr. Roy
F. Nichols, Vice-Provost and Professor of History at the Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania, on the subject, "One Hundred Years
Ago." Mrs. Frances Gray Patton of Durham received the
Sir Walter Raleigh Award for her book, A Piece of Luck,
and Mr. Glenn Tucker was presented the Mayflower Award
for his non-fiction work, Tecumseh, Vision of Glory. Miss
Clara Booth Byrd, President of the Historical Book
Club, Inc. of Greensboro, presented the Sir Walter Award
given yearly for the best work of fiction, and Mrs. Preston B.
Wilkes, Jr., of Charlotte, Governor of the Society of May-
flower Descendants in North Carolina, presented the May-
flower Award. Following the meeting a reception was held
for members and guests of the State Literary and Historical
Association, with officers and the awards winners receiving.
The North Carolina Poetry Society held its annual meet-
ing on the afternoon of December 7 with Mrs. A. A. Kyles
Historical News 117
of Bessemer City presiding. Poetry was read by Mr. H. A.
Sieber of Chapel Hill, and Mrs. Gertrude LaV. Vestal of
Winston-Salem introduced Mrs. Helen Bevington, winner
of the Roanoke-Chowan Poetry Award for the year. A busi-
ness session was held and reports and announcements were
made.
The forty-fifth annual meeting of the North Carolina Folk-
lore Society was held on December 7 at which time Mr.
Donald MacDonald of Charlotte read a paper on "Scottish
Jacobite Songs," and Mr. Herbert Shellans of Chapel Hill
presented "A Sheaf of American Folksongs." Officers elected
at the business session were: Mrs. Betty Vaiden Williams,
President, Mr. Donald MacDonald and Mr. John Fletcher,
Vice-Presidents, and Dr. A. P. Hudson, Secretary-Treasurer.
The North Carolina Society of County and Local Histor-
ians held its annual meeting on December 7 with Dr. James
W. Patton, Head, Southern Historical Collection of the Uni-
versity of North Carolina, making the principal address. Mr.
Manly Wade Wellman presented the newspaper awards of
merit and Mrs. Taft Bass presented the Hodges Cup Award
which is given to high school students. A business session
was held with the following officers elected: Dr. J. E. Hodges
of Maiden, President; Mrs. Taft Bass of Clinton, Mrs. N. A.
Edwards of Goldsboro, and Mr. Leon M. McDonald of
Olivia, all Vice-Presidents; and Mrs. Musella W. Wagner of
Chapel Hill, Secretary-Treasurer.
The North Carolina Symphony Society held a meeting of
its executive committee on the evening of December 7. Offi-
cers of the society are: Governor Luther H. Hodges and Dr.
Charles F. Carroll, members ex officio; Dr. Benjamin F.
Swalin of Chapel Hill, Director; Mr. Russell M. Grumman
of Chapel Hill, President; Mr. M. Elliott Carroll of Durham,
Executive Vice-President; Mr. Lester C. Gifford of Hickory,
Mr. James McClure Clarke of Asheville, and Mrs. Floyd
D. Mehan of High Point, Vice-Presidents; Mr. John E.
118 The North Carolina Historical Review
Adams of Chapel Hill, Secretary; Mr. William R. Cherry of
Chapel Hill, Treasurer; and Mrs. Vera N. Campbell of
Chapel Hill, Assistant Treasurer.
Mr. Glenn Tucker of Flat Rock, winner of the Mayflower
Cup Award, and Mrs. Preston B. Wilkes, Jr., of Charlotte,
Governor of the Society of Mayflower Descendants in North
Carolina, were honored at a breakfast on December 8 by
the Central Carolina Colony of the Society. Dr. Robert Lee
Humber made a brief talk and Dr. Roy F. Nichols was also
a special guest. Mr. Joseph C. Moore, Jr. of Raleigh, Lieu-
tenant Governor of the Central Carolina Colony, presided
and Mayor Fred B. Wheeler of Raleigh read the Mayflower
Compact. Dr. Sturgis B. Leavitt of Chapel Hill gave a re-
port on the projects of the society for the past year and Mr.
Jack Wardlaw of Raleigh was presented as a new member.
Mrs. W. G. Allen and Miss Daisy Waitt were co-chairmen of
the breakfast committee. In addition to Mr. Moore other offi-
cers of the society are: Mrs. Samuel B. Dees, Lieutenant
Governor; Mrs. Allen, Secretary-Treasurer; and Dr. Leavitt
and Dr. Wallace E. Caldwell, members of the board.
Members of the Historical Book Club, Inc., of Greensboro
held a breakfast meeting at the Sir Walter Hotel on Decem-
ber 8.
The Southern Historical Association held its twenty-sec-
ond annual meeting in Durham, November 15-17, with head-
quarters at the Washington Duke Hotel. A number of meet-
ings were held on the campus of Duke University including
a tea given for women members and members' wives on
November 15 by Mrs. A. Hollis Edens, wife of the President
of Duke University, and the sessions which were held on
Saturday, culminating in a complimentary luncheon at which
Dr. Paul H. Clyde presided.
Approximately 500 members and guests registered for the
three-day meeting which brought together a large number
of historians and scholars from over most of the southern
and eastern sections of the country. Dr. James W. Patton,
Head of the Southern Collection at the University of North
Historical News 119
Carolina and President of the Association, presided at the
business session and delivered the address at the annual
dinner on November 16. New officers elected are Dr. Robert
Selph Henry of Washington, D. C, President; Dr. Walter
Posey of Emory University, Vice-President; and Dr. Ben-
nett H. Wall of the University of Kentucky, Secretary-Treas-
urer.
One of the highlights of the meeting was the presentation
of the Sydnor Memorial Award for distinguished historical
writing to Dr. Joseph H. Parks of Birmingham-Southern Col-
lege, Birmingham, Alabama, for his book, General E. Kirby
Smith. Dr. Parks is the first recipient of the award establish-
ed in 1955 in honor of the late Dr. Charles S. Sydnor, former
Chairman of the Department of History at Duke University
and Dean of the Graduate School. The $500 award is to be
presented every two years, alternating with the Charles W.
Ramsdell Award for the best article published in The Journal
of Southern History.
On Saturday morning there was a joint session of the
North Carolina State Literary and Historical Association and
the Southern Historical Association at which Mr. Gilbert T.
Stephenson presided. Mr. Stephenson, President of the Liter-
ary and Historical Association, introduced Dr. D. J. Whitener
of Appalachian State Teachers College, Dr. Henry S. Stroupe
of Wake Forest College, and Mr. Richard Walser of North
Carolina State College who read papers. Dr. Christopher
Crittenden acted as discussion leader.
News items from the University of North Carolina include
the following: Dr. Harold A. Bierck has been promoted to
Professor in the Department of History; Dr. Robert Moats
Miller, formerly of Texas Western College, has been ap-
pointed as Assistant Professor of History; Dr. Hugh Dodge
Hawkins has been appointed Instructor in History; Dr. Mor-
ton Keller and Mr. Charles Adams Hale have been appoint-
ed Instructors in Social Science. The following recent gradu-
ates have accepted positions for the school year 1956-57; Mr.
John Hardin Best, Mississippi State College for Women;
Mr. Mills Brown, Colonial Williamsburg; Mr. William Burlie
120 The North Carolina Historical Review
Brown, Tulane University; Mr. George Hardy Callcott, Uni-
versity of Maryland; Mr. Vincent H. dePaul Cassidy, South-
western Louisiana Institute; Miss Margaret Louise Chapman,
University of Florida; Mr. George Weston Clarke, Presby-
terian College; Mr. Enoch Lawrence Lee, Jr., The Citadel;
Mr. Hubert Eugene McAllister, Mercer University; Mr. Na-
thaniel Magruder, Stratford College; Mr. Charles Lewis
Price, West Georgia College; and Mr. Frank W. Ryan, North
Texas State College. Dr. Frank W. Klingberg read a paper,
"The Southern Unionists Joins the Solid South," at the fall
meeting of the Historical Society of North Carolina, and Dr.
James L. Godfrey read a paper, "The Labor Government and
the Independence of India," at the Southern Historical Asso-
ciation meeting in Durham on November 15 at which meet-
ing he was elected to the Executive Council of the Associa-
tion. Dr. Godfrey also had an article, "The Problem of Guid-
ing Youth in English Schools," in The South Atlantic Quar-
terly, LV (October, 1956). Dr. Cornelius O. Cathey will be
Visiting Professor in the 1957 Summer Session, the Univer-
sity of Wyoming.
Dr. Loren C. MacKinney gave an illustrated lecture on
"Surgery in the Middle Ages" in Chicago on December 4
at a meeting sponsored by the International College of Sur-
geons. He has been asked to participate at the annual meet-
ing of the American Association of Anatomists in Baltimore
in April, 1957, and was recently appointed a member of the
editorial board of Manuscripts published by St. Louis Uni-
versity. Dr. Hugh T. Lefler addressed the Wayne County
Historical Society in Goldsboro, October 18, 1956, on "Some
Problems in Writing Local History." He has published "The
Southern Colonies, 1600-1750," Travels in the Old South: A
Bibliography, edited by Dr. Thomas D. Clark, and History
of North Carolina, published by the Lewis Publishing Com-
pany of New York and composed of four volumes, two of
which are biography (not written by Dr. Lefler). Dr. Lefler
has been asked to be Visiting Professor of History in the 1957
Summer Session at Syracuse University. Dr. J. Carlyle Sit-
terson was elected to the Board of Editors of The Journal
Historical News' 121
of Southern History at the November meeting of the South-
ern Historical Association. Dr. Fletcher M. Green will be
Visiting Professor of History at Northwestern University in
the 1957 Summer Session.
Dr. Jack Greene, recent doctoral graduate of Duke Uni-
versity, is teaching at Michigan State; Miss Barbara Bran-
don, a doctoral candidate, is teaching at the Woman's Col-
lege of the University of North Carolina; and Mr. Murray
S. Downs, doctoral candidate, at Virginia Polytechnic In-
stitute. Three other Duke graduate students are studying
abroad on grants: Mr. John J. TePaske in Spain; Mr. Rich-
ard Barker in France; and Mr. J. Bowyer Bell in Italy, the
last two on Fulbright Awards. Dr. Richard N. Current of
the Woman's College of the University of North Carolina
spoke at the opening meeting of the Trinity College Histor-
ical Society. Dr. Robert F. Durden has published "James S.
Pike: President Lincoln's Minister to the Netherlands," in
the New England Quarterly (September, 1956). The Duke
University Library has accessioned over one and a quarter
million volumes. Among recent manuscript accessions are
letters and papers of Joseph Conrad, Lord Grenville, the
Duke of Wellington, Sir Robert Peel, Stephen Fuller ( agent
for Jamaica in London, 1780's and 1790's), the McLaurin
familv in the Carolinas (chiefly ante-bellum), Colonel J. D.
Langston of Goldsboro, Senator Lee Overman, Congressman
H, J. Drane of Florida, Baudry des Lozieres (1751-1841),
and films of the Adams papers. Dr. William B. Hamilton
will be on leave in the spring to do research on political his-
tory in New Zealand and Australia and on Lord Grenville
in England.
Dr. Alice B. Keith and Dr. Sarah M. Lemmon of Meredith
College attended the meeting of the Historical Society of
North Carolina in Greensboro on November 3, at which time
Dr. Keith was elected Vice-President of the Society. Drs.
Keith and Lemmon and Dr. Lillian Parker Wallace attended
some of the sessions of the Southern Historical Association
meeting in Durham, November 15-17.
122 The North Carolina Historical Review
Six members of the Department of Social Science of Wake
Forest College attended the meeting of the Southern His-
torical Association in Durham: Drs. Percival Perry, David
L. Smiley, Henry S. Stroupe, Lowell R. Tillett, W. Buck
Yearns, and Mr. John K. Huckaby. Dr. Smiley presided over
the session, "Problems of Civil War and Reconstruction,"
and Dr. Stroupe read a paper on "The History of the North
Carolina Department of Archives and History." Dr. Stroupe
also attended the meeting of the Historical Society of North
Carolina in Greensboro.
Dr. Philip Africa, Head of the Department of History of
Salem College, announces the appointment of Mr. M. Foster
Farley, formerly of Newberry College, to the staff.
Dr. Chalmers G. Davidson was elected President of the
Mecklenburg Historical Association at a dinner meeting Nov-
ember 29 at Sugaw Creek Presbyterian Church. Dr. David-
son succeeds Mr. James A. Stenhouse. Mrs. Grace B. Mc-
Dowell was named first Vice-President; Mr. Lee Monroe,
Kerns, second Vice-President; Miss Mary Louise Davidson,
Secretary; and Mr. Harry T. Orr, Sr., Treasurer. Mr. Sten-
house, Mr. C. W. Gilchrist, and Mr. Henry C. Dockery were
named trustees for a two-year term. Mr. J. H. Carson spoke
on the history of gold mining in Mecklenburg County. A
new project of the society for the coming year is the collec-
tion of a complete file of all publications concerning May 20
celebrations in Charlotte from the 1820's to the present.
The Columbus County Society of Local and County His-
torians held a reorganizational meeting in November at the
Whiteville home of Mrs. Seth Smith. The following officers
were elected: Mr. Ray Wyche, President; Mrs. Smith, Vice-
President; Mrs. J. A. Brown, Historian; Mrs. H. A. Turner,
Assistant Historian; and Miss Alice Lowe, Secretary-Treas-
urer.
The Carteret County Historical Society began its third
year with a meeting at the civic center in Morehead City on
October 20 with Mr. Thomas Respess, President, presiding.
Historical News 123
Mr. Respess presented a paper on the early schools of Beau-
fort, and Mr. F. C. Salisbury gave an illustrated map talk
on the history of the formation of Carteret County. The com-
mittee which compiled the records of burials in the Old
Town Cemetery was commended and Miss Mildred White-
hurst was recognized for her work in typing the four books
compiled. The society has taken as one of its additional pro-
jects the compiling of similar records of old cemeteries
throughout Carteret County.
The Chronicle, newsletter of the Bertie County Historical
Association, which was issued in October carried the speech
given by Dr. Christopher Crittenden at the spring meeting,
an article on the history of Roxobel Township by Mr. J. M.
Browne, and a report on the tour which netted $1,300 for
the Hope Restoration Fund. The fall meeting of the asso-
ciation was held on October 18, at which time papers on the
history of Windsor were presented. These were prepared
under the direction of Mrs. M. B. Gillam, Sr., and Mrs. W. S.
Smith, Windsor Township Chairmen.
At a service conducted by the Rev. S. Janney Hutton, on
September 23, 1956, a bronze tablet was unveiled at Mer-
chant's Hope Church, six miles east of Hopewell, Virginia.
This church is said to be the oldest Protestant church now
standing in Virginia. The tablet is a gift from Miss Martha
Adeline Higgs of Raleigh and was presented in memory of
her ancestor, Thomas Cnappell (1612-1658), to the Sir Wal-
ter Raleigh Chapter of the North Carolina Society of Col-
onial Dames of the Seventeenth Century which placed the
marker at the service.
The foundation for the organization of a Wake County
historical society was laid at a meeting held in the Gover-
nor's Mansion on November 19 with Mrs. R. N. Simms, who
served as chairman of a committee representing the Blooms-
bury Chapter of the Daughters of the Revolution, presiding.
She was assisted by Mr. D. L. Corbitt of the State Depart-
ment of Archives and History who made a brief talk. The
invocation was given by Mr. James S. Potter of the Taber-
124 The North Carolina Historical Review
nacle Baptist Church after which Mrs. Simms recognized
members of patriotic societies who were present. Mr. and
Mrs. Henry Belk and Mr. M. B. Andrews of the Wayne
County Historical Society, Dr. Luby Royall and Mrs. W. B.
Beasley of the Johnston County Historical Society, and Dr.
Christopher Crittenden were also recognized. Mr. A. L. Pur-
rington, Jr., was elected temporary chairman of the group and
Mrs. Richard Seawell temporary secretary. A meeting is
planned for January at which time committees appointed by
Mr. Purrington are to report and make recommendations.
The fall meeting of the Historical Society of North Caro-
lina was held at Greensboro College on November 3 with
Dr. William P. Cumming of Davidson, presiding. Papers
were read by Dr. Frank W. Klingberg of the University of
North Carolina, Dr. H. H. Cunningham of Elon College,
and Dr. Cumming. The following officers were elected for
1957: Dr. Christopher Crittenden, President; Dr. Alice B.
Keith of Meredith College, Vice-President; and Dr. M. L.
Skaggs of Greensboro College, Secretary-Treasurer. Miss
Mattie Russell and Dr. John Alden both of Duke Univer-
sity were elected new members of the society.
Dr. I. G. Greer of Chapel Hill has been re-elected Presi-
dent of the Southern Appalachian Historical Association,
sponsor of the outdoor drama, "Horn in the West." Mr.
James Marsh was elected executive Vice-President; Mr.
Hugh Hagaman, first Vice-President; Mr. G. C. Greene, Jr.,
Treasurer; and Mrs. Lawrence Owsley, Secretary. Opening
date for 1957 has been tentatively set as June 25, and the
season is to run through Labor Day.
The quarterly meeting of the Pasquotank County Histori-
cal Society was held September 25, in the Christ Church
Parish House with General John E. Wood, President, pre-
siding. Reports on the condition of historic sites and markers
located in the county and on the progress of the year book
were made. The speaker, Mr. G. F. Hill, presented an address
on "Astronomy— History and Movements of the Heavenly
Bodies."
Historical News 125
The final quarterly meeting of the society was held on
November 27 in the Parish House with Mr. David Stick as
the principal speaker. General John E. Wood presided at
the business session at which time Mr. Miles Clark reported
on the investigations made by his committee in an effort to
restore a number of historical markers which have been
abandoned. Mr. Stick talked on research and the writing of
local history and the need for accuracy in recording facts
which are to be used by future writers and historians. The
heritage of Roanoke Island and the Outer Banks was especial-
ly emphasized.
The Pasquotank County Historical Society announces the
completion of the first volume of Year Book, Pasquotank His-
torical Society, Elizabeth City, 1954-1955. Persons interested
in this book may apply to General John E. Wood, Archorage
Farm, Currituck, N. C.
The North Carolina Society of County and Local His-
torians conducted a tour of Randolph County on October 7
which began at the courthouse in Asheboro. Places visited
were Colonel Balfour's grave, Back Creek Friends Church,
Skeens' Mill Covered Bridge, Trinity (site of old Trinity
College), Bell's grave, Walker's Mill, Randleman (where
the group ate a plate lunch ) , Melanchthon Lutheran Church,
Sandy Creek Baptist Church, Friendville Old Quaker Church,
and Holly Springs Friends Church.
Another tour on October 21 sponsored by the same organi-
zation began at the Guilford Courthouse and covered the
following places of interest: Center Quaker Church and
Cemetery, Alamance Presbyterian Church and Cemetery,
the John McLean House, the Calvinist (German Reform)
Church, Alamance Battlefield (where the group had lunch),
Captain Peter Summer's House, Simeon Wagoner House,
Friedens Lutheran Church, Ludwick Summer's House and
Mill, and Weitzel's ( Whitesell's ) Mill.
The twenty-fourth annual meeting of the Archaeological
Society of North Carolina was held in the Assembly Room
of the Department of Archives and History in the Education
126 The North Carolina Historical Review
Building on October 6. The program consisted of illustrated
lectures by the late Douglas L. Rights, Mr. Stanley South,
and Mr. Joffre L. Coe, and a talk by Mr. Lewis Binford. Fol-
lowing the business meeting a luncheon was attended by a
number of the members present.
Dr. Marvin L. Skaggs, head of the Department of History
at Greensboro College, announces the addition of a Division
of Economics and Business Administration to his depart-
ment. The addition was made primarily to answer the de-
mands of resident male students who are being admitted for
the first time this year.
The University of North Carolina Press recently released
a list, One Hundred Outstanding Books About North Caro-
lina, compiled by Richard Walser and Hugh T. Lefler. The
primary purpose of the pamphlet is to guide individuals and
libraries in the selection of available books in the fields of
history, biography and letters, folklore, fiction, the short
story, drama, poetry, juvenile, sectional, and general sub-
jects. This is available free upon application from the Press
in Chapel Hill.
The Western North Carolina Historical Association an-
nounces the erection of four historical markers in that area.
Two Estatoe Path Markers were dedicated in Transylvania
County on September 13 and two markers, one at Old Fort
and one at Swannanoa Gap, were dedicated in the Ruther-
ford's Trace series on September 16. The programs were ar-
ranged by Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton of Henderson ville,
President of the Western North Carolina Historical Associa-
tion. Participating in the dedication services were Mrs. Mary
Jane McCrary of Brevard; Mr. John Parris of Sylva; Mr. Ar-
sene Thompson of Cherokee; Mr. Robert T. Gash; Mrs.
Robert Lyday; Dr. Carl McMurray; Miss Mary M. Greenlee;
Mr. Clarence W. Griffin; Dr. Jerold Snyder; and Mr. Jerry
Thorpe. All four of the markers are official roadside markers
erected under the Historic Sites Division, State Department
of Archives and History. Descendants of General Griffith
Historical News 127
Rutherford unveiled the Swannanoa Gap and Old Fort Mark-
ers.
On October 27 the Western North Carolina Historical As-
sociation held its regular quarterly meeting in the Pack Mem-
orial Library in Asheville with Mrs. Sadie S. Patton, Presi-
dent, presiding. Miss Cordelia Camp read a paper on "The
Grist Mills of North Carolina," and Colonel Paul A. Rock-
well gave a paper on "Early North Carolina Maps." Fol-
lowing the program the Thomas Wolfe Memorial Literary
Cup was awarded to Glenn Tucker of Flat Rock for his
book, Tecumseh: Vision of Glory, which is a biography of
the great Indian chief. Mr. George W. McCoy, Vice-Presi-
dent, served as chairman of the program committee.
The new World Methodist Council headquarters building
which cost $100,000 and houses historical and archival ma-
terials valued at more than $100,000 was dedicated at Lake
Junaluska on September 2. Bishop John Branscomb of Jack-
sonville, Fla., made the presentation of the debt-free build-
ing and Bishop Ivan Lee Holt of St. Louis, Mo., President
of the World Methodist Council, expressed appreciation
to the group who provided the money. Guests from seventy
nations were present and a number of sessions were held re-
lating to various Methodists including John Wesley and
Francis Asbury. A vast accumulation of documents and
papers relating to Methodist history is stored in this deposi-
tory and is accessible to Methodists as well as other visitors.
Dr. Elmer T. Clark of Lake Junaluska made an address to
the assembly and presented the archives with a large number
of items from his private collection.
The fourth annual summer Institute on Historical and
Archival Management will be offered by Radcliffe College,
with the co-sponsorship of the Department of History of
Harvard University, from June 24 through August 2, 1957.
The course which is designed for college graduates offers
two full-tuition scholarships of $200 each and will be con-
ducted by a staff of eighteen or more experts in the fields of
128 The North Carolina Historical Review
historical and archival management. Inquiries should be ad-
dressed to the Institute, 10 Garden St., Cambridge 38, Mass.
The Library Company of Philadelphia announces the
establishment of a fellowship in American studies for the
academic year 1957-1958, which carries a stipend of $5,000
for the term September 15-June 15 with residence in or
near Philadelphia a requirement. Applications for the fellow-
ship, with personal history, three letters of recommendation,
and an outline of the proposed research project, must be in
the hands of The Library Company of Philadelphia, Broad
and Christian Streets, Philadelphia 47, Pa., no later than
March 1, 1957.
The University of Delaware and The Henry Francis du
Pont Winterthur Museum announce five two-year fellowships
with stipends up to $4,000 each for graduate fellowships in
early American arts and cultural history. The second year's
grant is to be contingent on satisfactory completion of the
first vear's work and applications should be filed by March
1, 1957. Blanks and further information may be obtained
from The Co-Ordinator, Winterthur Program, University of
Delaware, Newark, Delaware.
Books received during the last quarter are: Bell Irwin
Wiley, The Road to Appomattox (Memphis, Tennessee:
Memphis State College Press, 1956 ) ; Earley Winfred Bridges,
Chorazin Chapter No. 13, Royal Arch Mason. A Historical
Survey of One of North Carolina's Outstanding Chapters
(Staunton, Virginia: McClure Printing Company, 1953);
Earley Winfred Bridges, Greensboro Lodge, No. 76. A. F.
and A. M. A Historical Survey of One of North Carolina's
Outstanding Lodges (Staunton, Virginia: McClure Printing
Company, 1951); Arthur S. Link, Wilson, The New Freedom
(Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1956);
Burnette Vanstory, Georgia's Land of the Golden Isles
(Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1956); Henry
Thompson Malone, Cherokees of the Old South: A People
in Transition (Athens: The University of Georgia Press,
1956); E. Merton Coulter, Auraria, The Story of a Georgia
Gold-Mining Town (Athens: The University of Georgia
Press, 1956); Richard Barksdale Harwell, The Committees
Historical News 129
of Safety of Westmoreland and Fincastle. Proceedings of the
County Committees, 1774-1776 (Richmond: The Virginia
State Library, 1956); Louis B. Wright and Virginia Freund,
The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britaina, 1612 (New
York: Cambridge University Press [London: The Hakluyt
Society, 1951]); Manly Wade Wellman, Rebel Boast: First
at Bethel— Last at Appomattox (New York: Henry Holt
and Company, 1956); George Lee Simpson, The Cokers of
Carolina: A Social Biography of a Family (Chapel Hill: The
University of North Carolina Press, 1956 ) ; Charles Crossfield
Ware, A History of Atlantic Christian College— Culture in
Coastal Carolina (Wilson: Atlantic Christian College, 1956);
Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume
LXIX, October, 1947 -May, 1950 (Boston: Published by the
Massachusetts Historical Society, 1956); Norman E. Eliason,
Tar Heel Talk. An Historical Study of the English Language
in North Carolina (Chapel Hill: The University of North
Carolina Press, 1956); Carl Goerch, Ocracoke (Raleigh:
Privately printed, 1956); John G. Barrett, Shermans March
Through the Carolinas (Chapel Hill: The University of
North Carolina Press, 1956); Louis T. Moore, Stories Old
and New of the Cape Fear Region (Wilmington: Privately
printed, 1956); J. H. Easterby, The Colonial Records of
South Carolina. The Journal of the Commons House of As-
sembly, September 10, 1745-June 17, 1746 (Columbia: South
Carolina Archives Department, 1956); Frank E. Vandiver,
Rebel Brass: The Confederate Command System (Baton
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1956); Gayle Thorn-
brough and Dorothy Riker, Readings in Indiana History
(Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Bureau, 1956); John Hope
Franklin, From Slavery to Freedom, A History of American
Negroes (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1956, Second Print-
ing); Stanley F. Horn, The Decisive Battle of Nashville
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1956);
Roy Parker, Sr., and Others, The Ahoskie Era of Hertford
County, 1889-1939 (Ahoskie: Parker Brothers Publishers,
1956); and Dorothy and Richard Pratt, A Guide to Early
American Homes— South (New York: McGraw-Hill Book
Company, Inc., Trade Book Department, 1956).
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE
Dr. Henry T. Malone is Associate Professor of History
and Assistant to the Dean in the School of Arts and Sciences
at Georgia State College of Business Administration, Atlanta.
Mr. Diffee W. Standard is Research Assistant at the Insti-
tute for Research in Social Science, and a graduate student,
at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.
Dr. Richard W. Griffin is Associate Professor of History
at Athens College, Athens, Georgia.
Mrs. Fannie Memory Blackwelder is Supervisor of the
State Records Center of the Department of Archives and
History in Raleigh and is a member of the North Carolina
State Bar.
Dr. Frenise A. Logan is Professor of History at The Agri-
cultural and Technical College of North Carolina in Greens-
boro.
Miss Marian H. Blair is a former member of the faculties
of Salem, Agnes Scott, and Greensboro colleges and has
also taught at the University of North Carolina and Duke
University. She presently resides in Winston-Salem where
she is a member of the Board of Directors of the Wachovia
Historical Society.
[180]
THE
NORTH CAROLINA
HISTORICAL REVIEW
i
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Pt&pri
APRIL 1957
Volume XXXIV
Number 2
Published Quarterly By
State Department of Archives and History
Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets
Raleigh, N. C.
THE NORTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL REVIEW
Published by the State Department of Archives and History
Raleigh, N. C.
Christopher Crittenden, Editor
David LeRoy Corbitt, Managing Editor
ADVISORY EDITORIAL BOARD
Walter Clinton Jackson Hugh Talmage Lefler
Frontis Withers Johnson George Myers Stephens
STATE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY
EXECUTIVE BOARD
McDaniel Lewis, Chairman
Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne
Fletcher M. Green William Thomas Laprade
Clarence W. Griffin Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton
Christopher Crittenden, Director
This review was established in January, 192U, as a medium of publica-
tion and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other
institutions by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only.
The regular price is $3.00 per year. Members of the State Literary and
Historical Association, for which the annual dues arc $5.00, receive this
publication without further payment. Back numbers may be procured at
the regular price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number.
COVER — Faced with a chronic lack of currency with which to
pay his employees at the Mount Hecla mill, Henry Humphreys of
Greensboro issued scrip in denominations of 12% cents to five
dollars. The financial success of this first steam-operated cotton
mill in the state led to the ready acceptance of Humphreys' scrip
in the community. Mount Hecla bills, like those issued by other
textile mills, aided in the commercial expansion of the North
Carolina Piedmont in the decades before the Civil War.
The North Carolina
Historical Review
Volume XXXIV April, 1957 Number 2
CONTENTS
THE COTTON TEXTILE INDUSTRY IN
ANTE-BELLUM NORTH CAROLINA.
PART II, AN ERA OF BOOM AND
CONSOLIDATION, 1830-1860 131
Richard W. Griffin and Diffee W. Standard
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE PUBLISHED
WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN GRIFFITH
BRAWLEY 165
John W. Parker
PAPERS FROM THE FIFTY-SIXTH ANNUAL
SESSION OF THE STATE LITERARY AND
HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION, RALEIGH,
DECEMBER, 1956
INTRODUCTION 179
DARE COUNTY BELLE-LETTRES 180
Richard Walser
ROANOKE COLONISTS AND EXPLORERS:
AN ATTEMPT AT IDENTIFICATION 202
William S. Powell
NORTH CAROLINA FICTION, DRAMA,
AND POETRY: 1955-56 227
C. Hugh Holman
Entered as second class matter September 29, 1928, at the Post Office at
Raleigh, North Carolina, under the act of March 3, 1879.
[i]
NORTH CAROLINA NON-FICTION BOOKS
1955-56 237
H. Broadus Jones
LIFE AND LITERATURE 247
Gilbert T. Stephenson
ONE HUNDRED YEARS AGO 255
Koy F. Nichols
NORTH CAROLINA BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1955-56 2 270
William S. Powell
BOOK REVIEWS 282
Shanks's The Papers of Willie Person Mangum, Volume
V, 1847-1894 — By Paul Murray; Cathey's Agricultural
Developments in North Carolina, 1783-1860 — By Wayne
D. Rasmussen ; Barrett's Sherman's March through the
Carolinas — By Jay Luvaas ; Ware's A History of Atlan-
tic Christian College: Culture in Coastal Carolina — By
J. D. Messick ; Moore's Stories Old and New of the Cape
Fear Region — By William S. Powell ; Goerch's Ocracoke
By Holley Mack Bell ; Wates's Stub Entries to Indents
Issued in Payment of Claims Against South Carolina
Growing Out of the Revolution. Book K — By Lawrence
F. Brewster; Wright's and Freund's The Historie of
Travell into Virginia Britania (1612) by William
Strachey, gent. — By Stanley South; Coulter's Auraria:
The Story of a Georgia Gold-Mining Town — By Fletcher
M. Green; Walton's John Filson of Kentucke — By
Weymouth T. Jordan; Malone's Cherokees of the Old
South — By D. H. Corkran; Stampp's The Peculiar
Institution: Slavery in the Ante-Bellum South — By
Bell I. Wiley ; Vandiver's Rebel Brass, The Confederate
Command System — By John G. Barrett; Dorothy and
Richard Pratt's A Guide to Early American Homes —
South — By Elizabeth W. Wilborn; and Link's Wilson:
The New Freedom — By George C. Osborn.
HISTORICAL NEWS 302
[ ii]
The North Carolina
Historical Review
Volume XXXIV April, 1957 Number 2
THE COTTON TEXTILE INDUSTRY IN
ANTE-BELLUM NORTH CAROLINA
PART II: AN ERA OF BOOM AND
CONSOLIDATION, 1830-1860
By Richard W. Griffin and Diffee W. Standard
The initial encouraging steps toward the development of
the cotton textile industry in North Carolina prior to 1830
were indeed modest, but they presaged a notable period
of industrial advance in the subsequent two decades. By
1830 the success of four small cotton mills offered graphic
proof that this industry could be introduced into the state
to complement a predominately agricultural economy. In
the following years men with initiative and capital found
increasing evidence that the industry offered a new outlet
for major investment. Improved transportation facilities for
marketing manufactured goods, the chronically low prices
offered for raw cotton and comparatively high prices for
cotton textiles, a new policy to increase sales in the South
by northern manufacturers of mill machinery, and a growing
propaganda campaign to encourage industry and hold both
wealth and workers in the State were persuasive factors that
led to the establishment of scores of new cotton mills in
North Carolina.
Because North Carolinians in the 1830's were genuinely
distressed by large-scale emigration to the West which threat-
ened to deplete the area of its most capable working families,
the enthusiasm displayed by the promoters of the cotton
industry rapidly spread over the State. These men wrote
articles for local newspapers and detailed letters to planter
[ 131]
132 The North Carolina Historical Review
acquaintances to encourage the expansion of industry in the
State. The correspondence of the sons of General William
Lenoir offers an excellent example of the interest in the
industry evinced by North Carolinians. The Lenoir family,
living in western North Carolina and eastern Tennessee,
corresponded with each other and with their friends con-
cerning mutual manufacturing interests and played a signi-
ficant part in the introduction of the textile industry into
both states. The Tennessee branch of the family had a cotton
mill in operation at Lenoir City in 1830, while the North
Carolina Lenoirs were stockholders in the Patterson Factory
near Lenoir, North Carolina, in the early thirties.1 The suc-
cess of many such optimistic industrial leaders in North
Carolina fostered a new boom in the textile industry.
Stimulated perhaps by renewed interest throughout the
State, Henry Humphreys, the founder of the Mt. Hecla
Mill in Greensboro, began an extensive expansion of his plant
by ordering the machinery for two thousand spindles and a
steam plant from Paterson, New Jersey, whose machinery
companies were to furnish equipment for many North Caro-
lina mills in the 1830's and 1840's. Two supervisors accom-
panied the machinery shipment from New Jersey and re-
mained with the mill long enough to teach the white and
slave girls to tend the machines. This was the first of
several steam-operated cotton mills to be built in the
State prior to the war.2 The new Mount Hecla Mill
was a four-story structure containing twenty-five hundred
spindles and seventy-five looms and manufacturing sheeting,
shirting, Osnaburgs, and cotton yarns packaged in five pound
skeins. An annual operating expense of $4,000 for coal left
a Raleigh editor aghast, and the prosperity of the mill, which
the editor could not explain, was probably a result of the
year-round operation of the mill while competitive mills
generally closed for a month or more in the summer for lack
1 "Lenoir Family Number 2," Lenoir Family Papers, Southern Historical
Collection, University of North Carolina, hereinafter cited as Lenoir
Family Papers.
a Raleigh Register and North Carolina Gazette, July 18, 1838, herein-
after cited as Raleigh Register.
Henry Humphreys of Greensboro was the owner and
superintendent of one of the more successful cotton mills
of the 1830's. Fellow North Carolinians visited his Mount
Heel a mill and aided by Humphreys' advice established
other mills in the State.
North Carolina Textiles 133
of water power.3 After Humphreys' conversion to all-white
labor in the late 1830's, he came to be regarded as a great
benefactor of the community, and a local editor noted that
Greensboro appreciated his civic-mindedness in offering
"employment for numerous hands hitherto doing nothing
for the community, and but little for themselves/'4
In 1832 Charles Fisher, the Rowan County legislator noted
for his efforts to encourage the growth of manufacturers,
made an attempt to establish a cotton factory. He and a
group of Salisbury investors received a charter for the Yadkin
Manufacturing Company, but the efforts to raise the requisite
capital evidently failed, for it was not until later under a
second charter with a new group of incorporators that the
company was successfully launched. Fisher was not satisfied
merely with this project, for he advertised in the Western
Carolinian the establishment of his own foundry which was
prepared to manufacture cotton mill machinery.5 In an effort
to spur on interest in mill-building, Fisher once again pub-
lished, in an abridged form, his stirring report of 1828.6
During the thirties twenty-four new cotton mills were
projected. Undoubtedly the interest and encouragement of
progressive Whig leadership in North Carolina in this period
accounts for some of the rapid expansion of the textile in-
dustry.7 Of the twenty-four mills planned twenty were ac-
tually built, and of these, fifteen were completed in the years
1836-1840. These mills were located in eighteen counties,
from Caldwell in the west to Northampton in the east, and
from Caswell in the north to Richmond in the south.
Before the middle 1830's there were varying opinions
concerning the benefits which might be derived from the
introduction of a manufacturing system in North Carolina.
A Salisbury editor recalled that throughout the 1820's and
early 1830's "manufactures were so odious" that planters
8 Raleigh Register, July 5, 1836.
* The Greensboro1 Patriot, September 30, 1843. Hereinafter cited as
The Patriot.
6 Western Carolinian (Salisbury), April 5, 1839, hereinafter cited as
Western Carolinian; Hillsborough Recorder, April 19, 1838.
6 Western Carolinian, April 11, 1839.
'William Turner to George W. Johnson, May 18, 1848, George W.
Johnson Papers, George Washington Flowers Collection, Duke University,
hereinafter cited as George W. Johnson Papers.
134 The North Carolina Historical Review
or any gentleman scoffed at the idea of investing in cotton
mills.8 Before this feeling subsided many such editorial cries
as this one from the Raleigh Register in 1833 were heard.
"Away then, you people of the South with an ill-founded
prejudice, which stands in the way of your prosperity, and
open your eyes to your true interest." 9 By 1835 the prejudice
of the planters had begun to wane, and the promotional
campaign was to continue unabated until overshadowed by
the bitterness of the sectional controversies of the 1850's.
Many of the early efforts to construct profitable cotton
mills did not meet with the success necessary to encourage
the emulation of other investors. One mill owner wrote to
a merchant that the dry weather of North Carolina summers
was such a hardship for grist and saw mill operators that he
was not surprised that so few people built cotton mills.10
Other owners complained in the press that spring rains
brought on such high water that water wheels were damaged
and mill operations had to be suspended. In 1836 a fall flood
on Lower Creek near Salem swept one cotton mill com-
pletely away. That this discouraging lesson was taken to
heart may be assumed from the fact that no record exists of
another mill being built on the site.11
Factory owners were constantly confronted by a variety
of other problems in their attempts to introduce a successful
manufacturing industry into North Carolina. Short-weighted
cotton bales, unpaid accounts, fires, strikes, and depressions
came to be expected by the experienced owner. Quite early
the factory owners in the area of Fayetteville reported re-
peated efforts to defraud them. These mill men attempted
by damaging publicity to discourage the practice by a few
planters of selling cotton which was watered to give added
weight and of packing bricks and stones in the bales.12
A chronic lack of local capital was another source of dis-
couragement to those interested in mill building or expansion.
8 Carolina Watchman (Salisbury), May 18, 1848, hereinafter cited as
Carolina Watchman.
9 Raleigh Register, December 17, 1833.
10 William Davidson to William H. Horok, July 14, 1832, William H.
Horok Papers, Flowers Collection, Duke University.
11 Raleigh Register, September 16, 1834; September 27, 1836.
12 Raleigh Register, April 16, 1838,
North Carolina Textiles 135
An Orange County mill owner wrote in 1839 that money for
expansion promised by various planters had been diverted
to the more popular schemes of railroad construction and
river improvement, leaving the mill owner without funds
for further building. One unhappy mill owner invested all
his accumulated profits in such a scheme only to see the
company fail and his working capital disappear.13
Insufficient capital coupled with poor or inexperienced
management accounted for many cotton mill failures in ante-
bellum North Carolina.14 The record books of one such mill,
the Cane Creek Manufacturing Company of Orange County,
tell a tale of failure that was repeated by the Mocksville
Factory in Davie County and the Salisbury Factory in Rowan
County,15 and in all probability by many other mills now long
forgotten. The career of the Cane Creek Company was a
twenty-one year struggle to pay dividends to stockholders
who did not have the foresight to employ an experienced
manager for the mill.16 In 1836 the mill was incorporated
with a capital of $10,000 by selling shares to twenty people
of the community. The mill was built, machines were ordered
and installed, worker's houses were erected, and operations
were begun. Here, as was true with most of the industrial
establishments of the time, the stock was paid for on the
installment plan. The officers of the company were constantly
trying to collect payments long in arrears, a task made almost
impossible by the panic which crippled all business in 1837.
Thus the mill began its first year under a cloud, for the
capital subscribed was insufficient to purchase raw cotton
and pay wages until the first profits came in. Because of
non-payment of wages the first and only experienced man-
ager employed by the company resigned to accept a similar
13 C. S. Winlord to John W. Carrigan, December 9, 1839, John Warren
Carrigan Papers, Flowers Collection, Duke University, hereinafter cited
as Carrigan Papers; unsigned note on receipt of July 2, 1848, Tomlin
Papers, Flowers Collection, Duke University, hereinafter cited as Tomlin
Papers.
uThe Merchants' Magazine and Commercial Review, XLII (March 1860),
376-377.
35 Carolina Watchman, February 3, 1848; April 12, June 28, 1849.
16 The following account was taken from the minutes of the stockholders'
meetings, which were recorded on 88 unnumbered pages of a large ledger.
Papers of the Cane Creek Manufacturing Company, Flowers Collection,
Duke University.
136 The North Carolina Historical Review
position with one of the successful mills in Randolph County.
The debt contracted during the mill's first year was never
to be paid. Throughout the 1840's the mill was moderately
successful because cotton prices were low and competition
was not keen. Power looms were added in 1845 and 1849
for weaving "coarse domestics," and as a last resort a steam
plant was installed in 1850. However, the money allotted
to meet the notes on the steam plant generally had to be
diverted to pay for repairs on the spindle frames, and thus
another debt was added to the books. These debts could
possibly have been paid, but when any profit was shown,
the investors demanded dividends instead.
Almost every vicissitude of the times plagued the company.
Some of the best workers succumbed to the lure of the West,
others had to be discharged for repeated drunkenness, twenty
went off to fight the Mexican War and never returned, and
many more, dissatisfied with the mill's twelve-hour working
day, returned to the farm. Almost every summer the creek
went down and operations were suspended for weeks. Con-
versely, almost every winter the swollen stream either flooded
the mill or damaged the water wheel. Almost every fall and
every spring "the fever" came to the mill village, and many
were laid low for weeks at a time. All groceries at the com-
pany store were sold on careless credit, and consequently
the store showed a perennial loss. The mill's yarn and cloth
were sold to merchants on credit; few paid promptly and
many never paid.
Nevertheless, the managers of the mill seem to have been
a hardy lot and were not easily discouraged. When they
heard at stockholders' meetings that the mill was averaging
an annual production of 47,000 pounds of yarn, 27,000
pounds of thread, 30,000 yards of sheetings, and 5,000
pounds of Osnaburgs, and still there was little profit, they
continued to believe that the appointment of yet another one
of the major stockholders as president would increase annual
dividends. Under this arrangement the management of the
mill revolved from one major stockholder to the next until
it became the victim of a capricious round-robin that spun
North Carolina Textiles 137
steadily toward failure. The president was required to forego
his farming responsibilities to work in the mill for the dollar
a day the stockholders voted him. The last sentence of each
president's annual report followed the same form of all the
predecessors. In the 1840's it usually read, "I made you a
thousand dollars I wish I could of made you more." The
amount in each closing sentence decreased steadily until
in the middle 1850's, for the last three years of the company's
existence, the report read, "I didn't make you anything I
wish I could of." At last after twenty-one years of running
the gamut of major stockholders through the office of presi-
dent, the mill was sold to Edwin Michael Holt, whose mill
on the next creek, the Great Alamance, was more success-
fully supervised.
Edwin M. Holt, who established the Alamance Factory
the same year the Cane Creek mill was built, did not have
the problem of stockholders' demands interfering with his
more capable management. Holt had become interested in
cotton manufacturing as a result of many visits to the Mt.
Hecla Cotton Factory in Greensboro, where he met Henry
Humphreys, who encouraged him to go ahead in the busi-
ness. The diary he kept from 1844 to 1854 is a vivid record
of the problems facing cotton mill owners and offers repeated
testimony to the hard work necessary for success.17
Edwin Holt entered the textile field in spite of his father's
adamant opposition, a feeling which may have been en-
gendered by the elder Holt's unsuccessful attempt to aid
in the organization of the Hillsborough Manufacturing Com-
pany in 1813. The pessimism of Holt's father was easily
counterbalanced by both the active interest in the project
of Chief Justice Ruffin and the encouragement offered by
Henry Humphreys. Holt in partnership with his brother-in-
law, William A. Carrigan, continued work until his mill
building was completed in 1837. The correspondence of the
new firm of Holt and Carrigan forms a fascinating catalogue
of the astute steps taken by the partners to expand their
17 Edwin Michael Holt, Diary, 1844-1854, Southern Historical Collection,
University of North Carolina, hereinafter cited as Holt Diary.
138 The North Carolina Historical Review
operations. The success with which their efforts were met
led Holt's father-in-law, who sold their yarn in his Pittsboro
store, to offer his guarded congratulations. "I am glad to
here you have started your new machinery and it done
well." 18
The most serious problem facing these pioneer cotton
manufacturers was lack of dependable transportation. There
were no railroads in the North Carolina Piedmont before
1855, and freight was usually transported by wagon. When
Holt received an order from Petersburg, Virginia, for several
hundred pounds of yarn, he resorted to writing several
friends in neighboring towns to help him locate wagons
going near there. The most optimistic reply merely stated
that if the correspondent heard of any wagons having Peters-
burg as their destination he would send them by the mill or
send the information to Holt immediately.19 Other factories,
like the Milton Manufacturing Company, sent their products
by company wagons. John Wilson, the agent for this mill,
wrote Haygood and Claiborne of Danville, "I have charged
you and Mr. Ross, one dollar each for the hire of the wagon,
which is about equal to ordinary freight-bridge tolls we pay
ourselves." 20
The omnipresent transportation problem led many cotton
manufacturers to become ardent promoters of railroad proj-
ects, and the increased interest throughout North Carolina in
improving transportation facilities became an inestimable
aid to cotton mill construction in the decades from 1830 to
1850. Internal improvements were offered by scores of edi-
tors and orators as a panacea for all the State's ills. Emigra-
tion to the West would cease, depressed farmers would be
able to market their crops, and industry would cover the
State. Newspaper editors began to welcome the construction
of new mills as an added weight to their pleas for railroads.
_________ IT "S- ~ WT- ~ 1
18 Thomas Farish to Edwin M. Holt, March 10, 1839, Alamance Mills
Collection, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina,
hereinafter cited as Alamance Mills Collection.
19 Eli Smith to Edwin M. Holt, March 23, 1839, Alamance Mills Collection.
20 John Wilson to Haygood and Claiborne, November 1, 1838, William
Clark Grasty and John F. Rison Papers, Flowers Collection, Duke Uni-
versity.
North Carolina Textiles 139
As one editor wrote in 1836, if mills continued to spring up,
North Carolina could say:
Then farewell to domestic jars
All bullying nonsense done —
An endless chain of railroad cars,
Will bind us all in one.21
It was only natural that cotton mill owners become leaders
of the movement for all internal improvement projects. In
the multitude of state commercial conventions called to draw
up memorials to the legislature for funds to aid in plank
road, canal, and railroad building and river clearance, John
M. Morehead, Henry Humphreys, and Charles Benbow of
Greensboro, Charles P. Mallett of Fayetteville, William Car-
rigan and Edwin M. Holt of Alamance County, and other
mill owners were active spokesmen.22
Certainly a potent factor in stimulating mill construction
at this time was the growing realization on the part of
northern manufacturers of cotton mill machinery that the
South was an unexploited but promising field to which they
could extend their trade. It seems evident that most ma-
chinery used in ante-bellum mills was purchased chiefly from
firms in Providence, Rhode Island, Paterson, New Jersey,
and New York City. Michael Schenck had made a trip in
1814 to Providence to purchase part of his machinery and to
accompany it while it was hauled overland by wagon to
Lincoln County. By 1832, however, when Henry Humphreys
refitted the Mount Hecla mill in Greensboro, a Paterson,
New Tersey, firm had sent the machinery by boat to Charles-
ton, then by wagon to Guilford County. The new departure
taken by this firm in sending a mechanic with the machinery
to remain as long as eighteen months and instruct the mill
workers, rapidly became the policy of northern companies.
Charles P. Mallett, who built the largest ante-bellum mill
in the State at Fayetteville in 1836, had his 4,500 spindles
and 100 looms installed under the supervision of two fore-
21 Raleigh Register, July 5, 1836.
22 Raleigh Register, January 24, 1837; July 16, December 3, 10, 1838;
April 18, 1849.
140 The North Carolina Historical Review
men of the Matteowan Company of New Yofk.23 Edwin M.
Holt recorded in his diary that the northern mechanic who
worked with him for the first eighteen months was largely
responsible for the success of his mill on Alamance Creek.24
By the 1850's, advertisements of these eager northern com-
panies were regular features of many North Carolina news-
papers. The notices stressed generous credit terms, the ability
of the supervisors that would be sent, and the success of their
former customers throughout the South.25
Newspapers of the time attempted to encourage the manu-
facturer and prospective manufacturer by citing the possi-
bilities of great success and wealth inherent in the business.
Several editors praised the efforts of Thomas McNeely, who
built a steam cotton mill at Mocksville. Although his initial
brick structure was large enough to contain three thousand
spindles, McNeely began his operations modestly with 528
spindles and planned to fill the remaining space with ma-
chinery purchased from profits. The editor of the Charlotte
Journal said of McNeely, "We wish every possible success
to the enterprising gentleman who has thus set this worthy
example to men richer than himself." 26
From the time of the report of Charles Fisher in 1828 until
the 1850's, many other editors and political leaders, con-
vinced of the benefits of manufacturing, strove valiantly to
eradicate the prejudice which a conservative rural population
held against innovation. Opponents of factories in the State
pointed with alarm to the use of slave labor in the early mills.
Many feared that slaves employed in mills would be elevated
beyond their status and possibly freed, a development which
would have been anathema to most white southerners.27 The
use of slave labor in North Carolina mills, however, never
reached the proportions it attained in Tennessee and South
Carolina mills, for only three cotton mills used slave labor,
23 1. W. Wilson to A. D. Gage, December 4, 1847, Tomlin Papers; Niles'
Weekly Register, L (August 6, 1836), 378.
24 Holt Diary, March 4, 1845.
25 Carolina Republican (Lincolnton), April 3, 1851, hereinafter cited as
Carolina Republican; Raleigh Register, February 16, 1852.
28 Hillsborough Recorder, March 17, 1838, quoting the Charlotte Journal.
27 Phillip G. Davidson, "Industrialism in the Ante-Bellum South," South
Atlantic Quarterly, XXVII (October, 1928), 411, hereinafter cited as
Davidson, "Ante-Bellum South."
North Carolina Textiles 141
and two of these, Henry Humphreys' mill in Greensboro and
Henry Donalson's Fayetteville mill, had converted to white
labor by the late 1830's. The remaining mill, Joel Battle's in
Rocky Mount, retained its slave operatives until the early
1850's, when the various owners from whom Battle rented
slaves protested that since the price of raw cotton was rapidly
increasing they were needed in the fields. Although there
were a few protests about "taking a Negro's place," the tran-
sition to white labor was rapidly made.28 The fact that slaves
were often used to perform menial tasks and act as draymen
for the mills did not seem to excite any comment.29 Thus,
with mill labor largely restricted to white workers, the
founding of new mills was given increasing attention in
North Carolina newspapers.
One of these newer organizations, the Randolph Manu-
facturing Company, reported even before its cotton factory
was completed that the company already had in operation
a sawmill and a wool carding machine. The corporation built
houses for its workers and made all the bricks used in the
construction of the mill building. In an article describing
this mill the editor of a Raleigh paper employed the format
of a classified advertisement to encourage workers to apply
for jobs there. "Here is a fine opening for hardy, industrious
young men, who are willing to work hard, live well, earn
money honestly, and enjoy one of the most healthful situa-
tions in this or any other country." 30
Often vying with each other to demonstrate their enthu-
siasm, newspaper editors soon became avid apostles of cotton
mill building. They insisted that unless North Carolina over-
came her indifference to the industry, she would "incur the
contempt of the world, merit the reproaches of posterity,
and remain a mere skeleton of a state, destitute of those
active propensities which make life a blessing."31 Familiar
88 Holland Thompson, From the Cotton Field to the Cotton Mill (New
York, 1906), 50-53, hereinafter cited as Thompson, Cotton Mill; Carolina
Watchman, August 23, 1854.
89 1. W. Wilson to A. D. Gage, December 4, 1847, Tomlin Papers; William
A. Carrigan, Sr. to William A. Carrigan, Jr., February 7, 1848, Carrigan
Pa>T)6rs
30 Raleigh Register, April 23, 1838.
81 Raleigh Register, March 14, 1837.
142 The North Carolina Historical Review
arguments were given a variety of presentations. The econ-
omic advantages over New England of savings in bagging,
sampling, river and ocean freight, insurance, and drayage
charges were often mentioned. New mill sites were pointed
out in many counties, almost all of which had "enough power
for another Lowell."32 "The rapid stream, the roaring cata-
ract, which abound through her length and breadth, and the
cheapness of labor are all eloquent pleaders for the Manu-
facturing policy." Editors liked to sit back and envision the
results, and one saw the State with "her hills and valleys
teeming with a busy and thriving population, her mountain
streams and rivers made, every drop, to contribute to the
wealth of her citizens; the native intellect and energies of her
sons would be stimulated and her name enrolled high up
among her sister states." 33 Merchants who continued to buy
yarn from the North were shamed with patriotic fervor. The
factories of the 1830's were heartening indeed to the Raleigh
editor who concluded, "The wild enthusiastic views of the
few, and the cold indifference of the many, are becoming
blended together into a generous glow of steady and united
patriotism, which must have its effects." 34
The effect, however, was not so great as the enthusiastic
few might have hoped, and each editor was careful to preface
his remarks with the idea that agriculture was still the true
calling of most of the State's inhabitants. The propaganda
campaign, which had been on occasion vociferous in the
1830's, faded into complacency by the late 1840's, and had
little effect on the industry in the 1850's, as higher cotton
prices had refocused attention on the cotton field rather than
on the mill. When Alfred G. Foster told the Randolph County
Society for the Promotion of Agriculture, the Mechanic Arts
and Manufacturers in 1855 that the "true policy of North
Carolina is to encourage the establishment and growth of
manufactories,"35 his had become like a still, small voice in
82 Carolina Watchman, July 12, 1835; Raleigh Register, November 5, 1833;
June 6, 1837.
83 Raleigh Register, June 16, 1849.
84 Raleigh Register, March 14, October 9, 1837.
35 Alfred G. Foster, Address before the Randolph County Society for the
Promotion of Agriculture, the Mechanic Arts and Manufactures (Lexing-
ton, 1855), 18.
Photograph courtesy of Mr. John W. Claik
Built in 1840, this first mill of the Franklinville Manufacturing
Company is shown as it appeared in 1875. The Franklinville mill in
Randolph County is typical of over thirty textile mills constructed in
the North Carolina Piedmont during the expansion of the industry in
the 1840's.
North Carolina Textiles 143
a state wedded to the soil. Thus the propaganda campaign
of this period must be considered as more a prelude to the
vast enthusiasm for textile mills in the New South period. It
was not a sustained effort, and the later occasional voices
advocating cotton manufacturing could not have the effect
that the chorus of such voices had in the 1880's.
Within the decade of the 1830's when the sentiment favor-
ing southern industry was at its peak, a score of cotton mills
were placed in operation in North Carolina. Most of these
were two-story frame structures built by the banks of a river
or stream, utilizing water power to propel a ten or twelve
foot, water wheel that operated the four 132-spindle frames
that were so common with the beginning manufacturer. Sev-
eral of these early mills, however, took the familiar form of
most later mill buildings. These were three or four story brick
structures with two towers in front which contained the mill's
staircases and were sometimes topped with ornamental nine-
teenth-century Gothic filigree.
In 1832 John Trollinger, grandson of a German immigrant
who had built one of the first grist mills in Orange County,
constructed the High Falls Manufacturing Company, which
was located on the grist milFs site on the Haw River and
operated a thousand spindles producing coarse yarn for local
use. This was the first of six mills to be built before 1860
in that section of the county which became Alamance County
in 1849.36
In a single year, 1836, six more mills began operations,
four in the adjoining central Piedmont counties of Randolph,
Chatham, Forsyth, and Orange, and two in the town of
Fayetteville. Two of these mills deserve mention because
their success led either to the construction of new mills by
their owners or to the consolidation of less successful mills
into their management.
Charles P. Mallett, a planter and merchant of Fayetteville,
found his hometown, already the site of Donaldson s Fayette-
ville Mill, to be an ideal location for his successful ventures
in cotton manufacturing. His first mill, the Phoenix, built
36Sallie W. Stockard, The History of Alamance (Raleigh, 1900), 143-
145, hereinafter cited as Stockard, Alamance', Raleigh Register. November
22, 1836.
144 The North Carolina Historical Review
in the spring of 1836, was an immediately prosperous con-
cern. A Raleigh editor commented that the cheapness of
labor, the convenience of the market, and the demand for his
goods was making Mallett a wealthy man.37 Yet Phoenix
Mill with its one thousand spindles was apparently too small
to supply the demand, so Mallett in the same year incorpo-
rated a local company, raised over $100,000 in capital, and
built the Rock Fish Manufacturing Company, which was to
become the largest mill in the State. The company's ready
capital allowed it to purchase the best northern machinery,
and soon the mill operated 4,500 spindles and 100 looms.
There can be little doubt that the success of this company
later helped influence Charles Benbow, John Hall, and Dun-
can Murchison to build their mills in Fayetteville in 1840.
The location of Fayetteville and the ease with which these
mills could make occasional shipments of yarn to New York
and Philadelphia accounted for the prosperity enjoyed by
all six local mills until the Civil War.38
By 1838 the cotton factories at Fayetteville were gaining
an excellent national as well as state reputation. The factory
of Charles Mallett had already begun sending yarns to
northern markets. As a result of this practice he received an
order for four thousand pounds of yarn monthly from St.
Louis. This early demand for Fayetteville yarn led news-
paper editor E.J. Hale to comment that such an order should
not only be an indication of the excellence of the manufac-
tures of the area, but should be encouraging to those engaged
in the business and to those who were considering such in-
vestments.39
Dennis Heartt, editor of the Hillsborough Recorder, pre-
dicted a great future for the cotton industry of North Caro-
lina, "On the whole, the manufacturers of the Northern
States need not much longer count North Carolina as one of
their markets: they may rather regard her as a competitor,
and one who will soon become very formidable." 40
37 Raleigh Register, July 26, 1836.
38 The Patriot, October 14, 1843; Niles' Weekly Register, XIV (June 18,
1843), 272; Raleigh Register, November 15, 1836.
89 Hillsborough Recorder, November 29, 1838, citing the Fayetteville
Observer.
40 Hillsborough Recorder, July 19, 1838.
North Carolina Textiles 145
The rapid growth of the cotton textile industry in the
thirties created a change in the general trading pattern of
the State. Within a few years the shipment of North Carolina
cotton had declined, and the demand for yarn was met at
home. Only ten years after the Rocky Mount Mill had begun
entering northern markets, the Charlotte Journal reported
that many bales of cotton textiles were being shipped regu-
larly to New York and Philadelphia.41 Editorials in local
papers graphically pointed out the advantages of such in-
dustry to the planter and farmer, who could now secure the
same prices for their products at home, when once they had
to send them to distant market towns to get the best price.
Now the State's raw materials were being used at home, giv-
ing employment to needy people and profits to local investors.
A Greensboro editor believed that such a program would
bring to a halt the "depopulating and impoverishing tide of
emigration" and create a state of growing prosperity for
North Carolinians.42
In the Piedmont section the Holts' Alamance Mill did as
much to promote the growth of the textile industry as did the
mills of Charles Mallett in the Fayetteville region. During
the first years of the Alamance Mill's existence, when only
yarn was produced, the old water wheel of the grist mill
was used to operate the spindle frames, but in 1845 when
the mill was enlarged by the addition of a second group of
528 spindles, a new and larger water wheel was constructed.
Like other mill owners of the State, Holt drew his workers
from the immediate neighborhood of the mill and directed
their instruction as mill hands. Purchasing his raw cotton
from farmers in the county, Holt manufactured only coarse
yarn for home weaving until twelve looms were added to the
mill in 1848.43 By 1860 yarn was still the chief product of the
mill, but ninety-six looms had been added to produce a
larger amount of cotton cloth. Although Holt has several
references in his diary to work stoppages due to high or low
41 Charlotte Journal, May 11, 1838.
a The Patriot, March 6, 1839.
48 Alfred A. Holt to William A. Carrigan, Jr., May 8, 1849, Carrigan
Papers; Holt Diary, October 14, 1844.
146 The North Carolina Historical Review
water in Alamance Creek, the mill was apparently well-
managed and profitable.44
The most significant event in the ante-bellum development
of this mill was the introduction of a dyeing process in 1853.
In that year an almost destitute French dyer happened to be
travelling by the mill and offered to teach the process to Holt
and his son Thomas M. Holt in return for $100 if his efforts
were successful. With the use of makeshift equipment, a dye
shed was constructed, and the yarn processed there was
woven into "Alamance plaids," the first colored cotton cloth
woven on power looms in the South.45 The popularity of this
cloth assured the continued success of the mill, and the
profits derived allowed Holt to purchase the Cane Creek mill
in 1857 and the Haw River Factory in 1860. By adhering
strictly to a policy of re-investing his profits into the mills
and training his sons in mill management, Holt became the
head of one of the most important textile families in North
Carolina.46
In the same year that Holt began building the Alamance
Mill, his friend and later business associate, Francis Fries,
completed his first cotton mill at Salem. In order to save each
other time and expense the two mill owners cooperated by
making alternate trips to the North where they investigated
new improvements in machinery, ascertained marketing con-
ditions, and sought other information which might be of as-
sistance in their growing businesses.47
In 1838 Governor John Motley Morehead erected the
Leaksville Factory on the Dan River in Rockingham County,
which presented an impressive appearance. The three-story
stone mill, built at the head of a large canal and operated
by a twenty-five foot waterwheel, was surrounded by a flour
and grist mill, a cotton seed oil mill, and the brick cottages
of the factory village.48 Governor Morehead left no doubt,
44 Holt Diary, May 31, October 11, 1845; March 6, June 13, 1846.
45 Stockard, Alamance, 91-92, quoting T. M. Holt; The News and Ob-
server (Raleigh), April 12, 1896.
46 Stockard, Alamance, 93.
47 F. H. Fries, "The History of the Fries Family," typescript copy,
Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina.
48 Raleigh Register, July 16, 1838; The Patriot, September 30, 1843;
September 2, 1854; Carolina Watchman, June 5, 1840.
The career of Hugh S. Parks, Sr.
(1827-1913) of Franklinville, Randolph
County, typifies the continuation of
management from ante-bellum cotton
mills to many of the New South era. In
1858 he assumed the management of the
Island Ford Mill, a wooden building on
the Deep River built in 1845 by Elisha
Coffin, A. S. Horney, and George Make-
peace. Under Parks' direction the small
mill with only 1,700 spindles and twen-
ty-five looms was expanded by 1900 into
one of the leading textile producers of
the State.
North Carolina Textiles 147
even in state papers, of his active interest in the promotion
of the infant industry. In a campaign debate for the governor-
ship in 1842, Morehead pointed out that his wealth had gone
to develop "manufacturing, mechanical and farming opera-
tions, by which he afforded employment to many of his poor
neighbors, mechanics, etc."49 In a speech to a Democratic
legislature he unhesitatingly upheld Whig doctrines. The
governor attacked free trade and the competition of Euro-
pean pauper labor. "We have the power not only to raise
Revenue by imposing duties, but we have the power, by
imposing them, to protect American Industry against Euro-
pean industry."50
There were many other entrepreneurs of lesser standing
than Holt, Fries, or Morehead, who became overly encour-
aged by the low price of raw cotton in the years following
the Panic of 1837 and built less successful cotton factories.
A typical one of those produced by the panic was the Mill-
edge ville Cotton Factory on the Yadkin River in Montgomery
County, twenty-two miles east of Salisbury. Its builder, Ed-
ward Burrage, in 1838 added a frame extension to the grist
mill on his farm and spun coarse yarn which was bartered
or sold in the neighborhood.51 Since this mill did not survive
the decade of the 1850's, it seems probable that the higher
prices of raw cotton during these years led Burrage back
to his farming operations.
A more successful attempt was the Cedar Falls Manufac-
turing Company on Deep River, six miles above Asheboro.
Benjamin Elliott, its local organizer, had sufficient foresight
to secure adequate capital for the mill's operation by selling
stock to many of the community's leading citizens. The first
mill was completed in 1837 and began spinning its coarse
yarn. Prosperity followed and the mill was enlarged in 1846.
A new brick building was constructed, 54 looms were added,
capital was increased to $60,000, and 120 people were given
steady employment.52 Elliott very wisely decided to display
*e Hillsborough Recorder, May 25, 1843; Raleigh Register. January 5,
1841.
60 Raleigh Register, November 25, 1842.
61 Carolina Watchman, December 12, 1840 ; Raleigh Register, July 16, 1838.
62 Raleigh Register, March 14, 1837; August 22, 1849.
148 The North Carolina Historical Review
conspicuously a brand name on all the mill's products, and
by the late 1840's, "Cedar Falls" yarn and cloth were known
throughout the State.53
The decade of the 1830s ended full of promise for future
progress in the cotton textile industry of the State, with North
Carolina able to boast of twenty-five factories in active opera-
tion.54 The expansion of the textile industry had been so rapid
that Niles' Weekly Register reported in 1840 that North Car-
olina had a greater number of factories of different kinds
than there had been in all the southern states in 1830.55 Ed-
ward J. Hale, editor of the Fayetteville Observer, was so in-
spired by the general development of the cotton industry in
his state that he gave a special toast at the Charleston Com-
mercial Convention in 1839, "North Carolina is rapidly de-
veloping all her resources, multiplying her facilities of in-
ternal and external intercourse, and is making such progress
in manufacture, that ere long she will be found importing
cotton from her Southern neighbors, and exporting her fab-
rics in return."56 Hale's own home city furnished ample
justification for assuming this prophetic tone, for Fayetteville
had three cotton factories in the city, two others in the
county, and three new mills in various stages of organization.
Despite a temporary recession in trade and the general
tightening of investment capital in the years following the
Panic of 1837, newspapers published many stirring editorials
from 1840 to 1844 in an attempt to maintain the interest of
North Carolinians, large capitalists and the investing public
alike, in cotton factories. In 1840 and 1841 North Carolina
editors confidently chronicled the completion of seven new
mills in both Piedmont and coastal sections. Various publica-
tions, both inside and outside the State, made attempts to
estimate or to list the number of cotton mills and their loca-
ions.57 The Western Carolinian noted the operation of twenty-
seven factories valued at close to a million dollars, operating
68 Receipt, September 30, 1847, and undated notes, George W. Johnson
Papers.
54 See appended list of cotton factories.
65 Niles7 Weekly Register, LXVIII (May 2, 1840), 138.
66 Western Carolinian, April 11, 1839.
67 Hillsborough Recorder, September 1, 1841.
North Carolina Textiles 149
47,931 spindles, and employing 1,219 workers.58 A letter from
a North Carolina manufacturer in the National Intelligencer
discussed the progress of the cotton industry in the state and
reported the existence of
twenty cotton factories, worked by, I presume, 1,800 white
operatives, and, although N. Carolina will obtrude herself upon
the time of Congress with petitions for a discriminating tariff,
yet she is to be vitally affected by it, in the success of those large
factories recently established. I am now shipping a lot of goods
directly to New Bedford, and expect to supply that market with
a portion of what they require for shipment around Cape Horn.59
Continued expansion in the cotton industry led the editor
of the Wilmington Chronicle to rhapsodize over the increas-
ing industrial interest in the State and its future prospects.
He reported with obvious pride the export of North Carolina
textiles to the North, much of which came from mills in the
interior of the State.60 Such exports were not at all uncom-
mon, for manufactured goods had been shipped occasion-
ally since 1828 and with great regularity after 1835.
Two of the four mills established in 1840 had especially
far-reaching influence, for they were established in towns
which took a prominent role in the post-war textile expansion
of the State, and from their initial construction they were
operated by steam power, rather than the more popular but
less dependable waterpower. The Concord Manufacturing
Company was incorporated in 1840 under the leadership of
Isborn Cannon, Paul Barringer, and John Phifer, and their
initial $30,000 capital was used to purchase both spindles
and a sixty-horsepower steam engine. Soon power looms were
added, and the new machinery to produce cotton twine made
the mill the first in the State to compete with Kentucky hemp
manufacturers. All these products elicited praise from a sym-
pathetic and encouraging press.61 Editors urged planters and
68
59
60
Western Carolinian, September 9, 1842.
Charlotte Journal, May 12, 1842, quoting the National Intelligencer.
Hillsborough Recorder, February 4, 1841, quoting the Wilmington
Chronicle; Charlotte Journal, April 12, 1845.
81 Carolina Watchman, April 12, 1845; October 9, 1846; The Patriot,
October 14, 1843.
150 The North Carolina Historical Review
farmers of the South to begin using cotton bagging and
twine, instead of hemp, for baling their cotton, and the new
Concord mill was suggested as a source for these manufac-
tures. The products of this factory were termed "superior to
any articles of the kind we have seen . . . the twine seems to
be an excellent article and much stronger than ordinary
hemp twine." The Camden Journal (South Carolina) urged
the planters of that area to encourage this home enterprise.62
The other of these two mills, the Salisbury Cotton Factory,
was the object of great civic pride in its small community.
The three-storied brick building was 125 feet long and 40 feet
wide, and its tower was crowned with an ornamental cupola.
Since it was only one-fourth of a mile from the courthouse,
a daily walk to the mill became a new diversion for the towns-
people. The Matteowan Company of New York had installed
the initial one thousand spindles, but before the end of the
first year, another supervisor from the company had arrived
with two thousand more and fifty looms. The shirting, sheet-
ing, Osnaburg, and yarn which the mill produced were
declared by the local editor to be "the best in the state." 63
Because capital was greatly constricted in the wake of the
Panic of 1837, there was little activity in the construction of
new cotton mills between 1840 and 1845. In the latter year
four small mills in Orange, Randolph, and Montgomery
counties began modest operation. The years 1847-1850, how-
ever, mark the second and last significant building period
before 1860. In these four years sixteen new mills were built,
largely in the Piedmont section and at least four of them in
newly-industrialized counties near the South Carolina state
line. Two mills built in Mecklenburg County were success-
ful enough to aid in the growth of the county seat, Charlotte,
as a marketing center of the surrounding counties. The Ca-
tawba Factory, built in 1848 on an excellent water site on
the Catawba River, was equipped with new and improved
northern machinery which produced yarn and sheeting that
was apparently superior to that of some of the older mills. It
62 Hillsborough Recorder, April 10, 1845, quoting the Camden Journal;
Charlotte Journal, April 12, 1845.
68 Carolina Watchman, December 19, 1840; Carolina Republican, Janu-
ary 27, 1853,
North Carolina Textiles 151
quickly acquired a reputation "that made all its products sell
easily," largely through the expert management of its owner
General William N. Neal of Charlotte and his Rhode Island
superintendent, George Brown. General Neal employed as
agents two brothers, H. B. and L. L. Williams, who traveled
over the State taking orders for the Catawba products. When
these orders were received at the mill, the company's wagons
would deliver the cotton yarn and cloth directly to the mer-
chants. Such merchandising paid ample reward, and Gen-
eral Neal was widely respected as a "pioneer industrialist." 64
The other mill in Mecklenburg County, the Rock Island
Manufacturing Company, was also built in 1848 and was
owned in partnership by Messrs. Carson, Young, and Grier
of Charlotte. Capitalizing on the skill of workers long ac-
customed to domestic carding and weaving, the mill pro-
duced both cotton and woolen yarn and cloth, "which are
equal, if they are not superior, to any similar work produced
in this country." From the founding of the mill until after
the Civil War, the popular brand name of the company gave
it a constant market for its products, but honesty as to its
comparative quality led the owners to advertise only by
guaranteeing "that their fabric shall be suited to the market
for which they are made, . . . and will give satisfaction to both
merchant and customer." 65 Despite the company's moderate
claims for its textile wares, the mill was awarded a prize at
the Georgia State Fair in 1853, the only out-of-state company
to be so recognized. The founders received a further accolade
when "The judges . . . recommend [edl the cassimeres manu-
factured by Grier, Carson & Young, to the notice of southern
merchants, as being very superior." 66
In Gaston County, the district adjoining Mecklenburg,
the textile industry was initiated in 1845 when the Woodlawn
Factory was begun by the Lineberger brothers, who were
soon joined by Moses H. Rhyne, later to become a benefactor
of Lenoir-Rhyne College. The ante-bellum Woodlawn Fac-
tory was a frame building on stone foundations. Its superior
81 Carolina Watchman, April 12, August 30, 1849.
66 Raleigh Register, April 9, 1851, quoting the Charleston Mercury; De-
Bow's Review, XXXVI (January, 1867), 90.
"DeBow's Review, XIV (February, 1853), 192-193.
152 The North Carolina Historical Review
machinery, purchased in England and Philadelphia, was
shipped to Charleston and then by railroad and wagon to
the site of the mill. The operation of the various divisions of
the mill were capably directed for many years by the chief
stockholders "as suited each one's ability." In 1848, the year
that the Woodlawn organization began operations, Jasper
and E. B. Stowe opened the smaller but successful Stowesville
Mill, the second cotton factory in a district soon to become
famous as a major textile area.67 A year later Thomas Tate,
son-in-law of Henry Humphreys, transferred the prosperous
Mt. Hecla Mill from Greensboro to Mountain Island on the
Catawba River in Gaston County. The shortage of wood
around Greensboro and the excellent water power available
at the new location led Tate to select Mountain Island as a
superior mill site. The young owner easily converted the re-
mains of a canal there, originally intended as a link in con-
veying cotton by boat to Charleston, into a mill race and soon
began production of plain sheeting to be used for under-
clothing and shirts. Some of the cloth woven for ladies' dresses
was dyed with copperas, maple bark, or sumac berries to
provide southern women with more attractive southern tex-
tiles.68
Trading practices in the State, however, failed to keep pace
with progress in construction, for as late as 1848 many fac-
tories were still bartering for their yarn and cloth. In that year
Gwyn and Hickerson, operating a retail store at Wilkesboro,
received from the Leaksville mill of Governor Morehead 500
bunches of yarn and 2,409 yards of 4/4 sheeting. The super-
intendent of the mill wrote the merchants, "I understand him
[Morehead] to say you had 100$ worth of trade which he
has agreed to take please send that down by wagon also." 69
One of these Wilkesboro merchants, James Gwyn, like so
many others who had first-hand knowledge of the demand
for cotton goods, later invested heavily in the local mills at
Patterson and Elkin.
m Minnie Stowe Puett, History of Gaston County (Charlotte, 1939), 183-
186.
09 Charlotte Journal, March 23, 1849.
09 J. H. Bullard to Gwyn and Hickerson, April 10, 1848, James Gwyn
Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina.
North Carolina Textiles 153
Throughout the late ante-bellum period, the Lenoir family,
so successful during the pioneer years of the industry, con-
tinued its construction of cotton factories in western North
Carolina and eastern Tennessee. Major William Lenoir of
Tennessee wrote to the North Carolina members of the fam-
ily inquiring about the plans of James Gwyn and E. W. Jones
to found new cotton mill companies. Jones had succeeded in
organizing a company and was then in the process of con-
structing a mill. His new Yadkin Factory was making brick
for the main building and constructing a dam to provide
water power. One of the Tennessee major's sons, Thomas
Lenoir, wrote from the newly established Elkin Factory, "I
look upon the manufacturing establishments springing up in
every part of North Carolina as the surest hope for future
wealth and prosperity." 70
North Carolina editors in the late 1840's shared this opti-
mism and predicted that in the future the greatest cotton
growing states would be the greatest cotton manufacturing
states. This trend was deemed inevitable, for "western North
Carolina, northwestern South Carolina, north Georgia and
Alabama, and parts of Tennessee, afford some of the finest
water power on the globe, . . . contiguous to the cotton/'71
In the 1840's it was becoming increasingly clear to North
Carolinians that they could not remain prosperous by grow-
ing cotton alone, especially since the staple was then being
overproduced and the price constantly lowered. Using an
argument with a peculiarly modern ring, editors contended
that the only hope of the State to remain economically inde-
pendent was to diversify its labor.72 The Philadelphia News
mentioned the increasing number of cotton factories through-
out the South and observed that planters were "tired of sell-
ing their raw cotton for five cents a pound, when hy simply
spinning it into yarn, they can get twelve."™ As a general
rule, intense agitation for even more cotton mills was a prod-
uct of each slump in the agricultural market, while actual
70 Thomas Lenoir, Jr. to William B. Lenoir, April 2, 1849, Lenoir Family
Papers.
71 Charlotte Journal, June 21, 1848.
72 Charlotte Journal, April 20, 1849.
73 Charlotte Journal, April 20, 1849, quoting the Philadelphia News.
154 The North Carolina Historical Review
mill building generally occurred in the periods of prosperity
before 1850.
Dissatisfaction with prevailing cotton prices reached its
peak in the 1850 season, before the sharp price increases
which characterized the last decade preceding the Civil War.
A result of this discontent was the enthusiasm evident at the
meeting of the first manufacturers' convention held in North
Carolina. A large group of state industrialists assembled in
Raleigh in December, 1850, to hold an organizational meet-
ing. John M. Morehead of the Leaksville Factory served as
president, and Colonel H. B. Elliott of the Cedar Falls mill
made the main address. After expressing a public spirit inde-
pendent of its members' individual manufacturing interests,
the group declared that its chief aim was to aid in the im-
provement of manufacturing in North Carolina. The mem-
bers resolved to organize a permanent society "in order to
promote and encourage all those engaged in the various
branches of productive industry, and to stimulate and reward
enterprise, excellence and skill." The organization was to
follow the lead of other southern states and hold at its annual
meetings an exhibition of articles in agricultural, manufac-
turing, mining, and mechanical departments. In early 1851
this group sponsored the first North Carolina state fair, which
was held at the time of the annual meeting of the legisla-
ture.74 By means of this fair the society expected to display
the products of the progressive manufacturers and agricul-
turists of the state and reward outstanding exhibits with
prizes. Edward J. Hale, editor of the Fayetteville Observer,
praised the fair as a means of attracting attention to locally
produced items and bringing about improvements in both
manufactures and agriculture.75 Thus with confident visions
of future prosperity the period of greatest cotton mill expan-
sion came to an end.
One of the most significant results of the development of
cotton manufacturing in the State was the changing attitude
toward factory work and mill ownership. The dignity of mill
74 Hillsborough Recorder, January 8, 1851; Raleigh Register, November
30, December 12, 1850.
n Fayetteville Observer, November 21, 1851.
North Carolina Textiles 155
labor was a popular theme in the State. The mill laborer was
no longer to be considered as grubbing for his food at a task
beneath his dignity, because he, like his fellow workers, was
"a shining hero standing on a hill in the sunlight." 76 Young
men were admonished not to loiter in the village streets but
to find employment by joining the "heroes" at the local mill.77
A Raleigh editor reflected that no situation in the world was
more enviable than that of the American working man, "free
for everything for which Heaven designed him; untrammeled
in his opinions, and left to the guidance of his own genius,
he walks erect in the full stature of a man." 78 Freeman Hunt
aided the campaign by stating, "A great good to society must
result from the employment of thousands of idle and immoral
persons, who are now consumers and not producers." Such
glowing phrases may have taken some effect, for an English
traveler in the State in 1855 noted, perhaps optimistically,
that there was no stigma attached to mill work.79
Editors were often careful to point to the moral responsi-
bility of the owners. A Salisbury editor conceded that pecuni-
ary gain must be the motive of the mill builders, but they
were to remember for the good of the community that they
were running not only a cotton machine but a "moral ma-
chine," which must encourage education, improve the stand-
ards of living, and thus raise the morals of the community.80
Most mill owners seemed to accept this responsibility as
an intrinsic part of their position as employers. The workers
at the Snow Camp Factory in Orange County were provided
with a building which served as a library carrying several
state newspapers and religious tracts. No distilleries, "grog-
shops," or "race-grounds" were allowed near the commun-
ity.81 At the Alamance Factory a school was operated three
months of the year to teach the workers' children "Reading,
Writing, and Arithmetic" and here, too, no whisky was
78 Raleigh Register, May 25, 1834.
77 Carolina Watchman, March 11, 1843.
78 Raleigh Register, August 16, 1836.
79 The Merchants* Magazine and Commercial Review, XXIII (September,
1850), 346; DeBow's Review, XVIII (April, 1855), 538.
80 Carolina Watchman, August 23, 1845.
81 Raleigh Register, January 1, 1838.
156 The North Carolina Historical Review
allowed.82 Alamance Factory was also the scene of occasion-
ally fervent religious activities. Robert Carrigan, a student at
the University of North Carolina, visited a revival held for
the workers of the mill. His father recounted in amusement
that "they got to shouting and praying about him and scared
him half to death he could not get out of the house, there is
but three girls at the Factory but what professed religion." 83
The Battle's Rocky Mount mill provided workers with a
school, a clinic, and a church. At the Salisbury factory adults
and children were taught to read and write, church attend-
ance was required, and liquor was forbidden.84 The mill
owner was directly aided in his control of morals by the
power of the state. The legislature in several charters at-
tempted to control the sale of liquor to mill workers and pro-
vide for their education. One charter provided that no person
would be allowed to sell liquor to the operatives or sell it
within one mile of the factory. A fine of twenty dollars was
to be assessed if this law were broken, and the money col-
lected was to be divided between the local school district
and the informer.85 A second charter provided that of such
fines "one half of the money shall be applied to the benefit
of the moral or literary instruction of the operatives in said
factory. . . ."86
The houses provided by the rural mill owners seem to have
been uniformly worthy of praise. A Charlotte editor visited
the Catawba Factory in 1849 and wrote, "We found the
factory snugly ensconced on the side of the noble Catawba in
a very pretty romantic little cove. The village of cottages
around, pleasantly located on the shady and verdant knolls,
makes the place wear a cosy air of rural ease and comfort,
quite delightful." 87
An increasingly potent factor in the new attitude toward
cotton mill workers and owners was a growing feeling of
sectional pride in the South's new-found talent for manufac-
82 "Articles of Agreement," January 12, 1847, Carrigan Papers.
83 W. A. Carrigan to W. A. Carrigan, Jr., July 22, 1853, Carrigan Papers.
84 Fayetteville Observer, July 16, 1843; Thompson, Cotton Mill, 52-53.
85 Laws of the State of North Carolina, 1848-1849, 320.
86 Laws of the State of North Carolina, 1850-1851, 580.
67 Carolina Watchman, August 30, 1849, quoting the Hornet's Nest (Char-
lotte).
North Carolina Textiles 157
turing. With the coming of the bitter disputes between the
North and South, southerners began to feel that each year
the South was coming increasingly under the domination of
the northern industrialist. To many in the South this rising
economic power could only result in a concomitant increase
in political power, and as a means of decreasing potential
northern pressure, many advocated industrial development.88
This feeling was expressed by a South Carolinian in Niles'
Register, who wrote in 1845, "As long as we are tributaries,
dependent on foreign labor and skill for food, clothing, and
countless necessities of life, we are in thralldom." 89
The concept of encouraging manufacturing in order to pro-
tect and insure the independence of the South appeared as
early as 1837 when the editor of the Raleigh Register noted
in the North, "a wide and deep and secret current running
against the South," as a result of abolitionists' movements,
and admonished the South to be vigilant and become self-
sufficient.90 The same theme appeared in 1850 when, as a
result of the sectional controversy of that year, the editor
advised the South that it should "quietly and steadily raise up
manufactories among ourselves using our resources and
skill and enterprise and labor" rather than spend time grumb-
ling about the North, since "the idea of southern independ-
ence was foolish" until the South was economically inde-
pendent.91 But there were encouraging signs. Pride in mill
development was augmented by a "heartfelt satisfaction at
their prosperity," as the South, following a policy dictated
"not only by wisdom but by self-preservation" was beginning
to realize the importance of cotton manufacturing.92
A Salisbury editor felt that the South should manufacture
all its necessary yarn and coarse cloth, for "When it does this,
the North will have learnt a lesson, and we shall be inde-
pendent and prosperous."93 This southern manufacturing
should be patronized by all, even the wealthy who seemed
88 Davidson, "Ante-Bellum South," 410-411.
"Niles' Weekly Register, LXVIII (April 19, 1845), 103.
90 Raleigh Register, February 28, 1837.
91 Raleigh Register, October 2, 1850.
92 Fayetteville Observer, October 13, 1847; August 23, 1849.
98 Carolina Watchman, March 29, 1849.
158 The North Carolina Historical Review
to prefer imported or northern cloth and clothing. There was
a constant complaint from mill owners that local merchants
refused to buy North Carolina textiles. Much of the yarn and
cloth made in the State was exported to markets in the North,
where it was often purchased and sent back to the State. This
expensive practice led E. J. Hale of the Fayetteville Observer
to remark that cotton textiles "some times have new virtues,
before undiscovered, imparted to them by being sold in the
North/'94
Southerners were encouraged to exert their energy to pro-
duce "articles of prime necessity to free the South from Old
and New England." "Looking both to our honor and our in-
terest, we should rally to the support of factories and render
ourselves independent of other sections so far as we can."95
Such speeches and articles were often climaxed with bright
visions of the southern future, like that expressed by a politi-
cal speaker in Salisbury, who said: "May the day hasten on
when Western North Carolina and the South shall become,
as they seem designed by nature to be, one of the finest manu-
facturing districts in the United States."96 Thus sectional
pride had given to cotton manufacturing a greater degree of
respectability than it would have otherwise obtained.
By the early 1850's, the North Carolina cotton industry
had begun to stabilize. The ten-year depression in the price
of raw cotton abruptly shifted in the 1849-1850 season, when
prices paid were double those of the previous years. This
unexpected rise had unfortunate consequences for the manu-
facturing industry. When the price of their raw material
doubled cotton mills from Rhode Island to Virginia were
forced to close or operate only part-time, while mills in the
more southern states suffered from the same loss of profits
to a somewhat lesser degree. The low tariff, the high price
of cotton, and the manufacture of too many coarse goods
were causes listed by J. D. B. DeBow for the recession in the
industry. "The first we cannot discuss without being drawn
M Fayetteville Observer, June 16, 1856.
65 The Southerner (Tarboro), September 3, 1850; The Patriot, June 3,
1849.
96 Carolina Watchman, March 29, 1849.
North Carolina Textiles 159
into politics. The second effects manufactures by turning
capital into other channels; and the third by overstocking
the market with coarse goods, leaving our citizens dependent
on other countries for finer ones/'97
After the early 1850's the increased price of raw cotton,
bringing greater prosperity to the planter and increased hard-
ships to the manufacturer, effectively lessened the wide in-
terest which had been shown by newspapers in new cotton
factories. The change of editorial emphasis became increas-
ingly evident as more columns were devoted to the defense
of southern institutions, attacks on abolitionists, and discus-
sions of shifting political alignments. Many southerners, in
direct antithesis to the earlier propaganda campaign, found
new comfort in pointing out that industry, as conducted in
the North, was worse than slavery, for it brutalized and de-
graded the factory operative and cast him off once his effici-
ency had declined. It was only natural that the majority of
southerners, who had always felt more at home near cotton
fields than in cotton factories, continued to devote themselves
primarily to agriculture.
There were approximately fifty cotton mills operating in
North Carolina when the Civil War began. From 1861 to
1865 these mills were to perform yeoman service for both the
State and the Confederacy. Almost without exception North
Carolina mills worked at full capacity throughout these four
years, and many operated day and night. From one-half to
three-fourths of their yarn and cloth was purchased by the
State government and often used as barter to secure the
supplies needed by State troops in the Confederate armies.
During the last months of the war the Confederate govern-
ment drew its entire supply of textile goods from the mills
of upland North Carolina.98 Cotton factories not burned by
Sherman's or Stoneman's forces emerged from the war as
bankrupt companies with worn and obsolescent machinery,
but their own record of production during the war justified
w J. D. B. DeBow, The Industrial Resources of the Southern and Western
States (New Orleans, 1852), I, 210.
98 DeBow' 's Review, XXXVI (January, 1867), 89-90; Elizabeth Yates
Webb, "Cotton Manufacturing and State Regulation in North Carolina,
1861-1865," North Carolina Historical Review, IX (April, 1932), 117-137.
160 The North Carolina Historical Review
the faith their owners had shown in the North Carolina textile
industry.
For the years ahead the ante-bellum mills had also pro-
vided a valuable service. Despite the precarious existence
of mills in the late 1860's and 1870's, there was never a com-
plete breakdown of the industry in the State, and the vast
textile expansion after 1880 was built on the foundations
that had existed for decades. In the 1880's mills were operat-
ing that had been under the same family management and
had had the same families of workers since the 1830's and
1840's. It was this asset— a number of communities with manu-
facturing traditions and training and enough mills to form a
nucleus for further growth— that attracted capital and made
the North Carolina Piedmont the textile center of the New
South.
North Carolina Textiles
161
APPENDIX
NORTH CAROLINA COTTON MILLS, 1830-1865
Neuse Mfg. Co.1
Patterson Cotton Factory2
Richmond Mfg. Co.3
Big Falls Mfg. Co.4
Iredell Mfg. Co.5
Northampton Mfg. Co.6
Cane Creek Farmers* and
Mechanics' Mfg. Co.7
Cedar Falls Mfg. Co.8
Milton Mfg. Co.9
Mocksville Cotton Factory10
Mt. Arrarat Cotton Factory11
Salem Mfg. Co.12
Alamance Cotton Mill13
Rockfish Mfg. Co.14
Franklinville Mfg. Co.15
Hunting Creek Factory16
Lexington Cotton Factory17
Montgomery Mfg. Co.18
Randolph Mfg. Co.19
Wake
1832
water
Caldwell
1834
water
Richmond
1834
water
Orange*
1835
water
Iredell
1835**
water
Northampton
1835
water
Orange*
1836
water
Randolph
1836
water
Caswell
1836
water
Davie
1836
steam
Orange*
1836
water
Forsyth
1836
water
Orange*
1836
water
Cumberland
1837
water
Randolph
1837
water
Surry
1837
water
Davidson
1838
steam
Montgomery
1838
water
Randolph
1838
water
1 The Patriot, October 14, 1843. These notes have been selected from a
larger number of references found in private papers, newspapers, census
reports, and local records.
2 Mrs. Lindsay Patterson Papers, Duke University; The Patriot, Octo-
ber 14, 1843.
8 The Register, July 16, 1838.
* The Register, November 22, 1836.
5 Carolina Watchman, July 15, 1836.
6 The Patriot, October 14, 1843.
"The Register, June 1, 1836; June 1, 1839; The Patriot, September 30,
1843.
8 The Register, March 14, 1837; August 22, 1849; The Patriot, September
30, 1843.
9 The Register, July 16, 1838.
10 George W. Johnson Papers, Duke University; The Register, June 6,
1837; Carolina Watchman, April 12, 1849.
Carolina Watchman, April 12, 1849.
31 The Register, January 1, 1838.
12 The Patriot, September 30, 1843.
13 Carrigan Papers, Duke University; Edwin M. Holt, Diary, Southern
Historical Collection, University of North Carolina.
" The Register, July 26, 1836.
16 The Patriot, September 30, 1843.
16 The Register, July 16, 1838.
17 Carolina Watchman, August 30, 1839; The Patriot, September 30, 1843.
M The Register, July 16, 1838.
19 The Register, July 16, 1838.
162
The North Carolina Historical Review
Phoenix Mfg. Co.20
Weldon Mfg. Co.21
Yadkin Mfg. Co.22
Snow Camp Factory23
Leaksville Factory 24
H. and F. Fries Cotton and
Woolen Mills25
Mt. Airy Cotton Mill 26
Beaver Creek Mfg. Co.27
Concord Cotton Factory28
Monbo Factory29
Milledgeville Cotton Factory30
Cross Creek Mfg. Co.31
Little River Mfg. Co.32
Salisbury Mfg. Co.33
Saxapahaw Cotton Mill 34
High Falls Factory35
Island Ford Mfg. Co.36
Swift Island Mfg. Co.37
Haw River Factory38
Catawba Mfg. Co.39
Cape Fear Mfg. Co.40
Rock Creek Shoals Factory41
Cumberland
1838
water
Halifax
1838**
Rowan-Davie
1838
water
Orange*
1838
water
Rockingham
1838
water
Forsyth
1840
water
Surry
1840
water
Cumberland
1840
water
Cabarrus
1840
water
Catawba
1840
water
Montgomery
1840
water
Cumberland
1841
water
Cumberland
1841
water
Rowan
1841
steam
Orange*
1844
water
Orange*
1845
water
Randolph
1845
water
Montgomery
1845
water
Orange*
1845
water
Mecklenburg
1846
water
New Hanover
1847
water
Iredell
1847
water
20 The Register, July 16, 1838; The Patriot, October 14, 1843.
21 The Patriot, October 14, 1843.
22 The Register, July 16, 1838; Carolina Watchman, August 27, 1842.
23 The Register, July 16, 1838.
24 Carolina Watchman, June 5, 1840; The Patriot, September 30, 1943.
25 Carolina Republican, April 3, 1851.
26 The Register, July 16, 1838; Carolina Watchman, August 27, 1842.
27 Niles* Weekly Register, LX (May 1, 1841), 131-132; The Patriot, Oc-
tober 14, 1843.
28 William H. Horok Papers, Duke University; Carolina Watchman,
April 12, 1845.
29 Carolina Watchman, December 12, 1840.
30 Carolina Watchman, December 12, 1840.
"'■Niles' Weekly Register, LX (May 1, 1841), 132; The Patriot, October
14, 1843.
^Niles' Weekly Register, LX (May 1, 1841), 131-132; North Carolina
Standard, May 29, 1850.
33 Carolina Watchman, December 19, 1840; August 23, 1849.
34 Edwin M. Holt, Diary, May 18, 1848.
35 Carrigan Papers, Duke University.
36 Manuscript Schedule IV, North Carolina. Seventh Census, 1850. State
Department of Archives and History, hereinafter cited as MS. Seventh
Census, 1850.
37 Carolina Republican, November 13, 1845.
38 William Clarke Grasty and John F. Rison Papers, Duke University.
39 1. W. Wilson to A. D. Gage, December 4, 1847, Tomlin Papers, Duke
University; Carolina Watchman, August, 30, 1849.
40 Fayetteville Observer, October 30, 1847.
41 Tomlin Papers, Duke University.
North Carolina Textiles
163
Buena Vista Mfg. Co.42
Deep River Mfg. Co.43
Elkin Mfg. Co.44
Woodlawn Mfg. Co.45
Stowesville Cotton Mill 46
Blount's Creek Mfg. Co.47
Columbia Cotton Mill 48
High Shoals Mfg. Co.49
Johnston-Little
River Mfg. Co.50
Mountain Island Mfg.
Co. (Mt. Hecla) 51
Newbern Mfg. Co.52
Union Mfg. Co.53
Union Mfg. Co.54
Yadkin Cotton Factory55
Laurel Hill Mfg. Co.56
Eagle Cotton Mills57
Tomlinson's Cotton Factory58
Elm Grove Factory59
Bertie Mfg. Co.60
Buck Shoals Mfg. Co.61
S. F. Patterson and Co.
Cotton Mill 62
Neuse River Mfg. Co.63
Lincoln
1847
water
Randolph
1848
water
Surry
1848
water
Gaston
1848
water
Gaston
1848
water
Cumberland
1848
water
Randolph
1849
water
Lincoln
1849
water
Johnston
1849
water
Gaston
1849
water
Craven
1849
water
Randolph
1849
water
Cumberland
1849
water
Wilkes
1849
water
Lincoln
1849
water
Iredell
1850
water
Iredell
1850
water
Lincoln
1850
water
Bertie
1851**
Surry
1851
water
Caldwell
1851
water
Wake
1851**
43 Carolina Watchman, April 5, 1849.
43 Carolina Watchman, October 24, 1850.
44 MS. Seventh Census, 1850.
45 Elizabeth W. Carrigan to William A. Carrigan, Jr., May 20, 1855, Car-
rigan Papers, Duke University; A. C. Lineburger Daybooks, Duke Univer-
sity.
46 Carolina Republican, January 27, 1853 ; Papers of Stowesville Cotton
Mill, Duke University.
47 Fayetteville Observer, June 19, 1848.
48 Carolina Watchman, March 29, 1849.
49 Carolina Republican, April 3, 1851.
60 MS. Seventh Census, 1850.
B1 Carolina Watchman, March 29, 1849.
52 MS. Seventh Census, 1850.
53 Carolina Watchman, October 24, 1850.
54 Fayetteville Observer, October 2, 1849.
65 George W. Johnson Papers, Duke University.
56 Carolina Republican, April 10, 1849; April 3, 1851.
57 MS. Seventh Census, 1850.
58 W. D. Williams to Tomlin, Gage and Company, September 1, 1848, Tomlin
Papers, Duke University.
59 Carolina Republican, September 8, 1851.
60 William Clarke Grasty and John F. Rison Papers, Duke University.
61 Tax Book "B," 1840-1860, Surry County Court House.
62 Mrs. Lindsay Patterson Papers, Duke University.
68 Carolina Republican, February 16, 1852.
164
The North Carolina Historical Review
Rock Island Mfg. Co.64
Orange Factory65
Catawba Mill 66
Double Shoals Cotton
Factory67
High Shoals Mfg. Co.68
Granite Shoals Factory69
Yadkin Mfg. Co.70
Yadkin Falls Mfg. Co.71
Rocky River Mfg. Co.72
Wachovia Steam
Cotton Mill 73
Randolph Mfg. Co.74
Confederate Cotton and
Woolen Mills75
Fayetteville Mfg. Co.76
Enterprise Mfg. Co.77
Logan Mfg. Co.78
* Mills in that section of Orange County that became Alamance County
in 1849.
** Projected mills which were organized but never built.
Mecklenberg
1851
steam
Orange
1852
water
Catawba
1852
water
Cleveland
1852
water
Lincoln
1853
water
Catawba
1854
water
Davidson-Rowan
1855
water
Montgomery
1857
water
Cabarrus
1860
water
Forsyth
1862
steam
Randolph
1863
water
Richmond
1864
water
Cumberland
1864**
Cumberland
1864
water
Guilford
1865
water
64 Carolina Republican, April 3, 9, 1851.
66 Edwin M. Holt, Diary, May 3, 1852.
66 Tax Assessment Ledger 6, 1840-1860, Catawba County Court House.
67 Carolina Republican, November 1, 1852.
68 Carolina Republican, January 27, 1853.
69 Tax Assessment Ledger 6, 1840-1860, Catawba County Court House.
70 Carolina Watchman February 6, 1856.
71 Manuscript Schedule IV, North Carolina. Eighth Census, 1860. State
Department of Archives and History, hereinafter cited as MS. Eighth Cen-
sus, 1860.
72 MS. Eighth Census, 1860.
73 The Patriot, August 23, 1862.
74 The Patriot, October 8, 1863.
75 Stanley Causey to Quarter Master General, November 2, 1863. Quarter
Master's Records, State Department of Archives and History.
76 Fayetteville Observer, June 4, 1864.
77 Fayetteville Observer, January 15, 1864.
78 The Patriot, February 3, 1865.
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE PUBLISHED WRITINGS
OF BENJAMIN GRIFFITH BRAWLEY
By John W. Parker
Among the most meaningful decades for Negroes in the
whole range of American history were perhaps those im-
mediately following the turn of the century. The impact of a
number of restrictive measures imposed by a fear-stricken
South was partially counterbalanced by the afterglow of a
great missionary movement and the Negro people continued
their pace, if but slowly, in the direction of an articulate
ethnic group. Along with the missionary colleges established
for Negroes below the Mason-Dixon line, came the federally-
supported institutions provided for in the Second Morrell
Act of 1890. And as organs of group expression, the Crisis
was issued in 1910, the Journal of Negro History in 1916, and
the Opportunity Magazine in 1923.
After the Emancipation, the Negro people worked on the
assumption that the solution of their problems lay in the
opportunity to vote. One can add to this Booker T. Wash-
ington's advocacy of industrial education as the way out, and
William E. B. DuBois' insistence upon the education of the
black man in terms of his higher spiritual and intellectual
capabilities, the emphasis to be placed upon the "talented
tenth." Benjamin G. Brawley was more inclined toward the
DuBois conception. He set about to effect the intellectual
and cultural orientation of the American Negro people to
their total surroundings.
One of a family of nine children, Benjamin G. Brawley was
born in Columbia, South Carolina, on April 22, 1882. He had
the advantage of the culture brought to the home by edu-
cated parents, his father, whose people had been free as far
back as they could remember, having been a Baptist clergy-
man and for a time the president of the college for Negroes
at Salem, Alabama. For young Brawley, however, Columbia
became a point of departure rather than a home, for his
youth was passed in several southern cities as a result of the
[165]
166 The North Carolina Historical Review
migratory character of his father's ministerial duties. It was
a fortunate coincidence that this Negro intellectual-to-be
should experience early at first hand some of the problems
around which his subsequent career was to center.
For his college training, Brawley proceeded in 1898 to
Atlanta Baptist College (now Morehouse College) where he
excelled in the activities both in and out of the classroom and
from which he was graduated with honor in 1901. Especially
did he distinguish himself as a debater. Subsequently, as an
instructor at Morehouse College, he organized and coached
the debate between Atlanta Baptist College and Talladega
College ( 1906 ) , which marked the inception of intercollegiate
debate in the American Negro college.
Likewise did Brawley manage the baseball team, play
quarterback on an early football team, and along with
Timothy Williams serve as one of the founders of the Athe-
naeum, an organ of student expression to which he contrib-
uted no less than fifty-six essays, poems, editorials, and short
stories. His initial booklet of poems, A Toast to Love and
Death ( 1902 ) , was dedicated to the memory of two school
chums, Timothy Williams and James E. Carmichael. Each
of these friends had contracted colds on summer jobs which
they were never quite able to shake off. Significant, too,
among his writings for the Athenaeum was the poem, A
Prayer, written in response to a Georgia lynching and subse-
quently set to music by A. H. Ryder of Boston, Massachusetts.
Following his initial year of teaching in a one-room school
out in the hinterlands of Georgetown, Florida, exactly ten
miles from a railroad, Brawley was called back to begin a
distinguished career as an instructor in English and as Dean
of Morehouse College. Before long, however, advanced study
beckoned and largely through summer courses, he completed
the requirements for the A.B. degree at the University of
Chicago in 1906 and those for the M.A. degree at Harvard
University in 1908. Straightway, he came under the spell of
five productive scholars— Ernest De Whitt Barton and John
M. Manley of Chicago, and Bliss Perry, William Allen
Neilson, and George Lyman Kittredge (the celebrated "Kitty
of Harvard") at Harvard.
Writings of Benjamin G. Brawley 167
In Washington, D. C, where in 1910 he joined the faculty
of Howard University, Brawley married Hilda Damaris
Prowd of Kingston, Jamaica, British West Indies, and it was
to her that he subsequently dedicated The Negro Genius
(1937). After two years at Howard, however, the Brawleys
headed again for Morehouse College where as the institu-
tion's first Dean he became a member of the famous Hope-
Brawley-Archer triumvirate, famous in the history of Ameri-
can Negro education.
Brawley's students everywhere agree that he was the type
of teacher that comes once in a lifetime. Few men have been
capable of more sustained and high-powered exertion; not
infrequently his enthusiasm developed into a contagion. As
he saw it, the profession of teaching was a sacred one and its
effectiveness was contingent upon the intelligence, industry,
and integrity of the teachers themselves. Much that borders
on the legendary has grown up around Brawley's teaching
career, especially his monomania for precision, tone, and
f*ood taste. The story is told of a tennis game played by Tohn
Hope, Benjamin Brawley, and two other faculty members.
Hope stopped the game complaining that the net had
"sagged." Brawley replied, "The net has not sagged; it has
s wagged." They disputed and Brawley went for an un-
abridged dictionary. The ensuing discussion took precedence
over the game while the net sagged and swagged uninter-
ruptedly.
This penchant for correctness was not typical of the man;
it was the man. He was known to require that his students
memorize long passages from the classic English and Ameri-
can authors. To a theme that was slovenly in logic or in ap-
pearance, he was wont to add his characteristic comment,
'Too carelessly written to be carefully read." He saw students
in terms of what they might become and demonstrated his
interest in their all-around development. One of the few men
to distinguish himself in the matter of sheer classroom teach-
ing, he contributed substantially to the elevation of that call-
ing to the plane of a fine art. When, therefore, in 1927, he
declined the Harmon Foundation's Second Award in Edu-
cation, he did so on the ground that he had not catered to
168 The North Carolina Historical Review
second-rate work and was, therefore, justified in accepting
no badge in direct contradiction to his ideal of excellence.
Meanwhile, Brawley was devoting his energies to yet
another area— that of authorship. He first contributed to such
periodicals as the Springfield Republican, Lippincott's Maga-
zine, The Voice of the Negro, and The Dial. His piece, "The
Negro in American Fiction/' carried in The Dial for May 11,
1916, he always regarded as the first appearance of his work
in a standard literary magazine. A Short History of the
American Negro, his initial book, found its way to the book-
shelves in 1913. Once the start was made, other volumes
written as textbooks or for the general reader multiplied with
the passing of the years. It is significant that the first decade
of his literary productivity saw, with one exception, the
appearance of books based wholly upon race; the second,
roughly from 1921 to 1932, books free from racial exclusive-
ness; and after 1932, those based upon the phenomenon of
race. It all points up Brawley 's decision as to whether he
should turn out books based upon racial expediency, or fol-
low the American standard of belles lettres. He finally settled
for the former alternative.
In 1920, after an eight-year sojourn at Morehouse College,
Brawley entered upon two new fields of work in succession.
His growing concern for the impact of race upon the realiza-
tion of the democratic ideal in America and around the world
led him to relinquish his position at Morehouse College and
to accept the invitation to make a socio-educational survey
of the Republic of Liberia. This undertaking of six months'
duration was underwritten by four religious and educational
associations. Upon his return to the States, Brawley was or-
dained into the Baptist ministry in the People's Church of
Boston, Massachusetts, on June 2, 1921, and straightway
accepted the pastorate of the Messiah Baptist Church in
Brockton, Massachusetts. His congregation remembers him as
a "scholar" who organized and systemized the church and
built up the prayer meetings that were always limited to
"just one hour."
As time went on, however, Brawley became dissatisfied
with the conduct of certain of his deacons who were alleged
Writings of Benjamin G. Brawley 169
to have engaged in practices unbecoming to their offices and
straightway handed in his resignation, the offer to correct the
situation notwithstanding. He then accepted a position at
Shaw University, another Home Mission College, where once
again he combined teaching and authorship. He contributed
"The Baseball" to Addison Hibbard's Stories of the South
(1923); and several of his later volumes were issued by the
University of North Carolina Press at Chapel Hill.
The Brawleys returned in 1931 to Howard University
where, as the invitation stipulated, he was to teach two
courses— "whatever his scholarly attitude suggested." He had
come at last to the crowning point in his professional career.
A spacious two-story house on Harvard Street became the
home of the Brawleys. Here for the first time he was free to
write and volumes appeared in quick succession.
The plight of the American Negro people shunted off as
they were into a "disadvantaged outgroup," Brawley constru-
ed as the supreme test of the American democratic ideal as
expressed in the Declaration of Independence. As he saw it,
the whole problem must eventually square with the yardstick
of Christian justice, and governed by this principle, the white
man was bound to allow the Negro folk, not special favors,
but equal opportunity in every area of American life. And it
was incumbent upon the black people, dissatisfied with their
sorry lot, to measure up fully to the American cultural stan-
dard. The problem of race in America never embittered
Brawley because of his implicit faith in the ultimate matura-
tion of the American democratic ideal.
170 The North Carolina Historical Review
BIBLIOGRAPHY1
The following bibliography of the published writings of
Benjamin G. Brawley is a tribute to his industry and to his
versatility. But for remote and sometimes isolated articles,
newspaper items, and book reviews which frequently belong
to his early or experimental period and which have long since
disappeared, the present listing is practically complete. In
a few cases of doubt, the compiler has had to rely upon what
appeared to constitute the most reliable sources.
General Works
Africa and the War, New York : Duffield and Company, 1918.
General reference book.
The Best Stories of Paul Laurence Dunbar, New York: Dodd,
Mead and Company, 1938. General reference book.
Freshman Year English, New York : Noble and Noble, Publish-
ers, 1929. College text.
History of Morehouse College, Atlanta: Morehouse College
Press, 1917. General reference book. Written on the authority
of the Morehouse College Board of Trustees.
A History of the English Hymn, New York : The Abington Press,
1932. General reference book.
The Negro in American Literature in the United States, New
York: Duffield and Company, 1918. Revised editions appeared
in 1921 and 1929. Reissue of 1929 edition, Dodd, Mead and
Company, New York, 1934 and 1937. College text.
Negro Builders and Heroes, Chapel Hill : The University of North
Carolina Press, 1937. General reference book.
1 For valuable assistance in tracking down the data upon which the
present investigation is based, the writer is indebted to many libraries,
publishing houses, business concerns, and individual persons who had
formed an intimate acquaintance with Dr. Benjamin G. Brawley. The
more significant contributions to the prosecution of this study, however, were
made by Mrs. Edith M. Royster, Brockton, Massachusetts; Mrs. Susie E.
Thomas, Washington, D.C.; Mrs. S. H. Archer, Jr., Atlanta, Georgia;
Dr. Nathaniel P. Tillman, Atlanta, Georgia; Mr. James W. Ivy, New
York City; Mrs. Claudia W. Harreld, Atlanta, Georgia; Mrs. Marjorie
Gaillard, (sister), Birmingham, Alabama; Mrs. Jeannette B. Stewart,
(sister), Atlanta, Georgia. Mrs. Hilda P. Brawley (wife), Washington,
D.C.; Mr. Arna Bontemps, Fisk University Library, Nashville, Tennessee;
Mrs. Catherine J. Pierce, Duke University Library, Durham; Mrs. Eva
G. McKenna, University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill; Dr.
Lawrence D. Reddick, Trevor Arnett Library, Atlanta, Georgia; Mrs.
Dorothy Porter, Howard University Library, Washington, D.C.; Mrs.
Barbara D. Simison, James Weldon Johnson Memorial Collection of Negro
Arts and Letters, New Haven, Connecticut; Mr. Henry J. Dubester, Library
of Congress, Washington, D.C.; and Miss Florence Blakely, Duke Uni-
versity Library, Durham.
Writings of Benjamin G. Brawley 171
A New Survey of English Literature, New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, Inc., 1925. Third edition, F. S. Crofts and Company,
New York, 1936. College text.
The Negro Genius, New York : Dodd, Mead and Company, 1937.
General reference book.
A Short History of the American Negro, New York : The Mac-
millan Company, 1913. High school and college text.
A Short History of the English Drama, New York: Harcourt,
Brace and Company, 1921. Revised editions appeared in 1919,
1931, and 1939. College text.
A Social History of the American Negro, New York: The Mac-
millan Company, 1921. Revised editions appeared in 1919,
1931, and 1939. College text.
Your Negro Neighbor, New York: The Macmillan Company,
1918. General reference book.
Biographical Works
Dr. Dillard of the Jeanes Fund, New York: Fleming H. Revel
Company, 1930. Introduction by Anson Phelps Stokes. General
reference book.
Paul Laurence Dunbar: Poet of His People, Chapel Hill: The
University of North Carolina Press, 1936. General reference
book.
Women of Achievement, Chicago: Women's American Baptist
Home Mission Society, 1919. Written for the Fireside Schools,
under the auspices of the Women's American Baptist Home
Mission Society. General reference book.
Edited Works
Early Negro American Writers, Chapel Hill: The University
of North Carolina Press, 1935. General reference book.
New Era Declamations, Sewanee: The University Press of Se-
wanee, Tennessee, 1918. High school text.
Short Stories and Selections in Anthologies
'The Baseball," Stories of the South, Chapel Hill : The Univer-
sity of North Carolina Press, 1931.
"The Baseball," America Through the Short Story, Boston:
Little, Brown, and Company, 1936.
"The Negro in American Literature," The Bookman Anthology,
New York: George H. Doran Company, 1923.
Miscellaneous Pamphlets
Early Efforts for Industrial Education, Occasional Papers Num-
ber 22, Published by the Trustees of the John F. Slater Fund,
Charlottesville, 1923. Pp. 15.
An Essay Toward an Evaluation of High Schools for Negroes
in the South, A Study Conducted under the Auspices of The
172 The North Carolina Historical Review
Association of Colleges for Negroes in the South, Atlanta:
Morehouse College Press, 1920. Pp. 10.
Studies in English Prose with Exercises in Style, Atlanta : At-
lanta Baptist College Press, 1908. Pp. 14.
The Work in English in the Academy and in the College at
Atlanta Baptist College, Atlanta: Atlanta Baptist College
Press, 1905. Pp. 7.
Magazine Edited
Home Mission College Review, An Organ of the Colleges of
Negro Youth. Mainly Supported by the American Baptist
Home Mission Society and the Woman's American Home
Mission Society. Four volumes, May, 1927 through May, 1930,
Raleigh.
Articles in Newspapers
(1) The Springfield Republican (Springfield)
"American Drama and the Negro," II (1915), 9.
(2) The Watchman-Examiner (New York)
"Hymn as Literature," XIX (1930), 6.
Articles in Periodicals
"i
at
( 1) The Athenaeum (Atlanta)
'On Some Old Letters," XIV (1908), 6-8.
To the Men of Atlanta Baptist College," XIII (1910) , 21-23.
"George Sale and His Message to Atlanta Baptist College,"
XIV (1912), 48-50.
(2) The Bookman (New York)
"The Negro in American Literature," LVI (1922), 137-141.
(3) The Champion of Fair Play (Chicago)
"American Ideals and the Negro," IV (1916), 31-32.
( 4) The Christian Register (Boston)
"What The War Did to Krutown," X (1920), 33-35.
(5) The Crisis (New York)
"Atlanta Striving," XXIIII (1914), 114-116.
( 6) The Dial (Chicago)
"The Negro in American Fiction," LX (1916), 445-450.
( 7) The English Journal (Chicago)
"The Negro in Contemporary Literature," XVIII (1929),
194-202.
(8) The Harvard Advocate (Cambridge)
"Varied Outlooks," LXXXIV (1907), 67-69.
( 9) The Home Mission College Review (Raleigh)
"Is The Ancient Mariner Allegorical?" I (1927), 28-31.
"Some Observations on High School English," II (1928),
36-42.
Writings of Benjamin G. Brawley 173
(10) Journal of Negro History (Washington, D. C.)
"Lorenzo Dow," I (1916), 265-275.
"Three Negro Poets : Horton, Mrs. Harper, and Whitman,'*
II (1917), 384-392.
"Elizabeth Barrett Browning and the Negro," III (1918),
22-25.
"The Promise of Negro Literature," XIX (1934), 53-59.
(11) The Methodist Review (New York)
"Wycliffe and the World War," IX (1920) , 81-83.
"Our Religious Re-Adjustment," XIII (1924), 28-30.
(12) The New South (Chattanooga)
"Recent Literature on the Negro," XIII (1927), 37-41.
(13) The New Republic (New York)
"Liberia One Hundred Years After," XXIV (1921), 319-
321.
(14) The North American Review (New York)
"Blake's Prophetic Writing," XXI (1926-1927), 90-94.
"The Southern Tradition," CCXXIV (1928), 309-315.
(15) The North American Student (New York)
"Recent Movements among the Negro People," III (1917),
8-11.
(16) The Opportunity Magazine (New York)
"The Writing of Essays," IV (1926), 284-287.
"Edmund T. Jinkins," IV (1926), 383-385.
(17) The Reviewer (Chapel Hill)
"A Southern Boyhood," V (1925), 1-8.
"The Lower Rungs of the Ladder," V (1925), 78-86.
"On Re-Reading Browning," V (1925), 60-63.
(18) Sewanee Review (Sewanee)
"English Hymnody and Romanticism," XXIV (1916) 476-
482.
"Richard Le Gaillienne and the Tradition of Beauty," XXVI
(1918), 47-60.
(19) The South Atlantic Quarterly (Durham)
"Pre-Raphaelitism and Its Literary Relations," XV (1916),
68-81.
(20) The Southern Workman (Hampton)
"Our Debts," XLIV (1915), 622-626.
"The Negro Genius," XLIV (1915), 305-308.
"The Course in English in the Secondary School," XLV
(1916), 495-498.
"A Great Missionary," XLI (1916), 675-677.
"Meta Warrick Fuller," XLVII (1918), 25-32.
"William Stanley Braithwaite," XLVII (1918), 269-272.
"Significant Verse," XLVIII (1919), 31-32.
"Liberia Today," XLIX (1920), 181-183.
"The Outlook in Negro Education," XLIX (1920), 208-213.
"Significant Days in Negro History," LII (1923), 86-90.
174 The North Carolina Historical Review
"A History of the High School," LIII (1924), 545-549.
"On the Teaching of English/' LIII (1924), 298-304.
"Not in Textbooks," LIV (1925), 34-37.
"The Teacher Faces the Student," LV (1926), 320-325.
"Negro Literary Renaissance," LVI (1927), 177-184.
"The Profession of the Teacher," LVII (1928), 481-486.
"Dinner at Talfourd's," LVIII (1929), 10-14.
"Citizen of the World," LIX (1930), 387-393.
"The Dilemma for Educators," LIX (1930), 206-208.
"Dunbar Thirty Years After," LIX (1930), 189-191.
"Ironsides: The Bordentown School," LXI (1931), 410-416.
"Plea for Tory," LX (1931), 297-301.
"Art Is Not Enough," LXI (1932), 488-494.
"Hamlet and the Negro," LXI (1932), 442-448.
"Whom Living We Salute," LXI (1932), 401-403.
"A Composer of Fourteen Operas," LXII (1933), 43-44.
"Armstrong and the Eternal Verities," LXIII (1934) , 80-87.
"The Singing of Spirituals," LXIII (1934), 209-213.
(21) The Southivestern Christian Advocate (New Orleans)
"Shakespeare's Place in the Literature of the World," XLV
(1916), 3-11.
(22) The Springfield Republican (Springfield)
"David Lloyd George," X (1923), 8.
(23) The Voice of the Negro (Atlanta)
"Phillis Wheatley," II (1906), 55-59.
Booklets of Verse Privately Issued
A Prayer, with a foreword by President George Sale. Atlanta:
Atlanta Baptist College Press, 1899. Set to music by A. H.
Ryder, Boston, Massachusetts. Appeared first in The Athe-
naeum, II (1899), 10.
A Toast to Love and Death, Atlanta: The Atlanta Baptist Col-
lege Press, 1902. Dedicated to the memory of two school chums
who died before their time.
The Dawn and Other Poems, Washington, D. C, 1911. Appeared
first as "The Dawn" (single poem) in The Voice of the Negro,
I (1904), 185.
The Problem and Other Poems, Atlanta: The Atlanta Baptist
College Press, 1905. Appeared as "The Problem" in The Voice
of the Negro, II (1905), 663.
The Desire of the Moth for the Star, Atlanta : The Atlanta Bap-
tist College Press, 1906. Six poems no one of which is so
entitled.
The Seven Sleepers of Ephesus, Atlanta: Atlanta Baptist Col-
lege Press, 1917.
Writings of Benjamin G. Brawley 175
Book Reviews in Periodicals
(1) The Crisis
W. E. B. DuBois, The Gift of Black Folk (Chicago, 1903),
II (1924), 377-378.
(2) The Home Mission College Review
Jerome Dowd, The Negro in American Life (New York,
1926), I (1927), 41.
Countee Cullen, Copper Sun (New York, 1927), I (1927), 49.
Edward B. Reuter, The American Race Problem (New York,
1929), I (1927), 59.
James Weldon Johnson, God's Trombones (New York,
1927), I (1927), 1.
Julia Peterkin, Black April (New York, 1927) , I (1927) , 44.
Addison Hibbard, The Lyric South (New York, 1928), II
(1928), 39.
James Rubinstein, Great English Plays (New York, 1928),
III (1929), 46.
Jessie Fauset, Plum Bun (New York, no date), III (1929),
43.
Heusre W. Marrow, The Splendor of God (New York, 1929)
III (1929), 54.
Robert R. Moton, What the Negro Thinks (New York,
1929), III (1929), 41.
Lorenzo D. Turner, Anti-Slavery Sentiment in American
Literature (Washington, D. C, 1929), IV (1930), 41.
V. F. Calverton, Anthology of Negro Literature (New York,
1932), III (1930), 45-56.
(3) The Journal of Negro Education
Edwin Embree and others, Island India Goes to School
(Chicago, 1934), III (1934), 631-632.
Anson Phelps Stokes, Dr. Stokes in Africa (New York,
1934), III (1934), 630.
Diedrich Westerman, The Africa of Today (Oxford, 1934),
IV (1935), 121-123.
Charles W. Wesley, Richard Allen: Apostle of Freedom
(Washington, D. C, 1935), V (1936), 131-132.
John Dillingham, Making Religious Education Effective
(New York, 1932), V (1936), 133.
W. T. Couch, Culture in the South (Chapel Hill, 1934), V
(1936), 263-265.
(4) The Journal of Negro History
James Weldon Johnson, Fifty Years and Other Poems (Bos-
ton, 1917), III (1918), 202-203.
(5) The Southern Workman
W. T. Carmichael, From the Heart of a Folk (Boston, 1918) ,
XLVIII (1919), 38.
176 The North Carolina Historical Review
Editorials in Periodicals
(1) The Athenaeum (Atlanta)
"Poverty Flat," III (1900), 6.
"The Anniversary— and Beyond," XIX (1917), 1.
(2) The Home Mission College Review (Hampton)
"Above the Battle," I (1927), 2.
"Editorial," I (1927), 3.
"Greetings and Felicitations," I (1927), 6-7.
"A New Survey of Colleges," I (1827), 54.
"The Question of Ethics," I (1927), 3.
"Scholarship," I (1927), 3.
"United Campaign for Home Mission Colleges," I (1927), 5.
"What Would Jesus Do?" I (1927), 5.
"Affiliation of Colleges," II (1928), 2.
"The Greatest Problem in the Negro College," II (1928), 5.
"The Honor System," II (1928), 2.
"Professionalism in Athletics," II (1928), 4.
"A Sacred Trust," II (1928), 4.
"Travelling," II (1928), 7-8.
"Y.W.C.A.," II (1928), 6.
"Dillard University," III (1929), 45.
"Gambling," III (1929), 4.
"Student Contributions," III (1929), 5.
"The Study of the Bible in Our Colleges," III (1929), 3.
"Suggestions to Negro Singers," III (1929), 3.
"Sunday School Excursions," III (1929), 9.
"Three Incidents," III (1929), 4.
"Truth Eternal," III (1929), 4.
"The Gift of Myrrh," III (1929), 18.
"The Present Plight of Negro Literature," IV (1930), 5.
(3) The Opportunity Magazine (New York)
"Nigger: Term of Contempt," IV (1926), 1.
"Declining the Harmon Award," VI (1928), 56.
"Editorial," VI (1928), 56.
Poems in Periodicals
(1) The Athenaeum (Atlanta)
"At Home and Abroad," II (1899), 7.
"Hiawatha," II (1899), 2.
"Imperfection," II (1899), 4.
"The Light of Life," II (1899), 5.
"The Light of the World," II (1899), 5. Reprint in The
Christian Advocate, (Chicago), XI (1920), 37.
"Race Prejudice," II (1899), 9.
"Bedtime," III (1900), 7.
Writings of Benjamin G. Brawley 177
«i
at
ti
'Revocation," III (1900), 4.
"Samuel Memba," III (1900), 2.
T. W.," Ill (1900), 8.
'As I Gaze into the Night," IV (1901), 5.
"The First of a Hundred Years," (Class Song), IV (1901),
6.
"Poems," IV (1901), 7 and 9.
'After the Rain," VI (1903), 7.
'America," VI (1903), 2.
"The Peon's Child," VII (1904), 6.
"My Hero," XVII (1914), 7. Reprint in The Home Mission
College Review, (Raleigh), I (1928), 30.
"Shakespeare," XVIII (1916), 14. Reprint in The Home
Mission College Review, (Raleigh), II (1928), 26.
(2) The Christian Advocate (Chicago)
"I Shall Go Forth in the Morning," XIII (1922) , 18.
(3) Citizen (Los Angeles)
"Ballade of One That Died Before His Time," IX (1915) , 27.
(4) Crisis (New York)
"The Freedom of the Free," XX (1913), 32.
(5) The Harvard Monthly (Cambridge)
"Chaucer," XLV (1908), 184.
(6) Lippincott's Magazine (Philadelphia)
"Crossroads," LXXIV (1905), 731.
(7) Survey (New York)
"Battleground," XL (1918), 608.
(8) The Voice of the Negro (Atlanta)
'Christopher Marlowe," I (1904), 65.
The Plan," I (1904), 524.
The Education," II (1905), 319.
'First Sight," III (1906), 409.
"To One Untrue," III (1906), 341.
"Paul Laurence Dunbar," III (1906), 265.
Short Stories in Periodicals
The Athenaeum (Atlanta)
"An Incident," II (1889), 3.
"The Pilgrims and the Wisdom Range," IV (1901), 16.
"A Day at Welatka," V (1902), 2.
Songs : Collections and Individual Songs
(1) Song Collection
Howard University Sings (edited) , Washington, D. C, 1912.
Pp. 10. Brawley wrote three of the eleven songs in the
collection.
"<
at
til
178 The North Carolina Historical Review
(2) Individual Songs
"Anniversary Hymn," Atlanta: Atlanta Baptist College
Press, 1917. Written in response to the Fiftieth Anniver-
sary of Morehouse College, Atlanta, Georgia. Set to music
by Kemper Harreld.
"Anniversary Hymn," Raleigh, 1929. Written on the oc-
casion of the Sixty-Third Annual Founder's Day Cele-
bration at Shaw University, Raleigh.
PAPERS FROM THE FIFTY-SIXTH ANNUAL SESSION
OF THE STATE LITERARY AND HISTORICAL
ASSOCIATION, RALEIGH,
DECEMBER 7, 1956
Introduction
In accordance with custom, the papers presented at the
annual meeting in December of the State Literary and His-
torical Association are published in this magazine the follow-
ing April. The papers of the fifty-sixth annual meeting are
printed in full in the pages that follow.
From the morning session we have "Dare County Belles-
Lettres," by Richard Walser of Raleigh; "Roanoke Colonists
and Explorers: An Attempt at Identification," by William
S. Powell of Chapel Hill; and a review of North Carolina
fiction of the year (the works entered in the Sir Walter
Raleigh competition), by C. Hugh Holman of Chapel Hill,
a member of the board of award. From the luncheon session
we have a review of North Carolina non-fiction of the year
(works entered in the Mayflower competition) by H. Broadus
Jones of Winston-Salem, a member of the board of award.
From the dinner session there is printed "Literature and
Life," the presidential address of Gilbert T. Stephenson of
Pendleton. Finally, from the evening session comes "One
Hundred Years Ago," an address by Roy F. Nichols of Phila-
delphia. These seem to constitute an unusually fine set of
papers, and it is believed that they will be of interest to our
readers,
[179]
DARE COUNTY BELLES-LETTRES
By Richard Walser
A recent unpublished survey indicates that North Carolina,
beginning in 1734 and coming down to the present year, has
provided character and setting for over seven hundred works
of prose fiction. Outside the mountain areas, the greatest
attraction for the imaginative writer has been the history and
legend, the people and geography of Dare County. The
reasons are fairly obvious: the seemingly endless possibilities
of romanticizing the Sir Walter Raleigh colonies, to say
nothing of the fascination provided by "quaint Bankers" and
Coast Guard heroes. Indeed since 1840, thirty authors have
written books of drama, poetry, and fiction1 based on Dare
County subjects or having their origins in Dare County
legend— an impressive record which it is well to investigate.
Of the thirty titles, twenty-four were inspired by Raleigh's
settlers at Roanoke Island. A sentence or two of simple fact
will refresh our minds of just what happened there. In 1584
Captains Amadas and Barlowe explored the region for Sir
Walter. In 1585 Sir Richard Grenville and Ralph Lane set
up a colony of men who returned to England with Sir Francis
Drake a year later. In 1587 John White stayed with a second
colony only a month. When he searched for them three years
afterwards, he found no trace of their survival.
Since Paul Green's The Lost Colony2 is the most familiar
work concerning this period, it provides an appropriate start-
ing point for our hasty review of the thirty works. Its sixteen
seasons of production on Roanoke Island enacted on the site
of some of its scenes have witnessed sixteen varying versions,
for Paul Green's perennial habits of rewriting are well known.
Even so, his basic plan has remained unchanged. The dram-
atist switches from England to Roanoke, suggesting the
historical events without concentrating on them. Actual per-
1 This paper does not include a discussion of short stories, of lyric
poetry, of legends not cast in story form, or of one-act plays; nor does
it take into account any unpublished material. Excluded also is any fiction
revolving about Theodosia Burr or the Wright brothers. The thirty titles
are separate publications, though a few are quite brief.
2 Paul Green, The Lost Colony: A Symphonic Drama of American His-
tory (Chapel Hill. The University of North Carolina Press, 1954. 70 pp.).
[180 1
Dare County Belle-Lettres 181
sonages from Sir Walter to the infant Virginia Dare have
roles; and the climax of the play shows the 1587 colonists
retreating to the interior when Spanish vessels threaten their
stockade. Green's explanation of the mysterious disappear-
ance is plausible and dramatically effective. Yet this is no
historical pageant, but a play. The most rounded character
and the one who carries the playwright's message is Old Tom
Harris, beggar and outcast, who becomes in the New World
a man of honor and trust. Thus the promise of America,
immanent even in defeat, has a transcendency beyond the
actual events. While Paul Green's drama does not tamper
with history, it goes beyond it in providing human meaning
for its occurrences. The Lost Colony has remained Dare
County's only published full-length play and, indubitably,
its most distinguished literary by-product.
Of the four titles in poetry, three of them narrative, the
first is Sallie Southall Cotten's The White Doe: The Fate of
Virginia Dare.3 In this telling of the now-familiar legend, the
beautiful maiden, renamed Wi-no-na, is magically trans-
formed into a white doe by a rejected suitor. Following her
disappearance, mother Eleanor dies. The enchanted deer
roams Roanoke Island till a noble suitor, the young chieftain
O-kis-ko,
Linked the going of the maiden
With the coming of the White Doe4
and prepares a counter-charm, a "Mussel-pearl arrow" which,
shot into the heart of the doe, will release her. Meanwhile,
with a silver arrow given him by Queen Elizabeth, the evil
Wan-ches-e also goes hunting the deer. Then at the identical
moment, Wi-no-na is wounded by both pearl and silver
arrows. Though changed back into a maiden, she is dying.
O-kis-ko takes the silver arrow to a fountain of living youth
on the island, hoping this action will restore the girl; but
upon his placing it within the spring,
8 Sallie Southall Cotton, The White Doe: The Fate of Virginia Dare.
(An Indian Legend) (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, printed for the Author,
1901. i-xx, 5-89 pp.), hereinafter cited as Cotton, The White Doe.
4 Cotton, The White Doe, 57.
182 The North Carolina Historical Review
All the sparkling water vanished;
Dry became the magic fountain,
Leaving bare the silver arrow.5
From the silver arrow a tiny green shoot springs up— a shoot
which years later becomes a scuppernong vine with red,
instead of white, grapes— symbolizing the blood of Virginia
Dare. In her Preface, Mrs. Cotten writes: "A familiar knowl-
edge of the history of one's own country increases patriotism
and stimulates valor. For this reason the study of written
records called history should be supplemented by research
into myths, folk-lore, and legends." Traditions, she continues,
bear "the seed-germs of truth," and eventually they are "em-
bodied in romance and song." Then "they assume a perma-
nent form called legend and become the heritage of a
people."6 Mrs. Cotten's poem of the legend of Virginia Dare
and the scuppernong vine was once widely read in our State
and has assumed a permanent spot in our literature. It is
composed in the lilting trochaic tetrameter of Hiawatha and,
though it reads as well as Longfellow's poem, provides too
brief treatment to be forceful narrative.
Three years after the publication of Mrs. Cotton's book,
William Henry Moore of Pittsboro issued Virginia Dare: A
Story of Colonial Days.7 This narrative poem fabricates the
aftermath of the Lost Colonists when famine and disease
drive them inland to Lake Mattamuskeet. Though Manteo's
son Laska woos and wins the fair Virginia, the poet has a
difficult time with the problem of interracial marriage. As
Virginia's father dies, he contemplates the mating of his
daughter:
The father's heart 'gainst racial instinct strove,
But love, at last, had won, and winning wove
The fabric which should bind their tribes in one,
Enduring as the bright and changeless sun.8
e Cotton, The White Doe, 74.
6 Cotton, The White Doe, 5.
'William Henry Moore, Virginia Dare: A Story of Colonial Days (Ra-
leigh: Edwards & Broughton, 1904. 67 pp.), hereinafter cited as Moore,
Virginia Dare.
8 Moore, Virginia Dare, 36.
Dare County Belle-Lettres 183
This, of course, is in keeping with the race feelings in 1901,
when Moore published his poem, rather than with those of
the sixteenth century. Even so, after overcoming his am-
bitious opponent Granganimeo in mortal combat, Laska with
his wife Virginia rules over the tribe with great wisdom. In
the poem the author takes, as he says, "the liberty of changing
the name of Ananias Dare to that of David, as being more
poetical and euphonious; and of his wife from Eleanor to
Jennie, the diminutive of Virginia." ° The shift is pointless,
since no character is satisfactorily developed in this rambling
narrative written in generally unfortunate rhymed couplets.
"Mark Bennett on Boanoke,"10 by Professor Harry K.
Bussell of the Department of English at Chapel Hill, is one
of the few attempts to use the Boanoke story for other than
relating history and legend. Though rather diffusely episodic,
the story, in six sections of very loose sprung meter, takes up
the emotional problems of Mark Bennett, an actual name of
a colonist about whom we know nothing. Fictionally, the
poet Bennett has been nauseated by the sensual atmosphere
of London and is trying to find in the New World a freshness
to satisfy his spirit. At first reluctant to accept the love of the
beautiful Indian girl Amosens, he eventually succumbs to her
attractions and realizes that in her he has identified his need.
Meanwhile, events at the stockade are lively. After forays
with the tribe of Wanchese, Ananias Dare is in the process of
removing the colonists to Manteo's Croatan Isicl in the
autumn of 1588 when Wanchese attacks again and all the
English, including Ananias and Eleanor Dare, are killed
except Henry Berry,11 Mark Bennett, and Virginia. Manteo's
beast-keen nephew Uwaara rescues Virginia, whom he had
foretold "the Spirit / Chad! Called ... to our people." 12 Her
subsequent story is not followed up. This deeply felt poem
ends when Mark Bennett and Amosens slip away into the
forest.
9 Moore, Virginia Dare, 8.
10 Harry K. Russell, "Mark Bennett on Roanoke," Poet Lore, XLVII
(Spring, 1942), 3-46, hereinafter cited as Russell, "Mark Bennett on
Roanoke."
11 Probably to account for the legend that he was the ancestor of the
Robeson County tribe of Indians.
" Russell, "Mark Bennett on Roanoke," 21.
12
184 The North Carolina Historical Review
The title of Albert Q. Bell's Actors in the Colony13 is taken
from Thomas Hariot's report on Roanoke published in 1588.
The pamphlet contains short prose biographies of the prin-
cipal "actors" in the venture, and in between are poems on
Amadas and Barlowe, Elizabeth and Raleigh, Eleanor Dare,
Old Tom, and so on. Never intended as polished verse, Mr.
Bell's lines are of particular interest to us because their author
has been so closely associated with the success of Paul Green s
The Lost Colony at Fort Raleigh, near which he makes his
home.
The first of nine adult novels concerning Sir Walter's
settlers is the brief, highly romantic "Virginia Dare: or, The
Colony of Roanoke" 14 by Cornelia L. Tuthill of Connecticut,
who in 1840 after reading from Bancroft's History of the
United States began to wonder why no one had paid a tribute
to the first English child born in America. In this curious bit
of fiction, Virginia is the daughter of George [sic] Dare and
the granddaughter of Philip [sic] White. Her departure from
Roanoke Island, along with her mother, Manteo, and the
clergyman Dr. Carson, is due to famine and the hostility of
the cruel Ocracoke Indians. Soon they take up with Chief
Arcana in the vale of Mehezim at the foot of the mountains.
The chief's "Hatteras tribe, naturally mild and gentle, lived
in a state of Arcadian simplicity." 15 Eighteen years later, after
rejecting the suit of Arcana, Virginia marries a dissolute aris-
tocrat, Henry Johnston, who has strayed from the Jamestown
colony founded only a year before. In this novel, typical of
sentimental mid-nineteenth-century fiction, Dr. Carson is
busy converting the Indians to Christianity. (History, of
course, does not record a preacher among the colonists.)
Virginia, beloved of the natives, is called the White Angel
of Mercy. And with delightful anachronistic skill, the author
has our heroine in the midst of the wilderness reading with
excruciating pleasure those still unpublished Shakespearian
masterpieces Hamlet and King Lear. This first fiction of Dare
"Albert Q. Bell, Actors in the Colony (No place, no publisher, 1946.
50 pp.).
14 Cornelia L. Tuthill, "Virginia Dare: or, The Colony of Roanoke,"
Southern Literary Messenger (Richmond, Va.), VI (September, 1840),
585-595, hereinafter cited as Tuthill, "Virginia Dare."
35 Tuthill, "Virginia Dare," 591.
Dare County Belle-Lettres 185
County would not be half so charming if it were less ridicu-
lous.
Sixty-one years after this first novel, historian Bancroft
again served as source for William Farquhar Payson's John
Vytal™ which ventures "to explain the oblivion of the
colony's end in a way which," as the author writes, "I believe
has not yet been suggested."17 But his solution is not very
startling. Moreover, the characters are wooden, the style so
stilted and spiritless that the volume is a dull adventure.
Furthermore, there are no cliffs and rocky terrain on Roanoke
Island, to say nothing of an Indian tribe called the Winginas.
Briefly, the story tells about the love of the courageous soldier
John Vytal for Eleanor Dare, already married to a drunken
Ananias. Enemies of our hero are an English renegade in
league with the Spanish at St. Augustine, and a wily offspring
of Leicester and Queen Elizabeth. Friend of Vytal is none
other than the famed Renaissance dramatist Christopher
Marlowe, about whom we are told in a footnote: "As there
is absolutely no reliable record of Marlowe's personal life
and dwelling-place at this time, I have felt justified in attrib-
uting his generally acknowledged absence from London to a
Virginia voyage." 18 Before John White's departure for Eng-
land, a most unhistoric battle is fought off Roanoke Island
between the Spanish and the colonists, the invaders losing.
Years later, they return and, with the help of the hostile
Winginas, slay all but seven of the English. Virginia Dare,
now called White Doe, and Manteo's son Dark Eyes, along
with Eleanor and Vytal and the others, turn towards the
mainland forests with Manteo and the Hatteras tribe. Eleanor
says: "Future generations will find here a perfect security . . .
because we, the first, have suffered . . . and yet won." 19 Mar-
lowe, we are glad to report, returned to England alone
aboard a Breton fishing shallop in time to write those great
tragedies Tamburlaine and Dr. Faustus.
One of two novels published in 1908 is Dora Greenwell
16 William Farquhar Payson, John Vytal: A Tale of the Lost Colony (New
York: Harper, 1901. 319 pp.), hereinafter cited as Payson, John Vytal.
17 Payson, John Vytal, [vi].
18 Payson, John Vytal, 44.
"Payson, John Vytal, [319].
186 The North Carolina Historical Review
McChesney 's The Wounds of a Friend,20 neatly plotted and
executed but again carelessly unhistorical. This romantic
story tells of Captain Robert Tremayne's compelling dream
of English dominion in the New World, of another man's
revenge, and of a woman's faithfulness. Tremayne, com-
mander of the English forces against the Indians, strikes
down his great friend in the forest when he weighs the
decision of one man's life "against the safety of Roanoke."
Though he sails for England in the autumn of 1587, his one
passion is to return to Roanoke to strengthen the small colony
there. He is thwarted by the Queen's capriciousness, the
disillusionment of John White, the patience of Raleigh to
await royal pleasure, and the duplicity of his former friend
who has meanwhile betrayed the colony to the Spanish dur-
ing an imprisonment in St. Augustine. Despite Elizabeth's
command, he secretly sets sail with the beloved but wedded
Honora. To his "dream of England enthroned over-seas," he
admits having sacrificed "all things, Queen's favour, man's
friendship, love of woman."22 At Roanoke in the spring [of
1589], he finds desolation, ruin, and hopelessness among the
English survivors of a Spanish attack. Turning toward the
forest with what few supporters he can muster, he says,
"Whether our friends and fellow countrymen follow on our
track to find us, whether the woodlands whelm us in a life
and death unknown, who shall say? But we go to take pos-
session for England. Methinks we may wander beyond our
ken, but others will press on where we have trodden." 23 The
ubiquitous Virginia and Eleanor Dare apparently have van-
ished from sight during all this activity.
A second novel of 1908 is the highly colored but weak
romance by William Thomas Wilson, For the Love of Lady
Margaret: A Romance of the Lost Colony24" its subtitle em-
barrassingly misleading. Two-thirds of the book covers the
career of Sir Thomas Winchester, an Elizabethan courtier
who is spirited away to a pirate hangout in the West Indies
20 Dora Greenwell McChesney, The Wounds of a Friend (London: Smith,
Elder, 1908. 306 pp.), hereinafter cited as McChesney, The Wounds of a
Friend.
21 McChesney, The Wounds of a Friend, 258.
22 McChesney, The Wounds of a Friend, 255.
23 McChesney, The Wounds of a Friend, 302.
"William Thomas Wilson, For the Love of Lady Margaret: A Romance
of the Lost Colony (Charlotte: Stone and Barringer, 1908. 305 pp.).
Dare County Belle-Lettres 187
because he is in the way of several other lovers of the beau-
teous Lady Margaret Carroll. No gentlemen was ever so
maligned and ill-treated. Though a hero in the defeat of the
Armada, he is sent with White in 1590 on his mission to find
the Lost Colonists. Instead, arriving at Roanoke, he pursues
Lady Margaret, now for some unaccountable reason trouping
the forests in the clutches of two love-mad creatures, one a
pirate and the other a contemptible English lord. After res-
cuing the lady and slaying his rivals, he returns to England
with White, who has had no luck in finding his colony and
seems not to be overly perturbed about it. The Lost-Colony
angle is of no importance in the plot. Chronology is mangled,
geography is neglected, and historical facts are switched
about. For instance, Manteo is the hero's best friend on his
trip to Roanoke in 1590. The forests are bewilderingly
jammed with Indians: one, really, behind almost every tree.
According to a notice in the book, the novel attracted much
attention when it ran as a serial in the Charlotte Observer.
Fifteen years after the publication of these two books ap-
peared the respected though listless Croatan25 by Virginia's
famed novelist Mary Johnston. Her story takes up the history
of the colonists after they are attacked by five hundred Indian
warriors. Among those killed are Manteo and Virginia Dare's
parents. The remaining threescore English retreat westward
to a town just below the mountains where they thrive, living
primitively but preserving their English customs and tradi-
tions. When the eighteen-year-old Virginia is captured, two
of her suitors go on a seven-year search for her, bringing her
back to Croatan Town, where "the white Cherokees were
built forever into the nation." 26 This ending is unsatisfactory:
if the colonists had so successfully held on to their English
heritage for twenty-five years, there would have been some
trace of them when traders penetrated the hill country before
the century was passed. The historical interest is slight, for
most of this commonplace story takes place after the colon-
ists have left Roanoke. A Longfellow influence is evident in
such cognomens as Bright Dawn, Golden Hawk, Eagle
Feather, and Young Thunder. There is an insipid attempt
26 Mary Johnston, Croatan (Boston: Little, Brown, 1923. 298 pp.), here-
inafter cited as Johnston, Croatan.
M Johnston, Croatan, 291.
188 The North Carolina Historical Review
at a poetic prose style. This novel surely must be one of Miss
Johnston's most unimpressive efforts.
These five early attempts to Actionize the Raleigh Colonies
were finally climaxed in 1948 with Inglis Fletcher's Roanoke
Hundred,27 the first of the group to achieve unqualified suc-
cess. When Mrs. Fletcher was urged to write a novel on the
Lost Colony, she immediately declined any invitation to com-
pete with Paul Green's currently popular outdoor drama.
She was, however, interested in North Carolina's Elizabethan
background and, unlike the novelists who had preceded her,
chose to focus on the Grenville-Lane expedition of 1585-86.
The Lost Colonists play no part in Roanoke Hundred. For
plot Mrs. Fletcher invents a natural son of Sir Richard Gren-
ville, the manly herdsman Colin, in love with his master's
ward, the sprightly witch-girl from Tintagel. As Grenville's
right-hand man on the voyage to the New World, Colin grows
into maturity and later claims his reward. Mrs. Fletcher's
novel, of which only the mid-section takes place in North
Carolina, centers on the career of the noble Grenville, whose
wisdom she opposes to the disastrous policies of Ralph Lane.
She introduces many other historical characters— Elizabeth,
Raleigh, Sidney, Hakluyt, Hariot, White, and Drake— and
stays close to historical fact in dealing with historical events.
Instead of the second-hand Bancroft, she depends on first-
hand accounts in Hakluyt's Voyages. With a lively story, a
circle of fascinating heroes, and completely permissible over-
laying of fiction onto fact, Roanoke Hundred far outstrips
its predecessors and, incidentally, its successors, too, among
the novels of the Roanoke years. And this is not to say there
is any lessening of imaginative creativeness. Even so, some
readers may quarrel with Inglis Fletcher's interpretation of
Grenville's role as opposed to Lane's. A number of historians
have not been so kind to Sir Richard's handling of the expe-
dition. Nevertheless, Roanoke Hundred remains an excellent
example of the historical novel; and I, for one, consider it
Mrs. Fletcher's finest work.
'"Inglis Fletcher, Roanoke Hundred (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1948.
492 pp.).
Dare County Belle-Lettres 189
In 1953 appeared F. van Wyck Mason's Golden Admiral,28
a novel about Sir Francis Drake. The third section of this
book concerns Drake's visit to the First Colonists in 1586,
when he finds about seventy discouraged and disunited men
on a "bleak-appearing" island. A storm disperses the two
supply ships he is planning to leave with the colonists, and
the men vote to return with Drake to England. Mason dis-
turbs geography, invents native tribes and conjures up a wild
tale about the theft of an idol Oke; but at least he has the
Naturals, as he calls the Indians, dressed properly in "finely
tanned skins that fell apron-like before and behind" 29 instead
of like Hiawatha or James Fenimore Cooper's the Last of the
Mohicans. A domineering Grenville, though making no ap-
pearance, comes in for a severe drubbing by the author; and
Lane is pictured a weak man unable to govern the colony.
Mason's notion is that this first attempt at colonization "was
a colony in name only, and was in fact, merely a military
expedition accompanied by a few deluded scientists and
artisans." 30
Alexander Mathis' weak but harmless novel The Lost
Citadel 31 is straight narrative involving the Barlowe-Amadas
expedition as well as the Lane and White colonies. To pro-
vide some semblance of fictional movement, the author has
given Manteo, the only continuous character besides Wan-
chese, a dominant role in the plot— if plot the novel can be
said to have. There is no love story, no leading fictitious
hero or heroine. For the most part, Mathis depends on his-
torical accounts, documenting his sources in footnotes when
he thinks the reader will judge the action has departed too
broadly from fact. The Conquest of Virginia by Conway
Whittle Sams is named most often. Much is made of the
1584 expedition, with Thomas Hariot allowed an unhistorical
berth in order that he may begin tutoring Manteo and Wan-
chese. For the failure of the First Colony, Mathis blames
28 P. van Wyck Mason, Golden Admiral (Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday,
1953. 435 pp.), hereinafter cited as Mason, Golden Admiral.
29 Mason, Golden Admiral, 278.
80 Mason, Golden Admiral, 265.
31 Alexander Mathis, The Lost Citadel (New York: Pageant Press, 1954.
273 pp.).
]/90 The North Carolina Historical Review
Grenville, whose loiterings among the Spanish in the West
Indies delay the planting of crops at Roanoke, and whose
burning of the Indian village of Agoscogoc over a lost silver
cup irreparably alienates the previously warm-hearted na-
tives. Lane is portrayed as a just and wise governor never
able to recover from the errors of the arrogant Sir Richard.
As reasons for the departure of the Lost Colonists from
Roanoke, Mathis lists hunger and Indian animosity. First,
Manteo leads the English to the sands of Croatoan, then
later to friendly, more fertile country along the rivers, where
they prosper for a while until they are almost completely
wiped out by a sudden hostile Indian attack. Eleanor Dare
soon dies and, as the story ends, Manteo is undertaking the
education of eight-year-old Virginia.
Don Tracy's spicy Roanoke Renegade,32 covering all three
of the Raleigh expeditions to Roanoke Island, follows the
adventures of fictitious Dion Harvie, whom Raleigh rescues
from the Queen's wrath by sending him away from London
with Amadas. Though Tracy interprets the Hakluyt docu-
ments with a rather careless freedom, his principal surprise
is a general shifting of heroes. Elizabeth suffers from a wishy-
washy pride which denies her any awareness of the historic
nature of the Roanoke ventures; Grenville is capable, but
irresponsible, arrogant, and insufferably brutal; Lane is a
cowardly incompetent, an irascible and loud-mouthed brag-
gart; Manteo emerges as an effeminate turncoat and traitor
to his race; and even John White and Eleanor Dare are drawn
as unsavory little people indifferent to the welfare of those
whom they consider beneath them. On the other hand, Simon
Ferdinando is clever, truthful, and capable of loyalty and
patience in friendship; Wanchese is a man of his people, fair
in his dealings with the English but unwilling to bend a
servile knee like the contemptuous Manteo. Only Raleigh is
conventionally drawn. The author makes his characteriza-
tions entirely believable. The theme of the book is the matu-
ration of Dion Harvie. At first Dion reacts to all situations
with the scornful superiority of the aristocrat. Gradually,
82 Don Tracy, Roanoke Renegade (New York: Dial Press, 1954. 369 pp.),
hereinafter cited as Tracy, Roanoke Renegade.
Dare County Belle-Lettres 191
however, the practical exigencies of life in the New World
give him a tolerance and perception fresh as the land in
which he must make his way. He comes to admire the savages
for their knowledge of the earth, their naive confidence, their
lack of guile, and to compare them disadvantageously with
the overbearing and treacherous English. Grenville, Lane,
and White are pompous commanders whose mismanagement
and misdeeds are directly responsible for the failure of the
colonies. Eventually Harvie's "loathing for all civilized white
men" 33 consumes him, and in the end he is ready to retreat
from civilization, to go away with the Roanoke tribe, and to
become a part of their life. The novelist presents a believable
explanation for the disappearance of the 1587 colonists. Cit-
ing the indolence and indifference of the Spanish when the
English made contact with them in the West Indies, Tracy
thus discounts any possibility of further interference from
that quarter. Rather, he tells us that the Roanokes, worn out
with the white men's duplicity, raided the settlement and
killed all there except some half dozen. These, including
Eleanor Dare, become slaves of the lowly Croatans and are
at length dispersed to the south and west. Roanoke Renegade,
well paced and full of action, is mainly remarkable in its
willingness to put full blame for the Roanoke Island fiascos
upon the shoulders of those who assuredly ought to be held
to strict account. His characterizations explain many of the
inexplicables in the original documents. While until recently
his point of view could never have been a popular one, this
version of the events urges a startling credulity. But even
now, it seems doubtful that the savages were quite as noble
and guileless as Tracy depicts them.
So much for North Carolina's nine adult novels covering
her sixteenth-century history. The first of six juvenile works
is Miss E. A. B. Shackelford's Virginia Dare,M a simple moral
story issued from a religious publishing house. In this charm-
ingly ludicrous tale, Manteo's son Iosco, after the English
83 Tracy, Roanoke Renegade, 234.
34 Virginia Dare: A Romance of the Sixteenth Century, by E.A.B.S. (New
York: Thomas Whittaker, 1892. 207 pp.), hereinafter cited as [Shackel-
ford] , Virginia Dare.
192 The North Carolina Historical Review
have treacherously slaughtered his benevolent father, leads
them away from danger of tribal reprisals by going with
them to Powhatan's country. This he does in the spirit of
Christian forgiveness. Virginia, now nineteen years old [the
year is 1606] makes friends with Powhatan's two daughters,
Pocahontas and Cleopatra! The English get in trouble there,
too, and soon return to Croatoan, bringing along a James-
town preacher who had been picked up in the woods. Iosco
and Virginia (now called Owaissa) are married, and all
survivors decide they love their Indian protectors and will
stay with them forever. The preacher dies, but not before he
has Christianized all the Croatans. The Indians in this book
are straight out of Longfellow. They have papooses, speak
of "pale faces," smoke peace pipes, and practice scalping.
When little Iosco tells Virginia the legend of Hiawatha and
Minnehaha, she counters with Bible stories. But nothing is
surprising in a novel in which Virginia's baptizing takes
place in a "little log chapel" with "two Puritan maidens" in
attendance.35
In Eliza F. Pollard's The Old Moat Farm,™ the Roanoke
and Jamestown colonies are ingenuously telescoped, thus
straining history to its breaking point. Derward, the nephew
of Lady Jane Grey, escapes Queen Elizabeth's displeasure
by journeying with Amidas [sic] and Barlowe to Roanoke,
where his best friend is none other than John Rolfe. After
disturbances over Grenville's stolen cup, the two boys go to
Powhattan's [sic! country and are about to be slain when
10-year-old Pocahontas (this is about 1585, though Poca-
hontas was not to be born for a decade ) falls on Rolf e's body
and a footnote explains. "This incident happened, as de-
scribed, to Captain John Smith."37 Soon the boys go with
Manteo to Croatan Isicli, "not far up the James River"38
(though James I was not to rule England for seventeen
years ) . The boys do not join the succeeding Roanoke colony,
85 [Shackelford], Virginia Dare, 15.
86 Eliza F. Pollard, The Old Moat Farm (London: Blackie, [1905]. 238
pp.), hereinafter cited as Pollard, The Old Moat Farm. There is a copy of
this rare book in the Boston Public Library.
87 Pollard, The Old Moat Farm, 145.
88 Pollard, The Old Moat Farm, 147.
Dare County Belle-Lettres 193
nor— and historical confusion is raging by this time!— John
Smith's settlers who have arrived. The author writes of "Car-
olina," though there was no such geographical designation
for decades. The boys— men now, past thirty— go back to
England; but Derward returns to govern the New Land, and
the book closes with a paean praising the strength and power
of Old England and Young England! In spite of its plain and
not uninteresting narrative, this book offends by drastic
trifling with history such as no modern novelist would dare.
Of course, and the expected should be added, a copy of
Shakespeare's Plays is being perused by one of the characters
years before the earliest date of the great dramatist's first
possible play.
A third juvenile is Grace I. Whitman's Basil the Page™ in
which our hero saves the life of Mary Queen of Scots by risk-
ing his own life. This brave deed introduces him to a new
and friendlier master, who is soon taken prisoner by Mary's
enemies and shipped off to Virginia to work as a servant. The
story tells how young Basil follows him to Virginia, there
rescuing him and helping to punish their mutual enemies.
Sir Francis Drake, Sir Walter Raleigh, and the Spanish
Armada all have a place in this extremely fanciful and histori-
cally most inaccurate tale.
Edith Heal's The Topaz Seal*0 an exceedingly dull juvenile
for ages 10-14, is not set on Roanoke Island. Its interest to us
here concerns a fair-haired boy named Dale, who wanders
into the Jamestown settlement in 1610. He relates that he is
the son of survivors of the Lost Colony. From his father and
mother, now dead, he had learned their fate. When food
became scarce, "many died and at last the few that remained
chose certain of their number to return to England for help.
Those who remained at Roanoke waited until their food was
gone and many of their people were dead. Then there came
89 Grace I. Whitham, Basil the Page (London: Wells Gardner, Darton &
Co., 1908. 211 pp.). I have not read this book. William S. Powell of Chapel
Hill located a copy in the British Museum, London, in the summer of 1956
and graciously provided me with the comments for this paper.
40 Edith Heal, The Topaz Seal: A Mystery Romance of the Jamestown
Colony (Chicago: Albert Whitman, 1936. 291 pp.), hereinafter cited as
Heal, The Topaz Seal.
194 The North Carolina Historical Review
to them a tribe of Indians called the Hatteras who said if the
English women would become the wives of the redmen, all
the Colony would be saved. My father and mother," he says,
"refused to go with the Hatteras, wishing rather to die than
to give each other up. They escaped to the woods. . . ,"41
In 1952 a Williamsburg publisher issued The Story of the
Lost Colony of Roanoke,42 with a simple but accurate text,
and large black-and-white drawings for the "very young"
reader to color with his crayons. The publishers suppressed
whatever longing they may have had to romanticize or exag-
gerate. Many of the drawings are based on John White's
sketches.
Jean Bothwell's Lost Colony43 startles any reader immedi-
ately by proclaiming that since Paul Green's play provides a
denouement "geographically" impossible, we are now to
learn the true mystery of the settlers. This historically ac-
curate novel for ages 10-14 follows a year in the life of
Humphrey Hall, a noble-born youngster who runs away to
join Raleigh's last expedition. Eleanor Dare encourages him,
for she knows that in the New World he will find land for the
plantation of which he dreams. Humphrey helps to spoil the
plans of the villainous Simon Ferdinando by plotting with his
good friend Manteo against the deceitful Portuguese navi-
gator. On Roanoke, Humphrey fights the treacherous Indians,
helps defend the fort against the attacking Spaniards, and
lays plans to make his dreams of a plantation come true. As
to the solution of the mystery, the reader is left rather dis-
enchanted, for the book closes with the colonists hale and
hearty. This happy ending may be a good way to conclude
a juvenile book, but it certainly clears up no mystery. Yet to
be written is the completely satisfying juvenile novel about
the Raleigh colonists.
At this point we must give brief consideration to four
novels which, though not dealing directly with the events
41 Heal, The Topaz Seal, 26-27.
42 Helen Campbell, The Story of the Lost Colony of Roanoke (Williams-
burg: R. M. Usry, 1952. Unpaged).
43 Jean Bothwell, Lost Colony: The Mystery of Roanoke Island (Philadel-
phia: Winston, 1953. 191 pp.).
Dare County Belle-Lettres 195
of the 1850's on Roanoke Island, are nevertheless consequent
of those times. They indicate what magic the Lost Colony
holds for imaginative writers, what dreams novelists have
which tell them that there was a continuation of life beyond
the "lost."
The first of the four is True4i by George Parsons Lathrop,
the son-in-law of Nathaniel Hawthorne. By way of prelude,
we learn that in 1587 in Surrey, England, the beautiful Ger-
trude Wylde sets sail with Governor White, leaving her be-
loved Guy Wharton who plans to follow as soon as family
affairs will allow. But fate intervenes, and Guy and Gertrude
are never to be reunited. The rest of the novel, which turns
on this ancient love affair, takes place years later on the
mainland of Carteret County when an enterprising young
Northerner, descendant of Guy Wharton, visits aristocratic
Colonel Floyd, descendant of the sister of Gertrude. Nearby,
in rude surroundings, lives the handsome, talented, but un-
lettered Adela Reefe, dark-complexioned and grey-eyed. The
smart young man suspects that the girl may be descended
from Gertrude Wylde herself and begins to study the old
histories. Adela recalls the family tradition of the legendary
maiden who waited for a loved one from across the sea.
The relationship is proved when the words of a motto still
preserved in Adela's family is found to be the same as those
engraved on the walls of Wharton Hall in Surrey. Moreover,
Adela admits that she has Indian ancestors who "lived in the
region of Croatan"45 before crossing Pamlico Sound and
settling in Carteret. While the novel is far more complicated
than these sentences indicate, suffice it to say that at last the
broken love of their ancestors finds fulfillment in Adela and
our young hero. Of more interest to the reader than the mys-
tery of Adela Reefe is the mystery of how Hawthorne's son-
in-law, who apparently never came to North Carolina, hap-
pened to write this novel of rural Carteret.
44 George Parsons Lathrop, True and Other Stories (New York: Funk &
Wagnalls, 1884. 270 pp.), hereinafter cited as Lathrop, True.
45 Lathrop, True, 121.
196 The North Carolina Historical Review
In Mary Virginia Wall's The Daughter of Virginia Dare*Q
we are told that illness, starvation, and Indian warfare soon
decimate all the colonists except Virginia, who grows up as
the Water Lily of the Catawbas. Then Powhatan comes
down, takes her captive, and weds her, but the unhappy
"Water Lily folded her petals and sank to sleep, leaving to
Powhatan a little daughter" 47 named Pocahontas. The major
portion of this book is the familiar story of John Smith and
the Jamestown settlers. Though the novel is ingenuous
throughout, its principal offense is that Pocahontas' birth
about 1595 would make Virginia Dare a mother at the age
of eight! But whatever, the novelette certainly presents a
felicitous possibility for speculation. While no fiction has yet
suggested that Virginia and Pocahontas may have been the
same person, I believe such a fantastic notion is more plaus-
ible than the mother-daughter presumption.
The most incredible yarn of the entire series is The
Daughter of the Blood48 by Herbert Bouldin Hawes, with its
fairy-tale and Indian-legend coloring. In this vastly hypo-
thetical tale of 1607, Virginia is now called Nonya. Her hero
is Skah, son of Sir Richard Grenville, who has saved her when
the other Lost Colonists were slaughtered by the Indians.
Skah has brought her up, educated her, and made her and
himself powerful among the superstitious Indians; but he has
never forgotten his promise to her mother that she have a free
choice of husband. At Jamestown she is wooed by all and
sundry, including John Smith, whom she helps the child
Pocahontas to save. But eventually she is sure of her love for
Skah, and the two slip away into the forest, safe from the
records of history. A plethora of confusing legend, the super-
excellence of Skah, the impossible perfection of Nonya, and a
stilted style make much of this story unreadable.
*eMary Virginia Wall, The Daughter of Virginia Dare (New York:
Neale Publishing Company, 1908. 194 pp.) , hereinafter cited as Wall, The
Daughter of Virginia Dare.
47 Wall, The Daughter of Virginia Dare, 33.
^Herbert Bouldin Hawes, The Daughter of the Blood (Boston: Four
Seas, 1930. 427 pp.).
Dare County Belle-Lettres 197
The novel Manteo49 by Clifford Wayne Hartridge is a dis-
appointing production. The time is 1732, the setting, Georgia.
Its hero is dark young Manteo Cerdic, son of a proud Saxon
family in Kent and descendant of one of Raleigh's colonists
and Wenona, the sister of Chief Manteo. Attendant of Ogle-
thorpe on his initial voyage, Cerdic meets and wins the In-
dian princess Manteona, whose ancestors are the Roanoke
chieftain and his English wife. The couple return to England,
where Cerdic takes charge of his extensive family estate. The
first section of this poorly plotted story is set in London,
where Chesterfield and Hogarth are Cerdic's associates.
We have now mentioned one drama, four books of poetry,
and nineteen novels which are products by creative writers
either partially or completely under the enchanting sorcery
of our sixteenth-century history. Weak in some instances, they
include near masterpieces in others. If some are absurd to the
point of laughter, others are so historically sound that they
may be said almost to supplement fact. If we but knew, per-
haps in one of them is the key to the mystery of our Lost
Colonists. If we but knew! But the sand dunes and the blue
waters and the pine forests of Dare have added to North
Carolina literature more than these twenty-four works. At
least six novels have been written about more recent times in
the Dare County country.
The first of this group is Calvin Henderson Wiley's Roa-
noke,50 a historical novel of Revolutionary days in North
Carolina. Its opening chapters are set at Nag's Head in 1775.
Captain Richard Ricketts, known locally as "Old Wrecks," is
a land-pirate who has become the richest man on the Banks.
By tying a lantern to a horse's head, he lures vessels to their
destruction on the sands and confiscates the spoils. As the
story opens, "Old Wrecks" has just purchased a wife: for
though polygamy is not allowed, swapping or buying wives
49 Clifford Wayne Hartridge, Manteo (New York: Frederick G. Osberg,
1935.350 pp.).
60 Calvin Henderson Wiley, Roanoke, or, "Where Is Utopia?" (Philadel-
phia: T. B. Peterson, [1866]. 156 pp.) The first appearance of this novel
was in Sartain's Union Magazine in 1849, where it was issued serially. See
Richard Walser (ed.), "Letters of a Young Novelist: Calvin Henderson
Wiley," North Carolina Historical Review, XXXI (July, October, 1954),
410-421, 550-575.
198 The North Carolina Historical Review
is an accepted custom among the Bankers, or Arabs as they
are called because of the sandhills near which they live. The
young hero of the tale is Walter Tucker of Roanoke Island,
son of Pocosin Dan Tucker, a renowned fiddler and friend of a
musical competitor, Old Zip Coon of Virginia. During a shoot-
ing match on the Banks, conducted not unlike the mediaeval
tournaments in Europe, Walter performs the feat of the day
by riding a horse to the top of a dune, an exploit previously
considered impossible. His prize, a wreath of flowers, is pre-
sented to the girl Utopia, who is thus crowned Queen of Love
and Beauty. Soon the complicated narrative moves to New
Bern and Moore's Creek Bridge, but I am happy to report
that Walter, our plebeian hero, turns out to be the descendant
of both Sir Walter Raleigh and Lord Manteo of Roanoke.
Though the book admittedly covers more ground than an
experienced writer would deem advisable, this work is im-
portant as an early depository of many legends and customs
and characters which have come to be the heritage of our
State.
The second title of this group is George Higby Throop's
Nags Head,51 a loosely put-together story of a Northern
schoolmaster vacationing at the beach with a wealthy eastern
Carolina family in mid-nineteenth century. Throop describes
the voyage from the mainland on a schooner, as the planter
moves his household and all their effects across the sound.
There are paragraphs about the cottages, the hotel, the resort
diversions, the expeditions to Jockey's Ridge, to the fresh-
water ponds, and to Roanoke Island. The reader is furnished
with much of the lore, traditions, and history of the area,
but he learns little of the lives of the Bankers. This pleasant
century-old novel is a mine of source material about the sum-
mer activities of the ante-bellum vacationists on the Dare
County beaches. It deserves reprinting, for it would find more
than adequate market among the present-day Nags Head
61 [George Higby Throop], Nag's Head, or Two Months Among "The
Bankers" by Gregory Seaworthy (Philadelphia: A. Hart, 1850. 180 pp.)
See Richard Walser, "The Mysterious Case of George Higby Throop, 1818-
1896; Or, The Search for the Author of the Novels Nag's Head, Bertie,
and Lynde Weiss," North Carolina Historical Review, XXXIII (January,
1956), 12-44.
Dare County Belle-Lettres 199
enthusiasts who would enjoy reading of their counterparts
one hundred years ago.
In a survey like this, the researcher is always hopeful of
making a literary rediscovery. He prays he may find among
his thirty volumes at least one book, not already familiar to
him, which will excite from sheer diversity and surprise. Such
a one, for me, was a novel by an Elizabeth City lawyer Frank
Vaughan titled Kate Weathers.52 I shall never forget the
evening I turned to the first of its many close-printed pages
and began to read. In spite of obvious aesthetic sins, it was
the book I had prayed for. Romantic one moment, realistic
the next, and often fantastic, it nevertheless plunged me
delightfully back to the autumn of 1789 at the height of the
wrecker-pirates' activities at Nagshead [sicl. The involved
action moves evenly along Dare County's banks, mainland,
and Roanoke Island. First we have a shipwreck. The rapacious
Bankers raise lights on Jockey's Ridge to entice a ship to its
doom. As the vessel is foundering, the land-pirates unexpect-
edly have a change of heart and emulate their Coast Guard
descendants of later generations by risking their lives in the
violent surf to save the passengers. Once ashore, however, the
destitute survivors must flee their wicked rescuers. Eventually
they arrive at an inland lake [probably the expanse formed
by Milltail Creek on the Dare County mainland] and live
an idyllic existence in the manner of the Swiss Family Robin-
son. There they are protected by the lone residents of the
lake— an old man and his two young associates— whose true
nobility of spirit is apparent in certain wild animals' relation-
ship with them. The girl's best friends are a flock of cranes,
and the boy's, several sociable bears. Basil, as the Rousseauis-
tic old gentleman is called, presently goes to Roanoke Island
to ascertain how practicable is the liberation of his ship-
wrecked companions. There a loquacious madman, living
at the house of an illiterate and superstitious island couple,
takes him to be the dead, but now resurrected, Doctor Skye-
lake of Raleigh's 1584 expedition. The fluctuating style of
the book can be gathered from these few hints. The tone
62 Frank Vaughan, Kate Weathers, or, Scattered by the Tempest (Phila-
delphia: Lippincott, 1878. 437 pp.).
200 The North Carolina Historical Review
moves from local color to the ultra-romantic to the pseudo-
scientific. But, withal, I find Kate Weathers, a highly enter-
taining book. Its principal disappointment is an uncompli-
mentary representation of the Bankers as a generally preda-
tory, corrupt, and degraded species.
Bijou, by Albert Plympton Southwick, must be mentioned
on account of its captivating subtitle: The Foundling of
Nags Head.53 The pretty eighteen-year-old title-heroine of
this uncommonly worthless bit of literature was, we are told,
rescued from a Banker wreck, but she is now living with some
friends in a town which, from descriptions, closely resembles
Elizabeth City. Not only is this story trifling in plot and
composition; it condemns itself irreparably by tiresomely
labeling North Carolina people and environs as "coarse,"
"plain," and "vulgar." I should add briefly, and then say no
more, that the author had the misfortune to be born in Massa-
chusetts! Requiescat in pace.
The first of two contemporary juvenile novels, Stephen W.
Meader's The Sea Snake,5* opens three miles from the Kitty
Hawk Coast Guard Station at a beach Volunteer Lookout
Post of the Army Fighter Command. On duty is the boy
Barney Cannon, son of a Banker fisherman. The German
submarine menace of early World War II is at its height.
Barney suspects the wealthy German-speaking foreigners on
nearby Caldee Island of supplying the enemy, and on a recon-
naissance visit to the island he is captured and put aboard the
U-432, the Sea Snake. There he collects valuable information
which is turned over to the authorities on his escape. Most
of the book takes up Barney's experiences aboard the sub-
marine, and the pages dealing with life on the banks do not
emphasize the local color; but it cannot be denied that The
Sea Snake is an exciting, well-constructed tale for younger
boys.
Colonel S. P. Meek's Surf man55 is set at the Cape Hatteras
Lifeboat Station. The author, after visiting Hatteras Island
53 Albert Plympton Southwick, Bijou: The Foundling of Nag's Head (New
York: American News Company, 1887. 186 pp.).
54 Stephen W. Meader, The Sea Snake (New York: Harcourt, Brace,
1943.255 pp.).
55 S. P. Meek, Surf man: The Adventures of a Coast Guard Dog (New
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1950. 267 pp.).
Dare County Belle-Lettres 201
in 1949, decided to use the Outer Banks for his setting, but
in the Preface he admits that many of the incidents are based
on material gathered from other Coast Guard stations. He
begins the story by telling of young Curley Graham's coming
from Cape Cod to report for duty at Hatteras. Graham wishes
to clear up a mystery connected with the disappearance of
his father, who many years ago was stationed there. By the
end of the book the mystery is solved, but not before young
Graham is involved in a number of exciting adventures with
his Chesapeake retriever, Surf man. The story is particularly
rewarding for its authentic background, its detailed day-by-
day picture of life at a lonely Outer Banks lifeboat station.
Though the volume carries the usual notice that all the char-
acters are fictitious, at least two of the prominent figures in
the book are carefully drawn pen portraits of actual persons :
Chief Boatswain's Mate Fennel A. Tillett and the well-known
journalist Ben Dixon McNeill of Buxton. One of the wrecked
LSTs now on the beach at Salvo is, with poetic license, moved
down the coast to Hatteras,50 where the stirring climax is
played out during a hurricane in February!
At this point, my survey is ended. What, if any, conclu-
sions can be drawn? First, the Raleigh colonies have attracted
far more writers of belletristic literature than one would think
off-hand. In this regard, Roanoke can be said to be a rival of
Jamestown and Plymouth. Second, the treatments have been
widely divergent, with different estimates of historical char-
acters and events. Third, the mystery of the Lost Colony and
the fate of Virginia Dare have fascinated imaginative writers
for over a century. Fourth, the Dare County banks, within
a similar length of time, have provided setting and character
for many writers. One novel, Throop's Nags Head, is of suf-
ficient interest to warrant reprinting. Finally, all thirty titles,
with varying degrees of success, have recorded social history,
interpreted the ancient documents, or preserved the legends
which are the common heritage of North Carolinians every-
where.
68 See Ben Dixon MacNeill, "Coast Guardsmen Like Roles in Volume,"
The News and Observer (Raleigh), July 24, 1950.
ROANOKE COLONISTS AND EXPLORERS:
AN ATTEMPT AT IDENTIFICATION
By William S. Powell
If I tell you how I first came to be interested in this prob-
lem I hope I will not be thought guilty of revealing state
secrets. The very early years of American history have always
held a special fascination for me, but this particular effort to
identify the Roanoke colonists and explorers as individuals
came about in a rather unusual way. Back in 1949 when I
was a member of the staff of the State Department of Archives
and History Dr. Christopher Crittenden (Director) had to
go to Washington on business for a couple of days. For some
reason— I suppose he just didn't want to drive up alone-
he asked me if I had any "official" business in Washington
or any research of an official nature which I could do while
there. My title at that time was Researcher so I assumed
that almost any research in the field of North Carolina history
which might add to our store of knowledge would be legiti-
mate business. I had several days to find a topic so I gave the
matter a bit more than just fleeting consideration. For some
reason the idea came to me to see if I could find any new
material in printed English records concerning the Lost
Colonists. In particular, I had in mind examining the exten-
sive lists of students and biographical volumes on the grad-
uates of the universities at Oxford and Cambridge. I prompt-
ly set about arranging the names of these colonists in alpha-
betical order and also indicating those men who probably
were married, as suggested by the surnames of the women
and children among the colonists. These 116 names were
listed on rather large sheets of paper and after them I made
three columns headed "Oxford," "Cambridge," and "Other."
The latter was to be used to record any miscellaneous infor-
mation or possible sources of information I might find.
Dr. Crittenden considered my plan a sound one so I got to
go to Washington. In the Library of Congress I set to work
[202 ]
Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 203
with the Cambridge lists compiled by the Coopers and the
Verms, and Foster's and Wood's volumes on Oxford.1 From
time to time I found references in these massive volumes
which led me to other sources. After a few days of this we re-
turned to Raleigh, but the columns on my pages had more X's
(for no reference found) than checks (which meant a pos-
sible university graduate among the colonists). Of course all
I had to work with was names so I was careful to make a
check on my page only if the English reference made no men-
tion of a graduate's career after 1587, the date of the Lost
Colony. And, too, I paid careful attention to birth dates and
worked under the assumption that a colonist probably would
have been between, say, 18 and 35 years of age.
Well, I wasn't exactly enthusiastic about what I found. I
had somehow hoped to discover that among the colonists
there was a doctor, a lawyer, a clergyman, a metallurgist, and
perhaps even specialists in other fields. Among the possible
colonists-graduates— and there were only thirteen with some
likely names being checked in both the Oxford and Cam-
bridge columns— I did find one who held a degree in civil
law from Oxford and one who held a degree in medicine from
Cambridge. However, there were intriguing references to
other sources, mostly manuscript or printed in volumes not
readily available here, which tempted me. Therefore, from
time to time for the next several years, I added to my file of
notes and gradually began to feel that it might really be
worthwhile to give more serious thought to the problem. I
decided to go about the research in a more business-like
way.
On fairly heavy-weight, 5 by 8 note cards I entered the
name (one to a card) of each colonist or explorer of whom
I was able to find any mention. This also included officers and
1 Joseph Foster, Alumni Oxonienses: The Members of the University of
Oxford, 1500-1714, Their Parentage, Birthplace and Year of Birth, with a
Record of Their Degrees (Oxford: Parker, 4 volumes, 1892), hereinafter
cited as Foster, Alumni Oxonienses; Anthony a Wood, Athenae Oxonienses
(London: Rivington, 5 volumes, 1813-1820) ; Charles H. Cooper and Thomas
Cooper, Athenae Cantabrigienses, 1500-1611 (Cambridge: Deighton, 3 vol-
umes, 1858-1861; Bowes, 1913); John Venn and J. A. Venn, Alumni Can-
tabrigienses, Part I, From the Earliest Times to 1751 (Cambridge: Uni-
versity Press, 4 volumes, 1922-1927), hereinafter cited as Venn and Venn,
Alumni Cantabrigienses.
204 The North Carolina Historical Review
seamen of the ships which visited our coast between 1584
and 1590. On each card I indicated the date or dates of their
visit. In the case of the Lost Colonists I also added "L.C."
in red and colored the top of the note card with red ink. This
was to call my immediate attention to it and warn me in my
research to eliminate from consideration any person of the
same name about whom anything was known after 1587.
After Professor Quinn's recent two-volume set on the Roa-
noke Voyages2 appeared I was able to add a number of new
names to my list which previously had been drawn principally
from Hakluyt. To the file of cards I transferred my notes,
which heretofore had been kept in more or less haphazard
fashion, and I combed the Quinn volumes for additional
information.
The problem had already begun to take shape in my mind.
I was trying to discover anything I could about the life of the
colonists and explorers in England or wherever they lived
before they came to Roanoke; anything concerning their
relationship with other colonists and explorers; and anything
about their life at home again after their return, if they did,
in fact, return.
A very rapid and brief review of the explorations and at-
tempts at settlement on our coast between 1584 and 1590
will set the stage.3
On March 25, 1584, Walter Raleigh obtained from Queen
Elizabeth a patent to "discover, search, finde out, and view"
any lands "not actually possessed of any Christian prince,
nor inhabited by Christian people." The patent was authori-
zation to "goe or travaile thither to inhabite or remaine, there
to build and fortifie" for a period of six years.
Within a month and two days Raleigh had dispatched a
small fleet of two ships commanded by Captains Philip
2 David B. Quinn, The Roanoke Voyages, 158^-1590 (London: The Hak-
luyt Society, 2 volumes, 1955), hereinafter cited as Quinn, Roanoke Voy-
ages.
3 Contemporary accounts appeared in Richard Hakluyt's The Principall
Navigations, Voiages and Discoveries of the English Nation published in
1589 and in The Principal Navigations, Voyages Traffiques & Discoveries
of the English Nation (3 volumes) in 1598-1600. More readily available
today, however, is the Everyman's Library edition of Hakluyt published in
this country by E. P. Dutton & Co. in 1926.
Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 205
Amadas and Arthur Barlowe. They sailed from London on
the 27th of April by the southern route through the West
Indies and sighted land off our coast on the 4th of July, 1584.
It was here that they "smelt so sweet, and so strong a smel,
as if we had bene in the midst of some delicate garden
abounding with all kinde of odoriferous flowers," their jour-
nal reports. Amadas and Barlowe entered Pamlico Sound at
present Ocracoke Inlet and a few days later Barlowe and
eight of his men reached Roanoke Island. From early July
until mid-September this small band of men explored the
region as best they could, traded with the Indians, and ob-
served such things as the plants and trees, the soil, the ani-
mals, and above all, they seem to have recorded everything
they could learn about the Indians and their way of life. We
have the names of only eight men "of the companie" in ad-
dition to Amadas and Barlowe. Simon Fernandez, the pilot,
was one of these. It was on the return voyage that the Indians,
Wanchese and Manteo, were taken to England.
The following spring, on April 9, 1585, the first English
colony for the New World set sail from Plymouth, in the
southwest of England not far from the homes of Raleigh,
Grenville, and Drake. This time a fleet of seven ships, well-
supplied and manned, sailed under the command of Richard
Grenville. Ralph Lane was present as "lieutenant governor"
and Philip Amadas as "Admiral of the country." The colony
consisted of 108 men, all of whose names are known to us—
the artist, John White, and the scientist, Thomas Hariot, be-
ing among them. On June 23 this initial colony arrived off
Cape Fear (now Cape Lookout) and a few days later entered
Pamlico Sound. For a whole year this colony occupied itself
largely with exploratory voyages on the mainland but its
base was Fort Raleigh on Roanoke Island. One of Lane's
parties penetrated the wilderness for approximately 130
miles to the west and northwest, following the Roanoke
River certainly as far as the present Northampton County.
In late July and early August, 1585, Grenville, who had
brought this colony over, returned to Plymouth. Lane and
his men expected to receive supplies and perhaps reinforce-
206 The North Carolina Historical Review
ments early the following spring. Their expectations of early
relief, however, were not met and on June 1, 1586, Sir Francis
Drake stopped by Roanoke after an expedition against the
Spanish in the West Indies. He intended merely to pay a visit,
but, seeing Lane's plight, he agreed to leave supplies and a
ship for use in further explorations. Lane was inclined to
accept this offer and continue to wait for more substantial
relief from home. A severe storm, however, drove some of
Drake's ships to sea and the colony decided not to risk their
lives further. They accepted the opportunity to return home
with Drake.
Within a month after the colony's departure the expected
relief arrived in the form of a fleet of three ships commanded
by Grenville. Failing to find the colony, Grenville left fifteen
or eighteen men "furnished plentifully with all manner of
provisions for two years" and returned home. We have evi-
dence suggesting the names of only two of these men whose
fate, like that of the Lost Colony, is not known.
The next visit to our shores by Englishmen is perhaps too
well known to require more than passing mention. It was to
deposit the Lost Colony at Roanoke. The colonists sailed
from Portsmouth on April 26, 1587, travelled by the southern
route, and arrived on July 16. Among them were 91 men, 17
women, and 9 "boys and children." Governor John White,
much against his better judgment, returned to England with
the fleet on August 27. Two children were born to the colon-
ists between July 16 and August 27, bringing the total to 119
persons plus the governor. Here again, however, for several
reasons it is impossible to be absolutely certain of the total.
White says his list is of those "which safely arrived in Vir-
ginia, and remained to inhabite there." Included, however,
are White himself, Fernandez the pilot, George How who
was killed by Indians before White sailed, and Thomas
Smith who is recorded in White's journal as having died en
route to England. The name of Thomas Harris occurs twice
and we do not know whether there were actually two persons
of the same name or whether White made an error and re-
corded it twice.
Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 207
The final English visit to Roanoke direct from the mother
country came three years later when White at last was able
to return to search for his friends and relatives. This, too, is
now a well known part of North Carolina history and needs
no elaboration here.
I think it might be well to tell you now about a problem
which plagued me not only in the initial phase of my re-
search, but is one which is still not solved. That is one of
names. Surnames had descended somewhat regularly from
father to son for less than two hundred and fifty years and,
indeed, English records on into the eighteenth-century con-
tain instances of men without surnames or merely indi-
vidual descriptive names. A middle name was excessively
rare indeed. In fact the very earliest instance I have been
able to discover of the use of a middle name occurred just
ten years before the Lost Colony.4
Spelling, of course, was not standardized. We all have
heard of the numerous ways Sir Walter, himself, spelled
Raleigh.
There was not a great variety of surnames among the
Roanoke colonists and explorers, and there were even fewer
Christian names. Several men and one woman are identified
by only one name— Captain Aubrey, Captain Boniten, Chap-
man, Coffar, and so on, which are surnames. But some are
recorded only as Daniel and Robert, for example. Forty- two
family names among all the known colonists and explorers,
1584-1590, are borne by from two to four individuals. I think
this is an unusually large number in view of the fact that we
have the names of some 278 Roanokers.
Inadequate identification in the records can be blamed for
some of the confusion over names. For example, among the
men who remained a year with Ralph Lane was a Master
Allen; later one Morris Allen was a Lost Colonist. Were they
the same person? Haunce Walters was another of Lane's
men; four years afterwards John White tells us that Haunce,
4 George B. Millet, The First Book of the Parish Registers of Madron in
the County of Cornwall (Penzance: Beare and Son, 1877), 29. Marriages:
Jan. 19, 1577/8 "Richard, the sonne of Sampson John Richard, and Grace
Harvey."
208 The North Carolina Historical Review
the Surgion, was with him searching for the Lost Colonists.
Was this the same person? There are other cases of possible
confusion of names which make it impossible to draw up a
list and say, without reservation, just who was who.
Well, I plugged away at the problems and, in the mean-
time, with the encouragement of Paul Green (who first sug-
gested it to me), Inglis Fletcher, Hugh Lefler, and several
others, including, of course, Dr. Crittenden, I applied for a
Guggenheim Fellowship to pursue the project to what I
trusted would be a conclusion. In due course the news I had
been hoping for did come and early last spring I sailed for
England.
Before going into the detail as to what I found you might
be interested to know where I worked. The British Museum
in London kept me busy all day long for the better part of
two months, while the Public Record Office, the London
Guild Hall, the Westminster Guild Hall, and the University
of London Library were all useful for special searches. Somer-
set House where ancient wills, inventories of estates, and
other legal records, dating back literally hundreds of years,
are kept proved exceedingly fascinating and worthwhile as a
place for research. The Institute of Historical Research,
housed at the University of London, however, proved to be
the most convenient historical reference library I have ever
encountered. So far as I could tell from my limited experi-
ence, they have everything in the way of printed source
material which is essential for research in English and early
American history. It is nothing short of a treasure house for
the researcher and I especially enjoyed it because attendants
are present only to help when called upon. Each researcher
gets his own books, uses them where he pleases in the build-
ing, and the Institute is open from early morning until late
at night.
Several names among the Roanokers looked Scottish so I
made a brief visit to Edinburgh for a look at some of the
records there. However, I found nothing which seemed to
indicate that I was on the right trail so I gave up that pursuit.
Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 209
Incidentally, I'd like to comment that I find historical re-
search somewhat like hunting in the woods. When you start
out you never know what you'll see. Perhaps there are tracks
to follow but they may lead into a deep gulley or into a
thicket. Some tracks may lead you to others, often trails cross,
but sooner or later, if you're lucky, you find your game. It
may not be the deer you were seeking, but a rabbit or a
squirrel is game!
This is by way of saying that I didn't go about this research
in a pre-planned way. I just followed where the trail led. As
has been suspected all along, most of the Roanoke colonists
seem to have come either from London or from the west of
England— Devon and Cornwall, principally. The public li-
brary of Exeter in Devon proved to be a most fruitful place
for research. I was particularly delighted with a marvelous
manuscript index which is now there.5 It is made on 3 x 5 slips
and filed in something over 300 standard library file drawers.
Included are persons, places, things, and events of southwest
England. The amazing sources indexed are impossible for
me to list. Among them, however, are manuscripts in the
British Museum and the Public Record Office; various parish
registers; files of newspapers and periodicals located all over
England; collections of various sorts owned by local and
regional libraries, historical organizations, municipal corpora-
tions, churches, and even individuals. The entry cards even
contain tempting bits of information extracted from the
sources so they really amount to more than just an index. I
must say I never heard of such a wonderful guide to this type
material in this country and doubt that there is another any-
where. Harvard University has microfilmed sections of the
index which are of interest to certain scholars there. This
index is largely the work of one man who devoted a lifetime
to it prior to his death in the early 1940's. Since then, and
occasionally before, other interested individuals have con-
tributed slips to it, however. Sometimes I found clippings
from newspapers pasted on the slips and in a few instances
5 This is known officially as the Burnett-Morris Index.
210 The North Carolina Historical Review
there were even whole articles from magazines folded up to
fit the file and inserted in the proper alphabetical place.
Really, it's impossible for me to sing the praises of this
index too highly. Suffice it to say I spent numerous delightful
days filling my note cards from it!
The Devon and Exeter Institution, also in Exeter, proved
to be an inspiring place to visit. In appearance it is more like
a private club than a library or historical society, but when
I explained my purpose I was welcomed to its collections.
I was distressed in Exeter to discover that Nazi bombs had
destroyed practically all of the early records formerly in the
Devonshire Records Office. I felt the loss all the more keenly
because in London I had discovered a calendar of the Devon-
shire manuscripts and among them were numerous choice-
looking documents which I hoped would give me more infor-
mation on the Roanokers. This was undoubtedly the most
serious loss of records, so far as my own research was con-
cerned, that I encountered.
In Plymouth the superb local history collection in the
public library was quite useful. The library has recently
moved into new quarters since its old building was burned
out in the blitz. I also took advantage of my stay in Plymouth
to use the files of the Western Morning News newspaper in
its office there to follow up some "leads" from the index in
Exeter.
From both Exeter and Plymouth I visited small outlying
towns to examine parish registers or to visit houses which I
think, with a reasonable degree of certainty, were the homes
of Roanoke colonists. From Plymouth I also went out into
the county of Cornwall where, in Truro, I used manuscripts
in the Cornwall Records Office. I might add in passing that
in England there are many counties with outstanding archives
offices. The one at Truro was just being re-established in new
quarters after being moved from Bodmin. Those in which I
worked were staffed by intelligent and eager young people
who, without exception, proved to be most helpful. They all
seemed genuinely interested in my research and when I ex-
plained that I once worked in our State Archives they were
Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 211
extremely eager to "talk shop." I suppose it is only to be
expected in England that these people can read with facility
the curious and strange ( at least it still seems so to me ) hand-
writing of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Passages
in manuscripts which seemed extremely difficult to me and
over which I might have to puzzle for hours in transcribing,
they nearly always were able to read right off as easily as the
morning's newspaper.
While still in London I undertook to establish contact with
likely sources of information throughout England which I
might investigate more carefully when I was touring around
researching. From current books of the Who's Who type,
particularly Burke's Landed Gentry, I noted the names and
addresses of living members of families whose names were
represented among the Roanoke colonists and explorers and
whose genealogies, as best I could determine, were known
back to that time. To these people, and there were simply
hundreds of them, I wrote brief letters explaining my project
and telling them about the colonists whose surnames they
bore. Almost without exception I received prompt replies.
I must admit that most of them had never heard of Roanoke
Island, but they were very much intrigued with the idea that
an ancestor might have been such an early American colonist.
I was pleasantly surprised at the number of these people-
there must have been at least twenty-five— who sent me manu-
script family records, some of them dating from the early
1600's, with the request that I use them as long as desired
and then return them when I had finished. In one case a lady
on the coast of Cornwall replied for her husband who was
then at sea. She did not know for certain whether the family
was descended from David Williams, who had remained
with Ralph Lane for a year, but she did know about the
Roanoke settlements. A nephew of hers who now lives in
Greensboro, she told me, was graduated from the University
of North Carolina a few years ago. I have not pursued this
lead to its end, but the idea that a descendant of one of Lane's
men might now be living in North Carolina certainly fasci-
212 The North Carolina Historical Review
nates me. Sometimes I'm tempted to drop this clue for fear
I will learn that this Tar Heel is not a descendant.
After I had been working in London for several months
I began to see something of a regional pattern in so far as the
location of families was concerned. Frequently, in the six-
teenth century, persons bearing a specific family name seemed
to be concentrated in a small area rather than scattered
througout the country as later. This fact suggested the pos-
sible value of another batch of letters. By using Crockford's
Clerical Directory6 I determined the present-day names of
the Church of England parishes in which these families had
been centered. A letter to the local vicar explaining my work
and asking for information from his parish records almost
without fail brought me interesting information. In many
cases either the vicar or his wife very kindly searched the
registers for me and gave me the information I was seeking.
In others I was told that there was no entry for the name or
names I was seeking or that the registers for that period did
not exist. Sometimes I was told that the registers were avail-
able, but that the search would be too time-consuming to be
undertaken just then. In these cases it was necessary for me
either to see the records myself, engage someone locally to
make a careful search, or accept the nearly-always-offered
suggestion that a search would be made later as time per-
mitted. When I found it necessary to accept the latter course,
I gave my Chapel Hill address and now, many months later,
I receive an occasional report from a faithful parish priest or
his clerk.
During the time I was in England I was so busy searching,
following fresh leads, and making notes (to say nothing of
writing letters!) that I seldom stopped to take stock of just
what I was finding. I felt like I imagine a cow must feel when
let into a new pasture in the spring. I was busy eating all
the grass I could hold, expecting later to lie down and digest
it at leisure.
That's what I've been doing the past few weeks and I'd
like to share with you some of my findings. By no means are
0 Crockford's Clerical Directory (Oxford: University Press, 1956).
Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 213
they all conclusive. I still have much more work to do in dig-
ging up material, and more decisions to make on the basis of
what I have found and perhaps will still find.
Among the nearly 280 colonists and explorers who came
to Roanoke and vicinity during the six years, it seems that
twenty-two were not English-born. Three others have foreign-
sounding names, but I have been unable to establish them as
being foreign. These are Shaberdge, Skevelabs, and Smolkin.
Nine nationalities are represented by the twenty-two: Ger-
man, Spanish, Portuguese, French, Irish, Scottish, Danish,
Flemish, and Welsh. The Germans seem to have been mining
specialists who had worked in the tin mines of Cornwall and
elsewhere in England. The Spanish and Portuguese repre-
sentatives were pilots; the Dane, Martin Laurentson, was a
member of Grenville's expedition in 1585. A letter from
Frederik II of Denmark to Queen Elizabeth tells us that
Laurentson "intends to devote his attention to the art of naval
warfare" and Frederik requested that he be put in the charge
of a skilled naval officer for that purpose. Except for the Irish,
Welsh, and Scotsmen, the other foreign-born elements ap-
pear to have been residents of England for at least several
years. These people were about evenly divided among the
various expeditions.7
Of the whole number of people coming to Roanoke, only
fourteen made the voyage over more than once, so far as the
records show.8 As has been stated already, however, we do
not have complete lists of all the colonists and explorers and
7R. E. G. Kirk and Ernest F. Kirk, Returns of Aliens Dwelling in the
City and Suburbs of London from the Reign of Henry VIII to that of
James I (Aberdeen: The Huguenot Society of London, 4 volumes, 1900-
1908), passim, hereinafter cited as Kirk and Kirk, Aliens; Quinn, Roa-
noke Voyages, passim; Israel Abrahams, "Joachim Gaunse: A Mining
Incident in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth," The Jewish Historical Society
of England, Transactions (1899-1901), IV, 83-103; A. L. Rowse, Tudor
Cornwall, Portrait of a Society (London: Jonathan Cape, 1941), 55;
George Grant-Francis, The Smelting of Copper in the Swansea District
(London: Henry Sotheran & Co., 1881), 40-57; William Page (ed.), Let-
ters of Denization and Acts of Naturalization for Aliens in England, 1509-
1603 (Lymington: The Huguenot Society of London, 1893), 89, 116, and
passim.
8 Philip Amadas, Arthur Facy, John Facy, Simon Fernandez, William
Irish, Edward Kelly, James Lacy, Roger Large, Edward Spicer, Edward
Stafford, John Taylor, Hance Walter (assuming that he and Haunce the
Surgeon were the same person) , John White, John Wright.
214 The North Carolina Historical Review
it is entirely possible that this figure is too low. John White
came the maximum number of times— five. Simon Fernandez
came three times, and Philip Amadas came twice. Only two
of the Lost Colonists, however, had been to Roanoke before.
Seven of the men who spent a year with Ralph Lane returned
for a second time. In 1590 when John White returned to
relieve, and as it turned out, to search for the colony he had
left three years before, he had with him six other men who
had been to Roanoke before.
There isn't time for me to go into much detail concerning
the information I found of a more or less personal nature con-
cerning the 278 colonists and explorers. In a large number of
cases, however, I was able to find in parish registers such
information as dates of christenings, marriages, and burials
for persons of the same names and at about the right time,
but as yet I cannot say that I have actually identified them as
Roanokers. The Lost Colonists, I suspect, are of more general
interest so I will try to include more of them in my examples
which follow in rough alphabetical order.
Marke Bennet and William Berde both Lost Colonists, are
described in contemporary records as a husbandman9 and a
yoeman,10 respectively. Richard Berry, a member of the same
group, was described as a "gentleman" and was a muster
captain in 1572.11
Logically enough among Lane's men who stayed a year
there was a shoemaker— John Brocke.12 Francis Brooke, treas-
urer of the 1585 expedition, seems later to have been a naval
captain who commanded several privateer vessels.13 And
John Fever was a basket-maker14— a useful occupation in the
colony, no doubt, with corn to be carried and fish weirs to be
made.
9 Essex Records Office Q/SR 201/68; Q/SR 296/41.
10 Joseph Foster, London Marriage Licences, 1521-1869 (London: B.
Quaritch, 1887), col. 132, hereinafter cited as Foster, London Marriage
Licences.
u Burnett-Morris Index extracting information from H. Walrond,
Militia, 11.
12 Kirk and Kirk, Aliens, III, 361.
13 Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, II, 742 ; I, 190.
14 Kirk and Kirk, Aliens, II, 73.
Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 215
William Brown is a common name, but one of that name
was a London goldsmith prior to 1587 when the name appears
on the roll of the Lost Colony.15 Anthony Cage, another 1587
colonist, had been sheriff of Huntington in 1585.16 Two other
Lost Colonists, James Hynde and William Clement, accord-
ing to contemporary manuscripts now in the Essex Records
Office,17 had been in prison together in Colchester Castle
near London, a general jail, for stealing. Perhaps to be de-
scribed as "at the other end of the ladder," was Thomas Ellis,
of the Lost Colony, also. Before leaving his home in Exeter
he had been a member of the vestry of his parish church, St.
Petrock, which still stands on the main business street of
Exeter.18
Henry Greene, a member of the very first expedition, the
one headed by Amadas and Barlowe, was a graduate of
Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, and it has been suggested
that he is of the same family as the ancestors of General
Nathanael Greene of Revolutionary War, and especially Guil-
ford Court House, fame.19
One of Lane's men, Rowland Griffin, was convicted and
sent to prison in 1594 for robbery.20 On the other hand, John
Harris, a member of the same expedition, was knighted in
1603 at the coronation of James I.21
There seem to have been at least two college professors
among the Roanokers. Thomas Luddington, one of Lane's
men, was a fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford ( and, incident-
ally, afterwards Preacher to the City of Lincoln)22 while
Thomas Harris, a Lost Colonist, was a fellow of Corpus
15 Foster, London Marriages Licences, col. 203.
"Robert Lemon (ed.), Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, of the Reign
of Elizabeth, 1581-1590 (London: Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts,
and Green, 1865), 274, hereinafter cited as Calendar of State Papers.
17 ASS 35/24/T/6; ASS 35/24/T/4.
18 Burnett-Morris Index extracting information from R. Dymond, His-
tory, 68.
19 Venn and Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses, II, 255. Robert Halstead,
Succinct Proofs of the House of Greene that Were Lords of Drayton (No
place: Printed for Private Distribution, 1896), [v].
20 Essex Records Office ASS 35/36/T/21; ASS 35/37/H/39.
21 William A. Shaw, Knights of England (London: Sherratt and Hughes,
2 volumes, 1906), II, 114, hereinafter cited as Shaw, Knights.
22 Historical Manuscripts Commission, lUth Report, Appendix, Part VIII,
the Manuscripts of Lincoln . . . Corporation. (London: Her Majesty's
Stationery Office, 1895), 75, 78, 79.
216 The North Carolina Historical Review
Christi College, Cambridge, from 1579 to 1586. He held the
master's degree from the same college.23
Thomas Hewet may have been the Lost Colonists' lawyer.
At any rate he held the degree of Bachelor of Civil Law from
Oxford.24 Robert Holecroft, "of Westminster, co. Middlesex,
gentleman," may have held a similar post in Lane's colony.
He later appeared in court representing several Thames
watermen, as dock and river workers were called.25
It is also possible that one of Lane's men did a bit of re-
cruiting for his alma mater. Both William White and Richard
Wildye were graduates of Brasenose College, Oxford, and we
find that young Thomas Hulme, a member of the same expe-
dition, entered the same college the year following his return
home. Hulme later studied law. Another young man in the
same group, Richard Ireland, entered Christ Church, Oxford,
two years later and eventually was Headmaster of West-
minster School.20
There probably was some reason for Lane to bring along a
customs official, but off hand I haven't discovered it. Anyway,
Christopher Marshall is described as "one of the Waiters in
the port of London," and Waiter in those days meant customs
official.27
Lost Colonist William Nicholes may have been a tailor. A
"clothworker" of that name was married in London in 1580
and in 1590 we find the grant of a license to someone else "to
occupy the trade of a clothier during the minority of George
Nicholles, son of Wm. Nicholles." 28
George Raymond, who came over in 1585, was a captain in
the Royal Navy at the time of the Spanish Armada threat. In
1591 when he sailed on an expedition to the West Indies he
was described as a "gentleman captain and privateer pro-
moter."29
23 Venn and Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses, II, 313.
24 Foster, Alumni Oxonienses, II, 700.
25 Essex Records Office Q/SR 134/22, 24.
28 Foster, Alumni Oxonienses, passim.
27 Calendar of State Papers, 43.
28 Foster, London Marriage Licences, col. 974. Calendar of State Papers,
681.
29 Julian S. Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy (London: Longmans,
Green and Co., 2 volumes, 1899), II, 150, hereinafter cited as Corbett,
Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 217
Anthony Rowse, another member of Lane's expedition, had
been a member of Parliament the previous year and after-
wards was sheriff of Cornwall for several years. He was
knighted in 1603 and, at the death of Drake, was executor of
his estate.30 Here again another extreme may be cited. Rich-
ard Sare, of the same expedition, is described in contemporary
records simply as a laborer.31 (I have my own personal
opinion as to which man was more valuable in the wilds of
the New World. )
John Spendlove, later a Lost Colonist, was described on a
1585 muster list as a "gentleman" and reported present with
his horse.32
John Stukely who came over in 1585 was Grenville's broth-
er-in-law and the father of Sir Lewis Stukely who had an ugly
part in the final downfall and death of Sir Walter Raleigh.33
John Twyt, one of Lane's men, appears as a London
apothecary in 1580.34
Both Benjamin and John Wood who came in 1584 with
Amadas and Barlowe later enjoyed high positions. Benjamin
had an interesting career at sea and was a noted navigator
and captain. He has a place in the annals of British naval
history for his attempt to reach China. He is known to have
arrived at the Malay Peninsula but was later lost at sea.35
John had already been a muster captain and after returning
home became one of the "Jurates" of the town and port of
Drake and the Tudor Navy; Kenneth R. Andrews, "The Economic Aspects
of Elizabethan Privateering" (unpublished Ph. D. thesis, University of
London, 1951), 262, hereinafter cited as Andrews, "Privateering."
/°Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 119, 123, 194; John L. Vivian, The Visita-
tions of Cornwall, Comprising the Heralds* Visitations of 1530, 1573 & 1620
(Exeter: W. Pollard & Co., 1887), 412-413; Hazel Matthews, "Personnel
of the Parliament, 1584-1585" (unpublished masters thesis, University of
London, 1948), 194.
81 Essex Records Office, Q/SR 185/72.
83 Historical Manuscripts Commission, The Manuscripts of the Earl
Cowper, K. G., Preserved at Melbourne Hall (London: Printed for Her
Majesty's Stationery Office, 3 volumes, 1888-1889), Appendix, Part I, 6.
88 A. L. Rowse, Sir Richard Grenville of the Revenge (London: Jonathan
Cape, 1949), 270.
84 Foster, London Marriage Licences, col. 1372.
35 William Foster, England's Quest of Eastern Trade (London: A. & C.
Black, Ltd., 1933), 138-142; Kenneth R. Andrews, "New Light on Hakluyt,"
The Mariner's Mirror, XXXVII (1951), 305, hereinafter cited as Andrews,
"New Light on Hakluyt."
218 The North Carolina Historical Review
Sandwich. He was knighted in 1603 at the coronation of
James I.36
Several of the Roanokers are "famous" enough to be re-
corded in standard biographical works, especially the Dic-
tionary of American Biography and the Dictionary of Nation-
al Biography. Amadas and Barlowe are examples of this and
we need not make further mention of them.
Thomas Cavendish is nearly always given special mention
in accounts of the Roanoke colonists and it is generally im-
plied that he is famous and widely known. Perhaps so, but
I had to "read up" on him to get the facts. His chief claim to
fame is based on the fact that he sailed around the world
in 1586, the year after he visited Roanoke. For Grenville's
voyage to Roanoke in 1585 he supplied and commanded a
ship, perhaps as a sort of training period for his circumnavi-
gation. In 1591 he sailed again on what was to have been
a second voyage around the world, but he died at sea in
June of the following year.37
Marmaduke Constable, a member of Lane's expedition of
1585-1586, might be said to have been famous on a local
scale. I cite him here merely as an example, of which there
are others, of representatives of prominent families who came
to Roanoke. Marmaduke entered Caius College, Cambridge,
in 1581, so he must have joined Lane when he was fresh out
of college. He is described as a "gentleman" and eventually
succeeded his father as local squire, married a neighbor's
daughter, and left descendants who still live at the same
place. Our Marmaduke is buried in York Minster, one of
the "must" cathedrals on all lists for tourists of England
to visit.38
Next in alphabetical order comes Sir Francis Drake. He,
too, is well known and is still one of England's greatest
38 Burnett-Morris Index extracting information from H. Walrond, Militia,
11; W. Bruce Bannerman, The Visitations of Kent (London: Harleian So-
ciety, 1924), Part 2, 59; Shaw, Knights, II, 109.
87 Leslie Stephen and Sidney Lee (eds.), The Dictionary of National
Biography (Oxford: University Press, 21 volumes, 1949-1950), III, 1267-
1272, hereinafter cited as Dictionary of National Biography.
88 Venn and Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses, I, 380; John Venn, Bio-
graphical History of Gonville and Caius College (Cambridge: University
Press, 3 volumes, 1897-1901), I, 110. His will is in the York Registry, vol-
ume 30, fol. 597.
Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 219
heroes. His home is now a museum and his famous drum,
on display there, is said to be heard at any time when
England is in danger. The famous bowl with which he is
said to have been playing on the Hoe at Plymouth when
the Spanish Armada approached is also there. Incidentally,
his home, Buckland Abbey near Plymouth, had earlier be-
longed to the Grenville family and it is believed to have
been the birthplace of Sir Richard.39
Edward Gorges was a cousin of Sir Ferdinando Gorges,
Lord Proprietor of the Colony of Maine, and his mother and
Sir Walter Raleigh were first cousins. Edward was a graduate
of Magdalen College, Oxford, and came to Roanoke in 1585
with Grenville. He later was employed by Queen Elizabeth
as a personal messenger to Henry IV of France, and he was
knighted by her successor, James I. He is buried in St.
Margaret's Church, Westminster, not far from Sir Walter
Raleigh.40
Thomas Hariot, mathematician and astronomer, is too well
known for his scientific report on the newfound land of
Virginia to require further identification. It is worth noting,
however, that a mathematical study of his embodies inven-
tions which gave algebra its modern form and that he used
telescopes simultaneously with Galileo. Dean John W. Shirley
of State College is writing a biography of Hariot which un-
doubtedly will contain much to delight and surprise all who
are interested in this period of history.
Sir Richard Grenville, another famous Englishman who
is remembered for a brilliant career at sea, was also a mem-
ber of Parliament before visiting Roanoke. He and Raleigh
were cousins, and like Cavendish he died at sea.
Abraham Kendall, who remained a year with Lane's col-
ony, was a veteran navigator and renowned mathematician.
He commanded a ship in 1578 in Frobisher's fleet, and 1594-
1595 was in the West Indies. Several recent studies have
been made of his contributions to navigation and now, as in
89 Crispin Gill, Buckland Abbey (Plymouth: Underhill, Ltd., 1956),
passim.
40 Raymond Gorges, The Story of a Family Through Eleven Centuries
(Boston: Privately printed, 1944), 79-95.
220 The North Carolina Historical Review
his lifetime, he is "extolled for his mathematical skill." Sir
Robert Dudley, for whom Kendall once worked, considered
him one of the most expert mariners produced by England.
He is buried in Central America.41
Ralph Lane has been frequently "written up" but is still
not clearly understood. His temper seems to have been the
cause of his near-downfall on more than one occasion, and
it appears that he was not able to get along with his fellow-
men. He is believed to have served in Parliament in 1558
and again in 1562. It is definitely known that he was sheriff
of Kerry in Ireland just prior to sailing with Grenville and
that he was knighted in 1593. He was occupied with various
military and naval assignments throughout most of his adult
life. In 1603 he died in Dublin where he is buried.42
Jacob Whiddon, who was with Grenville in 1585 when
he brought over Ralph Lane and his colony, was a trusted
servant and follower of Sir Walter Raleigh. Raleigh spoke
of him as "a man most valiant and honest." Whiddon was
sent out by Raleigh to explore the Orinoco River and he was
with Raleigh on his voyage to South America in 1595. He
died and was buried on the Island of Trinidad in the West
Indies.43
David Williams, who remained a year with Lane's colony,
was a young Welsh lawyer recently called to the bar and
later an outstanding London lawyer and judge. He served
in Parliament for one year immediately prior to coming over
41 Andrews, "New Light on Hakluyt," 307; Eva G. R. Taylor, "Instruc-
tions to a Colonial Surveyor in 1582," The Mariner's Mirror, XXXVII
(1951), 62; Alexander Brown, The Genesis of the United States (Boston:
Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 2 volumes, 1890), II, 934.
42 Historical Manuscripts Commission, The Manuscripts of the Right
Honourable F. J. Savile Foljambe, of Osberton (London: Her Majesty's
Stationery Office, 1897), 29, 34, 47, 51-53; Corbett, Drake and the Tudor
Navy, II, 301, 302, 329, 353; Historical Manuscripts Commission, Calendar
of the Manuscripts of the Most Honourable the Marquis of Salisbury
. . . (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 16 volumes, 1883-1933),
II, 68; VII, 310-313.
43 Andrews, "Privateering," 343 ; Dictionary of National Biography, XXI,
4-5. There are a number of interesting references to Whiddon in the
Burnett-Morris Index. In 1588, for example, he was captain of Raleigh's
ship, the "Roebuck," and may have taken part in the abortive effort by
John White to relieve the 1587 colony.
Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 221
and for three more years after he returned. In 1603 he was
knighted.44
I have my doubts about the identification of John Jones
of the Lost Colony with Dr. John Jones, an outstanding
Welsh physician, but I'd like to tell you one point in favor
of it. The Welshman was a most prolific writer of medical
books but his last known place of residence was in 1573
although he published a book in 1579. Might not such an
intellectually curious physician have been anxious to visit
the New World? 45
Now, before approaching the Lost Colonists as individuals,
let's consider some figures concerning them. There were
eighty single men (or at least men without wives along).
There were eleven families consisting of husband and wife
alone and two families with one child each. There were
apparently four men who brought their sons, or perhaps
they were younger brothers. There were six single women
and three children with no apparent relatives among the
other colonists. Incidentally, all the children were boys and,
judging from a remark made by John White, one of the
children with his mother was so young that he was still
nursing at her breast.46 Two children were born in August,
1587, after the colonists reached Roanoke— Virginia Dare
and a Harvey child.
I think it shows remarkable courage or else extreme ignor-
ance and indifference that such a group should have done
what they did. Imagine sailing on a ship of 120 tons or less
( the "Queen Elizabeth" today is 83,000 tons ) with nine chil-
dren, at least one of whom was an infant, and two pregnant
44
Dictionary of National Biography, XXI, 389-390; Shaw, Knights, II,
114. A portrait of Williams was in storage when I was in England since
the home of its owner was being repaired. It is expected that it will be
available for photographing sometime in 1957.
45 Venn and Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses, II, 485.
*eOn June 22, 1587, according to White's account, "at an Island called
Santa Cruz, . . . some of our women and men, by eating a small fruit
like greene Apples, were f earefull troubled with a sudden burning in their
mouthes .... Also a child by sucking one of the womens breasts, had at
that instant his mouth set on such aburning, that it was strange to see how
the infant was tormented." Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations,
Voyages, Traffiques & Discoveries of the English Nation (New York: E. P.
Dutton & Co., 1926), VI, 197.
222 The North Carolina Historical Review
women. The voyage lasted just ten days short of three
months.
There's probably nothing to be gained from trying to guess
why these people came over. I've found evidence that many
of them, not only among the Lost Colonists but among the
other colonists and explorers, were apparently related by
marriage. Some were undoubtedly friends or acquaintances
because they were near neighbors. Edward Kelly and Thomas
Wise, for instance, both members of Lane's colony, lived
about 2?2 miles from each other in Devon.47 Some were
employed by the same person— Atkinson, Fernandez, and
Russell, for example, are all spoken of as being in the service
of Sir Francis Walsingham.48 Four others are known to have
served in the same military unit, and, as previously cited,
two were in jail together. Quinn sets forth a number of them
who were from London, particularly a group working on
the Thames River.
The single women who came with the Lost Colony, how-
ever, pose something of a problem. Two women have sur-
names almost identical with those of two of the single men
and I suspect that they actually were husbands and wives
with the discrepancy in spelling explained by the fact that
names were often spelled in various ways, as I have already
suggested. Audry T-a-p-p-a-n and Thomas T-o-p-a-n, and
Joan Warren and Thomas Warner, they are. As further
evidence in the latter case I have found that one Thomas
Warner married a Johanna Barnes in 1584 and that he was
a mariner.49 A certain controversial event in North Carolina
history rests on slimmer documentary evidence than this!
Let's look at some of the other and more obviously single
women, however.
47 Charles Worthy, Devonshire Wills: A Collection of Annotated Testa-
mentary Abstracts (London: Bemrose & Sons, Ltd., 1896), 410; W. G.
Hoskins, Devon (London: Collins, 1954), 433. The Wise home since 1937
has been used as a school. In that year "the contents of the house, the
accumulation of more than 300 years of uninterrupted ownership, were
sold and dispersed."
43 Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 170 ; James A. Williamson, Age of Drake
(London: Adam and Charles Black, 1952), 230.
49 Foster, London Marriage Licences, col. 1416.
Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 223
Agnes Wood. In 1549 one Robert Woode of St. Bride's
Church, London, to which at least one other member of the
colony also belonged, married Johanna Toppam. Was our
Agnes their daughter and therefore related to the Tappans? 50
Or was she perhaps the Agnes Traver who married John
Wood in London in 1577? 51 John Wood had come to Roanoke
in 1584. There may have been some reason for his wife to
come.
Jane Pierce. In Ireland Henry Piers, who died in 1623,
had been married to Jane Jones.52 Could Jane Pierce have
been their daughter and related to Griffin, Jane, and John
Jones who were also among the Lost Colonists? Another
interesting possibility also exists. In 1568 one Jone Pierse, a
Portuguese, registered as an alien in London. She was the
sister ' of Simon and Fornando and a tenant of Frauncis
White's.53 Simon, Fornando, and White all sound familiar
when spoken in connection with the Roanokers.
Jane Mannering. All I can find is that Jane was a
common given name in the Mainwaring family of Peover and
Newton and that the grandmother of Humfrey Newton, an-
other of the Lost Colonists, was named Katherine Main-
waring.54 Were Jane and Humfrey related?
As to the other single women I haven't even a far-fetched
clue. Maybe they were looking for husbands either among
their unmarried fellow-colonists or perhaps they already had
husbands among the 15 to 18 men left at Roanoke by Gren-
ville the year before and they were coming to join them.
Why would there have been three boys with no apparent
relatives among the Lost Colonists? I have two clues and a
guess.
Thomas Humfrey. There was a Richard Humfrey
among Lane's colonists who stayed a year. Perhaps young
60 Foster, London Marriage Licences, col. 1500.
a Foster, London Marriage Licences, col. 1498.
62 Dictionary of National Biography, XV, 1155.
MKirk and Kirk, Aliens, III, 385.
64 R. Mainwaring Finley, A Short History of the Mainwaring Family
(London: Griffith Farran Okeden & Welsh, 1890), 53; J. P. Rylands, The
Visitations of Cheshire in the Year 1580 (London: Harleian Society,
1882), passim; J. P. Earwaker, East Cheshire: Past and Present (London:
Printed for the Author, 2 volumes, 1877-1880), I, 127.
224 The North Carolina Historical Review
Thomas was his son or brother who liked what he heard
from the earlier colonist.
Thomas Smart. There had been a colonist with the
very same name with Lane. The obvious conclusion is to say
that this boy was his son. But why did he come? Did he
think his father might still be here?
William Wythers. There were two members of the
Taylor family among the Lost Colonists and two others had
been here with Lane. One of the latter returned in 1590
with White. In 1592 in London one Robert Taylor married
Elizabeth Wythers.55 There may have been some prior con-
nection or at least acquaintance among the members of the
two families.
We have always been disappointed, of course, that John
White was unable to prolong his search for the Lost Colony
when he returned in 1590. This feeling becomes even stronger
when we realize that he had with him three men whose
surnames were the same as members of the Lost Colony.
There must have been real grief in their hearts when they
had to turn away with doubt still clouding their minds.
Robert Coleman was with White and among the colonists
were Thomas Colman and his wife; Henry Millett undoubt-
edly hoped to find Michael Myllet; and John Taylor, who
surely knew the country well from his stay of a year with
Lane, must have been deeply moved to have to turn away
without finding Clement and Hugh Taylor, and perhaps the
boy, William Wythers, who might also have been a relative.
If we had relatives at a lonely outpost, say near the South
Pole, and the sending of supplies to them depended upon the
speedy defeat of an enemy who threatened to invade our
shores, I dare say we'd buy War Bonds till our last penny
was gone. In England there survives a list of persons who
subscribed towards the defense of the country at the time
of the threatened attack by the Spanish Armada.56 I have
checked this list against the list of family names among the
65 Foster, London Marriage Licences, col. 1320.
58 T. C. Noble, The Names of Those Persons Who Subscribed Towards
the Defence of this Country at the Time of the Spanish Armada, 1588, and
the Amounts Each Contributed (London: Alfred Russell Smith, 1886).
Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 225
Roanokers and believe I have come across some interesting
evidence.
Thirty-eight men and one woman with the same family
names as the colonists contributed from £25 to £100 each.
This represents an enormous sum of money. Of these names
only nine were represented among the colonists and explorers
before 1587. But twenty-nine contributors had the same
family names as Lost Colonists and fifteen had the very same
first name as well, making me think that in these fifteen cases,
at least, it was the father of a colonist who contributed so
generously.
After working with the names of these early colonists for
several years I've begun to imagine what some of them looked
like. There are portraits or engravings of Raleigh, Drake,
Cavendish, Grenville, and perhaps a few of the others who
are fairly well known. I also discovered that portraits of
Edward Gorges and David Williams exist and that a portrait
at Trinity College, Oxford, may be of Thomas Hariot.57
One phase of my study which I have yet had only an op-
portunity to think about is to consider any possible relation-
ships which may have existed between the Roanokers and
the settlers at Jamestown twenty years or so later. One in-
stance of a possibility, I will cite, however. John Pory, sec-
retary of the Virginia colony, came down into what is now
Gates County in 1622. I had often wondered just why he
made the journey and I have now discovered that his sister
was married to a man named Ellis and that Thomas and
Robert Ellis, the latter a boy, were among the Lost Colonists.
I'd like to establish that a relationship existed between the
various Ellises concerned.
Finally, I think my most exciting find was that Virginia
Dare had a brother— at least a half-brother. His name was
John Dare. He was an illegitimate son of Ananias Dare and
67 The Gorges portrait recently was sold by a descendant and I have as
yet been unable to locate it. For a statement on the Williams portrait see
note 44, above. The Hariot portrait was published in Stefan Lorant, The
New World (New York: Duell, Sloan & Pearce, 1946), 154, and accepted
without question. For a report on the possible identification of this portrait
as Hariot, see Jean Robertson, "Some Additional Poems by George Chap-
man," The Library, XXII (September-December, 1941), 172-176.
226 The North Carolina Historical Review
the name of his mother appears not to be recorded. He was,
nevertheless, acknowledged by his father and bore the name
Dare. Under English law, an unaccounted for absence of
seven years is necessary for a ruling of presumed death. A
relative of young John Dare's, therefore, in 1594 petitioned
that John be given his father's property. Ananias, the records
show, was a member of St. Bride's Church, Fleet Street,
London, which still exists, near and almost in the shadow
of St. Paul's Cathedral. In 1597 young Dare's petition was
granted. At that time it is obvious that he was over ten years
of age.58 1 attempted to leave no stone unturned to trace him,
but the only John Dare I could find was one mentioned in a
manuscript of 1622 in the Essex Records Office relating to
one John Dare who then was a surveyor. If this was Ananias's
son, at that time he would have been around 36 years of age.
A nineteenth-century Dare family lived in Essex but the
records of it now in the county archives threw no light on
my problem.
As I have intimated, my research is not completed and
many of my decisions are tentative. I intend to continue
searching for the answers to the many questions which have
been asked for a long time about the Roanoke colonists and
explorers.
68 Records of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, Administrations,
April, 1594, and June, 1597, in Somerset House, London.
NORTH CAROLINA FICTION, DRAMA, AND POETRY,
1955-1956
By C. Hugh Holman
I have been asked to talk about the books of fiction, drama,
and poetry which were entered in the competitions this year
for the Sir Walter Raleigh Award for fiction (including the
drama), the Roanoke-Chowan Cup for poetry, and the
AAUW Award in juvenile literature. I stand before you a
mixture of pride and humility— of pride that I have been
asked to talk to you about these books and of humility be-
cause I feel keenly my inadequacy to judge them properly.
This sense of my inadequacy will prevent my attempting to
make any final critical judgments of these books.
My approach to literature is in the tradition of a compara-
tively remote examination, and this tradition of essentially
historical judgment has two advantages both of which are
lost to me today: One is that dead writers are much less
restive than living ones; the other is that that most destruc-
tive and authoritative of critics, Time, winnows out the
chaff from the true wheat if we wait long enough. To be
confronted with a living body of writing, still warm from
the minting mind of its creators, and to be confronted with
it in such protean aspects is a sobering (and, I may add, a
very pleasant) experience. Without acceding to the some-
times snide remarks of writers and readers about critics and
teachers, I am still very much aware of the danger that I
may lay the dead hand of historical scholarship upon the
living body of these books, and this I certainly do not wish
to do. I shall, therefore, confine most of my remarks to some
facts that I think interesting and some tendencies that I think
I detect in North Carolina writing.
Twenty-one volumes were entered in these competitions.
Three are collections of short stories, six are novels, two
are plays, eight are poetry, and two are juveniles. These
twenty-one books were written by twenty authors, all but
[227]
228 The North Carolina Historical Review
two of whom are residents of North Carolina at the present
time. Three of the books came from Chapel Hill, and two
each came from Asheville, Durham, and Greensboro; the
others originated at widely scattered points over the State.
Seven of the books were published by "old-line" trade
publishers with national reputations— such companies as
Dodd, Mead and Company, Houghton Mifflin Company, and
the Vanguard Press. The University of North Carolina Press
published one entry, a volume of short stories. Jonathan
Williams, of Asheville, published two of the volumes, pro-
ducing in them interesting and remarkably attractive exam-
ples of modern book design. Four were published locally
by their authors, and the remaining seven books were the
products of smaller publishers outside the State.
The short story collections represent so well the variety
and richness of the year's offerings in fiction that I shall say
a little more about them than I shall have time to say about
the other books. Mrs. Frances Gray Patton's collection, A
Piece of Luck, continues her urbane and charming way of
making high comedy of the routine elements of life, of wittily
playing with the raw materials of middle-class Durham, and
of investing them, as the best comedy always does, with
unique perceptions of serious truth. She writes in one of the
great traditions of the South, although in this day of Gothic
symbolism, time-eaten Doric columns, and unnatural family
relationships in the Southern novel, we tend to forget it.
This is the tradition of ironic comedy, of witty realism, a
tradition in which, as that glorious exemplifier of it, Ellen
Glasgow, said, ". . . the creative writer . . . resort [si to
imagination rather than ... be overwhelmed by emotion." \
The collection of short stories by the late William T. Polk,
The Fallen Angel, is drawn largely from that other body of
material, the folkways and the folk humor of the essentially
frontier Southern culture, a tradition sharply opposed to the
1 Ellen Glasgow, A Certain Measure (New York, 1943), 150, hereinafter
cited Glasgow, A Certain Measure.
N. C. Fiction, Drama, and Poetry 229
basically Tidewater art which Mrs. Patton practices. Mr.
Polk's stories and sketches preserve excellently the homely
and rich sense of place and people and patois which was his,
and record with loving artistry his sympathetic vision of a
ribald and extravagant people.
In one sense both Mrs. Patton and Mr. Polk are profession-
al writers— professional in the sense of dedication to a craft,
of accomplishment in it, and of recognition for that accomp-
lishment. Theirs is the sure control and the happy ease of the
professional. The third book of short stories is by a different
type of writer, and a type more widely represented in these
twenty-one books than is the professional. The Story of Six
Loves is by an amateur, Richard Carroll Johnson. He is an
amateur in the sense that this volume is his first published
work, that he is very young, and in the truest meaning of
the word, he is clearly a lover of the craft he is beginning to
practice in these six thematically related stories.
Of the six novels the one which has received the greatest
amount of attention outside the state is Green Pond by Evan
Brandon of Gastonia. This book is large in theme, in plot,
in concept, and in treatment. It sweeps the reader through
the history of a North Carolina town from the Civil War
to the present and, through a series of dramatic exchanges
among Gawd, Gabriel, Satan, and Beelzebub on the action
of the story, it makes explicit Mr. Brandon's intention that
we should view the loves, hates, passions, despairs, and tri-
umphs of Green Pond's citizens as elements in a thematic
assertion of the prevailing goodness in the world. Mr. Bran-
don writes in a poetically rhetorical style that sometimes
reminds us of Thomas Wolfe, but the social scope and the
objectivity of his novel free it from any sense of major in-
debtedness. Even with its cosmic action and its universal
theme, it remains a striking piece of social realism.
In Mij Lord Monleigh Jan Cox Speas of Greensboro takes
us out of North Carolina and into Scotland in 1745. Then,
in a sense, she brings us home again by giving us in fine
swashbuckling style a historical novel about the Rebellion
that sent many Highlanders to this State.
230 The North Carolina Historical Review
Paul C. Metcalf in Will West has produced the most frank-
ly experimental of the year's fictional works. A richly imagina-
tive symbolic record of the land, told in a series of poetic
interior monologues of a Cherokee Indian, Will West, this
novel's action suggestively traces backward the long, violent
history of our southern earth. Although lacking in the firm-
ness of fully realized dramatic action, Will West is a power-
ful piece of writing by a man of sensibility and power.
Two novels are concerned with medicine. Agnes Lucas
Phillips in One Clear Call has written a narrative about a
nurse from the beginning of her career through her course of
training. Dr. J. Allen Hunter in Dear Doctor Dick has pro-
duced a character sketch of a small-town physician and inter-
larded it with popular poems which the physician loved.
Julia Canaday's Big End of the Horn is an account of her
early life and an evocative picture of North Carolina around
the turn of this century. It presents a "full dress" portrait,
done in love and reverence, of her father, James P. Canaday.
In a sense the two books entered in the AAUW Juvenile
competition can properly be mentioned along with the novels,
for both of them are long fictional narratives, surpassing in
scope and seriousness some of the fiction aimed more directly
at adults. Manly Wade Wellman in To Unknown Lands takes
his young readers back in time to the fifteenth century and
across ocean and jungle to Yucatan and the romantic mys-
teries of Aztec civilization. Julia Montgomery Street in
Fiddlers Fancy invites her youthful readers to the warm and
folksy charm of our western mountains in a delightful piece
of local color writing.
Both the dramatic offerings are historical. Lucy M. Cobb's
A Gift for Penelope is a one-act vignette of Blackbeard's
swaggering cruelty. Paul Green's Wilderness Road employs
the devices of the symphonic drama to present an account
of a young idealist striving against ignorance, superstition,
and prejudice in a Kentucky community just before and
during the Civil War. Mr. Green has called his drama "a
parable for modern times," and certainly its hero and the
N. C. Fiction, Drama, and Poetry 231
pathetic action which bodies forth his idealism speak oblique-
ly but clearly of many current problems in the South.
Of the eight authors who contributed this year's poetry,
two present their works from the vantage point of established
national reputations— Helen Bevington, of Duke University,
and Charles Olson, of Black Mountain College. The re-
maining six from vantage points of lesser renown present
their poetic records of experience. Poetry, after all, is just
that— a peculiar language— the language of imagery caught
in the tensions of form— used to express uniquely personal
visions of experience. The bulk of these poems reflect the
visions of experience which are their basis with sincerity
and directness and usually with what William Dean Howells
has called "that indefinable charm which comes from good
amateur work in whatever art."2 There is in much of this
verse a tendency toward moralizing, a willingness to say
again what has been often thought and often expressed, a
reluctance to submit the poet's vision to the test of new or
varying forms. These are, perhaps, serious objections; and
yet I am reminded of Stevenson's words, "... a poet has
died young in the breast of the most stolid," 3 and it is good
to have this evidence that among these neighbors of ours
the poet neither died nor lapsed into inarticulateness.
Each of these poets has, with varying degrees of success,
imprisoned his vision of experience in the loving bondage of
form. John Mahoney has sung his Catholic vision in meta-
physical verse. Ruth Hash Williams has sung her evangelical
vision in traditional hymn measures. Julia Montgomery Street
has used blank verse to make solemn music on a Salem
Christmas Eve. Edith Deaderick Erskine in a mixture of
dramatic poems and epigrammatic quatrains has sung of
people and human actions. Lena Mearle Shull has made
music from our mountain speech, customs, and wisdom.
Marjorie Craig has used various standard forms to give her
2 William Dean Howells, A Hazard of New Fortunes (New York: Every-
man's Library Ed., 1952), 212.
8 Robert Louis Stevenson, "The Lantern-Bearers," Across the Plains with
other Memories and Essays, The Works of Robert Louis Stevenson (New
York: The Thistle Edition, 1924), XV, 241.
232 The North Carolina Historical Review
view of her world, and, although she is most consistently
good in the sonnet form, I would share with you one of her
epigrams:
By the smoke-tree's nest loud screams the Jay.
Below a lean cat prowls for prey.
I cry,
"0 Fate, be kind !"
And Fate, without an eyebrow's twitch,
Replies,
"To which?"
Charles Olson's Anecdotes of the Late War, sl poetic broad-
side, is the most experimental of the offerings. In free verse
patterns, it employs irony as its major weapon. Its conclu-
sion displays its method well:
What he said was, in that instance
I got there first
with the most men
Grant didn't hurry.
He just had the most.
More of the latter died.
In charming contrast is the disciplined wit of Helen
Bevington, whose A Change of Sky makes serious fun of
foreign travel, our North Carolina, books, poetry, and authors.
From the insouciance of her quatrain:
"Marriage is a great improver,"
Wrote Miss Jane Austen, who was moved
By the connubial bliss about her
To stay forever unimproved,
to her wry observations on North Carolina:
It's a debatable land. The winds are variable,
Especially winds of doctrine — though the one
Prevailing breeze is mild, we say, and southerly.
We have a good deal of sun ....
N. C. Fiction, Drama, and Poetry 233
And nobody says, of the region down by Ellenton,
That winds are gathering there, or that, on the whole,
They threaten ill. Yet, in the imagination,
Fear is another shoal,
she sings her thoughts with gallant grace. And in turning
from this cursory glance at these books, I would quote Mrs.
Bevington again, as she defends the value of the poetical:
. . . Surely you and I
Have known its rectitude, its guileless air,
Its light and lovely virtue, known lifelong
But unlamenting. — Od's Life! Must one swear,
Inquires the poet, to the truth of song ?
In looking at these twenty-one books by North Carolinians
certain observations about the literature of our State have
occurred to me, which I wish to pass on to you.
The first is that North Carolina writing, if these books
are representative, has a healthy regionalism. Most of these
books are firmly grounded in a sharply realized sense of
place. The people, the customs, the speech of North Carolina
predominantly constitute the raw materials of these stories,
plays, and poems; and even when, as is the case with Paul
Green's play, the locale is not North Carolina, the problems
discussed and the attitudes taken are distinctly ours.
I call this a healthy regionalism, because it seems to me
in the main to escape that use of the quaint and eccentric
that is characteristic of local color writing, that unhappy
school of the uncommon common man with his carefully
misspelled dialect and his folksy charm, a form of writing
unkindly but justly called the "I swan" school. Most other
southern writers who have chosen the calmer, homelier
themes which seem to be characteristic of North Carolina
fiction (at least last year) have fallen into the trap of such
local color writing. But, as Marjorie Kinnan Rawlings once
said, ". . . many of the greatest books of all time are regional
books, in which the author has used, for his own artistic pur-
pose, a background that he loved and deeply understood. . . .
234 The North Carolina Historical Review
The best writing is implicit with a profound harmony be-
tween the writer and his material. . . ." 4 And it is this use
of material, not because it is local or southern, but because
it is imaginatively available and artistically negotiable to the
writer which seems to me, very happily, to characterize a
good deal of the writing in this State.
My other observation is that, with the certain exception of
Paul Metcalf s Will West, the probable exception of John
Mahoney's Parousia, and the possible exception of Charles
Olson's Anecdotes of the Late War, (all North Carolina
writers by adoption rather than by birth) these are hopeful
and optimistic books. In some cases this optimism is the prod-
uct of the comic spirit, as it is with Mrs. Patton and Mrs.
Bevington. In some cases, it is apparently the expression of a
religious confidence, as it is in much of the poetry. In some
cases, it finds expression through oblique reformist social
themes, as it does in Paul Green's "parable for modern times."
In some cases, it is the product of a philosophical position, as
it is in Evan Brandon's Green Fond, which concludes with
Gawd asserting: "I never created any badness. Only good-
ness. It's certain that the chillun all comes into the ole world
alack and they all goes out alack. I make em that way in the
beginnin."
This optimistic attitude is noteworthy because it runs
counter to the main currents of American writing today and
particularly because it runs counter to the main currents of
the best southern writing of our generation. As Ellen Glasgow
observed a few years ago, "... it is significant that, for the
first time in its history, the South is producing ... a literature
of revolt. Consciously or unconsciously, the aesthetic sense
[of the South] ... is rejecting the standards of utility in art
and of fundamentalism in ideas." 5 But the pessimism implicit
in such a literature as she describes and explicit in many
of the leading writers of the South is hardly present at all
* Marjorie Kinnan Rawlings, "Regional Literature of the South," College
English, I (February, 1940), 385. See, too, Donald Davidson's "Regionalism
in American Literature," American Review, V (April, 1935), 48-61.
5 Glasgow, A Certain Measure, 147.
N. C. Fiction, Drama, and Poetry 235
in these books. A similar contrary motion in much the same
terms was characteristic, too, of Thomas Wolfe, and led mis-
taken northern critics to declare of this "Yea-sayer" that he
was southern only by accident of birth. I think we may safely
conclude that this optimistic attitude is significantly char-
acteristic of North Carolina writing. There is, I believe, his-
torical reason for the fact.
The development of a serious literary culture in North
Carolina came late. It is, in fact, almost a twentieth-century
phenomenon. At the time when the Tidewater regions of
the South were formulating the Plantation Tradition in litera-
ture, with its tragic backward looking, North Carolinians
were engaging to no marked degree in literary expression of
any sort; they were, in fact, living and thinking largely out-
side the complex of ideas and attitudes that made the creation
of the Plantation Tradition possible; they were celebrating
the Populist Movement and the ideal of public education.
Furthermore, this State has accepted from its beginnings the
basic assumptions of the industrial New South idea, a view
of man and society which rests on the confident belief in
social perfectibility and progress and which denies, some-
times tacitly and often openly and directly, as Mr. Green's
Wilderness Road does, the assumptions of that other militant
southern view, doctrinaire Agrarianism. Robert B. Heilman
has provocatively suggested that the tragic strength of much
contemporary southern writing results from the fact that
"the South ... is the only section of the United States which
knows through poignant experience that defeat is possible/'
This quality, which he calls "the Southerner's discipline of
tragedy/' accounts for the dark visions of writers like Robert
Penn Warren and William Faulkner.6 And it is this quality
which seems most lacking in North Carolina thinking and
writing. Here, and almost nowhere else in the South, has
the New South movement with its sociological attitudes and
its perfectibilitarian inclinations found expression in literature
•Robert B. Heilman, "The Southern Temper," in Southern Renascence:
The Literature of the Modern South, edited by Louis D. Rubin, Jr., and
Robert D. Jacobs (Baltimore, 1953), 3-13.
236 The North Carolina Historical Review
as well as in law and statistical tables and social deeds. And
this has been true of North Carolina literature largely, I be-
lieve, because the acceptance of the New South assumptions
has been more pervasive and complete in this State than it has
in our neighboring states. At its worst this tendency has given
our writing a too easy optimism and a surface cheerfulness; it
has made us too uncritical of the machine age and too com-
placent about our values. At its best it has made us intolerant
of social evils, impatient with the status quo, and it has given
us warm and cogent books that assert a deeply humanitarian
view of human society.
I have presented these tentative judgments and opinions
in the uncomfortable knowledge that good art more accurate-
ly measures its critics than its critics measure it. If my judg-
ments seem to you, as well they may, perversely wrong and
strangely blind to the light, then I would like to leave you a
weapon to use against me in the witty words of Mrs. Bev-
ington :
Fanny Burney told her son,
"Never, my child, call anyone
A fool." — The boy replied the more
Amazed : "Then, what's the word made for?"
NORTH CAROLINA NON-FICTION BOOKS, 1955-1956
By H. Broadus Jones
"Some books are to be tasted, others swallowed, and some
few chewed and digested." Applying the Baconian dictum,
as a member of the Mayflower Board of Award I have been
feasting for several months at the Mayflower table d'hote,
tasting ad libitum, swallowing without ill consequences, and
digesting at leisure. Altogether there were thirty-eight dishes
provided, dainty enough for the most finicky appetite and
substantial enough for the most exacting gourmand.
Four weeks ago, after I had written a note to the manage-
ment expressing my appreciation of the cuisine and my
opinion as to some of the best of many good dishes, I got a
request from Raleigh: "Tell us more about what you had for
dinner and how you liked it." Actually the request was to
make a talk of twenty-five or thirty minutes in this luncheon
session concerning the volumes that have been considered
for the Mayflower Award.
Now that I am here to comply with this invitation while
you relax as comfortably as possible, I am like the Old Woman
who lived in a shoe: I have so many books I don't know what
to do. Three things I must not do: make the Old Woman's
horrible mistake; give you any hint as to the winner (a secret
that is quite safe with me, because I have not yet heard who
has won the award); attempt to render critical evaluations
of thirty-eight volumes at the bomber speed of forty-one
seconds per volume.
My function on this occasion is like that of the person who
displays a baker's products in a show window. There they
are beyond the glass— an intriguing array of pies, some with
and some without meringue; cakes of various kinds, colors,
shapes, and sizes, so enticing that they might easily start a
stampede from the street through the plate glass; loaves, rolls,
doughnuts, all fresh from the oven with that savory odor
that comes straight through the glass.
[237 ]
238 The North Carolina Historical Review
Here are the books—thirty-eight non-fiction volumes by
North Carolina writers, crowding one another on this three-
foot shelf, which I hope you are able to see in imagination-
books which probably represent more than threescore and
ten years of labor. Most of them are substantial volumes,
ranging all the way from the 600 pages by a distinguished
scholar and author well past the threescore and ten to that
little volume of forty-six pages by a college sophomore.
Viewed from the distance of a few feet, it is a colorful and
attractive shelf. The jackets provide the external color, all
within the bounds of good taste, each distinctly individual
and appropriate to the purpose and contents of the volume.
The variety of colors within the covers, I assure you, is even
more attractive than the external display.
Glancing along this row of books, you see the names of such
presses as Rinehart, Crowell, Doubleday, Bobbs-Merrill,
Cornell, Louisiana State University, Abingdon, Vantage,
Broadman, Morrow, Edwards and Broughton of Raleigh,
Blair of Winston-Salem, and other publishers here at home,
with the names University of North Carolina and Duke Uni-
versity appearing most frequently.
Let us see now what we can do to get the books out of this
comfortable order, or disorder, observing some of the prin-
ciples applied by a hostess in seating her guests at the dinner
table.
Well, here they are in the new arrangement— the best that
I can do, since authors are notoriously careless about writing
according to types. With a good deal of shoving and straining
I have got them into four groups, arranged from the highest
to the lowest according to the number of inches occupied on
the shelf, the measurements made with precision according
to the best traditions of scholarship, as follows:
I. History— 15 volumes, 17 inches of shelf.
I. Biography, travel, and sketches— 10 volumes, 9 inches.
III. Christianity— r7 volumes, 5% inches.
IV. Miscellaneous— 6 volumes, 4Va inches.
N. C. Non-Fiction Books 239
Taking the last group first, we find three volumes concerned
with matters of law and government. The Government and
Administration of North Carolina, by Robert S. Rankin, Pro-
fessor of Political Science and Chairman of the Department,
Duke University, devotes more than four hundred pages to
"governmental machinery of the State of North Carolina and
the manner in which that machinery functions." It is a valu-
able book for everyone interested in American state govern-
ment, especially for "government officials and voters, editors
and writers, teachers and students, taxpayers' groups and
chambers of commerce." Laic and the Press, a revision of the
1954 edition, by William C. Lassiter, is an invaluable volume
for the newspaperman or woman in North Carolina. Military
Justice in the Armed Forces of the United States, by Robinson
O. Everett, former Commissioner of the United States Court
of Military Appeals, is considered "an important contribution
to the criminal law of the military establishment," useful to
both the military and the civilian lawyer, and valuable as a
textbook for students.
Other People's Lives, by Rosalie Massengale, is a compact
brochure of study outlines, one of the series of Library Ex-
tension Publications of the University of North Carolina.
Raymond J. Jeffreys, author of Must They Sell Apples Again?
describes his book as "a compilation of facts, figures and in-
formation, presenting the justice and need of a Service Pen-
sion, based on age alone, for the veterans of World War I."
Harry L. Golden, in his volume, Jewish Roots in the Caro-
linas, concludes that "this most Gentile' section of America
has provided the most favorable 'atmosphere' the Jewish
people have ever known in the modern world."
In the next group, under the head of "Christianity," I have
placed seven volumes: The Secret of Happiness, by Billy
Graham, this being an exposition of the Beatitudes in ten
brief chapters; Come Unto Me, by Julian Butler, Jr., a college
sophomore from Laurinburg, a little book of thirty-one de-
votions intended for the use of young people; Paths of Shin-
ing Light, by Vera Idol, Professor of English, High Point
College, a beautiful little volume of nineteen inspirational
240 The North Carolina Historical Review
and devotional talks or meditations, beginning with "Roads"
and concluding with "God's World," with illustrative photo-
graphs interspersed; Thinking About God, by Robert Lee
Middleton, twenty-five "devotional meditations entreating
you to 'draw night to God, and he will draw night to you' ";
The Prayers of Jesus, with Meditations and Verse for Devo-
tional Use, by Ralph Spaulding Cushman of Raleigh; Chris-
tian Eschatology and Social Thought, by Ray C. Petry, Pro-
fessor of Church History, Duke University; The Pastor s
Hospital Ministry, by Richard K. Young, Director of Pastoral
Care, North Carolina Baptist Hospital, in charge of training
students and pastors in counseling at Bowman Gray School of
Medicine of Wake Forest College, and also Associate Pro-
fessor of Pastoral Care at Southeastern Theological Seminary.
The first five of these volumes, ranging from about 45 to 125
pages, are devotional and inspirational.
Dr. Petry's book could be placed also in the category of
history, as indicated by the sub-title: "A historical essay on
the social implications of some selected aspects in Christian
eschatology to A. D. 1500." As a study in Christianity it is a
work of mature scholarship, embodying the best standards of
research, organization, and style. Dr. Young's book is especi-
ally valuable for professional guidance in a limited area of
pastoral responsibility and interesting for general readers.
The nine volumes grouped under the heading "Biography,
Travel, and Sketches," run the range from Daniel Boone in
North Carolina, by George H. Maurice (the smallest volume
of the thirty-eight, consisting of nineteen interesting pages
of text, maps, and photographs ) to George W. Cable, A Biog-
raphy, by Arlin Turner (the largest of the volumes in this
group, consisting of about 400 pages, including fifteen pages
of bibliography and nineteen pages of index ) .
Dr. Turner, who is Professor of American Literature at
Duke University and managing editor of the quarterly,
American Literature, presents vividly, interestingly, and thor-
oughly one of the most striking figures on the American
literary scene, thus fulfilling a need that has long been recog-
nized. The volume satisfies the rigid requirements of scholar-
N. C. Non-Fiction Books 241
ship and yet keeps within the range of appeal to the average
reader.
Next is a volume entitled Charles E. Maddry, An Auto-
biography, which the author tells us was an undertaking of
ten years, completed in the midst of a busy and crowded life.
This book is of interest not only because it gives the story of
Dr. Maddry's rich and active career over a period of eighty
years, but also because it is a valuable cross section of church
history, particularly of Southern Baptist mission work. In
the volume appear many notable persons whom the reader
may claim or recall as valued friends, among them the late
Dr. R. T. Vann.
A book that has received much attention from reviewers
and has become nationally known is My Brother Adlai, by
Elizabeth Stevenson Ives, assisted by Hildegarde Dolson, a
professional writer. This is a biography of much charm,
simply and clearly written— a good portrait by a devoted sister
of a brilliant man.
We turn now to the volumes of travel and sketches in this
group. If you are in the holiday mood, you may take off with
Ali-Mat in Ali-Mat Takes Off, by Mrs. Alice Clarke Mathew-
son, for a 152-page adventure to Europe, Africa, Alaska, the
Gulf Stream for a Christmas cruise, and South of the Border,
concluding with "Characters You Meet on a Sightseeing Bus
Across the Continent." After this interesting but strenuous
adventure, if you have a hankering for the "good old days"
of pioneer life, you can taper off and calm down by turning
back time to the year 1912-1913 for a 94-page visit with A
Country Doctor in the South Mountains, the author and the
doctor being Benjamin Earle Washburn of Rutherfordton,
who will entertain you with twenty-two stories and sketches
of his own adventures as a young physician, of the people, of
diseases and local remedies, moonshine liquor, and the dawn
of better days.
While your appetite is whetted for unusual experiences,
you should go on over to Wilkes and neighboring counties
for a visit with The Parson of the Hills, who is Charles A.
Keys, known as the "Boy Preacher" from the age of four or
242 The North Carolina Historical Review
five and later as "Sledgehammer Charlie" when he tangled
with moonshiners, whose respect he won and retained while
he thundered against their sinful ways. You will leave the
Parson with increased respect and enthusiasm for home mis-
sions, perhaps reflecting that Dr. Washburn was also engaged
in the same work whether he knew it or not.
Since we are already in the highlands and on the prowl,
let's get into the shadow of Old Smoky at Sylva to begin
Roaming the Mountains with John Parris. After attaining
distinction as a newspaper man at home and abroad, the
author ( John Parris ) has been living in his native town, and
since February of 1955 he has been writing for the Citizen-
Times his popular and widely-read column, "Roaming the
Mountains," from which this volume of 246 pages and some
seventy selected stories and sketches is made. The volume
provides good entertainment, affecting with compelling nos-
talgia one who is "native here and to the manner born" and
giving others an urge to strike out for the highlands.
Back down from the mountains in time for the meeting of
the State Literary and Historical Association, we find as-
sembled Tar Heel Writers I Have Known, thirty-five of them
presented by Bernadette Hoyle of Smithfield with her facile
pen and handy camera in an attractive volume of 215 pages
—interviews which previously appeared in The News and
Observer. "More," said Oliver Twist on one occasion, and
so say I.
Coming up last in this group is one whose ancestors did
not come over in the Mayflower, Tecumseh, Vision of Glory,
by Glenn Tucker, who has followed Tecumseh's trail with all
the skill and cunning of one of James Fenimore Cooper's
Indians. As a biography this book portrays vividly and con-
vincingly a man of great talent and noble aims, of iron will
and dauntless courage, of great firmness but not without
mercy. The book is also history— a valuable contribution to
American history, presenting vividly and in clear perspective
the climactic conflict between the Indians and the newcomers.
In fact, in my first sketch I placed this volume in the history
group, having as much trouble about putting Tecumseh in
N. C. Non-Fiction Books 243
his place as his enemies had nearly a century and a half ago.
Anyhow, how can one separate history and the biography
of a great leader of his people?
Of the fifteen books grouped under the head of history,
eight are devoted to local history: Greensboro, North Caro-
lina, by Ethel Stevens Arnett "under the direction of Walter
Clinton Jackson"; Colonial Bath, by Herbert R. Paschal;
"Zeb's Black Baby': Vance County, by Samuel Thomas
Peace; Here Will I Dwell, The Story of Caldwell County,
by Nancy Alexander; They Passed This Way, A Personal
Narrative of Harnett County, by Malcolm Fowler; A History
of Moore County, 1747-1847, by Blackwell P. Robinson; The
Living Past of Cleveland County, by Lee B. Weathers; and
Buncombe to Mecklenburg— Speculation Lands, by Sadie
Smathers Patton (a publication of the Western North Caro-
lina Historical Association ) .
These volumes vary greatly in purpose, scope, and method,
but all are important in capturing and preserving local history
for interested citizens and for the future historian. The first
one in this list entitled Greensboro, a volume of nearly 500
pages, is a record of important events and movements for
more than two hundred years, particularly since 1807, when
a legislative act was passed creating Greensboro. It is a well-
made and well-written volume, extensively illuminated with
photographs. The Living Past of Cleveland County is the
work of a veteran newspaper man who has been editor and
publisher of The Shelby Daily Star for forty-five years. He has,
of course, seen the history evolving, has recorded it day by
day through the years, and in the development of his own
town and county has had a great part. The history of the
county becomes state history and in a way extends beyond
state lines because of some of the persons here portrayed.
Turning from the local histories, we come next to Agri-
cultural Developments in North Carolina, 1783-1860, by
Cornelius Oliver Cathey of the University of North Carolina,
this being Volume 38 in the James Sprunt Studies in History
and Political Science, published under the direction of the
Departments of History and Political Science of the Univer-
244 The North Carolina Historical Review
sity of North Carolina. One does not have to be engaged in
agricultural work in order to read with interest this valuable
contribution to history and in order to understand why the
author arrives at the conclusion "that nothing significant oc-
curred in American agriculture during the time which was
not reflected in parallel or corresponding developments in
North Carolina," and that North Carolina had a significant
part in revolutionary changes.
The Religious Press in the South Atlantic States, 1802-1865:
An Annotated Bibliography with Historical Introduction and
Notes, by Henry Smith Stroupe, Professor of History, Wake
Forest College, appears as Series XXXII of Historical Papers
of Trinity College Historical Society, Duke University. As
stated in the Preface, "The portion of this book entitled His-
torical Introduction' narrates briefly the founding of the lead-
ing periodicals, explains why they were started, and analyzes
their problems, their objectives, and their relations with each
other. The attitude of the press toward several notable events
is described." A carefully annotated bibliography, for which
future investigators will be grateful, occupies about one
hundred pages of the volume.
History of North Carolina Baptists, Volume II, by the late
George Washington Paschal, is a continuation of the work
which Dr. Paschal began many years ago under the authori-
zation of the Baptist State Convention of North Carolina,
Volume I (1633-1805) having been published in 1930. Like
the other publications by Dr. Paschal, including the three-
volume history of Wake Forest College, this work is based
upon thorough investigation, and the presentation is quite
full, with adequate annotation. Among other values, it is a
source book for any future writers of the Baptist history of
the same time and area.
Providence of Wit in the English Letter Writers, by Wil-
liam Henry Irving of Duke University, who is the author of
John Gay's London and of John Gay: Favorite of the Wits,
"reviews the history of the Familiar Letter as an art form in
seventeenth- and eighteenth-century England," giving a
N. C. Non-Fiction Books 245
"view of the whole art of letter- writing as a phase in the
history of English literature."
The University in the Kingdom of Guatemala, by John
Lanning of Duke University, is a most thorough work of
specialized scholarship, pursued with support from the Gug-
genheim Foundation and the backing of the Duke University
Council on Research, the American Council of Learned So-
cieties, and the Social Science Research Council.
Gray Fox: Robert E. Lee and the Civil War, by Burke
Davis of Greensboro Daily Netos, author of several books,
including They Called Him Stonewall, narrates with dramatic
and climactic effect the role of "one of the great tragic figures
of American history" through the tragic era. The national
recognition which this book has received is well deserved.
Ben Franklins Privateers, A Naval Epic of the American
Revolution, by William Bell Clark of Brevard, makes its time-
ly appearance in connection with the commemoration of the
250th anniversary of the birth of Franklin. The author, who
has written five other books on maritime affairs, dating from
1929 to 1953, tells a captivating story in which Franklin ap-
pears "as a much-harrassed Minister Plenipotentiary, a persis-
tent humanitarian, an unwilling judge of the admiralty, and a
frequently exasperated gentleman."
There you have it— the display of North Carolina non-
fiction books of the past year, figuratively seen through a
glass, perhaps darkly— an interesting and valuable collection
in which we can take great pride— a collection in which it is
easy to find volumes worthy of the Mayflower Award and
capable of bringing honor to the tradition.
It is such an attractive shelf that I should like to keep the
books just as they are, as a memorial of a notable year of
literary work in North Carolina, just as I should like to be
able to see somewhere in a shelf the products of each year
from 1905 when the first Patterson cup was awarded to John
Charles McNeill down to the present. But I suppose we shall
have to classify in library style and then distribute, perhaps
lose in the stacks, these volumes which are really most con-
genial and sociable.
246 The North Carolina Historical Review
Let me conclude with a quotation from the address "To the
Great Variety of Readers" which stands as the preface to the
first folio of Shakespeare's plays, 1623, over the signatures of
John Heminge and Henrie Condell, fellow actors of Shakes-
peare:
"Well! It is now publique, and you wil stand for your privi-
ledges wee know: to read and censure. Do so, but buy it first.
That doth best commend the Booke, the Stationer saies. Then,
how odde soever your braines be, or your wisdomes, make your
license the same, and spare not. . . . But whatever you do, Buy!"
At least, let me add, read !
LIFE AND LITERATURE
By Gilbert T. Stephenson
Returning to North Carolina in 1950, after an absence of
twenty-one years, I have been impressed ever since by the
cultural progress of our State during that interval. It is mani-
fest in every field of culture: in the extraordinary enlarge-
ment and development of our institutions of higher educa-
tion; in the wealth of creative literature flowing from the pens
of our writers; in the works of our artists, such as those
recently on exhibit in Plymouth and Winston-Salem; in the
composition of our dramatists and musicians and in the an-
nual concert tour of our North Carolina Symphony Orchestra;
in the accomplishments of the ten cultural societies in session
here this week; and, lastly, in the opening of our State Art
Museum, with its paintings by Rubens and Rembrant, and
other masterpieces of art.
On this background of cultural progress and this occasion
of emphasis upon literature, I should like to speak on Litera-
ture and Life with special reference to North Carolina.
Furthermore, I hope that it will not be amiss for me to draw
most of my illustrations from the northeastern section of our
State with whose literature and life I am, by nativity and
residence, the most familiar.
Literature is the body of imaginative and interpretive
writing expressed in drama, essay, fiction, history, and poetry,
as distinct from business, economic, instructional, profes-
sional, scientific, and technical writing. However, I should
hope to find a good deal of literary merit in the latter group
of writings.
Life includes all that Jesus included when he said, "I came
that they may have life, and have it abundantly/' He must
have meant infinitely more than physical existence and length
of days on earth. He must have included emotional, mental,
sentimental, social, and spiritual life as well, for all of these
elements are essential to abundant life.
[247]
248 The North Carolina Historical Review
Of literature and life in North Carolina so defined I shall
try to make only two points.
The first point is that in every section of our State there
is literary material awaiting appropriation and literary talent
awaiting development.
Almost every day, for example, The News and Observer
publishes on its editorial page "Today's N. C. Poem." These
poems come from the farms as well as the towns and cities of
our State.
One morning last spring the day's poem, entitled "Around
My Back Door," was by one of my neighbors, a farmer's wife.
In part it went as follows:
Around my back door are memories so dear
How children played and there was no fear
From childhood to youth they ran in and out
With laughter and joy and a merry shout.
As years have passed to adults they have grown
From around my back door they all have gone
To seek fame and fortune in this big, wide world
With families of their own, both boys and girls.
Well, listen, here they come from far and near,
'Tis grandchildren's voices now I hear;
"Hi, Grandma," they are calling with merry glee,
"Know you're surprised this group to see."
Again there are children with laughter so gay
So around my back door I want them to stay.
Not being a poet, I cannot evaluate these lines as poetry.
But, being a grandfather whose grandchildren recently played
where our children played only a few years ago, I fully share
my neighbor's sentiment. What is poetry but sentiment
aflame!
A few weeks ago, for another example, Roy Parker, Jr.,
Editor, The Bertie Ledger- Advance, began a column, "Things
cultural seem to pop from the strangest places in Roanoke-
Chowan, . . ." and then went on to describe an eighty-three-
year-old artist he had discovered near Lewiston in Bertie
Life and Literature 249
County and to predict that he might make authentic additions
in the field of art in which Grandma Moses is the acknowl-
edged leader.
Material for literature as well as art is to be found in every
nook and cranny of our State— in fact, wherever there is life.
Life comes before literature and supplies the material for
the writer.
Of the thirty-five Tar Heel Writers I Know in Bernadette
Hoyle's recent volume by. that title, note how many of them
found their material at or near their own door-steps. Mebane
Holoman Burgwyn has found hers in her native county of
Northampton and much of it in that part of the county known
as Occoneechee Neck on the Roanoke River. Inglis Fletcher
has found the material for her historical novels in the Albe-
marle and Cape Fear sections of our State. Bernice Kelly
Harris has found hers in her native county of Wake and her
adopted county of Northampton. Ovid Williams Pierce and
William T. Polk each found his in his native countv, one
Halifax and the other Warren.
When I think of the wealth of literary material at our
door-steps I am reminded of the Jules Verne story of the ship
at sea signalling another ship, "Water, water, we die of thirst,"
only to receive the answer, "Cast down your buckets where
you are." The distressed vessel was in fresh water at the
mouth of the Amazon but did not know it. To the aspiring
young writer anywhere in our State in search of material, I
would say "Cast down your bucket where you are."
With all this literary material and literary talent all around
us, I think that it would be well for the members of our
Association to encourage and aid in the organization of re-
gional literary groups for rural areas as well as for towns and
cities.
Typical of the kind of organization I have in mind is the
Roanoke-Chowan group. It began nine years ago as an in-
formal organization of artists, musicians, writers, and other
persons on either side of the Roanoke and Chowan rivers
who, although not artists, nor musicians, nor writers them-
250 The North Carolina Historical Review
selves, were genuinely interested in creative work in cultural
fields.
Every year since then the group has met in one after
another member's home. One year the emphasis has been
upon art; the next, upon literature; and some year in the near
future, we hope, it will be upon music. At our 1956 meeting
the emphasis was upon art; at our 1957 meeting, with the
Roy Parkers (Senior and Junior) for hosts, it will be upon
literature.
The interest of the members, instead of fagging after the
first flush of enthusiasm, has increased year by year. Our
1956 meeting was in the home of Frith and Mrs. Winslow of
Plymouth. After an appropriate address on "Art" by Robert
Lee Humber, Mr. Winslow, himself an artist of distinction,
gave an exhibit of paintings by local artists that would have
done credit to any group of artists anywhere. Among the
paintings were those by Francis Speight, a native of Bertie,
now an artist of national reputation, connected with the Phil-
adelphia Academy of Fine Arts. Every year he returns to
attend and participate in our meetings.
The aim of our group is not only to promote fraternity
among our local artists, musicians, and writers who already
have achieved recognition and, some of them, distinction in
their respective fields but also to discover and encourage
young people in our section who have manifested interest,
talent, and aspiration in one or another of these fields. In-
deed, we are active talent-scouts. This year we discovered
a talented young artist now studying under Francis Speight
in Philadelphia. Another year we may discover a young writer
who some day may rank alongside Wake County's Lucy
Daniels.
Would it not be worth while for the members of our
Association, coming as they do from every section of our
State, to take the initiative in encouraging and aiding in the
organization of literary groups similar in purpose to the
Roanoke-Chowan group? In our towns and cities it is not dif-
ficult to reach these talented young people, and in several
towns and cities over the State they already are members of
Life and Literature 251
creative- writers' groups. The young people about whom I am
concerned are those in our rural areas. I hope that it never
can be said of any spot in our State:
Perhaps in this neglected spot is laid
Some heart once pregnant with celestial fire;
Hands that the rod of empire might have swayed,
Or waked to ecstasy the living lyre.
The other point that I wish to make about literature and
life in North Carolina is that our writers are under a social
obligation to present and interpret our life as a whole rather
than certain facts about us.
One day in a classroom a bright young student asked Alfred
North Whitehead, "What is reality?" Perhaps he asked the
question in the same bantering spirit in which Pilate asked
Jesus, "What is truth?" Professor Whitehead's prompt and
crisp answer was, "Whatever counts and has consequences."
By this definition there is reality in literature in that it does
count and it does have consequences.
In literature there is basic difference between being true
to life as a whole and being true to only given facts of life.
Life is more than the sum of its parts.
Go with me to Warren Place, our home in Northampton
County. Let me show you the charred and rotting remains
of a century-old oak which had been the pride of our place
until the fall of 1954 when it fell, a victim of Hurricane Hazel.
Describe this object of death and decay with perfect fidelity.
You will be true to that tragic fact, but you will not be true to
Warren Place, for life and growth predominate there. Already
the remains of the old oak are almost hidden by vegetation
climbing up and over them.
On Highway 95 between Lawrence and Leggett in Edge-
combe County there is the most dilapidated mule-stable I
ever saw. It is a masterpiece of dilapidation. I pass it at least
four times a month. Every time I think how a critic of the
South might make capital for his purpose by photographing,
describing, and publicizing this stable. If he did so, he would
be true to that one ugly fact, but how untrue he would be to
that prosperous and generally well-kept section.
252 The North Carolina Historical Review
Not long ago I went into a neighbor's garden to see his
roses.
The roses red upon my neighbor's vine
Are owned by him, but they are also mine,
His was the cost, and his the labor, too,
But mine as well as his the joy, their loveliness to view.
Near the entrance there was a gorgeous red rose in full bloom.
I counted forty-five sharp, ugly thorns beneath the rose
reaching all the way down the stem almost to the ground.
If I were to describe the thorns onlv, I would be true to one
fact, but how untrue I would be to my neighbor's garden.
That rose and its companions dominated the scene, hid the
thorns, and made the garden a place of beauty.
Photography at its best in true to fact; portraiture, to life.
In a single portrait an artist catches and portrays the char-
acter and spirit of his subject as a photographer cannot in
a thousand photographs. Art is the expression of human per-
sonality; photography, the capture of physical likeness.
The news columns of our papers aspire to be true to fact,
self -restrained onlv by The New York Times standard, "All
the News That's Fit to Print." The editorial columns aim to
be true to life.
Go out among our neighbors. Look for their imperfections
only and describe them faithfully. We shall be true to certain
facts about them, but not true to them. Their goodness far
exceeds their badness. "There is so much bad in the best of us
and so much good in the worst of us that it ill behooves any
of us to talk about the rest of us."
Even in a writer's conscientious aim to be true to life as
well as fact it is possible for him to be one-sided in his presen-
tation and interpretation.
There are writers of fiction and history, including biography
and autobiography even, who call themselves and who wish
to be known as realists. Realism in. literature is defined as
fidelity to nature or to real life, representation without ideal-
ization, and adherence to actual fact. These writers seem to
think that to be realistic they must describe only the bad and
Life and Literature 253
the ugly. There are columnists of whom it has been said that
they are so accustomed to calling attention to and playing
up the bad side of life that, even when they find something
they like, they describe it, not as being good, but only as not
being bad. Instead of acclaiming the presence of goodness,
they only admit the absence of badness.
Some people who postively dislike this kind of literature
call these writers by ugly names, such as "muckrakers," and
some of the writers nonchantly call themselves "debunkers."
Name-calling never makes converts. These writers, many of
whom have distinguished literary talent, should, in some
kindly and convincing way, be made to understand that
authentic realism includes the good and the beautiful as well
as the bad and the ugly, the rose as well as the thorns.
There is no better field from which to draw an illustration
of the social obligation of writers than that of current inter-
racial relations.
In our State we are in the midst of readjustment of inter-
racial relationships with regard to public education that is
comparable with the readjustment with regard to suffrage of
about a half -century ago. Upon the maintenance throughout
this whole current period of good interracial relations will
depend, in large measure, the ultimate and proper readjust-
ment of interracial relationships. By relations I mean how
the two races feel towards each other; by relationships, how
they deal with each other.
Basically, the relations between the races in North Caro-
lina, certainly in my part of the State wherein the colored
people outnumber the white by nearly three to one, are good.
Interracial antagonisms are not normal nor typical anywhere
in our State. When or if they ever should degenerate into
violence or threats of violence, such an unfortunate event
would be legitimate news because it would be abnormal and
atypical. In that case all that we could ask of our newsmen
would be that they restrict their reports to "news that's fit to
print."
But we have the right to expect of our columnists, our edi-
tors, our essayists, and our novelists that, in the discharge
254 The North Carolina Historical Review
of their obligations to society, they strive at all times to be
true to interracial relations as a whole. It would be well for
each of them, after he had drafted his column, his editorial,
his essay, or his novel, to read it back and ask himself, "Is
this true to life as a whole or true only of particular facts?",
and not publish it until he had brought the two fidelities into
harmony.
The point that I am making now is well expressed in this
sentence which has appeared repeatedly in The Progressive
Farmer as lately as October, 1956, "If each person of each
race each day would now say some kind thing or do some kind
act to some person of the other race, it will help to preserve
a spirit of peace and friendship in which all problems may be
gradually worked out."
Spare us one-sided, and that the ugly-sided, realism in the
literature of interracial relations. We need Negro writers, as
well as white ones, with literary talent, such as that possessed
by J. Saunders Redding, winner of the Mayflower Cup in
1943, to present the better, not the worse, side of interracial
relations. From our Negro writers there should come counter-
parts of Mebane Burgwyn's Lucky Mischief and Moonflower
and Bernice Harris's Janey Jeems. Such writers, regardless
of race, help to maintain the climate of friendliness in which
alone interracial relationships ever can be adjusted or read-
justed onto a permanently sound basis.
In the discharge of this and of all its other obligations to
society, literature always must be in close partnership with
life. Life supplies the material for creative writing; literature,
the inspiration of abundant living.
ONE HUNDRED YEARS AGO
By Roy F. Nichols
The world today is tremendously complex. So much is
happening in so many places which affects the vital interests
and even the survival of so many people that mankind must
keep up with events and understand their significance if it
is to have wisdom enough to keep civilization from destruc-
tion. Therefore communication of accurate knowledge is of
greatest importance. For this purpose we have the press, the
radio, and television. Headlines, commentators, and colum-
nists have tremendous influence. So much of life seems to be
easily condensed into slogans or crisp newsflashes, which in
today's hurry control thought and opinion. But such means
also control the thinking of people elsewhere and often to the
injury of the United States.
A few such headlines chosen at random are as follows :
Isthmus Route Closed
England and France Humiliated
Russian Menace in Near East
Cuban Danger
Chinese Belligerence
These headlines, however, are not, as it might appear,
taken from today's press or broadcasts. They are such as
appeared in the American press one hundred years ago. They
are chosen as reminders, in the first place of the fact that
conditions long ago bore some resemblance to those of this
day and generation and more particularly to serve as a re-
minder of significant failure of a century ago, a failure of
communication which can teach a significant lesson today.
A century ago, the people living in the eighteen-fifties,
like those of this generation, were dwelling in the shadow
of wars, for in fact, there were three that were just past,
pending, or impending: the Mexican War, the Crimean War,
and the war between the Union and the Confederacv which
was to come as the disastrous climax of these ten years.
[255 ]
256 The North Carolina Historical Review
The decade had begun with such promise. California had
been acquired, gold had been discovered, and a new world
had been opened to the United States in the Pacific. This
promise had of course produced problems. The fact of the
nation's acquisition, California, meant that ways had to be
discovered to get there. Also, the extension of interest to the
Pacific meant that trade facilities were ripe to be developed
to enable the republic to promote its new advantage. The
question of travel to California involved such matters as the
status of Cuba, proper transportation routes over the several
isthmuses, and the building of a transcontinental railroad.
Operation in any of these fields invited private enterprise,
government, and diplomacy.
In the beginning of the decade, the Government's partici-
pation in these matters was in significant part directed by a
distinguished son of North Carolina, William A. Graham.
A native of Lincoln County, Graham became a member of
the Class of 1824 of the University of North Carolina. As a
law student of the distinguished jurist, Thomas Ruffin, he had
established himself at Hillsboro in practice, and within a
short time became a Whig politician who served as United
States Senator and Governor. In 1850, when President Fill-
more organized his new administration, he invited Governor
Graham to serve as Secretary of the Navy. As such, he was
much concerned in advancing communication and in enlarg-
ing American commercial interests. He played a significant
part in developing the coast survey, in exploring the Amazon,
and in opening up Japan. He glimpsed the possibilities of
his office almost immediately for he had been only a few
days in office when he wrote his wife that he was concerned
with "war steamers, mail steamers, squadrons in the East
Indies, and on the coast of Africa, with the wonderful changes
produced by the addition of our Pacific possessions in the
commerce of the world."
The Government was also concerned with building com-
munication routes across the isthmuses of Panama, Nicaragua,
and Tehuantepec in Mexico. Some American capitalists
joined with British associates in developing Panama. The
One Hundred Years Ago 257
redoubtable Commodore Vanderbilt undertook to establish a
route over Nicaragua and rival American enterprises fought
lobby and diplomatic battles for the privilege of developing
Tehuantepec.
While all this was going on, it became necessary for the
nation to participate in the election of 1852. Over this event
more shadows of the Mexican War were cast. One of the inci-
dents of that conflict had been the propensity of the generals
to fight more among themselves than with the Mexicans. The
war was conducted under the Democratic administration of
President James K. Polk (another North Carolinian), who
to his chagrin realized that the commanders of his victorious
armies were Whigs. In order to redress the balance and per-
haps to retrieve some of the glory for his own party, he sup-
plied these Whig generals, Scott and Taylor, with a large
number of Democratic associates as major and brigadier
generals. In the lofty altitudes of the Mexican plateau, these
generals did not forget politics. In fact, the altitude may have
stimulated their arguments. At any rate, Scott succeeded in
quarreling with a number of his associates who eventually
returned to the lowlands with at least one firm idea, and that
was that any political ambitions which Scott might have
should be scotched. As 1852 approached, however, it became
increasingly likely that Scott would be the Whig nominee.
Four years before, the party had won with Taylor, and there
seemed every indication that they might wish to try it again.
The possibility of Scott's nomination aroused several of
the Democratic generals who joined forces with political
allies and eventually nominated a Mexican War brigadier
general, Franklin Pierce of New Hampshire. The campaign
which followed resulted in the defeat of Scott and Secretary
of the Navy Graham, who had been nominated for Vice
President, by Pierce and his running-mate. This opened the
way for Pierce and a group of associates to try and duplicate
the success of the Polk administration.
On the eve of his inauguration, Pierce's morale was shat-
tered by the horrible death of his little son before his eyes in
a railroad accident. When he came to take office, he leaned
258 The North Carolina Historical Review
particularly upon Mexican War associates and certain ex-
uberant publicists known as "Young America." He and his
associates were determined to advance American interests,
acquire new territory, develop transportation and trade, open
new vistas in the Pacific, and defy British interference in
American activities. He called to his side another son of
North Carolina, James Cochran Dobbin.
Dobbin, a lawyer from Fayetteville, University of North
Carolina, 1832, had been a delegate to the Democratic Na-
tional Convention of 1852. At a crucial moment in the con-
vention, he had let loose a burst of eloquence which had
swept the convention off its feet and impelled the nomination
of Pierce. Dobbin now became Secretary of the Navy, as had
Graham before him. He joined wholeheartedly in the an-
nouncement which Pierce made in his inaugural that "Amer-
ican citizens shall realize that upon every sea and on every
soil where our enterprise may rightfully seek the protection
of our flag, American citizenship is an inviolable panoply
for the security of American rights." Pierce set out promptly
to protect Vanderbilt against the British in Nicaragua, to
secure from Mexico a further cession of land to enable a
southern Pacific railroad to be built to California, to promote
the accession of Cuba, and to develop American interests
more extensively in the Pacific.
It was one thing, however, to have such grandiloquent
plans. It was quite another to put them into effect. Pierce had
constructed his administration as a coalition of all factions in
his party. This meant a variety of views and methods of
operation. To manage the whole series of projects, he had
placed the veteran William L. Marcy at the head of the State
Department. But he probably took as much advice from
Caleb Cushing, his Attorney-General, who was much more
expansive and flag-waving in his approach. Cushing had been
down in Mexico as a political general and his attitudes were
not diplomatic in the fashion of Marcy's— guided by the
veteran State Department clerks, well versed in protocol.
Jefferson Davis, the Secretary of War7 likewise was a Mexican
One Hundred Years Ago 259
War veteran and expansive. He too, was Pierce's close con-
fidant.
In appointing the diplomats, Cushing and Davis had more
to say about who was to represent the United States probably
than Marcy did. And what a group of flag wavers received
letters of credence. Caution's veteran, James Buchanan, it
was true, was to represent the United States at London, but
he was to be accompanied by Dan Sickles as Secretary of
Legation and George N. Sanders as Consul at London, two
boisterous spokesmen of Young America. Pierre Soule, former
French radical, was to go to the reactionary court of Spain.
There he was to seek opportunity to advance our interest in
Cuba— perhaps to the extent of intrigue in Spanish financial
and political circles, even to the point of revolution. Across
the sea in Cuba itself, American filibusters such as General
Quitman might be given the nod to aid in the "liberation"
of the Island. Soule, the bizarre "statesman," was a guest at
the White House several times in the spring of 1853, and his
personality and deportment led a discerning kinswoman of
Mrs. Pierce to record in her diary, "I think he will be Minister
to Spain but fear Pierce and his cabinet will have reason to
regret it." She was right. Solon J. Borland of Arkansas was
sent down to Nicaragua to be on the watch to protect trans-
isthmus transit interests, particularly Vanderbilt's line, against
the hostile "free-city" of Greytown where British antagonists
were believed to be operating. A warship under the redoubt-
able Captain Hollins was to be within call instructed by
Dobbin to look after the Commodore's property. James Gads-
den, a South Carolina railroad man, was commissioned to
Mexico to secure the territory needed to build a southern
transcontinental railroad and to look after American Tehuan-
tepec trans-isthmus concessions. William L. Cazneau, and of
course with him, the irrepressible Mrs. Jane McManus Storms
Cazneau, was sent to Santo Domingo to be on the lookout for
a coaling station in the West Indies.
Advantage in the Pacific was likewise part of the Pierce
doctrine. The Hawaiian Islands, China, and Japan were
points of focus. In the fair islands of the mid-Pacific, the
260 The North Carolina Historical Review
reigning Kamehameha had been nervous about his independ-
ence and feared French motives. Of late years he had been
looking to British or United States aid, even annexation. Also
certain American maritime operators were eager to secure
the islands. This appealed to Pierce and a lookout was to be
maintained for opportunity. China at this time was torn by
civil war on the eve of the scheduled date for the revision of
the treaty of 1844. Evidently this would be an opportune time
for securing important new concessions from the Manchu
goverment harassed by the Taiping forces. An outstanding
statesman must be sent out, and Polk's Secretary of the
Treasury, Robert J. Walker, was selected to be the man. But
he was hard to get. Finally after much persuasion he accepted
and even went so far as to draw his "outfit" (which cost the
sum of $9,000 ) which was supplied diplomats to enable them
to readjust their affairs in anticipation of departure for distant
shores. Then at long last his wife's health caused him to de-
cline. Robert McLane, next chosen, did not arrive in China
until the dawn of 1854. His efficient efforts were slow to bear
fruit. In the meantime word was awaited of the naval expe-
dition to Japan organized by Secretary Graham.
Pierce's foreign policy was not to be quite as flamboyant
as the character of many of these ministers might suggest
because, after all, Marcy and his clerks were to write the
instructions. They were phrased in the proper words of diplo-
matic caution and not always as the envoys wished. Soule
was probably not in sympathy with the colorless phrases
directing him to caution, and Buchanan almost stayed home
because of the limits set upon him. When approached by
Pierce to take the British mission, Buchanan had requested
that the full control of British negotiations, including both
Central American limits, United States interest in Canada,
and the fisheries, be entrusted to him at London. This Pierce
readily promised. However, such was not in accordance with
Marcy's judgement, for he believed the time was ripe to
settle Canadian affairs in Washington. Buchanan to his dis-
appointment learned that he was to be entrusted only with
Central America. He had to yield but with some bitterness.
One Hundred Years Ago 261
Thus after a summer of toil the foreign policy was some-
what equivocally projected with radical envoys and con-
servative instructions representing the curious coalition think-
ing of the Administration. At first there was some slight
success, strangely enough in Mexico. Marcy had sent a South
Carolina railroad promoter down there, primarily to buy land
suitable for an overland railroad line to the Pacific in what
are now Arizona and New Mexico. Gadsden was instructed
to show no partiality to two promoters of a transit route over
the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, each of whom claimed a grant
of a right of way. P. A. Hargous and A. G. Sloo, each had
negotiated with Mexico. The latter seemingly had won out
as the Mexicans had repudiated Hargous in Sloo's favor, and
the Fillmore Administration had secured an acknowledgment
of his claim in a treaty. But Hargous had friends who were
potent and Pierce and Marcy did not wish to favor either.
Senator Benjamin was backing the Hargous claim, while
Senator Slidell was agent for Sloo. Gadsden was to be neutral.
The new minister found upon his arrival in Mexico that
what the United States wanted could be had for money, so
he asked for authorization to spend. Pierce immediately sent
down a confidential messenger with authorization to ne-
gotiate for purchase. Quite in line with the peculiar notions
of propriety then obtaining, Pierce chose C. L. Ward, an
officer of the Hargous interests, to carry the confidential in-
structions. Upon arrival he worked hard to secure an ac-
knowledgment of Hargous' demand for indemnity, and after
complicating things for Gadsden, succeeded in inserting such
a clause in Gadsden's treaty of purchase.
When this treaty arrived in January, 1854, Pierce and his
advisors were disappointed in the small acquisition, and the
President was indignant at the inclusion of the Hargous
interest. So the Hargous claim was taken out, then the Senate
put it back. However, this was no answer for the Senators
then rejected the treaty. Slidell and Senator Rusk of Texas,
supporters of the Sloo claim, returned to the fray, got their
pet project inserted in the treaty, whereupon the Senate
accepted it. Pierce, still exercised that his diplomacy was
262 The North Carolina Historical Review
made the football of interests, was nevertheless prevailed
upon to accept the document, and it was to be the law of the
land. This slight success, however, was all for the present as
lowering war clouds were about to let loose their floods and
the Crimean War broke out in Europe.
Russia then, as now, was seeking to expand in the Near
East and toward a warm water port. Her movements seemed
to endanger Turkey and British interests in India. Russia also
found the accession of Napoleon III to the revived imperial
throne in France not to her liking, and the parvenu Napoleon
III sensed in the Czar a formidable enemy. Consequently,
it was only a matter of time before conflict broke out, and in
1854, two years after the final accession of Napoleon III, the
conflict came. Before long it involved Great Britain, France,
Turkey, Italy, and Russia. Such a general European war was
immediately seized upon by the Pierce administration as
offering an unusual opportunity. The American diplomats had
felt for some time that British and French interests were
united in frustrating American interests in all parts of the
world. Now these allies were engaged in a war, which, for
the time being at least, seemed to command their undivided
attention and resources. So therefore, the President and his
Secretary of State redoubled their efforts, diplomats were
instructed to proceed to negotiate more vigorously for Cuba,
for Hawaii, and now for Alaska. Filibusters were even en-
couraged to operate in Cuba and in Nicaragua.
Events in America seemed to be marching in step to en-
courage aggressive action. The Spanish authorities in Cuba
outraged an American vessel, the "Black Warrior." Quitman
sought to press forward with his filibustery expedition to aid
the Cubans to liberate themselves. Captain Hollins failing
to get satisfaction for "British" abuse to Vanderbilt's agents
and the destruction of his property, blew Greytown off the
map. Then a Texas promoter, Col. Kinney, began to plan to
enlist American "agricultural emigrants" to settle on some
land he had "bought" in Nicaragua. Some near to Pierce were
not unfriendly. Likewise, another American adventurer, Wil-
liam Walker, with some help from Vanderbilt's associates,
One Hundred Years Ago 26
Q
undertook to go to Nicaragua at the invitation of a political
faction to restore a peace which would probably be advan-
tageous to the transit transportation over Nicaragua in com-
petition with Panama.
It was at this point that a third son of North Carolina
played a role. Dobbin had a political friend, John H. Wheeler,
born in Hertford County but educated in Washington, D. C.
Wheeler divided his time between his birthplace and the Na-
tional Capital. He took part in State politics and wrote North
Carolina history. Now Dobbin and he agreed that he should
have a political office and pressed Pierce to make him a judge
in Kansas. That post, however, went to another and Wheeler's
disappointment was solaced by his designation as Minister
to Nicaragua. For Borland had returned home permanently
disfigured by a scar on his face made by a broken bottle
heaved at him while he was endeavoring to save an American
whom the Nicaraguans claimed to be a murderer. Wheeler
went down literally in the wake of Hollins' bombardment of
Greytown. First he must take testimony regarding the damage
which Hollins had inflicted on local property. This situation
was not auspicious for the local population was unfriendly
and menacing. As he reported it, he spent "two terrible
months, never safe for an hour," even beset by a snake in his
bedroom.
When he got to the capital, for a time, things were easier,
but Kinney and William Walker soon made diplomacy more
difficult. When the latter arrived in September, 1855, he
quickly overshadowed Kinney and became the grey-eyed
man of destiny. He soon stirred up greater civil strife and
Wheeler shortly found himself embroiled on Walker's side,
then he attempted some political refereeing which brought
him humiliation. By Christmas he received a decided rebuke
from Marcy for favoring Walker and when the Nicaraguan-
Walker government learned that they were not recognized
by the United States, they refused to deal with Wheeler any
longer. He then undertook some difficult travel and on the
journey his son was accidentally shot and almost killed. Mean-
while, the republic was invaded by its neighbors and as the
264 The North Carolina Historical Review
fortunes of war fluctuated, those of Wheeler got worse. His
health suffered and finally there was a tragedy that was al-
most fatal. He was lying sick unto death as the city was being
ravaged by the invaders. A number of women had fled to his
legation for safety, the enemy was firing on his house and
banging on the door. The women were screaming in his sick
room and preparing for suicide rather than fall into the hands
of the lusting soldiers. However, just at this dreadful moment,
Walker rescued the city, the women were saved, and Wheeler
pulled through. However, he had had enough. So had the
State Department, for he had ceased to represent Marcy's
policy but followed that of Walker, even defending him for
depriving Vanderbilt of his franchise. Had it not been for
Dobbin's protection, he probably would have been dismissed.
At it was, he was allowed to come home and at length resign.
Wheeler's unfortunate experience was one of the accumulat-
ing evidences that all of the spread eagle diplomacy might in
the end come to naught.
As Pierce and his associates saw the structure of their hopes
tumbling down about them, they sought to discover the
reason. It was not difficult for them to reach the conclusion
that their efforts were being frustrated by a co-ordinated plan
devised by Great Britain and France to curb their prospects
in the West Indies, in the Isthmuses, and even in Hawaii.
Despite the fact that these powers were engaged in a des-
perate European conflict, they were believed to have time and
energy sufficient to spare so that they could circumvent the
United States in its efforts to spread enlightenment and
liberty.
Marcy became convinced that his major problem was to
bring Great Britain to terms. He first sought to settle the
Canadian fisheries dispute by entering into a shrewd horse-
trading venture which resulted in a package treaty involving
both fisheries and Canadian trade on a reciprocity basis. In
this he succeeded. But the second problem, that of Anglo-
American spheres of influence in the Isthmus region, was
made more difficult and much complicated by the destruction
One Hundred Years Ago 265
of Greytown by Dobbin's naval officer and the ventures of
Kinney and William Walker.
Then came a break. The British Minister at Washington
was caught violating our neutrality laws in his efforts to
recruit volunteers for the British Army during the Crimean
War. This was an opportunity which Marcy sought to use to
greatest advantage to force Great Britain to accept American
definition of the limits of her interests in the Isthmus region.
But if this advantage were to be pressed, American hands
must be clean. So the Pierce Administration must enforce
its neutrality laws against its own citizens too. Therefore,
these filibustery expeditions could no longer be worked. The
task forces to Nicaragua and Cuba must be stopped. Col.
Kinney must be dropped, Quitman persuaded to remain at
home, and Walker ignored and denied recognition, even
though Wheeler must be rebuked and at length recalled.
Then everything seemed to go wrong. Civil war so rocked
Nicaragua that Walker got into even deeper trouble and the
Nicaragua transit route was closed, it developed, indefinitely.
Soule's efforts in the direction of Cuba, even when enforced
at Ostend by our Ministers at London and Paris, resulted in
the sorry fiasco of the Ostend Manifesto, which left us even
further away from Cuba and which poured oil on the fire of
American politics, to the violent discomfiture of Pierce.
Our negotiations for a coaling station in the West Indies
failed. A riot on the Isthmus of Panama resulted in the de-
struction of property of the Panama railroad and revealed a
hatred of Americans by the people and government of New
Grenada, which was disillusioning and humiliating. Our ef-
forts to acquire Hawaii and Alaska failed. Continued civil
war in China was endangering hoped for concessions there.
The one success in the Far East, the opening of Japan, had
been the result of the planning of Fillmore and Secretary
Graham.
The Pierce Administration itself had but one triumph in
the Pacific, and this a most peculiar one. The destruction of
soil fertility particularly in some parts of the South called for
fertilizer. The most popular type was guano from the various
266 The North Carolina Historical Review
bird rookeries on barren islets in the Caribbean and the
Pacific. American interests had been trying to get some con-
cessions to purchase at the British operated Lobos Islands
off the shores of Peru, but with little success. Then Senator
Benjamin came to Marcy with a "discovery/' There was much
guano on the Galapagos Islands, far off the shores of Ecuador.
So instructions were sent off in care of Benjamin to the Amer-
ican Minister in Ecuador to get the concession. A treaty was
achieved whereby such privileges were granted in return for
a generous loan— and then it turned out the whole "discovery"
was a hoax; there was no guano on the Galapagos. Other
efforts were made in the Caribbean, but this only got us into
difficulties with Venezuela and rival American enterprises cut
each others throats.
It was at this point that American guano operators be-
thought themselves of islets in distant Polynesia. So Dobbin
agreeably sent out the Navy to establish discoverer's rights
and Congress passed the Guano Act which Pierce signed in
August, 1856, providing machinery for American operators
to establish claims which the United States would be able to
protect. The United States has some of those islets yet,
notably Howland, Baker, and Jarvis.
Little had been accomplished. The Gadsden Purchase had
been achieved. At long last Britain did make some conces-
sions under the pressure of our indignation at the violation of
our neutrality. But the resulting Dallas-Clarendon agreement
eventually failed of ratification. The acquisition of new areas
dedicated to liberty by the United States had made an almost
infinitesimal beginning, slight recompense for four years of
ardent toil and constant frustration. The decade that had
started out so gloriously had bogged down by 1857, at least
as far as diplomatic success was concerned, and might be
termed a rather dismal failure.
Today the historian from the vantage point of a hundred
year's perspective asks the question: Why this failure? What
were the causes of this frustration? The contemporary idea
was of course to blame it upon Great Britain. Britain and
France were in a combination to frustrate the free United
One Hundred Years Ago 267
States. It is apparent now, of course, that a good part of this
failure came from the shadow of the third war— the war
which was to come. American government was confused by
the growing sectional tension. Most of the advances which
Pierce wished to make would have been advantageous to the
South, and consequently the enemies of the South opposed
them. However, there is a more subtle and less apparent
cause which, in the light of present day situations, it may
be profitable to stress. And that was the reputation which
the United States then had in the eyes of some people, and
of which citizens of the United States and their government
seem to have been utterly oblivious.
The chief minister of Queen Victoria, Palmerston, put it as
follows in a letter which he wrote to his colleague Clarendon:
"These Yankees are most disagreeable fellows to have to do
with about any American question. They are on the spot,
strong, deeply interested in the matter, totally unscrupulous
and dishonest, and determined somehow or other to carry
their point . . . [they] are such Rogues and such ingenious
Rogues . . . [that even if the present question were settled!
some new cavils would be found or . . . by the indirect agency
of such men as Walker and his followers some independent
State would ... be established in Central America ... in
short, Texas over again."
These words, had they been read by any American, would
undoubtedly have been shocking. Pierce and his associates
and probably most of the citizens of the republic thought of
themselves as high-minded and progressive men who were
earnest in their efforts to improve the lot of mankind by
advancing the ideals of democracy, and by proclaiming lib-
erty. Yet here was the head of probably the most powerful
government in the world who had the benefit of the best
secret service and intelligence forces then existent, who un-
equivocally declared that we, particularly our government,
were "rogues." Seemingly we had failed completely in our
effort to communicate our high idealism and our lofty pur-
pose together with our concern for the welfare of mankind.
We were completely misunderstood.
268 The North Carolina Historical Review
It was but one of the failures of those bitter ten years. The
decade of the 1850's which began so auspiciously with great
opportunity and with the demonstration of the nation's great
capacity to avoid danger by compromise, indeed, as we know,
proved to be the decade of the nation's greatest failure. It
ended in the disastrous conflict between the Union and the
Confederacy. But this great failure is not of immediate con-
cern in this discussion, rather that other failure of this decade,
which in view of the nation's present international situation
should be of great moment to all. This failure is the failure
to communicate, illustrated by Palmerston's attitude just
quoted.
Palmerston's opinion illustrates so clearly that in the 1850's
the United States failed to communicate its message of hope
and idealism. Today there is too much evidence that the
nation is again failing to communicate the message of democ-
racy to the nations. In the 1850's we were younger, less ma-
ture, but vigorous in our faith in the righteousness of our
purpose, in our manifest destiny to offer hope and freedom to
those who were living under the rule of government which
in most part was repressive and decadent. Even enlightened
England, more nearly like the republic in spirit than the other
more despotic governments, could not seemingly compre-
hend. Now, a hundred years later, we still have the message.
We still believe in it intensely. Furthermore, we have reached
maturity and should possess wisdom. The world needs this
message probably more than it did a century ago. But again,
the nation is not getting its message across. Why?
In the first place, the United States is now facing not a
declining monarchial system but a younger ideation, enthusi-
astic and on the march. The United States, on the other hand,
is showing signs of too great self-satisfaction, a pride in its
achievements which is justified by their magnitude but never-
theless blinding and enervating. The people are not suffici-
ently alert— just as a hundred years ago they were not percep-
tive, neither are they now. Those of other ideations are more
ingenious, have greater enthusiasm and drive. They perceive
the nation's weakness and capitalize it. They know the United
One Hundred Years Ago 269
States thinks it can do anything with its money and therefore
neglects to go out into the missionary field preaching the
gospel of example. The United States buys tractors— it is not
skillful in distributing tracts or in preaching by example.
To improve the nation's capacity to communicate the mes-
sage of democracy, at least two things are needed. The people
of the United States and those who bear rule over them need
more critical knowledge of the current situation and greater
perception of the significance of their knowledge. Too many
attitudes and opinions are acquired by the easy means of
listening to or reading the views of only one program, one
commentator, one columnist, one newspaper or one periodi-
cal. It is essential to listen to or read a greater variety of
reports. It is only in this way that the people will be able to
find out and to perceive the opinions which other people have
about the United States, to learn how hostile in many cases
they really are, how based upon misunderstanding of national
motives. By this knowledge and perception can the nation
correct these views and avoid making the mistakes which
serve to re-enforce them among those who might otherwise
be our friends.
Liberty, freedom, democracy— the things we believe in so
thoroughly— should be contagious. The nation should be pro-
claiming them so vigorously that their great power would be
compelling. But this can be done not so much by spending
money, which to man)7 today seems to be the answer to
every problem, but by ministering to the spiritual needs of
mankind, by preaching by example, by sharing friendship
and understanding, and the powerful example of sincere and
consistent operation of uncorrupted democracy.
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By William S. Powell
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relief plan. Raleigh, 1955. 49 p. pa.
North Carolina. University. Committee on per Capita In-
come in North Carolina. Studies of per capital income in
North Carolina. No place, 1956. Various paging, pa.
North Carolina. University. Educational Research Bureau.
Cooperative project for school improvement and leadership
development. Chapel Hill, 1955. 378 p.
North Carolina. University. Institute for Research in
Social Science. Recreation for the aging in North Carolina.
Chapel Hill, 1956. 217 p.
Rankin, Robert Stanley. The government and administration
of North Carolina. New York, Crowell, 1955. xiv, 429 p. 11.
$4.95.
Reddick, De Witt Carter. Church and campus, Presbyterians
look to the future from their historic role in Christian higher
education. Richmond, John Knox Press, 1956. 178 p. il. $1.00
pa., $2.00 cloth.
Robinson, Blackwell Pierce. The history of escheats. Chapel
Hill, University of North Carolina, 1955. 62 p. pa.
Rutland, Robert Allen. The birth of the Bill of Rights, 1776-
1791. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1955.
vi, 243 p. $5.00.
Spurlock, Clark. Education and the Supreme Court. Urbana,
University of Illinois Press, 1955. xv, 252 p. $3.75.
Stover, John F. The railroads of the South, 1865-1900, a study
in finance and control. Chapel Hill, University of North Caro-
lina Press, 1955. xviii, 310 p. $5.00.
North Carolina Bibliography 273
Swanson, Ernst Werner. Public education in the South today
and tomorrow, a statistical survey edited by Ernst W. Swan-
son and John A. Griffin. Chapel Hill, University of North
Carolina Press, 1955. xiv, 137 p. $5.00.
Ware, Charles Crossfield. A history of Atlantic Christian
College. Wilson, N. C, Atlantic Christian College, 1956. 248
p. il. $4.00.
Science
Carson, Rachel Louise. The edge of the sea. Boston, Houghton
Mifflin, 1955. 276 p. il. $3.95.
Dudley, Ruth Hubbell. My hobby is collecting sea shells and
coral. New York, Hart Book Co., 1955. 127 p. il. $2.95.
Hickerson, Thomas Felix. Beam deflection when I is constant
or variable. [Chapel Hill?], The Author, 1955. 100 p. $3.50.
North Carolina. Council of Civil Defense. State of North
Carolina Long-range Hurricane Rehabilitation Project. Ra-
leigh, 1955. 64 p. il. pa.
Pearl, Richard Maxwell. Rocks and minerals. New York,
Barnes & Noble, 1956. 275 p. il. $1.95.
Reinemund, John Adam. Geology of the Deep River coal field,
North Carolina. Washington, U. S. Government Printing Office,
1955. v, 159 p. il. $4.25.
Tannehill, Ivan Ray. The hurricane hunters. New York, Dodd,
Mead, 1955. 271 p. il. $3.00.
Applied Science and Useful Arts
Gross, Herbert Henry. Exploring near and far. Chicago, Follett
Publishing Co., 1955. 288 p. il. $3.12.
Hoffmann, Margaret Jones. Sew easy! For the young be-
ginner. New York, Dutton, 1956. 93 p. il. $2.75.
Mills, Lois. Three together, the story of the Wright brothers
and their sister. New York, Follett Publishing Co., 1955. 160
p. il. $3.16.
Snow, Edward Rowe. Famous lighthouses of America. New
York, Dodd, Mead, 1955. 314 p. il. $4.00.
Wilmington, N. C. Ministering Circle. Favorite recipes of the
Lower Cape Fear. Wilmington, 1955. 184 p. il. $2.25 pa.
Fine Arts
Friedman, Albert B. The Viking book of folk ballads of the
English-speaking world. New York, Viking Press, 1956. xxxv,
473 p. $4.95.
Langstaff, John M. Frog went a-courtin'. New York, Har court,
Brace, 1955. unpaged. $2.50.
274 The North Carolina Historical Review
Logan, William A. Road to Heaven, twenty-eight Negro spirit-
uals. University, University of Alabama Press, 1955. 38 p.
$1.50 pa.
North Carolina. Museum of Art. Catalogue of paintings, in-
cluding three sets of tapestries, by W. R. Valentiner. Raleigh,
1956. 90 p. il. $1.50 pa.
Poetry
Bay Leaves no. 3: Prize poems, Poetry Day contests . . . 1954-
1955. [West Asheville], Poetry Council of North Carolina,
1956. 28 p. Order from C. A. Shull, Box 6252, Asheville, N. C.
$1.00 pa.
Bevington, Helen Smith. A change of sky, and other poems.2
Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 1956. 144 p. $3.50.
Craig, Marjorie. The known way. Francestown, N. H., Golden
Quill Press, 1955. 80 p. $2.50.
Eaton, Charles Edward. The greenhouse in the garden. New
York, Twayne Publishers, 1955. 64 p. $2.75.
Hewitt, Andrew. Pickapot, and other poems. Charlotte, Peak
& Pine Press, 1956. unpaged, il. $2.50.
Holmes, Edison Parker. Nothin' ain't no good. Winston-Salem,
Clay Printing Co., 1955. 123 p. il.
Huffman, Minna R. Come into my garden, and other poems,
with monthly garden reminders. Durham, Religion & Health
Press, 1955. 58 p. $1.00 pa.
Hutchins, James Hill. My native town. New Bern, New Bern
Historical Society Foundation, 1955. unpaged, il. pa.
Morris, Robert. Hurricane. Chapel Hill, Old Well Publishers,
1956. 13 p. $1.00 pa.
Mullis, Nellie Hughes. Wings of Gold. Dallas, Story Book
Press, 1956. [copyright 1955] 48 p. $2.50.
Sieber, Herman Alexander. Something the West will remem-
ber. Chapel Hill, Old Well Publishers, 1956. 18 p. $1.00 pa.
Weaver, Guy. Rime thoughts and jingle smiles. Asheville, Bilt-
more Press, 1955. 70 p.
Drama
Blythe LeGette. Voice in the wilderness. A play with music,
song, dance and pantomime. Staged in commemoration of the
200th anniversary of the establishment of Presbyterianism in
the region of Old Mecklenburg. Charlotte, William Loftin,
1955. 87 p. il. $1.90.
Winner of the Roanoke-Chowan Awarcl for poetry, 1956.
North Carolina Bibliography 275
Green, Paul Eliot. Wilderness Road, a symphonic outdoor
drama. New York, French, 1956. 166 p. il. $3.00.
Walser, Richard Gaither, ed. North Carolina drama, with
plays by William Norment Cox [and others] and two comedies
by Paul Green. Richmond, Garrett & Massie, 1956. 229 p.
$4.00.
Literature, Other Than Poetry, Drama or Fiction
Duffey, Frank M. The Early Cuadro de Costumbres in Colom-
bia. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1956.
(University of North Carolina Studies in the Romance Lan-
guages and Literatures, no. 26) 116 p. $2.50 pa.
Hogan, Helen B. Books as windows to your world. Chapel Hill,
University of North Carolina Library, 1956. (Library exten-
sion publication, vol. 21, no. 3) 30 p. $.50 pa.
Morrah, Dave. Heinrich Schnibble, and even more tales mein
Grossfader told. New York, Rinehart, 1955. Ill p. il. $1.50.
Sillynyms. New York, Rinehart, 1956. 93 p. il. $1.50.
Fiction3
Angell, Polly. Andy Jackson : long journey to the White House.
New York, Aladdin Books, 1956. 192 p. il. $1.75. Juvenile.
Brandon, Evan. Green Pond. New York, Vanguard Press, 1955.
506 p. $4.75.
Brucker, Margaretta. A doctor for Barbara by Margaret Howe
[pseud.] New York, Avalon Books, 1956. 224 p. $2.50.
Creole, Ellis. Big doin's on Razorback Ridge. New York, Nelson,
1956. 125 p. $2.75. Juvenile.
FORBUS, Ina B. The magic pin. New York, Viking Press, 1956.
138 p. il. $2.50. Juvenile.
Hargrove, Marion. The girl he left behind ; or, All quiet in the
Third Platoon. New York, Viking Press, 1956. 191 p. $2.95.
Hunter, Joshua Allen. Dear Doctor Dick, the story of a small-
town physician. New York, Exposition Press, 1955. 53 p. $2.50.
Johnson, Richard Carroll. A story of six loves. New York,
Pageant Press, 1955. 52 p. $2.00.
Koch, Dorothy Clarke. Gone is my goose. New York, Holiday
House, 1956. unpaged, il. $2.25. Juvenile.
Kroll, Harry Harrison. Summer gold. Philadelphia, Westmin-
ster Press, 1955. 176 p. $2.75. Juvenile.
Martin, Frances Gardiner. Pirate Island. New York, Harper,
1955. 215 p. il. $2.75. Juvenile.
Miller, Helen Topping. Her Christmas at the Hermitage. New
York, Longmans, Green, 1955. 89 p. $2.50.
By a North Carolinian or with the scene laid in North Carolina.
276 The North Carolina Historical Review
Slow dies the thunder. Indianapolis, Bobbs-Merrill,
1955. 310 p. $3.50.
Moore, Bertha B. Summer on Breezy Hill, by Betsy McCurry
[pseud.]. Grand Rapids, Zondervan Publishing House, 1955.
57 p. il. $1.00.
Mozingo, Edgar. Mama's little rascal. New York, Exposition
Press, 1955. 104 p. $3.00.
Patton, Frances Gray. A piece of luck. 4 New York, Dodd,
Mead, 1955. 248 p. $3.00.
Phillips, Agnes Lucas. One clear call, a novel about nursing.
New York, Exposition Press, 1955. 120 p. $3.00.
Polk, William Tannahill. The fallen angel, and other stories.
Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1956. 180 p.
$3.00.
Slaughter, Frank Gill. The scarlet cord, a novel of the woman
of Jericho. Garden City, Doubleday, 1956. 352 p. $3.95.
Speas, Jan Cox. My Lord Monleigh. Indianapolis, Bobbs-Merrill,
1956. 309 p. $3.75.
Street, Julia Montgomery. Fiddler's fancy. 5 Chicago, Follett,
1955. 157 p. $2.50. Juvenile.
Turner, Orren Jack. Lightly lies the earth. New York, Vantage
Press, 1955. 304 p. $3.50.
Wellman, Manly Wade. Flag on the levee. New York, I.
Washburn, 1955. 209 p. il. $2.75.
— To unknown lands. New York, Holiday House, 1956.
202 p. il. $2.75. Juvenile.
Young Squire Morgan. New York, I. Washburn, 1956.
172 p. il. $2.75. Juvenile.
Genealogy
Allison, Charles Walter. Reverend John Tillett family histo-
ry. Charlotte, Observer Printing House, 1955. 194, 64, 171 p.
il. $15.00.
Bass, Ivan Ernest. Bass family history: Esau Bass (Revolu-
tionary soldier) his brother, Jonathan Bass, and their de-
scendants. Washington, 1955. 449 p. il. $10.00.
Craig, Marjorie. Family records of Henrietta Alberta Ratliffe
and Jasper Newton Craig. Reidsville, The Author, 1955. un-
paged.
Davidson, Chalmers Gaston. Gaston of Chester. Based chiefly
on the notes and records preserved by Judge Arthur Lee
Gaston. [Davidson? N. C, 1956]. 146 p. il.
* Winner of the Sir Walter Raleigh Award for fiction, 1956.
D Winner of the AAUW Award to juvenile literature, 1956.
North Carolina Bibliography 277
Getzendaner, Georgia Belle, comp. George Washington Pat-
terson family history. West Hartford, Conn., Chedwato Serv-
ice, 1956. 73 p. $2.25 pa.
McKoy, Henry Bacon. The McKoy family of North Carolina
and other ancestors including Ancrum, Berry, Hailing, Hasell,
Usher. Greenville, S. C, 1955. 198 p. il.
McNair, James Birtley. McNair, McNear, and McNeir genealo-
gies. Supplement, 1955. Los Angeles, The Author, 1955. 457 p.
$9.75.
Morris, Whitmore. A Morris family of Mecklenburg County,
North Carolina. [San Antonio? 1956]. 128 p. $4.00.
Shaw, Jessie Owen. The Johnsons and their kin of Randolph.
Washington, 1955. 214 p. il. $10.00.
Stone, Dolly Mary. Samuel Stone and his wife Mary Ann
Chunn. San Antonio, Naylor Co., 1955. 87 p. $5.00.
Wyatt, Lillian Reeves. The Reeves, Mercer, Newkirk families.
[Jacksonville? Fla., 1956]. 374 p. il. $5.00.
History and Travel
Alexander, Nancy. Here will I dwell. (The story of Caldwell
County.) Lenoir, Nancy Alexander, 1956. 230 p. il. $5.00.
Bridgers, Emily. Africa: South of the Sahara. Chapel Hill,
University of North Carolina Library, 1955. (Library exten-
sion publication, vol. 21, no. 1) 44 p. $.50 pa.
Cathey, Cornelius Oliver. Agricultural developments in North
Carolina, 1783-1860. Chapel Hill, University of North Caro-
lina Press, 1956. (The James Sprunt studies in history and
political science, v. 38) 229 p. $2.50 pa.
Curtis, Robert S. The history of livestock in North Carolina.
Raleigh, Agricultural Experiment Station, N. C. State College,
1956. (Its Bulletin 401) 116 p. il. pa.
Dill, Alonzo Thomas. Governor Tryon and his palace. Chapel
Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1955. xiii, 304 p. il.
$5.00.
Ferguson, Thomas Wiley. Home on the Yadkin. Winston-Salem,
Clay Printing Co., 1956. 242 p. il.
Fowler, Malcolm. They passed this way: a personal narrative
of Harnett County history. No place, Harnett County Centen-
nial, Inc., 1955. 167 p. il. $2.00 pa.
Isbell, Robert Lee. The world of my childhood. Lenoir, News-
Topic, 1955. 208 p. il. $2.25.
Jeffreys, Raymond J. Must they sell apples again? Columbus,
Capitol College Press, 1956. 101 p. il.
Knight, Ken, ed. North Carolina travelbook. Winston-Salem,
Collins Co., 1956. 105 p. il. pa.
278 The North Carolina Historical Review
Lefler, Hugh Talmage. History of North Carolina. New York,
Lewis Historical Publishing Co., 1956. 4 vols. il. $87.00.
Mathewson, Alice Clarke. Ali-Mat takes off. Raleigh, Forest
Hills Distributors, [1956?]. 152 p. $2.75.
Parris, John A. Roaming the mountains with John Parris.
Asheville, Citizen-Times Publishing Co., 1955. 246 p. $2.50.
Paschal, Herbert Richard, Jr. A history of colonial Bath.
Raleigh, Edwards & Broughton Co., 1955. 69 p. il. $2.50.
Patton, Sadie Smathers. Buncombe to Mecklenburg — specula-
tion lands. Forest City, Western North Carolina Historical
Association, 1955. vi, 47 p. $2.00 pa.
Peace, Samuel Thomas. "Zeb's black baby," Vance County,
North Carolina, a short history. Henderson, 1955. 457 p. il.
$5.00.
Robinson, Blackwell Pierce. A history of Moore County,
North Carolina, 1747-1847. 6 Southern Pines, Moore County
Historical Association, 1956. viii, 270 p. il. $7.50.
Quattlebaum, Paul. The land called Chicora, the Carolinas
under Spanish rule, with French intrusions, 1520-1670.
Gainesville, University of Florida Press, 1956. 153 p. il. $3.75.
Quinn, David Beers. The Roanoke voyages, 1584-1590, docu-
ments to illustrate the English voyages to North America
under the patent granted to Walter Raleigh in 1584. London,
Hakluyt Society, 1955. 2 vols. il. $22.00.
Roberts, Elliott. One river — seven states, TVA-State relations
in the development of the Tennessee River. Knoxville, Bureau
of Public Administration, University of Tennessee, 1955. (The
University of Tennessee record. Extension series, vol. 31, no.
1) vii, 100 p. $1.50 pa.
Savage, Henry. River of the Carolinas : the Santee. New York,
Rinehart, 1956. 435 p. il. $5.00.
Snell, John Leslie, Jr. The meaning of Yalta, Big Three diplo-
macy and the new balance of power. Baton Rouge, Louisiana
State University Press, 1956. xiii, 239 p. il. $3.75.
Stephenson, Wendell Holmes. The South lives in history,
Southern historians and their legacy. Baton Rouge, Louisiana
State University Press, 1955. 163 p. $3.50.
Territory of the United States, South of the River Ohio.
Governor, 1790-1796. The Blount journal, 1790-1796, the
proceedings of government over the Territory of the United
States of America, South of the River Ohio, William Blount,
esquire, in his executive department as governor. Nashville,
Benson Printing Co., 1955. vii, 157 p. $3.00.
a Winner of an Award of Merit from the American Association for State
and Local History, 1956.
North Carolina Bibliography 279
Tucker, Glenn. Tecumseh, vision of glory.7 Indianapolis,
Bobbs-Merrill, 1956. 399 p. $5.00.
Washburn, Benjamin Earle. A country doctor in the South
Mountains. Asheville, Stephens Press, 1955. 94 p. il. $2.00.
Weathers, Lee Beam. The living past of Cleveland County, a
history. Shelby, Star Publishing Co., 1956. 269 p. il. $4.00.
Autobiography and Biography
Burnham, George. Billy Graham, a mission accomplished.
Westwood, N. J., Revell, 1955. 158 p. $2.00.
Chambers, William Nisbet. Old Bullion Benton, Senator from
the new West : Thomas Hart Benton, 1782-1858. Boston, Little
Brown, 1956. 517 p. il. $6.00.
Coe, Jeffrey. The picture story of Daniel Boone. New York,
Wonder Books, Inc., 1956. 64 p. il. $.25 pa. Juvenile.
Davis, Burke. Gray Fox, Robert E. Lee and the Civil War. New
York, Rinehart, 1956. 466 p. il. $6.00.
Hedden, Worth Tuttle. Two and three make one, by Winifred
Woodley [pseud.] New York, Crown Publishers, 1956. 167 p.
$2.75.
High, Stanley. Billy Graham, the personal story of the man,
his message, and his mission. New York, McGraw-Hill, 1956.
274 p. il. $3.95.
Hayward, Arthur Lawrence. The book of pirates. New York,
Roy Publishers, [1956?]. 239 p. il. $2.75.
Hoyle, Bernadette. Tar Heel writers I know. Winston-Salem,
John F. Blair, Publisher, 1956. viii, 215 p. il. $4.00.
Ives, Elizabeth Stevenson. My brother Adlai, by Elizabeth
Stevenson Ives and Hildegarde Dolson. New York, Morrow,
1956. 308 p. il. $4.00
Lemmon, Kathleen. House in the Woods, a biographical sketch
of Juliette and Crosby Adams. Asheville, Inland Press, 1956.
89 p. $2.75.
McBride, Robert Martin. Portrait of an American loyalist,
James Cotton of Anson County, North Carolina. Nashville,
Tenn., 1954. 64 p. pa.
Massengale, Rosalie. Other people's lives. Chapel Hill, Univer-
sity of North Carolina Library, 1956. (Library extension pub-
lication, vol. 21, no. 2) 42 p. $.50 pa.
Maurice, George H. On the trail of Daniel Boone in North
Carolina. Eagle Springs, N. C, The Author, 1955. 19 p. il.
$1.25.
North Carolina Federation of Music Clubs. North Carolina
Musicians, a selective handbook. Chapel Hill, University of
7 Winner of the Mayflower Award, 1956.
280 The North Carolina Historical Review
North Carolina library, 1956. (Library extension publication,
vol. 21, no. 4) 82 p. $1.50 pa., $3.00 cloth.
Peele, Herbert. Mr. Albemarle, some quotations from Herbert
Peele's editorials and Peelings, compiled by his wife, Kate.
Winston-Salem, Collins Co., 1955. 205 p. il. $5.00.
Shackford, James Atkins. David Crockett, the man and the
legend. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1956.
xiv, 338 p. $6.00.
Smathers, Frank. The last pioneer of Western North Caro-
lina. Coral Gables, Fla., Glade House, 1956. 42 p. il.
Wolfe, Thomas. Letters, Collected and edited, with an intro-
duction and explanatory text, by Elizabeth Nowell. New York,
Scribner, 1956. xviii, 797 p. $10.00.
New Editions and Reprints
Duncan, Norvin C. People, places, things. [Asheville? 1955].
96 p. il. pa.
Jarrell, Randall. Poetry and the age. London, Faber and
Faber, 1955. 240 p. $2.52.
Jones, Hugh. The present state of Virginia, from whence is
inferred a short view of Maryland and North Carolina. Edited
with an introduction by Richard L. Morton. Chapel Hill,
University of North Carolina Press, 1956. xiv, 295 p. il. $5.00.
Kincaid, Robert Lee. The Wilderness road. Harrogate, Tenn.,
Lincoln Memorial University Press, 1955. 392 p. il. $4.00.
Lassiter, William Carroll. Law and press, the legal aspects of
news reporting, editing and publishing in North Carolina.
Raleigh, Edwards & Broughton, 1956. xvi, 262 p. $7.50.
Myren, Richard Albert. Investigation of arson, and other
unlawful burnings. Chapel Hill, Institute of Government, 1956.
(Its Guidebook series, May, 1956) 90, 14 p. $1.50 pa.
Newman, William S. The pianist's problems . . . New York,
Harper, 1956. xiv, 168 p. il. $3.00.
North Carolina. University. Institute of Government.
Notary public guidebook. Chapel Hill, Institute of Govern-
ment, 1956. (Its Guidebook series, May, 1956) 82 p. il. $2.00
pa.
Patton, Frances Gray. Good morning, Miss Dove. New York,
Pocket Books, Inc., 1956. 165 p. $.25 pa.
London, Victor Gollancz, Ltd., 1956. 217 p.
il. $1.50.
Pierce, Ovid Williams. La plantation. Roman traduit de Tamer-
icain par Hubert Audigier. Paris, Librairie Plon, 1955. 254 p.
Richardson, Ethel Park. American mountain songs. New
York, Greenberg, 1956 [copyright 1955] 120 p. il. $3.50.
North Carolina Bibliography 281
Sieber, Herman Alexander. In this the Marian year. Chapel
Hill, Old Well Publishers, 1956. 27 p. il. $1.75 pa., $3.00 cloth.
Slaughter, Frank Gill. The song of Ruth, a love story from
the Old Testament. New York, Permabooks, 1955. 288 p.
$.35 pa.
Street, James Howell. Drengen og Lady. Copenhagen, Thor-
kild Becks Forlag, 1955. 219 p.
Tracy, Don. Roanoke renegade. New York, Pocket Books, Inc.,
1955. 346 p. $.35 pa.
Wolfe, Thomas. La ragnatela e la roccia. Verona, Mondadori,
1955. 707 p.
BOOK REVIEWS
The Papers of Willie Person Mangum. Edited by Henry Thomas
Shanks. Volume V, 1847-1894. (Raleigh: State Department of
Archives and History. 1956. Pp. xxxvii, 812. Illustrations,
errata, and index. $3.00.)
This is the final volume of the Mangum papers. About half
of the volume is taken up by letters to Mangum and members
of his family, written previous to Mangum's death in 1861.
His wife and two daughters resided during these years at
Walnut Hall, established on the Mangum ancestral estate in
Orange (now Durham) County; another daughter was mar-
ried and lived on a plantation in Randolph County; while his
only son, William Preston Mangum, divided his time amongst
the home, two academies, a short stay in Washington with
his father, attendance at the University of North Carolina,
and service in the Confederate army prior to his death from
a wound received in the First Battle of Manassas. Six years
of the period constituted Mangum's final term as Senator in
his thirty year span of almost unbroken service in the United
States Congress. He lapsed into bad health following a severe
fall in 1851, retired from the Senate in 1853, and spent his
declining years at Walnut Hall.
The net result of the foregoing circumstances coupled with
fortunate preservation and skillful editing is a series of in-
teresting and historically useful documents. Mangum's finan-
cial and professional interests in the law and the close attach-
ment of the family to the soil meant that the usual family
and personal greetings were interspersed with bits of infor-
mation revealing much of the agrarian life of the period. He
and members of his family were intellectually alert and alive
to the educational currents of the day. These letters, there-
fore, furnish an excellent cross section picture of social and
economic conditions as well as some incidental facts con-
erning Mangum's role as an elder Whig statesman.
Most of the latter half of the volume is made up of several
of Mangum's speeches in Congress. It is the humble opinion
[282]
Book Reviews 283
of this reviewer that these speeches are of questionable worth
for publication as original historical sources. Most of them
are already available in the Register of Debates and Con-
gressional Globe, they contain numerous typographical errors
and have been subjected to relatively little by way of edi-
torial embellishment. Seventeen pages devoted to reminis-
cences of Mangum's descendants furnish some interesting
anecdotes that may, as the editor hopefully suggests (p.
746 n ) , stimulate further research in the career of a significant
figure in the politics of North Carolina and the nation.
Paul Murray.
East Carolina College,
Greenville.
Agricultural Developments in North Carolina, 1783-1860. Vol-
ume XXXVIII of the James Sprunt Studies in History and
Political Science. By Cornelius Oliver Cathey. (Chapel Hill:
The University of North Carolina Press. 1956. Pp. v, 229.
$2.50.)
Historians may add this volume to their shelf of state agri-
cultural histories for, in spite of Professor Cathey's modest
disclaimer that he has not attempted to record the history
of North Carolina's agriculture in the ante-bellum period, he
comes very close to doing just that. The volume fills a basic
need in a field that is worthy of much careful study. Professor
Cathey states that his interest was first drawn to the field by
Professor Fletcher M. Green, of the University of North
Carolina. Over the past several years, nearly every piece of
historical research relating to the agricultural history of
North Carolina has carried a similar acknowledgment.
Professor Cathey compromises the historian's dilemma of
a chronological or topical organization in his work by discus-
sing colonial agricultural in his first chapter; post-Revolution-
ary changes to 1820 in his second; land-holding, labor, and
agricultural implements from 1783 to 1860 in his next two;
agricultural reform from 1820 to 1860 in his fifth; and devel-
284 The North Carolina Historical Review
opments respecting major commodities from 1820 to 1860 in
his next four. The concluding chapter is an excellent summary
of agricultural progress from 1783 to 1860.
The outstanding impression left by the volume is that
North Carolina was, like other states, moving away from a
partially self-sufficient agriculture towards a commercial agri-
culture throughout the period studied. Not every farmer made
immediate changes, yet every development that was chang-
ing the nation's agriculture was paralleled in North Carolina.
Leading agricultural reformers, for example, were emphasiz-
ing intensive rather than extensive cultivation on both the
national and state scene. The author states that because of
the conservatism, superstition, and ignorance of many
farmers, reform moved very slowly. It might also be noted
that intensive agriculture carried on far from transportation
facilities and markets was not economically feasible. With
allowances for these inadequacies, it seems obvious from this
study that North Carolina farmers were moving at about the
same pace as those of other states.
Professor Cathey concludes that by 1860 the foundations
of a better agriculture had been firmly established in every
community in the State. It may be hoped that the author will
continue his researches and prepare a companion volume on
the agriculture of North Carolina from 1860 to the present.
Wayne D. Rasmussen.
U. S. Department of Agriculture,
Washington, D. C.
Sherman's March through the Carolinas. By John G. Barrett.
(Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 1956.
Pp. viii, 325. $6.00.)
Sherman always considered his march from Savannah to
Coldsboro the greatest achievement of his military career,
and was convinced that it had been "an important factor in
. . . the glorious triumph of the Union cause." Americans
since have argued about the need and responsibility for the
Book Reviews 285
damage inflicted by Sherman's "bummers," military critics
have disagreed over the influence of the campaign on the
outcome of the war, but not until the appearance of
Shermans March through the Carolinas has anyone made a
detailed study of this controversial chapter in the Civil War.
It is not a pretty story. Correctly interpreting the campaign
as an application of what today is called "total war" rather
than a grandiose raid, Dr. Barrett does not gloss over
Sherman's imperfections and the many incidents of brutality
and indiscriminate destruction. Yet he does not join the Con-
federate partisans. He understands Sherman, his intense con-
viction that the South had to be taught it had acted in error,
and his desire to bring the war to a quick end and just end;
he admires him for his "refusal to be bound by orthodox
strategy and stubborn military tradition." Above all, he ap-
preciates the fact that, aside from the question whether
Sherman's devastating march actually had an appreciable
effect upon Lee's surrender (Dr. Barrett believes that it did
not ) , Sherman's policies were not always in harmony with the
goal he sought— "a more perfect peace."
The author has attacked without fear or favor such per-
plexing problems as the burning of Columbia, the battle of
Bentonville, and the prolonged negotiations between Sherman
and Johnston. His fully documented narrative is never with-
out interest (readers will enjoy especially his account of
Kilpatrick's frustrating experience at Monroe's Cross-Roads)
and can be regarded as the best book on the subject.
Jay Luvaas.
Duke University,
Durham.
A History of Atlantic Christian College: Culture in Coastal
Carolina. By Charles Crossfield Ware. (Wilson: Atlantic
Christian College. 1956. Pp. 248. Appendices, bibliography,
index, and illustrations. $4.00.)
A History of Atlantic Christian College is more than the
title indicates, for Dr. Ware not only gives the history of this
286 The North Carolina Historical Review
four-year, coeducational college, founded in Wilson in 1902
by the Disciples of Christ, but gives in the first chapter a
brief history of early education in the State, beginning in
1708 when North Carolina had its first professional teacher
of record, Charles Griffin, of the "Parish of Pascotank," a
"reader" and ad interim minister. Co-incidentally, the author
has given much of the history of the Disciples of Christ
church, which he is ably qualified to do, since for nearly
forty years he has been gathering the Carolina Discipliana
Library, now housed at the college at Wilson.
Dr. Ware says in the Foreword: "... the administration of
Atlantic Christian College wanted me to write a factual his-
tory of the institution— to give an authentic story of its back-
ground and its fifty-four years of activity." This book could
easily have been just that and no more, but, in addition, it is
a gripping and scholarly story. The struggle of this college,
faced at all times with financial difficulties and uncertainties,
affected by wars and depression, to survive and carry out its
object, "the dissemination of knowledge, religious, scientific,
and practical ... to meet the requirements of advancing
Christian civilization and enlightenment" becomes very real
and important to the reader. The book contains a number of
illustrations, some of documents prior and relating to the
founding, some of the presidents, trustees, and college groups
and buildings. There is an appendix giving a roster of the
presidents, faculty, and trustees.
Dr. Ware, a native of Kentucky and a graduate of Tran-
sylvania College, has been a resident of North Carolina since
1910 and has served as Executive Secretary of the Tar Heel
Disciples for nearly forty years. He is at present Curator of
the Carolina Discipliana Library, composed of 10,000 vol-
umes, providing a splendid historical research center for
eastern North Carolina. His experience and associations have
eminently prepared him for this splendid job which is well
done.
Dr. Ware's previously published works include: "A History
of the Disciples of Christ in North Carolina," 1927; "Barton
Book Reviews 287
Warren Stone— Pathfinder of Christian Union," 1932; "Tar
Heel Disciples," 1942; "Christians Reveille" (play), 1944;
and "Rountree Chronicles," 1947.
J. D. Messick.
East Carolina College,
Greenville.
Stories Old and New of the Cape Fear Region. By Louis Toomer
Moore. (Wilmington: Privately published. 1956. Pp. xv, 261.
$5.00.)
For a pleasant evening or two of entertaining reading
there is much in this book to be recommended. If spread out
over a longer period, perhaps kept near at hand and read
from occasionally, it might be even more enjoyable since
there is a certain amount of repetition, perhaps unavoidable
in a book of this type. It is a book of stories— tales and tradi-
tions—and must be accepted as such rather than as a local
history in spite of the author's use of such a phrase as "glam-
orous tradition of fact" in support of many of his statements.
In narrative form the author gives us much history of the
Lower Cape Fear region, however. In addition to fact there
are fancy, humor, and at times tragedy to characterize the
nearly sixty sketches which make up the book. For the most
part they deal with the colonial period (which the author
on page 134 has taken the liberty to extend to about 1806)
and the era of the Civil War although a few bring us up to
fairly recent times. Some of the stories will be familiar to
readers of the Sunday feature sections of many Tar Heel
newspapers — "Sacred Painting Found on Pirate Ship,"
"Moore's Creek Battle— Mary Slocum's Ride," and "Governor
Dudley's Remark to Governor Butler" among them.
The sketches are of uneven quality and appeal and often
are marked by verbose sentences. The author is a good story-
teller, nevertheless, and has added much to our understand-
288 The North Carolina Historical Review
ing of the local scene by keeping alive these traditional tales
of the past.
William S. Powell.
University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill.
Ocracoke. By Carl Goerch. (Raleigh: Privately printed. 1956.
Pp. 223. Pen drawings. $3.00.)
The highly loquacious and literarily prolific Carl Goerch
has produced another chatty, informal volume about the
State. In this work on Ocracoke the genial Mr. Goerch covers
the island from north to south and inside out. His fascination,
lasting over a quarter of a century, is obvious. Starting with
its location, he delves into every phase of life— animal, vege-
table and human— on the island. He reaches back into history
to tell the story Edward Teach, of memorable storms and
famous wrecks, and the island's part in wars and early settle-
ment. He comments on the latest developments— the coming
of paved roads and the advent of the federal government in
form of the National Park Service now that Ocracoke is part
of a national seashore recreational area.
Subjects encompassed by Mr. Goerch' s nimble pen include
romance (including advice to single young girls), a square
dance, a funeral and the island's burial association, the re-
nowned wild ponies, the only Negro family, the pronuncia-
tion of "I" (known far and wide as "Oi"). In matters of
speech he falls into the general error of other publicists who
imagine that certain localisms exist only in the area under
their inspection. Undoubtedly there is a distinctive flavor
about Ocracokers' lingo, but some of the expressions Mr.
Goerch believes native to the island are found generally in
North Carolina— "I don't fault you," "ain't fittin'," "cam" for
calm, and slick tor calm.
Following the free-wheeling style which resembles his
famed radio delivery, Mr. Goerch gives Ocracoke the "once
over lightly" treatment. He has produced no definitive study,
weighted down with sociological gobbledygook and statisti-
Book Reviews 289
cal tables. ( He is invariably entertaining if not deeply pene-
trating. One wonders, for example, if there is not more drama
than he suspects in the only Negro family on Ocracoke.)
Mr. Goerch's Ocracoke is personal, direct, appealing— and
successful in that he creates a burning desire in the reader
to visit and see for himself this interesting "oiland."
Holley Mack Bell.
Greensboro.
Stub Entries to Indents Issued in Payment of Claims Against
South Carolina Growing Out of the Revolution. Book K.
Edited by Wylma Anne Wates. (Columbia: South Carolina
Archives Department. 1956. Pp. viii, 60. $2.50.)
Another in the series of volumes of indent stub entries
being published by the South Carolina Archives Department,
Book K is similar in format and general content to Book G-H
reviewed by this writer in The North Carolina Historical
Review, XXXIII (April, 1956), 261-262. It achieves the
objectives announced by the editor for the series and main-
tains the standard set by the preceding volume. The 293
entries are for the period from August, 1784, to January,
1785. They encompass a variety of items that the reader
would expect to find in such a collection. Of passing interest
are payments for such goods and services as: "two duffill
Blankets impressed" (No. 1); "1183lb. Indico supplied" (No.
14); "making swords" (Nos. 135 and 141); "Medicine and
attendance paid doct. Maryan by said Joshua Jones when
[he] was wounded by the Enemy in riding Express to Gov-
ernor Rutledge" (No. 53); "the Valuation of the ship James
her tackle and apparrell— she having been sunk to Obstruct
the passage into Cooper River by Order of His Excellency
Governor Rutledge" (Nos. 59-61); and "twenty days Service
on board the Hibernia as Flag-Master to negotiate an Ex-
change of prisoners in Charlestown" (No. 90).
Lawrence F. Brewster.
East Carolina College,
Greenville.
290 The North Carolina Historical Review
The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania (1612) by
William Strachey, gent. Edited by Louis B. Wright and
Virginia Freund. (London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society
by Robert Maclehose and Co., Ltd. The University Press,
Glasgow. 1953. Pp. xxxii, 221. Introduction, maps, appendices,
and index. $7.50.)
William Strachey was the secretary for the Jamestown
Colony and spent three years, 1609-1612, in the New World.
The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania (1612) repre-
sents a draft from his notes and includes excerpts from
Hakluyt, Gosnold, John Smith, and others. It was first pub-
lished by the Hakluyt society in 1849. The present edition is
intended to be an exact transcript of a manuscript at Prince-
ton University.
In the introduction the editors present a history of the
existing manuscripts, and an account of Strachey and his
work in relation to the attitudes and interests of his day. They
point out the sections of Strachey's work that were borrowed
from earlier writers.
Strachey presents a justification for colonization and an
argument for England's right to settle the New World. In
their review in the introduction the editors say that the most
original portions of the manuscript are those dealing with the
Indians. Strachey gives the location of various Indian groups
and discusses something of their trade relations with the
colonists, and the economic, social, political, and religious
aspects of Indian life, along with a list of the plants and
animals utilized by them. It is in this respect that the re-
viewer feels that the book will be of considerable interest
to anthropologists and archaeologists who are interested in
constructing a picture of Indian culture.
The appendix contains a vocabulary of Indian words which
would be of particular interest for anthropologists who are
specialists in Algonquian linguistics. It also has a statement
by Reverend James A. Geary, professor of Celtic languages
and comparative linguistics at the Catholic University in
Washington, D. C,
Book Reviews 291
Strachey's Historie is the most recent of several books
edited by Louis B. Wright that are transcripts of early Amer-
ican documents. In making this manuscript available to the
anthropologists and students of early American history who
otherwise could not have read it, the editors are to be con-
gratulated.
Stanley South.
State Department of Archives and History,
Mt. Gilead.
Auraria: The Story of a Georgia Gold-Mining Town. By E.
Merton Coulter. (Athens: The University of Georgia Press.
1956. Pp. x, 149. $3.00.)
In 1829 gold was discovered in the Cherokee Nation of
Georgia and thousands of miners flocked into the region. The
Georgia state government extended its authority over the
region and distributed the land by lottery in 1832. One center
of the mining activity was given the name of Auraria. It be-
came temporarily the seat of government of Lumpkin County
and within a year had a population of above one thousand.
Here were established several stores, taverns or hotels, and
tailor shops, two churches, a bank, a tin shop, a newspaper,
and a post office; and the mining town was connected by
stage coach lines with the leading cities of Georgia and
South Carolina. A rival mining center developed at Dah-
lonega which became the permanent seat of county govern-
ment. Lawyers, doctors, merchants, and business enterprises
moved from Auraria to Dahlonega; and after a United States
Mint was established in Dahlonega in 1838 Auraria lost its
early importance. When the Georgia miners migrated to the
California gold fields in 1849 Auraria became another of the
dead towns of Georgia.
Professor Coulter writes an interesting and worthwhile
account of this Georgia mining town. After a brief account of
the discovery of gold and the establishment of Auraria he
devotes a chapter each to "Merchants, Bankers, Lawyers,
Barbers, Doctors/' "Editor, Preachers, Schoolmasters,"
292 The North Carolina Historical Review
"Crime/' "Social Life," "Government and Politics," "Auraria
Versus Dahlonega," and "The Dissolution of Auraria." This is
excellent social, local history, but it is broader than the de-
scription implies. For instance the merchants of Auraria im-
ported all sorts of fine goods from such faraway cities as
Charleston, Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York. The
book also treats of general problems, including frontier life,
Indian removal, the nullification-state rights controversy,
Georgia state politics, the Texas Revolution, and the contri-
butions of Auraria miners to the California gold fields.
I would offer one major criticism of the book: namely,
Professor Coulter goes too far afield in his account of Auraria.
For instance, much of his material on runaway slaves and
education does not apply to Auraria. Again much of the de-
scriptive matter on stray horses is trivial detail. One might
also question the accuracy of Professor Coulter's statement
(p. ix) that Auraria was the first gold-mining town in Amer-
ica. Some of the gold-mining towns in North Carolina were
established earlier and had a larger population than Auraria.
Professor Coulter has discovered a complete file of the
Western Herald, published in Auraria during 1833-1834. This
newspaper is the main source for much of his story, and
heretofore was not known to be extant. This reviewer cannot
excuse Professor Coulter for not making known to his readers
the location of this file so that they might make use of it in
their researches.
Fletcher M. Green.
The University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill.
John Filson of Kentucke. By John Walton. (Lexington : Univer-
sity of Kentucky Press. 1956. Pp. xiv, 130. Illustrations, index,
and pocket map. $4.00.)
Although he tried desperately and in many ventures from
the time of his youth in Pennsylvania until his death in Ohio,
John Filson was a successful man, perhaps, in only two
Book Reviews 293
respects: his promotion of the settlement of Kentucky and his
idealizing of Daniel Boone as a frontier American. His map
of Kentucky and his book, The Discovery, Settlement and
Present State of Kentucke, both printed in 1784, were classics
and aided immeasurably in attracting settlers to Kentucky.
In eulogizing Boone, Filson also helped create a national
hero. As a farmer, as a school teacher, as a land speculator,
the latter on a relatively small scale, Filson was a financial
failure. Still, his life was very interesting and adventuresome.
He was associated, although not too intimately, with intrepid
men who were opening up a great continent; through his
writings and his map he stirred men to move westward; he
was a sort of press agent for Boone; accordingly, he made
contributions unmatched by thousands of his contemporaries.
He failed to make a "good living" perhaps, because he as-
pired to the "grand manner." Seeking the grandiose, he lost
the ordinary as well as his life.
Professor Walton has written a little book which surveys
and interprets the discoverable phases of Filson's life
( 1753—? ) . Another biography on the subject is not necessary.
Walton is both a genealogist and historian, one who knows
where to leave off folklore and genealogy and turn to dis-
cernable history. Most of his pages are written in a straight-
forward style; some are filled with conjectures; others include
charmingly penned interpretations about incidents and people
associated with the Filson story, sometimes closely, some-
times remotely and vaguely. Walton himself has indeed
had an intriguing adventure in his research and writing of
Filson's biography. Materials utilized in preparing the book
were widely scattered, but he seems to have tracked down the
existing materials on his subject. The result is an interesting
and informative one. The reproduction of Filson's famous
map of Kentucky, inserted in a cover pocket of Walton's book,
is alone worth the price of the volume.
Weymouth T. Jordan.
Florida State University,
Tallahassee, Florida.
294 The North Carolina Historical Review
Cherokees of the Old South. By Henry T. Malone. (Athens: The
University of Georgia Press. 1956. Pp. xiii, 238. $4.50.)
This study of Cherokee transition from "forest" people to
agrarian nationhood relates the story of the rise and fall of
the Cherokee Republic. In 1785 the United States declared
its intention "to lead the Cherokees to a greater degree of
civilization." As game disappears in the Cherokee nation,
under Federal stimulus agriculture advances. Most of the
tribesmen resist Jefferson's invitation to go west, and a strong
leadership of mixed breed descendants of eighteenth-century
traders takes over.
These leaders achieved prosperity in lands, slaves, and
goods. They opposed white encroachment and sought literacy
for their children by encouraging the mission schools. They
developed constitutional government, enfranchised all adult
male Cherokees, and founded the planned capital city of
New Echota. To counter hostile propaganda they established
an English language newspaper which demonstrated Chero-
kee cultural progress by printing articles in Sequoyah's
Cherokee syllabary. Eventually the republic falls before the
Georgia assault and the Jacksonian determination to force
it out.
Malone seeks and generally achieves scholarly impartiality.
He recognizes that the Cherokees attained a "peculiarly
mixed" red and white culture in which the missionary efforts
failed to capture the core of Indian society. Though primarily
concerned with the "progressives," Hicks and Ross and their
associates, as pictured in the mission records, he indicates
"nativist" distrust of this leadership. His views of the situation
might have been enriched, however, had he consulted the
Payne Papers, Newberry Library, Chicago. Most Cherokees
lived in unfloored cabins in the woods without benefit of
plows and spinning wheels. While the enlightened sought
white doctors, in the country shamanism prevailed. Cere-
monial dances continued, and in quiet places sacred fires
burned all year. The ancient prestiges, the dark look, and
ostracism as social and political weapons still held. Path-
Book Reviews 295
killer, the Fire King, was "broken" and Doublehead, the
orator, assassinated by "progressives."
Though some of these matters are relegated to notes in the
excellent appendix, Professor Malone's well-documented pre-
sentation redresses the partisanship of previous works and
will not soon be superseded.
D. H. Corkran.
Roosevelt University,
Chicago, Illinois.
The Peculiar Institution : Slavery in the Ante-Bellum South. By
Kenneth M. Stampp. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 1956. Pp.
xi, 436. $5.75.)
Insight into the character of this new study of American
Negro slavery is afforded by the prefactory statement: -'. . . the
historian's . . . knowledge of the present is clearly a key to his
understanding of the past. Today we are learning much from
the natural and social sciences about the Negro's potentiali-
ties and the basic irrelevance of race, and we are slowly
discovering the roots and meaning of human behavior. . . .
I have assumed that the slaves were merely ordinary human
beings, that innately Negroes are after all, only white men
with black skins, nothing more, nothing less. This gives quite
a new and different meaning to the bondage of black men."
Thus does the author, a forty-four-year-old native of Wis-
consin, professor of American history at the University of
California and author of two books about the Civil War,
declare himself an advocate and a practitioner of historical
relativism. Most present day historians probably agree with
him as to the appropriateness and value of each generation
rewriting history in the light of its own knowledge and ex-
perience. At least they would concur in the recent statement
of a Harvard scholar that relativism is something that his-
torians have decided they must live with.
Ulrich B. Phillips, whose American Negro Slavery, pub-
lished in 1918, first treated "the peculiar institution" with
296 The North Carolina Historical Review
scholarly comprehensiveness, approached the subject in an
intellectual atmosphere heavily charged with Social Darwin-
ism. The Social Darwinists preached the gospel of Anglo-
Saxon supremacy and assumed the innate inferiority of color-
ed peoples. They held, in the words of William Graham
Sumner, that "nothing is more certain . . . than that inequality
is a law of life. No two persons were ever born equal. They
differ in physical characteristics and in mental capacity."
The Peculiar Institution is revisionary not only with respect
to basic assumptions about race, but also with regard to many
other important points. Professor Stampp attempts more than
any other general historian of slavery to explore the attitudes
of Negroes toward their bondage. His findings indicate much
less of contentment on the part of slaves than is suggested in
the writings of Phillips, L. C. Gray, and their contemporaries.
While admitting great diversity in different regions and
among individual owners, in general he pictures slavery as a
considerably less humane institution than previously repre-
sented. Pie rejects the idea that slavery was by its very nature
an unprofitable system. Rather, he holds, when properly ad-
ministered, it was much less costly than free labor. The evi-
dence that he marshals to show the ever-increasing profitable-
ness and expansion of slavery, and the growing conviction
of its usefulness as a mode of social control, casts serious
doubt on the often repeated claim that, left alone, the insti-
tution would have died a natural death.
Using material much of which was not available to Phillips'
generation, Stampp investigates with unprecedented thor-
oughness slavery as it existed on levels below the plantation.
Among the farmers, as among the planters, he finds great
variation of practice, though he concludes that in general
bondsmen who worked side by side with their owners ex-
perienced less of cruelty than those who toiled under over-
seers hired by absentee owners.
The Peculiar Institution is based on a vast amount of re-
search in both published and manuscript sources. Especially
good use is made of Helen Catterali's monumental compila-
Book Reviews 297
tion, Judicial Cases Concerning American Slavery and the
Negro.
Professor Stampp evidences a desire to be scrupulously
fair in his judgments. His organization is logical, his narrative
lean, and his style appealing.
The Peculiar Institution is a book of rare merit, bearing out
fully the exceptional promise demonstrated by the author in
his prior volumes.
Bell I. Wiley.
Emory University,
Emory University, Ga.
Rebel Brass, The Confederate Command System. By Frank E.
Vandiver. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press.
1956. Pp. xvii, 143. $3.00.)
Professor Frank E. Vandiver of Rice Institute has in a mere
126 pages given a forceful and clear account of the failings
of the Confederate command system. (Command is used here
in the broadest sense to include both military and civil leader-
ship.) The author has not attempted a definitive study
of the subject. Some questions are left unanswered. It
is his hope, however, that this incompleteness will stimulate
historical criticism in a relatively untouched field of study.
Throughout the Civil War the South was handicapped in
its war effort by a "split personality." Founded on principles
of state sovereignty, the Confederacy found it exceedingly
difficult to wage a war which called for strong nationalism.
Preparations for conflict were made in terms of the Mexican
War, as Confederate leaders failed to realize that Fort Sum-
ter marked the beginning of a total war which called for the
abandonment of old techniques and concepts. Sorely needed
but never created was a centralized agency to unify military
operations and to co-ordinate the civil with the military ef-
forts. What unity of program there was came from the Presi-
dent and his Secretaries of War and Navy.
The sketches of Davis and Secretary of War Randolph are
especially revealing. The President is pictured as a constitu-
298 The North Carolina Historical Review
tionalist attempting to lead a revolution and the Secretary as
a cabinet member of considerable ability not given his proper
due by historians. The author points out that it was Randolph,
almost alone, who was responsible for focusing Davis' atten-
tion on the West and for this reason he deserves a high place
in the southern political heirachy.
Since Professor Vandiver is an acknowledged expert in the
field of logistics, his conclusion demands the close attention,
if not acceptance, of all serious students of the Civil War. He
wrote, "With a solid unifying direction to whip all the erring
elements of supply into line, Confederate logistics might well
have been completely successful. And had all of the economic
and human resources of the South been managed for a total
war effort, the Rebels could have won the War."
A select bibliography, index, and map showing the Con-
federate military departments add to the value of this volume.
John G. Barrett.
Virginia Military Institute,
Lexington, Virginia.
A Guide to Early American Homes — South. By Dorothy and
Richard Pratt. (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company,
Inc. Trade Department. 1956. Pp. viii, 227. Preface, illustra-
tions, and index. $6.95.)
In 1950 Bichard Pratt, for twenty years architectural and
garden editor of The Ladies Home Journal, and his wife,
Dorothy, published A Treasury of Early American Homes
and five years later issued a second volume with the same
title. These books, beautifully illustrated with colored photo-
graphs, are considered as classic examples of their kind by
many authorities as well as garden club members and arm-
chair travelers. Due to an irrestible mental comparison of the
books, their newest, smaller in size ( as well as in price ) and
minus the colored pictures, tends at first to disappoint the
reader. This is, however, prior to a growing awareness of the
meticulous care, the careful editing, and the wealth of infor-
Book Reviews 299
mation in these sometimes thumb-nail sketches in the newer
volume.
Here in half and quarter-pages the following information
is given: the name of the house, approximate date it was
built, its relation or accessibility to the nearest town, seasons,
days, and hours the houses are open, fees charged, present
residents (many are privately owned), the historical or patri-
otic organization sponsoring restoration, and individual out-
standing features. In addition to nationally known shrines
such as Mount Vernon, Monticello, and The Hermitage,
hundreds of houses in Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, the
District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana,
Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, South Caro-
lina, Tennessee, Virginia, and West Virginia are featured.
Each state has an introductory section describing the types
of architecture, the furnishings of the homes, and other essen-
tial information in sufficient detail to render annual pilgrim-
ages or unplanned trips equally rewarding. The restoration
projects at Old Salem and Tryon Palace will interest North
Carolina readers as well as the observations about the varied
types of architecture found in the State. The charms of old
Natchez, New Orleans, and Charleston, the splendor of re-
stored Williamsburg, and the uniqueness of the coquina-
walled houses in Florida are vividly depicted in this well-
written guide.
This volume with its companion, A Guide to Early Ameri-
can Homes— North, makes available descriptions of more than
1,000 open houses and 700 private ones. The attractive format
and entire book merit praise. It is the polished and authorita-
tive result of expert craftsmen working enthusiastically as a
team on an enjoyable project, and may be used as a source
book by researchers with confidence.
Elizabeth W. Wilborn.
State Department of Archives and History,
Raleigh.
300 The North Carolina Historical Review
Wilson: The New Freedom. By Arthur S. Link. (Princeton,
N. J.: Princeton University Press. 1956. Pp. xiv, 504. Illus-
trations. $7.50.)
Professor Link's The Road to the White House, the first
volume of his biography of Wilson, appeared in 1947. The
Neiv Freedom is his second volume. In both books the
scholarship is sound, the research meticulous, the writing
objective, the narrative interesting. The author began his
research on Wilson while a graduate student at Chapel Hill
almost twenty years ago. Since that time he has spent all of
his spare time on the Wilson Era. His books show that he
has spent his time well.
The Road to the White House dealt with Wilson from his
birth in 1856 to his election to the Presidency in 1912. The
New Freedom treats only two years of Wilson's career-
November, 1912 to November, 1914. Little of significance
has escaped Professor Link's watchful eye. In fact, the author
mentions Wilson's love for his cousin in this volume (p. 25)
but not at all in volume one, though the romance occurred in
1879-1881.
One reads that Wilson's "Seven Sisters," were enacted by
the New Jersey legislature to control big business and prevent
monopolies, but soons learns that the laws were temporary
remedies, not permanent reforms. Moreover, Wilson, as the
author states, was decisively defeated on the constitutional
convention issue and the jury reform question. Wilson en-
deavored to hold the reigns of control in New Jersey long
after he left Trenton for Washington. Eventually conditions
on the national stage forced him to accept the bosses in New
Jersey.
For this reviewer, Mr. Link is at his best in characterization.
His chapter, "The President of the United States," is one of
the most penetrating sketches of Wilson ever written. The
treatment of the Wilson circle is very good. The author usu-
ally has a brief sentence or phrase that he uses as the key
to the personality being presented. Many will be interested
to learn that Colonel House and Mrs. Wilson decided in 1916
to eliminate Secretary Josephus Daniels and Joe Tumulty
Book Reviews 301
from the inner circle; Mrs. Wilson was to oust the latter while
House would force Daniels out.
Wilson controlled Congress so well from 1913 to 1917 that
it was necessary for him to appeal to the people over the heads
of the members of Congress only once. There were several
important issues stubbornly contested in the halls of Congress
during these years— the tariff, the currency, and the trust
issues. In the Federal Reserve Act, Wilson gave the American
people the best type of responsible leadership.
In foreign affairs the writer contends, and accurately so,
that the New Freedom was "marked more by contradiction
and failure than by consistency and success." Although Wil-
son had visions of the New World republics living in peace
there were contradictions between his professions and his
practices. The novice, Wilson, who was ignorant of the intri-
cacies of diplomacy, certainly forced England to accept his
conclusions in regard to Huerta. Candid with England, Wil-
son was not as frank with the Amerian people as he might
have been.
Many books have been written about Wilson and down
through the years others will be added to the list. Certainly
foremost among those written in this generation will be Pro-
fessor Link's. It will place Mr. Link among the best bio-
graphical writers of his time.
George C. Osborn.
University of Florida,
Gainesville, Florida.
HISTORICAL NEWS
Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Director of the State Depart-
ment of Archives and History, spoke on January 8 to the
provisional members of the Junior League of Raleigh on
"The History of Raleigh." On January 10 Dr. Crittenden and
Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Superintendent, attended
the meeting of the Charles B. Ay cock Birthplace Commis-
sion in Goldsboro at which time reports were made on the
present status of the project and it was voted to seek an
additional appropriation from the General Assembly. On
January 11 Dr. Crittenden talked to the Caswell-Nash Chap-
ter of the Daughters of the American Revolution on "The
History of Raleigh." On January 23 he and Mr. Tarlton met
in the Johnston County Courthouse with a large group of
citizens representing Johnston, Sampson, and Harnett coun-
ties to discuss the preservation of Bentonville Battleground.
This group, which was later incorporated as The Bentonville
Battleground Association, Inc., decided to launch a movement
to purchase and preserve a portion of the Battleground, scene
of the largest battle ever fought on North Carolina soil. Dr.
Crittenden attended a meeting of the Council of the American
Association of Museums in New York on January 25. He at-
tended a meeting of the Executive Committee of the Tryon
Palace Commission in New Bern on January 29 and a joint
meeting of the Executive Committee and the Garden Com-
mittee on the following day. He gave an illustrated talk on
"Historic Houses in North Carolina" to the Colonel Robert
Rowan Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution
which met on February 12 in the Fayetteville Woman's Club.
Dr. Crittenden attended a meeting of the Long-Range Plan-
ning Committee of the National Trust for Historic Preserva-
tion in Washington on February 21. He and Mr. Tarlton met
with The Bentonville Battleground Association, Inc., at the
Bentonville Community House on March 1 where plans for
future work were discussed and reports on pledges were
made.
[302 ]
Historical News 303
Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Superintendent, Mr.
Norman C. Larson, Historic Site Specialist, and Mrs. Dorothy
R. Phillips of the staff of the Hall of History made a trip to
Bentonville Battleground on January 2 to photograph the
battlefield. On January 11 Mr. Tarlton made a survey of
the Town of Bath in order to recommend a program for the
preservation of various historic structures there. He was inter-
viewed by Mr. Sam Beard of Radio Station WPTF on NBC's
"Monitor" program on January 18 in a discussion of Ocracoke
Island. On January 22 he visited Morrow Mountain State
Park with Mr. Thomas W. Morse to inspect the Kron House
and to make recommendations concerning its restoration. Mr.
Tarlton attended a meeting on January 25 of a group repre-
senting the Bertie County Historical Association and partici-
pated in a discussion of ways and means to preserve "Hope,"
birthplace of Governor David Stone. On February 1 Mr.
Tarlton presented a slide-lecture program, "Historic Houses
of North Carolina," at the annual meeting of the American
Institute of Architects held in Chapel Hill. This group is cele-
brating the one-hundreth anniversary of their organization.
Mr. Tarlton talked on February 25 to the Beaufort County
Historical Society and Colonial Bath, Inc., on preserving
historic houses in Bath.
Mr. Stanley South, Historic Site Specialist of the Town
Creek Indian Mound, and Mr. Joffre Coe, Professor of Archae-
ology at the University of North Carolina, appeared on Feb-
ruary 14 on Channel 4, WUNC-TV, in a 30-minute program
about the Town Creek Indian Mound.
On January 9 and 10 Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museum Ad-
ministrator of the Department of Archives and History and
Miss Barbara McKeithan of the staff of the Hall of History,
made a trip to New Bern to make recommendations concern-
ing the disposal of artifacts which were excavated on the
site of Tryon Palace. On January 17-18 Mrs. Jordan attended
the council meeting of the Southeastern Museums Conference
which was held in Gainesville, Florida. On January 22 she
made a talk on "North Carolina Quilt Patterns" to the Junior
304 The North Carolina Historical Review
Committee of the Caswell-Nash Chapter of the Daughters
of the American Revolution; and on March 1 she repeated
the talk to the members of the Caswell-Nash Chapter.
Mrs. Fannie Memory Blackwelder, Records Center Super-
visor of the Division of Archives and Manuscripts, has com-
pleted her 237-page typewritten "Records in North Carolina/'
a compilation of North Carolina public laws relating to rec-
ords. Thus for the first time the Department has in concise
form the laws regarding the records of state and local govern-
ment units. Although the compilation is not available for dis-
tribution, interested persons may consult the office copies
at the Department. On January 28 Mrs. Blackwelder led a
discussion on domestic relations courts at the Institute of
Religion held at the United Church in Raleigh.
Mrs. Rachel R. Robinson began temporary leave on March
1 and is being replaced by Miss Ruth Haines, a winter history
graduate of Meredith College. Mrs. Suzanne G. Bell has been
employed temporarily in the Records Center to replace Mrs.
Betty W. Hunter who resigned in February.
Among the more important accessions by the Division of
Archives and Manuscripts during the past quarter were the
following: map of Albemarle River by James Lancaster, 1679,
positive photocopy from the original in the John Carter Brown
Library; Charles M. Hines Papers, ten feet of microfilm from
the original papers, mostly deeds from Dobbs and Lenoir
counties; "Palatine Settlers on the Neuse and Trent Rivers,
1710/' typewritten article by Mrs. Lillian F. Wood of New
Bern; general correspondence and other official papers of
Governor Luther H. Hodges, November, 1954, through De-
cember, 1955; "A Plan of the Town of Haywoodsborough,"
drawn by Jonathan Lindy, 1799, photocopy courtesy of Mrs.
E. M. Chappell of Durham; and microfilm copy of 1890
special census schedule of Union veterans and widows in
North Carolina.
Mrs. Elizabeth House Hughey, State Librarian, was the
speaker at a staff meeting held in the Assembly Room of the
Historical News 305
Department of Archives and History in January. A film, "Your
National Archives," was presented at a similar meeting in
February.
Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Director, and Mr. H. G. Jones,
State Archivist, appeared before the General Assembly's
Joint Appropriations Committee on February 28 and re-
quested funds for four additional employees for the Archives
Division. The recommendations of the Advisory Budget Com-
mission had included no increase in funds for the manuscripts
section. Dr. Crittenden and Mr. Jones pointed out that no
new employees had been added to the Archives staff in the
past ten years, whereas services during the past twenty years,
1936-1956, had increased per biennium as follows: visitors
2,999 to 5,398; mail research 3,000 to 5,500; photocopies and
microfilm prints 0 to 6,789; microfilm 0 to 3,042 feet; and
lamination 0 to 12,946 pages.
The Department of Archives and History has collaborated
with WRAL-TV in its "Our Heritage" series of monthly tele-
casts with the following programs: January, "Settlements in
North Carolina"; February, "Social Life and Amusements";
and March, "Education in North Carolina." On April 21 the
final program of this series will be telecast and will describe
various phases of the practice of medicine in North Carolina,
emphasizing the early methods.
On March 20 the Department presented a program of
North Carolina Folklore to the Sir Walter Cabinet. The pro-
gram consisted of a discussion of native folklore, the singing
of folk songs, the telling of folk tales, and a demonstration
of "play-party" games. Mr. Norman Larson acted as narrator,
Mr. Douglas Franklin sang, the dancers were Misses Jean
Denny, Ann Kilby, Barbara McKeithan, and Mary Whitaker,
and Mesdames Betsy Moss and Bessie Bowling. Hostesses
for the occasion were Mrs. Fannie Memory Blackwelder and
Mrs. Grace B. Mahler. Following the program a coffee hour
was held.
306 The North Carolina Historical Review
The Department held an exhibit opening in the Hall of
History as the first ceremony of the two-day inaugural pro-
gram of Governor Luther H. Hodges. Featured were the
gowns of ten wives of former governors, from Richard Cas-
well, first governor of the State of North Carolina, 1776-1780,
and again 1784-1787, through William B. Umstead, 1953-
1954. Present for the occasion were governor's wives Mrs.
O. Max Gardner, Mrs. J. C. B. Ehringhaus, Mrs. J. M.
Broughton, and Mrs. Luther H. Hodges, together with a large
number of members of the Sir Walter Cabinet.
On Washington's Birthday, February 22, a state-wide
meeting of the Sons of the American Revolution ended with
a banquet at the Woman's Club in Raleigh held in combina-
tion with the Colonel Polk and Caswell-Nash chapters of the
Daughters of the American Revolution. Mr. J. A. Kellen-
berger, Treasurer of the Tryon Palace Commission, spoke on
the reconstruction of Tryon Palace. The local chapter of the
Sons of the American Revolution presented Distinguished
Citizens Awards to Mrs. J. A. Kellenberger of Greensboro,
President of the Tryon Palace Commission; Mr. John Sprunt
Hill of Durham ( accepted by Mr. Watts Hill in the absence
of his grandfather); and Mr. H. Smith Richardson of Greens-
boro.
Dr. Fletcher M. Green, Chairman of the Department of
History at the University of North Carolina, announces the
following news items: Dr. James L. Godfrey has been elected
Vice-President of the Society for French Historical Studies.
On February 26 he gave a lecture to the Charlotte League of
Women Voters on "Suez: Oil and Water." He read papers
at the Duke Commonwealth-Study Center Seminar on Feb-
ruary 18 and April 1, on the following topics: "The Labor
Government and the Commonwealth, 1945-1951," and "Politi-
cal and Constitutional Developments in the Gold Coast." Dr.
Hugh T. Lefler spoke to the New Comers Club of Chapel Hill
on February 13 on "Historic Places in North Carolina." Dr.
George V. Taylor read a paper before the Society for French
Historical Studies in New York on February 1 on "Social
Historical News 307
Classification of French Businessmen in the Eighteenth Cen-
tury." Mr. Leon Helguera, doctoral candidate in history, is an
Instructor in Social Science at North Carolina State College
for the Spring Semester, 1957. Dr. Green gave two lectures in
Milledgeville, Georgia, on February 26. He gave an address
to the Assembly of the Georgia State College for Women on
"The Incidence of Greatness in Georgia," and addressed the
Old Capital Historical Society on 'James Habersham, Co-
lonial Builder of Georgia."
The Trinity College Historical Society met on February 12
at the Union Building at Duke University with Dr. Frontis
W. Johnston, Professor of History at Davidson College, as
principal speaker. Dr. Johnston spoke on "The Politics of
Zebulon B. Vance."
Dr. Philip Africa, Head of the History Department of
Salem College, announces an addition to the faculty there:
Miss Mildred I. Byers of Greensboro, who is presently com-
pleting her work for the Ph.D. degree at Radcliffe, will begin
her teaching duties in September.
Mr. Robert O. Conway, formerly of Waynesville, has joined
the staff of Old Salem, Inc., as director of publicity. Mr.
Conway, a native of Ashland, Ky., has also worked in Ohio
and Virginia. Old Salem, a Moravian congregation town,
settled in 1766, is now being restored and preserved in pres-
ent-day Winston-Salem.
The Moravian Music Foundation, Inc., of which Mr.
Donald M. McCorkle is Executive Director, announces the
fourth Early American Moravian Music Festival and Seminar
(under the auspices of the Moravian Church in America,
Northern Province) to be held at the Moravian College,
Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, from June 23 to June 30. Dr. Trior
Johnson, Music Director of the Cincinnati Symphony Or-
chestra, will be Director of the annual event.
Dr. Charles Crossfield Ware, Curator of the Carolina Dis-
cipliana Library at Atlantic Christian College in Wilson, is
the editor of a pamphlet, "Onslow's Oldest Church," which
308 The North Carolina Historical Review
was released in December, 1956. The history of a number of
the earlier churches is briefly given, as well as lists of minis-
ters including biographical sketches of the Mulkey preachers.
This family had four successive generations of ministers. This
pamphlet is another in a series being issued by the Historical
Commission of the North Carolina Disciples of Christ.
Dr. J. E. Hodges, Maiden, President of the North Carolina
Society of County and Local Historians, presided at a busi-
ness meeting of that group in Chapel Hill on February 3. The
principal business discussed was the planning of tours to
historic sites to be sponsored in 1957.
The Department of Archives and History has received a
copy of an article, "Origin, Early History and Revival: His-
torical Society of North Carolina," which appeared in the
Salisbury Sunday Post, October 21, 1956. This article, which
was prepared by Dr. Archibald Henderson of Chapel Hill, was
originally delivered by Dr. Henderson at a meeting of the
society at Duke University.
The quarterly meeting of the Carteret County Historical
Society was held in Morehead City on January 19 with the
President, Mr. Thomas Respess, presiding. Principal speaker
for the evening was Miss Amy Muse whose paper, "Crime and
Punishment in Carteret County," covered records beginning
in 1835. Officers elected for the year include Mr. Respess who
was re-elected President; Mrs. T. T. Potter, Secretary; Miss
Amy Muse, Curator; and Mr. F. C. Salisbury, Treasurer. The
April meeting of the society will be held at the home of
Misses Mary and Georgia Whitehurst.
The annual meeting of the Reaufort County Historical
Society was held February 25 at the Glebe House in Rath.
This organization which was begun in 1955 has at present
85 members. Officers are: Mr. Edmund H. Harding, Presi-
dent; Miss Adeline Mayo, Secretary; and Mr. Fred Mallison,
Historian. The meeting was held jointly with Colonial Rath,
Inc., in order that all persons interested in the restoration of
the Town of Rath might attend.
Historical News 309
The Journal-Patriot ( North Wilkesboro ) carried in its issue
for February 4 a brief history of the Wilkes County Historical
Association. Organized in 1954, this group has as its officers
for the year: Mr. T. E. Story, President; Mr. Fred Gilreath,
Vice-President; Mrs. Winnie Duncan, Secretary-Treasurer;
Mrs. Lawrence Critcher, Curator; and Mrs. W. R. Absher,
Mr. Thomas Ferguson, Mr. Roland Potter, Mr. R. O. Poplin,
and Mrs. W. M. Barber as Directors. One of the aims of the
society is to acquire and present information on subjects
relative to Wilkes County. The article written by Mr. Story
listed a number of subjects available for study.
Mrs. W. B. Beasley, Secretary of the Johnston County His-
torical Society, is the author of an article on the Mitchener
family of Johnston County which was published in The
Smithfield Herald, January 11. The article presents a brief
sketch of this prominent family from its emigration from
Pennsylvania to North Carolina down to the present day.
The Gaston County Historical Bulletin, official organ of
the county historical society, carried the following articles in
its fall issue: history of early Gaston County, Hoffman gene-
alogy, list of the members of the county historical society,
and a story of relics of interest in the John C. Pasour home
near Dallas.
Dr. W. H. Plemmons, President of Appalachian State
Teachers College, and Miss Ora Blackmun, retired Asheville
teacher, presented the program to the members of the
Western North Carolina Historical Association at the winter
meeting held at the Biltmore School on January 26. Dr. Plem-
mons read a paper, "Asheville as a Health Resort," and Miss
Blackmun gave a paper, "Along the Trading Paths, 1700-
1743." Mr. George Jar vis, principal of the Biltmore School,
extended a welcome and Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton of
Hendersonville presided at the meeting. A nominating com-
mittee composed of Mr. Alfred McLean, Mrs. Mary Jane
McCrary, and Miss Ruth Greenlee was appointed and re-
quested to report at the April meeting when officers for 1957-
310 The North Carolina Historical Review
1958 will be elected. Miss Cordelia Camp gave a report, Mr.
Bruce C. Harding of St. Paul, Minn., spoke briefly, and Mr.
George W. McCoy introduced the speakers.
The Forest History Foundation, Inc., 2706 West 7th Blvd.,
St. Paul 16, Minnesota, desires information on the location
of materials on forest history. Persons knowing of any records,
diaries, correspondence, photographs, and the like that are
not in suitable depositories are asked to notify the Founda-
tion. Mr. Bruce C. Harding of the Foundation states that the
Foundation is not a collecting agency itself, but that it does
help in placing materials in local or regional depositories
which will process and make the information available to
scholars.
The University of North Carolina Press has released the
information that Dr. Michihiko Hachiya, Director of the
Hiroshima Communications Hospital and author of Hiroshima
Diary, and Dr. Warner Wells, Assistant Professor of Surgery
at the University of North Carolina Medical School in Chapel
Hill, and translator of the bestseller, have donated their
royalties from the sale of the book to establish the Hiroshima
Yurin Scholarship Foundation. The book, published by the
University Press in August, 1955, was the first eye-witness
account of the bombing of Hiroshima and the aftermath. The
fund, which will be used by orphans to attend Japanese high
schools, has been accepted by the Japanese nation and has
received world-wide publicity.
The Albert J. Beveridge Award in American History, es-
tablished by the American Historical Association, announces
its annual competition with May 1 as the dead line for the
acceptance of manuscripts. Manuscripts in the field of Ameri-
can history (United States, Latin America, and Canada),
may be written covering any period from 1492 to the present.
Dr. John Hope Franklin is Chairman and applications may
be filed with him at the Department of History, Brooklyn
College, Brooklyn 10, New York.
Historical News 311
Books received during the last quarter include: Joseph
Charles, The Origins of the American Party System
(Williamsburg, Virginia: The Institute of Early American
History and Culture, 1956); Robert A. Lively, Fiction
Fights the Civil War— An Unfinished Chapter in the Literary
History of the American People (Chapel Hill: The University
of North Carolina Press, 1957); LeGette Blythe, James W.
Davis: North Carolina Surgeon (Charlotte: William Loftin
Publishers, 1957); Bernhard A. Uhlendorf, Revolution in
America. Confidential Letters and Journals, 1776-1784, of
Adjutant General Major Baurmeister of the Hessian Forces
(New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press,
1957); Louis B. Wright, The Cultural Life of the American
Colonies, 1607-1763 (New York: Harper and Brothers, Pub-
lishers, 1957); Thomas W. Ferguson, Home on the Yadkin
(Winston-Salem: Clay Printing Company, 1956); Harry R.
Stevens, The Early Jackson Party in Ohio (Durham: Duke
University Press, 1957 ) ; James A. Servies, A Bibliography of
John Marshall (Washington, D. C: United States Commis-
sion for the Celebration of the Two Hundreth Anniversary of
the Birth of John Marshall, 1956); Paul Quattlebaum, The
Land Called Chicora. The Carolinas Under Spanish Rule
with French Intrusions, 1520-1670 (Gainesville: University
of Florida Press, 1956); Clement Eaton, Henry Clay and the
Art of American Politics (Boston and Toronto: Little, Brown
and Company, 1957 [The Library of American Biography,
edited by Oscar Handlinl ) ; Worth S. Ray, Index and Digest
to Hathaway s North Carolina Historical and Genealogical
Register, with Genealogical Notes and Annotations. Part I,
The Lost Tribes of North Carolina and Worth S. Ray,
Colonial Granville County and Its People. Part II, The Lost
Tribes of North Carolina, An Index to Names (Baltimore,
Maryland: Southern Book Company, 1956, Reprints); Francis
B. Dedmond, Lengthened Shadows: A History of Gardner-
Webb College, 1907-1956 (Boiling Springs: Gardner- Webb
College, 1957 ) ; J. Carlyle Sitterson, Studies in Southern His-
tory. In Memory of Mbert Ray Newsome, 1894-1951. By His
Former Students (Chapel Hill: The University of North
312 The North Carolina Historical Review
Carolina Press, 1957. Volume 39. The James Sprunt Studies
in History and Political Science); Warren W. Hassler, Jr.,
General George B. McClellan: Shield of the Union (Baton
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1957); Charles
Grier Sellers, Jr., James K. Polk, Jacksonian, 1795-1843
(Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1957);
and George F. Scheer and Hugh F. Rankin, Rebels and Red-
coats (Cleveland [Ohio] and New York: The World Pub-
lishing Company, 1957).
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE
Dr. Richard W. Griffin is Associate Professor of History
and Director of Manuscript Collection at Athens College,
Athens, Alabama.
Mr. Diffee W. Standard is Research Assistant at the Insti-
tute for Research in Social Science, and a graduate student,
at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.
Dr. John W. Parker is Chairman of the Department of
English at Fayette ville State Teachers College, Fayetteville.
Mr. Richard Walser is Associate Professor of English at
North Carolina State College, Raleigh.
Mr. William Stevens Powell is Assistant Librarian, North
Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina Library,
Chapel Hill.
Dr. C. Hugh Hohnan is Professor of English at the Uni-
versity of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.
Dr. PI. Broadus Jones is Professor of English and Head
of the Department at Wake Forest College, Winston-Salem.
Dr. Gilbert T. Stephenson is retired Director, Trust Re-
search Department, Graduate School of Banking, American
Bankers Association, and resides at Warren Place, Pendleton.
Dr. Roy F. Nichols is Vice-Provost and Dean of the Grad-
uate School of Arts and Sciences, University of Pennsylvania,
Philadelphia.
[313]
THE
NORTH CAROLINA
HISTORICAL REVIEW
Volume XXXIV
JULY 1957
Number 3
Published Quarterly By
State Department of Archives and History
Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets
Raleigh, N. C.
THE NORTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL REVIEW
Published by the State Department of Archives and History
Raleigh, N. C.
Christopher Crittenden, Editor
David LeRoy Corbitt, Managing Editor
ADVISORY EDITORIAL BOARD
Walter Clinton Jackson Hugh Talmage Lefler
Frontis Withers Johnston George Myers Stephens
STATE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY
EXECUTIVE BOARD
McDaniel Lewis, Chairman
Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne
Fletcher M. Green William Thomas Laprade
Clarence W. Griffin H. V. Rose
Christopher Crittenden, Director
This review ivas established in January, 192)+, as a medium of publica-
tion and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other
institutions by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only.
The regular price is $3.00 per year. Members of the State Literary and
Historical Association, for which the annual dues are $5.00, receive this
publication without further payment. Back numbers may be procured at
the regular price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number.
COVER — Biltmore House, near Asheville, was designed by
Richard Morris Hunt and landscaped by Frederic Law Olmsted,
Sr. and was completed in 1895 for George W. Vanderbilt. In
1892 Vanderbilt appointed Gifford Pinchot superintendent of
the Biltmore Forest where Pinchot instituted the first large-scale
reforestation project in the United States. See pages 346-357.
The North Carolina
Historical Review
Volume XXXIV July, 1957 Number 3
CONTENTS
JOHN LAWSON'S ALTER-EGO-DR. JOHN
BRICKELL 313
Percy G. Adams
THE DUGGER-DROMGOOLE DUEL 327
Henry W. Lewis
GIFFORD PINCHOT AT BILTMORE 346
Harold T. Pinkett
THE IDEA OF A COTTON TEXTILE INDUSTRY IN
THE SOUTH, 1870-1900 358
Herbert Collins
SIMMS'S VIEWS ON NATIONAL AND SECTIONAL
LITERATURE, 1825-1845 393
John C. Guilds
TRYON'S "BOOK" ON NORTH CAROLINA 406
Edited by William S. Powell
BOOK REVIEWS 416
Ferguson's Home on the Yadkin — By H. G. Jones ;
Blythe's James W. Davis: North Carolina Surgeon — By
Clarence E. Gardner, Jr.; Ray's Index and Digest to
Hathaway' 's North Carolina Historical and Genealog-
ical Register and Colonial Granville County and Its
People — By H. G. Jones ; Horn's The Decisive Battle of
Nashville — By William T. Alderson; Vanstory's Geor-
gia's Land of the Golden Isles — By Sarah McCulloh
Lemmon ; Wiley's The Road to Appomattox — By Frank
Entered as second class matter September 29, 1928, at the Post Office at
Raleigh, North Carolina, under the act of March 3, 1879.
[i]
E. Vandiver; Rowse's True Discourse of the Present
State of Virginia — By William S. Powell; Hassler's
General George B. McClelland. Shield of the Union — By
John G. Barrett ; Stevens's The Early Jackson Party in
Ohio — By William S. Hoffmann ; Wright's The Cultural
Life of the American Colonies, 1607-1763 — By Richard
Walser; Charles's The Origins of the American Party
System — By V. 0. Key, Jr.; and Franklin's From
Slavery to Freedom: A History of American Negroes
— By William S. Hoffmann.
HISTORICAL NEWS 432
CiU
The North Carolina
Historical Review
Volume XXXIV July, 1957 Number 3
JOHN LAWSON'S ALTER-EGO-DR. JOHN BRICKELL
By Percy G. Adams
Eighteenth-century commentators on America were, of
course, notorious for plagiarizing each other, but one of the
strangest and most successful literary thefts committed by
any of them was that perpetrated by Dr. John Brickell in
1737 when he published The Natural History of North
Carolina. The case has been a strange one because it was so
flagrant and the victim so well known. It has been successful
because for over two hundred years Dr. Brickeirs book has
been an important source of information about early America,
and that in spite of a warning published early in the nine-
teenth century. Perhaps the warning should be restated.
Little is known of Dr. Brickell except that in the 1730\s
he resided for several years on the coast of North Carolina
before returning to live in England and publish his Natural
History.1 Of the book, more is known. Although the Journal
des Sciences in Paris carried a notice of it in April, 1739, an-
nouncing that it was written "Par M. Jean Bricknell lsic\,
Docteur en Medecine," the London periodicals seemed to
ignore it, even though its list of subscribers included the
name of one who at the time was reviewing such books for
The Gentleman's Magazine — Samuel Johnson. However,
by the end of the century, The Natural History of North
Carolina had gradually attained popularity. For example, ten
years after its publication it was not used by Emanuel Bowen
in his A Complete System of Geography, which depended on
1 Some biographical information is to be found in the preface to the 1911
Raleigh edition, edited by J. Bryan Grimes, hereinafter cited as Grimes,
BriekelVs Natural History. All references in this paper will be to this 1911
edition.
[313]
314 The North Carolina Historical Review
Harriss, Purry, and Archdale for information on Carolina;
but in 1771 it was an important source for A New System of
Geography, compiled by D. Fenning and J. Colly er.2
The early nineteenth century provides three interesting
references to Dr. Brickell's book. Andre Michaux, the
younger, in his description of the trees of the United States,
used it twice, but both times with some reluctance.3 Jacob
Bigelow in the North American Review, in an article entitled
''Botany of the United States," said of it, "the most complete
work of this kind is Brickell's Natural History of North
Carolina.''4 But shortly after these two writers had enhanced
the reputation of the book, Jared Sparks attempted to annihi-
late it. In 1826, in an article on "Materials for American
History," Sparks, after a two-page discussion of John
Lawson's History of Carolina, had this to say in a footnote:
A book was published in Dublin in the year 1737, entitled
Natural History of North Carolina, by John Brickell, M.D.,
which is remarkable for being an almost exact verbal transcript
of Lawson's History, without any acknowledgment on the part
of the author or even a hint that it is not original. Periods and
paragraphs are transposed; parts are occasionally omitted, and
words and sentences here and there interpolated ; but, as a whole,
a more daring piece of plagiarism was never executed. The fact
that the volume was published by subscription only 19 years
after Lawson's History is presumptive evidence, perhaps, that
this latter work, for reasons now unknown, had become so rare,
as to render a detection of the plagiarism improbable.5
Such an accusation, made by such a noted scholar, would
ordinarily be enough to cause students and historians to be
2 Published in London in two volumes. In the treatment of Virginia,
Carolina, Georgia, and Florida, references to and quotations from Brickell
are often used.
3 Michaux's work was translated into English as The North American
Sylva (Philadelphia, 1817), in three volumes, and went through many
editions. For the use of Brickell, see I, 157, and II, 222.
4 North American Review, New Series, IV (July, 1821), 102.
5 North American Review, New Series, XIV (October, 1826), 288-289.
Sparks was incorrect in his opinion that Lawson's book was a rare item. It
was first published as A New Voyage to Carolina, in John Stevens' A New
Collection of Voyages and Travels (London, 1708, 1711), republished sep-
arately in 1709, and as The History of Carolina, in 1714 and 1718 ; trans-
lated into German in 1712, it was reissued in that language in 1722. The
latest edition, that of Frances Latham Harriss, is called Lawson's History
of North Carolina (Richmond: Garrett and Massie, 1937, Second Printing,
1952). In the present paper all references to Lawson are made to the 1937
edition and are hereinafter cited as Harriss, Lawson's History.
Lawson's Alter-Ego 315
very careful in using The Natural History; and, in fact, for
nearly a century it was almost completely avoided. But Jared
Sparks was not permanently successful in his attack, perhaps
for two reasons. First, he put his accusation in a footnote,
apparently believing it unimportant because he knew of so
many such examples of plagiarism. And second, he provided
no specific evidence.
But whatever the reason, he was unsuccessful, for in 1911
Dr. John Brickell's Natural History of North Carolina was
republished in Raleigh with a preface that defended Brick-
ell, calling his book the "Most interesting of early histories
of the state." Here is the defense almost in full:
Dr. Brickell's history is the best description we have of the
natural, social, and economic conditions in the Colony of North
Carolina, but its merits have been obscured and its value largely
depreciated by careless and unjust reviewers.
Jared Sparks and others charged him with plagiarizing Law-
son. Of this Dr. Stephen B. Weeks says :
"These statements are only partially correct and do grave in-
justice to Brickell. He acknowledges in his preface that his work
is a 'compendious collection of most things yet known in that
part of the world.' But it is a good deal more than a slavish re-
print of Lawson. It is further increased almost one-half in
bulk . . . his 'Journal of a thousand Miles Travel' ... is not
used by Brickell.
"Brickell took the book of Lawson, reworked it in his own
fashion, extended or curtailed, and brought it to his time. The
effect of his professional training is seen everywhere, for there
is hardly a description of a plant or animal which does not have
some medical use attached to it. His work is fuller, more syste-
matic, and seems more like that of a student; Lawson's work
seems more like that of a traveler and observer. There is, besides,
much more relating to the social conditions of the Colony in
Brickell, who has a section on 'The religion, houses, raiment,
diet, liquors, firing, diversions, commodities, languages, diseases,
curiosities, cattle, etc.,' while Lawson sticks close to the natural,
economic, and Indian history of the Province."
As more evidence that The Natural History was original, the
twentieth-century editor pointed to that part which tells of a
trip Brickell claimed to have made among the Indians: "His
description of this journey is most interesting, and though
overdrawn, is a distinct contribution to our history of the
habits of the North Carolina Indians."
316 The North Carolina Historical Review
Apparently this defense in the prefatory note to the 1911
edition succeeded in restoring Brickeirs reputation. At least,
the book was now more easily available and became a pop-
ular source work. One noted writer, while describing Lawson
as "the first historian of North Carolina," echoed the state-
ment that The Natural History was "by no means a slavish
reproduction"; and in 1937 a history of North Carolina, while
making only limited use of Lawson, referred frequently to
Brickell.6 A year later, in his Reference Guide to the Litera-
ture of Travel, G. E. Cox repeated Sparks' charge, saying,
but without the evidence, that Brickell's material was "stolen"
from Lawson.7 Nevertheless, in 1946 an article called "Travel-
ler's Tales of Colonial Natural History"8 depended heavily
upon Brickell but made no mention whatever of Lawson.
An important collection of early documents reprinted in 1948,
entitled North Carolina History Told hy Contemporaries,
prefaced its selection from Brickell with this statement:
One of the most interesting accounts of the social and economic
life of the colony is found in The Natural History of North
Carolina, written by Dr. John Brickell of Edenton about 1731
and published in Dublin in 1743. Although he copied much from
Lawson's A New Voyage to Carolina, he went far beyond that
writer and gave detailed descriptions of many things not even
mentioned by Lawson.9
And in 1954 the latest history of North Carolina made ex-
tensive use of the Doctor but included no comment on his
connection with Lawson.10 But perhaps the best evidence for
the success of the 1911 apology is to be found in the pages of
The North Carolina Historical Review, where at least six
articles published since 1926 contain important references
aC. M. Andrews, The Colonial Period of American History (New York,
1934), III, 258; and Guion G. Johnson, Ante-Bellum North Carolina
(Chapel Hill, 1937), 48, 97, 738-739, 747, 753, hereinafter cited Johnson,
Ante-Bellum North Carolina.
7 G. E. Cox, Reference Guide to the Literature of Travel (Seattle, 1935-
1938), II, 103.
8 James R. Masterson, in Journal of American Folklore, LIX (January-
March, April-June, 1946), 51-67, 174-188.
8 Hugh T. Lefler (ed.), North Carolina History Told by Contemporaries
(Chapel Hill, 1948), 61-65.
10 Hugh T. Lefler and Albert R. Newsome, North Carolina, The History
of a Southern State (Chapel Hill, 1954), hereinafter cited as Lefler and
Newsome, North Carolina.
Lawson's Alter-Ego 317
to The Natural History.11 Of all these twentieth-century books
and articles that used Brickell, only one mentioned Jared
Sparks' charge, and the author of that one,12 having no access
to a copy of Lawson, was unable to compare the two books
in question.
But they must be compared in order to show how easy it
is to give John Brickell credit for something which he did not
originate. It is best, perhaps, to begin with the 1911 defense,
which can be reduced to three points: 1) Because of his
"professional" training, Dr. BrickelFs Natural History is more
"systematic" than Lawson's History and more replete with
information about the medical properties of the flora and
fauna described; 2) His work is bigger than Lawson's by
one-half, containing, for example, "much more" on social
conditions in North Carolina; and 3) The account of his trip
to the Indians "is a distinct contribution."
As for the first defense, Dr. Brickeli's "system" was hardly
original. Lawson, after a preface and an introduction, began
with his 'Journal °f a thousand miles travel among the
Indians from South to North Carolina," a section which
Brickell omitted— for the time being. But if we start on page
61 of Lawson's History and page 1 of The Natural History,
we find that the two books follow almost exactly the same
order, even to the sub-sections. There are two differences:
Brickell added the essay entitled "The Religion, Houses,
Raiment, ... of North Carolina" and waited until the big
final section on the red man to include the account of his
u W. Neil Franklin, "Agriculture in Colonial North Carolina," The North
Carolina Historical Review, III (October, 1926), 539-575, hereinafter cited
as Franklin, "Agriculture in Colonial North Carolina"; Charles Christopher
Crittenden, "Inland Navigation in North Carolina," The North Carolina
Historical Review, VIII (April, 1931), 145-155, hereinafter cited as
Crittenden, "Inland Navigation"; Douglas L. Rights, "The Buffalo in North
Carolina," The North Carolina Historical Review, IX (July, 1932), 242-250;
Julia Cherry Spruill, "Virginia and Carolina Homes before the Revolu-
tion," The North Carolina Historical Review, XII (October, 1935), 320-
341, and "Southern Housewives before the Revolution," XIII (January,
1936), 25-47, hereinafter cited Spruill, "Southern Housewives before the
Revolution"; Alonzo Thomas Dill, "History of Eighteenth Century New
Bern," The North Carolina Historical Review, XXII-XXIII (January,
1945— October, 1946), in eight parts, 1-21, 152-175, 293-319, 460-489, 47-78,
142-171, 325-359, 495-535, hereinafter cited as Dill, "Eighteenth Century
New Bern"; and Wendell H. Stephenson, "John Spencer Bassett as a
Historian of the South," The North Carolina Historical Review, XXV
(July, 1948), 289-318, hereinafter cited Stephenson, "Bassett as a His-
torian."
"Franklin, "Agriculture in Colonial North Carolina," 539-575.
318
The North Carolina Historical Review
thousand miles travel among the Indians. Here are the two
tables of contents, with the page numbers:
Lawson
Preface
Introduction
Journal of a thousand
miles (1-61)
A Description of
North Carolina . . . (61-75)
A Description of the
Corn of Carolina . . (75-80)
The Present State
of Carolina (80-90)
Of the Vegetables
of Carolina (90-118)
The Beasts
of Carolina (118-140)
Birds of Carolina . (140-159)
The Fish (159-172)
The Present State
of Carolina (172-179)
An Account of the
Indians of North
Carolina , (179-260)
Brickell
Preface
(No title in Brickell, but the
contents fit the corresponding
title in Lawson.) (1-14)
The Corn of North
Carolina (14-27)
The Present State of
North Carolina . . . (27-35)
The Vegetables of
North Carolina . . (57-107)
Of the Beasts (107-171)
Of the Birds (171-215)
Of the Fish of
North Carolina . (215-251)
Further Observations
on the Present
State of North
Carolina (251-277)
An Account of the
Indians of North
Carolina (277-409)
Although his table of contents was not original, Dr. Brick-
ell did include more medical lore than is to be found in
Lawson, as the 1911 apology claimed. However, he often
reported old wives tales, as when he said of ". . . Black-
mackred flies . . . The powder of these insects and their Juice
cures Baldness. " And of the Moth, ". . . An Oil made of them
is said to cure Deafness, Warts, and the Leprosy. . . ." 13 Many
more such examples could be given, especially from the
section on animal life. The original and worthwhile medical
information is found in such paragraphs as that on the "Ipe-
cacuana" 14 and in a four-page sub-section on the diseases of
North Carolina— from the ague to stomach ache to whooping
cough— all of which the Doctor told about in some detail, and
for which he prescribed either his favorite remedy or that
13 Grimes, Brickell' s Natural History, 160.
14 Grimes, BrickelVs Natural History, 21. This plant, not mentioned by
Lawson, was apparently one of the many North American substitutes for
the tropical Ipecacuanha.
Lawson's Alter-Ego
319
of the colonists.15 But usually he was not original, invariably
transcribing the many medical uses furnished by his prede-
cessor, as the following quotations will show:
. . . The Vertues of Sassafras
are well known in Europe.
This Wood sometimes grows
to be above two Foot over,
and is very durable and last-
ing, used for Bowls, Timbers,
Post for Houses, and other
Things that require standing
in the Ground. 'Tis very light,
It bears a white Flower, which
is very cleansing eaten in the
Spring with other Sallating.
The Berry, when ripe, is
black; 'tis very oily, Carmin-
ative and extremely prevalent
in Clysters for the Colick. The
Bark of the Root is a Specific
to those afflicted with the
Gripes. The same in Powder,
and a Lotion made thereof, is
much used by the Savages to
mundify old Ulcers, and for
several other Uses, being high-
ly esteemed among them.
The Sassafras is very com-
mon, and grows large, its
Wood being sometimes above
two Feet over, 'tis durable and
lasting for Bowls, Timber
Posts for Houses, and other
things that require standing
in the Ground, notwithstand-
ing it is very brittle and light,
it hath a pleasant smell. The
Leaves are of two sorts, some
long and smooth, the others
indented about the edges (es-
pecially those growing at the
top of the Branches) some-
times like those of the Fig-
tree, it bears a small white
flower, which is cleansing to
the Blood, if eaten in the
Spring with other Salating;
it likewise bears a small Ber-
ry, which when ripe, is black
and very oily, Carminative,
and extremely prevalent in
Coughs: The Bark and Root
help most Diseases proceeding
from Obstructions, and of sin-
gular use in Diets for the
French Pox, it strengthens
the whole Body, cures Barren-
ness, and is a Specifick to
those afflicted with the Gripes,
or defluctions of Rheum; the
same in Powder, and strong
lotions being made thereof, is
much used by the Savage In-
dians, to mundify old Ulcers,
and several other uses ; it is a
beautiful and odoriferous
Ever-green, makes a delight-
ful and fragrant Fire, but
very sparkling.16
15 Grimes, BrickelVs Natural History, 46-50.
"Harriss, Lawson's History, 96; Grimes, BrickelVs Natural History, 76.
320 The North Carolina Historical Review
The Natural History is almost entirely unoriginal in its
order and seldom original in its medical lore, but it would
seem to contain a great deal of new matter of some sort; for
—to consider the second defense of the 1911 preface— it is
over half again as long as Lawson's History. But on inspec-
tion one discovers that Brickeli's additions are largely embel-
lishment. The material on the sassafras, quoted above, offers
a key to the problem. There, by furnishing new facts about
the shape of the leaves, about the kind of fire made by the
wood, and about how the plant cured the French Pox and
barrenness, the Doctor was able to make twenty lines out of
eleven. Throughout his book he was usually content with
Lawson's words or with some sort of embellishment, supply-
ing only two original sections of any length. The first of these,
the part called "Of the Religion, Houses, , . ." is twenty-two
pages long and contains the "much more" material on social
conditions. But even here almost one-fourth is based on
Lawson.17 Another original section, about the same length,
is that which contains information on insects. Whereas Law-
son had dismissed them in a few words, Brickell went into
detail on such creatures as bees, butterflies, wasps, grass-
hoppers, crickets, fire-flies, ants, spiders, weevils, and mos-
quitoes,18 all of which, it should be noted, could be found in
Europe as well as in America. In addition to these some
thirty-five pages which can not be attributed to Lawson,
Brickell provided a few facts in other parts of his book. For
example, he increased Lawson's one page on whales to five,
found four kinds of owls not listed by his predecessor,
changed four varieties of woodpeckers to five, and told of
seeing twenty-four runaway Negroes hanged in Virginia.19
By a rough but generous estimate, all of the additions amount
to no more than sixty pages out of a total of 409.
But after we have discovered these parts not taken from
Lawson, we have still another problem to deal with in con-
sidering the length of the two books: Since Lawson's trip
17 After reading Grimes, Brickeli's Natural History, 35-56, compare with
Harries, Lawson's History, 14, 82-90.
u Grimes, Brickeli's Natural History, 153-171 ; Harriss, Lawson's History,
139.
*• Grimes, Brickeli's Natural History, 178, 187-188, 215-220, 357; Harriss,
Lawson's History, 149-150, 162-163.
Lawson's Alter-Ego 321
among the Indians was recounted in a sixty-page Journal
and Brickell's journey required only six in the telling, what
happened to the other fifty-four pages? The answer is that
the later writer did make use of his predecessor's journal by
taking from it much of the information about Indian life-
tribes, burial customs, foods, sex, etc.— and putting it in his
last chapter, the "Account of the Indians of North Carolina,"
which is considerably longer than Lawson's chapter with the
same title. For example, in order to describe the feast of the
"Waxsaw" Indians at the Harvest of Corn and to give the
names and locations of the Sapona Indians, the "Toteras,"
and the "Keyawees," Brickell had to glean his facts from the
journal of Lawson, who had actually traveled among those
tribes.20
The third defense advanced by the 1911 preface is that
the "journal" of Dr. Brickell's trip among the Indians, made,
it is said, in 1730, is a "distinct contribution" to history. The
six pages of this account tell how ten white men and two
Indian guides made a remarkably easy journey, saw beauti-
ful scenery, found abundant game, and had a delightful time.
To give an idea of their idyllic existence, the author told of a
typical night's "camp out" and then added, "It would not be
proper to trouble the Reader with the Adventures of each
Day. . . . Let it suffice to inform them, that after fifteen Days
Journey, we arrived at the foot of the Mountains, having
met with no Human Specie all the way." 21 Lawson, it must
be noted, had traveled in the same direction thirty years be-
fore and had encountered numerous Indian tribes and vil-
lages. On arriving at the "Mountains," Brickell's party was
discovered by "Iroquois" scouts, whose "King" sent an "Am-
bassador . . . painted as red as Vermillion" to find out if the
party was for peace or for war. Lawson, in similar fashion,
had told how, while he was visiting with the 'Waxsaws," the
King of the Saponas had sent an "Ambassador . . . painted
with Vermillion all over his Face. . . ." 22 The Iroquois King
entertained his visitors in the "State House," just as Lawson's
Waxhaw King had done. Both Brickell and Lawson slept on
" Grimes, Brickell's Natural History, 332 ff ., 343 ; Harriss Lawson's His-
tory, 34 ff., 44-45.
21 Grimes, Brickell's Natural History, 387-393.
29 Grimes, Brickell's Natural History, 389 ; Harriss, Lawson's History, 32.
322 The North Carolina Historical Review
"benches" covered with animal skins, and both were privi-
leged to see dances performed and games played in their
honor.23 The only original fact supplied by Brickell is his
insistence on having given copious supplies of rum to the
Indians. Perhaps the best bit of evidence against his having
made a trip is the claim that the Indians he visited were
Iroquois, who, he said, were ". . . very powerful, and continu-
ally at War, wandering all over the Continent betwixt the
two Bays of Mexico and St. Lawrence."2* The Iroquois were
not known to go so far south, although their relatives, the
Tuscaroras had— years before this supposed trip— been moved
north to increase the Five Nations to Six. It would seem then
that Dr. Brickell's journey among the Indians was as spurious
as were many others of the seventeenth and eighteenth cen-
turies—one by John Lederer in the same territory, others by
Lahontan and Hennepin in the Mississippi region, and an-
other by Chateaubriand in the Gulf Coast country.23
Since invented trips were so common among early travel
writers, perhaps Dr. Brickell may be forgiven for borrowing
his journey from John Lawson. And a very lenient reader
might agree with him that his book is a "compendious col-
lection" of facts about North Carolina, even though six-
sevenths of the compendium is collected from John Lawson.
But probably the most partial of readers should hesitate to
approve of Dr. Brickell's being so unimaginative as to adopt
some of John Lawson's own experiences, narrating them
almost word for word, even to the use of the first person pro-
noun. Here are two examples:
Yet I knew an European Man I knew an European Man
that had a Child or two by one that lived many Years
of these Indian Women, and amongst the Indians, and had
afterwards married a Chris- a Child by one of their Wom-
28 Grimes, Brickell's Natural History, 391 ; Harriss, Lawson's History,
30, 34-36.
21 Grimes, Brickell's Natural History, 389.
86 For Lederer's second journey, the last part of which he took alone and
the stories of which contain his "prettiest fable," see, for one discussion,
J. B. Brebner, Explorers of North America (New York, 1933), 274-275;
for Lahontan and Hennepin, see any one of a number of historians, such
as Jared Sparks, Parkman, and Father Delanglez; and for Chateaubriand,
see Gilbert Chinard, L'Exotisme americain dan I'oeuvre de Chateaubriand
(Paris, 1918). These four men actually travelled in North America but all
of them pretended to have done more than they actually did.
Lawson's Alter-Ego
323
tian, after which he came to
pass away a Night with his
Indian Mistress ; but she made
Answer that she then had for-
got she ever knew him, and
that she never lay with an-
other Woman's Husband, so
fell a crying and took up the
Child she had by him, and
went out of the Cabin (away
from him) in great Disorder.
en, having bought her as they
do their Wives, and after-
wards married a Christian.
Sometimes after he came to
the Indian Town, not only to
buy Deer-Skins, but likewise
to pass away a Night with his
former Mistress as usual, but
she made answer, That she
then had forgot that she ever
knew him, and that she never
lay with another Woman's
Husband; so fell a crying,
took up the Child she had by
him, and went out of the Cab-
in in great Disorder, although
he used all possible means to
pacifie her, by offering her
presents of several Toys and
Rum, but all to no purpose,
for she would never see him
afterwards, or be reconciled.26
. . . two Families of the Ma-
chapunga Indians, use the
Jewish Custom of Circumcis-
ion, and the rest do not, nei-
ther did I ever know any
others amongst the Indians
that practiced any such
things, and perhaps, if you ask
them, what is the Reason they
do so, they will make you no
manner of Answer; which is
as much as to say, I will not
tell you. Many other Customs
they have, for which they will
render no Reason or Account.
There are some few of them
that use the Jewish Custom of
Circumcision, though this
kind of Practice is but seldom
used amongst them; I never
knew but two Families in all
the Nations of Indians I have
conversed with, that were so;
the Reason whereof I could
never learn, notwithstanding
I was very intimate with
them, and have often urged
them to give me an account
on that Head, but could get no
manner of Answer, which
with them is as much as to
say, / will not tell you. They
have many other strange Cus-
toms amongst them, that they
will render no Reason for, or
give any Account of to the
Europeans.27
28 Harriss, Lawson's History, 199 ; Grimes, BrickelVs Natural History, 299.
87 Harriss, Lawson's History, 223 ; Grimes, BrickelVs Natural History, 368.
324 The North Carolina Historical Review
The point is that Brickell made use of almost everything in
Lawson, sometimes attempting to cover his theft by a slight
rearrangement of words or by shifting some bit of informa-
tion from one part of the book to another; but very often—
as in these two instances— he was so bold as to use his source
without any pretense at hiding his tracks. Furthermore, the
quotations demonstrate clearly how one book can be half
again as long as the other, for Lawson's 160 words were in-
creased to 260 by the later writer.
However, Dr. Brickell's lack of originality is not our pri-
mary concern; what is important is that his plagiarizing has
caused scholars to give him credit for much that was the work
of another man. One article, "Agriculture in Colonial North
Carolina," quoted Brickell many times; but almost every time
the reference should have been to Lawson.28 Another, "Inland
Navigation in North Carolina, 1763- 1789," gave credit to
both Lawson and Brickell for information about the periauger
and the cypress tree, when the information was originated
by Lawson, and gave credit only to Brickell for the statement
—first made by Lawson— that in North Carolina both sexes
were adept at handling the canoe.29 One full-length history,
while referring on two occasions to something original in
Brickell— on Negro slaves and on the excessive drinking of
the white settlers— sometimes attributed to Brickell facts
that had been taken from Lawson, as in the description of the
"Yaws"— Lawson's "Pox"— or when telling of Indian super-
stitions and Indian magic.30 Another book includes a four-
page selection from Brickell, a little over half of which is
from one of the two original sections in The Natural History.
However, the rest is found in Lawson, for example, this para-
graph on exports, which was stolen almost word for word.
'"Franklin, "Agriculture in Colonial North Carolina," 561, and then
compare Grimes, Brickell's Natural History, 16-17, with Harriss, Lawson's
History, 277; see Franklin, "Agriculture in Colonial North Carolina," 357,
and then compare with Grimes, Brickell's Natural History, 15, and with
Harriss, LawsorCs History, 76.
28 See Crittenden, "Inland Navigation," 148 ff., and then compare,
Grimes, Brickell's Natural History, 32, with Harriss, Lawson's History, 86.
80 See Johnson, Ante-Bellum North Carolina, 14, 48, 738-739 ; then com-
pare Grimes, Brickell's Natural History, 10, 48, 370, with Harriss, Lawson's
History, 14, 19-20, and 88-89.
Lawson's Alter-Ego
o^o
Our Produce for Exportation
to Europe and the Islands in
America, are Beef, Pork, Tal-
low, Hides, Deer-Skins, Furs,
Pitch, Tar, Wheat, Indian-
Corn, Peas, Masts, Staves,
Heading, Boards and all sorts
of Timber and Lumber for
Madera and the West-Indies,
Rozin, Turpentine and sever-
al sorts of Gums and Tears,
with some medicinal Drugs,
are here produced; Besides
Rice and several other foreign
Grains, which thrive very
well. Good Bricks and Tiles
are made and several sorts of
useful Earths, as Bole, Ful-
ler's-Earth, Oaker and Tobac-
co-pipe-Clay, . . .
The produce of this Country
for Exportation to Europe
and the Islands, are Beef,
Porke, Tallow, Hides, Deer-
Skins, Furs, Wheat, Indian-
Corn, Pease, Potatoes, Rice,
Honey, Bees-wax, Myrtle-wax,
Tobacco, snake-root, Turpen-
tine, Tar, Pitch, Masts for
Ships, Staves, Planks and
Boards of most sorts of Tim-
ber, Cotton, and several sorts
of Gifms, Tears, with some
medicinal Drugs; Bricks and
Tile are made here, likewise
several useful Earths, such as
Bole, Fullers-Earth, Tobacco
Pipe Clay. . . .^
And finally, the latest and best history of North Carolina,
while it prefers Lawson's information on Indians and, from
Brickell, obtains original facts about slaves, sometimes gives
perhaps too much credit to the Doctor. Here, for example,
is its account of early North Carolina birds:
The whole Carolina region was teeming with birds and wild
fowl especially turkeys "in flocks of 500 or more," pheasants,
quail, wild geese, ducks, and wild pigeons so numerous that,
according to Dr. John Brickell, they would fly "one flock after
another for above a quarter of an Hour together." . . ,32
Now, compare the following passages on wild turkeys and
wild pigeons, which show that Lawson, and not Brickell,
originated the information:
I have seen about five hun-
dred in a Flock. . . .
You shall see fiwe hundred or
more of them in a flock to-
gether. . . ,33
"Harriss, Lawson* s History, 83; Grimes, Brickell' s Natural History, 65
Letter and Newsome, North Carolina, 71.
" Harriss, Lawson's History, 156; Grimes, BrickelVs Natural History 181.
326 The North Carolina Historical Review
These Pigeons, about Sun- After Sunrise I have seen
Rise, when we were preparing them fly, one Flock after an-
to march on our Journey other, for above a quarter of
would fly by us in such vast an Hour together.34
Flocks that they would be
near a Quarter of an Hour be-
fore they were all passed by.
Elsewhere in the same history we find this statement: "Law-
son and Brickell, contemporary writers, observed that "Mar-
riages were early and frequent, most houses being full of
little ones/ f" Here is what the two sources say:
The Women are very fruitful, The Women are very fruitful,
most Houses being full of Lit- most Houses being full of Lit-
tle Ones. tie Ones. . . ,35
Is it a matter of an agreement between two authors? Or is it
a matter of a literary theft? 36
The warning of Jared Sparks, repeated brief y by G. E. Cox,
should be stated again, perhaps in this way: Although his-
torians need not stop using Dr. John Brickell entirely, they
should be very careful in giving him credit for anything, since
six-sevenths of his material was taken from John Lawson, a
first-rate narrator and observer whose reputation would be
even greater if it had not suffered because of the over-long
life of his alter-ego.
"Harriss, Lawson's History, 148; Grimes, BrickelVs Natural History, 186.
35 Harriss, Lawson's History, 85; Grimes, BrickelVs Natural History, 31.
80 There are other examples of what would seem to be an overrating of
Dr. Brickell: Stephenson, "Bassett as a Historian," listing Brickell and
Lawson side by side as providing "substantial contemporary evidence" of
early North Carolina, 305; Dill, "Eighteenth Century New Bern," speaking
of "The naturalist Brickell," 462, 468; and Spruill, "Southern Housewives
before the Revolution," 27, quoting Grimes, BrickelVs Natural History, 10,
30, on the hospitality of southern women when she should be have quoted
Harriss, Lawson's History, 63.
THE DUGGER-DROMGOOLE DUEL
By Henry W. Lewis
In the earliest decades of the [nineteenth] century and onward
to its middle "the duello" was the recognized custom of the best
people from New York to the utmost limits of the then Union.
. . . The death of Gen. Hamilton at the hands of Burr was the
first blow severe enough to change public opinion so far as to
make it not absolute social and political ruin to refuse to fight. 1
With these words Warner Lewis, signing himself as "Mon-
itor," 2 introduced his story of the duel between Daniel
Dugger and George C. Dromgoole to the readers of the
Brunswick Gazette of Lawrenceville, Virginia, on January 19,
1893. The account is sufficiently interesting to be made gen-
erally available, and its authenticity in detail has been so
generally attested by later research that it can be relied upon
as an accurate record.
The action took place in 1837 in the middle Roanoke River
Valley— in Brunswick County, Virginia, and its neighboring
county of Northampton in North Carolina. It was here that
the seeds of Methodism had found such favorable soil. One
of the earliest circuit riders assigned to the territory was
Edward Dromgoole, an Irish convert, who came into the area
about 1775 as a bachelor but soon married a Virginia girl,
1 [Joseph] Warner Lewis, "Dugger-Dromgoole Duel ; A Local Incident of
Fifty Years Ago," Brunswick Gazette (Lawrenceville, Virginia), January
19, 1893. Unless otherwise identified, all quotations in this paper are taken
from this newspaper article which Lewis signed with the pen name
"Monitor."
2 Lewis (1833-1900) was the son of Dr. Henry Lewis (1792-1879) and
Frances Gibbons (Stuart) Lewis (1801-1861) of Lawrenceville, Virginia.
See John Bennett Boddie (ed.), Southside Virginia Families (Redwood
City, California: Pacific Coast Publishers, 1955), 317, and Alumni Di-
rectory, University of North Carolina (Durham, North Carolina: Seeman
Printery, 1954), 530, hereinafter cited as Alumni Directory. In the Confed-
erate Army Lewis attained the rank of captain. Later he lived in his home
town as a bachelor newspaperman, and according to tradition, served as
good companion for hunters, good company for the ladies, and raconteur
par excellence. He edited the weekly Brunswick Advocate (Lawrenceville,
Virginia) for its entire life, 1874-1879. See Lester J. Cappon, Virginia
Newspapers, 1821-1935 (New York: University of Virginia Institute of
Research in the Social Sciences, Monograph Number 22, 1936), 110, herein-
after cited as Cappon, Virginia Newspapers.
[ 327 ]
328 The North Carolina Historical Review
Rebecca Walton.3 With a good education, a powerful voice,
and a great zeal, the Rev. Mr. Dromgoole preached through-
out the Roanoke River country. His home plantation called
"Canaan" lay in the midst of his flock in southern Brunswick
County.4 His youngest child was George Coke Dromgoole,
one of the principals in the celebrated duel.
George C. Dromgoole was born in Brunswick County,
May 15, 1797. He attended the University of North Carolina
(1813-1814) and William and Mary College (1817-1818;
1819-1820), and he studied law. In 1823 he was elected to
the Virginia House of Delegates from Brunswick, and with
one brief interlude he continued to hold legislative positions
until his death. From 1823 through 1826 he was a member of
the House of Delegates; from 1826 until 1835 he served in
the Virginia Senate. It is worth noting that in 1829 Dromgoole
was a delegate to the Virginia Constitutional Convention, and
that in 1832 his fellow senators picked him to preside over
their deliberations. On March 4, 1835, Dromgoole began his
first term as a Democratic member of Congress, the position
he occupied when the present narrative begins.5
These are the biographical facts about the man of whom
Monitor wrote:
No man born within the limits of Brunswick County ever
filled so large a place in the estimation of its people as George C.
Dromgoole. Indeed there was but one in the Congressional Dis-
trict he so long represented who in any way ranked as his peer,
3 Jane Morris, Adam Symes and His Descendants (Philadelphia: Dor-
rance and Company, 1938), 175, hereinafter cited as Morris, Adam Symes.
4 Within a few miles of the Dromgoole plantation stood the Thomas
Eaton place near the ferry of that name. Several members of the Harrison,
Mason, Robinson, and Beasley families lived on nearby plantations. Down
the Roanoke from the Eaton place (but in Northampton County) stood
"Mt. Rekcut," home of Thomas Goode Tucker; still lower down the river
near Gaston stood "Belmont," home of William Wyche Wilkins and his
sons, Edmund and William Webb Wilkins. Most of these families played
some part in the story.
5 Biographical Directory of the American Congress 1774-194,9 (Washing-
ton: United States Government Printing Office, 1950), 1104, hereinafter
cited as Biographical Directory. See also A Provisional List of Alumni,
Grammar School Students, Members of the Faculty, and Members of the
Board of Visitors of the College of William and Mary in Virginia, from
1693 to 1888 (Richmond: Division of Purchase and Printing, 1941), 16;
and Alumni Directory, 242.
The Dugger-Dromgoole Duel 329
and he [Judge James H. Gholson], did not approach very near
to those gifts and attainments that go to make up a mighty
tribune of the people. . . .6
In the year 1837 an entertainment was given at the hotel in
Lawrenceville. The intelligence and character of the county were
present. It was purely a social gathering. Politics was tacitly
forbid; for political feeling was running high, and strange to
say, though the issues were then of a sentimental character com-
pared to subsequent periods, the bitterness was as intense as
when the interests of nearly half the country were at stake. 7
Gen. Dromgoole was among those present at the entertain-
ment. The hotel was under the management of Daniel Dugger,
Esq., both its proprietor and keeper. Mr. Dugger was an unam-
bitious man, of fine character and average ability, and many
lovable traits. He had been a rich young man and was still of
fair fortune, but was embarrassed as many young men of that
day were by his connection with and love of the "turf," and was
at the time of which we write, the owner and breeder of the
celebrated race horse Wagner.8
On this special evening [Mr. Dugger] was at the head of his
table and carving a fowl. Some ill-advised guest addressed to
him a political question. The decanter had circulated rapidly,
and Gen. Dromgoole who sat immediately at Mr. Dugger's right
6 "The exception that we note was [General Dromgoole's] sometime rival
for popular favor, Judge James Harvey Gholson, also a native of Bruns-
wick County, and who while wanting in the accurate parliamentary acumen
and political information, superb command of language and resonant
voice, was more than [Dromgoole's] equal in purely personal attractions,
and elegance of deportment, exquisite culture in the highest branches of
English and classical literature, and those lighter graces which so adorn
and beautify social life." Gholson (1798-1848) served in the Virginia House
of Delegates (1827-1831) and in the 22, 23, and 24 Congresses. Later he
served as circuit court judge for Brunswick County. Although Monitor
gives his middle name as "Harvey" other authorities show it as "Herbert."
See Biographical Directory, 1205.
"In forming an estimate now, from what we remember of the past, we
would say that had Gen. Dromgoole lived to attain his full stature he
would have been 'primus inter pares' in an arena with Calhoun, Webster,
Clay and Benton, and that Judge Gholson as a representative of his county
would have graced any court of any age. Both died before they had reached
the zenith of their promised fame. The one a martyr to conjugal duty and
the other a victim to the public sentiment of the times — for we hold that
though he lived [for ten] years afterwards, that the perfect fruition of a
matured manhood was marred by the incident and its consequences . . .
in the career of Geo. C. Dromgoole we propose to narrate."
7 Here Monitor wrote as a Confederate veteran.
8 Presumably Monitor based his statement about Dugger's ownership of
Wagner on local information that he believed to be correct. When Dugger's
personal property was inventoried shortly after his death in 1837 no men-
tion was made of this horse, although the inventory lists other horses,
Brunswick County (Virginia) Will Book 13, 561-567. This does not mean
that Monitor's information was incorrect, but it probably indicates that
Dugger had disposed of this particular horse prior to the duel.
330 The North Carolina Historical Review
hand and who had drunk freely, said (before Mr. Dugger could
reply) in a loud voice, showing complete intoxication —
"Dugger, Damn Dugger as a political mentor! Why he is
below infamy and beneath contempt!"
These words had scarcely passed [General Dromgoole's] lips
when Mr. Dugger struck him fiercely across the face with his
open right hand, knocking him from his chair and half across
the room, and then threw at him the carving fork as he tried to
rise.9 Their friends intervened and raised Gen. Dromgoole to
his feet. He seemed dazed and unconscious of what had occurred,
and asked for his spectacles which had fallen from his face. He
was very near sighted and wore glasses always. The matter was
easily adjusted by their friends, and the next morning they
drank together a glass of wine. The matter was supposed to be
ended, and as "inter pocula," to be forgotten — such then was the
custom among fierce convivialists of the day. The rising sun
dispelled the deeds and darkness of the wine cup and the night.
Departing from Monitor's account, it is pertinent to notice
a portion of Chapter VIII of the duellists' Code of Honor:10
5. Intoxication is not a full excuse for insult, but it will
greatly palliate. If it was a full excuse, it might well be counter-
feited, to wound feelings or destroy character.
Dromgoole's fondness for the bottle seems to have been a
matter of general knowledge and of considerable concern to
those interested in his career. When elected to preside over
the Virginia Senate some five years before the incident at
Bugger's hotel, Dromgoole's friend and contemporary, John
9 The Scaevola (Tarboro), for November 17, 1837 (hereinafter cited as
Scaevola), reported, "We have not been informed what cause led them to
resort to this expedient form but expect it grew out of some political mis-
understanding which could not be adjusted otherwise." This supposition
was closer to the facts than Stephen B. Weeks' statement that "This duel
arose from a supposed insult given by Dugger in the presence of ladies."
See Weeks, "The Code in North Carolina," Magazine of American History,
XXVI (December, 1891), 453, hereinafter cited as Weeks, "The Code in
North Carolina."
10 John Lynde Wilson, The Code of Honor; or Rules for the Government
of Principals and Seconds in Personal Difficulties (Charleston, South Caro-
lina, 1838), 17; reprinted in The Code of Honor; Its Rationale and Uses
(Charleston, South Carolina, 1878), a pamphlet bound in Volume 14 of the
"Dawson Pamphlets" in the Library of the University of North Carolina,
44. Hereinafter these two publications will be cited as Wilson, Code of
Honor and Dawson Pamphlet.
The Dugger-Dromgoole Duel 331
Y. Mason,11 then serving his first term in Congress, wrote
the General from Washington:
I compliment you on the high compliment which our brethren
of that most excellent body, the Senate, have paid you, in placing
you in the Chair. Permit [me] , my dear friend, to ask you to be
somewhat more circumspect in your convivial enjoyments than
you have been.
A Destiny, of which any man may justly be proud, awaits you
if you will temper your social feelings with discretion — You
will excuse this Lecture and attribute the suggestions to that
pure, disinterested friendship, which I bear you — 12
In a few weeks the campaign for [election to the 26th] Con-
gress opened. It was conducted with great bitterness. The Whig
party had no champion able to cope with the "Brunswick Lion,"
as Gen. Dromgoole was then called, before the people.
The party papers seized hold of the unfortunate private broil
with Mr. Dugger, and used it unsparingly. The "Brunswick
Lion" after all was but a poltroon and a craven. "He had been
bearded in his den, and had his jaws slapped, and was wanting
in manhood to resent an insult so great and so infamous. Could
a man who would tamely submit to such an indignity be en-
trusted to protect the rights of a brave and proud people ? If he
would not protect his own rights would he protect theirs?" were
some of the things said, besides many more of a kindred kind.
The Whig party became exultant and vaunting, the Democrats,
snarling and sour, and bets were made and taken that Dromgoole
would not fight, and if he did, that Dugger would kill him.
Gen. Dromgoole was then in command of one of the militia
brigades of the State. In a few weeks several of his staff officers
sent in their resignations and wrote significant letters. Some-
thing had to be done. He at once addressed a polite note to Mr.
Dugger telling him that the partisan press was taking unfair
advantage, and making use of an unfortunate private and per-
sonal difficulty to injure him politically, and asking Mr. Dugger
to publish a card putting the matter in its proper light.
Under the advice of his friends Mr. Dugger sent no formal
reply. Such an opportunity to get rid of so able an advocate of
"Mason (1799-1859) had at that time served in the Virginia House of
Delegates (1823-1827) and in the Virginia Senate (1827-1831), and, when
he wrote the letter quoted, was a member of the Twenty-Second Congress.
Dumas Malone (ed.K Dictionary of American Biography (New York, 21
volumes, 1933—), XII, 369-370; Biographical Directory, 1511.
12 Letter, John Y[oung] Mason to George C. Dromgoole, December 24,
1832, Edward Dromgoole Papers, Southern Historical Collection, Univer-
sity of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill, hereinafter cited as Edward
Dromgoole Papers.
332 The North Carolina Historical Review
the Democracy was not to be foregone. In an unfortunate hour
he harkened to their counsel. Mr. Dugger, however, stated infor-
mally to the bearer of the note, "that he was not the curator of
Gen. Dromgoole's reputation, or the guardian of his honor. That
a wanton insult had been offered him at his own table. At the
moment he had shown all proper resentment. Farther satisfac-
tion he had foregone for reasons well known to Gen. Dromgoole.
That while he did not desire to disguise any of the incidents of
the occasion, and would make private explanations when asked,
he still less desired [that] their disgraceful broil should become
any more public than it already was, and that he declined to
make any statement about it for public use. That Gen. Dromgoole
could make any statement he pleased, and he was ready even
before hand to accept it as a verity, and would vouch for the
truth of anything he would say. That he presumed that Gen.
Dromgoole was amply able to settle with anyone who might
question any statement made. That he was content as matters
stood, and that Gen. Dromgoole must right any wrong that
others had or might do him." 13
A peremptory demand that [Dugger] comply followed. This
was treated with contemptuous silence. A challenge then fol-
lowed at once. It was promptly accepted.
The 1838 Code of Honor, in general, outlines with some
precision most of the steps Monitor described. Among other
directions, it provides in Chapter III:
2. Upon the acceptance of the challenge, the seconds make the
necessary arrangements for the meeting in which each party is
entitled to a perfect equality. . . ,14
This seems to have been the case in the Dugger-Dromgoole
affair. Monitor wrote:
Mr. [Hiram] Haines, the editor of a Democratic paper in
Petersburg, 15 acted for Gen. Dromgoole. W. H. E. Merritt was
13 Commenting on this course of conduct, Monitor wrote : "That Mr. Dug-
ger had the right to act in this way, few will deny; but was it generous
to a former friend? The conclusion proved that [Dugger] was lending
himself against his better nature, to his friends for a partisan purpose.
That purpose was to ruin the political standing of Geo. C. Dromgoole.
From this standpoint is Mr. Dugger an object of sympathy? We trow not."
"Wilson, Code of Honor, 11; Dawson Pamphlet, 39.
w The Scaevola identified Haines as "late editor of The Constellation"
intending presumably to point out that his paper was inactive at the
moment. Cappon identifies the paper as The American Constellation, a tri-
weekly Democratic paper established May 24, 1834, by Haines in Peters-
burg, Virginia, and states that the last known issue was dated December 21,
1838. Only random issues of the paper have survived. For a short time in
1839 Haines edited another Petersburg paper called Peep o'Day. See
Cappon, Virginia Newspapers, 148, 151.
The Dugger-Dromgoole Duel 333
the advising friend, and T. Goode Tucker, a young lawyer who
had [until that year] resided in Lawrenceville, represented Mr.
Dugger as a field second.
Under the Code, once the seconds had been selected, they
took over all negotiations. The principals were required to
remain strictly aloof. It is with this understanding that one
should examine the letter Haines wrote to Dromgoole, his
principal, on October 12, a day or two after the challenge
had been accepted. Writing from Petersburg to the General
who by that time had returned to his Congressional duties in
Washington, Haines said:
My Dear Friend.
I this day received a note from Mr. T. Goode Tucker relative
to the arrangements for the final meeting between his friend
Mr. Daniel Dugger and my friend Geo. C. Dromgoole, some time
called "General." Mr. Tucker proposes that the meeting shall
take place near Gaston, No. Ca.16 Agreed to. He proposes that
the usual weapons (pistols of course) shall be used. Agreed to.
He proposes further, that Mr. D. wanting some further time to
settle his worldly affairs desires until the 1st of November to
arrange them. Agreed to— inasmuch as I had given Mr. Dugger
a verbal assurance that such time should be given. . . ,17
What were these "worldly affairs" Mr. Dugger had to attend
to? They take on a somewhat less solemn air in Monitor's
account:
Mr. Dugger availed himself of his right under the "Code of
Honor," and postponed the meeting for three weeks. He was on
the eve of starting to New York to attend the celebrated contest
between the horses Henry and Eclipse. 18
16 The plantation ("Canaan") General Dromgoole inherited from his
father was located within eight miles of Gaston, Morris, Adam Symes,
180-181.
"Letter, H[iram] Haines to George C. Dromgoole, October 12, 1837,
Edward Dromgoole Papers.
18 Here Monitor made the kind of error that would have embarrassed him.
Henry and Eclipse ran at the Union Course on Long Island on May 27,
1823. The race Dugger probably attended was the one at Camden, New
Jersey, on October 26, 1837, in which Boston beat Betsy, Andrew, and
Tipton. See Henry William Herbert, Frank Forester's Horse and Horse-
manship of the United States and British Provinces of North America
(New York: Stringer and Townsend, 1857), I, 183, 277.
334 The North Carolina Historical Review
Monitor next recounted that, "Mr. Tucker acting for Mr.
Dugger demanded all his rights under the 'Code,' and drew
up the cartel." This seems to be a reference to what an anno-
tated edition of the Code calls the "Terms of Meeting." 19
If Monitor is correct on the point, there is evidence that these
Virginia duellists were somewhat behind the times in their
procedures, for the 1838 Code says:
The old notion that the party challenged was authorized to name
the time, place, distance and weapon, has been long since ex-
ploded, nor would a man of chivalric honor use such a right if
he possessed it. . . .20
Just what provisions this cartel contained is not entirely clear.
Haines wrote Dromgoole:
On Saturday morning I expect to leave for Gaston on a visit
to Mr. T[ucker], to arrange definitively day, hour & ground.
21
• • •
It must have been during this visit that Mr. Tucker presented
the cartel to Haines.
The third article of this agreement was that they should fire
until one or the other should be "killed, mortally wounded or so
disabled as to be unable to fire."
Mr. Haines on behalf of Gen. Dromgoole protested against
these terms as unusual and murderous. His protest was without
effect, for there was a latent opinion among Mr. Dugger's friends
that Gen. Dromgoole was wanting in spirit. It was a most unfor-
tunate opinion.
Notice another portion of Haines' letter to his principal:
So soon as Congress adjourns repair to Petersburg (notifying
me of the night of your arrival) and I will meet and conduct you
to my
"snug fire-side and a jorum."
I wish to initiate you a little in the mysteries of a "prelim-
inary," which your adversary and his friend must attend to for
themselves.22
19 Dawson Pamphlet, 39.
20 Wilson, Code of Honor, 12; Dawson Pamphlet, 40.
21 Letter, Haines to Dromgoole, October 12, 1837.
22 Letter, Haines to Dromgoole, October 12, 1837.
The Dugger-Dromgoole Duel 335
On its face this part of Haines' letter conveys very little
meaning. But Monitor's next statement may be illuminating:
Haines availed himself of the long interval to teach his friend
the use of his weapon. He became very expert,23 for the bloody
terms of his antagonist left that the only way out of the diffi-
culty. He desired to disable, not to kill his former friend, if
possible.
Mr. Dugger never seemed to realize and appreciate the respon-
sibility of the event he was to face, or else he was one of those
quiet but determined men who are careless of danger. . . .
The meeting was arranged to take place on the border of North
Carolina, at a place two miles west of Gaston, and about half a
mile from Mr. Tucker's residence.
Although Monitor often visited this neighborhood he is
wrong in his statement of distances. No spot can be both two
miles from the site of old Gaston and half a mile from Tuck-
er's plantation. "Mount Rekcut," as Tucker called his place,
lies in Northampton some four miles below Eaton's Ferry
and about five or six miles above Gaston by water. Stephen
B. Weeks' account more accurately says the meeting place
was six miles from Gaston. 24 The evidence is undisputed
about the duel having taken place on Tucker's property.
Selection of a site in North Carolina is not to be explained
by its having had less stringent laws against duelling than
did Virginia.25 Convenience for the principals and the rela-
tive remoteness from general curiosity must have been the
controlling factors in the choice of the Roanoke River site.
23 Shortly after the duel one of Dromgoole's political advisers in Bruns-
wick County wrote him as follows: "Myself alone, as far as I have heard,
is the only one who think you should not have met your assailant in fair or
equal combat. The disparity was too wide — and he only was urged to the
field by a party who cared not a groat for him, but wished only to use him
to destroy you. . . ." Letter, R. R. Brown to George C. Dromgoole. Decem-
ber 2, [mistakenly written "Novr" in the letter] 1837, Edward Dromgoole
Papers. Just what was this wide disparity? Was Dugger an older man?
Probably not. A poorer shot? Monitor seems to take a contrary view. Or
was this a reference to Dromgoole's acquired proficiency with smooth bore
and hair-trigger pistols?
24 Weeks, "The Code in North Carolina," 453.
25 North Carolina had first enacted anti-duelling laws after Richard
Dobbs Speight was killed in 1802. The North Carolina Code of 1837 re-
enacted the prohibition, Weeks, "The Code in North Carolina," 443-444.
See Guion Griffis Johnson, Ante Bellum North Carolina (Chapel Hill,
North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 1937), 43-45.
336 The North Carolina Historical Review
The day selected for the meeting was Monday, November
6. 26 ". . . Mr. Dugger reached Mr. Tucker's about two days
before the appointed time, coming direct from New York.
He brought neither surgeon nor weapons."
On the eve of the appointed day, Dr. W. W. Wilkins, 27 a
physician residing near Gaston, received a note from Dr. F. W.
Harrison, 28 asking him to put aside all engagements and meet
him at Mr. Alex. Harrison's. He did so, and on reaching the place
found Gen. Dromgoole, Mr. Haines and Dr. Harrison. Dr.
Harrison took him aside and told him why he sent for him:
That Mr. Dugger was at Mr. Tucker's and that he knew Dr.
Wilkins to be a personal friend of both parties, and a political
compatriot [Whig] of Mr. Dugger; that unaided the responsi-
bility was too much for him to bear, and asked his professional
assistance, as Mr. Dugger had brought no surgeon with him.
Dr. Wilkins made some inquiries looking to peace, but found
matters had gone too far to be stopped.
The next morning the three gentlemen [Dromgoole, Haines,
and Dr. Harrison] in a carriage, and Dr. Wilkins in his gig,
repaired to the designated place. In a few minutes Messrs.
Dugger and Tucker came on the ground with a wagon in which
there was a bed, for either party that might require it.
The place selected was a level plateau on the banks of the
Roanoke River, as smooth as a carpet and covered with a green
sward.
Mr. Haines was in the ballroom dress of the period — lace
ruffles at his bosom and at his hands, silk stockings and pumps.
The parties greeted each other with a stern and polite civility.
Messrs. Haines and Tucker conferred together for a few minutes
and agreed upon the ground and stuck up the pegs. The distance
was ten paces,29 which they stepped off together. They then,
in the presence of each other, loaded the pistols, two pairs of
which Mr. Haines and Gen. Dromgoole had brought. Mr. Dugger
^Scaevola, November 17, 1837.
27 See footnote 39, below.
28 Frederick William Harrison of Eastville, Virginia (a post office in
either Brunswick or Greensville county), received an A.B. degree from the
University of North Carolina in 1825, a M.A. in 1832, Alumni Directory, 377.
"Chapter III of the Code states: "5. The usual distance is from ten to
twenty paces, as may be agreed upon, and the seconds in measuring the
ground usually step three feet." A footnote in the annotated edition reports
that "Tape line is used," Wilson, Code of Honor, 12; Dawson Pamphlet, 40.
Weeks' statement that "the parties stood four paces apart" can hardly be
credited, Weeks, "The Code in North Carolina," 453.
The Dugger-Dromgoole Duel 337
came unprovided. A coin was tossed for word and position.30
Mr. Tucker won the word and Mr. Haines the position.
The combatants took their positions and the seconds handed
each a pistol. Mr. Tucker placed himself midway between the
combatants and some yards out of the line of fire. Mr. Haines
advanced to the remaining case of loaded pistols, and taking
one in each hand placed himself in a similar position and oppo-
site to Mr. Tucker, and announced how the word would be given,
in a clear and distinct voice.31
"Gentlemen, are you ready? If prepared, keep silence. If not,
speak. Fire !-one-two-three. Stop! with an interval of about a
second between words." This explanation he followed with the
declaration —
"Should either of you fire before the word 'fire,' or after the
word 'stop/ he falls by my hand." 32
Both men were as cool as a summer's morn. Mr. Tucker gave
the word. There was but one report as heard by those present.
There was a commingled report as heard by those at a little
distance, and who suspected what was taking place. Who fired
the first shot is not known.
As the smoke lifted Mr. Dugger was seen to stoop forward,
and then pitch heavily face foremost to the ground. The two
surgeons advanced and turned him over. His face was colorless
and his lips blue. Gen. Dromgoole had tried to shatter his pistol
hand or break his arm. The charge of powder was probably not
sufficient as the bullet was two inches too low, hitting him in the
arm pit, 33 and, from subsequent developments, not making the
usual penetration from such perfect weapons.34
30 "After all the arrangements are made, the seconds determine the giving
of the word and the position by lot, and he who gains has the choice of the
one or the other, and selects whether it be the word or position, but cannot
have both." Wilson, Code of Honor, 12; Dawson Pamphlet, 40.
31 "When the principals are posted, the second giving the word, must
tell them to stand firm until he repeats the giving of the word, in the
manner it will be given when the parties are at liberty to fire." Wilson,
Code of Honor, 13; Dawson Pamphlet, 41.
32 "Each second has a loaded pistol, in order to enforce a fair combat
according to the rules agreed on; and if a principal fires before the word
or time agreed on, he [the second] is at liberty to fire at him, and if such
second's principal fall, it is his duty to do so." Wilson, Code of Honor, 13;
Dawson Pamphlet, 41. Here it will be observed that the participants in the
Dugger-Dromgoole affair departed from the procedure prescribed by Wilson.
Only one of the seconds held a weapon during the meeting, and that second
held two loaded pistols.
"^ Accounts of the wound are in general agreement. The contemporary
newspaper report said, "Mr. Dugger received the ball of his antagonist in
the axilla of his right side." Scaevola, November 17, 1837. Weeks wrote
"Dugger received the ball in his side about three inches below the arm-pit,"
"The Code in North Carolina," 453.
34 Of the weapons Monitor wrote : "I saw these pistols many years after.
They were the most beautiful weapons I ever saw. They belonged to Gen.
Whittaker of North Carolina and were mounted with gold. I suppose they
must have cost several hundred dollars. They had two sets of barrels, one
carrying an oz., and the other an V2 oz. ball."
338 The North Carolina Historical Review
Mr. Haines stepped up in front of Gen. Dromgoole, folded his
arms and stood in a position to shield him from a view of his
dying adversary, for Mr. Dugger had been mortally wounded.
Mr. Tucker assisted by the surgeons started to remove Mr.
Dugger to the wagon and bed. When about midway, General
Dromgoole gently put away Mr. Haines and called to Dr. Wilkins,
"Is he badly hurt?"
Dr. Wilkins replied — "I fear he is, sir. I do not think he will
live to get to the house."
Upon receiving this information, Gen. Dromgoole exclaimed
in his deep and resonant voice — "I regret it exceedingly! I
regret it exceedingly!"
Gen. Dromgoole and Mr. Haines then left the field.
Under the code to which the parties had resorted, and the
cartel of the challenged party, Mr. Tucker should have notified
Mr. Haines of his principal's [Dugger's] condition. By failing to
do so, he left the quarrel open for renewal upon the original
cause.35 Had [Mr. Tucker kept Mr. Haines informed], even had
Mr. Dugger survived, it would have been a finality, the terms
would have been complied with. (Mr. Dugger lived twenty-one
days,36 and there were hopeful periods. During one of these he
sent to ask some concessions from Gen. Dromgoole. Gen. Drom-
goole did not comply and was notified that should he, Dugger,
survive, the fight would be renewed.) 37
Haines complained bitterly that Tucker did not inform him of
Dugger's condition, charging him with a violation of his own
compact. A quarrel ensued. Haines challenged Tucker, who
declined to meet him on the grounds that he was not his social
equal. Even his friends regarded the position as untenable.
[Tucker] had waived all such rights when he consented to act
with [Haines] as Gen. Dromgoole's second and peer. A paper
warfare followed. It was severe and sarcastic, but not scurrilous
or abusive. The following from the pen of the journalist [Haines]
is about the severest thing said: "All good and honorable men
cannot but regret the death of so pure a gentleman and so gallant
a man as Daniel Dugger. He was all that a man could or ought
to be — most cruelly, he had been made the victim of false friends
35 This seems to be a legalistic interpretation of the Code's provisions.
It is possible, however, that the "Terms of Meeting" agreed to by the
parties contained more specific language on the point than did the subse-
quently printed Code.
36 On this point there is no reason to question Monitor's accuracy. The
Scaevola on November 17 (eleven days after the duel) said, "The wound
is desperate but not considered mortal." Weeks' statement that Dugger
"lived until the next morning" is in error, "The Code in North Carolina,"
453.
37 This seems unusual in the light of the Code's provision that, "If after
a fire either party be touched, the duel is to end . . . ." Wilson, Code of
Honor, 13; Dawson Pamphlet, 41.
The Dugger-Dromgoole Duel 339
for their own bad ends ; but for Tom Tucker, he reminds me of
a grandiloquent magpie chattering over the torn plumage of a
dead eagle."
Having quoted Mr. Haines' newspaper communication,
Monitor felt it wise to add:
We would have omitted this as too severe upon an old and very
dear friend, but he himself [Tucker], laughingly told it to us
and suggested that at a suitable time we should have printed all
the incidents he had related, and thus preserve one of the legends
of our county.
Of Mr. Haines we know very little, and of his subsequent his-
tory nothing. He had formerly been the keeper of a "coffee
house" in Petersburg. At the time of which we speak, he was
the editor of a Democratic paper of that city. The position he
filled towards Gen. Dromgoole, and his conduct in it, bespeak
the gentleman, and a man of political prominence. Throughout
he exhibited conduct and character. He has been described as a
tall fine looking man, with a military bearing. In this hostile
meeting his deportment was rigidly polite and formal.
Haines and the General remained on close terms. Among
the surviving Dromgoole papers can be found a number of
letters written by Haines from Petersburg in the years follow-
ing the duel. His newspaper, The Constellation, seemed con-
stantly in difficulties of a financial nature. Even in his letter
to Dromgoole about arrangements for the duel Haines could
not resist telling the General about his own personal affairs:
I am happy to say to you that my health is fine, my spirits light
as a feather and my hopes high for a speedy and satisfactory
adjustment of my pecuniary affairs — for the renovation of my
paper and for the triumph of those principles it is our mutual
pride and pleasure to advocate.38
"Of the other participants" in the affair on Roanoke River,
Monitor wrote, "we know more. ..."
The gentleman who was the involuntary witness, and present
for humanity's sake, we knew from our childhood. Dr. W. W,
Wilkins had been professionally educated in France, and subse-
38 Letter, H[iram] Haines to George C. Dromgoole, October 12, 1837,
Edward Dromgoole Papers.
340 The North Carolina Historical Review
quently studied the post-graduate's course in the schools of
Paris. He was a most accomplished gentleman. . . ,39
William Henry Embry Merritt, the Whig whom Monitor
called "the advising friend" to Dugger, died in 1884, "and in
the eighty-fourth year of his age. . . ."
40
When more than eighty he said to [Monitor], that he had
frequently canvassed with himself the advice he had given Mr.
Dugger, and that he could find nothing in it for which to reproach
himself. It was true that his friend had fallen. For that he
sorrowed exceedingly ; but there were times in the lives of most
men when sacrifices had to be made, and guided by the lights
given, it was best to accept the lesser, when one of two evils
was inevitable. . . .41
One of the most puzzling of the participants was Thomas
Goode Tucker. At the University of Virginia he had been a
college mate of Edgar Allan Poe. Later he wrote an account
of Poe's college days that has been much relied on by the
39 William Webb Wilkins (1803-1858), son of William Wyche Wilkins
(1768-1840) and Elizabeth (Raines) Wilkins (1776-1811), before studying
in Paris, attended the University of North Carolina (1817-1818), Yale
(A.B., 1822), and the University of Pennsylvania (M.D., 1825). In 1829 he
married Mary Ann Beasley. His second wife, to whom he was married in
1841, was Monitor's older sister, Louisa Gray Lewis. "The life of a country
physician proved distasteful to him, and he abandoned it early as he had
ample means," wrote Monitor. "He died in Lawrenceville . . . although he
then lived in Richmond. He is still remembered as a tall and handsome
man, seclusive in his habits and tastes, perfect in his business dealings
and relations with his fellows, somewhat reticent, but a very prince in
politeness and a king at the dinner table." See Wilkins Papers, Southern
Historical Collection, University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill,
and Dr. Wilkins's medical fee book in the Manuscript Collection, Duke
University Library, Durham.
40 "He belonged to a type that has passed away. Educated when boys
were made to study, he preserved his knowledge and taste for the classics.
In the quietude of his own home he was oftener seen with a Latin or Greek
author in his hand than some book of the period. The writer [Monitor]
heard one of the principal men of the county, now long past the meridian
of life, say that he had known him all his life and never saw him angry.
. . . By those who knew him best, it was said, that the feeling of fear he
never knew, and occasions that inspired terror in others left him placid
and unruffled." In the Manuscript Collection of the Duke University
Library there are a number of letters and papers concerning Merritt and
his family.
41 It hardly seems possible that such a man as Monitor describes Merritt
to have been could have been the person of whom Dromgoole's political
advisor, R. R. Brown, wrote: "[Dugger] only was urged to the field by a
party who cared not a groat for him, but wished to use him to destroy you.
There is a gang in & around Lawrenceville as I have said who would glory
in your downfall . . . . " Letter, R. R. Brown to George C Dromgoole,
December 2, 1837, Edward Dromgoole Papers.
The Dugger-Dromgoole Duel 341
poet's biographers.42 Until shortly before the duel Tucker
lived in Lawrenceville and practiced law, but by 1837, hav-
ing come into some substantial property, he had moved to a
new plantation on the Roanoke River in Northampton Coun-
In the heat of the aftermath of the duel, when Haines had
challenged Tucker and Tucker had refused to meet him, and
Haines had lashed out at Tucker in the newspapers, Dr.
Edward Dromgoole, the General's brother, reported to the
absent congressman:
On Monday week I attended Brunswick Court. Things so far as
I could learn were peaceable, and it was thought by some of your
friends that Mr. Haynes [sic] last communication would shut
the mouth of the Magpie who had taken shelter under the plu-
mage of a Dead Eagle. The Magpie I fear is no Gentleman (this
between us). . . ,43
Yet it is of this same "magpie," Mr. Tucker, that Monitor
wrote:
When fate endowed him with fortune, she deprived us of a
lawyer, a statesman and, had opportunity served, a soldier, to
make a perfect specimen of the country gentleman and literary
voluptuary. At eighty, with every faculty as bright as at forty,
he was ready to discuss any question of politics, science, litera-
ture or law ; or at the blast of the horn in the morning, to mount
"Lord Elgin," his thoroughbred stallion, and keep pace with his
hounds, the pedigree of each known for twenty generations. The
most pacific of men, he believed in the "Code" and was a terror
to that monster, the neighborhood bully. A believer in caste, his
hospitality was too strong for his prejudice, and [he] was a
democrat in his home. In fact he was a mass of the most delight-
ful anomalies and curious incongruities. While the green grass
grows and the water runs and the sound of the horn is heard on
the hill, let him be remembered by all men of kindred tastes and
gentlemanly instincts.
42 "Edgar Allan Poe while a Student at the University of Virginia,"
referred to by Hervey Allen in Israfel (New York: Farrar and Rinehart,
single volume edition, 1934), 126-127, as being Mr. Tucker's "too complete
memories."
43 Letter, Edward Dromgoole [Jr.] to George C. Dromgoole, March 6,
1838, George C. Dromgoole Papers, Manuscript Collection, Duke Univer-
sity Library.
342 The North Carolina Historical Review
"It was from these gentlemen," wrote Monitor, "that we
learned the circumstances of the duel as narrated, and should
they be printed, a promise will be fulfilled."
But what of Daniel Dugger the victim? Monitor could
only say,
Mr. Dugger passed away before we were capable of a personal
knowledge. But we have known many who knew him well. He
was a quiet and unassuming man of excellent sense, and a very
warm, lovable and loving disposition. He had the respect of all
in every relation of life : In that of husband, parent, friend and
citizen. His death begat a lifelong antagonism on the part of
many former friends of Gen. Dromgoole. He left several sons,
but what has become of his family generally, we do not know.
It is odd that Monitor should have been ignorant on this
point when, as matters happened, he was never far from
Dugger's sons himself. On the day the duel was fought, No-
vember 6, 1837, Dugger executed a holographic will in the
form of a letter to his wife. ( It is interesting to speculate on
why he waited until the day of the meeting before he did
this. ) He spoke of the confusion of his business affairs, his af-
fection for his family, and his eagerness to insure the security
and education of his children.44 Writing in 1891, Stephen B.
Weeks stated that after Dugger's death General Dromgoole
"supported the widow of Mr. Dugger and educated his two
sons, the late Macon T. Dugger and the late Captain John E.
Dugger of Warrenton. . . . " 45
Whether or not the support came from Dromgoole, it is
true that Captain John Edward Dugger was graduated from
the University of North Carolina in 1857 and his brother,
Macon Tucker Dugger, in 1858. It is also true that Captain
Dugger taught school privately in Warrenton and died there
in 1887. 46
44 This letter was admitted to probate in January, 1838, as Dugger's
will and is recorded in Brunswick County (Virginia) Will Book 13 at
page 204.
46 Weeks, "The Code in North Carolina," 453.
46 Alumni Directory, 244. See also Lizzie Wilson Montgomery, Sketches
of Old Warrenton (Raleigh, North Carolina: Edwards and Broughton,
1924), 193, 240-241.
The Dugger-Dromgoole Duel 343
Now finally, what of the subsequent career of George C.
Dromgoole himself? What effect did the duel produce on his
political ambitions?
As soon as possible after the duel it appears that General
Dromgoole returned to his duties in Washington. Whether
he resorted to the bottle is, of course, a matter of conjecture,
but the letters he began to receive from the district make it
clear that this possibility had not been overlooked by his con-
stituents. One of his Democratic supporters living in Bruns-
wick, R. R. Brown, spoke with a sharpness that rings with
truth. Less than a month after the duel and only a few days
after Dugger's death Brown wrote Dromgoole:
Take care of yourself & your friends here will take care of you
— There is a strong current against you & the Whigs will turn
every thing growing out of your late unfortunate affair to your
prejudice, especially those in and around Lawrenceville. No
person can possibly blame you for your course, for all admit you
were bound to do what you did do. Myself alone, as far as I
have heard, is the only one who think you should not have met
your assailant in fair or equal combat. The disparity was too
wide — and he only was urged to the field by a party who cared
not a groat for him, but wished only to use him to destroy you —
There is a gang in & around Lawrenceville as I have said who
would glory in your downfall, & they have already predicted
you'l [sic] destroy yourself by intemperance. You must keep
cool during this cession [sic] of Congress. You must take an ac-
tive part in all important questions & you must make speeches.
Then & not till then will the people here be satisfied with you as
their representative. Take care of yourself while in Washington.
For your indiscretions are sent back to the district. I write
frankly but not more so than sincerely. Let me hear from you
often.47
Dromgoole answered Brown's letter promptly, pledging
himself to a course of personal conduct calculated to improve
*7 Beneath Brown's signature on this letter is written "Novr 2nd 1837"
but the postmark was "White Plains, Va. 8 Dec. 1837." White Plains is
a crossroads in southern Brunswick County. The "late unfortunate affair"
was fought on November 6, 1837. Thus it seems plain that Brown made a
common mistake in dating his letter. It should have been dated "December
2." See letter, R. R. Brown to George C. Dromgoole, December 2, 1837,
Edward Dromgoole Papers.
344 The North Carolina Historical Review
his political position. On December 29, Brown again ad-
dressed the General:
... I have nothing new to give you — farther than to impress
upon you the necessity not only for yourself personally, but to
give satisfaction & confidence in you to your party in the District
that you strictly adhere to the advice in my letter to you which
you acknowledged to have rec'd on the 18th Inst. If you adhere
rigidly to the course laid down in your letter to me there will be
a reaction in the district in your favor that no man will be able
to contend with you. Your best friends had begun to dispair of
you and it will depend wholly upon yourself this winter whether
you continue to represent this district if you wish it.48
In the Congressional elections of 1838 Dromgoole was re-
elected. This is fair testimony of his behavior and its effect
in the district. In 1840 he declined to run, but he was re-
elected in 1842, 1844, and 1846, despite some evidence that
as late as 1843 he was still unable to withstand the lures of
the bottle. (He is supposed to have taken the "Temperance
Vow" that year at the instigation of the distinguished Thomas
Ritchie,49 but whether he was able to keep it remains unre-
ported.) We know that he died on April 17, 1847, just a
month short of his fiftieth birthday,50 and we have Monitor's
word for the fact that his fellow citizens felt "the perfect
fruition" of General Dromgoole's "manhood was marred" by
his duel with Dugger, that he was "a victim to the public
sentiment of the times."
"We boast of our civilization," wrote Monitor, "and speak
of the 'duello' as suicide and murder. We dare not gainsay
the saint as against the sinner, even if the day still be distant
48 Letter, R. R. Brown to George C. Dromgoole, December 29, 1837,
Edward Dromgoole Papers.
"Letter, Thomas Ritchie to Edward Dromgoole, May 30, 1848, Edward
Dromgoole Papers. Pertinent portions of this letter to General Dromgoole's
nephew and administrator read as follows: ". . . may I ask the favor of
you to look for a letter which I addressed to [General Dromgoole] in
January or February of 1843 or '44, probably the former year. It relates
to the delicate subject of his habits, and nothing but my profound respect
for Gen. Dromgoole could have prompted me to write it. The General had
the good sense to appreciate my motives — for within 10 or 14 days after
I had written it, he informed me by letter that he had taken the Temperance
Vow. . . ."
50 See p. 328, n. 5 above.
The Dugger-Dromgoole Duel 345
when the lion will lie down with the lamb. A custom recog-
nized by such men [as the participants in this affair] to keep
the world pliant to the touch of honor cannot be all bad. . . ."
Monitor would probably have agreed with the verdict of
his South Carolina contemporary who wrote,
. . . the duello was the aesthetic mode of settling all difficulties
among gentlemen. The stringent laws of the present day have
pretty well put an end to this mode of wiping out insults, and
the Code can now only be bought in some old bookstore. The
silver-mounted, smooth bore duelling pistols have given way to
the rifled barreled revolvers, and quick snap shooting on the
street [has] superseded the old fashioned ten paces : "fire — one,
two, three, stop" ; and handshaking, if alive, and a champagne
supper to cement the treaty of peace. The formality of a chal-
lenge is now out of fashion and the hip-pocket is now inserted
in every man's trousers. Both methods are barbarous, but I am
inclined to think that the old time method was the least so, as
it gave one time to make his will and hope for an apology. . . .51
51 Arney R. Childs (ed.), Rice Planter and Sportsman, The Recollections
of J. Motte Alston, 1821-1909 (Columbia, South Carolina: University of
South Carolina Press, 1953), 21.
GIFFORD PINCHOT AT BILTMORE
By Harold T. Pinkett
The estate acquired and developed by George W. Vander-
bilt at Biltmore in western North Carolina is a historic site in
the annals of American forestry mainly because of the pio-
neering work of two eminent foresters, Gifford Pinchot and
Carl A. Schenck. The activities of Schenck, the first resident
forester on the estate and founder of the first forest school in
the United States, have been described recently in an in-
formative and provocative book entitled The Biltmore Story.1
However, the work of Pinchot at Biltmore which blazed the
trail for Schenck has been mentioned only briefly or errat-
ically in accounts of American forestry and local history. His
own accounts, though informative, lack some important de-
tails. 2
On February 2, 1892, Pinchot arrived at Biltmore to begin
an urgent and unique experiment. In a contract with George
W. Vanderbilt, providing an annual salary of $2,500, he had
agreed to make a plan for th,e management of Biltmore For-
est and to superintend the preparation of an exhibit of this
forest for the World's Columbian Exposition to be held at
Chicago.3 He had been selected for this job apparently on
the recommendation of Frederick Law Olmsted, the famous
landscape architect, who was Vanderbilt's principal adviser
in the planning of the Biltmore Estate. The preparation of a
management plan for an American forest in 1892 was a task
to be undertaken without any precedent and with little rele-
vant information. Yet it was a project urgently needed to
demonstrate the practicality of scientific forestry in the
1 Carl A. Schenck, The Biltmore Story: Recollections of the Beginning
of Forestry in the United States (American Forest History Foundation:
St. Paul, Minnesota, 1955. Pp. 224).
2 See Gifford Pinchot, Breaking New Ground (New York, 1947), 47-69,
hereinafter cited as Pinchot, Breaking New Ground; and Biltmore Forest
(Chicago, 1893. Pp. 49), hereinafter cited as Pinchot, Biltmore Forest.
3 Agreement between Pinchot and Vanderbilt, January 25, 1892, Gifford
Pinchot Manuscripts, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C, hereinafter
cited as Pinchot Manuscripts.
[346]
GlFFORD PlNCHOT AT BlLTMORE 347
United States and to broaden the movement for the preser-
vation of American forests. Fortunately, it was a task to
which Pinchot could bring some unique training and valu-
able experience.
After graduating from Yale University in 1889 Pinchot
became the first American to choose forestry as a profession.
He did so despite the advice of government officials and edu-
cators who considered scientific forest management in the
United States as something beyond the realm of practical
affairs. Since there was hardly any organized instruction in
forestry in America he studied this subject in France, Ger-
many, and Switzerland during 1889 and 1890. This European
study was guided largely by Sir Dietrich Brandis, founder of
forestry in British India and perhaps the greatest forester
of his time. Sir Dietrich, who had obtained some familiarity
with American forest conditions through correspondence and
reports, was immediately impressed by Pinchot's earnestness
and readily consented to show him the way to scientific
forestry.
Returning home in December, 1890, young Pinchot found
his country without a single acre of public or private land
under systematic forest management. He observed some
public spirited citizens protesting against the ruthless de-
struction of forests by lumbermen and other timber users.
He admired their efforts to preserve a great natural resource
but considered their protest virtually futile, since it often ap-
peared directed toward stopping the essential practice of
lumbering rather than regulating it and assuring its future.
The job was not to stop the ax, as he saw it, but rather to
control its use.4
The first opportunity to make practical use of his training
came in January, 1891, when he was hired by the firm of
Phelps, Dodge and Company to make a preliminary examina-
tion of its white pine and hemlock lands in Pennsylvania
and report on the possibility of practicing forestry on them.
Shortly thereafter he accompanied B. E. Fernow, the Federal
Government's chief forester, on a trip to examine timberlands
* Pinchot, Breaking New Ground, 29.
348 The North Carolina Historical Review
in Mississippi and Arkansas. A few months later he was on
another inspection trip for Phelps, Dodge and Company
which carried him to the West Coast and Canada. Within
six months after his return from Europe he had seen some-
thing of forests in thirty-one states and Canada and had act-
ually examined them in nine states. Such was his preparation
for the task at Biltmore.
When Pinchot arrived at the Biltmore Estate in 1892, the
developing of this property, which was to make it one of
America's most luxurious country residences, had already
begun. Under the architectural direction of Richard M. Hunt
the massive limestone walls of Biltmore House were rising
as if to challenge the grandeur of nearby mountains. The
estate lying southeast of Asheville stretched six miles along
the banks of the French Broad River and covered more than
7,000 acres. Through its northeast corner ran the Swannanoa
River toward its junction with the French Broad. Broken,
hilly land alternated with broad alluvial bottoms of the two
rivers.
By 1892 much forest land around the site selected for Bilt-
more House had begun to be consolidated into a large holding
as a result of Vanderbilt's purchases from a number of small
landholders. These persons compelled by economic necessity
to exploit fully their scantily productive lands had resorted
to destructive practices. They had cut most of the trees which
could be used or sold as fuel, fence wood, or saw logs. Thus
the best species had been removed and the inferior ones
had remained to seed the ground and perpetuate their kind.
Moreover, in accordance with a long-established practice the
small landholders had burned the woods each year under
the belief that better pasturage was thus obtained the fol-
lowing year. In this way much of the fertility of the soil had
been destroyed. Young trees which grew up in many places
had been cut back year after year by the grazing of cattle.
Thus Pinchot on his arrival at Biltmore found the condition
of a large part of the forest "deplorable in the extreme. " The
timber stands that survived these destructive practices were
dominated by varied species of oak, shortleaf pine, and chest-
GlFFORD PlNCHOT AT BlLTMORE 349
nut. Most of the stands were broken and irregular and varied
greatly in size and age.5
Although he was given a free hand to inaugurate manage-
ment of the Biltmore Estate's forest, subject only to Vander-
bilt's control, Pinchot's work was affected inevitably by con-
siderations of the general purpose of the estate as a country
residence with its gardens, farms, deer park, and roads. His
management was, therefore, subject to checks in instances
where silvicultural measures were considered to conflict with
landscape, farming, recreational, or other estate purposes.
Despite these restrictions, the young forester began work
at Biltmore with the hope and zeal of a missionary. His de-
cision to undertake the work, he declared, was largely in-
fluenced by the often expressed opinion of Sir Dietrich
Brandis that forest management in the United States must
begin through private enterprise and his own feeling that
the Chicago exposition would present a good opportunity
to make known the beginning of "practical forestry." 6 If for-
est management could be made profitable at Biltmore, it
could be made so in almost any part of the Southern Appa-
lachians. Indeed his hope led him to assert: "The more I
know of the conditions the more thoroughly satisfied I am
that if Biltmore forest is a success, I need not fear to under-
take the management of any piece of forest land that I have
seen in the United States." 7
Compilation of detailed data concerning forest conditions
on the estate was Pinchot's first step. This was facilitated by
an extensive topographical survey of the property which had
already been made. The survey had divided the estate into
squares of 500 feet. The squares were used as units of de-
scription and pertinent silvicultural data were recorded in
a card catalogue. Using this information Pinchot divided
the forest area into ninety-two compartments, averaging
about forty-two acres each and delimited by ridges, streams,
hollows, or roads. For management purposes he grouped
5 Pinchot, Biltmore Forest, 10-14.
6 Pinchot to Sir Dietrich Brandis, February 2, 1892, Pinchot Manuscripts.
7 Pinchot to Sir Dietrich Brandis, March 5, 1892, Pinchot Manuscripts.
350 The North Carolina Historical Review
these compartments into three blocks, one situated west of
the French Broad River and two east of it.8
The general purposes of the pioneering forestry work at
Biltmore were to promote the profitable production of timber,
provide a nearly constant annual yield, and improve the con-
dition of the forest. The effort to accomplish these purposes
began with so-called "improvement cuttings" in parts of the
forest where old trees were sufficiently numerous and the
younger ones sufficiently vigorous to enable profitable lumb-
ering. In these cuttings Pinchot had to instruct his forest as-
sistants and woods crews to fell timber in such a manner
that the least harm would come to the future forest. This
point of view, which emphasized regard for future use as
well as for immediate profit, was new in American lumber-
ing. Demonstration and acceptance of the value of this new
view were important for the successful introduction of scien-
tific forestry into the United States and establishment of the
idea that the fight for forest preservation in the 1890's was
not necessarily incompatible with the profitable use of forests.
Although Pinchot was convinced of the scientific propriety
and educational value of careful timber cuttings, he was by
no means certain that the timber produced by them could
compete successfully with that provided by traditional lumb-
ering methods. Early in his work he was disturbed by the
doubtful outlook for immediate "money returns" from the
forest. He stated: "There is so much good lumber in the
mountains, it is comparatively so cheap and our own is so
distinctly poor, that we shall certainly be unable to do more
than supply a little inferior sawn lumber and some fire wood
for the local market and engage in the wood-distilling in-
dustry/'9 Moreover, his hopes were not raised any higher
by this gloomy opinion of the Federal Government's chief
forester: "If you can make forestry profitable at Biltmore
within the next ten years, I shall consider you the wisest
forester and financier of the age.'
10
8 Pinchot, Biltmore Forest, 22 ff .
9 Pinchot to Sir Dietrich Brandis, February 25, 1892. Pinchot Manuscripts.
10 B. E. Fernow to Pinchot, September 19, 1892, Records of the Forest
Service, National Archives, Washington, D. C, hereinafter cited as Records
of the Forest Service.
GlFFORD PlNCHOT AT BlLTMORE 351
During his first two years at Biltmore Pinchot was fortunate
in finding a ready market for cordwood and sawed lumber
on the estate itself where large quantities of wood were need-
ed for the kilns of the brickworks, maintenance of a branch
railroad running to Biltmore House, and various construc-
tion projects. Because of this situation the forestry work by
the end of 1893 showed a favorable financial balance. Dur-
ing that year receipts for wood and lumber sold and the
value of wood on hand amounted to $11,324.19. Expenses
for the work (exclusive of his own salary) amounted to
$10,103.63.n Thus Pinchot was able to announce "a balance
of $1,220.56 on the side of practical Forestry— conservative
lumbering that left a growing forest behind it." 12 These cut-
tings were continued for several years thereafter and pro-
duced annually about 3,000 cords of firewood. This wood was
sold in competition with that taken by neighboring farmers
from their lands with traditional lumbering methods and
brought a fair margin of profit above the cost of cutting and
hauling. Meanwhile, the general condition of the forest
showed steady improvement. The good results of the cut-
tings, however, were doubtless made possible to some extent
by the exclusion of cattle from the forest land and the
adoption of fire prevention methods.13
The forest experiment at Biltmore was first given consider-
able publicity in an exhibit and pamphlet prepared by Pin-
chot in connection with the World's Columbian Exposition
at Chicago in 1893. The Biltmore Forest Exhibit at this af-
fair appears to have been the first formal illustration of
scientific forestry ever made in the United States. With the
use of large photographs and maps it showed the nature of
the woodland and its improvement under scientific manage-
ment. With models of well-managed European forests, it
showed plans of future work. The pamphlet described the
physical characteristics of Biltmore Forest, forestry practices
11 Report of Pinchot's forest assistant, C. L. Whitney, January 10, 1894,
Pinchot Manuscripts.
12 Pinchot, Breaking New Ground, 54.
13 Overton W. Price, "Practical Forestry in the Southern Appalachians,"
Yearbook of the United States Department of Agriculture, 1900 (Washing-
ton, 1901), 364.
352 The North Carolina Historical Review
inaugurated in it, and receipts and expenditures for the first
year's work. The exhibit and pamphlet evoked much favor-
able comment. Vanderbilt praised his young forester and
authorized him to order and distribute 10,000 copies of the
pamphlet "for the good of the [forestry] cause/'14 An edi-
torial in Garden and Forest, the most influential forest maga-
zine in America during the 1890's, asserted that the Biltmore
pamphlet marked "what must be considered a most important
step in the progress of American civilization, as it records the
results of the first attempt that has been made on a large scale
in America to manage a piece of forest property on the
scientific principles which prevail in France, Germany, and
other European countries."15
The Chicago exposition of 1893 also gave America's first
native-born forester an opportunity to publicize the forest
resources of North Carolina and the need for their protec-
tion. From the beginning of his work in this state Pinchot
had been favorably impressed by these resources. He had
told Sir Dietrich Brandis:
North Carolina happens to be so situated that the Northern
and Southern floras meet within the State. There is no other
state in the union where so many of the valuable kinds of trees
are found.16
A belt of poplar on lands of the Cherokee Indians near
Waynesville was described as "the finest strip of deciduous
forest" that he had seen.17 Thus J. A. Holmes, State Geologist,
and possibly other state officials had no difficulty in persuad-
ing Pinchot to prepare a state forestry exhibit for the ex-
position. The exhibit prepared made a good impression.18
From this work a lasting friendship developed between Pin-
chot and Holmes which led to their important collaboration
14 Vanderbilt to Pinchot, October 11, 1893. Pinchot Manuscripts.
15 Garden and Forest, VII (February 21, 1894), 71.
16 Pinchot to Sir Dietrich Brandis, February 25, 1892, Pinchot Manu-
scripts.
17 Pinchot to B. E. Fernow, February 14, 1893, Records of the Forest
Service.
"J. A. Holmes to Pinchot, September 19, 1893. Pinchot Manuscripts.
GlFFORD PlNCHOT AT BlLTMORE 353
in the movement that eventually brought the establishment
of national forests in the Southern Appalachians.
So far the Biltmore forest work had been confined mainly
to timber cutting operations. In the spring of 1895, however,
Pinchot directed the planting near Biltmore House of seed-
lings of yellow poplar, black cherry, tulip tree, black walnut,
and a few other species. Due largely to unfavorable weather
conditions this planting project was a failure. However, other
species planted on the estate with similar methods in later
years grew to maturity and definitely showed the practicality
of large-scale reforestation by private forest owners. The re-
sults of this work became the object of special study by the
Appalachian Forest Experiment Station during 1921 and
1922. 19 Meanwhile Pinchot collected seeds from many parts
of the world for the Biltmore Arboretum which was planned
"not merely to make a botanical collection, but to show the
value of trees as elements both in scenery and in practical
Forestry." 20 It was to include 300 acres of 100 of the most
valuable and hardy forest species at Biltmore. In a few years
the arboretum actually came to possess the most complete
collection of forest flora in the southeastern United States
and had more woody plants than the world famous Royal
Botanical Gardens in London. Despite Pinchot's pleas for
its continuance, however, Vanderbilt failed to make perman-
ent provision for the arboretum.
While Pinchot was experimenting with scientific forestry
on the Biltmore Estate, he began to examine large forest
tracts near the estate which his rich employer sought for use
as a vast game preserve and camping ground. This work
brought him to the Pink Beds, a great valley tract of unusual
natural beauty covered by thickets of the laurel and rhodo-
dendron whose pinkish blossoms gave the site its name. He
was certain the area would be ideal for hunting and camping
and with the exclusion of cattle and fire would offer promise
for scientific forestry. There were virgin stands of yellow
M See Ferdinand W. Haasis, Forest Plantations at Biltmore, North Caro-
lina (U. S. Department of Agriculture Miscellaneous Publication No. 61.
Washington, D. C, 1930. Pp. 30).
20 Pinchot, Breaking New Ground, 55.
354 The North Carolina Historical Review
poplar, hemlock, hickory, black walnut, beech, and a good
number of seed-bearing trees. In the spring of 1894 another
survey trip carried him to a large mountainous tract north-
east of the Pink Beds which was covered with a mature
growth of chestnut, oak, and yellow poplar more beautiful
than any he had seen in North Carolina. The reckless lum-
berman's ax had never threatened its primeval splendor.
Pinchot realized that here another fruitful field for forest
management could be established and immediately made
tentative plans for such an undertaking. Included in the
plans were an estimate of readily removable timber, recom-
mendation of a fence law against forest trespassers, employ-
ment of forest guards, and the building of fire lines and trails.
Most of these proposals, though new to American lumber-
ing in 1894, in a few years were to become standard elements
in American forest management plans.
The tracts beyond the Biltmore Estate examined by Pin-
chot were purchased early in 1895 and Vanderbilt consolidat-
ed them to form the Pisgah Forest. This woodland began at
the headwaters of the French Broad River and extended
southward over some 100,000 acres. Close examination of
its mature timber had convinced Pinchot that extensive cut-
ting would facilitate natural reproduction of the trees. There-
fore, he made a plan designed to enable the harvesting of
the mature forest crop and at the same time to let in vital
light for the growth of seedlings— the basis for future crops.
Vanderbilt approved the plan and cutting was begun under
it in October, 1895. Here was perhaps the first systematic
attempt in American lumbering to secure the natural repro-
duction of a forest area. Although it did not produce im-
mediate financial profit, it pointed the way to more rational
use and protection of forest resources. By 1914 the site of
Pinchot's logging operations in Pisgah Forest was described
as one having a silvicultural condition "unequaled elsewhere
in the Southern Appalachians." A young growth of "remark-
able density" had sprung up under the old trees. There was
virtual restoration of primeval forest conditions.21 By 1930
* Overton W. Price, "George W. Vanderbilt, Pioneer in Forestry,"
American Forestry, XX (June, 1914), 422.
GlFFORD PlNCHOT AT BlLTMORE 355
a new forest crop was ready for commercial logging. Mean-
while the hope of Pinchot, J. A. Holmes, and others had be-
come a reality with the acquisition in 1916 of this great forest
tract by the United States Government to form the Pisgah
National Forest. In a letter offering the forest for Govern-
ment purchase Mrs. George W. Vanderbilt aptly described
its historic importance: "I wish earnestly to make such dis-
position of Pisgah Forest as will maintain in the fullest and
most permanent way its national value as an object lesson
in forestry, as well as its wonderful beauty and charm." 22
In general Pinchot doubtless enjoyed his experience at
Biltmore and considered it highly profitable. This experience
was not, however, without some disappointment and conflict.
The scientific value of his work was not always fully appre-
ciated by the owner of the Biltmore Estate. Thus early in
1895 he complained:
The scientific value of this place does not seem to appeal to Mr.
Vanderbilt as much as it did, nor as far as I can see does he
realize at all the ways in which a useful result in this direction
is to be obtained. In a word, Biltmore is taking its position in his
mind as his own pleasure ground and country seat with very
secondary reference to its usefulness in other directions.23
This complaint contrasted sharply with his opinion of the
owner of the estate in 1892: "Mr. Vanderbilt recognizes as
fully as I do the educational value of the work and is disposed
to do everything to give that side of it prominence and
force." 24 Some of the later feeling probably grew from Vand-
erbilt's lack of interest in expanding and continuing the ar-
boretum project. The feeling was attributable, Pinchot
thought, to some of Vanderbilt's advisers whom he considered
"men incapable of appreciating the scientific point of view." 25
One of the advisers he had in mind was probably Charles
McNamee, general manager of the estate, with whom he had
22 Edith S. Vanderbilt (Mrs. George W. Vanderbilt) to the Secretary of
Agriculture, May 1, 1914, Records of the Forest Service.
23 Pinchot to Sir Dietrich Brandis, January 24, 1895. Pinchot Manuscripts.
24 Pinchot to Sir Dietrich Brandis, February 2, 1892. Pinchot Manuscrips.
25 Pinchot to Sir Dietrich Brandis, January 24, 1895. Pinchot Manuscripts.
356 The North Carolina Historical Review
conflict in getting approval for forestry expenditures. More-
over, in establishing management over Vanderbilt's vast for-
est domain he sometimes had to challenge the trespassing
of mountaineers who farmed, grazed cattle, hunted, fished,
and "stilled" now and then within its boundaries.
Pinchot's direct supervision of the forestry work in Bilt-
more and Pisgah Forests ended in 1895. By that time he felt
that the work had expanded to the extent of requiring the
service of a full-time-resident forester. New ventures in
other parts of the United States were claiming much of his
time. He had been making examinations of extensive forest
tracts in the Adirondack Mountains, maintaining an office in
New York City as a "consulting forester," and furnishing ad-
vice on New Jersey's forest problems. Thus on his recom-
mendation Vanderbilt in the spring of 1895 hired a well-
trained German forester, Carl A. Schenck, to have immediate
supervision of the forestry work. Pinchot kept general di-
rection of the work. Despite some differences of opinion
concerning particular silvicultural methods best suited for
American forests the two foresters co-operated in planning
and directing the Biltmore and Pisgah operations. This co-
operation, however, was replaced a few years later by distrust
and hostility when Pinchot questioned the advisability of
continuing the Biltmore Forest School founded by Schenck.26
Meanwhile Pinchot's service to Vanderbilt came to an end
in 1898 with his appointment as Forester in the United States
Department of Agriculture.
By 1898 the Biltmore Estate had become widely known as
a center of forestry. College graduates increasingly were
seeking training and experience in its woodlands and forest
school. It had become a mecca for advocates of scientific
forestry and forest preservation. Bernhardt Ribbentrop, In-
spector General of Forests of the Government of India, made
a visit to Biltmore in 1895 and called Pinchot's work "a
wonderful good operation— a perfect piece of work."27 The
following year Secretary of Agriculture Sterling J. Morton,
26 Pinchot to Vanderbilt, July 20, 1903, Records of the Forest Service.
27 Pinchot, Breaking New Ground, 67.
GlFFORD PlNCHOT AT BlLTMORE 357
the father of Arbor Day, took "great satisfaction in going over
the Forestry work" on the estate.28 During the same year R.
H. Warder, Superintendent of Cincinnati's Park Department
examined this work and lauded it as "a practical example to
the whole country." 29
Today the Biltmore Estate, owned by grandsons of George
W. Vanderbilt, is still being managed as a forest holding.
Successful reforestation and timber cutting are carried on
under the direction of a full-time forester. This first and
continuing American example of successful scientific forestry
has helped to influence an increasing number of private for-
est owners to adopt what Pinchot demonstrated at Biltmore
to be practical and profitable— the management of forests
for continuous timber crops. More significant is the fact that
his work in the Biltmore and Pisgah forests was an important
milestone in the march of progress toward a national program
for the protection and rational use of American forests— a
program that was destined to include all natural resources.
Furthermore, his pioneering efforts in the woodlands of
North Carolina heralded the leadership that he was to assume
in the epochal conservation movement.
28 Morton to R. W. Furnas, March 12, 1896, Records of the Office of the
Secretary of Agriculture, National Archives, Washington, D. C.
^Warder to Charles A. Keffer, September 12, 1896, Records of the
Forest Service.
THE IDEA OF COTTON TEXTILE INDUSTRY
IN THE SOUTH, 1870-1900
By Herbert Collins
In spirit, scope, and success the cotton mill movement that
arose in the South after 1870 became a project in which all
segments of the community eventually participated. Nothing
like it had previously occurred on such a scale and in so short
a time. It seemed at moments as though "every town or
village of any size . . . had determined to have a cotton mill
of its own." * A growing inventory of original ideas and
schemes begged to be realized. The times were auspicious
for business prosperity and industrial expansion. Politicians
were warned not to distract business from its pursuits by
appeals to agrarian, sectional, or partisan causes. There were
many advocates of industry, but none put the matter more
eloquently than did Henry W. Grady. "We have sowed
towns and cities in the place of theories," he told the New
England Society when he addressed them at Delmonico's
in New York City on December 21, 1886, "and put business
above politics. . . . We have established thrift in city and
country. We have fallen in love with work." 2 But in the broad-
est sense a new civilization was being made by individual
men thinking out ideals and working up objectives which
aimed at the progress of the whole community. These ideals
and objectives were so related to the realities of life that they
eventually were able to influence most effectively the cir-
cumstances of the time.
In 1870 an immigration convention meeting in Charleston
resolved that "A new era is upon us. The policies attending
the institutions of the past no longer control our actions."3
It was expected that henceforth agricultural exclusiveness
1 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, LXXIII (September 7, 1901), 6.
2 Joel C. Harris, Life of Henry W. Grady, Including His Writings and
Speeches (New York, 1890), 88. .
3 Proceedings of the Immigration Convention Held at the Academy of
Music, Charleston, South Carolina, May 3 to 5, 1870 (Charleston, 1870),
32-33, hereinafter cited as Proceedings of Immigration Convention.
[358]
Cotton Textile Industry 359
would be subordinated to manufacturing industries in which
manual labor would be respected. Joseph B. Killebrew, a
Commissioner for the Tennessee Bureau of Agriculture, de-
clared that the doctrine of the association of labor and ser-
vility had ceased to be taught by 1874 and suggested that
labor is the true index of civilization.4 The end of slavery,
Daniel R. Goodloe, the North Carolina abolitionist and journ-
alist, predicted would infuse "new elements into southern
life and new ideas into individual enterprise/'5 Those who
shared this opinion also advocated the abandonment
of old routines in order to diversify industry and de-
velop natural resources.6 A general spirit of improvement
associated with a constantly growing demand and inquiry for
improved breeds of stock, implements and machinery, and
methods of farming came to prevail. Inducements to manu-
facturers, investors, mineral prospectors, and immigrants were
marshalled. In 1871 Governor Todd R. Caldwell of North
Carolina proposed an internal improvement program with
such features as a geological survey, capital accumulation
and investment, and solicitations to immigrants.7 "What
North Carolina needs is people," P. F. Duffy wrote. His
editorials in the Greensboro Patriot were consistently on the
side of regional development, and he went on to claim that
the rich lands, genial climate, and mineral resources "are
things strangers know little about."8
4 Joseph B. Killebrew, Introduction to the Resources of Tennessee (Nash-
ville, 1874), 391.
5 Daniel R. Goodloe, Resources and Industrial Conditions of the Southern
States. Extracts from the Report of the United States Commissioner of
Agriculture for the Year 1865 (Washington, D. C, 1866), 103.
a Edwin de Leon, "The New South", Harper's New Monthly Magazine,
XLVIII (1874), 270; hereinafter cited as de Leon, "The New South";
Alexander H. H. Stuart, "Facts Worth Thinking About," The Virginias,
II (1881), 51; Z. B. Vance, "All About It," The Land We Love, VI (1869),
365; Cassius M. Clay cited in W. H. Gannon, The Land Owners of the
South and the Industrial Classes of the North (Boston, 1882), 19; Atticus
G. Haygood, The New South (Oxford, Ga., 1880), 14, hereinafter cited as
Haygood, The New South.
7 Greensboro Patriot, November 30, 1871, November 27, 1872, July 18,
1877; North Carolina Board of Immigration, North Carolina: Its Resources
and Progress and its Attractions and Advantages as a Home for Immi-
grants (Raleigh, 1875), 32; North Carolina Handbook (Raleigh, 1879),
159; The News and Observer, (Raleigh), April 23, 1881, hereinafter cited
as The News and Observer; Donoho, Duncan and Co., An Appeal from the
South to the North (Boston, n.d.), 11-12.
8 Greensboro Patriot, January 12, 1871. Also see W. J. Barbee, The
Cotton Question (New York, 1866), 249; J. B. Lyman, Cotton Culture
(New York, 1868), 140-141.
360 The North Carolina Historical Review
As if a new Eldorado had been discovered, the South was
lavishly described by residents and visitors who reiterated
apocalyptically the promise of a "New South." A salubrious
climate, year-round farming, railroad facilities, raw materials,
and ubiquitous launching of new factory enterprises were
catalogued with tourist enthusiasm. "The South is in a
thorough and long transition/' a Georgian announced with
the accompanying prediction that "industries, trade and man-
ufactories are to be founded and everywhere multiplied."9
Always it was reported that Southerners were in love with
their own plans. "No one is more loth," Edward King report-
ed after his tour, "than the Southerner to admit the impossi-
bility of its thorough redemption." 10 Any derogatory refer-
ence to the past was less painful, Edward Atkinson observed,
than "the expression of doubt as to the immediate capacity of
the Southern people to do any kind of work in the manufac-
turing or mechanic arts." u He spoke from experience, for his
statements were frequently scrutinized for whatever encour-
agement he had to offer or to dispute his doubts. And Henry
W. Grady, who knew his people well enough to advertise their
virtues, thought that nothing "so appeals to Southern pride
as to urge the possibility that in time the manufacture" of
the cotton crop "shall be a monopoly of the cotton belt." 12
The regional optimism and great expectations of future de-
velopment reported by Carl Schurz after his visit in 1885
were confirmed the next year by another traveller who wrote
that "The Southern ego brightens and the Southern face
beams with hope, as the future of the South is discussed." 13
Indeed, the prediction made in 1867 by Zebulon B. Vance,
the wartime Governor of North Carolina, that "with progress
9 John C. Reed, The Old and the New South (New York, 1876), 21, 24,
hereinafter cited as Reed, Old and New South.
10 Edward King, The Great South (Hartford, 1875), 792.
11 Edward Atkinson, "Significant Aspects of the Cotton Exposition,"
Scribner's Magazine, XXIII (1882), 564.
12 Henry W. Grady, "Cotton and Its Kingdom,'* Harper's New Monthly
Magazine, LXIII (1881), 730, hereinafter cited as Grady, "Cotton and Its
Kingdom."
13 Frederic Bancroft (ed.), Speeches, Correspondence and Political Papers
of Carl Schurz (New York, 6 vols., 1913), IV, 379, hereinafter cited as
Bancroft, Carl Schurz; Alexander K. McClure, The South: Its Industrial,
Financial and Political Condition (Philadelphia, 1886), 31, hereinafter
cited as McClure, The South.
Cotton Textile Industry 361
in the arts and sciences, will come also a fantastic variety of
philanthropy, religion, politics, and morals," 14 seemed on
the verge of fulfillment.
A writer for the Memphis Bulletin claimed in 1866 that
southerners paid too much attention to politics, and too little
to the improvement of their country.15 Hinton Rowan Help-
er's famous dictum that the South was dependent upon the
North for a galaxy of commodities that could easily have
been manufactured in the South was resuscitated. If the
expenditures that went to pay for commodities manufactured
in the North "were applied to the building of manufactures
in our midst," an editor explained, "in a little while we would
not only have a home supply but would be shipping abroad
instead of purchasing at enormous prices to meet our own
wants." 16 Eventually there were visions of not only a textile
industry, but machine and tool, locomotive, carriage, furni-
ture, and agricultural equipment industries.17
The succession of Rutherford B. Hayes to the Presidency of
the United States propelled the discussion of the idea of man-
ufacturing industries by inciting political protests as well as
economic threats. One protestation began,
Unwritten history will yet proclaim that disfranchisement of
the people in the declaration that Mr. Rutherford B. Hayes was
President for the next four years, was done in the days of our
political degradation. . . . Our mines must be delved. Our water
power must be improved. Our fields must be cultivated. . . .
Labor must be made honorable, and our forests must be made to
contribute their quota to our coming prosperity. . . . Railroads
must be built; immigrants must be invited. . . . The hum of
spindles, the ring of the anvil, the rattle of the loom must be
heard. 18
There was rejoicing in the fact that political frustrations were
drawing attention to the importance of manufacturing enter-
prise. Political discussions of economic affairs were often sil-
14 Vance, "All About It," 367.
15 Cited in De Bow's Review, n. s., II (1866), 642-644.
16 Greensboro Patriot, May 14, 28, 1873.
17 Daily Charlotte Observer, August 10, 1881, July 8. 1882.
18 Daily Charlotte Observer, March 10, 1877.
o
62 The North Carolina Historical Review
enced on the grounds that every politician was the deadly
enemy of business prosperity. Those who had suffered during
the industrial and financial depression of 1873-1879 were re-
assured that they could "rightfully demand that politics shall
give way to peace and that politicians shall give way to the
interests of business." 19
The defeat of Winfield S. Hancock in the presidential elec-
tion of 1880 set the critics of political action new conditions
for insisting on economic development. Atticus G. Haygood
sermonized that political success may enrich a few place-
hunters, "but it will bring little reward to the masses of the
people."20 He prescribed work, self-denial, civil order, and
the blessing of God for his people. The president of the
Louisville and Nashville Railroad contended that politics had
benefited the South but little.21 The lesson of James A. Gar-
field's victory meant more spindles, more banks, more people
employed. To the editors of The News and Observer it meant
forsaking national politics, building factories, and promoting
industrial education. "We must make money— it is a power
in this practical business age." 22 Political quiet, the New
York Herald editorialized, had taken the place of political
turmoil, and industrial activity was superceding industrial
stagnation.23 Southern editors vehemently supported this
view. The Register (Columbia, S. C.) declared: "If we have
lost the victory on the field of fight we can win it back in
the workshop, in the factory, in an improved agriculture and
horticulture, in our mines and in our school houses." 24 The
New Orleans Times-Democrat predicted the commercial and
manufacturing "New South . . . will control the political and
material affairs of the South."25 The almost universally ex-
pressed conviction of southerners by 1882 was to leave na-
tional politics to others so as to give, as one traveler reported
M Observer (Raleigh), May 22, 1879, hereinafter cited Observer; Greens-
boro Patriot, July 18, 1877.
20 Haygood, The New South, 15.
21 New York Herald, July 8, 1881.
22 The News and Observer, November 9, 11, 1880.
23 New York Herald, June 7, 1881.
24 Cited in Broadus Mitchell, The Rise of Cotton Mills in the South
(Baltimore, 1921), 90, hereinafter cited Mitchell, Rise of Cotton Mills.
25 Mitchell, Rise of Cotton Mills, 91.
Cotton Textile Industry 363
it, "all their strength to work, education, the development
of natural resources, and the improvement of the condition
of the laboring classes."26
The election of Grover Cleveland closed an era. "The
Solid South is back in the Union," the Daily Charlotte Ob-
server declared.27 The political battle appeared to have been
won on the farms and in the factories, and, although the
South's candidate won, there was to be no respite from busi-
ness, work, factory construction, and resources development.
In Carl Schurz's appraisal that "the public mind may hence-
forth rest in the assurance that the period of the rebellion is
indeed a thing of the past," 28 there was general concurrence.
"Former political issues," a historian afterwards wrote, "were
to be relegated to oblivion with former methods of manufac-
ture, of transportation, of business. . . ,"29 These elections,
however, were the critical occasions which enabled the cotton
mill crusaders to reveal their catechism. The admission of the
Boston Journal of Commerce that a new era had commenced
"which may be properly denominated the new and prosper-
ous South,"30 was not enough. There were other issues on
which to make the North yield; such as, the establishment
of a competitive textile industry in the South.
"The discussion of advantages of one section of the country
over another, in the manufacture of cotton goods," a publicist
observed, "had had the effect of developing interesting and
instructive facts, from which there is much to be expected
in stimulating renewed and extended efforts towards building
up manufacturing industry."81 Even when De Bow's Com-
mercial Review served the interests of southern economic dis-
course, it was realized that the subject of cotton mills would
require factual support. Subsequently it became a part of
wisdom to learn how regional resources could be most profit-
26 "Studies in the South," Atlantic Monthly, L (1882), 102.
27 Daily Charlotte Observer, November 8, 13, 1884.
28 Bancroft, Carl Schurz, IV, 399.
29 Edwin E. Sparks, National Developments, 1877-1885 (New York, 1907),
351.
Cited in Daily Charlotte Observer, July 15, 1881.
Daily Charlotte Observer, February 7, 1878.
30
31
364 The North Carolina Historical Review
ably utilized.32 Quick to perceive that the campaign to estab-
lish a textile industry was producing a permanently valuable
regional inventory, the editors of the New York Commercial
and Financial Chronicle remarked in 1876 that southerners
were "accumulating ideas of economy, which, in the end,
must inevitably not only lead to individual profit, but show
to the world the wonderful capabilities of that richly favored
section." 33 Writing in retrospect in 1896, Carroll D. Wright,
whose administrative duties as statistician and labor econom-
ist brought him into intimate contact with industrial develop-
ments, recalled how the prospecting of the region had quietly
led to the ascertainment of the stores of mineral wealth, and
to the demonstration of the various openings for future com-
mercial enterprise.34
What the cotton mill proposals lacked in documentary uni-
ty, they retrieved in volubility which the newspapers diligent-
ly fostered. The press urged industrialization upon those who
had capital to invest. Economic surveys were sponsored, and
every manufacturing project was joyfully hailed. Sometimes
the editorial workers were praised for "working up a spirit
of the enterprise which we long needed," as one admirer
expressed his appreciation.35 Frequently the press presented
itself with accolades for participating promptly and eagerly
in the vanguard of the cotton mill movement.36 The editors
liked to cast themselves in the role of inculcators of "not only
the necessity, but the absolute duty we all owe to the State
to encourage home enterprises. . . ." 3T The editor of the
Raleigh News embodied in a letter to a mill owner in 1877
what was to become the chief function of the press in nour-
ishing the spirit of investigation and enterprise. The letter
32 James D. B. De Bow, The Industrial Resources of the Southern and
Western States (New Orleans, 3 vols., 1852), II, 114-115; The News and
Observer, December 14, 1880; Daily Charlotte Observer, July 29, 1881.
33 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, XXIII (1876), 270.
34 Carroll D. Wright, "The New Industrial South," Scientific American
Supplement, XLI (1896), 16918.
35 Silas N. Martin, "Wilmington Cotton Mills," Our Living and Our
Dead, III (1875), 644, hereinafter cited as Martin, "Wilmington Cotton
Mills."
38 Greensboro' Patriot, July 18, 1877; Daily Charlotte Observer, December
1, 1881.
"Greensboro Patriot, May 21, 1873.
Cotton Textile Industry 365
is a magnificent piece of the huckster's art before advertising
became respectable. He proposed to insert in his newspaper
a sketch of a factory. The information for such copy the hon-
ored owner was expected to supply and finance. His object
was "to show the world what we are doing . . . and to give
some idea of the water power of the State." 38
When Robert Somers, an English journalist, traveled
through the South in 1871 he remarked that "A very general
desire is evinced in all parts of the country for the establish-
ment of cotton factories. " 39 He had before him concrete in-
stances of enthusiasm translated into actual manufacturing
enterprises. Although the number of cotton mills had fallen
off between 1840 and 1870, capitalization had more than
doubled, and totaled over eleven million dollars. Four years
later one hundred and eighty-seven mills were operating
over 480,000 spindles. By 1880 even the statistics seemed
to effervesce; capitalization exceeded seventeen million dol-
lars. The total number of spindles increased to over five-
hundred thousand in spite of the total number of mills hav-
ing declined.40 The same census figures that first brought
southern textile development to the attention of the nation
persuaded the New York Herald that such progress suggested
"the very important inquiry whether the South had not at
last set out upon that course which in time must lead to the
achievement of one of the great possibilities that nature put
within its reach." 41
As the paramont inducement to industrialization, the nat-
ural resources of the South had perennially constituted the
leading argument of cotton mill campaigners. The proximity
of the cotton fiber, the power of the Piedmont waterpower
sites, the availability of lumber and minerals, the rural coun-
tryside with its inhabitants, and the climate were orchestrat-
38 Johnstone Jones to Morgan-Malloy, May 11, 1877, Morgan-Malloy
Correspondence, George Washington Flowers Collection, Duke University
Library, Durham, hereinafter cited Morgan-Malloy Correspondence.
39 Robert Somers, The Southern States Since the War, 1870-1871 (New
York and London, 1871), 91, hereinafter cited as Somers, Southern States.
*° Commercial and Financial Chronicle, XIX (1874), 515; Edward
Stanwood, "Cotton Manufactures," Census Reports, ix, Twelfth Census of
the United States, 1900 Manufactures, Part III (Washington, D. C, 1902),
54-59, hereinafter cited as Stanwood, "Cotton Manufactures."
aNew York Herald, June 7, 1881.
366 The North Carolina Historical Review
42
ed over and over again for local and national audiences.
Not only did local publicists and governmental boards and
commissions scour the region for material inducements and
statistical documentation, but northerners willingly partici-
pated as did Alexander K. McClure when in 1886, after sur-
veying the minerals, crops, climate, and water power of the
Carolinas, he predicted "the momentous meaning of a New
South, with sectional tranquility assured."43 After 1880 in-
quiries from the North as well as business trips to the South
by New England manufacturers were avidly announced. In
the absence of business bureaus and industrial site engineers,
the railroads issued pamphlets promoting the water power,
agricultural production, mineral deposits, timberlands, and
the ever-present cotton mills.44
The desire for cotton mills that Robert Somers observed
in 1871 never waned. Ten years later Henry W. Grady wrote
that "each factory established is an argument for others."45
This happy contagion suggested to the editors of the Com-
mercial and Financial Chronicle that if only a small percent-
age of the cotton mills ever came to fruitation "there is an
almost unlimited number of projects which . . . will largely
swell the number of southern cotton mills within the next few
years."46 Accomplishments and recognition that accompan-
ied them, however, could never truly indicate the effort and
imagination that went into the South's adventure in indust-
rialization. "We may perhaps be on the eve of great changes,"
the North Carolina Press Association was told in 1881, "for
if we do not originate them, many causes combine to draw
^Proceedings of Immigration Convention, 29; Daily Charlotte Observer,
February 3, March 21, April 13, 1877; N. Dumont (ed.), Proceedings of
the Convention of Northern Residents of the South (Charlotte, N. C, 1879),
43-44, hereinafter cited as Dumont, Proceedings; Grady, "Cotton and Its
Kingdom," 726-727, 731-732; G. F. Swain, "Report on the Water Power of
the South Atlantic Watershed," Reports on the Water Power of the United
States, Part I (Washington, D. C, 1885), passim; D. A. Tompkins, "Future
of Cotton Manufacturing in the South," Transactions of the New England
Cotton Manufacturers' Association, 60:242; Times-Democrat (New Orleans,
La.), hereinafter cited as Times Democrat, September 1, 1885.
43 McClure, The South, 37.
44 The News and Observer, January 5, 1881 ; Daily Charlotte Observer,
July 29, 1881, April 7, 1886; Manufacturers' Record, VI (1884), 296;
XXIII (1893), 398.
46 Grady, "Cotton and Its Kingdom," 730.
"Commercial and Financial Chronicle, LXIX (September 9, 1899), 6.
Cotton Textile Industry 367
southward the interests of the northern manufacturers." 4T
But the task of originating the great changes required much
more than local patriotism. "I tell you plainly," a champion
of industrialization declared from the rostrum, "that we may
talk ourselves blind about our natural resources ... as long
as we do not improve our opportunities ourselves."48
The awakening of the South to the possibilities of economic
overhaul and innovation through industrialization eventuat-
ed in the financing, constructing, and operating of cotton
mills with a verve that only faith can import to a secular
movement. A witness to the cotton mill movement recalled
how conviction over-came the timidity that a frank canvass
of economic facilities might have prompted.49 In an analysis
of the textile industry for the United States census, Edward
Stanwood pointed out that "more mills have been erected
which their projectors would not have erected had they stud-
ied the matter carefully before entering upon the experi-
ment." 50 It is not, however, the certainty of success, but its
possibility, that maintains adventure. A meticulous inquiry
would have dampened the enthusiasm of civic benefactors
and businessmen. When the small cotton mill was financed
and constructed with civic, welfare, and pecuniary considera-
tions uppermost in the thoughts and plans of promoters ad-
venture rather than rational planning were the order of the
day. "The cotton mill was looked upon as a dynamo to effect
changes in all departments of life in a community," 51 a
participant reminisced. Those who sometimes had only cau-
tion to offer actually came empty-handed.
There was something irresistible about a cotton factory.
In 1883 a representative of the Bibb Manufacturing Com-
pany of Macon, Georgia, regarded the wildcat erection of
cotton mills unfavorably. "Makeshift industrial organization
"Daily Charlotte Observer, July 13, 1881.
48 Daily Charlotte Observer, May 7, 1879. Also see the Observer, April
13, 1879; Manufacturers' Record, XXXI (1897), 333.
49 Mitchell, Rise of Cotton Mills, 129.
60 Stanwood, "Cotton Manufactures," 29.
51 Mitchell, Rise of Cotton Mills, 130.
368 The North Carolina Historical Review
predicated upon the advantages of the South over the North
have cut profits and broken the spell of the advantages."52
But it was apparently too early to talk of breaking the spell,
or of following advice to avoid building small mills in every
local community. "This country is getting so full of mills,"
a manufacturer complained in 1892, "as to keep cotton be-
yond any reasonable shipping price. " He charged that his
competitors were foolishly reckless in " 'grabbing' all the cot-
ton in sight," so that the cotton market ceased to be a cheap
source for raw materials.53 However, there was scarcely a
town that could not accumulate $50,000 to $100,000 for a
cotton factory. The association of farmers, merchants, bank-
ers, and professional men with cotton mill projects lent an
aura of confidence and prestige to speculative enterprises.54
The editor of the Laurinburg Exchange (N. C.) wrote to a
textile manufacturer in 1891:
We are making an earnest effort to get up a cotton factory
here and want to get all good men into it we can. I know of no
man I had rather would take some stock in it than yourself.
Your experience enables you to know whether or not there's
money in the business. Of course I have no idea a factory here
would hurt your business, as there is room for more factories in
this country. We want the benefit of your capacity and experi-
ence, and let me hope to hear from you taking some stock in this
attempted enterprise.55
After the turn of the century the realization that southern
mills were competing against each other tended to restrain
impetuosity, and mills were no longer constructed merely for
the sake of having them. But before that was to happen the
invention of financial plans became the necessary invocation
for a successful enterprise.
62 Daily Charlotte Observer, January 21, 1883.
53 Schenck Letter Book, October 4, October 13, November 22, 1892, George
Washington Flowers Collection, Duke University, hereinafter cited as
Schenck Letter Book; Atlanta Constitution (Atlanta, Ga.), November 14,
1881, hereinafter cited as Atlanta Constitution; Commercial and Financial
Chronicle, XLI (1885), 293.
51 Manufacturers' Record, XXVIII (1895), 36; Mitchell, Rise of Cotton
Mills, 131; News and Courier (Charleston, S. C.), April 5, 1883, herein-
after cited as News and Courier; Savannah Morning News (Georgia),
cited in Daily Charlotte Observer, July 9, 1884.
66 J. D. Bundy to Morgan-Malloy, April 16, 1891, Morgan-Malloy Cor-
respondence.
Cotton Textile Industry 369
The heralding of cotton mill projects was accompanied by
no lack of insistence on public support as instanced in pro-
posals for tax exemption legislation to encourage the launch-
ing of new industrial enterprises.56 Legislative support was
not, however, the only hinge on which the search for factory
sites was considered to turn. Other inducements of a public
nature were enlisted, especially the ability of a community
to present itself attractively to prospective investors. The
vicinity of Jamestown on the Deep River in North Carolina
was advertised in 1871 as equipped with water power, rail-
road facilities, cheap labor, salubrious climate, and a textile
mill. Guilford County in the same state was described as
"always remarkably free from infectious diseases" and al-
ready attracting the attention of investors.57 The criteria for
selecting a factory site multiplied to the extent that a local
railroad, an increasing population, natural resources, church-
es and schools, and existing cotton mills became standard
features in the publicity of rural communities bent on attract-
ing industries.58
The boundaries of cotton mill construction were, neverthe-
less, still remote in 1900. Joseph B. Killebrew, who was now
an immigration agent for the Nashville, Chattanooga and St.
Louis Railroad, requested at that time a book "that will give
the most information to persons . . . who may desire to erect
cotton factories." He wanted any book that Daniel A. Tomp-
kins, who had acquired a reputation as an engineer and mill
architect, had written which would help to answer industrial
inquiries involving investments up to $500,000.59 But the
epitomy of such enthusiasm was reported by George Gunton,
a labor editor and social economist, after he was mistaken
for a prospective investor looking for a site on which to build
a mill. The man in error insisted, Gunton reported, "I should
58 Daily Charlotte Observer, October 10, 1873, June 29, 1879; Greensboro
Patriot, January 31, 1877; Observer, February 16, 1879; The News and
Observer, February 15, 1881; Manufacturers' Record, VI (1884), 106.
57 Greensboro Patriot, August 24, 1871, July 2, 1873.
68 Observer, July 26, September 12, 1877; Dumont, Proceedings, 83;
Manufacturers' Record, IX (1886), 325; XVI (1889), 15.
59 J. B. Killebrew to D. A. Tompkins, April 2, 1900, Daniel A. Tompkins
Correspondence, folio 19, Southern Historical Collection, University of
North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill.
370 The North Carolina Historical Review
go to his town and he would raise fifty thousand dollars and
the town would give ten years exemption from taxes, and if
need be the land to build the factory on. . . ." 60
Sometimes the initiative was taken by individuals or small
groups of investors. The Pacolet Manufacturing Company in
South Carolina was organized in 1883 with a Spartanburg
businessman, a millowner, and a Rhode Island textile special-
ist associated in the initial capital subscription which the
community was urged to regard as safe for lesser investors.61
The Newberry Cotton Manufacturing Company grew out of
a canvass of the local community, a subscription to the capi-
tal stock by a northern investor, credit for the purchase of
machinery extended by a northern manufacturer, and the
promise of additional machinery from a neighboring cotton
mill in exchange for capital stock in the new enterprise.62 Oc-
casionally the organizers hailed the launching of their own
enterprises as was the case when J. M. Odell and J. W. Can-
non issued the laconic message announcing the founding of
the Cannon Manufacturing Company: "Capital stock is $75,-
000, with the privilege of increasing same to $400,000. We
will manufacture cotton warps. Capacity 4,000 spindles, and
will commence work on building at once." 63 Anxious to have
a cotton factory built in their vicinity, the citizens of San-
ford, North Carolina, agreed to subscribe as much as $125,-
000 if they could get "a man or set of men that understand
the business to furnish the balance of capital and run the
business." 64
The financial convenience and the popular connotations
derived from bringing the local citizenry into a cotton mill
project had been detected in 1873 by an alert editor who
saw in charitable orders, trade unions, the Patrons of Hus-
bandry, and similar voluntary associations the analogy and
principle for organizing cotton mills. "No scheme can be
successfully inaugurated and carried through without organi-
80 George Gunton, "Factory Conditions in the South," Lecture Bulletin
of the Institute of Social Economics, III (1900), 345-346.
61 News and Courier, April 5, 1883.
82 News and Courier, May 1, 1883.
"Manufacturers' Record, XII (1887), 192.
"Manufacturers' Record, XII (1887), 426.
Cotton Textile Industry 371
zation of some sort," he wrote, and then proceeded to wonder
why organizations could not be established for the purpose
of encouraging and building up local industries.65 "One thing
that retards the development of the manufacturing interests
of many places," the Savannah Morning News reasoned, "is
a want of appreciation of the value and power of cooperation
and the inauguration of manufacturing enterprises by many
small stockholders/'66 Although the varieties of organizing
strategy were numerous,67 in so many cases they embraced
the conviction that cotton mills constituted engines of pro-
gress and virtue. A letter to a textile manufacturer stated,
Your presence here is earnestly solicited on Saturday next to
confer with our people who are making a strong effort to estab-
lish a Cotton Mill at this place. . . . Our people are in earnest
and are subscribing liberally. And we hope to organize as soon
as a good number of shares is subscribed. Come over and you can
do us a great amount of good. Your views as a practical man
are earnestly solicited. 68
The rallying of the small investors through installment pur-
chase of mill securities conferred on the corporation the
badge of civic virtue. This came about as the idea spread that
investments in cotton mills could be paid for in small weekly
or monthly installments. "Heretofore small investors," the
prospectus for a Virginia cotton mill claimed, "have not gen-
erally been able to share in the large profits made by cotton
mills."69 In addition to encouraging habits of thrift and the
accumulation of investment capital, "The money of the oper-
ative," an editor virtuously observed, "is thus by indirection
invested in the very industry which offered the work to the
laboring classes." 70 No one was unqualified to enter the ranks
of the business community. Next to commercial integrity
65 Greensboro Patriot, May 28, 1873.
66 Cited in Daily Charlotte Observer, July 9, 1885.
6TSee Daily Charlotte Observer, May 1, 2, 6, 1877; Carolina Watchman
(Salisbury), December 10, 1885, hereinafter cited as Carolina Watchman;
The News and Observer, December 17, 1880, January 5, 1881; Manufac-
turers' Record, V (1884), 315.
68 H. M. Millan to Mark Malloy, October 26, 1892, Morgan-Malloy Cor-
respondence.
68 Manufacturers' Record, XXVIII (1895), 22.
70 The News and Observer, May 13, 1881; C. B. Spahr, "The New Fac-
tory Towns of the South," Outlook, LXI (1899), 516.
372 The North Carolina Historical Review
mutual support and co-operation were considered vital to the
development of a community. Whatever plan a community
decided to select, the principle behind the effort usually ac-
quired the respectability co-operation and association could
impart. The method of paying for subscriptions through small
assessments secured the building of cotton mills at locations
where they could not otherwise, from lack of capital, have
been started. The novelty of the savings technique, the wide
base of ownership, and the opportunity for partial operations
until the subscription was fully taken, recommended the co-
operative savings plans. Yet, the most worthy recommenda-
tion resided in the belief that capital could be amassed with-
out dispatching a committee to the North to beg for sub-
scriptions.71
The task of launching a factory enterprise almost immedi-
ately acquired a redemptionary justification. The fusion of
community welfare and associative effort became a rallying
point for the boosters of industrialization who could, in addi-
tion to natural resources, freight savings, labor supply, and
climate, point to a congenial citizenry. "Home people are
better off," Daniel A. Tompkins argued, "for being put into a
position of proprietors. " 72 He transformed the gospel of eco-
nomic independence and industrial development into an
immediately attainable goal by popularizing the idea of com-
munity savings. Between 1892 and 1896 he elaborated a plan
to demonstrate the fact that any ordinary town had within
itself the resources to establish a cotton factory.73 Where
accumulated capital is scanty, he believed, outside capital
will be reluctant to enter. Only systematic savings could
create a precedent for industrialization. "The South is full of
towns in which the subject of manufacturing is being agitated
where the only idea is to get somebody from somewhere else
71 Manufacturers' Record, XXVIII (1895), 22; XXIX (1896), 105; Com-
mercial and Financial Chronicle, LXXI (September 8, 1900), 6-7.
72 Manufacturers' Record, XXIX (February 7, 1896), 21.
178 D. A. Tompkins, "Capital for New Cotton Factories," Manufacturers'
Record, XXI (1892), 8; "Easy Way to Build a Cotton Factory", Manufac-
turers' Record, XXII (1892), 254; A Plan to Raise Capital for Manufactur-
ing (New York, 1894), hereinafter cited as Tompkins, A Plan to Raise
Capital; "Cooperative Cotton Mills," Manufacturers' Record, XXVII
(1895), 51.
Cotton Textile Industry 373
to come to the town to build a factory," he complained.74
Tompkins had heard too much about climate which was no
substitute for capital, knowledge, and adventure. It remained
for local people to establish the conditions that would beckon
to more substantial capital resources and to more experienced
management. The double idea of spreading industrial pro-
prietorship widely through the community and creating capi-
tal resources at home through savings plans was the message
he brought to inspired communities. Others relayed compar-
able messages far and wide. From Mississippi in 1897 came
the promise that "If citizens of every community that desires
a factory would get together and effect a proper organization
. . . they could easily succeed."75 This was repeatedly pro-
claimed, and no one ever seemed to tire of hearing it again.
The straw men of the cotton mill crusaders were the "out-
siders," the "Northern Capitalists," and the "New England
Manufacturers." At times they were viewed as indispensable
to industrialization; at other times they were discouraged
from venturing their capital. No inspirational idea, however,
was ever nurtured in an environment uncomplicated by con-
tradictions. The believers, at least, liked to imagine that they
were doing the job themselves, as in many cases they did.
But one of the firmest articles of faith was to get the investor
to want to risk his money before anyone formally solicited
him. Once the profitableness of manufacturing cotton textiles
was discovered, the imminent transfer of the New England
textile industry was alternately predicted and demanded.76
Yet, long before southerners recognized that in the sources
of investment capital resided one of the chief means of indus-
trial development, northern tourists had expressed similar
ideas.
"The southern masses cannot but be stimulated," William
E. Dodge prophesied in 1865, "by contact with the enterprise
of the East and North which now will naturally be attracted
74 Tompkins, A Plan to Raise Capital, 3.
75 Manufacturers' Record, XXXI (1897), 333.
76
Manufacturers' Record, V (1884), 683; XXVII (1895), 54; Greensboro
Patriot, May 28, September 17, 1873; Daily Charlotte Observer, December
16, 1881.
374 The North Carolina Historical Review
to the South.77 The following year, before a Philadelphia
audience, William D. Kelley, the Pennsylvania abolitionist,
politician and lecturer, prescribed subsoil ploughs, steam
engines, and manufacturing machinery for the regeneration
of the South.78 Whitelaw Reid believed that the openings
which the South presented for northern capital and industry
were unsurpassed.79 Not only was the South ripe for new
business enterprises, but Sidney Andrews reported to northern
newspapers from the scene that he had heard "much expres-
sion of a desire for an influx of Northern energy and Northern
capital,"80 which John T. Trowbridge confirmed after his
tour.81 In 1876 John C. Reed, a southerner, gave credence to
tourist opinion by reiterating earlier claims that northern
investors constituted "the most powerful agency in introduc-
ing the much-needed higher type of industrial organiza-
tion." 82 But these predictions failed to materialize. The final
estimate of the situation, however, came from Rutherford B.
Hayes. He wrote in his Acceptance Letter to the Republican
National Convention,
The welfare of the South depends upon the attractions it can
offer to labor and immigration and to capital, but laborers will
not go and capital will not be invested when the constitution and
the laws are set in defiance, and distraction, apprehension and
alarm take the place of peace-loving and law-abiding social
life.83
Ironically it was the very success of his candidacy that im-
pelled so many to undertake the industrial development of
the South themselves.
77 William E. Dodge, The Influence of the War on Our National Pros-
perity (New York, 1865), 29.
n William D. Kelley, Speeches, Addresses and Letters on Industrial and
Financial Questions (Philadelphia, 1872), 182, hereinafter cited as Kelley,
Speeches and Addresses.
79 Whitelaw Reid, After the War: A Southern Tour (Cincinnati, 1866),
578.
80 Sidney Andrews, The South Since the War (Boston, 1866), 320.
81 John T. Trowbridge, The South: A Tour of Its Battlefields and Ruined
Cities, A Journey Through the Desolated States and Talks with the People
(Hartford, Conn., 1866), 583.
82 Reed, Old and New South, 21.
83 Daily Times (Columbus, Ga.), July 13, 1876.
Cotton Textile Industry 375
Occasionally a cautious invitation was issued to northern
capitalists, as in 1869 when the Alabama Commission of
Industrial Resources, after reviewing the inducements for
industries, pointed to the influx of investment capital as a
worthy objective in any manufacturing campaign.84 A New
England manufacturer, who had joined a South Carolina
mill, observed in 1880 that if "Northern capitalists only thor-
oughly understood the condition of affairs here, a great deal
of capital would be invested in this State." 85 The Georgia
Commissioner of Land and Immigration, without extending
a persuasive invitation, identified the lack of capital as the
major obstacle to the utilization of the inducements for a
local factory economy.86 The local publicists and the tourists
often vied with each other to advertise the South as an in-
vestors paradise or to announce that outside capital was
already appearing. When Carl Schurz returned from his tour
he confirmed the lively desire to excite interest in industrial
development and to attract northern capital, enterprise, and
immigration.87
But the prophesy that the surplus capital and industry of
the North would become inseparably interwoven with the
"New South" grew stale. The managers of industrialization
had already discovered local means of capital accumulation
and investment. Although northern capital did eventually
find its way into southern industries through the participation
in financial schemes of commission merchants, machinery
manufacturers, and New England cotton mill owners, the
very availability of local funds served the propagandistic
tactics of the cotton mill publicists. Enthusiasm is not, how-
ever, a statistical phenomenon. The idea of a cotton textile
industry was just as strong an incentive to industrialization
as the precise source of the investment capital. The patience
and stamina of the campaigners, nevertheless, seemed inex-
84 Alabama Commissioner of Industrial Resources, A Few Remarks About
Her Resources, and the Advantages She Possesses as Inducements to
Immigration (Montgomery, 1869), 8-9.
85 J. K. Blackman, The Cotton Mills of South Carolina, Their Names,
Locations, Capacity and History (Charleston, 1880), 14, hereinafter cited
as Blackman, Cotton Mills.
saNew York Tribune, June 13, 1881.
87 Bancroft, Carl Schurz, IV, 379.
376 The North Carolina Historical Review
haustible. As inquiries with a view to locating factories were
recorded, it remained necessary to believe "that capital will
come South at no distant day to seek investment." 88
Another article of faith was to anathematize northern
capital. In 1873 the Daily Sun (Columbus, Ga.) reported
how the capital for a local factory was raised in the immediate
vicinity and how local money and brains were restoring the
ruins of the war.89 Several years later another editor charged:
"We have gotten on without the confidence and capital of
the North until we almost know how to live without it." 90 A
chamber of commerce orator warned his audience that "With
all our natural advantages, we shall continue to be the over-
seers and agents of others" as long as factories languish for
want of capital which will be long in coming "unless we first
begin by helping ourselves." 91 The weighing of the advisabil-
ity of inviting outside capital was less a sign of hesitancy
than a monologue on who should perform the feat of indus-
trial development first. The promoters of manufacturing
industries did not disparage northern capital. They merely
wanted to demonstrate that cotton mills could be successfully
organized and managed by home folks. "We simply want to
advertize to the world," the Atlanta Constitution editorialized,
"that Atlantans have the fullest confidence in Atlanta, and
that we ask no man to put his money where we have been
afraid to risk our own." 92 The gyrations of local patriotism
seemed never to become uncoiled, for in 1897 one could still
hear that "If the Southern people want factories among them,
the quickest and surest way to get them is to go to work and
build them ourselves, and show to the world that we are not
dependent on anybody for anything." 93
The response of New Englanders had been anticipated as
something delicious. The Boston Journal of Commerce bowed
gracefully to the fact "that there is no better field today for
the investment of capital than is offered by cotton mills in
88 Daily Charlotte Observer, June 9, 1881, April 7, 1884.
89 Cited in Greensboro Patriot, September 12, 1873.
90 Observer, February 9, 1878.
01 Daily Charlotte Observer, April 6, 1879.
92 Cited in Daily Charlotte Observer, March 7, 1882.
93 Manufacturers' Record, XXXI (1897), 333.
Cotton Textile Industry 377
the South."94 Chiming in, the Commercial and Financial
Chronicle reported that during several years preceding 1896
"A feature of the development of cotton manufacturing in
the South . . . has been the prominence therein of New Eng-
land millowners." 95 The movement of investment capital into
southern mills further stimulated the local promoters to a
greater realization that the opportunities in their vicinity
would eventually turn the pending competition with the New
England textile industry into a rout.
"It is the North which the South has always in view when
it sighs for more and more cotton factories,"96 an English
traveler remarked after a sojourn in Georgia during 1870.
Adulation for thrift, work, and enterprise often reminded the
advocates of industry of the happy side of New England
civilization. But, if advice were ever to mean anything, the
terms laid down by William D. Kelley that "the South must
be regenerated, and we of the North must do it," 97 were very
unlikely to win approval. The factories, schools, and busi-
nesses of New England suggested instead models southerners
were implored not to feel ashamed to imitate. Benjamin H.
Hill idealized the Puritan virtues and advised his people, in
defense of his Athens speech, to do the many things "which
these very derided Northern people have done." 98 For the
editor of The News and Observer, the maxim "Learn from
the enemy," justified the study of New England savings banks.
In a more humorous mood, Henry Watterson wrote:
If proselytism be the supremest joy of mankind, New England
ought to be supremely happy. It is at length the aim of the
Southron to out- Yankee the Yankee, to cut all the edges, and
repair his losses by the successful emulation of Yankee thrift. "
94 Cited in Manufacturers' Record, XXVIII (1895), 166.
95 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, LXIII (1896), 935-936.
96 Somers, Southern States, 91.
97 Kelley, Speeches and Addresses, 183.
98 B. J. Hill, Jr., Senator Benjamin H. Hill of Georgia: His Life,
Speeches, and Writings (Atlanta, 1893), 333, 343.
99 The News and Observer, January 5, 1881 ; Henry Watterson, "Oddities
of Southern Life," Scribner's Magazine, XXIII (1882), 895.
378 The North Carolina Historical Review
Against the voices of moderation, however, were arrayed the
excited voices of hostility. They spoke of dictating to the
markets of the world, and forever terminating contributions
"to the enrichment of hostile sections." 10°
Future industrial prominence was measured in 1870 by the
extent to which New England manufacturers dismantled their
mills and either migrated or engaged in other branches of
manufacturing. The report of the Saluda Cotton Mills in
South Carolina enumerated the proximity of cotton, tractable
labor, and a local demand for yarns and sheeting as detri-
mental to established manufacturers in the North. To this was
added the claim that wage rates, living costs, a shorter work-
ing year, and the expense of shipping raw cotton to New
England were depressing northern mills rather than any
contraction in the flow of risk capital following the Panic of
1873.101 The South was also described as a refuge from "those
disruptions of social order which unfortunately threaten to be
a source of perpetual danger" in New England.102 And the
prospectus for a cotton mill in Wilmington, North Carolina,
suggested that the absence of "society combinations" such as
breed discontent and turbulence among millhands, would
transform distant competitors into collaborators in industrial
development.103 Lay-offs, reduced production, wage cuts, and
the threats of strikes in Fall River in 1878 contributed addi-
tional ammunition to fire in the industrial competition be-
tween the sections. A survey of American industrial develop-
ment expressed at the time the folly of ignoring the anxiety
felt on the subject of the possible dismantlement of factories
manufacturing coarse cotton goods in New England.104 The
fact that New England mills were mature, commercially
experienced, securely financed, but nevertheless plagued by
large inventories, falling prices, and restless operatives,
100 Greensboro Patriot, September 17, 1873.
101 Greensboro Patriot, February 26, 1873, October 28, 1874, January 6,
1875; North Carolina Handbook (Raleigh, 1879), 157.
102 "It will be many years before the discouraging elements that have
reached such ascendancy in the North obtain any potency in the South."
Daily Charlotte Observer, February 24, 1885; North Carolina Handbook,
160.
103 Martin, "Wilmington Cotton Mills," 644.
104 New York Herald, May 12, 1878.
Cotton Textile Industry 379
further documented the case for the South eclipsing all com-
petitors. Textile analysts, nevertheless, warned against a
premature belief in the industrial growth of the South imme-
diately contributing to decadence elsewhere. The future
eminence of the southern textile industry was not doubted,
but it was difficult to imagine the New England mills becom-
ing branch offices.105
The yearly tabulation of new mills became a difficult chore.
There were periodic resumptions of building projects, expan-
sions of established mills, and the starting up of mills that
seemed to be dead. But always there was a net increase in
the number of mills in operation. By the end of the century
there were over four-hundred mills housing more than four
million spindles and over one-hundred thousand looms.106
Edward Atkinson, who certainly was never indifferent about
southern industrialization, came quite close in his review of
the Census of 1880 to making a correct prediction about the
course of industrial development. His appraisal revealed the
prevailing outlook of his time which may not have accounted
for what happened, but which certainly justified men believ-
ing in what they were doing. "If the future changes in popu-
lation, wealth, and conditions of the different sections of the
country/' he wrote, "shall in the future cause the increase of
spindles ... it will simply be the greater evidence that
natural laws are paramount."107 There was never any hesi-
tancy about appropriating the doctrine of the laws of nature
which were then being extended to account for biological
and social evolution.108 But the logic of such reasoning re-
quired someone to qualify for extinction, and the unfit vehe-
mently protested against their candidacy. The Rhode Island
Judiciary Committee listened in 1885 to a complaint that
105 Observer, May 21, 1879; Daily Charlotte Observer, January 6, 1884;
Commercial and Financial Chronicle, XXXIX (1884), 284: XLI (1885)
293.
106 Stanwood, "Cotton Manufactures," 54-59 ; Commercial and Financial
Chronicle, LXXI (September 8, 1900), 7.
107 Edward Atkinson, "Report on the Cotton Manufactures of the United
States," Report on the Manufactures of the United States at the Tenth
Census (Washington, D. C, 1883), 12.
108 " . . . natural immutable laws seem to have forever fixed the Piedmont
belt as the one pre-eminently fit section for the manufacture of cotton
goods." Albert Phenis in Manufacturers' Record, XXXI (1897), 5.
380 The North Carolina Historical Review
"The number of spindles has been greatly increased during
the past two years— especially in the South, with only one
object ... to beat the Northern mills."109 Some northern
manufacturers thought it might be prudent for southerners
to begin with the manufacture of shoes or some other com-
modity. At one time Edward Atkinson proposed the advis-
ability of establishing a marmalade industry as preferable to
textiles.110
On numerous occasions between 1879 and 1898 Edward
Atkinson insisted that it would be more to the advantage of
the South to improve the handling of cotton than to engage
in the manufacture of textiles. He was convinced that the
South lacked the capital, machinery, and trained labor nec-
essary for an industry in which mechanization is worth more
than tractable labor, depression a test of management, and
the margin of profit small in comparison with the initial
investment.111 In 1880 he proposed an exhibition devoted to
tools, methods, products, and processes related to the produc-
tion and use of cotton. His proposal materialized in the
Atlanta International Cotton Exposition, the first of a series
in southern industrial showmanship, which had already been
proposed by the Mississippi Valley Cotton Planter's Associa-
tion. As far as Atkinson was concerned, the primary objective
of the Exposition was to bring into common knowledge and
use the various machines and tools for the cultivation and
preparation of cotton prior to its being sold or spun.112 But
the Exposition involved the much larger idea of wiping out,
as its Director claimed, "all the remains of sectionalism, and
in opening up a knowledge of the South to capital, labor,
invention, and commerce." 113 The Exposition turned out to
109 Manufacturers' Record, VII (1885), 105.
110 "Studies in the South," Atlantic Monthly, XLIX (1882), 746; E.
Atkinson, "Future Situs of the Cotton Manufacture of the United States,"
Popular Science Monthly, XXXVI (1890), 306.
1X1 Atlanta Constitution, November 4, 1881; New York Tribune, May 30,
1881.
112 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, XXXI (1880), 25; New York
Herald, August 18, 1880; H. I. Kimball, International Cotton Exposition.
Report of the Director-General (New York, 1882), 227-228, hereinafter
cited as Kimball, International Cotton Exposition; E. Atkinson to H. B.
Loring, August 6, 1881, New York Herald, August 13, 1881.
m Kimball, International Cotton Exposition, 139.
Cotton Textile Industry 381
be a preview of the industrial potentialities of the South. It
drew from every part of the country thousands of visitors.
They were already indoctrinated with the idea that agricul-
tural specimens and machinery were glamorous spectacles to
behold in the midst of fountains and ferns. In spite of the
general applause and the rich prognostications in favor of the
South, Atkinson adhered to his first thoughts. In 1893 he
wrote that the South needed fewer cotton mill booms and
the planting of more legumes.114
The New England Cotton Manufacturers' Committee was
fully aware of everything the Exposition symbolized, but in
the use of agricultural, mineral, and timber resources they
found the promise of a vastly greater number of customers
for their industrial output than they expected to find com-
petitors in textile manufacturing.115 Carroll D. Wright stated
the matter quite frankly before the Norfolk Club. He foresaw
New England industries becoming the beneficiaries of a rapid
industrial development in the South. But before New England
could profitably participate in the exploitation of southern
economic wealth some modifications in the quality of textile
production would need to occur in factories with antiquated
machinery.116 Edward Atkinson thought that the steady en-
largement of spinning and weaving facilities in New England
should dispel the belief that there was any fear of upstarts
elsewhere.117 Nevertheless, the eventual supremacy of the
South in coarse yarns and fabrics was already being granted
by observers and being seized by investors. "New England is
now being forced to witness," the Chicago Independent
World admitted, "the not very encouraging spectacle pre-
sented by her migrating factories." 118 Industrial prospecting
commenced quite actively after 1880 with the result that
many visitors negotiated to transfer production. The Southern
Cotton Manufacturers' Association announced in 1883 that
cotton mills were so well established that the region con-
^ Manufacturers' Record, XXIII (1893), 337.
^Kimball, International Cotton Exposition, 183.
116 Boston Daily Advertiser, January 25, 1886.
117 New York Tribune, May 30, 1881; H. F. Williamson, Edward Atkinson:
The Biography of an American Liberal (Boston, 1934), 172-173.
"* Cited in Greensboro Patriot, April 6, 1883.
382 The North Carolina Historical Review <
trolled the market for coarse cotton goods and regulated
prices even in New England. Not only did the publicists talk
themselves into believing in their own pre-eminence, but
they were always warning their rivals that the New England
textile industry would momentarily move to the South.119
"New England mills will be forced," the New York Herald
observed, "to surrender to the South the manufacture of
coarse cotton goods . . . and bend their attention to fine
fabrics which require more skilled labor.120 And a southern
periodical, as if to make the triumph complete, announced
the impending transfer not only of textile, but iron, wood,
and leather industries too.121
Richard H. Edmonds, who has served as editor and speaker
in the cause of southern industrialization with distinction,
tried to persuade the New England Cotton Manufacturers'
Association in 1895 that it would be far better to foster the
migration of the textile industry than to remain where they
were as unequal competitors.122 It was believed that what
was just a skirmish over coarse cotton goods would become
a rout whenever the New England competitors could be
forced to shift the regional base of their operations. The
Boston Manufacturers' Gazette was willing to comply. It
proposed abandoning the coarse goods trade, replacing obso-
lete machinery with improved equipment suitable to making
fabrics not influenced by southern competition, and export-
ing the cast-off machinery to the South. "This building of
cotton mills in the South", the commentator wrote, "by exist-
ing corporations in this State is a movement of relief from
Southern competition. . . ,"123 By the end of the century all
the early predictions were exceeded. The textile industry in
119 Daily Charlotte Observer, December 23, 1881, October 31, 1883, Novem-
ber 17, 1883, January 11, 1885; Observer, May 17, 1878; The News and
Observer, January 5, 1881; Commercial and Financial Chronicle, LX (1895),
501.
120 New York Herald, March 28, 1883.
121 Industrial South cited in Greensboro Patriot, April 6, 1883.
122 R. H. Edmonds, "Cotton Manufacturing Interests of the South,"
Transactions of the New England Cotton Manufacturers' Association,
Vol. 59:196-197.
123 Cited in Manufacturers' Record, XXVII (1895), 23. "Our own opinion
has been and is that Northern manufacturers stay at home because they
are free from Southern competition. . . ." Observer, April 13, 1879.
Cotton Textile Industry 383
the United States witnessed a shift in regional location, a
mechanical overhaul, a heavy influx of investment capital, a
widening of domestic and foreign markets, and rapid alter-
ations in consumer fashions. The alarm felt in the North that
southern competition would become so strong and assertive
as to endanger the stability and future prospects of the cotton
industry in that section was protracted and made tantalizing
as the rivalry was periodically intensified by business de-
pressions.
The languishing of the New England cotton mills in 1870
was interpreted to mean the possible immunity of the same
industry in the South to depression.124 But the textile industry
was largely an idea then and negligible in the economy of
cotton manufacturing in the United States. Nevertheless,
between 1870 and 1873 the consumption of baled cotton
increased almost twenty-five million pounds, and it was re-
ported that cotton manufacturing had passed beyond the
point of experiment.125 When financial derangements else-
where were producing a decrease in the consumption of
cotton many mills in the South were making profits. "In the
South," the annual review of the Commercial and Financial
Chronicle for 1876-1877 pointed out, "manufacturing busi-
ness has . . . been rather more satisfactory than in the
North. . . . That section just now presents a more hopeful
condition than any other portion of the country." 126 At the
Atlanta Cotton Exposition the fact that the South came
through the Panic of 1873 and its aftermath unscathed
seemed proper information to disseminate among inquisitive
visitors.127
The chief disturbance to industrial stability in the South
came from a redundancy of cotton mills, flimsily financed,
amateurishly staffed, and competing with each other. When
factories temporarily suspended production there were
doubts about the possibility of recuperation and renewed
^Proceedings of hnmigration Convention, 30.
125 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, UN 11 (1873), 346; XIX (1874),
287.
139 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, XXV (1877), 251.
127 Kimball, International Cotton Exposition, 222.
384 The North Carolina Historical Review
growth. But the doubters were often the very ones who had
been taken in by extravagant statements to suppose that no
depression however severe could ever affect the South. The
shock of business contraction impressed upon some prospec-
tive investors the desirability of a good site, adequate machin-
ery, and careful management. Unrestricted cotton mill build-
ing intermittently tended to break, the spell of local advan-
tages. Involved in this predicament were uninitiated man-
agers overburdened with initial expenditures viewing busi-
ness circumstances as favorable when no basis for such
estimates existed.128 In Atlanta depression was viewed as a
blessing by producing a precarious situation which only a
rationalization of production and management could sur-
mount.129 This relationship between depression and indus-
trialization in an undeveloped region had been noticed by a
manufacturer as early as 1873. He wrote:
This will be a close year on Manufactures unless well man-
aged . . . the eastern factorys are stopped or running on short
time which will reduce the stock of goods on the market & cause
a greater demand. ... I have no hesitation in saying . . . that
the present is a favorable time for manufacturers who have the
means to run.130
The interplay of fluctuating cotton prices and southern
competition kept the New England industry jittery. When
cotton prices rose, the mills could not afford to produce at
prevailing yarn and cloth prices; when the price of cotton
fell, the southern manufacturers flooded the markets with
finished goods. When many northern manufacturers were
curtailing production in a state bordering on despair, stocks
in the South were neither auctioned nor limited by produc-
™ Manufacturers' Record, VI (1884), 263; XXIII (1893), 197; Commer-
cial and Financial Chronicle, XXXIX (1884), 284; Daily Charlotte Ob-
server, February 2, 1883 (statement by H. P. Hammett) ; January 21,
1883 (statement by J. F. Hanson) ; Mitchell, Rise of Cotton Mills, 154.
126 Manufacturers' Record, VI (1885), 779.
"° E. M. Holt to J. W. White, October 27, October 30, 1873, James W.
White Correspondence, George Washington Flowers Collection, Duke Uni-
versity. Also see, M. F. Foster, "Southern Cotton Manufacturing," Trans-
actions of the New England Cotton Manufacturers' Association, Vol. 68:
168-169; Commercial and Financial Chronicle, XLI (1885), 293; XLV
(1887), 326.
Cotton Textile Industry 385
tion curtailments, but sold at handsome profits. The depres-
sion shock absorbers were believed to be the panoply of
advantages that had always been hawked as well as the
inability of New England mills to abandon coarse cotton
goods fast enough.131 The vitality of the New England branch
of the industry was never permanently diverted by contrac-
tions in business. Yet the old belief was supported once again
in 1899 by the Commercial and Financial Chronicle when it
noted that southern "Growth during the time of business
depression has been marvelous, and it is still at the full tide
of development.'
132
So very much was expected of cotton mills. They were
even expected to work a moral and material revolution in the
lives of people who had not yet been introduced into the
complexities of urban and industrial life. A cotton factory
became "that long hoped for enterprise," as one promoter
eulogized, "to which those who have at heart the welfare of
the community so anxiously look forward." 133 The builders
of cotton mills were sometimes characterized as public bene-
factors. The cotton mills were likened to a panacea for the
rural poor. An employer reasoned:
When by education the minds of the laboring people have been
so trained that they can do a day's work in ten hours then it
would be well to make a ten hours a day, but at present there
are so many poor people living on farms or who, in other occu-
pations, lead a very precarious life, it is time they ought to be
allowed employment on any terms.134
There is a degree of exaggeration in the explanation that
southern industrial pioneers carried their traditional planta-
tion relations with labor into the cotton mills, and took for
m Manufacturers* Record, XVI (1889), 15-16; Commercial and Financial
Chronicle, XLVII (1888), 308; XLIX (1889), 326; LI (1890), 327-328.
133 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, LXIX (September 9, 1899), 6.
133 Daily Charlotte Observer, May 29, 1879.
134 Seventh Annual Report of the North Carolina Bureau of Labor Sta-
tistics (Raleigh, 1893), 67-68.
386 The North Carolina Historical Review
135
granted, the old dependent and subservient status of labor.
It was a tenet of industrial psychology at the time that an
employer was responsible for more than the means of sub-
sistence of those he employed. "He holds," as Carroll D.
Wright expressed the theory, "their moral well-being in his
keeping." 136 Millowners were encouraged to provide mental
and religious instruction on the grounds that "an investment
in the affections of those employed is always as good as any
money put in machinery. . . ,"137 At one factory in North
Carolina workers who earned between forty and fifty cents
a day sometimes were fined fifteen cents for "carelessness on
work" or ten cents for "bad conduct."138 Cotton mills were
also expected to furnish, in addition to employment, the
facilities for physical, mental and moral training. One mill
superintendent thought that "Southern people peculiarly
need the employment afforded by cotton manufacture," and
another meliorist described mill work as beneficial for the
intelligence of operatives who would always be "subject to
elevating social influences" in a factory environment.139 In-
stead of considering factories as economic organizations, the
guardians of the millhands portrayed the factories as the
shelters of a moral rescue society. The novelty of factories
and the efforts to make factory employment genteel called
for a benignancy that was not without precedence in the
textile industry. Edwin de Leon's description of the life of
135 See Elliott D. Smith, Technology and Labor (New Haven, 1939), 195;
A. Berglund, and Others, Labor in the Industrial South (Charlottesville,
Va., 1930), 19-20. There is a marked difference between plantation pater-
nalism and industrial paternalism. Any perusal of the literature on indus-
trial recruiting in the South during this period [See for example A. Kohn,
The Cotton Mills of South Carolina (Columbia, S. C, 1907), 22-23] will
suggest that entrepreneurs were inventing industrial labor practices that
anticipated in so many ways (although the motivation was not the same)
the job security and welfare benefits incorporated in subsequent principles
of management.
338 Carroll D. Wright, Some Ethical Phases of the Labor Question (Bos-
ton, 1903), 152.
137 First Annual Report of the North Carolina Bureau of Labor Statis-
tics (Raleigh, 1887), 140.
138 Morgan-Malloy Cotton Mill, "Time Book, 1889-1890," George Wash-
ington Flowers Collection, Duke University.
138 Carolina Watchmen, November 9, 1876; Henry V. Meigs quoted in
de Leon, "The New South," 413; Henry V. Meigs to Editor, New York
Herald, December 6, 1880; Blackman, Cotton Mills, 22-23.
Cotton Textile Industry 387
cotton millhands revealed the meliorists' assumptions when
he wrote:
Their hours are usually from 7 a.m. to 6 p.m., with an interval
at mid-day of half an hour for dinner. Attached to some of the
mills are residences for the operatives, but a majority of the
instances they board themselves, thus avoiding some of the sup-
posed demoralizing effects of colonization. Thus far it is certain
that no moral miasma has been generated in the South by the
introduction of this species of labor.140
Since the industry was introduced into an agrarian society
at a time when farmers were hard pressed, cotton mill con-
ditions were often considered better than those on the farms.
"The hands we have are persons who failed to make a good
living on the farm," was the simple story told by countless
observers.141 The decision to migrate to the factories was
accompanied by numerous applications from families restive
under the vicissitudes of farming. Their letters have all the
poignancy of immigrant mail.
I write you for to know if yould could give me a job. I have
made by my mind to go to a cotton mill & would like to have a
job with you as you have been recommended to me as a good
place I am about 29 years old have a boy about 10 years old a
girle that will soon be large enough to go in a mill.142
The South offered its population as the most treasured
asset any people can possess in a cause so well intentioned.
"Our operatives are admitted to be remarkably frugal, indus-
trious, easily taught and controlled," an advertisement stated
in 1870, "and we have an unemployed class of many thou-
sands from which to draw in the future." 143 What recom-
mended these people was that they worked for low wages,
were tractable, never went on strike, and readily learned the
140 de Leon, "The New South," 414.
141 First Annual Report of North Carolina Bureau of Labor Statistics,
91, 149; Fourth Annual Report of the North Carolina Bureau of Labor
Statistics (Raleigh, 1890), 34; Fifth Annual Report of the North Carolina
Bureau of Labor Statistics (Raleigh, 1891), 130, 171.
142 Morgan-Malloy Correspondence, letter from George Wallace, Novem-
ber 27, 1889. There are many comparable letters scattered abundantly
through the collection during the next ten years.
143 Proceedings of Immigration Convention, 29.
388 The North Carolina Historical Review
routine of factory work. Sometimes a traveler added to the
advertisement that the "poor whites" make industrious and
faithful operatives. After they entered the factories, they
were considered capable of acquiring the highest skill re-
quired in manufacturing cotton goods.144 "They are docile,"
Richard H. Edmonds taunted a New England audience in
the difficult year of 1895, "not given to strikes, and as a class
are anxious to find work and willing to accept much lower
wages than northern operatives."145 Their backwardness in
joining unions, demanding wage increases and reductions in
hours, or supporting compulsory school attendance laws was
viewed as a major source of advantage over older industrial
sections as well as a leading target of criticism.146 Textile
circles charged that until labor conditions were equalized by
regulatory legislation of child labor, hours, and working con-
ditions, cotton manufacturing in the United States would be
unbalanced in favor of the South.147 This was corroborated
by the reaction of a North Carolina manufacturer to the intro-
duction of a Nine Hour Labor Law when he wrote:
I guess the poor fellow wants to head off & stop northern capital
which threatens to come south & build cotton mills in N. C. A
sweet set these Solons of ours.148
It was the Southerners who were engrossed in the agitation
for cotton mills; and outside attention, although periodically
proffered, did not reach any significant peak until the last
144 Report of the Saluda Cotton Mills, Greensboro Patriot, February 26,
1873; Observer, February 6, 1878; Bancroft, Carl Schurz, IV, 377; Manu-
facturers' Record, XXIII (1893), 197.
145 Edmonds, "Cotton Manufacturing Interests of the South," 199-200.
148 W. C. Lovering to Labor Committee of the Massachusetts General
Court, Manufacturers' Record, XXIII (1893), 292; Boston Commercial
Bulletin cited in Manufacturers' Record, XXVII (1895), 239.
147 Statements by D. M. Thompson of Corliss Engine Co., Manufacturers'
Record, XXVII (1895), 4; XXXI (1897), 219; Commercial and Financial
Chronicle, LIII (1891), 350.
148 Schenck Letter Book, January 28, 1895. During the month of Septem-
ber, 1898, J. F. Schenck wrote the following in the Letter Book: "Provi-
dence can bestow no greater blessing upon our factory community than is
already bestowed than to forever deliver them from the influence of labor
agitators, and from the influence of all other agitators whose main object
is to stir up dissatisfaction and prejudice." Also see, Gunton's Magazine,
XXI (1901), 50; American Federationist, IX (1902), 19-20.
Cotton Textile Industry 389
decade of the nineteenth century. A manufacturer reminisced
in 1895:
We felt no danger from the south until 1880. ... In that year I
called the attention of my stockholders to . . . the South. Then
the cloud was no bigger than a man's hand. ... In 1889 and
again in 1891 I spoke of it to my stockholders ; but since 1891 it
has been useless to point it out, for everyone could see it.149
What they saw was the emergence of a new competitor un-
burdened with investments in out-moded machinery and
uncommitted to friends and associates in non-automatic ma-
chinery manufacture. Southern mills were already abandon-
ing the practice of buying cast-off machinery and were begin-
ning to install automatic equipment that did not need the
attention of craft or industrial conscious workers. Further-
more, they saw upstart competitors, unencumbered by regu-
latory industrial labor practices sanctioned by custom and
law, flaunting an industrial reserve army of docile, dutiful,
and native workers. A scissors movement was occurring in
which New England manufacturers felt that southern em-
ployment practices and New England social legislation were
cutting them to shreds.150
Investigating committees from legislatures, factories, trade
associations, labor organizations, and social service societies
agreed that climate, tax and freight rates, the proximity of
cotton, coal and water resources, building costs, and a local
labor supply all favored a vigorous textile industrialization.
149 Statement by Jefferson Coolidge cited by E. Porritt, "The Cotton Mills
of the South," New England Magazine, XII (1895), 578, hereinafter cited
as Porritt, "The Cotton Mills of the South." A southern interpretation was
expressed at the time by R. H. Edmonds: "So long as the cotton manu-
facturing business of the South was handled exclusively by Southern peo-
ple, it attracted only moderate attention throughout New England, but
when several of the strongest cotton mill companies of Massachusetts
decided that it was necessary to build large mills in the South in order to
hold their trade, cotton mill investors throughout New England commenced
to study the advantages of the South for this industry." Latham, Alexan-
der and Co., Cotton Movements and Fluctuations, 1890-1895, XXII (1895),
45. See above, note 123.
150 Report on Southern tour of the Arkwright Club, Manufacturers' Rec-
ord, XXVII (1895), 179-180; Transactions of the New England Cotton
Manufacturers' Association, Vol. 63, 384-385; Report of the Committee on
Southern Competition of the Arkwright Club (Boston, 1897), 3-5; Thomas
T. Smith, The Cotton Textile Industry of Fall River, Massachusetts (New
York, 1944), 86-103.
390 The North Carolina Historical Review
They also discovered that the new automatic machinery re-
quired less experienced workers, who incidently worked
longer hours in factories, where two and three shifts pre-
vailed, for wages that were lower than prevailing rates in
New England. Trade unions and the use of the strike had
little precedent in the South and the occurrence of such
practices was scanty and infrequent. Policies regulating
hours, employment of women and children, night work, and
school attendance, that were current in New England, were
either absent or somewhere in the remote future.151
The calculated approval that came from the Arkwright
Club and its member manufacturing concerns slighted the
entire edifice upon which the textile industry had been built
in the South. It was to the millhands and the legislatures of
the South that the out-maneuvered manufacturers attributed
their plight. At home they threatened to equalize conditions
themselves in their own factories. They tried to persuade their
legislatures to amend regulatory labor laws. Many petitioned
legislatures for increases in capitalization with a view to
opening branch plants in the South. They damned the trade
unions, while their competitors prodded them on with the
cry: "We have no labor agitators." So real did the exodus of
cotton mills from New England become that the only escape
seemed to lie in the encouragement of trade unions in the
South or the enactment of national labor legislation in order
to establish equality between the sections.152 In the midst of
all this furore perhaps Daniel E. Tompkins best represented
southern reaction to the final triumph against the New Eng-
land giants. He wrote:
Southern towns that want mills should reflect upon the fact that
the advantages of the South have been proven by Southern mills
built with Southern money by Southern men ... I don't want
151 Times-Democrat, September 1, 1885; Porritt, "The Cotton Mills of
the South," 575-576; W. C. Lovering, "Report to the New England Textile
Club," Manufacturers' Record, XXVI (1895), 392-393.
162 Post (New York), cited in Manufacturers' Record, XXVII (1895),
131; Daily Citizen (Lowell, Mass.) cited in Manufacturers' Record, XXIX
(1896), 178; Arkwright Club Report, 5-6; Boston Advertiser cited in Manu-
facturers' Record, XXVII (1895), 33; Congressional Record, (55 Cong., 2
Sess.), XXI, pt. i, 806-807.
Cotton Textile Industry 391
to see any advantages that we have developed in our system of
manufacture destroyed by the transplanting of New England
mills, ideas, organizations, etc., bodily to the South.153
But in some quarters the process of mill building, spindle
and loom installation, and labor recruitment was expected
to precipitate a labor shortage and a rise in wage rates. It
was also difficult to imagine the permanent postponement of
unionization. The ascendance of social legislation throughout
the nation was not expected to be indefinitely resisted in the
South. With such assurances, the feeling prevailed in New
England that, however immediately serious the southern
contentions concerning its human resources appeared, or how
vociferously local manufacturers rationalized the place of
southern millhands in their liquidation, the peculiar sectional
arrangements that made these human resources weapons in
the hands of southern businessmen could never remain per-
manent fixtures in the industry.154 For some it was comforting
to look forward to statutory hours of work, labor shortages,
and trade unions, but as one Massachusetts manufacturer
complained: "What do I care if between the time legislation
reaches the southern mills and the present time, my business
is ruined?" 155
The cotton mill development movement and its consumma-
tion left its critics aghast and shifted the center of textile
production in the United States to the South. It was con-
spicuously the product of individual initiative and community
enthusiasm. Men trusted each other with somewhat more
than they could, at the moment, do well. The situations they
were inventing became, therefore, training grounds for free
individuals. Cotton mills were something people wanted. Had
they inquired into the long-run circumstances favoring their
success they might never have noticed them; they might even
have lost interest in the search. And having waited and not
153 Manufacturers' Record, XXVII (1895), 34-35.
154 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, LXVII (September 10, 1898),
3-4; LXIX (September 9, 1899), 4-5; Boston Transcript cited in Manufac-
turers' Record, XXXI (1897), 24.
155 Cited in Porritt, "The Cotton Mills of the South," 578.
392 The North Carolina Historical Review
acted, the very conditions they would have been studying
might have been denied the influence of their actions. This
did not happen. Nerved by the vigor to adventure beyond the
safeties of the past into the uncertainties of the future, the
people of the South demonstrated that they knew something
about how to act in the present. This was preceded and
accompanied by endless talk which played no small part in
preparing the ground for men of action. They talked and
acted like Americans.156 There was confidence, pride, boast-
fulness, associated effort, and rivalry. It was not enough for
the campaigners that their achievements and successes be
measured; they had to be observed, recorded, applauded,
and envied.
168 See Ralph B. Perry, Characteristically American (New York, 1949),
Ch. I, "The American Cast of Mind."
SIMMS'S VIEWS ON NATIONAL AND SECTIONAL
LITERATURE, 1825-1845
By John C. Guilds
When did American literature become truly national? This
question, answered variously by various scholars, can prob-
ably never be answered to the satisfaction of all. Almost any
decade in the nineteenth century could with some reason
be said to mark the beginning of a distinctively American
literature. Probably most scholarly opinion agrees with Pro-
fessor Clarence. Gohdes that American literature did not
become truly national until the advent of the local-color
movement in the 1870's.1 Acceptance of this theory is, in
effect, to define national literature as the composite literature
of all regions.
National literature has not been, and is not, always so
defined, however. As any student of American history knows,
nationalism and sectionalism were explosive words in the
literary, economic, and political North- South controversy
leading up to the Civil War. The bitterness of this contro-
versy—and the increasing confusion of the terms nationalism
and sectionalism— is nowhere better revealed than in the
magazines of the Old South. Almost without exception the
editors of early southern literary journals proposed to pro-
mote the literature of both their country and their section.
By the 1840's, however, it seemed (particularly to northern-
ers ) that most southern magazinists were advocating a "sec-
tional" rather than a "national" literature; and the cry, "Pro-
vincial!" was shouted at many a southern editor by many a
northern critic. Needless to say, the southerners did not let
the shouts go unanswered.
The purpose of this paper is to discuss the problem of
nationalism and sectionalism as it was met by an important
magazine editor of the Old South, William Gilmore Simms,
who put himself on record as both nationalist and sectionalist
1See "The Later Nineteenth Century," Arthur Hobson Quinn (ed.), The
Literature of the American People (New York [1951]), 639 ff.
[393]
394 The North Carolina Historical Review
in literature and maintained that his position was not only
logical, but inevitable.
Simms ranks as the South's most tireless advocate of a
distinctive American literature. Rising from an inauspicious
beginning as a green, outspoken journalist to a position as a
recognized spokesman of the South, he remained through-
out his editorial career an ardent and faithful champion of
"Americanism" in literature, though in time he became con-
vinced that he could best serve American literature by en-
couraging the development of letters in his own section. And
if the South possessed anyone equipped to serve as its literary
spokesman, Simms was that person. Although he sometimes
thought that his efforts to promote the literature of his section
( and of his country ) went unappreciated, probably his fame
as the South's "most prominent novelist" and "most eminent
author"2 gave him a greater prestige— a greater influence—
than that attained by any other magazine editor of the Old
South. The one thing that Simms worked most faithfully for
—the one thing above all else that he hoped to accomplish in
his career as editor of literary journals— was the advancement
of literature in the South.
But if Simms was admittedly a sectionalism how then can
he be termed a leading proponent of a distinctively American
literature? Simms himself has given the clearest explanation;
in dedicating The Wigwam and the Cabin (1845) to his
father-in-law, he wrote:
One word for the material of these legends. It is local, sec-
tional— and to be national in literature, one must needs be sec-
tional. No one mind can fully or fairly illustrate the character-
istics of any great country ; and he who shall depict one section
faithfully, has made his proper and sufficient contribution to the
great work of national illustration. 3
Thus, according to Simms, by helping the South to create its
own literature, the southern man of letters was also contrib-
uting to the establishment of a truly national literature, be-
cause to be national a literature must represent all sections.
2 Southern Literary Messenger (Richmond, Va.), IV (August, 1838),
529, hereinafter cited as Southern Literary Messenger.
8 Redfield edition (New York, 1856) , 4.
Simms's Views on Literature 395
The process by which Simms arrived at this conclusion,
however, was gradual. Throughout his life he worked and
fought for the growth of a distinctively American literature,
but his struggle to achieve this end went through several
stages. At first, though both the Album and the Southern
Literary Gazette stated that their chief objective was the
encouragement of local writers, Simms's concern was mainly
with the status of American (rather than southern) letters:
like Emerson he was dismayed at his country's enslavement
to British traditions. Already he was convinced that one of
the chief reasons for the absence of a worthy literature in
America was the continued reliance upon England for
models. He pointed out that America could never establish a
literature of its own as long as its writers imitated the British;
he praised the independence of American authors who dealt
with native themes even when he could not speak highly of
their genius, and, conversely, he called to task those who
knowingly or unknowingly echoed the British even when
he admitted their ability. He denounced the British for their
want of discrimination in ridiculing or condemning every-
thing American; he deplored American public taste, assert-
ing that it had been perverted by English books and maga-
zines, and complained that his countrymen ignored even
the best American work until it had been praised by one
of the British journals. As a means of ridding themselves of
English influence, he suggested that American writers take
up the study of the literature of Germany to see how that
country had achieved intellectual independence.4
Simms, then, had early raised the cry that after 1837 was
heard so frequently in the pages of the Democratic Review
and other organs of the "Young America" critics in New
4 All of these points were made by Simms in the Southern Literary
Gazette (Charleston, S. C), 1828-1829, hereinafter cited as Southern
Literary Gazette.
5 John Stafford, The Literary Criticism of "Young America": A Study
in the Relationship of Politics and Literature, 1837-1850 (Berkeley and Los
Angeles, 1952), 84, calls the Young Americans "the most strenuous advo-
cates in America" of a new and distinctive American literature. This
reference hereinafter cited as Stafford, The Literary Criticism of "Young
America"
396 The North Carolina Historical Review
York.5 In his two early Charleston journals ( in the Album to
a much lesser degree than in the Southern Literary Gazette )
he had given voice to the movement that a decade later such
conservative periodicals as the North American Review, the
American Quarterly, the New England Magazine, and the
New York Review were to regard as the Democratic Review's
"radical" idea— advocacy of a national literature free from
slavish imitation of the British.6 It was only natural, then,
that at the first opportunity he should fall into line with the
group of young New Yorkers— Evert A. Duyckinck, William
A. Jones, John L. O'Sullivan, Parke Godwin, and Cornelius
Mathews— the liberal-minded Young Americans who cham-
pioned a movement in literature paralleled in politics by the
trend culminating in Jacksonian democracy.7 Simms, like the
Young Americans, stressed democracy as an incentive to
literature because, by giving free rein to individual expres-
sion, it favors the general development of all intellect. Fur-
thermore, he was convinced of the value of the competitive
spirit; literary genius, he thought, was inspired by the reali-
zation that recognition could be won through merit without
the benefits of wealth or rank:
It is a wondrous impulse to the individual, to his hope, his
exertions and his final success, to be taught that there is nothing
in his way, in the nature of the society in which he lives. That
he is not to be denied because of his birth or poverty, because of
his wealth or his family. That he stands fair with his comrades,
with no social if no natural impediments — and the prize is
always certain for the fleetest in the race. 8
Simms was also politically allied with the Young Americans,
almost all of whom were Locofoco Democrats; on August 15,
8 Stafford, The Literary Criticism of "Young America" 5 and passim.
7 Simms apparently did not make his first trip to New York until 1832,
when he visited James Lawson. He perhaps met some of the Young Ameri-
cans at that time, though he mentioned none of them in his correspondence
of that year. He and Duyckinck, particularly, were later to become fast
friends.
6 Southern and Western Monthly Magazine and Review, I (Charleston,
S. C), January, 1845, 11-12, hereinafter cited Southern and Western
Monthly.
Simms's Views on Literature 397
1842, he wrote to George Frederick Holmes, "... I am an
ultra- American, a born Southron, and a resolute loco-f oco." 9
Simms never ceased to be chagrined with America's tend-
ency to lean upon England for guidance in literary taste and
standards; he regarded this bondage to "an unnatural mother
& natural enemy"10 as the chief threat to the growth of a
literature that was characteristically American. In explaining
his ill will toward the British to the English-born Holmes,
Simms asserted: "Individually, I am no Anti- Anglican. I am
only so in a purely national point of view, and in reference
to national interests & questions."11 The extent of his ani-
mosity, however, is perhaps best revealed in a letter of July
15, 1845, to Evert A. Duyckinck, in which he suggested that
war with Great Britian was the surest and possibly the only
way for America to gain its literary independence.12 Several
weeks earlier he had expressed a similar attitude toward the
British in a letter to James Lawson:
His [Edwin Forrest's] only error is in any attempt to win
favor from the English. No American can hope for this. They
must be made to fear us, and, it is through our scorn and our
9 Mary C. Simms Oliphant, Alfred Taylor Odell, and T. C. Duncan
Eaves (eds.), The Letters of William Gilmore Simms (Columbia, S. C, 5
volumes, 1952-1956), I, 319, hereinafter cited as Oliphant, Odell, and Eaves,
Simms Letters. John W. Higham, "The Changing Loyalties of William
Gilmore Simms," Journal of Southern History, IX (May, 1943), 210-223,
greatly over-simplifies his case in discussing Simms's changing social and
political views. Higham (p. 213) states that in 1830 "Simms was utterly
devoid of the sectional antagonism which was rising throughout South
Carolina"; by 1845, however, according to Higham, Simms's early Unionism
had been almost completely destroyed by strong sectional feelings. Higham
attributes this change chiefly to Simms's marriage to Chevillette Eliza
Roach, only child of a large landowner, in 1836, at which time the author
supposedly shifted his allegiance from the mercantile class to the planter
aristocracy. Higham overlooks the fact that Simms's views were characteris-
tic of the thinking of many other southerners — whether living in the country
or in town or whether planter or merchant — who had opposed Nullification
but later became convinced that the federal government was hostile to the
society in which they lived. Even Higham grants, however, that Simms's
"literary Americanism" continued for a while after his "federal nationa-
lism" disappeared; in 1845 Simms "was still agitating for a national
literature, but antipathy toward the North was weakening his enthusiasm
. . ." (p. 221). In 1845 as editor of the Southern and Western Simms still
retained his objectivity in treating northern authors.
10 Simms to G. F. Holmes, July 27, 1842, Oliphant, Odell, and Eaves,
Simms Letters, I, 317.
11 Letter of August 15, 1842, Oliphant, Odell, and Eaves, Simms Letters,
I, 319.
13 See Oliphant, Odell, and Eaves, Simms Letters, II, 90.
398 The North Carolina Historical Review
strength, not through our arts conciliatory that a people so
bigoted in self will ever do justice to that other, which spring
from their loins, & setting up for themselves, are so fast treading
on their heels. 13
As early as 1828 Simms the "born Southron" felt some
antipathy toward the North even while Simms the "ultra-
American" joined hands with northerners in combating the
detrimental influence of England. Already political differences
between North and South were making southerners aware of
other distinctions between themselves and their northern
neighbors.14 Almost for the first time, perhaps, southerners
were conscious of being a minority— and proud southerners
rebelled at many northerners' air of superiority in everything
from literature to morals. This growing southern animus
toward the North is apparent in both of the literary journals
founded in Charleston in 1828. In the prospectus of the
Southern Review (1828-1832), its editors stated:
It shall be among our first objects to vindicate the rights and
privileges, the character of the Southern states, to arrest, if
possible, that current which has been directed so steadily against
our country generally, and the South in particular ; and to offer
to our fellow citizens one Journal which they may read without
finding themselves the objects of perpetual sarcasm, or of affect-
ed commiseration. 15
The Southern Literary Gazette16 reveals Simms likewise as
embittered by the North's condescending attitude toward
his section. In the prospectus issued before the publication
of the second volume of the Gazette, Simms spoke of the con-
tempt and apathy with which his section's intellectual quali-
13 Oliphant, Odell, and Eaves, Simms Letters, II, 83. The letter is dated
June 27, 1845.
14 For an excellent analysis of the growth of sectionalism in the South,
see Charles S. Sydnor, The Development of Southern Sectionalism, 1819-
1848 (Baton Rouge, La., 1948). For a briefer treatment with emphasis
upon literary factors, see Jay B. Hubbell, "Literary Nationalism in the Old
South," American Studies in Honor of William Kenneth Boyd (Durham,
1940), 175-220, hereinafter cited as Hubbell, American Studies.
16 Quoted in Linda Rhea, Hugh Swinton Legare (Chapel Hill, 1934), 237.
I have not been able to find the original.
18 The fact that a large portion of the magazines of the Old South carry
the word Southern in their titles is indicative of sectional feelings. See
Frank Luther Mott, A History of American Magazines, 1741-1850 (New
York and London, 1930), 380.
Simms's Views on Literature 399
ties were regarded. Later he charged that southerners,
"taunted by Englishmen and Northernmen," 1T would have to
work hard to assure themselves of representation in the litera-
ture of America; recognizing the dominance of northern pub-
lishing, he stressed the importance of southern writers having
their works published in the South. He praised Isaac Harby
as a pioneer of a distinctively southern literature; and, per-
haps most significant of all, so unaccustomed had the South
become to consideration from the North, he thanked the
New York Mirror for the "novel courtesy" of its fair treatment
of southern literature and politics.18
Through the years Simms became more and more alarmed
about the South's intellectual vassalage to the North. By the
time he accepted the editorship of the Magnolia: or Southern
Apalachian in June, 1842, political developments had wid-
ened the gap between North and South. Like most other
southern editors,19 Simms directed his efforts toward weaning
his section from its cultural dependence on the North. Where-
as in the 1820,s he had editorialized largely against American
imitation of British literary style and taste, in the 1840's— as
editor of the Magnolia and the Southern and Western Month-
ly Magazine and Review—he was more concerned with free-
ing the South from its literary bondage to the North. This
generalization holds true despite the fact that in the 1820's
Simms was already speaking against Northern domination of
American literature and that in the 1840's he still battled
vigorously for American freedom from intellectual servility
to England.
Perhaps what vexed southerners most was the assumption
by some Northern critics that northern literature was the
American literature and that the literature of the South was
sectional rather than national in character. Early in 1842
Simms pointed out that the "wise men of the East" who
frantically shouted "Sectional literature!" at the South failed
17 Southern Literary Gazette, n.s., I (June 1, 1829), 33-34.
18 Southern Literary Gazette, n.s., I (August 1, 1829), 127.
19 Perhaps the chief exception was English-born William C. Richards, editor
of the Orion, who had little sympathy with sectional literature. See, for
example, Orion (Penfield, Ga.), I (July, 1842), 248.
400 The North Carolina Historical Review
to realize that magazines published in New York or Boston
were just as provincial as those published in Charleston or
Savannah. In line with his similar views on national literature,
he maintained that a truly national magazine must assert
the character of its people— must, paradoxically, then, be
sectional— because a magazine of one section could not pos-
sibly fully represent the needs and wants of the people of
another section. Therefore, a magazine editor failed to be
national only when he ceased to represent faithfully his own
section.20
Simms, then, clearly and definitely identified national with
sectional literature even before he wrote the preface to The
Wigwam and the Cabin— even before he became full editor
of the "sectional" Magnolia; in fact, from this distance he
appears to have remained remarkably level-headed amidst
all the high ranting and small heckling over nationalism and
sectionalism in the 1840,s. Later, of course, the movement
for "Americanism" and "Southernism" was reduced to ab-
surdity by the uncritical demands of "superficial critics," to
whom (as Timrod said) "it meant nothing more than that
an author should confine himself in the choice of his subjects
to the scenery, the history, and the traditions of his own
country."21 If Simms did not emphasize, as Timrod later did,
that true nationalism and true originality depend upon the
creation of an individual style, tone, and spirit 22— or if he did
not make a distinction, as Harris later did, between section-
20 See Magnolia: or Southern Monthly (Savannah, Ga.), IV (April,
1842), 251-252, hereinafter cited as Magnolia. In July, 1842, when the
magazine was moved from Savannah, Ga., to Charleston, S. C., its title
became the Magnolia: or Southern Apalachian and Simms, who had been
a contributor and associate editor, became editor.
21 "Literature in the South," Edd Winfield Parks (ed.), The Essays of
Henry Timrod (Athens, Ga., 1942), 87, hereinafter cited as Parks, Henry
Timrod.
22 Parks, Henry Timrod, 88. Timrod made it clear, however, that he was
not opposing the idea that authors write of their own regions; he was
"simply protesting against a narrow creed" which insisted upon nationalism
and overlooked everything else. Timrod agreed that the poet or novelist
who "shall associate his name with the South" in an original treatment of
Southern scenery, society, or history "will have achieved a more enviable
fame than any which has yet illustrated the literature of America" (Parks,
Henry Timrod, 90-91).
Simms's Views on Literature 401
alism and localism23— his writings reveal his own understand-
ing of these principles.24 Almost before anyone else, he seems
to have defined sectionalism as an integral part of nationalism
—a definition with which both Timrod and Harris, despite
their carefully stated qualifications, essentially agreed. Un-
fortunately, however, Simms's critics (chiefly northerners)
did not see eye-to-eye with him on this subject and much pur-
poseless quibbling was the result, despite the fact that all
concerned were working toward the same end.
One may ask why Simms regarded the magazine as the
best medium through which to further the cause of southern
and, consequently, American literature. How could the maga-
zine editor accomplish what the novelist and the poet could
not? The South, Simms reasoned, posed a peculiar problem:
in a "Letter to the Editor of Wheler's Magazine" he pointed
out the particular reasons why magazines— a benefit to any
section or country— were a necessity to the intellectual awak-
ening of a sparsely settled agricultural region like the South:
The very sparseness of our population, which renders it so
difficult a matter to sustain the Periodical, is the very fact that
renders its existence and maintenance so necessary. — The great
secret of mental activity, in most countries, is the denseness of
their settlements, — the size and frequency of their great cities,
and the constant attrition of rival minds, which can take place
nowhere so constantly as in the commercial and populous marts.
Wanting in these fields of attrition and collision, the mind of
the Southern gentleman, residing on his plantation and secluded
from the crowd, is apt to sink into languor or indifference. Why
should he indulge in studies which seem unnecessary to his situ-
ation ? Why pore over volumes, upon the merits of which he has
no one to provoke him to discussion? . . .
23 "Literature in the South," Julia Collier Harris (ed.), Joel Chandler
Harris, Editor and Essayist: Miscellaneous Literary, Political, and Social
Writings (Chapel Hill, 1931), 45. Harris closely followed Simms in say-
ing: "In literature, art and society, whatever is truly Southern is likewise
truly American; and the same may be said of what is truly Northern.
Literature that is Georgian or Southern is necessarily American, and in
the broadest sense."
24 Simms's Revolutionary romances, for instance, are no less national, no
less American, than the Revolutionary historical novels of Cooper and
Kennedy. Simms possesses a great deal of essentially "American" pride,
optimism, and faith in democratic government. As a critic he was almost
never guilty of praising an American (or southern) book simply because it
dealt with native subject matter.
402 The North Carolina Historical Review
To persons, thus secluded by their modes of life, even where
the taste for letters is innate, the very difficulty in procuring
books, which cannot be transmitted by mail, opposes a barrier
to that constant exercise which is necessary to keep up and to
nourish the desire for literature. Periodicals, alone, appear cal-
culated to supply these deficiencies to counteract these discour-
aging influences, and to provide that gentle stimulus which
keeps the mind true to its instincts and acquisitions, while fur-
nishing new food for its progress. . . . 25
Simms himself asserted many times that his section's cul-
tural enslavement to the North should be a matter of shame
to every patriotic southerner; yet he recognized that this
literary dependency was based on practical, economic mat-
ters: the North's near monopoly of the publication and distri-
bution of books and magazines. As a result, since southern
books were sometimes difficult to procure even in the South,
the best-intentioned southerner often read easily accessible
northern publications and remained almost wholly ignorant
of the literature of his own region. Moreover, he argued, al-
though the South was following the lead of the North, the
North refused even the best works published in the South.
In his opening address in the Southern and Western Monthly
Magazine and Review Simms made this dilemma clear:
". . . no periodical of the country, not published at one of
the great cities of the North, could possibly hope for the
countenance of the public in their vicinity. Our experience
is conclusive on this head. The northern press claims to
supply us in the South and West with all our Literature, and
will take none of ours in return."26 Later in the same year
(1845) he commented: "We have it from good authority,
that one of our Southern publishers, seeking to establish a
Northern agency for his publication, was fairly told by the
house to which he addressed himself, that the people of the
North would not buy Southern periodicals." 2T
Thus with some reason southerners complained that their
literature was never given a fair hearing— and that their
^Wheler's Magazine (Athens, Ga.), n.s., I (July, 1849), 1-2, hereinafter
cited as Wheler's Magazine.
28 Southern and Western Monthly, I (January, 1845), 67.
"Southern and Western Monthly, I (May, 1845), 364.
Simms's Views on Literature 403
achievement in letters remained largely unknown in the
North and only slightly less so at home.28 It was in helping to
correct this want that the southern magazine hoped to per-
form one of its greatest services; because books were "scarce,
and not to be had without great difficulty and expense" by
the inhabitants of an "almost wholly agricultural" region,
Simms repeatedly emphasized that
. . . the periodical is at once the cheapest, the most eligible, and,
perhaps, the most useful form, in which Literature may yield
them its advantages. The mail brings it to the door of the farmer,
to the cottage of the peasant, to the stately mansion, enbosomed
in deep forests, of the lordly and secluded planter. It is, along
with the newspaper, the chief mode by which he communicates
with the distant world without. 29
Literary journals, then, had to play the leading role in the
kindling of literary interests in the South. These journals,
moreover, must be southern— not northern or British— though
the southern magazine must necessarily at first be inferior
both in typography and in content.30 But because this very
inferiority was indicative of the mental apathy of the South
—because a superior journal was a product of the intellectual
stimulation ( as well as of the good publishing houses ) which
the South lacked— the well-meaning and patriotic southerner
owed it to his section to support the magazines that were
attempting to rouse his people from their slumber. The maga-
zines must promote the crusade, not the crusade the maga-
zines—thriving magazines would be proof that the crusade
had been successful.31
28 Of course, of even more importance to southerners was the fact that
the North's monopoly of the book trade enabled northern publishers to
accept only those southern books which were favorable to the North, and
consequently the North remained ignorant of the "essential soundness of
the Southern cause" in other matters. See Hubbell, American Studies, 198.
"Wheler's Magazine, I (July, 1849), 3.
30 In a letter to P. C. Pendleton published in the Magnolia for April, 1841,
Simms spoke of the scarcity of good printers and the total absence of proof-
readers in the South. See Magnolia, III, 190. Simms did not advocate that
southerners read southern magazines to the exclusion of all others. In fact,
he stressed the advantages of reading journals from other sections and
countries. See Wheler's Magazine, I (July, 1849), 3-4.
^Wheler's Magazine, I (July, 1849), 4-5.
404 The North Carolina Historical Review
But as Simms himself well knew, the southern magazine
editor who wished to encourage the development of distinct-
ly southern literary culture was often defeated by the very
thing he hoped to overcome— his section's indifference to lit-
erature. In 1841 in the first of his letters on "Southern Litera-
ture" addressed to P. C. Pendleton, then editor of the
Magnolia, Simms bluntly stated that the magazine was
doomed to failure. Despite Pendleton's high hopes Simms
pointed out that excellent contributors and capable editors
did not ensure a magazine's success; other southern journals
had possessed these and had failed. Before any southern
magazine could succeed, Simms maintained, an "intellectual
appetite among our people" was needed— that appetite, he
added, was nowhere apparent.32
Simms was fully aware of the difficulties he faced in his
later efforts to establish a permanent literary journal in the
South: first-hand experience and years of observation had
taught him much about running a southern magazine. Yet
twice within a span of three years he assumed the editorship
of Charleston magazines— the Magnolia in 1842 and the
Southern and Western in 1845. That each of these journals
collapsed after only one year of publication— that he was
never able to found a permanent literary organ for his section
—that he was vastly underpaid and sometimes not paid at all
—none of these matters shook more than momentarily the
courageous determination with which he struggled for the
literature of his state, his section, and his country. Without
resorting to the puffery he detested, he encouraged Southern
writers in their efforts to create a distinctively southern litera-
ture; he resolutely replied to northern charges against his
section and at the same time demanded recognition in the
North for southern authors; and through it all, he seems
never to have lost sight of the fact that what he was really
working for was the development of an American literature.
Both the Magnolia and the Southern and Western won recog-
nition as leading southern literary journals though never
enough paying subscribers; without doubt they both attained
82 Magnolia, III (January, 1841), 1-3.
Simms's Views on Literature 405
a standard of excellence above that of most of the monthly
magazines of the period. Simms had fought his crusade
and in one sense his defeat represented a victory: he had
made his contribution to the cause of American letters by
faithfully and accurately portraying the peculiar characteris-
tics that distinguished his section. Exactly fifteen years after
the last number of the Southern and Western had been issued,
DeBows Review contained a comment on Simms that might
well apply to his editorial work in the 1840V.
He reflects . . . the spirit and temper of Southern civilization ;
announces its opinions, illustrates its ideas, embodies its pas-
sions and prejudices, and betrays those delicate shades of
thought, feeling, and conduct, that go to form the character,
and stamp the individuality of a people. 33
Although in the early 1830's some southerners frowned
upon Simms for his national views and in the 1840*8 north-
erners generally upbraided him for his sectional views, he
at all times considered himself a proponent of both national-
ism and sectionalism because to his eyes the two forces were
not opposed but, conversely, were too closely allied to be
separated. Fundamentally his outlook remained surprisingly
steadfast throughout the turbulent decades before the mid-
century. His early emphasis on American literature and his
later emphasis on southern literature represent changes in
degree, not in position.
38 Magnolia, XXIX (December, 1860), 708.
TRYON'S "BOOK" ON NORTH CAROLINA
Edited by William S. Powell
A forty-four page manuscript letter written from Bruns-
wick by Governor William Tryon on July 26, 1765, to his
uncle, Sewallis Shirley, forms a part of the collection of
North Caroliniana of the late Bruce Cotten, now in the North
Carolina Collection of the University of North Carolina
Library. This lengthy letter, which Tryon himself referred
to as a "book," is bound in full calf and bears the bookplate
of the Shirley seat, Ettington, Warwickshire, as well as the
plate of Sir Evelyn Shirley. The letter remained at the seat
of the Shirley family until about 1934 when it was sold to
the Rosenbach Company in Philadelphia from which Major
Cotten purchased it.1
Tryon reached North Carolina on October 11, 1764, to
serve as lieutenant governor under the aging and ailing
Arthur Dobbs. This letter, in an informal and chatty tone,
tells us of the personal activities of Tryon from his arrival
through the first nine months of his stay in the province.
Perhaps the account of his tour with Mrs. Tryon from Wil-
mington northward and westward to the Virginia line and
Halifax will be counted the most interesting part of the letter.
Not to be passed over, however, are descriptions of his house,
news of his staff of servants, and remarks concerning his
salary. All in all, Tryon has given us an interesting and valu-
able glimpse of his personal life. Evidence of his wide and
detailed knowledge of North Carolina after so short a time
in the colony will perhaps be thought remarkable.
The uncle to whom the letter is addressed, Sewallis Shirley
( 1709-1765 ) , was the fourteenth son of the first Earl Ferrers
and brother of Tryon's mother, the former Lady Mary Shirley.
Shirley was a member of Parliament ( 1742-1761 ) and Comp-
troller of the Household to Queen Charlotte. He died on
1 Margaret de Bullet, "A Catalogue of the Tar-Heel Book-Shelves of Mr.
Bruce Gotten." Unpublished manuscript in the North Carolina Collection,
University of North Carolina Library, IV, 358. (Descriptive notes in the
Catalogue are by Bruce Cotten.)
[406]
Tryon's "Book" on North Carolina 407
October 31, 1765, probably soon after receiving this letter
from his nephew.2
North Carolina,
Brunswick on Cape Fear River,
July ye 26th, 1765
My Dear Sir:
I most gratefully received the happiness you conferred on me
the 5th Ins :* by your letter bearing date the 12th of Feby last,
accompanied with a most acceptable present, a Gold Box with
the Picture of an invariable friend, as well to my family, as my-
self. You could not have sent me a more acceptable present ; and
for which you have my most sincere acknowledgements.
Your particular detail of your affectionate and steady conduct
in adjusting the intricate state of the affairs of my Mother, and
the agreement she has entered into with my Brother for the sale
of my Hobby Horse Henbury,3 gives me great satisfaction from
the evident necessity of such a proceeding. Your good offices on
this, and every other occasion claim as they merit, more than I am
able to repay you. However, I shall ever retain a lively and affec-
tionate regard for the author of them.
I will now endeavour from memory to give you a rough sketch
of my Proceedings in this Country since my arrival in it, you
must not expect to have the unities preserved. My Landing4 in
this Province was on the 11th of Octr last, soon after finding the
Gover" determined to stay the Winter here. I repaired to Wil-
mington, 15 Miles higher up the River than Brunswick. About
the Middle of Dec1" I took with Mrs. Tryon and Mr. Elwin5 her
Cousin, a Tour through part of this Province. We kept the Sea
Board Road for two hundred & 40 Miles, (that is never being
2 Burke's Genealogical and Heraldic History of the Peerage, Baronet-
age, and Knightage (London, 1949), 754; W. S. Lewis and Warren H.
Smith, (eds.) Horace Walpole's Correspondence with Madame Du Deffand
and Wiart (New Haven, 1939), V, 397; VI, 513; W. S. Lewis and Ralph
S. Brown, Jr. (eds.), Horace Walpole's Correspondence with George Mon-
tagu (New Haven, 1941), I, 113-114; The Gentleman's Magazine, XXXV
(November, 1765), 539.
3 A hobby horse was a small or middle-sized horse or a pony. James A. H.
Murray (ed.), A New English Dictionary on Historical Principles (Oxford,
1888-1928, 10 vols.), V, 316, hereinafter cited as Murray, A New English
Dictionary.
* For details of Tryon's arrival off the North Carolina coast and his
landing in the Cape Fear see Alonzo T. Dill, Jr., Governor Tryon and His
Palace (Chapel Hill, 1955), 79-80.
5 Fountain Elwin was Tryon's private secretary. He returned to England
in 1767. William L. Saunders (ed.), The Colonial Records of North Caro-
lina (Raleigh, 1886-1890, Vols. 1-10), VII, 134, 547, hereinafter cited as
Saunders, Colonial Records.
408 The North Carolina Historical Review
farther from the Sea than Sixty or eighty Miles) till I came to
the Virginia Line which is in 36° 30' North Lat. This from Wil-
mington kept me on a North and North East Course from the
Virginia and Carolina dividing line (where we struck it, was
forty Miles North of Edenton.) We took a West Course to Hali-
fax 70 Miles to the Westward of Edenton and from thence, took
a South and South West Course back to Wilmington where we
arrived the Middle of Feby. This Journey was accomplished
with more ease and better accommodations than I could possibly
have expected to have experienced, and I found the Gentlemen
very ready in giving the hospitality their Plantat [ions] afforded.
The Tour was five Hundred Measured Miles and upwards. The
whole of the Journey to the Virginia Line is Sandy, flat and for
the most part covered with Pine Trees tho' to the Northward
you go over some Oak Land, yet Sandy Soil. The Roads over the
Swamps, called Pocosons, are all made, which Swamps are
covered with tall Cypress Trees some of six feet in Diameter,
and Seventy feet in height before they shoot a Branch, with Bay
Trees and Red and White Cedar Trees ; with a variety of other
Aquatilis which I am unacquainted with. These swamps when
cleared and drained produce fine Rice or Indian Corn or 1
believe Indigo, but this Province is not yet sufficiently inhabited,
to have cleared any great quantity of these Pocosons.
I saw no large parcel of Rich Land that laid dry, till I took
the Course Westward from the Northward of this Province.
Near Halifax there are fine Rich lands of clay and loamy texture
and by the thickness of the Corn Stalks of the last Season, I
could perceive the goodness of the Earth. About twenty Miles
Westward of Halifax, I was carried to See a Situation called
Mount Gallant 6 which was the first Hill I had seen that was high
enough to over look the woods of this Wild Forest. The Soil
here they told me was very good tho' in dry weather pulverises
as light as snuff, and when wet will stick to your Shoes like
Marie, it is of a Reddish Cast. Under this Hill is the first prin-
cipal falls on the Roanoke River, they are wildly pleasing to the
Eye, not from the height of the Falls, but from the appearance
of a course of a River two Miles across interrupted irregularly
with Rocky Stones so as to Stop the Navigation for any thing but
Canoes, and those not safe unless under the conduct of a dex-
terous Negroe. This and the Neighboring Hills were the only ones
that have given me an opportunity of over looking in an Hori-
zontal line the Woods. In our return from Halifax in less than
twenty Miles we got again into Sandy Pine Land, and continued
6 Mount Gallant is located on the northeast side of the Roanoke River,
approximately twenty miles northwest of Halifax, on Henry Mouzon and
others, An Accurate Map of North and South Carolina (London, 1775).
Tryon's "Book" on North Carolina 409
it to Wilmington the distance from which is 180 Miles. I re-
mained quiet at Wilmington till March, when Lord Adam
Gordon7 came into this Province, a visit that gave me no small
joy, as he was not only a particular friend, but had the addi-
tional merit of being the first person I had seen, even of my
personal acquaintance since I left London. I was accompanying
him as far as Newburn in this Province, when My trusty servant
George, who now lies dangerously ill of a Putrid fever and is
in a Raving fit, at this instant, over took me with an account of
Governor Dobbs's Death the 28th of March last. I was then within
Twenty Six Miles of Newbern and 74 from Wilmington. This
Event obliged me to quit my friend, who proceeded through Vir-
ginia to the Northern Colonies, and is to sail from New York in
Octr Next for Falmouth in the Packet. I reached Wilmington the
30th of March and to my surprize found they had buried the
Governor and for want of a Clergy, the Funeral Service was per-
formed by a Majestrate of Peace.8 The usual Steps on this Event
being taken, I called an assembly at Newbern, the place in my
opinion at present, the most convenient for holding the genl
assembly. We met the 3d of May. The Journals will be the History
of our Works.9 I was sore at the time, as you will hear by the
letter I wrote Our worthy Friend at the Gov: but as I carried
the Material Points ; particularly the Clergy Bill,10 I shall forget
what is over, and wait for more at our next meeting which is
the 27th of Nov: I left Newbern the End of May and got to
Brunswick the 1st of June to the House the late Govr lived in11
the furniture12 we brought from England, and for want of Room
when we began to be very busy in opening and unpacking half
we could not put up in our house at Wilmington.
7 An officer of the Sixty-sixth Regiment of Foot stationed at this time
in the West Indies. A journal of his tour in 1764 and 1765 in America and
the West Indies is in Newton D. Mereness (ed.), Travels in the American
Colonies (New York, 1916), 365-453.
8 For a brief account of Dobbs' death and funeral based on a report in
The South Carolina Gazette for April 27, 1765, see E. Lawrence Lee, Jr.,
"The History of Brunswick, North Carolina," unpublished masters thesis,
University of North Carolina, 1951, 42, hereinafter cited as Lee, "The His-
tory of Brunswick."
9 This session lasted from May 3 through May 18. The journals are re-
printed in Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 41-88.
10 See Chapter I, "Laws of North Carolina, 1765," in Walter Clark (ed.),
The State Records of North Carolina (Winston, 1895-1905, Vols. 11-26),
XXIII, 660-662, hereinafter cited as Clark, State Records.
11 Dobbs' house was the former residence of Captain John Russell and the
fifty-five acre tract on which it was located, joining the northern boundary
of the town of Brunswick, was called Russellborough. Dobbs had occupied
the house since 1758. Lee, "The History of Brunswick," 40-41.
12 An inventory of Tryon's furniture which was lost when fire destroyed
his home in New York on December 29, 1773, will be found in New York
History, XXVI (July, 1954), 300-309. Undoubtedly a large part of this
furniture had been brought to North Carolina in 1764.
410 The North Carolina Historical Review
As you are acquainted with Mrs Tryons Neatness you will not
wonder that we have been pestered with scouring of Chambers
White Washing of Cielings, Plaisterers Work, and Painting the
House inside and out. Such is the Sickness and indolence of the
Workmen in this Hot Climate that I shall not I am persuaded
get rid of these nuisances this month. This House which has so
many assistances is of an oblong Square Built of Wood. It meas-
ures on the out Side Faces forty five feet by thirty five feet, and
is Divided into two Stories, exclusive of the Cellars the Parlour
Floor is about five feet above the Surface of the Earth. Each
Story has four Rooms and three light Closets. The Parlour below
& the drawing Room are 20 x 15 feet each; Ceilings low.
There is a Piaza Runs Round the House both Stories of ten feet
Wide with a Ballustrade of four feet high, which is a great
Security for my little girl.13 There is a good Stable and Coach
Houses and some other Out Houses, if I continue in this House,
which will depend on Capt. Dobbs" 14 Resolution in the manner
he disposes of his Effects here, I shall & must build a good
Kitchen, which I can do for forty Pounds Sterling of 30f x 40f —
The garden has nothing to Boast of except Fruit Trees. Peaches,
Nectrs Figgs and Plumbs are in perfection and of good Sorts. I
cut a Musk Melon this week which weighed 17% Pounds. Apples
grow extremely well here I have tasted excellent Cyder the Pro-
duce of this Province. Most if not all kinds of garden greens and
Pot herbs grow luxuriant with us. We are in want of nothing
but Industry & skill, to bring every Vegetable to a greater
perfection in this Province.15 Indian Corn, Rice, and American
Beans (Species of the Kidney Bean) are the grain that is Culti-
vated within a hundred and fifty Miles of the Sea Board at which
distance to the Westward you begin to perceive you are ap-
proaching high ground, and fifty Miles farther you may get on
tolerable high Hills. The Blue Mountains that Cross our Province
I imagine lay three Hundred Miles from the Sea. Our Settle-
ments are carried within one Hundred Miles of them. In less
than twenty years or perhaps in half the time inhabitants may
Settle at the foot of these Mountains. In the Back or Western
Counties, more industry is observed than to the Eastward, the
White People there to, are more numerous than the Negroes.
13 Margaret Tryon (1761-1791). Marshall DeLancey Haywood, Governor
William Tryon, and His Administration in the Province of North Carolina,
1765-1771 (Raleigh, 1903), 201, 203.
14 Tryon did not finally purchase Russellborough from Captain Edward
Brice Dobbs, the late governor's son, until February 2, 1767. Lee, "The
History of Brunswick," 43.
15 In March Tryon had sent to the Moravian settlement "to get all kinds
of seeds . . . for the plantation which [he] wishes to lay out." Adelaide L.
Fries (ed.), Records of the Moravians in North Carolina (Raleigh, 1922),
I, 301.
Tryon's "Book" on North Carolina 411
The Calculation of the Inhabitants in this Province is one hun-
dred and twenty Thousand White & Black, of which there is a
great Majority of White People. The Negroes are very numerous
I suppose five to one White Person in the Maritime Counties,
but as you penetrate into the Country few Blacks are employed,
merely for this Simple reason, that the poorer Settlers coming
from the Northward Colonies sat themselves down in the back
Counties where the land is the best but who have not more than
a sufficiency to erect a Log House for their families and procure
a few Tools to get a little Corn into the ground. This Poverty
prevents their purchasing of Slaves, and before they can get
into Sufficient affluence to buy Negroes their own Children are
often grown to an age to work in the Field, not but numbers of
families in the back Counties have Slaves some from three to
ten, Whereas in the Counties on the Sea Coast Planters have
from fifty to 250 Slaves. A Plantation with Seventy Slaves on it,
is esteemed a good property. When a man marries his Daughters
he never talks of the fortune in Money but 20 30 or 40 Slaves is
her Portion and possibly and agreement to deliver at stated
Periods, a Certain Number of Tarr or Turpentine Barrels, which
serves towards exonerating the charges of the Wedding which
are not grievous here.
I suppose you will expect to be informed what return is Made
for the expence of Supporting such a Number of Slaves in the
Province. Their chief employ is in the Woods & Fields, Sowing,
and attending and gathering in the Corn. Making of Barrels,
Hoops, Staves, Shingles, Rails, Posts and Pails, all which they
do to admiration, Boxing of Pine Trees to draw off the Turpen-
tine, Making of Tarr kills which is a good deal after our Manner
of making a Charcoal Pitt, excepting they have a Subterran-
eous passage to draw off the Tarr as the fire forces it from the
Lightwood in the Kiln. Lightwood I understand to be as follows.
When a Tree has been blown down or Cut. The Turpentine that
is in the tree, in a few years retires to all the knotty parts of the
said Tree. These they Cut up in small strips and will form a
Tarkiln so large that when set on Fire, will run from 6, 7, 8 or
1000 Barrels of Tar. These splinters are so loaded with Bitumen
that they will burn like a Candle ; it is a usual thing to carry a
Torch of Light Wood at night as you Europeans do flam beaus.
The above are the articles we export Beside Deer Skins, Barrels
of Pork, Beef, Bees Wax, Tallow &tc. Great Quantity of Lumber
is Shipped to the West Indies. We have in the Creeks and
Branches of this River of Cape Fear from 36 to 40 Saw
mills,16 each with two Saws, and upon an honest Medium, each
"For a description of the saw mills on the Cape Fear at this time see
Charles C. Crittenden, The Commerce of North Carolina, 1763-1789 (New
Haven, 1936), 64-65.
412 The North Carolina Historical Review
Mill Saws two hundred Thousand feet of Timber. They could do
a thousand more but most of them in the Summer Months are
obliged to lay Still for want of Water. This Article would make a
fine remittance to Great Britain if a Bounty was allowed on the
importation. The Pine (as Mr Hawks17 the Master Builder I
took over with me from England, and who is a very able Worthy
man) says is Vastly Superior to the Norway the Norway [sic'}
Pine, for the Decking of Ships, as it is more Solid and filled with
Turpentine which makes it very durable. He is Positive that a
Ship's Deck laid of the yellow Pine of this Province will last at
least as long as two decks of the Norway Pine. The Shingles
made for Exportation are made of Cypress, and are Sold the
best at 9s Sterling per Thousand. I shall now say no more at
present of the Produce of this Country Its Naval Stores &tc.
but return to some private occurences of my own family. As to
Health Mrs Tryon and the little girl have enjoyed a very happy
share of it. As to Myself I cannot say so much, having been
sharply disciplined with a Billeous disorder in my Stomach and
Eruptions of the Rash kind, on my Legs, this I got over the
latter end of April last. About a Month since I had a return tho'
not so Violent, a Strong Emetic was administered which handled
me very Severely, however it effected the cure, and I have Sup-
ported the heats very well since. The Thermometer (made by
Adams18) was in June in a Cool passage at 88°=0' at the high-
est, and this Month it has been from 79 to 87° — 0'. The day after
I wrote my last letter of June to Ld H 19 the glass in twenty hours
sunk from 87°=0' to 71° — 30'. Which great change caused much
Sickness in in [sic] the Province. If I was to Muster my family
I should not be able to return many fit for Duty. The Lad we took
from Norfolk, a sailor I have made my groom and a little French
Boy I got here, is all the Male Servants, well, Le Blanc, Cuisinier ;
& Turner, the Farmer, have both fevers and are taking the
bark.20 Georges Senses just returned with some favorable Symp-
toms and lastly the girl we took from my Farm has been so ill
that she has done an hours work these two months. I sent her
last week to a Plantation on the Sea Side, for a change of Scene,
and air, She is getting better. These are inconveniences I am
told every newcomer must experience in this Colony they term
17 John Hawks, subsequently the architect of "Tryon's Palace." Alonzo T.
Dill, Jr., "Tryon's Palace," North Carolina Historical Review, XIX (April,
1942), 122.
18 George Adams, "mathematical instrument maker to George III."
Dictionary of National Biography (London, 1885-1900, 63 vols.), I, 97.
19 This could refer to Lord Halifax, Lord Hillsboro, or Lord Hyde, all of
whom are later mentioned by name.
20 Bark of the cinchona tree, from which quinine is procured, was for-
merly ground into a powder and taken as a febrifuge. Murray A New
English Dictionary, I, 672.
Tryon's "Book" on North Carolina 413
it a seasoning. Surely it has a little too much of the Kian Pepper
in it. We have been drove to very short Commons, and the Cooks
being sick deprived us of our Baker. We often sent to Brunswick
Town (about 20 families in it) to beg our Bread, as there is none
for Sale that can be eat nearer than Wilmington fifteen Miles
off, either by Land or Water. I shall do better when I get my
family on their Legs again. As I have purchased a yard full of
fowls, have some good Hams and occasionally get a Bit of Mutton
or Beef I reckon My Situation here is more out of the way for
buying provisions than any Corner of the Province, but hold it
to be as healthy as any in the Province, being within sight of
one of the Sea Inlets at the distance of five Miles, tho' to the Bar
of the River where the Vessels go over, is fifteen Miles, which
makes us half way between the Bar and Wilmington. As I am
desirous of not showing myself particularly partial to any par-
ticular Spot of the Country or people, I have hired three other
houses. One at Wilmington to be at when I hold the Land
Office,21 which is twice a year, One at Newbern, where I hold
the Genl Assembly and the Courts of Chancery,22 and a Small
Villa within three Miles of Newbern, for the purpose of raising
a little Stock and Poultry for use of the family. I imagine you
will say Tryon will certainly ruin himself, but my good Friend
Houses are not so convenient nor so high priced as in Britain.
The Rent of these four Houses with Six Hundred and forty acres
to the Newbern Villa amount to near 130 £ Sterg. I have Sixty
acres of land belonging to this House all sand, except about 15
acres of Salt Marsh, use less at present from neglect & Weeds.
I must now confine myself to my particular Situation in a Po-
litical View. I have been at great charges both of labor and ex-
pence in getting my family into this Province, and after many
tedious disappointments Collected them more together than ever
they have been yet, and as I think there is a large Field for good
offices, If the People are reasonable I am persuaded, I could
render His Majesty as much Service in this Colony as in any
other more settled.
If the climate continues to agree with Mrs Tryon and little one
I shall be content to Act as the Political Physician, but if they
will neither take my Pills, or follow my Prescriptions I shall
desire another Doctor may be called in, and that Physician retire
who will never give his attendance for the consideration of the
21 As governor, Tryon was an official of the Land Office which was respon-
sible for certifying and recording land grants in the colony. Charles Lee
Raper, North Carolina, A Study in English Colonial Government (New
York, 1904), 101-124, hereinafter cited as Raper, A Study in English
Colonial Government.
23 The governor, sitting in council with at least five members, could act
as a Court of Chancery to hear and decide all cases in equity. Raper, A
Study in English Colonial Government, 150-151.
414 The North Carolina Historical Review
Fee. As to the Emoluments for the Govr they arise from Licences
for Public Houses and Marriages if by License Special,23 Fee for
putting the Seal of the Province to letters Testimonial, letters
of Administration Registers for Ships &tc. All which by the
Estimate the Governor gave me some time before his Death
amounts to about 400£ Sts and the Fees on the Warrants for
Surveying the Lands and Patents for granting them (which
business is done in the Land Office) amount to between 3£ and
400£ Sterg which last is a donation of the Crown to the Governor
so that the Province gives the Govr 400£ per Ann : Which he is
obliged to Collect from at least forty or fifty different hands, in
which Number there must be some deficiencies. The County
Clerks account with the Govr for most of these Fees. I do not
See, or believe the Province in a Situation capable of adding
any considerable addition to the Fees, and I am persuaded, their
inclination is as slack as their ability is weak for such a step.
Therefore, the Gov1* of this Province must live in a Mean and
shabby Manner, if it was not for the Salary allowed from home
to him. I hope you and my friends have been very busy in pro-
curing My Commission as Governor, passing the Offices24 as soon
as possible. I was determined you see when I took pen in hand to
say what I might have subdivided into Six letters. I have from
the heat of the Weather found myself in such a State of Indo-
lence, that I have been perpetualy moving from one room to the
other, tho' motion makes us hotter, and never able to Settle to
reading or any business. I have wrote this long letter yesterday
Evening and this Morning. I was up at 4 o'clock. We ride most
days, Morning or Evening. Mrs Tryon fortunately has two horses
which carry her very safely.
Say Every thing for me to Lord Halifax25 & L'Hillsborough26
that is proper and grateful; particularly make my very affec-
23 A 1741 law regulating the issuance of marriage licenses was in force
at this time. The governor's fee for each license amounted to twenty
shillings. Clark, State Records, XXIII, 158-161.
24 There were four methods of appointing colonial officials and all required
that certain documents be recorded in one or more offices in England.
Tryon's term "passing the offices" refers to this step. For details concern-
ing the appointment of colonial officers see Charles M. Andrews, Guide to
the Materials American History, to 1783 in the Public Record Office of
Great Britain (Washington, 1912), I, 233-236.
23 George Montagu Dunk, second Earl of Halifax, first lord of the admir-
alty and (until he was dismissed in July 1765 — the very month in which
this letter was written) high in the administration of George Grenville.
Dictionary of National Biography, XVI, 199-201.
26 Wills Hill, Earl of Hillsborough, a relative of Tryon's wife. As presi-
dent of the board of trade and plantations he was influential in Tryon's
appointment as lieutenant governor of North Carolina. He resigned this
position in July, 1765 — again, the very month in which this letter was
written. Dictionary of National Biography, LVII, 276; XXVI, 427-429.
Tryon's "Book" on North Carolina 415
tionate Complts to Ld Hyde.27 Communicate some contents to him
of this book. He knows he is my Sheet Anchor.28 I expect ample
amends for the trouble I give you to read this Manuscript. I
think you promised to send me the Monthly Gazetes,29 I have
received none. Pray remember us all to every body that inquires
after us. I have received a handsome cheerful letter from My
friend Hotham30 and also from Leland both whom I regard. I
shall be most happy if in your next letter you tell me you have
recovered your appetite and in better health; a Circumstance I
am very Solicitous about. Mrs Tryon joins with me very Sincerely
in our wishes for your health &tc.
I am Dr Sr
Most cordially yours,
W Tryon
27 Thomas Villiers, first Baron Hyde, a member of the privy council and
joint postmaster-general. Dictionary of National Biography , LVIII, 352-353.
28 "That on which one places one's reliance when everything; else has
failed." A sheet-anchor, formerly always the largest of a ship's anchors,
was used only in an emergency. Murray, A New English Dictionary, VIII,
670.
29 Tryon probably was referring to such popular monthly publications as
The Gentleman's Magazine, British Magazine; or, Monthly Repository for
Gentlemen and Ladies, Candid Review and Literary Repository, etc., of
which there were many. See R. S. Crane and F. B. Kaye, A Census of
British Newspapers and Periodicals, 1620-1800 (Chapel Hill, 1927).
30 Perhaps Beaumont Hotham (1737-1814), a member of the bar then
practicing in the chancery courts. Dictionary of National Biography,
XXVII, 403-404.
BOOK REVIEWS
Home on the Yadkin. By Thomas W. Ferguson. (Winston-
Salem: Clay Printing Company. 1956. Pp. 242. Illustrations.)
This little book is too opinionated to be history, too factual
to be fiction, too carelessly written and printed to be a work
of art, and too localized in interest to be read widely. It is,
nevertheless, what the author, in his own words, set out to
write: ". . . while intended to be more for local interest with a
description of The Valley, family histories, customs, habits
and provincialisms of its people, the author also discusses
at length, politics, governmental processes, schools, churches,
religion, intoxicating beverages, prohibition, A.B.C. Stores,
roads, conservation of natural resources, flood control, the
Grange and Agriculture."
Mr. Ferguson is a life-long resident of the upper Yadkin
and his story concerns the valley from Wilkesboro toward
Blowing Rock, with special attention to the area immediately
around the community of Ferguson ( formerly known as Ken-
dall and Yellow Hill). A farmer by occupation as well as
conviction, he has written his reminiscences in a conversa-
tional manner that often captures the excitement of an autumn
'possum hunt, the youthful anticipation of calling up a doodle-
bug, and the discomfort of a straw tick. The author's interest
in the land and its people, his devotion to the New Deal and
the Grange, and his opposition to alcohol, mosquitoes, Army
engineers, and Republicans, figure prominently in the story.
Mr. Ferguson's liberal political views do not include support
for the proposed Yadkin flood control dam, a scheme which
he feels would destroy "a goodly portion of both Wilkes and
Caldwell [counties]."
The reader may find some of the author's ideas more amus-
ing than practical, but he will admire the courage of express-
ing them. Mr. Ferguson suggests, for example, that the way
to do away with the liquor problem is to abolish all prohibi-
tions and taxation so that alcohol will cease to be a luxury.
Result: both the psychological and economic attractions will
[416 ]
Book Reviews 417
be eliminated, and it will become unprofitable to produce.
Nor will there be common agreement that "ninety-five per
cent of the world's progress has emanated from this minority
[Christian] group. The other five per cent has no doubt been
due to the association with Christian people and Christian
principles."
Mr. Ferguson is at his best in describing local color inci-
dents—as, for example, when Cousin Ben Ferguson wrote a
recruiting officer in 1898 that he was "ready to go to Cuba,
hell, or anywhere else." But perhaps the choicest gem is the
author's assumption that "we on our little planet, the earth,
have as much or more intelligence than any other planet in
the universe, otherwise they would have communicated with
us before this time."
Home on the Yadkin will be a delightful reading experience
for those who are more interested in life in the valley than in
the literary or historical merits of the book.
H. G. Jones.
State Department of Archives and History,
Raleigh.
James W. Davis: North Carolina Surgeon. By LeGette Blythe.
With a Foreword by Johnson J. Hayes. (Charlotte: William
Loftin Publishers. 1957. Pp. ix, 227. Index.)
This is the story of one of North Carolina's most colorful
and successful contemporary surgeons. Drawing freely from
correspondence, published tributes, documents, and the
memories of many who knew him, LeGette Blythe has writ-
ten an authoritative biography in the same interesting narra-
tive style that has made his historical and biblical novels so
successful.
It is the story of a man who dedicated his life to a purpose
first expressed as a youth, "I'm going to be a doctor and have
a hospital and operate on a lot of folks, and get rich, too!"
It is the story of a surgeon who performed a prodigious
number of operations and of a shrewd business man and
418 The North Carolina Historical Review
organizer who built, staffed, and equipped a 200-bed modern
hospital and clinic in Statesville, without the aid of local or
governmental subsidy.
It is the story of a man of boundless energy and strong
convictions who believed firmly in the virtues of self disci-
pline, hard work, and individual enterprise. He hated idleness
and waste. He expressed himself strongly on the evils of
alcohol and cigarettes. And in national politics, he abhorred
the practices of the New Deal and was a staunch and vocal
Taft Republican in the center of Democratic North Carolina.
Critics might have questioned the indications for some of
his operations. Others who worked with him might have
complained that the Chief took all the work and left nothing
for the associate. Undoubtedly, in the relentless pursuit of
his singleness of purpose and in the expression of his convic-
tions, he trod on the toes of others. Yet they were few com-
pared to the thousands who loved and respected him for a
lifetime devoted to his profession.
Clarence E. Gardner, Jr.
School of Medicine,
Duke University,
Durham.
Index and Digest to Hathaway' s North Carolina Historical and
Genealogical Register. Compiled and edited by Worth S. Ray.
(Baltimore: Southern Book Company. 1956. $10.00. [Re-
print].)
Colonial Granville County and Its People. Compiled and edited
by Worth S. Ray. (Baltimore: Southern Book Company. 1956.
$7.50. [Reprint].)
In 1947, Worth S. Ray published The Lost Tribes of North
Carolina, a combination of four titles that were also printed
separately. This work was an offset reproduction from type-
script which, while bringing together a wealth of genealogi-
cal data, at the same time taxed the patience and eyesight
of readers. Some portions were unreadable, others almost so.
Book Reviews 419
The Southern Book Company, a specialist in genealogical
works, has now reproduced the first two parts of the Ray
volume — Index and Digest to Hathaway s North Carolina
Historical and Genealogical Register and Colonial Granville
County and Its People. Inasmuch as the reproduction is an
offset from the 1947 edition, the same handicap accompanies
the reprints. In fairness to the Southern Book Company, how-
ever, it should be said that in general an excellent job of
reproduction has been done, considering the quality of the
original pages.
Parts III and IV of The Lost Tribes, published separately
in 1947, under the titles Mecklenburg Signers and Their
Neighbors and Old Albemarle and Its Absentee Landlords,
are still available in the original editions.
In the preface to The Lost Tribes, Mr. Ray wrote, "The
book contains many errors, as nearly all good books do, but
I will never live long enough to re-write it, so I am sending it
out into the world just as it is. Future writers may correct
them later." The errors and omissions remain, but long-
suffering genealogists will benefit from the new publication
of the two parts under review. Hathaway's Register, pub-
lished in 1900, 1901, and 1903, contains a vast accumulation
of historical data gathered chiefly from the Albemarle coun-
ties. Although Rays index to the Register omits many names,
it nevertheless fills a need realized for almost half a century.
Colonial Granville County does not purport to be a history
of old Granville, but it nevertheless brings together informa-
tion that cannot be found in any other published source.
Family lines and biographical sketches are particularly valu-
able. The reader should not assume, however, that Mr. Ray
exhausted his sources. For instance, only about a hundred
marriage bonds— a fraction of the total— are abstracted, and
even fewer wills are included. Thus, while finding the little
book useful, the researcher will still need to do most of his
work in the manuscript records of the county.
H. G. Jones.
State Department of Archives and History,
Raleigh.
420 The North Carolina Historical Review
The Decisive Battle of Nashville. By Stanley F. Horn. (Baton
Rouge : Louisiana State University Press. 1956. Pp. xviii, 181.
Maps and illustrations. $3.00.)
Of all the battles of the Civil War, the Battle of Nashville
has been called the most perfect. It was a model in strategy
and execution— a textbook battle— and it marked the end, for
all practical purposes, of the Army of Tennessee. That army
was a rugged fighting force that had been cursed with incred-
ibly poor leadership through most of the war. It had its peak
under General Joseph E. Johnston in the campaign to Atlanta,
but Johnston was not sufficiently aggressive to satisfy
Jefferson Davis, who replaced him with the less experienced
and less able John B. Hood. Hood responded with the aggres-
sive action that the Confederate President desired, but with-
out success and with a loss in men that the Army of Tennessee
could ill afford. Forced to surrender Atlanta, Hood led his
army on a quick march back into Tennessee in a desperate
attempt to capture Shermans bases of supply and menace
Kentucky, Ohio, and points North. Failing in that, he planned
to move through Cumberland Gap to the aid of Lee in
Virginia.
Hood's planning was basically sound, but his execution
was poor. He delayed too long in crossing the Tennessee
River, blundered in allowing General Schofield to elude him
at Spring Hill, and then in a pique of anger fought the use-
less and costly Battle of Franklin. At this point he forgot, or
decided to ignore, his original campaign alternative. Instead
of trying to join Lee, he led his decimated army to the out-
skirts of Nashville and entrenched.
Behind the strong fortifications of the city General George
H. Thomas, the "Rock of Chickamauga," slowly and method-
ically built up his forces and planned his strategy for the
forthcoming battle. Unhurried, despite threats and pleas from
Lincoln and Grant, he finally moved out against the Confed-
erates on December 15 with a great flanking movement that,
Book Reviews 421
by the following night, had crumpled the Army of Tennessee
and sent it in flight for the safety of the Tennessee River.
It is this battle that Mr. Horn describes, and no one can
tell it better. Completely familiar with every part of the
battlefield, Mr. Horn makes the battle come alive with his
vivid descriptions of the action, and he makes it intelligible
to the modern reader through his happy device of describing
it in terms of present-day streets, houses, and subdivisions.
The addition of several fine maps, pictures of Nashville's
fortifications, and a dust cover on the inside of which is a
map of the city showing the location of markers erected by
the Tennessee Historical Commission to describe the battle,
make the book a valuable addition to every Civil War library.
Mr. Horn has produced the best and probably the defini-
tive history of the Battle of Nashville. But he has tried to do
still more. He has attempted to show that Nashville was
"the decisive battle of the war"; and it is this interpretation
that will draw most criticism of the book. If, as the author
maintains, the decisive battle of a war is one in which the
contrary event would have changed the future drama of the
world, can Nashville claim the distinction over the bloodbath
at Franklin, which many believe dictated the result of the
Battle of Nashville— or over the repulse at Gettysburg of
Lee's northern invasion— or over the surrender of Atlanta with
its crucial boost of northern morale at a citical point— or over
the Confederate defeat at Antietam when British recognition
of the Southern nation apparently hung in the balance?
Many readers will disagree with Mr. Horn's closely rea-
soned argument for the decisiveness of the battle, but most
will finish the book with a feeling that the author has done
an incomparably fine job of describing a battle that was more
important than it has generally been considered by historians
of the Civil War.
William T. Alderson.
Tennessee State Library and Archives,
Nashville, Tenn.
422 The North Carolina Historical Review
Georgia's Land of the Golden Isles. By Burnette Vanstory.
Athens: University of Georgia Press. 1956. Pp. xi, 202. Illus-
trations. $3.75.)
In this pleasant little book, Mrs. Vanstory has recreated
the atmosphere of leisurely plantation luxury on the famed
Sea Islands of Georgia and the adjoining coast. After pre-
senting an overview of the islands from Ossabaw to Cumber-
land, she then describes each separately. Extensive research
is evident in the descriptions of aboriginal life, early settlers,
wars with the Spaniards, and events of both the Revolution-
ary War and the War of 1812. The thread of her story con-
tinues on to the present; and all the islands are once more
considered in a concluding chapter.
The style is warm and flowing, informal but not chatty,
and spiced with family anecdotes and legends. The author
has fortunately not succumbed to what must have been a
great temptation to overburden her narrative with genealog-
ical data. Although many family histories are given in some
detail, this is almost essential inasmuch as most of the islands
were owned by single families during the pre-Civil War
period.
The most interesting sections are those dealing with pre-
Revolutionary history. One wishes Mrs. Vanstory had dwelt
longer on this aspect. The book's gravest fault— although
some might call it an asset— is its exteme romanticism. One
becomes slightly wearied by the excessive number of moon-
light boat rides, balls, faithful retainers, and an atmosphere
drenched with the perfume of flowers and filled with the
melodious song of birds. The twentieth-century houseparties
of northern millionaires seem a travesty on the past, as well
as dull. A more critical and realistic approach by the author
would have provided a more substantial contribution to the
literature of Georgia history.
Sarah McCulloh Lemmon.
Meredith College,
Raleigh.
Book Reviews 423
The Road to Appomattox. By Bell Irvin Wiley. (Memphis, Tenn. :
Memphis State College Press. 1956. Pp. x, 121. $4.00.)
Few historians are as qualified as Professor Wiley to specu-
late on the causes of Confederate defeat. His interest in the
common soldier in gray and in the plain people behind the
lines has given him a deep understanding of the wartime
mind of the South. In these three lectures (originally pre-
sented as the J. P. Young Lectures in American History at
Memphis State College), he advances some theories about
the things that beat the Confederates.
The first lecture is devoted to Jefferson Davis. In a chari-
table portrait of the Confederate President, Dr. Wiley de-
fends him against many of the charges made by his contem-
poraries and by later historians, but is forced to conclude
that Davis' "record as President leaves more to condemn
than to praise" (p. 42). In the second lecture, dealing with
"the waning of the Southern will," the author draws on his
knowledge of the little people to sketch the ups and downs
of Confederate morale. High at the beginning, morale sagged
in early 1862, revived later that year, plummeted with the
disasters of July, 1863, and continued down to the nadir
of 1865. Author Wiley's analysis of factors affecting morale is
extremely good. Lecture three deals with "failures that were
fatal," and here the author theorizes that disharmony among
the people and leaders was one of the worst failures. An-
other which hurt morale was the inadequate system of public
information. No central propaganda agency kept the war
aims before the people and soon they wondered why they
were fighting. Rigid political and economic views fashioned
another failure by making it difficult for the government to
be flexible in formulating war policy. State rights and cotton
dominance kept the South agricultural and local in the face
of desperate need for centralization and industry. The last
failure considered, and one which Dr. Wiley thinks vital, is
that of Confederate judgment. Southerners misjudged for-
eign attitudes on slavery and underestimated the dedication
of the North to the Union.
424 The North Carolina Historical Review
Some of Dr. Wiley's "exploratory" and "tentative" views
are bound to stir up some disagreement among his readers.
Some will not agree with his evaluation of Davis, others will
quarrel with certain conclusions on morale factors, and still
others will wish to delete some things from his list of failures
and to add many others. Whatever the opinion, though, the
reader will be stimulated to reaction and will enjoy the book.
Frank E. Vandiver.
The Rice Institute,
Houston, Texas.
General George B. McClellan. Shield of the Union. By Warren
W. Hassler, Jr. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University
Press. 1956. Pp. xvi, 350. $6.00.)
Shortly after the close of the Civil War Robert E. Lee was
asked to name the ablest general he had faced during the
conflict. Without hesitation he answered: "McClellan by
all odds!" Professor Warren W. Hassler, Jr., in the present
volume, Shield of the Union, presents considerable historical
justification for Lee's statement. It is the author's contention
that McClellan, contrary to the views of many writers, was
more than just an "able organizer, drillmaster, and disciplin-
arian." He was, in addition, "a soldier of superior strategic
and tactical ability. . . ."
With exceptional clarity Professor Hassler describes both
the Peninsula and Antietam campaigns. The bloody fighting
which marked these early stages of the war reveal McClellan
as a far cry from the commander charged by his contem-
poraries as being stupid, incompetent, and even disloyal.
Equally clear and scholarly is the treatment of the political
pressures of the day which had a direct bearing on military
events. The author shows considerable skill in interweaving
the political and military stories, thus giving the reader an
intelligible and convincing picture of the tremendous handi-
caps under which McClellan labored. "Political enmity
toward him was largely his undoing." As a Democrat hated
Book Reviews 425
by the Radical Republicans and at odds with the adminis-
tration, the General was destined for political sacrifices.
Shield of the Union is an extremely fine piece of work in
defense of McClellan and helps bring the controversial
General into a truer focus. However, Professor Hassler is
open to the criticism of riding his thesis a little too hard.
There is no denying that McClellan was a talented officer
l)ii t it must always be remembered that he failed before
Richmond and gained no more than a debatable draw at
Antietam. It is highly questionable whether "Little Mac"
could have done Grant's job in 1864-1865.
John G. Barrett.
Virginia Military Institute,
Lexington, Va.
The Early Jackson Party in Ohio. By Harry R, Stevens. (Dur-
ham: The Duke University Press. 1957. Pp. xi, 187. $4.50.)
In this short book Dr. Harry Stevens, an Assistant Professor
of History at Duke University, attempts to tell the story of
the election of 1824 in Ohio. He begins with a biographical
sketch of the Irish revolutionary and educator, Moses
Dawson, and then jumps to a bitter congressional election
between William Henry Harrison and James W. Gazlay. He
then begins to cite letters in which prominent Ohioans dis-
cuss the presidential prospects of the various candidates.
Stevens' chief efforts are devoted to showing how this feel-
ing for one candidate was actually transferred into a party
organization. The advocates of DeWitt Clinton, led by Ethan
Allen Brown, organized early but soon folded. Most of the
Congressmen were active politicians and generally worked
for Henry Clay. John McLean was active for John C. Calhoun,
until Pennsylvania developments caused the South Carolin-
ian's withdrawal. Certain politicians, professing to resent
Southern domination, attempted to appeal to all opponents
426 The North Carolina Historical Review
of slavery to support John Quincy Adams. Little support
came to Crawford, and as the Calhoun and Clinton cam-
paigns failed, several editors and politicians began to praise
Jackson. Moses Dawson, then an editor, was active for Jack-
son, and Congressman Gazlay, in spite of great personal
animosity toward Dawson, espoused the Jackson cause.
Stevens constantly reminds us that there was little connection
between state and local tickets and the national alignment.
In monotonous detail in every county where local commit-
tees were formed, Stevens tries to trace the actual formation
of a party for each of the three main candidates. Although
hundreds of names are listed as leaders of one of the candi-
dates, the author fails to show any significance as to why
they acted. The pattern shows editors announcing their sup-
port of one candidate and of men holding meetings, passing
resolutions, and sometimes selecting electors. On the whole
there seemed little co-operation beyond county limits. In
the election Clay's ticket received 19,255 votes, Jackson's
ticket, 18,489, and Adams' ticket, 12,280. Jackson's strength
was great where his county organizations existed, but the
Hero of New Orleans had less of a state-wide organization
than Clay. Stevens fails to find much reason why people
favored individual candidates, and usually accepts at face
value the assertions of politicians that they favored one can-
didate because he was best for the country. He does believe
that the Jacksonians were the most national of the parties,
but he fails to find any economic cleavage between the
groups.
The Ohio story may be interesting, but this reviewer looks
in vain to find significant determinants in political divisions
of the western state. Although the author has undoubtedly
done much research, to one interested in the Jackson party
the results of his labors prove disappointing.
William S. Hoffmann.
Appalachian State Teachers College,
Boone.
Book Reviews 427
The Cultural Life of the American Colonies, 1607-1763. By Louis
B. Wright. (New York: Harper & Brothers. 1957. Pp. xiv,
292. $5.00.)
Of the forty-odd volumes of the New American Nation
Series launched by Harper, this is the seventh to appear.
Dealing with various periods of history and frequently over-
lapping each other intentionally, they will supplant the
valuable but now passe old series.
In this book Dr. Wright goes at it with might and main.
Agriculture, trade, national origins, religion, education, libra-
ries, literary productions, music and drama, architecture,
science, and the press— all these eleven aspects of colonial
times come off neatly packaged in eleven chapters. There is
ample evidence of wide study and extensive reading. A useful
bibliography at the end of the book attests the author's indus-
try.
If there is little here of which the earnest student of earlv
American culture is not already aware, at least it is well to
have it in such a convenient and concise arrangement. For
the old boys, this compendium may serve as a handv refer-
ence in spite of the inadequate and capricious index. For the
college student, it will doubtless appear on many lists of
parallel reading.
With so many dates, names, facts, quotations, and conclu-
sions, one might expect some new lights on our colonial fore-
bears, but such is not the case. With humor Dr. Wright
reminds us many times that the Puritans were interested
in more than religion— an admonition which is hardly neces-
sary anv longer. Following his predecessors, American his-
tory still begins in 1607 (poor Roanoke!). Virginians and
New Englanders still dominate the scene, though occasion-
allv Pennsvlvanians and South Carolinians are allowed brief
entrance. "Culture," when not in cities, is for the most part
on vast plantations.
On every occasion, University of North Carolina-trained
Dr. Wright mentions North Carolina only in passing. The
428 The North Carolina Historical Review
colony was peopled by "simple folk" (p. 20 ) , "was the most
backward of the colonies in matters of education" (p. 114),
was called a "hell of a hole" by a preacher in 1721 (p. 115).
William Byrd gets page after page after page, John Lawson
twelve lines. Dr. Thomas Brav established libraries in Marv-
land and South Carolina, but presumably none at Bath. A
man named James Parker founded "the Constitutional Cour-
ant in 1765 at Woodbridge, New Jersey" (!); there is not
even the barest mention of James Davis and 1751 and New
Bern.
All this drives home one inescapable conclusion: Tar Heels
are still delinquent in writing their own history. From the
Colonial Records and the vast data in the Southern Historical
Collection at Chapel Hill— from these two alone— a cultural
history of colonial North Carolina could be spelled out which
would astound even authorities like Dr. Wright. Meanwhile,
novelist Inglis Fletcher has the field to herself.
Richard Walser,
North Carolina State College,
Raleigh.
The Origins of the American Party System. By Joseph Charles.
(Williamsburg: The Institute of Early American History and
Culture. 1956. Pp. viii, 147. $2.50.)
This slight but meaty volume consists of three chapters from
the author's doctoral dissertation on the party origins of Jefer-
sonian democracy, a work characterized as a "brilliant piece
of original analysis" by Frederick Merk in his brief foreword.
This posthumous publication makes generally available parts
of the thesis, which the author regarded as unfinished and
hoped to be able sometime to refine and strengthen. The
published essays deal with "Hamilton and Washington,"
"Adams and Jefferson," and "The Jay Treaty."
Of necessity, the selected chapters do not build into a fully
rounded exposition of the origins of the party system. Yet
Book Reviews 429
they contain insights most suggestive to the political scientist
concerned with the theory of parties. Mr. Charles viewed
deterministic explanations of party origins with reserve. Al-
though well aware of economic and other such influences,
his general view is that the political factor in the system may
be to a substantial extent independent of the supposed de-
terminants. Party cleavages were to a degree man-made.
The management of the great issues of the 1790s plowed a
furrow that set off one group of partisans against another;
the managed impact of the issues, not latent and predetermin-
ed cleavages, fixed the party division. Once built up the
party groupings became entities with a life of their own to
be understood by their own inner dynamics, not as puppets
propelled by abstract, external forces.
The speculative passages are worth pondering, but they
do not make up the bulk of the essays which center on their
subjects. From these pages Hamilton emerges not so much
the saviour of the financial integrity of the country as a tire-
less advocate of the propertied classes and of a powerful
state who "seems never to have asked himself how powerful
a state could be if it were not based on the loyalty, affections,
and best interests of all of its citizens" (p. 36). In the de-
velopment of the party system Washington, subject to man-
agement by those around him, does not appear at his best.
Adams' great contribution to the creation of parties came in
his policy of resistance to those Federalist leaders not indis-
posed toward war with France, a tactic that gave time for
the formation of a new party and helped create circumstances
favorable to its peaceful succession to power. The Republi-
can party itself was not a creation of Jefferson. Rather, "a
widespread popular movement recognized and claimed him
as its leader." These and other such points, persuasively argu-
ed, make the book of interest to historians of the period.
V. O. Key, Jr.
Harvard University,
Cambridge, Mass.
430 The North Carolina Historical Review
From Slavery to Freedom : A History of American Negroes. By
John Hope Franklin. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 1956.
Second Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Pp. xv, 639. Illustra-
tions, bibliographical notes, and index. $5.50 text, $7.50 trade.)
This book could have been entitled History of the United
States with Emphasis on Negroes. One may quarrel with
Franklin over such points as his oversimplification of the
Compromise of 1850 or his overemphasis on the organized
underground railroad. Yet his book is about as accurate as
one can expect in a general work. Most of the better known
secondary studies are mentioned in the bibliographical notes,
and there is nothing particularly startling in the interpreta-
tions. Except for brief accounts of early Negro Kingdoms,
Latin American bondmen, and an excellent chapter on the
Negro in Canada, there is little new to the American his-
torian. Yet it is the sort of book every instructor should rec-
ommend to students.
The book is a synthesis. Especially well done is the de-
scription of plantation slavery. The status of the free Negro
is adequately described. The philosophy of Booker T. Wash-
ington is interestingly discussed. Reconstruction is explained
as part of a national economic revolution.
Dr. Franklin is a Negro. For the first three-quarters of
the book one is impressed with his detachment and objectivi-
ty. Yet when he reaches the Twentieth Century a note of
bitterness is present. This part of the book reads like a
special plea for justice, and one feels the Negro's outrage
and determination to continue the fight for equal rights.
Until a reader reaches the last chapter he senses that Frank-
lin and Negroes in general were filled more with despair than
with hope. But many significant things happened after 1947;
segregation ended in many areas and the Supreme Court
declared school segregation unconstitutional. Franklin him-
self gained acclaim in the historical profession. In his last
chapter, written in 1956, the author records these national
developments, and, although realizing that the battle is not
yet won, he expresses satisfaction.
Book Reviews 431
As in the case of most revised general works little has been
added. It is, however, a worthwhile study. It shows that the
high reputation which Franklin enjoys among the profession
is not merely a sign of his colleagues' liberalism but is a well-
deserved tribute to his scholarly work.
William S. Hoffmann.
Appalachian State Teachers College,
Boone.
HISTORICAL NEWS
The Executive Board of the Department of Archives and
History met on May 8 with the following members present:
Mr. McDaniel Lewis, Chairman, Miss Gertrude Carraway,
Dr. Fletcher M. Green, Mr. Clarence W. Griffin, and Mr.
Josh L. Home. Present also were Dr. Christopher Crittenden,
Director of the Department; Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Head of the
Division of Publications; Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museum Ad-
ministrator; Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Superintend-
ent; Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archivist; and Mrs. Fannie M.
Blackwelder, Records Center Supervisor. The Board author-
ized Dr. Crittenden to file a report with Governor Luther
H. Hodges and the Council of State to instigate proceedings
to acquire the Zebulon B. Vance Birthplace property. The
Director and the division heads presented reports of the ac-
tivities of the Department since the last meeting. A report
was also made on Senate Bill 55 amending Chapter 371,
Public Laws of North Carolina, relative to counties appro-
priating non-tax revenues to local historical societies; and
Senate Bill 56 amending the basic act of the Department of
Archives and History, Chapter 121 of the General Statutes,
and authorizing the setting up of a committee on the dis-
posal of historical records that have no administrative or
historical value or importance.
On June 11 Governor Luther H. Hodges reappointed Mr.
Clarence W. Griffin of Forest City to the Executive Board
for a six-year term to expire March 31, 1963; and appointed
Mr. H. V. Rose of Smithfield to succeed Mrs. Sadie Smathers
Patton of Hendersonville, for a term of six years to expire
the same date.
Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Director of the Department
of Archives and History, accompanied by Mrs. Joye E.
Jordan, Museum Administrator, attended a meeting on
March 7 of the Hillsboro Garden Club to aid in developing
a plan for a historical museum there. The town of Hillsboro
later voted the sum of $250 to be used for the proposed
[432]
Historical News 433
museum which is to be established in the old courtroom. On
March 29 Dr. Crittenden attended a meeting of the Board of
Trustees of the National Trust for Historic Preservation in
Washington, D. C, at which time those present approved a
long-range plan for the Trust which was presented by a
special committee. On April 4 he was presented a "time cap-
sule" for preservation in the Department by representatives
of the National Education Association as a part of the centen-
nial celebration of the group which was concluded by a re-
ception held with the North Carolina Education Association
which also celebrated its one-hundredth anniversarv this
year. Dr. Crittenden attended the organizational meeting of
the Wake County Historical Society on April 9, and on April
19, accompanied by Mrs. Fannie Memory Blackwelder and
Mr. H. G. Jones of the Division of Archives and Manuscripts,
met with the Meredith College junior history majors and
their faculty advisors to discuss the Department's internship
course. This course, presented biennially, offers archival, mu-
seum, publications, and historic sites training to juniors and
seniors. Dr. Lillian Parker Wallace, Head of the History De-
partment at Meredith, led the discussion. On April 23 Dr.
Crittenden talked on the "History of Raleigh" to the Daugh-
ters of the American Revolution, Junior Group, and on April
26 attended the Historical Society of North Carolina meeting
at Elon College. He and Mr. W. S. Tarlton met with the
Governor Richard Caswell Memorial Commission on March
29, at which time the group discussed the request for appro-
priations and reached an agreement. With Mr. H. G. Jones,
Mrs. Grace Mahler, and Mrs. Dorothy R. Phillips, Dr. Crit-
tenden attended the May 10-11 regional meeting of the
North Carolina Literary and Historical Association in Bertie
County. Dr. Crittenden is Secretary of the association and on
May 11 made a speech to the group on "The Historic Sites
Program of North Carolina."
Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museum Administrator, and Dr.
Christopher Crittenden attended the twenty-fifth anniver-
sary celebration of the Masonic Museum in Greensboro on
434 The North Carolina Historical Review
March 13 and on April 5 Mrs. Jordan went to Goldsboro to
judge the Junior Historian Exhibits. On April 11 Mrs. Jordan
went to Warrenton to attend the garden tour which empha-
sized early kitchens and on April 16 assisted the Tar Heel
Junior Historian Club of Josephus Daniels Junior High School
( Raleigh ) at a reception for their parents which was held in
the Portrait Gallery of the Hall of History. She went to Wil-
liamsburg, Virginia, for a special showing of eighteenth-
century textiles and wrought iron, May 1-2, and assisted as
hostess at a meeting on May 16 of the Colonial Dames of the
Seventeenth Century held in the Department of Archives and
History Assembly Room. From May 22 to May 24 Mrs. Jordan
attended the meetings of the American Association of Mu-
seums in Lincoln, Nebraska, and she was in New Bern from
May 27 to May 29 for the meetings of the Tryon Palace Com-
mission.
Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Head of the Division of Publications,
attended the meeting of the Historical Society of North Caro-
lina which met on April 26 at Elon College, and the meeting
of the Western North Carolina Historical Association in Ashe-
ville on April 27 where he spoke on "Local Historical Socie-
ties." On the evening of April 27 he attended the meeting of
the Western North Carolina Press Association for Weekly
Newspapers and spoke to those present on "Zebulon B. Vance
—His Birthplace and the Publication of His Papers." He
talked to the Daughters of the American Revolution at Ruth-
erfordton on April 29 on the "Department of Archives and
History and Its Services to the Public," and in the evening
addressed the Rutherford County Club and the Forest
City Kiwanis Club at a joint meeting in Forest City on the
"Educational Phases of the Work of the Department of
Archives and History." Mr. Corbitt was guest speaker at the
April 30 meeting of the Rotary Club in Sylva where he dis-
cussed "Increased Interest in the History of North Carolina,"
and on May 1 he talked to the history class at Western Caro-
lina College, Cullowhee, on "The Publication Program of the
Department of Archives and History." On May 2 he spoke
Historical News 435
to the Cherokee County Historical Society at Murphy on
"Legislation in Behalf of Local Historical Societies and Re-
construction of Fort Butler," and on May 3 spoke at the jun-
ior high school in the same town on "Learning About Your
Community." His topic at the Bakersville meeting of the
Mitchell County Historical Society on May 4 was "The Im-
portance of Local Historical Societies," and on May 13 he
went to Lexington to assist in the organization of the David-
son County Historical Society. He spoke to the Colonial
Dames of the Seventeenth Century on May 16 on "The Early
Settlements in North Carolina."
Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Superintendent, went to
Washington, N. C, on March 4 to assist in presenting an ap-
peal for funds for the restoration of Colonial Bath to the
Beaufort County Board of Commissioners. He spoke on
March 20 to the Johnston-Pettigrew Chapter, United Daugh-
ters of the Confederacy, on North Carolina's contribution to
the Civil War, and visited Person's Ordinary, Littleton, on
March 25 to discuss with the local committee future restora-
tion procedures. Mr. Tarlton represented the Department
along with Mr. Clarence W. Griffin, member of the Executive
Board, at the unveiling of a historical marker on March 29 at
Dallas, Gaston County, at which event Dr. William C. Friday,
President of the University of North Carolina, was the prin-
cipal speaker. Both Mr. Tarlton and Mr. Griffin also spoke at
the ceremonies. On April 3 Mr. Tarlton attended the execu-
tive committee meeting of the North American Association of
Historic Sites Public Officials in New York City, and he repre-
sented the Department on April 8 at unveiling ceremonies
of a highway marker honoring James Lytch near Laurinburg.
He attended a meeting of the Historical Halifax Restoration
Association in Halifax on April 12, and on April 29 he repre-
sented the Department at a meeting of the Forest History
Committee of North Carolina held at Duke University.
Mr. Norman Larson, Historic Site Specialist, presented a
slide-lecture program to the Northampton County Historical
Society held in Jackson on April 3 on "Historic Sites in North
436 The North Carolina Historical Review
Carolina," and he gave the same program to the Mt. Airy
Kiwanis Club on April 12. On April 28 the final program in
the first series of telecasts given by the Department in col-
laboration with WRAL-TV was presented on the subject,
"Early Medicine in North Carolina," with Mr. Larson serving
as narrator.
On April 12 Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archivist, spoke at the
luncheon meeting of the Bloomsbury Chapter, Daughters of
the Revolution, at the Carolina Country Club on "Genealog-
ical Source Material in the State Archives." He attended the
Eleventh Institute in the Preservation and Administration of
Archives, sponsored jointly by the National Archives, the
Library of Congress, the Maryland Hall of Records, and the
American University, held in Washington from June 17 to
July 12. Dr. Theodore R. Schellenberg, Assistant Archivist
of the United States, was Director of the Institute.
Mrs. Fannie Memory Blackwelder attended the Fourth
Institute on Records Management in Washington from June
3 through June 14. The course was directed by Dr. Herbert
E. Angel, Assistant Archivist of the United States, and was
sponsored by the National Archives and the American Uni-
versity.
Changes in personnel in the Division of Archives and Man-
uscripts are as follows: Mrs. Bessie W. Bowling replaces
Mrs. Betty Hunter; Mrs. Suzanne G. Bell replaces Mrs.
Doris Swann; Mrs. Elizabeth J. Hilbourn returned following
a leave of absence; Mrs. Elissa H. Green resigned effective
May 31; Miss Rebecca Knight begins work June 1; and Mrs.
Elizabeth Lewis Battle Watkins joined the staff as Laminator
replacing Mrs. Sue Griffin.
The following manuscript volumes which had been with-
drawn from public use because of deterioration have now
been laminated, rebound, and made available for use by the
Division of Archives and Manuscripts: Perquimans Precinct
Court Minutes, 1688-1693; Rutherford County Court Min-
utes, 1782-1786; Richmond County Court Minutes, 1786-
1792; and Robeson County Court Minutes, 1797-1806.
Historical News 437
During the months of January, February, and Mareh the
Search Room was visited by 664 researchers. Reference serv-
ice was also given to 697 mail inquiries and 47 telephone
calls. These figures do not include visitors in the State Ar-
chivist's office, or mail and telephone inquiries answered di-
rectly from the office. During the same period the following
copying services were rendered: 700 photocopies, 117 micro-
film prints, 87 certified copies, and 75 feet of microfilm. The
division has also laminated 1,559 pages.
The North Carolina Literary and Historical Association
held its spring regional meeting in co-operation with the
Bertie County Historical Association, May 10-11, in Windsor.
The program included tours of the following historic places:
"Hope," built about 1770 and birthplace and home of David
Stone, with Dr. and Mrs. J. E. Smith as hosts; "Windsor
Castle," originally a log house built by William Gray and
rebuilt in 1850 by Patrick Henry Winston, where tea was
served by Dr. and Mrs. Cola Castelloe; "Rosefield," erected
in 1768 and birthplace of William Blount, with Mrs. Moses
B. Gillam and Miss Helen Gillam as hostesses; St. Thomas
Episcopal Church; "Avoca," with a side trip to the site of the
"Nathaniel Batts House," believed to be the first permanent
home of a white man in what is now North Carolina; "Scotch
Hall," with refreshments served by Mr. and Mrs. George W.
Capehart; and "Mount Gould."
Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Secretary, presided at the Fri-
day afternoon session and Mr. A. S. Askew presided at the
Saturday morning session. A Friday dinner meeting with Mr.
Gilbert T. Stephenson, President, presiding, and a picnic
lunch at Colerain Beach as well as ceremonies at the Confed-
erate monument were features of the meeting. Speakers
included Dr. W. P. Cumming of Davidson College who spoke
on "The Earliest Permanent Settlements in North Carolina,
circa 1650," with emphasis on the Nicholas Comberford Map
drawn 300 years ago; Dr. Herbert R. Paschal, Jr., of East
Carolina College, who spoke on "The Tuscarora Indians";
and Dr. Christopher Crittenden who spoke on "The Historic
Sites Program of North Carolina."
438 The North Carolina Historical Review
The staff of the Department of Archives and History had
as a special feature of the May staff meeting a film, "The
Battle of Gettysburg," which was produced by Metro-
Goldwyn- Mayer in collaboration with the Department of the
Interior. Special consultant for the movie which was in color
was Dr. Walter Coleman, Superintendent of Gettysburg Na-
tional Military Park.
On March 15 in the office of Governor Luther H. Hodges
the first copy of the Public Addresses, Letters, and Papers of
William Kerr Scott, Governor of North Carolina, 1949-1953,
was presented Senator Scott by Governor Hodges. This pub-
lication, edited by David Leroy Corbitt, Head of the Division
of Publications, State Department of Archives and History,
is available free to the public upon application to Mr. Cor-
bitt, Box 1881, Raleigh.
The Papers of William Alexander Graham, Volume I, 1825-
1837, is also ready for distribution by the Department. Edited
by Dr. J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, it is the first of several in
a series of volumes to be published as funds become avail-
able. William A. Graham was born in Lincoln County and
moved to Hillsboro in 1826. He was Governor, 1845-1849;
Secretary of the Navy, 1850-1852; and Confederate States
Senator, 1864-1865. Any person interested in procuring a
copy of this volume should apply to Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Box
1881, Raleigh, and enclose the sum of $3.00.
Two maps have been released by the Division of Publica-
tions and are available for five cents each. One is an outline
map of the State and the other a copy of the Civil War map
in Volume I of Clark's Histories of the Several Regiments
and Battalions from North Carolina in the Great War, 1861-
65. Five of the pamphlets distributed by the Division have
been reprinted and may be purchased as follows: Money
Problems of Early Tar Heels and The Nortli Carolina State
Flag, both 14-page booklets and ten cents each; Tar Heel
Tales, 34 pages; The War of the Regulation and the Battle
of Alamance, May 16, 1771, 32 pages; and The History of
the Great Seal of North Carolina, 40 pages, each 15 cents.
Historical News 439
Dr. Fletcher M. Green, Chairman of the Department of
History of the University of North Carolina, announces the
following news items: Dr. Harold A. Bierck spoke to the Pi
Gamma Mu at Elon College on March 1 on "What Latin
America Means to the United States." Dr. James R. Caldwell
contributed an essay, "The Churches of Granville County,
North Carolina, in the Eighteenth Century," to the Studies
in Southern History; and Dr. Cornelius O. Cathey contribut-
ed "The Impact of the Civil War on Agriculture in North
Carolina" to the same publication. Dr. Elisha P. Douglass
has been co-ordinator and a participant in a weekly WUNC
television program on "Ideas." He will spend the academic
year, 1957-1958, in Germany as a Fulbright Lecturer. Dr.
James L. Godfrey gave two lectures at Winthrop College on
May 6 and 7. He addressed the Phi Alpha Theta History
Fraternity on "Some Problems for the Historian in Contem-
porary History," and his subject for the college assembly
was "Great Britain: Post-war Adjustments and Evaluation."
He is the author of "Recent Political and Constitutional De-
velopment in the Gold Coast," in the current issue of the
South Atlantic Quarterly. Dr. Fletcher M. Green read a
paper, "The Origins of the Credit Mobilier," at the meeting
of the Mississippi Valley Historical Association in Lincoln,
Nebraska, on May 2, and on May 11 he delivered the Annual
Honors Day address at Mars Hill College on the subject,
"The Incidence of Greatness in North Carolina." Dr. Hugh
T. Lefler addressed the March meeting of the Chapel Hill
chapter of the A.A.U.W. on "Some Problems in Writing
North Carolina History," and he spoke at the April meeting
of the Orange County unit of the North Carolina Education
Association on "Some Landmarks in the Educational His-
tory of North Carolina." Dr. Loren C. MacKinney presented
an "Exhibit of Medieval Anatomy as Seen in Manuscript
Illustrations" before the joint annual meeting of the Ameri-
can Association of Anatomists and the sesqui-centennial cele-
bration of The Maryland School of Medicine on April 19,
and on May 7 he read a paper, "The Spongia Soporifera in
Medical Surgery; Was it ever Used?" at the meeting of the
440 The North Carolina Historical Review
American Association for the History of Medicine. He is the
author of Bishop Fulbert and Education at the School of
Chartres (South Bend, Ind.: The Medieval Institute, 1957).
Dr. MacKinney will be a Visiting Research Professor of Med-
ical History at the 1957 summer session at the University of
California at Los Angeles. Dr. J. Carlyle Sitterson is the
editor of Studies in Southern History in Memory of Albert
Ray Newsome, published by the University of North Caro-
lina Press. He contributed "Business Leaders in Post-Civil
War North Carolina, 1865-1900" to the volume.
Mr. Marvin R. Farley, Assistant Professor of History at
Western Carolina College, died April 16, a victim of acci-
dental drowning.
News items from East Carolina College are as follows:
Dr. W. E. Marshall will succeed Dr. A. D. Frank as Head of
the Department of Social Studies at the close of the spring
quarter. Dr. Frank will continue teaching for some time.
New faculty members who will begin teaching in September
are Mr. Charles Price, a graduate student at the University
of North Carolina; Dr. Ralph Napp, who received his Ph.D.
degree from the University of Munich; and Dr. Ruth Keesey,
who received her Ph.D. degree from Columbia University.
Mr. Richard Walser, member of the English Department
at North Carolina State College, announces that he plans to
use the Guggenheim Fellowship (1957-1958) which he was
recently awarded to study the similarities and dissimilarities
of literary interpretations in North Carolina writing.
Dr. Alice B. Keith and Dr. Sarah McCulloh Lemmon of
Meredith College have essays included in the University of
North Carolina publication, Studies in Southern History, in
Memory of Albert Ray Newsome, edited by Dr. J. C. Sitter-
son. Dr. Keith's essay is "William Blount in North Carolina
Politics, 1791-1798," and Dr. Lemmon's is "Eugene Talmadge
and the New Deal." Dr. Lillian Parker Wallace, Head of the
Department of History at Meredith, was elected Vice-
Historical News 441
President ( and program chairman ) of the Association of So-
cial Studies Department of the North Carolina Baptist Col-
leges.
Dr. Samuel R. Spencer, Jr., Dean of Students and Pro-
fessor of History at Davidson College, has resigned to accept
the Presidency of Mary Baldwin College in Staunton, Vir-
ginia. He will assume his duties on August 1, 1957.
Dr. Daniel McFarland of Columbia College, Columbia,
South Carolina, has resigned his teaching duties to become
Head of the Department of History at Atlantic Christian
College, Wilson, and will begin work on September 1, 1957.
The following news items relative to the Department of
History at Duke University have been released: Dr. Paul H.
Clyde was a Visiting Scholar at the University of Georgia,
April 9-11. Pie also lectured at Emory University and Agnes
Scott College, and he presented a paper before the combined
History and Political Science faculties of the three institu-
tions. Dr. Joel Colton has been awarded a Guggenheim Fel-
lowship and will spend part of the year in France making a
study of Leon Blum and twentieth-century socialism. Mr.
Guy R. MacLean, a doctoral candidate, has accepted a posi-
tion at Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia. Mr. Wil-
lard Badgette Gate wood, Jr., has completed a doctoral dis-
sertation on "Eugene Clyde Brooks: Educator and Public
Servant." Mr. Carl Cannon, a doctoral candidate, has accept-
ed a position in the Department of History at St. Mary's
Junior College. Dr. Jay Luvaas, Director of the George Wash-
ington Flowers Memorial Collection in the Duke University
Library, has resigned to accept a position in the Department
of History at Alleghany College. Dr. Robert Franklin Durden
has published James Shepherd Pike, Republicanism and the
American Negro, 1850-1882; and Dr. Harry R. Stevens has
published The Early Jackson Tarty in Ohio and has read a
paper at the annual meeting of the Mississippi Valley Histo-
rical Association on "Hugh Glenn and Expansion of the South-
west Frontier, 1817-1822." Dr. John R. Alden has published
442 The North Carolina Historical Review
"The Military Side of the Revolution" in Manuscripts ( winter,
1957), and in the same issue his doctoral student, Mr. Don
R. Higginbotham, published "General Daniel Morgan: His
Character as Seen in His Letters." Dr. John Shelton Curtiss
has published The Russian Revolution of 1917 in the Anvil
Series under the general editorship of Dr. Louis L. Snyder;
Dr. William B. Hamilton has been named editor of The
South Atlantic Quarterly to succeed Dr. W. T. Laprade, Pro-
fessor Emeritus of History. Dr. Hamilton will return to Duke
University in the fall from a leave of absence to study and
travel in Australia, New Zealand, Africa, and England. The
Society for French Historical Studies will hold its annual
meeting at Duke and the University of North Carolina, Feb-
ruary, 1958. The president is »Dr. Harold T. Parker of Duke,
and the vice-president is Dr. James L. Godfrey of the Uni-
versity of North Carolina. The Duke University Common-
wealth-Studies Center is again conducting a summer pro-
gram for qualified social scientists whose research interests
relate to the British Commonwealth. The program will
include a series of discussions on "Emergent Canadian Fed-
eralism," which will be led by five distinguished Canadian
lecturers.
Dr. Henry S. S troupe, Chairman of the Department of
Social Sciences of Wake Forest College, announces the
division of the department into two departments to be effec-
tive September 1, 1957. Dr. .Stroupe will be Chairman of the
Department of History and other members of that depart-
ment will be: Dr. Percival Perry, Mr. Forrest W. Clonts, and
Dr. Wilfred B. Yearns, Associate Professors; Dr. David L.
Smiley, Dr. Lowell R. Tillett, Dr. Robert Granville Gregory,
and Dr. Frank Butler Josserand, Assistant Professors; and
Mr. John Keith Huckaby and Mr. Thomas Eugene Mullen,
Instructors.
The faculty of the Department of Political Science will be:
Dr. Claud Henry Richards, Jr., Chairman, and Dr. Roy
Jumper, Assistant Professor.
Historical News 443
The Historical Society of North Carolina held its spring
meeting at Elon College on April 26 with Dr. Christopher
Crittenden, President, presiding. Dr. H. H. Cunningham was
in charge of local arrangements and dinner was served in
the McEwen Memorial Dining Hall. Papers were read by Dr.
Burton Beers of North Carolina State College, Dr. William
S. Hoffmann of Appalachian State Teachers College, Mr.
William S. Powell of the University of North Carolina Li-
brary, and Dr. J. Carlyle Sitterson of the University of North
Carolina. New members accepted into the society are Dr.
Percival Perry of Wake Forest College, Mr. David Stick of
Kill Devil Hills, and Mr. James S. Brawley of Salisbury.
The second annual joint meeting of the Wayne, Johnston,
and Sampson County historical societies was held in the
Goldsboro High School April 7 with separate business meet-
ings by each group. A play, "The Vision of Charles B. Ay-
cock," by Mr. John Ehle, given by the Goldmasquers and
directed by Mr. Daron Ward, was presented as a feature of
the meeting. Mr. Henry Belk of Goldsboro introduced Dr.
D. J. Rose, Chairman of the Aycock Memorial Commission,
who reported on the work and plans for the restoration of
the Charles B. Aycock birthplace. The size of the site, an
appropriations request presented to the General Assembly,
and funds raised by the three counties in a public campaign
were topics included in Dr. Rose's report. The Wayne County
society elected Mr. Dan Fagg, Dean of Mount Olive College,
as President to succeed Mrs. C. W. Twiford. Other officers
elected were Mr. Hugh Dortch and Mr. Fitzhugh Lee as
Vice-Presidents; Mr. Bruce Duke, Treasurer; Mrs. N. A. Ed-
wards, Secretary; and Mr. Eugene Roberts, Chaplain. Tea
was served to those attending and the Junior Historian clubs
of Goldsboro exhibited displays of their work for the year.
Members of the staff of the Department of Archives and His-
tory who attended were Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Head of the Divi-
sion of Publications, and Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archivist.
444 The North Carolina Historical Review
The official opening of the "House in the Horseshoe," or
Alston House, in Moore County as a state historic shrine and
major restoration took place with an open house and informal
program held in front of the house on April 6. Mr. James A.
Stenhouse, President of the North Carolina Society for the
Preservation of Antiquities, Representative H. Clifton Blue,
Judge W. A. Leland McKeithen, and Mrs. Ernest L. Ives,
all of whom have been instrumental in the restoration pro-
gram, participated on the program. A portrait of Governor
Benjamin Williams, painted by Mr. William Fields, Fayette-
ville artist, was unveiled in the "parlor" of the house. Gov-
ernor Williams purchased the house as his retirement home
and is buried nearby. The Moore County Historical Asso-
ciation is to operate the historic site under the general super-
vision of the State Department of Archives and History.
Members of the Department who attended the ceremonies
were Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Director, Mr. W. S. Tarl-
ton, Historic Sites Superintendent, and Mrs. Joye E. Jordan,
Museum Administrator.
The North Carolina Society of County and Local Histo-
rians and the Currituck County Historical Society sponsored
a tour of the county on April 7 with the following places of
interest visited: the old Dey homestead; Enoch Ferebee
house; the Launch wharf and shipyard; Harrell House, which
escaped burning in 1862 by a display of the Masonic em-
blem; Providence Baptist Church, established in 1817; Old
Thad Hall Tavern; and about 75 other sites. Lunch was
served at the Shawboro Community Ruritan Building and
an unexpected feature was revealed by Mrs. Alma O. Rob-
erts and Mr. Ray Etheridge— a portion of the original Liberty
Pole from which the first flag is said to have been flown
when the colonies declared their independence from Great
Britain. The relic is to be placed in the proposed museum of
the Currituck society.
On Mav 5 the Societv of Countv and Local Historians
sponsored a tour of Bladen County, meeting at the county
courthouse in Elizabethtown. Places of interest visited were:
Historical News 445
Old Brown Marsh Church; Old Trinity Church; Sallie Salter
Monument; Tory Hole, site of the Battle of Elizabethtown;
Owen Hill, home of Governor Owen; Purdie Home and
Cemetery; Colonel Robeson home and tomb; and the Beth
Carr Church. A picnic lunch was enjoyed by those partici-
pating in the tour at the Municipal Building in Elizabeth-
town.
The quarterly meeting of the Pasquotank County Historical
Society was held in Christ Church Parish House in Elizabeth
City, February 26, with the President, General John E. Wood,
presiding. Miss Olive Aydlett, Treasurer, presented a finan-
cial report and General Wood gave the presidential report.
The society voted to continue the entire slate of officers for
another year as follows: General Wood, President; Mr. Bux-
ton White, Vice President; Mrs. A. L. Pendleton, Secretary;
Mr. F. P. Markham, III, Vice-Secretary; and Miss Olive
Aydlett, Treasurer. The speaker for the evening was Rev.
Paul K. Ausley. Plans were discussed for a joint meeting to
be held with the Camden, Currituck, and Pasquotank soci-
eties as well as interested persons from Perquimans County,
in an effort to stimulate interest in the history of the entire
section embraced by these groups.
The Bladen County Historical Society was organized on
March 8 in Elizabethtown with the following officers elected:
Mr. H. H. Clark, President; Mr. Clifford Crawford, Vice-
President; Mrs. Carl Campbell, Secretary-Treasurer; and
Miss Amanda Clark and Mrs. Hobson Sanderlin, Historians.
On March 29 two markers were erected at Dallas in Gas-
ton County in honor of G. M. Dallas for whom the town of
Dallas— first county seat— was named. One marker was placed
at the courthouse and the other by the highway. Dr. William
C. Friday, President of the University of North Carolina,
Mr. Clarence W. Griffin, member of the Executive Board of
the Department of Archives and History, and Mr. W. S.
Tarlton, Historic Sites Superintendent, made brief addresses.
446 The North Carolina Historical Review
The event was sponsored jointly by the Dallas Woman's
Club, the Gaston Comity Historical Society, and the Major
William Chronicle Chapter and the William Gaston Chapter
of the Daughters of the American Revolution. Mrs. James
Gribble was chairman of the committee in charge of the
marker erection and Mrs. E. D. Pasour was chairman of the
steering committee.
The Gaston County Historical Bulletin issued for the last
quarter carried articles on the Abernathy family history,
"Magnolia Grove," and a report on the work of members of
the county historical society who are collecting material for
a local history.
Mr. William A. Parker was elected President of the Wake
County Historical Society at its organizational meeting held
on April 9 in the Assembly Room of the Department of Ar-
chives and History. Other officers elected were: Dr. Christo-
pher Crittenden, Vice-President; Mrs. Herbert Norris, Secre-
tary; and Mr. Richard Seawell, Treasurer. Members of the
Executive Council are: Mr. R. N. Simms, Mrs. J. M. Brough-
ton, Miss Elizabeth Thompson, Mrs. Vance Jerome, Mr.
Alfred Purrington, Mrs. Edith T. Earnshaw, Mrs. Sprague
Silver, Mr. William Hatch, and Mr. John Burke O'Donnell.
The constitution and by-laws prepared by Mr. John H.
Anderson were adopted and the society designated March
and September as months of meeting. Persons joining before
the September meeting will be considered charter members.
Approximately 100 persons attended the meeting after which
refreshments were served in the Portrait Gallery of the Hall
of Historv.
The annual meeting of the North Carolina Society of the
Descendants of the Palatines was held on April 18 in New
Bern with Jndge R. A. Nunn, President, presiding. Special
guest and speaker was Professor Hans Gustav Keller, official
of the National Archives and teacher at the University of
Bern, Switzerland. He is here to do research on the Swiss im-
migrants to colonial America and their influence on the Amer-
Historical News 447
ican way of life. Mr. Charles R. Holloman was also a special
guest and spoke briefly to the group. The Palatine History
Award was presented to Jerry Ball, son of Mr. and Mrs. J. E.
Ball of New Bern, whose brother and sister have previously
won the award. Judge Nunn spoke of the 250th anniversary
celebration to be held in 1960, and Miss Lucy Cobb of Ra-
leigh was asked to write a pageant for that occasion. Mr.
Mack Lupton introduced the speaker and a paper was read
on Miss Frances Willis, former Ambassador to Switzerland.
On April 20 the Carteret County Historical Society met at
the home of Miss Marv Whitehurst and her sisters in Glouces-
ter. President Thomas Respess presided and papers were
presented by Miss Josie Pigott on "The Graham Academy"
and by Mrs. Nat Smith on a section of the county known as
'The Straits." Reports were made and the group was invited
to meet at the Ennett Cottage on Bogue Sound for the July
meeting and annual watermelon cutting.
The Pitt County Historical Society met on May 2 in Green-
ville and plans were discussed relative to the publication of
a county history. The group presented the General Assembly
with a request that legislation be enacted establishing a com-
mission to make plans for the celebration of the bi-centennial
of Pitt County. Since the meeting of the society the General
Assembly has passed a bill establishing the Pitt County His-
torical Commission and has authorized it to make plans for
the celebration in 1960. The commission is composed of 125
members specified in the act and they have been authorized
to elect 40 additional members. Forty-one new members
joined the society at the May meeting.
On May 11 the annual meeting of the Lower Cape Fear
Historical Society was held in Wilmington, and Dr. B. Frank
Hall was elected as president. Other officers elected were:
Mr. Henry MacMillan, Vice-President; Mrs. Ida B. Kellam,
Secretary; Mr. Ludlow P. Strong, Treasurer; and Miss Caro-
lina D. Flanner, Mrs. Boyd D. Quarles, Mr. Julien D. Martin,
448 The North Carolina Historical Review
Mr. Davis H. Howes, and Mr. Winston Broadfoot as mem-
bers of the board of directors. Dr. Paul Murray of East Caro-
lina College presented a paper, "The Contribution of County
Historical Societies to North Carolina History."
Mrs. Bettie Sue Gardner of Reidsville won highest honors
at the thirteenth annual Rockingham County Fine Arts Fes-
tival held in the Wentworth High School on May 10. Mrs.
Gardner was awarded the Lillian Smith Pitcher Cup for her
historical map of Rockingham County. Mrs. Gardner was
instrumental in the founding of the county historical society
and is a member of the Greensboro Writers Club. The fes-
tival, first of its kind in the State, was founded by Miss Mari-
anne R. Martin and is under the direction of an association as
well as the Rockingham County Library.
Mr. J. V. Moffitt, Jr., was elected President of the newly
organized Davidson County Historical Association which met
in Lexington on May 13. Other officers elected were: Mr.
L. A. Martin, First Vice-President; Mr. H. Cloyd Philpott,
Second Vice-President; Mr. Walter Brinkley, Treasurer; and
Mr. Wade H. Phillips, Secretary. A constitution and by-laws
were adopted by the group, membership dues were estab-
lished, and it was provided that persons who join before the
next quarterly meeting are to be charter members.
The McDowell County Historical Association held its
quarterly meeting on May 18 and elected a slate of officers to
begin their duties in September. Those elected are: Miss Ruth
M. Greenlee, President; Mr. M. W. Gordon, Vice-President;
and Mrs. Garland Williams, Secretary-Treasurer. The pro-
gram centered around gold mining in McDowell and sur-
rounding counties.
Mr. Phil R. Carlton, Jr., of Greensboro, President of the
North Carolina Society, Sons of the American Revolution,
has announced the appointment of nine regional vice-
presidents and members of the board of managers. Those
named to the board were Mr. John G. Bragaw, Mr. Collier
Historical News 449
Cobb, Jr., Judge Francis O. Clarkson, Mr. John Layman
Crumpton, Mr. William Arthur Mitchiner, Mr. John Yates
Jordan, Jr., Mr. Clarence W. Griffin, Mr. J. Hampton Price,
and Dr. Hugh A. Watson. Officers of the State society are
Mr. Carlton, President; Mr. Victor H. Idol, Vice-President-
Mr. William A. Parker, National Trustee; Col. Jeffrey A.
Stanback, Historian; Mr. Frank Parker, Secretary-Treasurer;
Mr. Horace B. Lindsay, Genealogist; and Dr. A. M. Fountain,
Chaplain.
Mr. George W. McCoy of Asheville was elected President
of the Western North Carolina Historical Association at the
spring meeting held in the Pack Memorial Library, Asheville,
on April 27. Judge Owen Gudger was presented the "Out-
standing Historians' Cup" for his work toward the preserva-
tion of history during the past year. Dr. Rosser H. Taylor of
Western Carolina College was elected Vice-President and
Dr. J. J. Stevenson of Brevard College was elected Secretary-
Treasurer. Mrs. Virginia Terrell Lathrop gave a paper on
"The Journey and Writings of George Lovick Wilson," and
Mrs. Anne Kendrick Sharp read a paper on "The Cherokees
and the Part They Played in the War Between the States."
Mrs. Sadie S. Patton, President, presided at the business ses-
sion and Mr. D. L. Corbitt of the State Department of Ar-
chives and History spoke briefly to the group. Mrs. John S.
Forrest presented the award to Judge Gudger and Mr. Albert
S. McLean gave the report of the nominating committee. Mr.
Robert Beard, Farmers Federation Editor, spoke on the For-
est History Foundation and a resolution was passed to send
a message of sympathy to Col. and Mrs. Paul Rockwell.
The Western North Carolina Historical Association's His-
tory Bulletin for April has the following items of interest: A
story of the Cherokee history which Mrs. Margaret Walker
Freel is preparing, a resume of a number of programs pre-
sented by the several county historical societies and patriotic
groups in the area, and a feature story on Mrs. Wilma Dyke-
man Stokely who plans to continue the work begun on a non-
fiction book about the mountain people of North Carolina
450 The North Carolina Historical Review
and Tennessee. Mrs. Stokely began the study after being
awarded a Guggenheim Fellowship which expired in May.
The Institute of Early American History and Culture has
received a grant of $60,000 from the Lilly Endowment, Inc.,
to promote the expansion of its book publication program.
An annual payment of $20,000 per year for the next three
years will assist the Institute in subsidizing scholarly publi-
cations of high caliber without financial obligation to authors.
The Institute, sponsored jointly by the College of William
and Mary and Colonial Williamsburg, is devoted to research
and publication in the colonial, Revolutionary, and early na-
tional periods of American history.
In 1958 the Institute of Early American History and Cul-
ture will replace its annual Book Prize with a newly-estab-
lished Institute Manuscript Award to be given annually for
the best unpublished work in early American history. The
amount of the award will be $500 and assurance of publica-
tion of the Award-winning manuscript. A committee chosen
from the Council of the Institute will judge the entries in
association with James M. Smith, Editor of Publications. To
be eligible for the 1958 Award, manuscripts must be sent
before December 31, 1957 to the Editor of Publications,
Box 1298, Williamsburg, Virginia.
The annual Book Prize of the Institute of Early American
History and Culture has been awarded to I. Bernard Cohen
of Harvard University for his volume on Franklin and
Netoton: An Inquiry into Speculative Newtonian Experimen-
tal Science and Franklins Work in Electricity as an Example
Thereof (American Philosophical Society, 1956).
Five new members were elected to the Council of the Insti-
tute of Early American History and Culture at its annual
meeting on May 3, 1957: Lyman H. Butterfield, Editor of
The Adams Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society; Ed-
mund S. Morgan of Yale University; Richard B. Morris of
Columbia University; Max Savelle of the University of Wash-
ington; and Alan Simpson of the University of Chicago.
1 Historical News 451
The Chronicle, official organ of the Bertie County Histori-
cal Association, carried the following stories in its May issue:
a history of Aulander by Miss Ella Early, comments on the
Jamestown celebration by Mr. Holley Mack Bell, excerpts
from Wheeler s Reminiscences, and a story about the gift of
a coat of arms to the association from Mr. and Mrs. John E.
Tyler of Roxobel.
The Mississippi Valley Historical Association announces
the inauguration of an annual award of $1,000 for an out-
standing study of American history— the first award to be
made in April, 1959, and the manuscript to be selected to be
published by the University of Kentucky Press. Manuscripts
will be accepted for the first judging through August 31,
1958. For complete information apply to Dr. Chase C.
Mooney, History Department, Indiana University, Bloom-
ington, Ind., who is chairman of the committee conducting
the competition.
Announcement of the Joseph F. Loubat Prizes to be award-
ed Columbia University in the spring of 1958 has been made.
These awards in the value of $1,200 and $600 are given in
recognition of the best works printed and published in the
English language on the history, geography, archaeology,
ethnology, philology, or numismatics of North America and
are awarded every quinquennial period. Further information
will be furnished by the Secretary of Columbia University,
New York 27, New York.
Books received for review during the last quarter include:
Wylma Anne Wates, Stub Entries to Indents Issued in Pay-
ment of Claims Against South Carolina Growing Out of the
Revolution. Books C-F (Columbia: South Carolina Archives
Department, 1957); Robert D. Bass, The Green Dragoon.
The Lives of Banastre Tarleton and Mary Robinson (New
York: Henry Holt and Company, 1957); Donald Davidson,
Still Rebels, Still Yankees and Other Essays (Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State University Press, 1957); A. L. Rowse, A True
452 The North Carolina Historical Review
Discourse of the Present State of Virginia. By Ralph Hamor.
Reprinted from the London Edition, 1615 (Richmond: The
Virginia State Library, 1957); Mary Lynch Johnson, A His-
tory of Meredith College (Raleigh: Meredith College, 1956);
Richard Hofstadter, William Miller, and Daniel Aaron, The
United States. The History of a Republic ( Englewood Cliffs,
New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1957); Roy C. Moose, O.
Henry in North Carolina (Chapel Hill: The University of
North Carolina Library [Library Extension Publication, Vol-
ume XXII, No. 21, 1957); Frank E. Vandiver, Mighty Stone-
wall (New York, Toronto, and London: McGraw-Hill Book
Company, Inc., Trade Book Department, 1957); George C.
Groce and David H. Wallace, The New-York Historical So-
ciety's Dictionary of Artists in America, 1564-1860 (New
Haven, Conn., 1957); Robert H. White, Messages of the Gov-
ernors of Tennessee, 1845-1857, Volume IV (Nashville: The
Tennessee Historical Commission, 1957); Kenneth Scott,
Counterfeiting in Colonial America (New York: Oxford Uni-
versity Press, 1957); Louis R. Wilson, The University of
North Carolina, 1900-1930. The Making of a Modern Univer-
sity (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press.
1957 ) ; Oscar Handlin, Readings in American History ( New
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1957); Earl Schenck Miers, When
the World Ended. The Diary of Emma LeConte (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1957); Mary C. Simms Oliphant,
Alfred Taylor Odell, and T. C. Duncan Eaves, The Letters
of William Gilmore Simms, Volume V, 1867-1870 (Columbia:
University of South Carolina Press, 1956); Edward Younger,
Inside the Confederate Government. The Diary of Robert
Garlick Hill Kean (New York: Oxford University Press,
1957); Clarence Edwin Carter, The Territorial Papers of the
United States, Volume XXII, The Territory of Florida, 1821-
1824 (Washington: United States Government Printing Of-
fice, 1956); and Monroe F. Cockrell, Gunner With Stoneivall.
Reminiscences of William Thomas Poague, ... A Memoir
Written for His Children in 1903 (Jackson, Tennessee:
McCowat-Mercer Press, Inc., 1957).
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE
Dr. Percy G. Adams is Associate Professor of English at
the University of Tennessee, Knoxville.
Mr. Henry W. Lewis is Assistant Director of the Institute
of Government and Research Professor in Public Law and
Government at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.
Dr. Harold T. Pinkett is an Archivist, Natural Resources
Records Division, National Archives, Washington.
Mr. Herbert Collins is Assistant Professor of Social Studies
at North Carolina State College, Raleigh.
Dr. John C. Guilds is an Associate Professor of English at
Texas Technological College, Lubbock.
Mr. William Stevens Powell is Assistant Librarian, North
Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina Library,
Chapel Hill.
[ 453 1
THE
NORTH CAROLINA
HISTORICAL REVIEW
Volume XXXIV
OCTOBER 1957
Number 4
Published Quarterly By
State Department of Archives and History
Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets
Raleigh, N. C.
THE NORTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL REVIEW
Published by the State Department of Archives and History
Raleigh, N. C.
Christopher Crittenden, Editor
David LeRoy Corbitt, Managing Editor
ADVISORY EDITORIAL BOARD
Walter Clinton Jackson Hugh Talmage Lefler
Frontis Withers Johnston George Myers Stephens
STATE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY
EXECUTIVE BOARD
McDaniel Lewis, Chairman
Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne
Fletcher M. Green William Thomas Laprade
Clarence W. Griffin Hershel V. Rose
Christopher Crittenden, Director
This review was established in January, 192U, as a medium of publica-
tion and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other
institutions by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. The
regular price is $3.00 per year. Members of the North Carolina Literary and
Histoi'ical Association, Inc., for which the annual dues are $5.00, receive this
publication without further payment. Back numbers may be procured at
the regular price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number.
COVER — Scene from Kermit Hunter's outdoor drama, "Unto
These Hills," presented annually at Cherokee and depicting the
beginning of the removal of the Indians from western North Car-
olina, South Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, and Alabama to Indian
Territory. See pages 455-466 for an article dealing with Cherokee
pre-history.
The North Carolina
Historical Review
Volume XXXIV October, 1957 Number 4
CONTENTS
CHEROKEE PRE-HISTORY 455
David H. Corkran
COUNTERFEITING IN COLONIAL
NORTH CAROLINA 467
Kenneth Scott
JOSEPH SEAWELL JONES OF SHOCCO-
HISTORIAN AND HUMBUG 483
Edwin A. Miles
WOODROW WILSON: THE
EVOLUTION OF A NAME 507
George C. Osborn
CHILDHOOD RECOLLECTIONS OF MY FATHER _._ 517
Mary C. Wiley
BOOK REVIEWS 530
Sellers's James K. Polk, Jacksonian, 1795-18^3 — By C. W.
Tebeau ; Pike's 0. Henry in North Carolina — By Thomas
B. Stroup; Simpson's The Cokers of Carolina — By
Thomas D. Clark; Quattlebaum's The Land Called
Chicora: The Carolinas under Spanish Rule with
French Intrusions, 1520-1670 — By Robert H. Woody;
Easterby's The Colonial Records of South Carolina,
Series I, Journal of the Commons House of Assembly,
j September 10, 1745-June 17, 1746 — By Henry T.
Malone ; Oliphant's, Odell's, and Eaves's The Letters of
William Gilmore Simms, Volume V, 1867-1870 — By C.
Entered as second class matter September 29, 1928, at the Post Office at
Raleigh, North Carolina, under the act of March 3, 1879.
[i]
Hugh Holman ; Wates's Stub Entries to Indents Issued
in Payment of Claims Against South Carolina Growing
Out of the Revolution. Books C-F — By William S.
Powell; Servies's A Bibliography of John Marshall —
By Gilbert L. Lycan; Craven's The Legend of the
Founding Fathers — By Herbert R. Paschal, Jr. ; Scott's
Counterfeiting in Colonial America — By Hugh T. Lefler ;
Scheer's and Rankin's Rebels and Redcoats: The Living
Story of the American Revolution — By Robert L.
Ganyard; Uhlendorf's Revolution in America: Confi-
dential Letters and Journals, 1776-1784, of Adjutant
General Major Bauermeister of the Hessian Forces — By
Hugh T. Lefler ; Bass's The Green Dragoon: The Lives
of Banastre Tarleton and Mary Robinson — Hugh F.
Rankin ; Vandiver's Mighty Stoneivall — By William B.
Hesseltine; Lively's Fiction Fights the Civil War: An
Unfinished Chapter in the Literary History of the
American People — By Bell I. Wiley; Roske's and Van
Doren's Lincoln's Commando : The Biography of Com-
mander W. B. Gushing, U.S.N. — By Winston Broadf oot ;
Davidson's Still Rebels, Still Yankees, and Other Es-
says— By Richard Walser; Hofstadter's, Miller's, and
Aaron's The United States: The History of a Republic
— By Joseph Davis Applewhite; Groce's and Wallace's
The New-York Historical Society's Dictionary of Artists
in America, 156^-1860 — By Elizabeth W. Wilborn;
and Swem's The Jamestown 350th Anniversary Histori-
cal Booklets — By Christopher Crittenden.
HISTORICAL NEWS 562
t HI
The North Carolina
Historical Review
Volume XXXIV October, 1957 Number 4
CHEROKEE PRE-HISTORY
By David H. Corkran
Of late years a growing body of theory dissociates Cherokee
pre-history from the North. For lack of clearly defined evi-
dence, Lilly and his associates question the old idea that the
Cherokees were builders of the Ohio Valley mounds.1
Kneberg, relying upon the possibility of a connection be-
tween the Cherokees and the Yamassee, though making a
nod toward the northeast, develops the idea that the Chero-
kees were shoved into the Appalachians from a more south-
erly home.2 Lighthall, impressed by certain similarities be-
tween Iroquoian and Carib culture, sees the Iroquoian peo-
ples, of which the Cherokees were one, moving from South
America to North America via the Caribbean and Florida.3
Witthoft heard in the Carolina mountains the story of a pos-
sible Cherokee origin in Mexico which has no antecedent
before the writings of James Adair and appears to represent
his guesses.4 The point of view appeals because of the concept
of a "nuclear America" in Mexico and Central America from
which spread American Indian culture, yet its basis is unsub-
stantial in the light of evidence pointing the other way.
1 Eli Lilly and others, Walam Olum, or Red Score, the migration legend
of the Lenni Lenape or Delaware Indians (Indianapolis, Indiana: Indiana
Historical Society, 1954), 281, 287, 359, hereinafter cited as Lilly, Walam
Olum.
2 James B. Griffin (ed.), Archeology of Eastern United States (Chicago,
Illinois: The University of Chicago Press, 1954), 198, hereinafter cited as
Griffin, Eastern United States.
8W. D. Lighthall, Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Third
Series, Vol. 25, Section 2, 71-81.
* John Witthoft, Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences (Wash-
ington, D. C, 1947), XXXVII (September 15, 1947).
[455]
456 The North Carolina Historical Review
Fenton,5 Kraus, Speck, and Griffin among contemporaries
follow in the main the idea held by Mooney that the Chero-
kees came into the South down the Alleghenies within the
past thousand years. This view depicts them as a people who
had moved into the East in the general Iroquoian migration
which appears to have flowed on either side of Lake Erie,
possibly, according to some, from a southwesterly direction.
Somewhere along the way, very likely in the northern Alleghe-
nies, the Cherokees split from one of the Iroquoian streams
and moved toward the southern Appalachians along one of
the great mountain troughs. Under the probable impact of
long continued warfare with peoples to the east, north, and
west, they continued their southwesterly course until they
made contact with Muskogean peoples in northern and cen-
tral Georgia whose temple mound civilization of the Middle
Mississippian type probably made a strong impression upon
them.
This study is concerned with setting forth further evidence
of Cherokee migration from the North, some deductions from
that evidence, the probable development of the nation after
it reached its historic home, and the effect of that develop-
ment upon the historic Cherokees.
Two fragments of the ancient migration myth of the Chero-
kees have come to light and both point to the North. One of
these was recorded in 1725 by Alexander Long, a Carolina
trader, and the other in 1826 by the famous Cherokee,
Charles Hicks.
The Long fragment, which relates an arctic experience,
reads as follows:
We know now noething but what was had from our ancestors
and has brought down from genration to genration // the way-
is thuss wee belonged to another land far distant from heare //
and the people increased and multiplied soe fast that the land
could not hould them soe that they were forst to separate and
travele [ ?] to look out for another countrey they traveled soe four
that they came to a countrey that was soe could . . . [context
garbled in Mss.~\ yet goeing still one they came to mountains of
5 W. Fenton, Essays in Historical Anthropology of North America
(Washington, D. C: Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 100), 232.
Cherokee Pre-History 457
snow and ice the prestes held a council to pass these mountains //
and that they believed that there was warmer wether one the
other sid of those mountains because it lay nearer to the sone
setting which was belived by the whol assembly // we were f orst
to make raccitts to put on our ould and younge // and being all
loded with provisions and fat lightwood we passed one our jour-
ney and at last found our ourselves soe fare gone over these
mountains till we lost the sight of the same and went thrue dark-
ness for a good space and then . . . the sone again and goeing one
we came to a countray that could be inhabited and there we
multiplied soe much that we spread all this maine.6
Somewhat more specific and vivid than the Delaware
Walam Olum relation, this story depicts a people having
snowshoes and thus familiar with the northern woodland
economy of the so-called taiga variety. The narrative con-
tains no data to warrant as specifically recent a dating as
Lilly picks for the Delaware migration from Asia,7 and
strictly speaking is indefinitely old; yet that so much detail
had survived could indicate the firmness of tradition that
comes from national intactness, freedom from cataclysmic
disaster, and a relatively recent experience. Though the
movement depicted appears east to west and therefore geo-
graphically impossible as an overland migration from the
eastern hemisphere, yet if one remembers that the arctic sun
is southern in late autumn before the winter dark, the migra-
tion as presented becomes possible, and the original home-
land, Asia.
As Asiatics these people very likely brought with them the
religion of the Creator Fire and its cult of the feathered ser-
pent—emphasizing the Creator heredity of the Fire King or
headman by his privilege of concubines and polygamous
marriage, ancestor reverence, awe of the bearded monarchs
and priests, and sanctity of nakedness and sensuous loose-
ness.
The Hicks fragment, which purports to have been in the
priestly language of the old Cherokee national oration re-
cited at the annual Green Corn festival, refers to much later
6 Alexander Long, A Small Postscript to the Ways and Maners of the
Nashun of Indians called Cherikees (Washington, D. C. Library of Con-
gress, Papers of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, IV).
'Lilly, Walam Olum, 277.
458 The North Carolina Historical Review
events. It speaks of Cherokee settlement in southwestern
Virginia and subsequent colonization of parts of western
North Carolina, South Carolina, and East Tennessee:
Can too ghi [towns] che oas ter [people] oosungh he tah oo
lay mingh say ach [night's rest to another — or may be rendered,
towns of people in their many nights' rest to another — or may be
rendered, towns of people in their many nights' rest to others] ;
and the name is missing here, which there is no doubt belongs to
this part of the oration — as a day represents for one year . . .
and the first account that is given speaks of only two resting
places in their emigration before they finally reached the lands
of their rest ; and the first of which is mentioned was at ah nee
cah yungh lee yeh which have reference to some large mountains
lying somewhere between the headwaters of the Holston, the
Clinch and the Cumberland waters ; and the other rest was some-
where near noh nah cloock ungh; and from this rest it is pre-
sumable the nation separated although there is no account given
in the traditions ; but it is stated that the third settlement was
at a place called two sparrows-tully-ach-chesquah-yaw-ach-lying
on the head of Tuckaleetchee River, fork of the Little Tennessee
— and no doubt this part of the nation came up the French
Broad River and from this it may justly be concluded that they
extended their settlements on Cowee and Highwassee Rivers ; and
the other part of the nation as on about Echota [old Echota] on
the Little Tennessee, but not till many years after of those two
first settlements mentioned ; and it is very likely that Cowee be-
came the parent of the settlement they made on the Koo, wah, he
[Kewehe] and Too, goo, lah rivers; and the settlement in the
valley Towns became the parent of those on the big Tellico ; and
the nation being thus established as their final resting place, the
concluding part of their emigrations is here introduced as testi-
monial of their rights of the soil by the gift of the power above —
Cho tau, le, eh [Grand Elders of all] Can [u?], lauh, we, tah-oo,
da, kne-la, eh [Their coundil been convened] Can [?] ske, lo, gi,
eh-cheu, na, ka, se, eh [on their seats of white] Tay, che, eeh-can
[u?] le, lul, te, ch [kept above and may be rendered thus "Grand
Elders, or sires of all, their council been convened, on their
benches, or seats of white, kept above" and it is represented that
[it was] this council above that give this country to our fore-
fathers ; and some believe that this was the center of the conti-
nent where the forefathers were placed being at the extreme
heads of the southern and western water; but this last part of
the emigration oration will be found to be missing — that which
Cherokee Pre-History 459
bestowed the gift on the fathers of the Cherokees, of which there
is no trace of it more than is represented above ; and the nation
being thus established in four divisions and in a country that
was calculated to supply themselves with food from the abun-
dance of wild game of all kinds which must have abounded on
their first arrival in this country ; beside they had other resources
to obtain their subsistence from the waters also — with the wild
potatoe, which must have grown in abundance in these prairies.
Besides these advantages they were in a situation to provide for
their families from the inclemency of the cold, with warm wig-
wams from the long blue grass which grows in these prairies,
where their settlements were established . . . and the antiquity
appearance of the first two settlements of the lands and woods
around them will justify a belief [that] they were the first that
was established in this nation, etc.
The two foregoing parts of the emigration oration have been
related as near as I have heard them repeated . . . and the lands
they claimed by the gift from the elder fires above, for the word
cho tauh ne le eh implies the elder brother, as [well as] Elder
Fire of all — for he is acknowledged to have had a being before
all things, etc.8
While Hicks' commentary on the migration myth suggests
the possibility of an ancestral home near "the center of the
continent ... at the extreme heads of the southern and west-
ern waters"— i.e. anywhere from southern Colorado to south-
ern Alberta— it definitely places the Cherokees at one time
northeast of their historic home. It outlines a pattern of colon-
ization and indicates a time order of settlement which may
explain why so many of the artifacts of the southeasterly
Cherokee mounds tie more closely into the neighboring cul-
tures than do those of the Overhill mounds.
The story tells of division and migration, a superior council
establishing others and very likely endowing them with a
coal of the eldest fire of all. The migrants deriving from the
earliest division of the nation, suggested by Hicks to have
occurred in southwest Virginia, travelled southwest toward
the Unaka and Great Smoky Mountains. Their direction indi-
cates that the region to the north of them and the lowlands
8 J. H. Payne, Papers Concerning the Cherokee Indians (Chicago, Illinois:
Newberry Library), VII, 2-3, hereinafter cited as Payne, Cherokee Papers.
The brackets used in this quotation were inserted by Payne or Hicks and
not by the author. Editor.
460 The North Carolina Historical Review
on either side already sustained all the population they could
support, but that the Southern Appalachians were empty.
Such a movement, if occurring between 1000 A.D. and 1300
A.D., would fit into that conjectural chronology of eastern
Indian culture held by Ritchie and Griffin which places Iro-
quoian development in the northeast between 1200 A.D. and
1450 A.D. and the Georgia phases of the Middle Mississip-
pian from 1250 A.D. to 1450 A.D.9 Migration in the pattern
outlined by Hicks if occurring between the limits of these
dates and the beginning of the historic period implies a
rapid increase of population within a relatively short time,
perhaps between 1300 A.D. and 1500 A.D. This could mean
that woodland Cherokees acquired agriculture shortly before
this period or that they seceded from a more numerous peo-
ple which had already acquired agriculture. With the Chero-
kee acquisition of agriculture came an expansion of ancient
rituals propitiatory of the Creator Fire to accommodate the
agricultural fact. The reasoning followed here suggests that
this occurred before they reached their historic home.
Perhaps the early migrants halted for periods on New
River, on the Holston, and on the Nolichucky before travel-
ing up the French Broad and through the mountain gaps to
the Tuckaseigee.10
Where the settlement on the Tuckaseigee, if any, stood is
doubtful. Hicks places it at "Two Sparrows . . . tully-ach-
ches-quah-yaw-ach lying on the head of Tuckaleetchee
River." Mooney believes that this meant Ketuah which, near
present day Bryson City, North Carolina, stood but a few
miles from the mouth of the Tuckaseigee River.11. However,
one suspects that Ketuah had its origin as a "mother town"
from the "Cowee" group; that perhaps it was sent from the
Middle Settlements proper in the late seventeenth century
to be the nuclear council fire of a new community to consist
of southerly towns— Stecoe, Tuckareetcheee, and Tessentee—
"Griffin, Eastern United States, Fig. 205.
10 John Haywood, The Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee up to
the first settlements therein by the white people in the year 1768 (Nash-
ville, Tennessee, 1823), 233, 237, hereinafter cited as Haywood, Natural
and Aboriginal History.
11 James Mooney, Myths of the Cherokees (Washington, D. C: Govern-
ment Printing Office, 1902), 21, hereinafter cited as Mooney, Myths.
Cherokee Pre-History 461
which had fled from the Creeks.12 If that is so, there very
likely never had been another "mother town" on the Tuckasei-
gee. The early Tuckaseigee settlement of which Hicks spoke
probably was mythical, or at best but a temporary settlement
of the original migrant group preceding its final establish-
ment on the Little Tennessee at Cowee or one of its neigh-
bors.
Under this interpretation one must look to the Cowee
group of towns, of which Nequassee near present day Frank-
lin, North Carolina, was the historic "mother town," for the
mother settlement of the Cherokees in North Carolina, South
Carolina, and North Georgia. On the banks of the Little
Tennessee behind the double protection of the Cowee and
Balsam ranges and on wide meadows spread over the bot-
toms between low hills, the Cherokee villages later known as
the Middle Settlements throve and grew populous. In the
course of time, decades at least and possibly centuries, these
towns colonized Upper South Carolina and northeast Geor-
gia with communities centering on Keowee ( Oconee County,
South Carolina) and Toogaloo (Rabun and White counties,
Ga.). By the eighteenth century these colonist Cherokees
had been so long separated from the earlier migrants that
they had developed their own dialect. Also from the "Cowee"
towns, says Hicks, stem the Cherokee towns on the Valley
and Hiwassee rivers (Cherokee County, North Carolina).
The Valley towns, as these were called, in the course of time
colonized Great Tellico over the mountains into what is now
Monroe County, Tennessee, on Tellico Creek. In its turn
Great Tellico was the parent of Chestowe and the settlement
(circa 1760) at Hiwassee Old Fields. Except possibly for
Ketuah, Great Tellico was the final "mother town" to stem
from the early migrants.13 Its possessing a mother fire caused
trouble when the Overhill segment of the nation moved into
its neighborhood, bringing the ancient mother fire of the
Cherokees. The Overhills were the last to come to the Little
12 Payne, Cherokee Papers, VII, 4.
13 Cheoh, Eustanally, and the neighboring villages in Graham County,
North Carolina, were refugee from Creek assaults in historic times and,
lacking a mother fire, looked to the Valley for leadership.
462 The North Carolina Historical Review
Tennessee from the northeast.14 Possibly because of assault
from the northern Indians, the Cho tauh ne le eh, "the Elder
Fire of All," finally settled near the rest of the nation— perhaps
as late as the sixteenth century. Other peoples occupied their
sites in the fifteenth century; but Spaniards found the Over-
hill town of Tanse on its historic site west of the Snowbird
Mountains in 1567.15
In their new homes Cherokee stimulation by the Middle
Mississippian pattern proceeded, in all likelihood, from a
long period of peaceful contact 16 between Keowee-Toogaloo
Lower Cherokees and the Muskogeans of central and east
Georgia. From the lack of clearly identifiable Cherokee
mounds on any of the sites of their migration southwestward
it appears possible that under Muskogean influences the
Cherokees began to place their town nouses, those great
domelike centers of their social, political, and ceremonial
life, upon barrows which were burial mounds of their great
men. These hereditary interrelated regional and local priestly
chieftains, though not so represented in available Cherokee
tradition, must in the logic of Asiatic origins have believed in
their descent from or incarnation of the Creator God. Along
with this development, the Cherokees may have further
elaborated their ceremonial and their religious concepts
until their priesthood pretended to the power and pride char-
acteristic of the Aztec and Mayan priestly rulers. Neverthe-
less, in the light of Asian precedents one cannot bar the
possibility of the Cherokees having had dormant temple
mound concepts impossible of execution until they had be-
come reestablished in a sedentary way. The Muskogean ex-
ample could have revitalized these.
Elaboration of the Creator Fire priesthood into the formal
red and white structures characteristic of the Creeks, the red
leaders being war officials, the white, peace officials, ' is not
a drastic step from the separation of civil and military func-
tions apparent in the religio-political structure of the eastern
Indians. Both in Virginia and in New England, shamans
11 Payne, Cherokee Papers, VII, 3.
15 Mooney, Myths, 28, 29.
M Payne, Cherokee Papers, VII, 5.
Cherokee Pre-History 463
with healer, conjurer, and religious functions, and a coun-
cilling duty, existed quite apart from the warrior group. The
leadership of both probably derived from the same pattern
of heredity as the Muskogean and Cherokee leadership,
except where broken by tribal disaster. The more clear defi-
nition of the Cherokee and Muskogean organization indicates
either less wilderness attrition of traditional patterns or a
longer period of stable settlement.
Both factors may enter, though the latter appeals as the
more probable. Aztec, Inca, and Mayan elaborations of the
fundamental Indian politico-religious concepts were made
possible by long periods of residence in economic plenty.
The simpler religious and political structures of the Musko-
geans could derive from similar circumstances on a less
abundant scale.
In the historic Cherokees one does not find the serpent
complex quite as elaborate as the De Soto chroniclers depict
it to have been among the Muskogeans where there is fre-
quent ornate exhibition of the awful majesty of the polyga-
mous feathered serpent monarch. The complex is, of course,
present among the Cherokees in the concept of the Fire King
who on certain occasions of a religious nature is dressed in
white, wears a white-winged, rainbow-decked, and serpent-
tailed headdress and is borne on a platform by his relatives.
It also appears in the serpent mask and adornment of the
shamans, and in a body of serpent myths and teachings. Pre-
sumably it also is present in the relationship of the sexes, for
they were Indians. But plural wives and concubines for the
monarch have disappeared, or have become less conspicuous
to the outsider. The individualistic family home appears an
important social unit. Though woman has great freedom of
action, the cult of nakedness and promiscuity does not appear
as dramatically prominent as it does among the more north-
erly Algonkians.
A reason for the de-emphasis of the serpent cult may have
been a Cherokee rebellion against the license of the priests.
Charles Hicks wrote that the Cherokee priests were once
known as the Proud,17 a title which suggests ancient Musko-
17 Payne, Cherokee Papers, VII, 5-7.
464 The North Carolina Historical Review
gean and Aztecan pomp. His description of them reminds of
the historic Hopi priests of fire, sun, heat, and fertility, whose
voices on occasion the laity heard in the night expressing the
will of heaven as they moved in the dark toward such women
as they chose.18 According to Hicks,19 the Proud eventually
fell in bloody revolt occasioned by a priest's demand for the
wife of a hunter. The husband killed the priest, and with his
brother led the Cherokees against the priestly tyranny. Cer-
tain it is that before the eighteenth century the Proud had
lost some of their power. The war leadership of the nation,
as opposed to the peace leadership, had begun to loom large.
If the Proud had been stimulated by association with the
Muskogeans to aggressive display of power, the reunion of
the Overhills with the nation may also have contributed
somewhat to their chastening. Long resident to the northeast,
the Overhills possessed "the Eldest Fire of All." Remote from
the Muskogean influence and under enemy assault, they had
retained a more warlike character than the Lower Townsmen
who had reveled in a long period of peace with their Musko-
gean neighbors. The Overhill war leadership must therefore
have been strong. Had the power of the Proud not already
been lessened, the arrival in the Nation of the Grand Elders
of All would have reduced it. Certainly in historic times the
Fire Kings of the nation came to the headship through the
red or war phalanx rather than through the white or peace
phalanx.
The Overhill coming occasioned another important mani-
festation. Once seated on the Little Tennessee, the Overhills
appear to have struggled to reassert the authority inherent
in their traditional prestige over all their lesser priestly rela-
tives and councils whose fires, in essence, derived from theirs.
Of necessity the regional councils of the Carolina and
Georgia towns must accept the Overhill prestige or else
question the very charter of their own existences and pres-
tiges. The priests of Cowee (or Nequassee) who had in fact
if not in acceptance stood in a parental character above those
w J. W. Fewkes, Fire Worship of the Hopi Indians (Washington, D. C:
Smithsonian Institution, Annual Report, 1920-1922), 308-309.
19 Payne, Cherokee Papers, VII, 5-7.
Cherokee Pre-History 465
of the Lower Towns and those of the Valley, though retain-
ing great prestige, must yield before Chotte, the capitol of
the Overhills. The war-mindedness of Chotte would stand
ascendant in its sterner primitiveness while the Proud grad-
ually dwindled toward lesser roles as witch doctors, minor
conjurors, and leaders of ceremony. This would not mean
that the Overhills rejected in toto the expanded ceremonial-
ism of the rest of the nation, particularly if the cult was
strong in the tribes around; for Indians tended to add the
new to the old.
The arrival of the Overhills in the Tennessee basin appears
to have caused the long series of wars which characterized
Creek-Cherokee relations. Haywood in one context says that
soon after the arrival of the Overhills, they became engaged
in wars with their neighbors.20 Despite this statement he
elsewhere puts the outbreak later, as a result of Lower Settle-
ments invading Creek hunting grounds on the Savannah.21
Hicks also puts the outbreak as late, saying that it did not
come until after the Creeks received guns from the whites.22
However, both may be wrong. That Telassee and possibly
Tomatley, Overhill towns, bear Creek names and appear to
have done so from the seventeenth century at least, suggests
much earlier wars; for sometimes at peace-making the con-
tracting parties exchanged the names of selected towns.23
And, of course, belligerence carried more prestige among
the Overhills than it did elsewhere in the nation.
Besides warfare with the Creeks and the subordination of
an over-developed peace organization, the Chotte council's
drive to reassert its ancient power over all the Cherokees
meant something of a reorganization in the nation. The
"Cowee" council had apparently not only given each of the
mother towns it sent out a share of the original mother coun-
cil's fire, but also allowed them powers similar to those the
ancient Cho tau le eh, The Grand Elders, had granted it on
the original separation. Thus, each "mother town" had a re-
20 Haywood, Natural and Aboriginal History, 235.
21 Haywood, Natural and Aboriginal History, 235.
22 Payne, Cherokee Papers, VII, 12, 13.
23 Payne, Cherokee Papers, VII, 8.
466 The North Carolina Historical Review
gional council derived from the Elder Council via Cowee.
That council apparently possessed full powers even to the
privilege of granting refuge to offenders upon whom in any
other town blood vengeance was by custom mandatory. The
Grand Elders now established at Chotte on the Little Ten-
nessee could not eliminate the sacred fires or the hereditary
prestige of their relatives in the established councils; but
they did eliminate the privilege of refuge in the precincts of
lesser councils, reserving to themselves the prerogative of
suspending the fundamental law.24
Not all the efforts of the Overhills to reassert their pre-
rogatives met with success. Their pressures, while frequently
forcing conformity, drove the younger councils to protesta-
tions and acts of independence, and to rivalries such as that
existing in historic times between the mother town of Great
Tellico, colonized by the Valley, and Chotte, the grand-
mother town of all, but twenty miles away. Grudgingly, the
younger councils granted Chotte only an Elder Brother's
position.20 In historic times they frequently entered into
treaties of trade and peace for themselves with but a token
nod to Chotte. In the mid-eighteenth century we find Chotte
after a period in which its ascendancy had been dimmed by
English and French dickering with Great Tellico, struggling
again, as it must have long before, to gain ascendancy over
the centrifugal forces in the nation.
The net product then of Cherokee pre-history was geo-
graphical dispersion into regional entities, a well-developed
but waning religious and ceremonial structure, a weakening
of serpentism, a strengthening of the war leadership, and an
accidentally loose political structure consisting of regional
councils which were sometimes rivals despite blood ties,
hereditary prestige, and traditions.
24 Payne, Cherokee Papers, III, 21. See also James Adair, The History
of the American Indians (London, England: 1775), 81.
Haywood, Natural and Aboriginal History, 237.
COUNTERFEITING IN COLONIAL NORTH CAROLINA
By Kenneth Scott
North Carolina did not consider the counterfeiting of its
paper money or the passing of the same when forged as a
light offense, since death without benefit of clergy was pro-
vided as the punishment in the act of 1714 for emitting
£24,000 and in that of 1722 for issuing £12,000/ It was,
however, far from easy to capture counterfeiters and passers
and still more difficult to secure their conviction, as is shown
in numerous instances. Thus, when in October, 1722, Joseph
Oates was arrested on a warrant issued by the chief justice
and brought before a Court of Oyer and Terminer at Eden-
ton to answer to a complaint of one Thomas Lovick that
Oates had passed a false bill of the province, the matter could
not be proved, so that the prisoner was released.2
Again, in the spring of 1724 the General Assembly caused
several counterfeit bills to be lodged with the clerk of the
Court of Oyer and Terminer held at Edenton in order that
the Attorney General might prosecute the offender whenever
sufficient evidence or information might be forthcoming.3 At
the time nothing came to light but at the next sessions from
July 28 to August 4 a certain Luke White was brought before
the bar on the charge of having, on or about July 6, passed a
false 7/6 bill. When it was discovered that he could neither
read nor write and when he furthermore swore the bill on
William Holliday, White was dismissed and a warrant issued
for the arrest of Holliday,4 who apparently was never cap-
tured.
In the following year a forged £ 3 bill, allegedly passed by
James Spier ( or Speers ) , was exhibited by the Precinct Court
1 Walter Clark (ed.), The State Records of North Carolina (Winston,
Goldsboro, Raleigh, and Charlotte: The State of North Carolina, 10 volumes
and 4-volume index [by Stephen B. Weeks], 1895-1914), XXIV, 158, 174,
hereinafter cited as Clark, State Records.
2 William L. Saunders (ed.), The Colonial Records of North Carolina
(Raleigh: The State of North Carolina, 10 volumes, 1886-1890), II, 478,
hereinafter cited as Saunders, Colonial Records.
3 Saunders, Colonial Records, II, 549.
* Saunders, Colonial Records, II, 554.
[467]
468 The North Carolina Historical Review
of Bertie in Albemarle County to a Court of Oyer and Ter-
miner held at Edenton in March and April. At the same time
the Precinct Court of Bertie turned over to Attorney General
Thomas Boyd a 2/— bill altered to 20/— and a counterfeit
7/6 bill. Edward Howard of Bertie Precinct was then indicted
for altering the 2/— note and passing it, but a petit jury ac-
quitted him, whereupon the counterfeit was lodged in the
office of the clerk to be used as evidence against John Wil-
liams, also of Bertie Precinct. Williams was taken into cus-
tody but, as there was not sufficient evidence, was released
on bail ( £500 furnished by Williams and £250 each fur-
nished by James Castellaw and Francis Pugh) to appear at
the next sessions in July, 1725. When, however, no one ap-
peared to prosecute him or testify against him, he was re-
leased, as was James Spier, also for want of evidence.5
Before long the authorities at last succeeded in detecting
some counterfeiters, although the ultimate result of their en-
deavors was discouraging. In July, 1726, a planter named
John Armstrong was brought before the court at Edenton on
a warrant of the Attorney General for having passed two
counterfeit 10/— bills to Edmund Smithwick. Armstrong
nevertheless managed to convince the court that he had re-
ceived the bad money from James Kelly, who delivered them
to Armstrong from Thomas Oldner of Bertie Precinct in pay-
ment of a debt. At first suspicion fell upon Kelly, especially
since he had likewise passed a spurious £5 bill to Thomas
Pierce, Jr. Yet Kelly stoutly maintained that he had obtained
all three bills from Oldner, so a search was made for Oldner,
while Kelly was released on bail, £100 provided by himself
and £50 apiece furnished by his sureties, Edward Moore
and John Armstrong. At the court held in October the Attor-
ney General was prepared to prosecute Oldner, but that in-
dividual was not to be found and apparently was not taken
later. It seems likely that Oldner was guilty and also may have
been associated with John Richardson, who was arrested at
this time on a charge of counterfeiting the current money but
broke prison and made good his escape.6
5 Saunders, Colonial Records, II, 586-587, 594.
6 Saunders, Colonial Records, II, 658-659, 669.
Counterfeiting in Colonial N. C. 469
Enforcement of the law was made more difficult through
the laxness of magistrates in Bertie and Beaufort, some of
whom were "persons of very ill Fame and Character." Thus
when William Larner was arrested in 1733 for forging the
paper currency he was admitted to bail by Benjamin Peyton,
J. P., of Beaufort. Larner put up a bond of £1,000 for his
appearance in court, with Robert Peyton, Sr., and Edward
Travis as sureties, each in the amount of £500. Justice Pey-
ton, however, instead of making return of this recognizance,
sent in one acknowledged only by Larner without sureties,
so it is not surprising that there is no record of Larner's ap-
pearance at the sessions.7
So troublesome had become the flood of counterfeits that
when the Council met in the Court House in Brunswick on
November 2, 1734, Governor Gabriel Johnston informed its
members that since his arrival in the province he had been
acquainted by several of the principal merchants and traders
of the many and great inconveniencies to trade and com-
merce caused by the great multiplicity of counterfeit bills of
credit issued by "Vagabond and Idle people passing from one
part of the Government to another." It was decided that
Johnston should issue a proclamation commanding all per-
sons to assist in apprehending those who were guilty and
offering a reward of £50 for the bringing to justice of anyone
who should be convicted of the offense, while a royal pardon
was promised to any of the accomplices of such criminals
who should discover one or more of them so that they be
taken and convicted, provided only that such discovery be
made within two months from the date of the proclamation.
The Provost Marshal, moreover, was charged with having
the proclamation published at the courthouse door in every
precinct in North Carolina and with having a copy affixed to
each such door.8
On January 15, 1735, Governor Johnston addressed the
Council and House of Burgesses, warning the members that
the matter of the currency of their bills could no longer be
8
Saunders, Colonial Records, III, 596.
Saunders, Colonial Records, IV, 2.
470 The North Carolina Historical Review
neglected "without the entire Ruin of the Country." He point-
ed out that originally their notes were on a very precarious
footing but that now the situation was infinitely worse be-
cause of the great number of counterfeits spread into all
parts of the province "by the villanous Arts of wicked and ill
disposed persons, and to the utter undoing of many poor
industrious Families." The governor charged his hearers with
finding a proper remedy for so great an evil and urged upon
them, since the people could not carry on their dealings with-
out a paper currency, the necessity of preserving the credit
of the same and preventing the industrious planter from being
robbed of the fruits of his labor "by the Tricks and Frauds of
profligate and abandoned persons." 9
The House, in replying on January 20 to Johnston's speech,
laid the blame for the bad state of the currency on "the late
corrupt Administration," which neither had the taxes col-
lected in the proper fashion nor suffered the "vile persons"
who counterfeited the bills to be prosecuted. An act for regu-
lating the currency was passed on February 13, and the
proclamation bore fruit within the two months that the offer
of the reward was to be in effect, for on February 27 a claim
for ,£100 in rewards for the discovery of two counterfeiters
was approved by the House of Burgesses.10
The New Englanders had discovered long before that the
best formula for catching counterfeiters was to offer a reward,
and a pardon to an accomplice who would denounce the
others in the gang. The success which attended the issuance
of Governor Johnston's proclamation in 1734 must have led
to a similar proclamation late in 1739 or early in 1740, for
on March 4, 1740, a committee on claims, meeting in Eden-
ton, received the claim of Thomas Brown for £50 as a re-
ward for apprehending Thomas Hamilton Scott, accused of
making and uttering counterfeit bills of North Carolina.11
Scott had also been making bills of South Carolina and was
taken into custody at Pon Pon, whence Lewis Lorimer, one
9 Saunders, Colonial Records, IV, 78; South Carolina Gazette (Charles-
ton), February 15, 1735.
10 Saunders, Colonial Records, IV, 84, 120, 149.
11 Clark, State Records, XXII, 401-402.
Counterfeiting in Colonial N. C. 471
of the constables of Charleston was sent to bring him to that
city. Scott either committed suicide or, more likely, was
killed in an attempt to escape, and along with him died Lewis
Jones, apparently an accomplice, for Alexander Stewart,
Coroner of Berkley County, held inquests on the bodies of
the two men.12 Three of Scott's accomplices, incidentally,
one of them Lawrence Wolfersten, a counterfeiter from
Pennsylvania who had been convicted there in 1727,13 were
arrested at Winyaw and committed to jail by Justice Thomas
La Roche, who later had them removed to prison in Charles-
ton.14
In 1745 the Assembly decided that new legislation was
needed, so an act was passed for the punishment of those
who should counterfeit, forge, alter, deface, or knowingly
pass such counterfeited bills. One convicted thereof for the
first offense was to be set in the pillory for two hours, have
his ears nailed to the pillory and then cut off, while a second
offense was to be punished as felony without benefit of
clergy.15
An act of 1748 for emitting £21,300 set the same penal-
ties, save that for the first offense, in addition to pillorying
and cropping, the court, at its discretion, might also punish
with whipping, not to exceed forty lashes.16
The Assembly, in October of the following year, put into
force a number of statutes of the Kingdom of England, three
of which were concerned with counterfeiters of coin: 1 Mary
Ch. 6, providing that counterfeiting of foreign coins current
in the kingdom should be adjudged treason; 1 & 2 Philip
and Mary Ch. 11, providing that importers of counterfeit
coin into the realm should be punished as traitors; 5 Elizabeth
Ch. 11, providing that the clipping of coins, for gain's sake,
should be high treason.17
12 J. H. Easterby (ed.), The Journal of the Commons House of Assembly,
September 12, 1739-Mavch 26, 174-1. The Colonial Records of South Caro-
lina (Columbia: The Historical Commission of South Carolina, 1952), 225,
244, 280, 281, hereinafter cited as Easterby, Journal of Commons House.
13 Kenneth Scott, Counterfeiting in Colonial Pennsylvania (New York:
American Numismatic Society, 1955), 17.
14 Easterby, Journals of Commons House, 217, 280.
15 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 235.
16 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 295.
17 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 322-323.
472 The North Carolina Historical Review
Only a few years later, in 1752, two persons were executed
for treason in accordance with the above legislation of 1749.
In the summer of 1752 a counterfeiting scheme was hatched
in Virginia. Patrick Moore, a tailor, was living in that prov-
ince, where he worked at his trade at the house of Richard
Brooker in Gloucester County. A certain Daniel Johnston,
alias Dixon, a chemist or doctor, and William Jillet, a black-
smith, frequently went to Brooker's home. If these two told
the truth, Moore was the promoter of the counterfeiting ven-
ture. Be that as it may, sometime in June Brooker gave Moore
a small boat with a supply of provisions sufficient to bring
the tailor, Johnston and Jillet, with their bellows, hammers,
molds, and other materials for making money, to North
Carolina. About the end of June the men went up the Neuse
River, where they landed and thence proceeded to the house
of Peter Matthews, about thirty miles from New Bern. Near
this dwelling, in a great swamp, they set up their forge and
prepared molds and other materials for making doubloons,
pistoles, pieces of eight, and half pistareens.
By some means the sheriff of the county discovered their
undertaking and, acting with great vigilance and industry,
captured the coiners at the home of Matthews, who was also
apprehended on suspicion of being concerned in the affair.
Some of the doubloons, a pistole, pieces of eight, and half
pistareens were found on the persons of the three coiners
but the money was so badly done as not to be imposed easily
upon anyone. Apparently, however, the coins had not been
completed, for, although they were very exact in similitude
and size, they were much wanting in color, so that it was be-
lieved that the proper coloring of them was to have been the
finishing stroke.
The prisoners were locked up in the jail at New Bern, a
prison which had previously been remarkable for letting its
inmates escape, but the sheriff kept a watch around the
building each night and foiled several attempts which were
made by the counterfeiters to break out. They came up for
trial at the General Court which ended early in October.
Moore turned evidence for the Crown against his associates,
Counterfeiting in Colonial N. C. 473
Matthews was acquitted, and Jillet and Johnston were found
guilty of treason and condemned to death.
Some ten days later the condemned men, together with
another criminal named David Smith, alias Griffith, were
executed. They were accompanied to the gallows by the
Reverend Mr. Lopierre, who had also visited the men in
jail. The convicted coiners appeared very penitent and ex-
pressed much sorrow and contrition for their wrongdoing.
Johnston, it was reported, died a staunch Roman Catholic
and was very earnest and pathetic in his prayers for the
friends and followers of Lord Lovat, Kilmarnock, Balmerino,
and all the rebels who suffered in the rebellion, while he
heartily prayed for the continuance of "that noble Spirit
which he hop'd was yet alive in Scotland among the Well-
wishers of the Pretender."18
As regards counterfeiters of the bills of credit, an act of
1754 for the emission of £40,000 contained the same penal-
ties as were included in the act of 1748,19 but subsequent
acts of 1756 (for emitting £3,400), of 1757 (for emitting
£5,306), of 1758 (for emitting £7,000), and of 1758 (for
emitting £4,500) all made counterfeiting and passing a fel-
ony without benefit of clergy.20
On February 3, 1764, Governor Arthur Dobbs, alarmed by
the quantities of counterfeit bills in circulation, called upon
the Assembly for new legislation to cope with the situation.21
In response to his appeal a bill "for the more effectual de-
tecting and punishing the makers and utterers of Counterfeit
Bill Money" was introduced and passed in March.22 In the
preamble to the act, which was to be in force for two years,
it was set forth that great numbers of evil persons in the
frontier parts of the province had banded together and were
supporting one another in committing murder and other fel-
onies, as well as in counterfeiting the paper currency of
18 Maryland Gazette (Annapolis), Nov. 9 and Dec. 7, 1752; Boston Weekly
News-Letter (Massachusetts), Dec. 7, 1752; Pennsylvania Gazette (Phila-
delphia), Nov. 23, 1752.
19 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 393.
20 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 333, 347, 352, 363, 372.
31 Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 1090.
28 Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 1104.
474 The North Carolina Historical Review
North Carolina and Virginia and in fraudulently and deceit-
fully imposing their bad money on the honest, industrious
inhabitants of the colony, in defiance of authority and in open
violation and contempt of all laws. It was therefore enacted
that the penalty of death might be imposed on any person
convicted of counterfeiting, or knowingly passing when so
forged, the bills of North Carolina or Virginia or base coin
or of escaping from prison after being committed for any of
the above crimes and then neglecting or refusing to surrender
to the sheriff before the last day of the Superior Court which
should next follow the court wherein the bill of indictment
was found. In every such case the chief justice, or assistant,
or the associate judge, should issue proclamations for each
county in the district, calling upon the offender to surrender
within sixty days after the last day of the court session and
stating that unless the offender should give himself up it
would be "lawful for any Person or Persons to kill and de-
stroy such Offender." If anyone should apprehend an offend-
er who had escaped or neglected to surrender within the
sixty days, such a person should be allowed a reward of £30
upon the conviction of the offender.23
The above act was, as has been noted, to be in effect for
two years, so in November, 1766, a bill to revive the act was
introduced and passed,24 but on June 26, 1767, it was ordered
repealed by his Majesty in Council.25
Very likely news of the repeal of the act encouraged coun-
terfeiters, one of whom was an elderly man named Timothy
Green. He proceeded to New York and on Tuesday, August
26, 1767, when he had been there but a short time, he applied
to Elisha Gallaudet, a well-known engraver of that city, to
procure of him plates with which to forge the current money
bills of North Carolina, whence he had come. Gallaudet.
however, had the would-be-counterfeiter taken before an
alderman, who, after examining him and finding two false
dollars in his possession, committed him to jail. Green was
indicted in the Supreme Court on October 29 "for a Misde-
23 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 616-617.
24 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 300.
^Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 673; XI, 213.
Counterfeiting in Colonial N. C. 475
meanor," pleaded not guilty, and on October 30 was tried.
The jury, without going from the bar, convicted him, and
when, on the next day, the attorney general moved for judg-
ment, the court ordered that the prisoner stand in the pillory
on Wednesday next for one hour between the hours of ten
and twelve in the forenoon and that on Thursday next he be
whipped through the town at the cart's tail and receive thirty-
nine lashes on the bare back.26
Even though Timothy Green's plans were foiled, other
counterfeiters were more successful, as is shown by an ad-
dress made by Governor William Tryon to the legislators on
December 7, 1767. Pointing out that the counterfeit bills
circulating in the province tended "to the most ruinous con-
sequences" to the government, he applied for some redress
proportioned to the evil. "It evidently depreciates," he said,
"the small remainder of currency in the Country and deprives
the Creditor of his just debts, wounds the credit of the public,
and what is of further consequence too frequently extends to
the impoverishing of families in the exchange of their prop-
erty for these false bills, too artfully resembling the true for
common discernment to detect them." 27 A committee of both
houses, on January 15, 1768, requested the governor "more
particularly to state the distress of this Colony, partly occa-
sioned by counterfeit money, and for want of a sufficiency of
good paper currency or other medium of Trade." 28
Governor Tryon was in sympathy with this request of the
legislators, as is shown by the fact that on February 2 he
wrote the Earl of Shelburne that the mischiefs arising from
the counterfeited proclamation bills then circulating would
cease if a new currency were emitted, since the remainder
of the money then out would be immediately called in.29 The
same day he wrote to Messers Drummond & Co. that, if the
royal consent were secured, he was ordered to obtain, in
order to prevent counterfeiting, proper copperplates, paper,
presses, and other materials. "If," he added, "by your ingenu-
26 Kenneth Scott, Counterfeiting in Colonial New York (New York:
American Numismatic Society, 1955), 126-127.
27 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 551.
28 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 683.
29 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 697.
476 The North Carolina Historical Review
ity this currency, should it have an existence, can be put out
of the knavery of counterfeits, you will render an essential
service to the inhabitants of this province who have felt the
ruinous effects of the counterfeit currency." 30
Had the governor but known it, another threat to the
money of North Carolina was in the making and was only
narrowly averted. During the second week of February, 1768,
the Honorable William Smith, Jr., in New York received a
letter from a gentleman in Fairfield, Connecticut, acquaint-
ing him that a schooner had lately been at that place, had
remained there six weeks with five men on board, that they
had passed some counterfeit New York bills, that they came
from Rhode Island, and that he imagined they had gone to
New York. This intelligence was communicated to the mayor,
who immediately sent officers in search of the schooner. They
found it just on the point of sailing for North Carolina, as it
was thought. On board were arrested Gideon Casey, his two
sons, Tibbets Hopkins (the master of the ship) and Daniel
Wilcox, alias Chase, while a search of the vessel revealed a
small bag containing all the instruments for coining and mill-
ing dollars of the years 1763 and 1764, two plates for making
North Carolina currency, molds and stamps for making pis-
tareens, recipes for smelting and varnishing metals, and sev-
eral counterfeit forty shilling New York bills. The men were
held in jail and indicted but by April 4 had been acquitted
"for want of sufficient evidence," an indication that none of
the gang would talk. Casey was a capable silversmith of
Rhode Island but, like his talented brother Samuel, also a
noted silversmith, he could not refrain from counterfeiting
and had been convicted of passing false doubloons in Phila-
delphia in 1752.31
Although the province was mercifully spared the presence
of Casey and his accomplices, other criminals were at work,
two of whom, Samuel Robert Hall and James Mansfield,
were captured in 1768, convicted and sentenced to death for
counterfeiting the paper currency. While they were in the
30 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 680-681.
31 Kenneth Scott, "Gideon Casey, Rhode Island Silversmith and Counter-
feiter," Rhode Island History, XII (1953), 50-54.
Counterfeiting in Colonial N. C. 477
jail of Craven County awaiting execution, the speaker and
several members of the Assembly, as well as other prominent
inhabitants of the province, petitioned the governor on behalf
of the two young men, who had formerly been of good char-
acter and had been seduced and instigated to commit their
crime by John Butcher, a blacksmith, who had made his es-
cape. Governor Tryon, on November 28, 1768, was pleased
to pardon the young men and at the same time issued a
proclamation offering a reward of <£ 10 for the apprehension
of Butcher.32
By the autumn of 1770 counterfeit notes were passing
without sufficient question,33 and Governor Tryon informed
the council that large sums of the certificates of 1768 had
been forged. A proclamation was therefore issued in which
a reward of £200 was offered to any informer, except an
offender, while the king's pardon was promised to that of-
fender who should first appear and denounce his accom-
plices.34 On December 5, Tryon delivered an address to the
Council and House in which he stated that the circulation of
so large a quantity of counterfeit currency afforded presump-
tion that "persons of more considerable property than those
of moderate substance" had been concerned in the base and
dishonorable traffic. The evil, he pointed out, was "absolutely
destructive of all public credit" and operated to the ruin of
many honest homes and families. It was his opinion that, if
the legislators called upon those who had passed the bad
money to declare from whom it was received, by tracing back
the counterfeits the authors of the iniquity might be discov-
ered.35
The Council assured the governor that the detection of
the counterfeiters was a matter of real concern and that every
salutary measure would be taken to punish the guilty.36 The
same day, December 10, the House expressed itself to the
effect that the great amount of false certificates and procla-
mation bills in circulation was alarming to the province, in-
32 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 870-871.
33 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, xxix.
34 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 249-250.
35 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 284.
36 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 289.
478 The North Carolina Historical Review
jurious to individuals and destructive to public credit. Noth-
ing less than calling in all the paper currency could put an
end to the fatal consequences attending so infamous an im-
position on the inhabitants, a sentiment which the same body
repeated on January 26, 177 1.37
The governor had caused Adam Boyd to print two hundred
handbills respecting the counterfeit debenture bills and to
distribute them, as a result of which some information must
have been received. Warrants were issued for the arrest of
three suspects, Daniel Duncan of Orange County, George
Martin, and John Alston. Duncan was immediately taken
but discharged for want of proof. Martin, who was appre-
hended at the same time, was suffering from an indisposition
which made traveling impossible without manifest danger
of his life, so it was sometime later that he was taken into
custody by Simon Bright and brought before the bar of the
House. It is not recorded whether he was convicted or, like
Duncan, discharged. There was, at least, some evidence
against him, for a certain Philemon Hawkins appeared to
testify against him. 38 John Alston was not to be found.39
Upon the presentation of sworn evidence other counter-
feiters were sought in Granville County and elsewhere, two
of whom, Robert Pry or and William Wharton, were arrested
and then released on bail for their appearance at the Su-
perior Court of Justice to be held at Hillsboro on March 22,
1771. When, however, it developed that because of the dis-
turbances in the western part of the province the court would
not be held at Hillsboro, it became apparent that, unless
some extraordinary measures were taken, the two offenders,
who were dangerous and clearly guilty, would escape pun-
ishment. Richard Henderson therefore petitioned the gov-
ernor that a special court of oyer and terminer be held at
Oxford, in Granville County, where, Henderson believed, it
might sit "without danger of being obstructed by the Insur-
gents. " The governor and council approved the request and
37 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 312, 473.
38 Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 198.
39
Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 351, 370, 397, 443; IX, 125.
Counterfeiting in Colonial N. C. 479
ordered a special commission of oyer and terminer, so that
presumably Pryor and Wharton were tried.40
On August 15, 1771, Josiah Martin, the new governor,
wrote to the Earl of Hillsborough that the treasurer of the
Southern District had agreed to pay Governor Tryon's war-
rants by promissory notes, so that a new species of currency
had arisen on the faith of public credit. The notes were easier
to counterfeit than any previous money, for they bore only
one signature, that of the treasurer, and not several, as did
all other bills. The various earlier emissions, furthermore,
had been widely counterfeited and the evil was so pernicious
that it deserved immediate attention. Martin was of the opin-
ion that the only remedy would be the extinction of all for-
mer issues and a new emission to replace them and to provide
a sufficient currency for the needs of the growing province.41
An act of 1771 authorized the emission of £60,000 in deben-
ture bills to pay the costs of Governor Tryon's expedition
against the insurgents, and the penalty for counterfeiting,
altering, or defacing these notes was to be death without
benefit of clergy.42
John Alston had been sought in vain in 1770-1771 and had
continued his nefarious activity. According to the Virginia
Gazette43 on the evening of March 4, 1773, Moses Terry of
Halifax County, Virginia, was brought to Williamsburg and
committed to jail for passing false bills, a charge to which he
pleaded guilty, informing against many others and confess-
ing that he had passed counterfeits "which were made by
the Allstons in Carolina (who appear to be the great instru-
ments of this horrid plot against the peace and welfare of
this country)." Another of the Alstons suspected of counter-
feiting was Philip, a gunsmith, for whom James Ransom, Jr.,
sergeant at arms of the House of North Carolina, and four
assistants made a determined but fruitless search.44
40 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 539-540.
41 Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 18.
42 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 851.
43 Virginia Gazette (Williamsburg), March 4, 1773, and Rind's Virginia
Gazette (Williamsburg), March 4, 1773.
u Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 391-392, 480-481.
480 The North Carolina Historical Review
The House of Burgesses of Virginia, thoroughly alarmed
by the counterfeiting of their money in North Carolina,
passed an act making it a felony "to prepare, engrave, stamp,
or print" the money of other British colonies or to cause the
same to be done or knowingly to pass such bad money. This
step was taken because it was supposed that certain evil per-
sons had lately established presses in Virginia for preparing
counterfeits of the paper money of other colonies and by that
means such forged paper was put into circulation with great-
er facility and with more security to the authors of the mis-
chief. Reasonably enough, Virginia hoped for a similar action
by colonies which did not already have legislation making it
a crime to forge the bills of the other provinces. As a subcom-
mittee of the House of Burgesses pointed out, the chief author
of the recent counterfeiting of the currency of Virginia was
an inhabitant of North Carolina (probably Philip or John
Alston was meant).45 Governor Martin of North Carolina
warmly commended the policy of the legislature of Virginia
in its measures designed "to prevent that most baneful crime
of counterfeiting the paper currency circulating in the Col-
onies of America." 46
In February, 1773, a bill "for the more effectual punish-
ment of Counterfeiters of the Public Debenture Bills of Credit
of this Colony and Coin" was introduced in the House. The
measure was passed both by the Council and House but early
in March, when it reached the governor, he withheld his
consent.47 In a letter, written on May 30, 1773, to the Earl of
Dartmouth, Governor Martin explained that he had rejected
the bill because "the Criminals marked out to reproach by
punishments allotted in this Act and rejected on all hands
would lose every sense of shame, become desperate and aban-
don themselves to the perpetration of every kind of enormity,
dreading death (the Law's utmost penalty) less than exist-
ence held at the expense of everything that can make life
^Kenneth Scott, "Counterfeiting in Colonial Virginia," The Virginia
Magazine of History and Biography, LXI (1953), 24, hereinafter cited as
Scott, "Counterfeiting in Colonial Virginia"; Clark, State Records, XI, 241.
46 Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 709.
47 Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 386, 390, 396, 399-401, 443, 446, 464,
468, 478, 494, 497, 500-503, 507, 584, 586.
Counterfeiting in Colonial N. C. 481
desirable." 48 From this it may be assumed that the bill would
have made the counterfeiters outlaws.
Since the governor's assent had been refused, Mr. Joseph
Hewes of Edenton moved early in December, 1773, that he
be granted leave to prepare and bring in a bill to prevent the
counterfeiting of the paper money of North Carolina and the
other British colonies and the gold and silver coin circulating
in the province. On December 20 it was introduced and duly
passed and approved by the governor.49 The preamble of the
act, which was to be in force for five years, stated that it
was supposed that presses had been established in North
Carolina of late to forge the bills of other provinces. It was
judged reasonable that neighboring colonies having inter-
course in trade should provide against the debasing of their
medium of commerce, and it was also a fact that the laws
of the province for the punishment of counterfeiters of the
gold and silver coin in circulation were defective. To remedy
this situation it was provided that death without benefit of
clergy should be the penalty for those who defaced, counter-
feited, or altered bills or who knowingly passed counter-
feits.50 Governor Martin was delighted with the new law,
about which he wrote on July 13, 1774, to the Earl of Dart-
mouth: "I conceive great hopes that it will be attended with
the best effects." 51
The outbreak of the Revolution could by no means be
expected to check counterfeiting, so that, when an emission
of bills by North Carolina was authorized in September,
1775, it was provided that any person accused of counter-
feiting them should be imprisoned until the next meeting of
the Council of Safety and that upon conviction an offender
should be punished by death.02 As for Continental currency,
Lieutenant Governor Golden, on February 14, 1776, wrote
that the British would endeavor to depreciate the Congress
paper "by throwing in forged notes." 53
48 Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 663.
49 Saunders, Colonial Records, 728, 744, 777, 784, 836, 839, 847, 861, 882,
884, 888-889, 896, 904, 906-907, 927.
50 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 969-970.
61 Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 1012.
52 Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 195.
63 Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 453.
482 The North Carolina Historical Review
By June, 1776, information had reached the Council of
Safety that counterfeits of the four dollar bills emitted by
the Congress held at Hillsboro, had been passed by Ben-
jamin Sheppard of Dobbs County and, when Sheppard was
arrested, he could give no satisfactory account of how he ob-
tained the bills and was therefore ordered to give a bond of
,£1,000 to appear before the Council whenever called.54 It
became clear in July that the dollar bills issued by the Con-
gresses held at Hillsboro and Halifax had been counterfeit-
ed 55 and by July 22, 1776, the Council had information that
five persons concerned in the affair had been taken and
jailed in Williamsburg, Virginia, one of whom was an old
offender named Benjamin Woodward, who had assisted in
cutting the plates for the counterfeits.56 It may be noted that
Woodward was a slippery customer, who broke jail and long
eluded the officers of the law, although Virginia offered a
reward of four thousand dollars for his capture. He was
finally taken in Georgia but not before 1791. He was arrested
there again in 1796. One of his neighbors, John Young, once
found in the woods near Woodward's home several thousand
pounds in counterfeit North Carolina bills, as well as tools
for counterfeiting and coining.57
Not only were the four and one dollar bills imitated but
also the two and a half dollar and five dollar notes. David
Craig, a second lieutenant in William Temple Cole's com-
pany, was suspected of passing these counterfeits and of be-
ing concerned in the making and engraving of the five dollar
plate. As President Samuel Ashe put it in a letter to General
Moore, such practices were "frequent" and "of the most dan-
gerous Tendency." 58 Thus the newborn state was beset from
the beginning by an assault on its currency from the British,
from professional counterfeiters, and even from members
of its own army.
u Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 635, 638.
66 Clark, State Records, XI, 317.
56 Clark, State Records, XI, 320.
57 Scott, "Counterfeiting in Colonial Virginia," 28, 30-33.
58 Clark, State Records, XI, 346-347.
JOSEPH SEAWELL JONES OF SHOCCO-
HISTORIAN AND HUMBUG
By Edwin A. Miles
Everyone who met Joseph Seawell Jones of Shocco, North
Carolina, agreed that he was a most unusual person. Al-
though he was a licensed lawyer and the author of two his-
torical works, his greatest fame resulted from his non-
professional ventures. "An inveterate propensity to hoax and
play upon the credulity of the public distinguished him, and
made him known far and wide/' * "The time has been," wrote
a Tennesseean in 1849, "when the sayings and doings of this
singular personage were chronicled with as much avidity as
is displayed by the Court Journal in the narration of the
movements of the British queen." 2 And, it might be added,
the sayings and doings of the fun-loving North Carolinian
were a far greater source of amusement than the movements
of the staid Victoria.
Take March, 1840, for example— the month following the
Queen's marriage to Prince Albert. Newspaper subscribers
throughout the United States were avidly reading accounts
of how Shocco Jones, "the Mammoth Humbug," had com-
pletely mystified hundreds of prominent Virginians, North
Carolinians, and Mississippians in two separate hoaxes per-
formed the previous year. By the time of his death in 1855,
he was almost a legend. Three years later the Weekly Ra-
leigh Register asked: "Is there a grown man in North Caro-
lina, or the United States, who has not heard of Joseph Sea-
well Jones, who, having been born in Warren County,
on the banks of Shocco Creek, was as famous in his
day as 'Shocco Jones,' as ever was Mr. Randolph as 'John
Randolph of Roanoke!?"3
1 Natchez Daily Courier (Mississippi), March 3, 1855, hereinafter cited
as Natchez Daily Courier, quoting Columbus Democrat (Mississippi).
3 Herald and Correspondent (Port Gibson, Mississippi), April 13, 1849,
quoting Nashville Whig (Tennessee).
3 Weekly Raleigh Register, April 21, 1858. This paper was published
variously as the Raleigh Register and North-Carolina State Gazette,
Raleigh Register and North-Carolina Gazette, Raleigh Register, and other
titles but will in all cases be hereinafter cited as Raleigh Register.
[483]
484 The North Carolina Historical Review
This remarkable individual first saw the light of day "on
the banks of Shocco Creek" about 1806, the son of Edward
J. and Elizabeth Seawell Jones.4 There was nothing in his
ancestry to indicate that his happiest moments would be
spent while "enjoying the fun of hoaxing people."5 On the
contrary, Edward Jones— according to his own obituary no-
tice—was a "valuable and highly respected planter" of War-
ren County;6 his wife was a member of a prominent North
Carolina family— a sister of Judge Henry Seawell of the State
Supreme Court and a niece of Nathaniel Macon, one of the
most distinguished sons of the Old North State.
The early years of Joseph Seawell Jones were spent at
Poplar Grove, his fathers 2,000-acre plantation within a mile
and a half of Shocco Springs, one of the state's most fashion-
able watering places.7 Each summer during Joseph's boy-
hood, Edward Jones maintained a boarding house for visitors
to the Springs.8 His children, Joseph, Edward, Jr., and Martha
Ann, probably played many carefree games with the sons
and daughters of the prosperous merchants and planters who
annually flocked to the popular resort.
But there were serious moments, too, at Poplar Grove. In
the fall of 1816 Edward Jones and two of his neighbors an-
nounced the establishment of Shocco Academy, a boarding
school, to meet at his house.9 Undoubtedly, young Joseph
and his brother Edward were among the first students en-
rolled. Edward Jones, Sr., however, never lived to see the
school enjoy the "flourishing state" which he predicted for it
4 The most complete sketch of Jones's life is by Marshall De Lancey
Haywood in Samuel A. Ashe, Stephen B. Weeks, and Charles L. Van
Noppen (eds.), Biographical History of North Carolina from Colonial
Times to the Present (Greensboro: Charles L. Van Noppen, 8 volumes,
1905-1907), VI, 329-334, hereinafter cited as Ashe, Biographical History.
The exact date of Jones's birth is not known. His parents were married in
February, 1803. Raleigh Register, February 22, 1803.
5 The quotation is from Joseph D. Shields, The Life and Times of
Seargent Smith Prentiss (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1884), 296,
hereinafter referred to as Shields, Prentiss.
6 Raleigh Register, June 6, 1817.
7 For the reference to Poplar Grove, see Raleigh Register, June 18, 1813.
For a description of the estate see Raleigh Register, November 14, 1817.
8 For examples, see his advertisements in Raleigh Register, May 22,
1812, June 18, 1813, June 2, 1815, and June 19, 1816.
9 Raleigh Register, November 1, 1816.
Joseph Seawell Jones 485
in March, 1817.10 In May, with death imminent, he drew up
his last will and testament and died shortly thereafter.11 Two
years later his widow married James Gordon, who had been
one of the co-founders of Shocco Academy, which had al-
ready ceased to exist.12
Under the guardianship of their uncle, Hill Jones, and
later their stepfather, Joseph and Edward Jones, Jr., contin-
ued their studies at schools in nearby communities. For
a while they attended Warrenton Academy, taught by
George W. Freeman, the schoolmaster of old Shocco Acad-
emy;13 then transferred to Midway Academy, conducted by
Charles A. Hill.14 In 1824, during Shocco's last term at Mid-
way—located in Franklin County "midway" between Louis-
burg and Warrenton— Edward, his brother and schoolmate,
died.15 Less melancholy, we may assume, was another mem-
orable event of that term : Professor Hill's schoolhouse burned
to the ground.16
In the summer of 1824, his stepfather gave him $80.00 and
young Joseph Seawell Jones set out for Chapel Hill to enter
the University of North Carolina.17 It was probably during
his college days that he became known as "Shocco"— to dis-
tinguish him from three other students at the University who
10 Raleigh Register, March 7, 1817.
11 Raleigh Register, June 6, 1817; Warren County Wills, 1780-1825, III,
28, State Department of Archives and History, Raleigh.
w Raleigh Register, November 19, 1819.
13 For tuition payments to George W. Freeman, see the accounts of
Joseph S. Jones and Edward J. Jones with Hill Jones, their guardian, 1822,
Warren County Guardian Accounts, 1792-1825, State Department of
Archives and History, hereinafter cited as Warren County Guardian Ac-
counts. Freeman taught at Warrenton Academy from 1820 through 1823.
Charles L. Coon (comp.), North Carolina Schools and Academies, 1790-1840,
A Docwmentoyry History (Raleigh: North Carolina Historical Commission,
1915), 584-585, hereinafter cited as Coon, North Carolina Schools and
Academies.
u For tuition payments to C A. Hill see the accounts of Joseph S. Jones
and Edward J. Jones with James Gordon, their guardian, 1823 and 1824,
in Warren County Guardian Accounts, 1792-1825. Hill taught at Midway
Academy from 1822 through 1824. Coon, North Carolina Schools and
Academies, 107-110.
15 For a division of his brother's estate, November 20, 1824, see Divisions
of Estates, Warren County, 1782-1825, State Department of Archives and
History.
lfl Coon, North Carolina Schools and Academies, 110.
"Account of Joseph S. Jones with James Gordon, his guardian, July 12,
1824, in Warren County Guardian Accounts, 1792-1825.
486 The North Carolina Historical Review
possessed the same familiar family name.18 He spent two and
one-half years at Chapel Hill, but they were not entirely
happy ones.19 He particularly disliked the necessity of attend-
ing chapel and classes. Finally, during his senior year, in
December, 1826, a faculty committee counted up his total
absences for the term: . . . from prayers 76 times, and 22
times from recitation." Since he was also "exceedingly de-
ficient in scholarship especially on mathematics and Natural
Philosophy," the faculty dismissed him from the University.20
According to a classmate, Governor Henry T. Clark, Shocco
felt that his dismissal was due to the fact that the Professor
of Mathematics, presumably James Phillips, had done him a
a . . , . » 21
grave injustice.
Discouraged by his unhappy experiences at Chapel Hill,
Shocco did not immediately resume his formal education.
Then, in September, 1829, he journeyed northward to enter
the Harvard Law School. On the whole, he was pleased with
the society of Cambridge and vicinity. In nearby Boston he
found "quite a North Carolina circle here in the very heart
of New England."22 Among the transplanted Carolinians
was William Gibbs McNeill, a young engineer from Wil-
mington, who became his closest friend.23 He also met many
18 Du Ponceau D. Jones, John Jones of Salisbury, and John H. Jones of
Raleigh attended the University of North Carolina while Shocco was a
student there. Daniel Lindsey Grant, Alumni History of the University
of North Carolina (Chapel Hill: General Alumni Association of the Uni-
versity of North Carolina, 1924), 327-329. _
19 He was a member of the Dialectic Society, Dialectic Society Minutes,
April 12, 1826 (list of members), Dialectic Society Papers, Southern His-
torical Collection, University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill.
This collection will hereinafter be cited as Southern Historical Collection.
On one occasion he took the affirmative side in a debate on "Will the Dark
Ages Ever Return." Joseph Blount Cheshire, Nonnulla, Memories, Stories,
Traditions, More or Less Authentic (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1930), 231, hereinafter cited as Cheshire, Nonnulla.
20 Report of Public Examinations, Faculty Reports, December, 1826,
University of North Carolina Papers, Southern Historical Collection.
21 Cheshire, Nonnulla, 230-231.
22 Jones to William Gaston, Boston, November 8, 1833, William Gaston
Papers, Southern Historical Collection, hereinafter cited as William Gaston
Papers.
38 Jones dedicated his first book to him. A Defence of the Revolutionary
History of the State of North Carolina from the Aspersions of Mr. Jefferson
(Boston: Charles Bowen; Raleigh: Turner & Hughes, 1834), v, hereinafter
cited as Jones, Defence of North Carolina. For a sketch of McNeill see
Howard K. Beale, "William Gibbs McNeill," Allen Johnson and Dumas
Malone (eds.), Dictionary of American Biography (New York: Charles
Scribner's Sons, 21 volumes and index, 1928 ), XII, 152-153.
Joseph Seawell Jones 487
of the distinguished statesmen of Massachusetts and often
acted as an unofficial host to young North Carolinians visit-
ing in Boston. In June, 1831, for example, he accompanied
Fred S. Blount on a visit to former President John Quincy
Adams;24 and two months later he arranged an introduction
for William A. Graham with Supreme Court Justice Joseph
Story.25
According to records in the Harvard University Archives,
Jones "entered" and "left" the Law School three times be-
tween 1829 and 1832.26 In January, 1831, long before he had
completed his studies, the Supreme Court of North Caro-
lina granted him a license to practice in the county courts
of his native state.27 Although he returned to Cambridge
three months later, he soon became so fascinated with the
reading of Spanish literature and history that he neglected
the study of law. He talked of visiting Europe to continue his
studies of the Iberian culture; he even wrote of "making my
bow— my farewell goodnight to my native land." 28 But for
some reason— possibly because he lost interest in the project
as quickly as he had taken it up— the proposed trip abroad
did not materialize. Finally, in 1833, the Harvard Trustees
awarded him the LL.B. degree.29
While in Law School, Jones had become engaged in a new
project: the writing of a Revolutionary history of North Caro-
lina. State pride stirred him to action. Thomas Jefferson had
once declared that the "Mecklenburg Declaration of Inde-
pendence" was a spurious document; and he had also stated
that "we had not a greater tory in Congress" than William
Hooper, one of the North Carolina signers of the national
24 Fred S. Blount to John H. Bryan, Boston, June 29, 1831 (copy), William
Gaston Papers.
25 Extract from the Journal of William A. Graham of His Trip from
Hillsboro to Boston, June 20, 1831 to August 20, 1831 (August 18) (copy),
William Gaston Papers.
26 Letter to the writer from Kimball C. Elkins, assistant in the Harvard
University Archives, February 14, 1952.
27 Raleigh Register, January 6, 1831.
28 Jones to William A. Graham, Cambridge, October 4, 1831, William A.
Graham Papers, Southern Historical Collection, hereinafter cited as
William A. Graham Papers.
29 Letter to the writer from Kimball C. Elkins, assistant in the Harvard
University Archives, February 14, 1952.
488 The North Carolina Historical Review
Declaration of Independence. Jones determined to expose
the "Sage of Monticello" as a base liar whose name deserved
"the execration of every native citizen" of the Old North
State.30
In March, 1832, Jones probably discussed plans for his
book with David L. Swain, whom he accompanied on part
of the latter's journey while attending court in the eastern
part of the state.31 He spent several months in North Carolina
collecting materials. He interviewed many elderly persons—
"every old man and old woman from Cape Hatteras to the
Blue Ridge," according to his own reckoning.32 Some inter-
views were disappointing. His kinsman, Nathaniel Macon,
refused to be quoted during his lifetime. Jones, who com-
plained privately of the sensitiveness of "the old men of our
country on the subject of being quoted," was thus obliged to
state in his work "many acts without giving authority." 33 In
general, he believed "the details of elderly ladies, on matters
of history, more correct than those of old men."34 But he
realized that "personal testimony ... is always weak, as the
memory of man is fallible." "A distant historian," he con-
ceded, "will demand more contemporary records, as the best
evidence in the case."35
In search of more valid evidence, Jones consulted such
printed works as The Memoirs of Josiah Quincy, Peter
Force's National Calendar, John Marshall's Life of Washing-
ton, William Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry, and the writings
of Herman Husband, the North Carolina Regulator. He also
gained access to certain manuscript sources in the Secretary
of State's office in Raleigh; of particular value were the jour-
nals of the Council and Assembly. He also examined the
30 Jones, Defence of North Carolina, vii.
31 David L. Swain Diary, March 24, 1832, State Department of Archives
and History.
32 Jones, Defence of North Carolina, 6.
33 Jones to David L. Swain, Shocco, August 24, 1833, Swain Epistolary
Correspondence, North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina
Library, hereinafter cited as Swain Epistolary Correspondence. At Jones'
request, Macon consented to leave a paper, dated October, 1835, "to be
published by my executor." It concerned the reputation of William Hooper.
Nathaniel Macon Papers, Southern Historical Collection, hereinafter cited
as Nathaniel Macon Papers.
34 Jones, Defence of North Carolina, 269.
35 Jones, Defence of North Carolina, 7.
Joseph Sea well Jones 489
private correspondence of a few Revolutionary leaders, in-
cluding the papers of John Williams and James Iredell. The
Iredell Papers, one member of the family later complained,
"were obtained from my father against his positive injunction
to their removal from his office." 36 The family never re-
gained possession.
Shocco did most of the writing of his book in Cambridge.
At first he contemplated a work of 250 pages; and in Janu-
ary, 1833, he wrote David L. Swain, then governor, that it
was "nearly completed."37 Shortly afterwards, however, he
returned to North Carolina in search of additional material.
On October 26, once again in Cambridge, he wrote Swain:
"My book— my book— It is about to grow up into a danger-
ous size." He had enough manuscript to fill 800 pages, but
he decided to print "only 350— or 400— at the farthest."38
"Too proud— or too ambitious— to publish it in any other than
the most elegant form," he arranged with a Boston printer to
execute the book in a manner "superior to the general stile
of historical works."39 Rising costs forced him to offer the
book at a higher price than he had originally intended. He
urged Governor Swain "to speak of my book as coming out
in an elegant stile of printing as often as you can— for such
conversation may not only assist the sales— but apologize for
any charge above 2 dollars."40
Although the book was in the binder's hands by January,
1834, it was not published until several months had elapsed.
The cost— more than $1,200 for 1,300 copies41— proved to be
too great for the author's limited resources; and he was
^James J. Iredell to David L. Swain, Raleigh, August 5, 1856, David
Lowry Swain Papers, State Department of Archives and History, herein-
after cited as David Lowry Swain Papers.
87 Jones to Swain, Cambridge, January 17, 1833, Swain Epistolary Cor-
respondence.
88 Jones to Swain, Cambridge, October 26, 1833, Swain Epistolary Cor-
respondence.
39 Jones to David L. Swain, Cambridge, October 26, 1833, Swain Epistolary
Correspondence; Jones to William Gaston, Boston, November 8, 1833, Wil-
liam Gaston Papers.
40 Jones to Swain, Cambridge, October 26, 1833, Swain Epistolary Cor-
respondence.
41 Jones to Swain, Cambridge, October 26, 1833, Swain Epistolary Cor-
respondence.
490 The North Carolina Historical Review
forced to sell his copyright to a "Mr. Patterson" of Boston.42
Shocco chafed at Patterson's delay in releasing the book, but
the latter insisted on withholding publication until the south-
ern merchants made their annual shopping visit to the north-
ern cities.43 Further delay resulted from the tardy arrival of
the copies shipped to Turner and Hughes, Raleigh book-
sellers, who were the co-publishers.44 It was not until Sep-
tember, 1834, that A Defence of the Revolutionary History
of the State of North Carolina from the Aspersions of Mr.
Jefferson by "Jo. Seawell Jones, of Shocco, North Carolina"
was finally published.
Jones devoted his book to three principal themes: a history
of North Carolina from the Regulator movement through
July 4, 1776; a defense of the "Mecklenburg Declaration of
Independence"; and a vindication of the character of William
Hooper. Thomas Jefferson, not George III, was the chief
villain. Prior to the publication date, Shocco had shown
copies of his book to several friends, most of whom "objected
to its severity" in dealing with the Virginian.45 Justice Joseph
Story, however, was pleased with the treatment accorded
Jefferson. "I read the work with great satisfaction," he wrote,
"& think it is a triumphant refutation of his misrepresenta-
tions. It will do you great credit with the public." 46 Patriotic
North Carolinians also applauded the defender of the State's
Revolutionary history. In May, 1835, Jones visited Charlotte
where he was an honored guest at the sixtieth anniversary of
the "Mecklenburg Declaration."47
In his treatment of the Regulators, Jones was more sym-
pathetic than were the previous North Carolina historians,
Hugh Williamson and Francois X. Martin. "I know from my
own investigations," he wrote Governor Swain, "that the
42 Jones to Swain, New York, February 12, 1834, Swain Epistolary Cor-
respondence.
"Jones to Swain, New York, February 12, 1834, Swain Epistolary
Correspondence.
"Jones to William Gaston, Washington City, August 7, 1834, William
Gaston Papers.
45 Jones to Gaston, Washington City, August 7, 1834, William Gaston
Papers.
46 Story to Jones, Cambridge, July 30, 1834, William Gaston Papers.
"Raleigh Register, June 9, 1835.
Joseph Seawell Jones 491
48
clamor of their being all tories during the war— is not true.
"I espouse the cause of the Regulators," he wrote William A.
Graham, "vindicate them— and sanctify them with the title
of real Fire worshippers."49 Jones is probably responsible
for the origin of the belief— still widely held by many North
Carolinians— that the Regulators were striking an early blow
for American independence in their opposition to Governor
William Tryon; for example, he referred to the colonial militia
that subdued them at Alamance as the "King's forces/' 50
The Washington Daily National Intelligencer (edited by
two former North Carolinians) declared Jones's work to be
"highly creditable to his talents." 51 Contemporary historians,
however, were divided in their opinion. Lyman C. Draper
wrote a few years later that Shocco "put his hands to the
plough, & looked back."52 On the other hand, Griffith J.
McRee, who had no respect for Jones as an individual, wrote
in 1857 that "I think his Def. of No. Ca. a reliable work-
creditable to him & the State." 53 In 1851, Fordyce M. Hub-
bard, in an address before the Historical Society of the Uni-
versity of North Carolina, expressed this judgment: "The
events he records, are well chosen, judiciously arranged,
often grouped with some measure of artistic skill, and, so far
as I can judge, his representations of important facts are very
much to be relied on for substantial truth and minute accu-
racy." But, Hubbard added, "It may be, that in some cases,
48 Jones to Swain, Cambridge, January 17. 1833, Swain Epistolary Cor-
respondence.
"Jones to Graham, Cambridge, January 12, 1833, William A. Graham
Papers.
50 Jones, Defence of North Carolina, 48. Jones was also apparently
responsible for originating the dispute concerning the roles of Alexander
Lillington and Richard Caswell during the Moore's Creek Bridge Campaign.
"If you publish the sketch of Gov. Caswell sent you some time since," David
L. Swain wrote the historian Benson J. Lossing on December 20, 1851,
"please strike out the words 'in conjunction with Col. Lillington., The
statement implying a divided command was first made by Jones, and fol-
lowed by Wheeler." William R. Davie Papers, No. 2, Southern Historical
Collection. See also Jones, Defence of North Carolina, 343.
51 Daily National Intelligencer (Washington, D. C), hereinafter cited
National Intelligencer, quoted in Raleigh Register, October 28, 1834.
52 Draper to David L. Swain, Baltimore, Maryland, February 18, 1845
(copy), in David Lowry Swain Papers.
63 McRee to David L. Swain, September 24, 1857, David Lowry Swain
Papers.
492 The North Carolina Historical Review
as has been alleged in regard to his story of Miss Esther
Wake, he took too much counsel of his imagination." 54
Ah, Miss Esther Wake, the charming and beautiful sister-
in-law of Governor Tryon— in whose honor Wake County was
named. Or so Shocco said. Actually, she was one of the first
of many hoaxes that he played upon an unsuspecting gener-
ation. Jones vowed to subject Governor Tryon "to a most
rigid scrutiny" and promised that not even "the lovely and
accomplished females of his family, his lady and her sister,
Miss Esther Wake," would "escape that vigilant observation
which a faithful historian on all such occasions will always
exercise."55 When puzzled New Bernians questioned the
existence of such a lady, Jones appeared to be offended. In
1838 he wrote William A. Graham an account of "Miss Esther
Wake" replete with quotations from "a number of private
letters" attesting to her beauty and charm.56 Yet no historian
—except Shocco, of course— has ever produced any contem-
porary reference to the beautiful heroine.57 In view of Jones's
subsequent career, it is not difficult to believe that Miss
Esther Wake was a creature of his imaginative mind.
Shocco was indeed gaining a well-earned reputation for
eccentricity. R. B. Creecy remembered him as a "man,
swarthy, tall, long-haired, [and] wild eyed."58 Returning to
Chapel Hill in 1832 when his friend William Gaston made
the commencement address to the Senior class, he proposed
to address the Freshmen "on the most approved method of
54 "An Address Delivered before the Historical Society of the University
of North Carolina, June, 1851," in University of North Carolina Maga-
zine, new series, I (October, 1852), 351.
65 Jones, Defence of North Carolina, 18.
68 Robert Digges Wimberly Connor, who found this account among the
papers of the North Carolina Historical Commission, apparently believed
the narrative — for a while. In 1915 he wrote that "unless our modern
historians are prepared to charge Jones with inventing the letters . . .
from which he quotes with so much circumstantiality, they will have to
revise their histories and do the lady the justice of restoring her to the
place of preeminence among the heroines of North Carolina history." "Was
Esther Wake a Myth?" North Carolina Booklet, XIV (April, 1915, 220-224.
67 See Marshall De Lancey Haywoodj Governor William Tryon and His
Administration in the Province of North Carolina, 1765-1771 (Raleigh,
privately printed, 1903), 74-75, and Kemp P. Battle, "Is Esther Wake a
Myth?" North Carolina University Magazine, XIV (November, 1894), 91-95.
58 R. B. Creecy, "What I Know about 'Schocco' [sic] Jones," Trinity
College Historical Society, Papers, II (1898), 31.
Joseph Sea well Jones 493
getting bulls in the Chapel."50 The following spring he at-
tended the wedding of Laura Baker and the Reverend Joseph
Saunders in Martin County. There were many raised eye-
brows among the other guests when Jones embraced the
bride almost before the groom had an opportunity to do so.60
His friends were doubtlessly pleased to learn in early 1834
that Shocco was planning to get married. "Ay— Governor— ,"
he wrote Swain from Cambridge on January 2. "Suppose I
bring a Yankee wife— about the first of May— and go to
housekeeping!"61 Shortly afterward he wrote that he had
persuaded "a couple of moral industrious and enterprizing
printers" from Boston "to go with me to Raleigh with a view
of setting up a press and executing all printing jobs."62 At
last, it appeared, Shocco was planning to settle down.
But, alas, within a few weeks a duel had smashed this
idyllic dream. "The real cause of the difficulty," he wrote
Swain, "is the delicate reputation of a Lady— and this fact
must prevent me from being too particular even to you." A
certain Hooper— no relative of the North Carolina Revolu-
tionary statesman— had "questioned not only her integrity
—but the honor of my most particular and beloved male
friend." Jones had boxed Hooper's jaws "and succeeded in
giving him without the slightest injury to myself— further and
proper chastisement." A duel had followed. Shocco assured
his friend that reports that he had been wounded in the left
leg were erroneous. Writing from New York on February 12,
he stated that "I do not only walk with great ease— but al-
most every evening waltz with the most sublime dignity—
with the lovely ladies of this mamCmloth city." The duel
however, had broken up his "matrimonial prospects.
"63
69 George N. Evans, "Reminiscences of Joe Sewell [sic] Jones (Shocco
Jones)," Southern History Association, Publications, X (May, 1906), 141-
142, hereinafter cited as Evans, "Reminiscences."
w Evans, "Reminiscences," 142. The marriage took place on March 25,
1833. Raleigh Register, May 21, 1833.
61 Jones to Swain, Boston, January 2, 1833 [1834], Swain Epistolary
Correspondence.
82 Jones to Swain, Boston, January 22, 1834, Swain Epistolary Corre-
spondence.
88 Jones to Swain, New York, February 12, 1834, Swain Epistolary Cor-
respondence. According to the Boston Daily Evening Transcript, February
1, 1834, the duel took place on the previous day at Pawtucket, Rhode Island.
"Mr. Jones was wounded, his antagonist's ball passing through his left
thigh. The wound is not considered dangerous, he being able to walk."
494 The North Carolina Historical Review
The meeting with Hooper took place within the borders
of Rhode Island, where duelling was prohibited by law. Gov-
ernor John Brown Francis of that state— according to Shocco
—issued a proclamation for the arrest of the participants. At
any rate, when Jones returned to North Carolina, he drafted
a counter proclamation— to which he affixed the "Great Seal
of Shocco"— offering a reward of "a barrel of tar and forty
pounds of feathers" for Brown's apprehension! Shocco vowed
never to fight another duel in Rhode Island. The next time
he engaged in one, he would do so across the borders of that
state, "which is not more than the usual distance between
the parties in such cases convened." 64 In view of Shocco's
later venture on the field of honor, perhaps the affair with
Hooper should not be considered too seriously. George N.
Evans felt that the duel had been "gotten up for effect"— to
publicize Jones's forthcoming book.65
Publication of his first volume did not terminate Shocco's
interest in the history of the "Old North State"— a phrase,
incidentally, that he popularized and perhaps originated.66
He was one of the charter members of the North Carolina
Historical Society, incorporated by the General Assembly
during its 1832-1833 session.67 In October, 1834, he issued a
call for the organization of the society.68 Apparently no record
exists of this meeting— scheduled for December 1 in Raleigh.
At any rate the movement to establish a state historical so-
ciety at that time came to naught.
As early as January, 1834, Shocco had "already projected a
new book on the history of the state."69 He requested per-
mission for an "entire insight" into the records of the Secre-
tary of State's office, which the General Assembly granted.70
He obtained additional collections of private manuscripts,
04 Ashe, Biographical History, VI, 333-334.
85 Evans, "Reminiscences," 144.
60 Ashe, Biographical History, VI, 331.
07 Public and Private Laws of North Carolina, 1832-1833, Chapter LXIII.
Governor Swain was responsible for making Jones a charter member.
Swain to Jones, Raleigh, December 30, 1832, David Lowry Swain Papers.
08 Raleigh Register, October 28, 1834.
69 Jones to Swain, Boston, January 2, 1833 [1834], Swain Epistolary
Correspondence.
70 Public and Private Laws of North Carolina, 1833-1834, Chapter
cxxxv.
Joseph Sea well Jones 495
including the papers of Archibald D. Murphey and Richard
Henderson.71 In October, 1834, he wrote Swain from Wash-
ington, D. C, that he had examined the records relating to
North Carolina history in the State and other federal depart-
ments. "I have by the favour of the President . . . ," he wrote,
"got an insight into the Colonial office at London." Andrew
Jackson had been "exceedingly kind," permitting Shocco to
order copies in his name from a London bookseller.72
Jones tentatively entitled his new work, "Curiosities of
North Carolina." In November, 1834, he wrote William A.
Graham that the first volume was already "in type," but that
he had suspended publication "to see if I cannot do some-
thing in the way of collecting some interesting matter when
I shall come to the State." 73 The following April, the Raleigh
Register reported that Jones was preparing "A Picturesque
History of North Carolina"— to be "served up in a style of
extraordinary splendor . . . with rich, and of course expensive
engravings." 74 Seven months later Jones wrote Graham that
"I have completed the first volume of my Picturesque history
of N Carolina— and it will be before the public as soon as I
can close some little traffic with the gentlemen of the trade.
It comprises only the history of the Raleigh colony and is
adorned with 12 plates and sixteen vignettes of rather an
expensive character." 75
In January, 1836, "A Democrat," writing for the Richmond
Enquirer, reported that he had lately seen "a copy of a work,
71 Jones to Swain, Shocco, August 24, 1833, Swain Epistolary Corre-
spondence. For many years these and other papers entrusted to Jones were
feared lost. After Shocco's departure from North Carolina, Lyman C.
Draper tried in vain to get information concerning their location. After
Jones's death, David L. Swain, through "a lucky accident," traced them to
their hiding place and deposited them with the collection of the Historical
Society of the University of North Carolina. Draper to Swain, Madison,
Wisconsin, June 20, 1855, Swain to James J. Iredell, Chapel Hill, August
8, 1856, David Lowry Swain Papers; William Henry Hoyt (ed.), The
Papers of Archibald D. Murphey (Raleigh: North Carolina Historical Com-
mission, 2 volumes, 1914), II, 213; Kemp P. Battle, History of the Univer-
sity of North Carolina (Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton, 2 volumes, 1907-
1912), I, 487.
72 Jones to Swain, Washington, D. C, October 23, 1834, Swain Epistolary
Correspondence.
73 Jones to Graham, New York, November 21, 1834, William A. Graham
Papers.
74 Raleigh Register, April 14, 1835.
75 Jones to Graham, New York, November 13, 1835, William A. Graham
Papers.
496 The North Carolina Historical Review
entitled 'A Picturesque History of the State of North Caro-
lina; by Jo. Seawell Jones, of Shocco: Raleigh, Turner &
Hughes— 1835/ "In the first place,'' he wrote, "no one will
pretend to believe that a work, containing a dozen large and
expensive steel engravings, and sixteen vignettes— all exe-
cuted in London— was ever published in Raleigh, North
Carolina. It is a mere bookseller's trick. . . . ' Although he
criticised Shocco for his harsh treatment of Jefferson and
Virginia, the writer conceded that "Mr. Jones has got up this
book in a style superior to any work of the age." 76
In reply to "A Democrat," a correspondent for a "Boston
Paper" took exception to the inference that "Mr. J's work was
[not] printed and got up in this country." "We assert from
actual knowledge," the writer continued, "that it is purely an
American work, printed and published in America, which
affords a proud evidence of the progress which the arts have
made in our country."77
"A Picturesque History of North Carolina" was another
hoax perpetrated by Shocco Jones.78 Possibly he planned such
a work but it was never published. The correspondent of a
"Boston Paper" predicted that "the promise of 'A Democrat'
to pursue that subject in a more studied manner will not be
performed."79 Undoubtedly he spoke with authority: it ap-
pears likely that the author of "A Picturesque History" wrote
both reviews!
In the meantime Jones wrote a series of articles on North
Carolina history, which were published in the New-York
Mirror, a popular literary magazine of the day, the Raleigh
Register, and other journals.80 Perhaps originally intended for
78 Quoted in New Bern Spectator and Literary Journal, January 22, 1836,
hereinafter cited as New Bern Spectator.
77 Quoted in New Bern Spectator, February 26, 1836.
78 "The Norfolk Beacon is also led into the common error respecting
Jones's History of North Carolina. Did the Beacon ever see that History —
or ever see any one who did? The History was a hoax. . . ." Vicksburg Sen-
tinel (Mississippi), November 5, 1839, hereinafter cited as Vicksburg
Sentinel, quoting Old Dominion (Portsmouth, Virginia), hereinafter cited
as Old Dominion.
79 Quoted in New Bern Spectator, February 26, 1836.
80 The New-York Mirror; A Weekly Gazette of Literature and the Fine
Arts, XIV (November 4, 1836), 149-150, (November 12, 1836), 158, (No-
vember 19, 1836), 166. See also Raleigh Register, September 16, 1834, No-
vember 10, 1835, July 23, 1838.
Joseph Sea well Jones 497
"A Picturesque History," they provided the nucleus for a
small volume entitled Memorials of North Carolina, pub-
lished in 1838.81 Shocco's second book— it boasted no engrav-
ings or vignettes— contained chapters dealing with "The
Landing of Sir Walter's Colony," "The Mecklenburg Declara-
tion of Independence," "Roanoke Island," and "Miss Flora
MacDonald." Over one third of the book was devoted to a
newspaper controversy in which Jones had defended his
"assumptions for North Carolina." All in all, Memorials of
North Carolina, to quote Shocco's own criticism of William-
son's history, "reflected no lustre either on the author or the
subject." 82
In the 1830's Shocco took an active interest in politics. In
the nullification controversy his sympathies lay with the ad-
vocates of state rights. To Governor Swain in January, 1833,
he pledged his whole-hearted allegiance to North Carolina.
"Consistently with that faithful allegiance," he wrote, "I will
do anything but fight— a remark I now make to save myself
the trouble of a refusal when you shall order me off with a
shot gun— to the State of S. Carolina." 83
Like many Nullifiers, Jones joined the newly created Whig
party in 1834. At that time he criticised his venerable rela-
tive, Nathaniel Macon, who supported President Jackson's
removal of the deposits from the Bank of the United States.
"I was surprised to hear this," he wrote his great-uncle, "for
I thought you were always opposed to breaches of faith—
. public as well as private." 84
In December, 1835, Shocco participated in a Raleigh meet-
ing that endorsed the nomination of Senator Hugh Lawson
White, one of the Whig candidates for President in 1836.85
Yet in the closing days of the campaign he attended a New
York rally in honor of General William Henry Harrison, the
81 It was printed by Scatcherd & Adams of New York. For a favorable
review, perhaps written by Jones himself, see Raleigh Register, Novem-
ber 12, 1838.
82 Jones, Defence of North Carolina, 14.
83 Jones to Swain, Cambridge, January 17, 1833, Swain Epistolary Cor-
respondence.
84 Jones to Macon, Washington City, April 4, 1834, Nathaniel Macon
Papers.
^Raleigh Register, December 29, 1835.
498 The North Carolina Historical Review
Whig candidate in most of the northern states. According to
reports in the Democratic press, Jones, "while pufFd up with
flattery and mellowed with wine," assured the gathering at
Niblo's Saloon that "the Whig party of N. Carolina was ready
to go for Harrison in the event of White being out of the
question." North Carolina Democrats used this indiscreet
statement by the "young federal- whig 'in buckram' ' to bol-
ster their argument that White was merely a stalking horse
for Harrison in the South.86 By a narrow margin, North Caro-
lina cast its vote for Martin Van Buren, the Democratic can-
didate.
In 1837 Shocco met Van Buren.87 Two years later he was
a strong supporter of the President he had opposed in 1836.
"A good old Democrat of the So. Carolina school," he wrote
the Kinderhook statesman years later, " [I] learned to love you
in former times— and to know you to be a thorough State
Rights man. . . ." 88 When Jones pulled off another of his cele-
brated hoaxes in 1839, one North Carolina editor attributed
"his fall from the high stand which he formerly occupied, as
a courteous, high-toned well-informed gentleman of honour,
to nothing but his recent defection from his old Whig asso-
ciates. . . . " 89
It was another "affair of honor" that thrust Jones once
more into public prominence in 1839. On April 27 the Nor-
folk Beacon and the Portsmouth Old Dominion carried ac-
counts of a duel between the North Carolina historian and
"Mr. H. Wright Wilson of New York." The affair had taken
place the previous day near the Dismal Swamp Canal in
Norfolk County, Virginia, close to the North Carolina line.
The dispute between the two men, it was revealed, had
arisen from an incident at a Petersburg race track. Wilson had
stated in Jones's presence that "I know enough of Southern
people to know that they NEVER comply with their obliga-
88 North Carolina Standard (Raleigh), October 27, 1836.
87 Jones secured a letter of introduction from Nathaniel Macon. Macon
to Van Buren, Warren County, June 18, 1837, in Elizabeth Gregory McPher-
son (ed.), "Unpublished Letters from North Carolinians to Van Buren,"
The North Carolina Historical Review, XV (January, 1938), 71.
88 Jones to Van Buren, Columbus, Mississippi, July 8, 1848, Van Buren
Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.
89 New Bern Spectator, October 18, 1839.
Joseph Sea well Jones 499
tions"— whereupon Shocco had twisted the New Yorker's
nose. A challenge followed, and the "melancholy affair, "
with pistols at six paces, was "conducted in the most honor-
able manner by all parties." On the first fire the ball from
Wilson's pistol grazed Jones's temple. Shocco, however, was
a more accurate shot, and his adversary fell dead from a
gaping wound in the breast." 90
The first non-participant to learn the details of this tragic
rencontre was H. C. McLaughlin, an Edenton schoolmaster
who was journeying to Norfolk. He had stopped at the Dis-
mal Swamp Hotel near Lake Drummond about noon on that
fatal day "for the purpose of resting my horse and taking
some refreshments." "I had not been seated many minutes,"
he revealed afterwards, "when I observed Mr. Jones, of
Shocco, N. C, enter, under much apparent perturbation, and
evidently, after a hard and long chase."
Jones approached the schoolmaster and hastily confided
to him the details of the tragedy. He was being pursued by
officers who had been informed of the proposed duel; conse-
quently it was necessary for him to leave Virginia. Yet the
unsettled state of his affairs in Norfolk, where his mother
now lived, made it imperative for him to return there for a
few hours. Of his new acquaintance Jones made a strange
request. "The reasons urged in behalf of this request,"
McLaughlin later explained, "were of such a nature as to
decide me, at once, in rendering him any aid in my power
that might be likely to facilitate his visit to, and escape from
Norfolk, and I accordingly agreed to his plan, that I should
take his clothes and name and accompany him to Norfolk;
and, in case of danger of arrest, pass myself off as Mr. Jones,
until he was beyond the limits of Virginia."
Shocco showed McLaughlin copies of the correspondence
that had led to the fatal meeting. He then accompanied his
new friend to the field of honor, which was found 'fairly
and honorably measured,' and stained in several places with
90 The American Beacon and Virginia and North Carolina Gazette
(Norfolk, Va.), hereinafter cited as Beacon; and the Old Dominion accounts
were reprinted by the Raleigh Star and North Carolina Gazette, May 8,
1839, hereinafter cited as Raleigh Star, and the Western Carolinian (Salis-
bury), May 17, 1839, respectively.
500 The North Carolina Historical Review
blood." They visited a nearby house where McLaughlin
examined a blood-stained handkerchief. A woman testified
that she had been attracted to the field by the sound of pistol
fire and had discovered the handkerchief. She also had seen
what appeared to be "a dead body in a sack" being carried
from the scene.91
Jones and McLaughlin then proceeded to Norfolk, where
news of the duel had preceded their arrival. That night
Shocco told his story to the editor of the Norfolk Beacon.
"Should it be said that it was singular in a duellist to tell the
story to an editor," his newest confidant explained, "it must
be remembered that the mother and the family of Jones re-
sides [sic] in Norfolk, and that the affair according to his
statement must be made public by those who are in quest of
his person, with such exagerrations as might give unneces-
sary pain to his friends." 92 On the following day the Beacon
revealed the affair to its readers. "We have reason to know of
the high appreciation in which the character and worth of
the dec'd was held by him whose hand he has fallen," la-
mented the editor, "& the bitter regret which he feels that
such a step was deemed indispensible [sic]."93
After a brief visit with his family, Shocco hastily prepared
to leave the state. About midnight he left hurriedly for North
Carolina "on a swift horse," which his new friend, the Eden-
ton schoolmaster, had provided. McLaughlin returned to
North Carolina on the following day, "and, being dressed in
Mr. Jones' clothes felt no slight apprehensions for my own
safety, when, about eight miles from the town I met some
nine or ten constables, with green bags, and a grave looking
coroner, returning after their fruitless search for the dead
body of the unfortunate Wilson." 94
Papers throughout the nation carried accounts of the duel
between Jones and Wilson. But within a short time many
suspicions were raised concerning the affair. No body of the
wFor McLaughlin's version see the National Intelligencer (tri-weekly) ,
October 3, 1839, quoting the Alexandria Gazette (District of Columbia),
hereinafter cited as Alexandria Gazette.
82 Tarboro* Press, October 26, 1839, quoting the Beacon.
89 Raleigh Star, May 8, 1839.
"National Intelligencer, October 3, 1839, quoting Alexandria Gazette.
Joseph Seawell Jones 501
victim could be found, although Jones had said that it would
be shipped on an early boat to Baltimore. The correspond-
ence leading to the meeting, promised by Shocco, was not
immediately forthcoming.95 Within a few weeks several ed-
itors, aware of Shocco's "love of fun, frolick and hoax,"
expressed disbelief in the reports of the duel. Yet credence
in the authenticity of the story was somewhat restored when
the promised correspondence was delivered to the editor of
the Beacon "under the frank of a member of Congress from
North Carolina," who expressed his faith in Jones's integ-
rity.96 "We believe," said the puzzled editor of the Baltimore
Chronicle, "this question is destined to be as mysterious as
the birth, education, and death of Caspar Hauser."97
The puzzle was finally solved by McLaughlin himself. The
schoolmaster had returned "to the spot of painful remem-
brance,' where the duel took place, to remove some misgiv-
ings, which, in the face of all evidence to the contrary, were
daily arising in my mind, with regard to the mysterious af-
fair." "I reached the spot," McLaughlin wrote, "and there
found a solitary mourner, lamenting the fate of an unfor-
tunate pig, found a short time before, near the duelling
ground, whose mangled throat fully indicated whence the
blood flowed, by which the ground and handkerchief were
so abundantly stained."98
Several months before McLaughlin revealed that "Mr. H.
Wright Wilson" had been "nothing more than a little Pasquo-
tank roaster,"99 Shocco had embarked upon an even more
fantastic adventure in the state of Mississippi. It made his
duel hoax by comparison seem "but a small affair." 10°
Mississippi was perhaps the hardest hit of all the states
during the years following the panic of 1837. The "wildcat"
banking system, which had made possible fantastic specula-
tions in lands and slaves during the "Flush Times" of the
mid-1830's, had completely collapsed. "We have had hard
06 New Bern Spectator, May 10, 1839; see also Raleigh Register, June 8,
1839; Commercial Advertiser (New York), June 5, 1839.
86 Tarboro9 Press, October 26, 1839, quoting the Beacon.
97 Quoted in Raleigh Star, June 19, 1839.
"National Intelligencer, October 3, 1839, quoting Alexandria Gazette.
"Raleigh Register, March 20, 1840.
100 Vicksburg Sentinel, November 11, 1839.
502 The North Carolina Historical Review
times in No. Ca.," said one visitor in 1840, "hard times in the
east, hard times everywhere, but Miss, exceeds them
all " 101 Shocco turned to Mississippi— according to one
contemporary— because "the present rottenness of her bank-
ing institutions and the generous and unsuspecting character
of her sons" made that state a fertile field for his peculiar
talents." 102
Arriving in Columbus a few weeks after he "had made
poor Wilson, alias the old lady's pig, 'bite the dust,'
Shocco carried with him impressive parcels labelled "Cape
Fear Money" and "Public Documents," which he deposited
in a local bank. Reluctantly, it appeared, he let it be known
that he had come to the state in a dual capacity: As an agent
of the Bank of Cape Fear of Wilmington, North Carolina, he
was seeking investment opportunities in Mississippi; as an
emissary of the United States Treasury Department, he had
instructions to compel the Agricultural and Planters' Banks
of Natchez to repay the government deposits that had been
entrusted to those two "pet banks" prior to the suspension of
specie payments in 1837.
Under such circumstances Jones became at once the most
respected and feared man in Mississippi. He was wined and
dined by applicants for loans— for in 1839, as one newspaper
correspondent expressed it, "if there were a bank in the desert
of Sahara, which had money to loan, the Mississippians would
find it out, and besiege its portals."104 The directors of the
hard-pressed Real Estate Bank of Columbus were so anxious
to obtain a loan from the Bank of Cape Fear that they elected
Shocco's stepfather, James Gordon, their president at a salary
of $3,000 per annum!105 Some minor technicality, such as
failure to obtain final approval from officials in Wilmington,
always prevented Jones from completing negotiations for the
loan; and in the meantime he was entertained royally.
101 William H. Wills. "A Southern Traveler's Diary in 1840," in South:
ern History Association, Publications, VIII (January, 1904), 35.
102 Raleigh Register, March 20, 1840.
103 Raleigh Register, March 20, 1840.
104 Weekly Mississippian (Jackson) , April 5, 1839.
105 Southern Argus (Columbus, Mississippi), June 18, 1839; Vicksburg
Sentinel, December 24, 1839.
Joseph Sea well Jones 503
Shocco's fame preceded him as he journeyed to Jackson,
Vicksburg, and Natchez. In each town he placed his special
deposits in a local bank. In Jackson he became fast friends
with former Governor Hiram Runnels, president of the Union
Bank of Mississippi. Runnels, who had been authorized to
float a new $5,000,000 bond issue for his state-sponsored
institution, eagerly solicited Jones's advice. He apparently
hoped to sell a portion of the bonds to the Bank of Cape
Fear.106 In Vicksburg Shocco became equally intimate with
Seargent S. Prentiss, the celebrated Whig orator, whom he
promised a liberal fee for aid in the government's case against
the "pet banks." 107 Jones and Prentiss were inseparable even
after Prentiss began his campaign for the United States
Senate that summer.
In Natchez the directors of the Agricultural and Planters'
Banks, informed of the nature of Shocco's mission, trembled
at the prospect before them. When Jones arrived in that
city, the Natchez "nabobs" courted him assiduously.108 Appar-
ently the managers of the "pet banks" hoped to hold off the
wrath of Jones, the Treasury agent, until they could negotiate
loans from Shocco, the representative of the Bank of Cape
Fear!
Throughout the summer of 1839 Jones successfully kept
up the masquerade. It was not until October, four months
after his arrival in Columbus, that the United States Marshal
William M. Gwin, who had not originally doubted the genu-
ine nature of his mission, exposed Jones as a prankster.
Shocco had answered an innocently posed question in such
a manner that the marshal became convinced that he was
not an agent of the Treasury Department.109 Within a few
days Jones had quietly slipped away and it was only then
M8 Vicksburg Sentinel, November 11, 1839.
107 For further details concerning Jones and Prentiss see Shields, Prentiss,
296-297.
:m Vicksburg Sentinel, February 5, 1840.
109 ". . . I discovered he was an imposter [sic] by [his] saying in answer
to a mere idle question of mine as to who issued the distress warrants, he
after hesitating replied the Secry of the Treasury, when in fact all were
issued by the Solicitor of the Treasury. My question arose from a change
at that time in the Solicitor3 office. ..." Gwin to J. F. H. Claiborne, San
Francisco, November 14, 1878, Claiborne Papers, Southern Historical
Collection.
504 The North Carolina Historical Review
that an examination revealed that his parcel of "Cape Fear
Money" contained nothing but blank pieces of paper and
that his "Public Documents" were in reality old newspapers!
The exposure of Jones's Mississippi hoax occurred almost
simultaneously with the disclosure that his duel with Wilson
had also been a cunning deception.110 A few months later,
Francis Leech, a minor Democratic politician of Columbus,
wrote an engaging account of "The Mammoth Humbug, or
the Adventures of Shocco Jones in Mississippi, in the Summer
of 1839," which was published in the New York Herald and
copied by scores of other newspapers.111 Shocco Jones became
a household name throughout the nation.
But Shocco's Mississippi adventure was his last great hoax.
"He seemed suddenly to have sunk into oblivion. Whether he
were gone down 'to the vaults' of Death, or were touring in
Europe as the agent of the United States Bank, or smoking
a pipe with the Sultan, or doing pilgrimage, in sandal or
sackcloth, to the Holy Shrine of Jerusalem, or joining a cara-
van to that of Mecca, or engaged in exploring for the north-
west passage, or gone to establish a bank in ,the Sandwich
Islands, or become Prime Minister of the Emperor of Japan,
uo McLaughlin's letter to the public was published in the Intelligencer
(Macon, Mississippi) on October 31, just two weeks after Jones and
Prentiss attended a Whig barbecue in that town. On October 30 the
Vicksburg Sentinel exposed the secret of Shocco's special deposits.
111 "The Mammoth Humbug" enjoyed a great popularity. For example,
both the Star and the Intelligencer and Petersburg Commercial Adver-
tiser of Petersburg, Virginia, carried the account, and the Star later
published it in pamphlet form. Vicksburg Sentinel, April 21, 1840. In
Mississippi it was even more popular, being copied by several newspapers.
James Hagan, editor of the Vicksburg Sentinel, published five hundred
extra copies of the issue that contained the narrative. He stated on
March 30 that "the edge of public appetite seemed only to be 'set' by that
meagre supply." In a letter to Joel R. Poinsett, May 15, 1840, Chapman
Levy of Columbus identified Leech as the author of the anonymous "His-
tory of Shocco Jones's travels and operations in Mississippi." Poinsett
Section, Henry D. Gilpin Papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania,
Philadelphia. The present writer's account is based on Leech's narrative,
as it appeared in the Raleigh Register, March 20, 1840, rather than the
better known account of "Shocco Jones jn Mississippi," in H. S. Fulkerson,
Random Recollections of Early Days in Mississippi (Vicksburg: Vicks-
burg Printing and Publishing Company, 1885; reprinted by Otto Claitor
of Baton Rouge, La., 1937), 66-75. Portions of Fulkerson's account are
reproduced in Arthur Palmer Hudson, Humor of the Old Deep South
(New York: Macmillan Company, 1936), 362-366, hereinafter cited as Hud-
son, Humor of the Old Deep South.
Joseph Sea well Jones 505
or President of the Bank of China"— nobody seemed to
know.112
After the burst of his "Mississippi bubble," Shocco never
again attracted public attention in such a spectacular fash-
ion.113 He left the state for a while but soon returned to Co-
lumbus, where he lived for a time in the law office of George
N. Evans, a former North Carolinian. Later, in a delirium, he
jumped from a second story window and broke a leg. He
subsequently retired to the home of his mother and step-
father near Columbus. After her death he lived alone. In his
latter years he became a devout Roman Catholic.114 "From
between the crevices of my cabin," he told one visitor to his
retreat, "I can peep at the great world rolling by and laugh
at it, as I did when I was in it." 115
Although he had few contacts with his fellow men, he
retained the marvelous power of conversation that had sus-
tained him in many of his earlier adventures. One who met
him in 1853 wrote that "such were his knowledge of men and
things in the world of fashion and politics— his powers of
narrative and description— his talent at gracefully embellish-
ing every subject he touched— the ease with which he passed
from one topic to another, &c; &c;— that I was perfectly de-
lighted, and almost forgot his former errors."116 Another
visitor to his retreat, perhaps the novelist Joseph Holt Ingra-
ham, reported that "he was full of anecdote! He knew Van
Buren, Jackson, both Adamses, Calhoun, Clay, Randolph,
112 Hudson, Humor of the Old Deep South, 368-369, quoting Natchez
Daily Courier, May 15, 1853.
113 According to one report, Jones went to Tuscaloosa, Alabama, imme-
diately following the exposure of his Mississippi hoax. The Alabama leg-
islature was then in session. He informed the prominent men of the state
that he had concluded from his studies of physiology and comparative
anatomy that "moral and mental greatness was derived solely from the
maternal parent." He proposed to write biographical sketches of Ala-
bama's distinguished sons to prove his hypothesis. Apparently he had
little difficulty in obtaining biographical information about the maternal
ancestors of many Alabamians. This story is related in a slightly revised
version of Leech's narrative, The Mammoth Humbug: or, the Adventures
of Shocco Jones, in Mississippi, in the Summer of 1839, including the
History of His Visit to Alabama, and "the Way He Come It over Certain
Members of Its Legislature, &c. &c. (Memphis, Tennessee, 1842), 21,
hereinafter cited as The Mammoth Humbug. A copy of this pamphlet is in
the North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina Library.
114 Evans, "Reminiscences," 146-149.
115 Hudson, Humor the Old Deep South, 372, quoting Natchez Daily
Courier, May 15, 1853.
u8 Raleigh Register, June 4, 1853.
506 The North Carolina Historical Review
and every man of note who had figured on the world's stage
for thirty years past, and had anecdotes to tell of each. He
knew the private history of everybody who had any 'private
history,' had danced with the belles of two generations, had
dined with all the foreign ministers of seven administrations,
and was au fait of all the political and domestic scandal of
Washington for as many reigns." 117
But for the most part Shocco lived "forgotten by the
world, . . . smoking pipes all night, and dreaming of the
world he had flown from and sleeping all day. He was very
grey; he had the habits of a monk, in his love for solitude, for
his cabin was his castle. ... In more absolute obscurity a
man could not live who had formerly been so prominent
before the public eye."118 He died on February 20,
1855.119
"I have never . . . inflicted a pang on the crushed spirit-
never drawn a tear from the widow or the orphan— never
imposed on the weak and defenceless, nor betrayed the con-
fiding heart of the young, the beautiful and the good." These
words have been attributed to the "immortal Shocco." 12° His
contemporaries— except those few who had fallen the hardest
for his ruses— bore him no malice. Upon his death, the editor
of the Columbus Democrat summed up the feelings of many:
"He was a remarkable man in many respects — possessed a
vigorous well cultivated intellect and fine social qualities, but
unfortunately, he yielded to the tempting seduction of the Epicu-
rain [sic'] philosophy and buried a talent which, if properly used
might have raised him to distinction. . . . But there was no malice,
ill-feeling or selfishness in his hoaxes and humbugs. It was all
done for the humor and fun of the thing. When we remember his
companionable disposition, his easy, quiet humor, his sprightli-
ness and jests on occasions, we forget his failings ; we drop a tear
of regret over his grave and feel inclined to exclaim, with Hamlet
in the play, ALAS ! POOR SHOCCO ! ! " 121
171 Hudson, Humor of the Old Deep South, 371. The editor of the Raleigh
Register, June 4, 1853, in reprinting the same article from the Natchez
Daily Courier, May 15, 1853, surmised that Ingraham was the author.
118 Hudson, Humor of the Old Deep South, 372, quoting Natchez Daily
Courier, May 15, 1853.
118 Natchez Daily Courier, March 3, 1855.
*" The Mammoth Humbug, 22.
121 Quoted in Natchez Daily Courier, March 3, 1855.
WOODROW WILSON: THE EVOLUTION OF A NAME *
By George C. Osborn
"Our boy is named Thomas Woodrow," wrote the child's
mother to his grandfather, the Reverend Thomas Woodrow.1
The child was born, on December 28, 1856, to Joseph Ruggles
Wilson and Jessie Woodrow Wilson. Within a year, this
"beautiful baby boy," as the neighbors said of him, who was
just as good as he could be and who gave his mother as
little trouble as it is possible for a baby to do, was answering
to the call of "Tommy." And Tommy the child's name was
to remain for years. It was Tommy Wilson who played chase
or tag with his two older sisters in the yard of the Presby-
terian Manse in Augusta, Georgia. It was Tommy who, as
he grew taller, but still a small boy, held his father's hand as
the two of them went to visit members of the minister's
spiritual flock. Upon returning from the round of clerical
calls, father Wilson habitually inverted a chair on the floor,
and fortified by a pillow, reclined on the floor with Tommy
stretched out on a nearby rug to listen, fascinated, to the
reading of choice bits of literature, or orations from famous
authors, or passages from the Bible.
One autumn morning Professor Joseph T. Derry looked up
from his desk at his private school in Augusta to see the
Reverend Joseph R. Wilson standing before him. Upon shak-
ing the local Presbyterian minister's hand, he was introduced
to Tommy. To the other students at Professor Derry's school
young Wilson was Tommy. For those interested in such mat-
ters, Tommy was not an average student. In fact, he learned
his A-B-C-'s at nine years of age and had passed his eleventh
birthday before he could read.
In 1870, Dr. Wilson moved to Columbia, South Carolina,
to become Professor of Rhetoric and Theology in a seminary.
* Dr. Osborn wishes to acknowledge his indebtedness to the American
Philosophical Society for a grant which made the writing of this article
possible.
1 Jessie W. Wilson to Thomas Woodrow, April 27, 1857, in Wilson
Papers, Library of Congress, hereinafter cited Wilson Papers.
[507]
508 The North Carolina Historical Review
When Sunday came Tommy could frequently be seen accom-
panying his mother to the First Presbyterian church. Jessie,
or Janet Woodrow, who was born in England, was thought
by many of her husband's parishioners to be "high hatish."
This was perhaps untrue but she was definitely reserved. Of
this reserve she bestowed a bountiful amount upon her first
born son— Thomas Woodrow.
While at Columbia, the Wilsons built a large house, for
years one of the show places of the South Carolina metropo-
lis. An example of the Irish love for grandeur, the Wilsons
delighted in showing it to friends and in entertaining neigh-
bors in it. Occasionally, Uncle James Wilson, educated at
Heidelberg and elsewhere abroad, came to visit and to
instruct young Tommy in the sciences. Apparently, the
nephew was dull or preoccupied or just had no liking for
scientific facts.
"Tommy," quoth Uncle James, "you can learn if you will.
Then, for heaven's sake, boy, get some of this. At least, if
you have no ambition to be a scholar, you might wish to be a
gentleman." 2
On July 5, 1873, "three young men out of the Sunday
School and well known to us all," so read the records of the
First Presbyterian Church, applied for membership in the
church. After confessions they were unanimously admitted
to membership in the church. One of these three lads was
Tommy Wilson; only this time the record reads— "Thomas
W. Wilson."3
Another private school, just across the street from the new
Wilson home was attended by Tommy. To all his fellow
schoolmates the Wilson youth was just plain Tommy Wilson.
He was an average boy and gave no indication of any unusual
future whatsoever.
In such an ordinary environment, unusual only in that he
was a preacher's son, Tommy Wilson had his childish heart
formed and his youthful mind trained. He grew from freckled
2 William Allen White, Woodrow Wilson: The Man, His Times, and
His Task (Boston, 1924), 47, hereinafter cited White, Woodrow Wilson.
3 See Minutes of the First Presbyterian Church, Columbia, South Caro-
lina, South Carolina Archives Department, Columbia.
Woodrow Wilson 509
boyhood to callow youth in the grand house in Columbia.
During these years the Wilson boy was always "Tommy";
he was never "Tom."4
In the fall of 1873, Davidson College, located some twenty
miles north of Charlotte, in a country of rolling red fields, had
among its newly matriculated students a youthful "T. W.
Wilson." To young Wilson's one hundred-seven fellow Da-
vidsonians, he was Tommy. Interestingly, however, in this
the first time the young Wilson's name is officially recorded
away from home he became "T. W. Wilson." For the first
time Tommy joined a literary society— the Eumenean So-
ciety—and for the first time he participated in debate. For
sitting on the rostrum, "T. Wilson" was fined ten cents by
his society and, evidently, paid his fine.5 Freshman Wilson
gave an original oration at least once during the session
before his society confreres.
The young Wilson was witty and popular, but languid.
Reportedly, the captain of the baseball team, for which
Tommy was an aspirant, remarked explosively: "Tommy
Wilson would be a good baseball player if he weren't so
damned lazy." 6 Perhaps the boy wasn't so lazy; he just didn't
have the physical stamina for the game.
Back home in June, 1874, went the Wilson boy, carrying in
his pocket a report card that contained only average grades.
Upon arriving home Tommy's father realized at once that
his son was not well. For some fifteen months this tall frail
youth remained at home. Home meant, after September,
1874, Wilmington, North Carolina, where the itinerant Dr.
Wilson became pastor of the First Presbyterian Church.
When acquaintances were made, the first-born son was
always presented as Tommy. Somehow, the lad never cared
much for the North Carolina port town. Many times in the
years ahead, after the boy became known only as Woodrow
Wilson, he referred to his youth in the South. Frequently, he
* White, Woodrow Wilson, 81.
BRay Stannard Baker, Woodrow Wilson, His Life and Letters (New
York, 8 volumes, 1927-1939) I, 76, hereinafter cited as Baker, Woodrow
Wilson.
•Baker, Woodrow Wilson, 74.
510 The North Carolina Historical Review
mentioned Augusta or Columbia. Seldom did he refer to
Wilmington.
In the autumn of 1875, "T. W. Wilson of Wilmington,
North Carolina" entered Princeton College.7 Not very well
prepared for the Freshman work there, Tommy Wilson found
his work most difficult. In fact not once did he make the
Dean's List, or the Honor Roll, during the eight semesters
he was a student. When one realizes that the list included
from eighteen to twenty-two per cent of the class each
semester, then the mediocrity of Tommy's grades is clearly
revealed.
The decade of the 1870's was one of great activity in the
Whig Literary Society at Princeton. As soon as school routine
was established Tommy joined this group under the name of
"T. W. Wilson." When he participated on the society's pro-
gram for the first time, however, it was as "T. Wilson." 8
In many ways Tommy's Sophomore year at the New Jersey
college was one of the most significant of his young life.
According to his official biographer, he found himself intel-
lectually at that time.9 In Whig Hall, as T. W. Wilson, he won
second prize as Sophomore orator, his subject— "The Ideal
Statesman." Try though he did, Wilson never won another
oratorical contest at Princeton. Thereafter, young Wilson
participated in a number of debates, always as "T. Wilson."
When elected as first comptroller of Whig, he is, in the soci-
ety's records, "T. W. Wilson." Moreover, this was this Prince-
ton student's signature on all society reports, etc., which are
extant. During the session, 1877-1878, the new speaker of
the Whig Society was "T. W. Wilson." 10 Young Wilson's
greatest contributions to Whig Hall, concludes the society's
historian, was in discussions of the business sessions.11
Dr. Wilson's son and some of his chums organized a Liberal
Debating Club. Among those chosen as officers were "Thomas
'Consult records in Princeton University Library. Photostatic _ copies
in Ray Stannard Baker Papers, Library of Congress, hereinafter cited as
Baker Papers. "\
8 Jacob N. Beam, American Whig Party of Princeton University
(Princeton, 1933), 188ff, hereinafter cited Beam, American Whig Party.
"Baker, Woodrow Wilson,, 85.
wSee Whig Hall records in Princeton University Library. The best
published source is Beam, American Whig Party, 178 passim.
11 Beam, American Whig Party, 192.
Woodrow Wilson 511
W. Wilson of North Carolina, Secretary of State.'* Apparently,
Wilson wrote the constitution which was modeled on the
English system— the Secretary of State exercising the powers
of Prime Minister.12
While a student at Princeton young Wilson decided upon
a career in politics. Having made the decision, and having
set his goal, he wrote out his political objective on many
cards which he distributed among his classmates. Upon
receipt of the card, each read:
Thomas Woodrow Wilson
Senator from Virginia u
In tracing the multiplicity of changes in Tommy Wilson's
name, one cannot omit the signatures which he used himself
in his early published writings and in his youthful private
letters. Fortunately, some of each remain of the Princeton
period.
Wilson's first published article was in the Princetonian,
June 7, 1877, on the subject of "oratory" and was signed, in
complete anonymity, "X". The second article, longer and
more significant than the first, was signed "Atticus." Entitled
"Prince Bismarck" it appeared in the Nassau Literary Maga-
zine, November, 1877. From this anonymous beginning as a
writer, Tommy emerged triumphantly a year later. A prize
essay— "William Earl Chatham," when published in the same
periodical was signed "Thomas W. Wilson, '79 of N. C." Here
we find not only his name but his Princeton class and the
state in which he lived. A third article, Tommy's first to be
published off campus, came out in the International Review,
August, 1879. It bore the signature of "Thomas W. Wilson."
Of the few letters written by the young Wilson during this
period that are known to be preserved, his signature is
"Thomas W. Wilson"14 or "T. W. Wilson." On a visit to
Columbia, South Carolina, in the summer of 1878, Wilson
wrote: "I have just returned from calling on a whole family
12 Baker, Woodrow Wilson, 94-95.
13 Baker, Woodrow Wilson, 104.
"See Thos. W. Wilson to Bobie [Robert R.] Bridges, July 18, 27,
August 20, 1877; August 10, 1878. All of these letters are in the Karl A.
Meyer Collection of the Correspondence of Woodrow Wilson and Robert
R. Bridges, Library of Congress, hereinafter cited as Meyer Collection.
512 The North Carolina Historical Review
of girls who are old acquaintances. They all knew me as a
boy and know me as 'Tommie.' I always enjoy getting among
people who know me well enough to throw aside the formal
prefix Mr. and call me Tommie, simply." 15
Having chosen politics as a career, it was natural for the
Princeton graduate to select law as his profession. "I entered
the one because I thought it would lead to the other," he
confided to Ellen Axson.16 The War Between the States and
its aftermath— Reconstruction— kept this aspiring young man
from entering a northern law school. There was only one of
distinction in the South and so he went to the University of
Virginia. According to the bursar's record, Tommy entered
the institution, which was the lengthened shadow of Thomas
Jefferson, on October 2, 1879, as "Thomas W. Wilson." When
he returned a year later his name became "T. Woodrow
Wilson."17
Here the embryonic barrister joined the Phi Kappa Psi
social fraternity, sang first tenor in the glee club, indulged
himself in an arduous romance, and as a member of the
Jefferson Society participated in campus forensics. Among
those elected to membership in the Jefferson Literary Society
at its first meeting in October, 1879, was "T. Woodrow Wil-
son." 18 Subsequently, Tommy became secretary of his soci-
ety under the identical signature in which he achieved mem-
bership. During his tenure as secretary the minutes of "Old
Jeff" were signed "T. Woodrow Wilson." On January 31, 1880,
"Mr. T. Woodrow Wilson" was unanimously elected orator
for the ensuing month. Tommy's oration, "John Bright," was
given March 6, 1880, and was unsigned when published in
the University of Virginia Magazine a few days later.19 "Mr.
Wilson," as Tommy was now referred to in campus publica-
tions, contributed an essay to the same journal the following
month, April, 1880. Although "Mr. Gladstone: A Character
15 T. W. Wilson to J. Edwin Webster, July 23, 1878, Baker Papers.
"Woodrow Wilson to Ellen Axson, October 30, 1883, quoted by Baker,
Woodrow Wilson, I, 109.
"See Bursar's Records, Alderman Library, University of Virginia,
Charlottesville.
18 Consult Minutes of Jefferson Society, Alderman Library, University
of Virginia, hereinafter cited as Minutes of Jefferson Society.
w University of Virginia Magazine (March, 1880), 354-370.
Woodrow Wilson 513
Sketch" was signed "Atticus," on the page containing the
table of contents "by Woodrow Wilson" is opposite the title
of the article.20 Significantly, this is the first time that Wilson's
name appeared publicly as it was to be permanently.
That Tommy Wilson repeatedly participated in debating
is attested by the minutes of his society. He is mentioned as
a debator— "T. W. Wilson," "Mr. Wilson," or "Brother Wil-
son." 21 Returning to Charlottesville in the fall of 1880, "T.
Woodrow Wilson" was the first member to sign "Old Jeff's"
register. On October 9 he was chosen, again unanimously, as
president. The first reference to Wilson as "President Wilson"
came a week later when the secretary of Jefferson began the
minutes: "The House was called to order at 7 o'clock, Presi-
dent Wilson in the chair."22 The most dramatic event of
Tommy Wilson's life, as an "Old Jeff," was the participation
in a debate on April 2, 1880, on the negative side of the ques-
tion: "Is the Roman Catholic Element in the United States a
Menace to American Institutions?" Much to Wilson's dismay,
the first prize, as the best debator, went to an opponent. "Mr.
T. W. Wilson" had to accept second prize as the best orator.23
Early in the session of 1880-1881, Tommy's health broke
completely. As he left for Wilmington and home, a campus
publication noted that "Mr. T. W. Wilson" had left the Uni-
versity on account of his health.24 Several letters written by
young Wilson from the fall of 1879 to 1881 have remained.
To Charles A. Talcott, a chum of the Princeton years, Tommy
wrote periodically. Invariably, the signature was "T. Wood-
row Wilson."25 His correspondence with Robert Bridges con-
tinued but no letter was ended with "Woodrow Wilson." A
change from "Thos. W. Wilson" to "T. Woodrow Wilson"
was subscribed in November, 1879. A postscript gave the rea-
20 University of Virginia Magazine (April, 1880), 401-426.
21 Minutes of Jefferson Society, 1879-1880, 1880-1881.
22 Minutes of Jefferson Society, October 16, 1880.
^See University of Virginia Magazine (May, 1880), 524-525; A. W.
Patterson, Personal Recollections of Woodrow Wilson (Richmond, 1929),
17. Patterson, a member of the Jefferson Society, was a classmate of
Wilson's at the University of Virginia.
24 Baker, Woodrow Wilson, 127.
28 T. Woodrow Wilson to Charles A. Talcott, July 7, December 31, 1879 ;
May 20, October 11, 1880; Baker Papers.
514 The North Carolina Historical Review
son: "I sign myself thus at mother's special request, because
this signature embodies all my family name.26
A contributing factor to Tommy's ill health which forced
his withdrawal from Jefferson's educational institutional was
the exactness of law coupled with Tommy's repeated jour-
neys over to Staunton. Attending Mary Baldwin's Academy
there was Harriet Woodrow, who, though Tommy's first
cousin, was the center of his affections. Of the letters which
must have passed between them only a few have been pre-
served, and all of these were penned after Wilson left the
University of Virginia. In April, 1881, Tommy concluded a
long letter: "You know that I love you dearly . . . Lovingly
yours, Woodrow." 27 The next letter preserved addressed to
"My Sweetest Cousin" is signed "T. Woodrow Wilson." 28
On February 12, 1881, "T. W." published a letter in the
New York Evening Post. From Wilmington, North Carolina,
the author's correspondence was entitled, "Stray Thoughts
From the South." 29 Fourteen months later, April 20, 1882, a
second letter published in the same paper, on the subject
"New Southern Industries," was signed "W. W." 30 Sometime
earlier in a personal letter to his intimate friend, Robert
Bridges, Tommy Wilson had not only signed "Woodrow Wil-
son" but added this explanation: "You see, I am no longer
'Tommy,' except to my old friends; but have imitated Charlie
[Charles Andrew Talcott] in taking the liberty of dropping
one of my names, as superfluous." 31 The evolution of "Wood-
row Wilson" was practically complete by 1882. Exceptions
were to occur, however, as late as June, 1885, when Wilson
signed a letter to his Uncle Thomas Woodrow, the father of
Harriet, as "Thomas Woodrow Wilson."32
20 T. Woodrow Wilson to Robert Bridges, November [?] 1879; February
25, 1880; August 18, 1880; September 18, 1880; January 1, 1881; Febru-
ary 24, 1881; May [24], 1881; Meyers Collection.
27 Woodrow [Wilson] to Harriet Woodrow, April 22, 1881, Baker Papers.
88 T. Woodrow Wilson to Harriet Woodrow, May 10, 1881, Baker Papers.
29 See copy of letter, Wilson Papers.
80 See copy of letter, Wilson Papers.
a Woodrow Wilson to Robert Bridges, August 22, 1881, Meyer Collection.
33 Thomas Woodrow Wilson to Thomas Woodrow, June 8, 1885, Baker
Papers.
Woodrow Wilson 515
Why did Tommy finally decide on "Woodrow Wilson" for
his name? Was it because a Princeton chum deleted one of
his names? That was a good explanation, but was it the real
reason? Several have offered their conclusions which are
interesting to note. Ray Stannard Baker concludes: "After
going through all the permutations and combinations of
"Tommy" and "Tom," "T. W. Wilson," "Thos. W. Wilson,"
"T. Wilson," and "T. Woodrow Wilson," the last of "Tommy"
drops away— sacrificed on the altar of euphony. Thereafter
he never signed anything but "Woodrow Wilson." 33 William
Allen White declared that "Tommy" was dropped because it
lacked dignity. "It was Tommy the turkey and Tommy the
cat and Tommy the gardener." Moreover, the same biograph-
er adds that Tommy declared to Robert Bridges: "I find I
need a trademark in advertising my literary wares. Thomas
W. Wilson lacks something— Woodrow Wilson sticks in the
mind. So I have decided publicly to be Woodrow Wilson." 34
But Wilson, as White contended, had not turned some sudden
corner at the University of Virginia and "lost Tommy for-
ever." 35 The transition began at Charlottesville, only to be
completed later. Yet another suggested the longer signatures
were altogether too lengthy, too commonplace, too lacking
in distinction. Woodrow Wilson was brief, alliterative, more
striking, and easier to remember.36 Was Wilson superstitious?
Did he believe the thirteen letters in "Woodrow Wilson"
contained some kind of fixed destiny or good luck? Although
this has been contended, it is doubtful.37
Wilson declared to Bridges his decision to use only "Wood-
row," and no longer "Tommy," within a few days after
Harriet Woodrow had refused to marry him. Wilson's letters
to his cousin, Harriet, reveal the deep passion of his affection
for her. In accepting her rejection of his love, he vowed to
33 Baker, Woodrow Wilson, I, 137. Baker is wrong in saying Wilson
never signed anything but "Woodrow Wilson" after 1881. There were
several examples of variations but not many. I have found none after 1885.
84 White, Woodrow Wilson, 89.
85 White, Woodrow Wilson, 85.
36 Harold G. Black, True Woodrow Wilson, Crusader for Democracy
(New York, 1946), 38-39.
37 David Loth, Woodrow Wilson: The Fifteenth Point (Philadelphia,
1941), 30.
516 The North Carolina Historical Review
love her always.38 Did Wilson retain only "Woodrow" in
romantic remembrance of his first love? If so, Harriet Wood-
row, in rejecting "Tommy Wilson's" proposal for marriage,
influenced destiny greatly.
88 See Woodrow [Wilson] to Harriet Woodrow, no date but obviously
in summer, 1881, Baker Papers.
CHILDHOOD RECOLLECTIONS OF MY FATHER
By Mary C. Wiley
When I was a child my favorite place to play when my
father was at home1 was the Study— the book-lined upper
room with the sun streaming in the eastern window, with the
view of friendly neighborhood yards from the western and
northern windows; and beyond the quiet street, wide
stretches of unbroken woodland, part of the Moravian reser-
vation upon which Winston stood, which we always desig-
nated as Fries' woods (since in our childish way of thinking
the Fries of Salem stood for all Moravians, past and present ) .
My sister Annie and David and Jimmy, my brothers, would
be at school, my baby sister Mittie would be downstairs with
her beloved Henreetta,, the young black girl, whose forebears
had belonged to my father's people, and who was regarded
by all of us as one of the family.
I can see myself now, quiet as a mouse, playing with the
bits of paper and the yellow envelopes my father would give
me, building houses under the window with the books I
could reach from the lowest shelves of the open book cases,
slipping up every now and then to the table before the open
fireplace where my father was writing, watching his pen go
back and forth across the white sheet, as I lovingly smoothed
the little red and white China dog that stood in his accus-
tomed place on the corner of the table— as a paper weight, I
suppose.
1 Calvin Henderson Wiley, son of David L. and Ann Woodburn Wiley,
was born February 3, 1819, in Guilford County, at the old homeplace
(near Greensboro), of his great-grandfather, William Wiley, who in the
Scotch-Irish emigration of the 1750's had come down the "Great Wagon
Road" through the Valley of Virginia, from Pennsylvania to Guilford
County (at that time Orange County). Calvin H. Wiley, Alamance Coun-
ety, Historical Address (1879), C. H. Wiley Diary, April 9, 1876, 9-10.
He served as first Superintendent of Public Schools of North Carolina from
1852 until their suspension in 1866. He was District Superintendent of
the American Bible Society, Middle and East Tennessee, 1869-1874;
North and South Carolina, from 1874 until his death, January 11, 1887.
Encyclopaedia of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America
(1884), 1009, hereinafter cited as Encyclopaedia of the Presbyterian
Church.
[617]
518 The North Carolina Historical Review
I can see every detail of the sunny morning room, dom-
inated as it was by the presence of my father: the old-
fashioned schoolmaster's desk of massive walnut, standing
between the eastern and northern windows, filled, every
pigeon hole and the deep well under the heavy lid, with neat
piles of closely written sheets of paper, and bundles of letters,
labeled and tied with red tape. In the big drawer extending
all the way under the desk were stacks of paper, numbers of
paperback books, which my father always referred to as
"annual reports" and thin little books, soft to the touch, with
reddish backs or yellow or black, which years later I learned
were the diaries which my father so conscientiously kept
during the years he was in the service of the American Bible
Society.
But more interesting to me than the papers and books in
the old desk were the various paper boxes carefully stored
away from childish fingers and brought out on long Sunday
afternoons that we children might see the bits of jewelry,
cherished as mementoes of happy occasions; the time-stained
sheets and half-sheets bearing various signatures greatly
prized by our father because they related to the days when
his father and his father's father lived at the old home in
Guilford— Woodbourne, he himself had named it in honor of
his dearly beloved mother, Ann Woodburn Wiley; the yel-
lowed slips of printed paper, the "s's" looking like "f s" and
the animals pictured on them unlike any animals we had
ever seen. These pictured slips, we were told, had been used
in place of copper and silver money in the days when our
people first came to Guilford and during the Revolutionary
War, and we loved to imagine the stirring events that must
have happened in those days when they passed from hand
to hand in exchange for sugar and shoes, as receipt for taxes
paid the sheriff, as payment of the schoolmaster's monthly
bill for "scholar-and-a-half."
Hidden somewhere in the roomy desk must have been the
brace of ancient pistols, used in the Revolutionary War,
which the tenants at Woodbourne during the years my father
Childhood Recollections 519
lived in Tennessee had badly misused, picking out most of
the ivory.
In my mind's eye I can still see the large colored map of
North Carolina hanging on the Study wall across from the
desk, and under the bottom bookshelf next to the door, the
heavy oblong box, filled with mysterious looking parts, which
when fitted together and mounted became the sun, moon,
and stars, revolving around the earth on its axis.
I can see the open bookshelves, covering two sides of the
room, getting smaller and smaller as they reached the top,
the heavy thick books on the lower shelves, the tiny black
ones in fine print on the top shelf, with the big earthen bottle
of ink beside them safe from little fingers and the stout little
wooden box with old-fashioned lock and key— always locked.
In the corner where the front and side bookshelves came
together was a deep open space where the long, heavy Wood-
bourne hunting pieces were stored and the rusty old sword
with the dark stain on the dull edge, which we children
were sure was blood spattered on it at the Battle of Guilford
Court House.
And beside the old guns and Revolutionary sword were
the walking sticks, twelve or more, which had been presented
to my father on various occasions and by special friends. I
liked to play with the glossy, slender stick made of wood from
Mount Olivet, the strong, heavy cane made from the wood of
some battle ship and mounted with a band of plain, hand-
beaten silver; but my father liked best the tall, light cane
made of twisted palmetto and he often carried it on his walk
to the post office, especially on sleety, cold days.
The books packed tightly on the Study shelves my father
prized greatly. Many of these books were arithmetics and
readers and geographies presented to him when he was
Superintendent of Common Schools; many were works on
theology,2 Bible commentaries and writings on Bible proph-
3 My father studied theology under his life-long friend and the pastor
of his church, Old Alamance Presbyterian Church of Guilford County,
Rev. Eli W. Caruthers, D.D. In 1855 my father was licensed to preach
by the Orange Presbytery and in 1866 he was ordained by the Presbytery
to the full work of the ministry. Encyclopaedia of the Presbyterian
Church, 1009.
520 The North Carolina Historical Review
ecy. There were some of the law books he had used when
reading law after college days, and legislative volumes relat-
ing to the common schools of the 1850s and 1860's. Many of
his histories of North Carolina, works of fiction, and law
books, we were told, had been destroyed by fire in the days
when he was a young lawyer in Oxford, North Carolina.3
The books in the Study represented Home to my father;
he had carried them from Woodbourne to Tennessee and
then back again from Tennessee to North Carolina and when
at length he spread them out on the shelves in the home he
had built in Winston, he felt that he had really settled down
for good in the Old State he so dearly loved.4
In front of the open wood fire was my father's writing
table, the shiny walnut top spread with the soft checkered
table cloth, maroon and black, to protect it from the occa-
sional ink spot.
Stretched out beside the writing table, Dan, our beautiful,
intelligent bird dog, kept company with me in the quiet
Study. He loved to be near my father; often he would accom-
pany him to the post office, and when my father died, he
sensed that something was wrong, and he would come whin-
ing to the study door and then walk down street to the post
office and back again to the Study door; for several days he
kept this up. gH.Lij
My father had built for Dan a comfortable doghouse, on
the back porch, with a bed of fresh leaves and a strip of rag
carpet hung over the open side; how well I remember how
my father on a cold winter night would go out to the back
3 Stephen B. Weeks, Beginnings of the Common School System in the
South (1898), 1431. In the fall of 1875 while on a visit to Oxford in the
interest of the American Bible Society, my father records in his Diary:
"Milton. October 25, 1875. My reception here, my home for some years
when I was quite young and where I practiced law, was exceedingly kind
& gratifying."
4 In his Diary, July 5, 1877, my father records: "Today got all of my
books & papers put up at my new home (Spruce Street, Winston). I have
yet in Guilford (at Woodbourne) some 20 or 30 volumes of books & con-
siderable numbers of papers. Since May 1869 when I went to Tennessee,
I have not had all my books & papers together, but the Lord willing, I
hope soon to have all together once more at my own home."
And on July 7, 1877, he continues on the same subject: "At last I am
even with my office business, & have my books & papers all arranged.
Now for the first time since May 1869 are these my fixed companions, put
up & arranged at my home to remain."
Childhood Recollections 521
porch before locking up for the night to see that Dan was
warm and comfortable.
Like black Hen'retta, Dan was one of the family, and when
he died, we grieved as if a beloved relative had departed.
I can see my father now, tall, thin, soft brown hair streaked
here and there with white, bending over the Study table,
writing, writing, writing. I didn't understand what it was
that kept him so busy writing all the time he was home from
his trips.
But now, from reading his Diary, I can appreciate how
arduous were the home duties he had to perform as District
Superintendent of the American Bible Society:5 the making
of long monthly statistical and narrative reports to the home
office of the Society in New York City— reports that had to
be sent strictly on time, complete in every detail; the check-
ing of the accounts sent in by regional Bible depositories and
by colporteurs; the answering of numerous and varied inquir-
ies relating to the planning of union denominational meet-
ings in widely separated areas and of anniversary celebrations
of Auxiliaries in his field stretching from the western boun-
daries of North Carolina to the southeastern shores of South
Carolina; the thinking-out of sermons to be preached in the
near future; the constant study of the Scriptures that he
might give his hearers fresh inspiration from the living
streams of spiritual life.
It is of interest to note that my father never wrote out his
sermons, the notes he carried to the pulpit being the barest
of outline, often jotted down on the backs of used envelopes.
As I look back in memory upon this period of my father's
life— the final period of his busy and fruitful life— and think
of the strenuous pioneer work in the educational field he had
crowded into the thirties and forties of his manhood and
6 A few items from my father's Diary give an idea of the writing- he
had to do between his field trips. On April 26, 1879, he records that on
returning home from a field trip he found 82 letters awaiting him and 33
documents needing immediate attention. On September 1, 1880, he re-
cords: ". . . letters for August 115, documents 242." On August 7, 1885,
he writes: "I am very tired. Since noon yesterday I have written 27
letters, one of them 3 pp. & one nearly 4 pp." His entry for April 5,
1886, states: "Today I finished the 5 statistical tables of my annual
report & copied them — a heavy work."
522 The North Carolina Historical Review
then at fifty years of age had entered upon an entirely differ-
ent life service, yet a service requiring the same dauntless
spirit, the same resourcefulness of mind and selfless devotion
to his task that his earlier work had required— when I think
upon these things, I marvel at the amazing vitality he put
into his Bible work, the unabated keenness of mind, the en-
thusiasm with which at fifty and sixty years of age he carried
on duties which might well have taxed the mental and spir-
itual resources of a much younger man.
His physical powers were indeed taxed during the years
of his Bible work; frail from boyhood, he found most wearing
the constant traveling in draughty, over-heated or under-
heated railroad cars of the old type, in open hacks or buggies
over rough, dusty roads; the sleeping in noisy hotel rooms and
the eating of hotel fare unsuited to his delicate stomach.6
Yet with all the exacting office work and strenuous field
service as District Superintendent of The American Bible
Society, my father ever took an active part in the affairs of
his home town.7 With constructive suggestions and loyal co-
operation he responded to the many and varied calls of small
town Winston, taking a leading part in the establishment of
graded schools; he graciously entered into the social activi-
6 These entries from my father's Diary show the hardships of railroad
travel in the 1880's:
"August 20, 1880. Left Winston at 7 a.m. & arrived at Lexington, N. C.
at 11 a.m. The Southbound train was 1 & % hours late, full of passengers
& ran from 40 to 45 miles an hour. Extremely warm & dusty. Arrived At
Greenville, S. C. at 6 p.m.
"May 30, 1881. I feel worsted by this trip, the fare & water disagreeing
with me. It is astonishing how carelessly many people live. I have
scarcely tasted a vegetable since I left home & have seen only raw onions,
lettuce, cabbage, new & unhealthy Irish potatoes.
"June 23, 1882. Left R[ockingham] at 10 a.m., arrived at Charlotte at 6
p.m. — 71 miles in 8 hours. On the Carolina-Central Railroad the night train
makes 13 miles an hour & the day train 9. The road goes through a hot,
unhealthy country, the water is bad & the hotels poor. I am thankful to
God He enabled me to stand a trip I greatly dreaded."
7 The Western Sentinel of Winston in its issue of January 13, 1887,
states :
"In 1874 Mr. Wiley (as District Superintendent of the American Bible
Society, New York, for North and South Carolina) made Winston his
home; this was at a time when the town had just begun to enter into its
new and prosperous career. He took a great interest, as a man and a
citizen, in its growth and welfare and from the first sought to promote
good schools. The establishment of the present Graded School was due in
a very large measure to his personal ability, influence, and zeal in the
matter."
Childhood Recollections 523
ties of his widely divergent circle of friends, men and women
of culture and wealth, citizens of little education; and to the
struggling little Presbyterian Church he was a tower of
strength. Before the calling of Dr. Frontis Johnston of Lex-
ington as full-time pastor, he visited the sick of the congrega-
tion, held Wednesday night prayer meeting and Sunday
services when he was in Winston. After Dr. Johnston took
full-time charge of the church, he continued his active in-
terest in the affairs of the congregation, organizing a society
for young men, teaching a Bible class of young adults,8 filling
the pulpit in the absence of Dr. Johnston on presbyterial du-
ties.
As I look back upon my childhood days and recall the
affection my father lavished upon his family,9 his love for
home and appreciation of simple home joys and home inter-
ests, the strong local attachments he had, it seems almost a
tragedy that all his married life he should have had to spend
so much time away from home.
It was seldom that he could spend a week end in Winston,
with no preaching appointment in some local church in the
interest of the Bible work, and these rare occasions were red-
letter days with us.
Some Sunday evenings he would "baby sit" with the three
youngest of us, while our mother attended church services
with the two oldest children.
"Tell us about when you were a boy," we would beg and
pressing close about him, we would never tire of the stories
he had to tell again and over again of his childhood in the
"Old Place," as we called Woodbourne: of the big spring at
the foot of the hill with the spring house made of logs; of
the clear branch flowing from it with the earthen vessels in
8 In his Diary on Sunday, Nov. 20, 1881, my father writes: "At 2 p.m.
in the Presbyterian Sabbath School heard a Bible class of adults, mostly
married, organized for me.
"I have been much desired by males & females, married & young, to
take such a class. I delight in this work, but if I teach on Sabbaths, it
will have to be at irregular intervals."
9 A sketch of my father published in the Encyclopaedia of the Pres-
byterian Church, 1009, speaks of his devotion to family: "The richest
overflow of his sympathies has been in the home-circle, where devotion to
kindred, strong filial feeling, and tenderest attachments have ever marked
his character."
524 The North Carolina Historical Review
it filled with milk and butter; of the meadow where the wild
strawberries grew; of the woods, with the squirrels cracking
the nuts which fell from the tall hickory trees; of the sweet
old-fashioned "pinks" (his favorite flowers) blooming in his
mother's flower garden just off the kitchen and the great bush
of yellow roses beside the front gate.
How real he made the people, black and white, who lived
at Woodbourne when he was a boy. There was the little slave
boy, Newt, just about his age, who loved to run around with
him; there was smiling, fat Aunt Hettie, the cook, Newt's
mother, who lived with her family down the road in the log
cabin, with the outdoor stairs leading to the room above and
the big cactus bush just outside the room below. How our
mouths would water as he told us of the peach "pot pies"
Aunt Hettie would bake, the crusty salt rising bread, the
"hard biscuits" beaten by hand until the bubbles rose and
cracked in the soft unrisen dough.
How we loved to hear him tell about going with his mother
to the Female Missionary Society of Old Alamance Church,
sitting up in front of her on the big fat horse, listening during
the meeting to the ladies talk about the Indian boy they were
supporting, whom they had named David Caldwell after the
beloved pastor of former days, David Caldwell of Revolu-
tionary fame.
What an appeal to the imagination were the stories he told
us of boyhood days when he would walk to church barefoot,
cool his feet in the clear little branch running below the
churchyard and put on his squeaky shoes just in time to
reach the family pew before the preacher ascended the steps
to the tall pulpit with its sounding board above and the
"dark" arose with his tuning fork to lead the hearty congre-
gational singing.
We would beg for stories of his early school days at the little
red schoolhouse near his Grandmother Woodburn's home;
with the big open fire, the backless benches, the narrow writ-
ing table under the high window at which the "scholars"
took turn about copying the lines the master had written in
his flowing hand. We loved to hear how the master would
call, "To books! To books!" whenever the noisy hum of boys
Childhood Recollections 525
and girls conning aloud their lessons would die down and
how he would place the dunce cap upon the head of the luck-
less fellow who failed to get the right answer to his "sum,"
and make the "bad boy" sit on the high stool in the corner.
We loved to hear the story of the hungry little bear, who
passing one day by the open door of the schoolhouse, caught
a whiff of the dinner pails hanging on the nearby pegs and
waddled in for his dinner; we loved to hear of the time the
"scholars" locked out the master and how the master climbed
up on the low roof of the schoolhouse and slipped down the
wide chimney, scattering the soot and setting everybody
sneezing.
We never tired of listening to his account of the trips he
would make to Fayetteville with his father's slaves in the big
farm wagon filled with butter and other farm produce to
exchange at the town stores for sugar and coffee, bone-
handled knives and forks, and sewing materials for his moth-
er. Here and there along the road other wagons would join
his father's wagon and at night the wagoners would camp
around a big pine knot fire. It was on one of these trips that
the "stars fell" but he was fast asleep and saw nothing of the
awe-inspiring sight which to the terrified Negro wagoners
betokened the Judgment Day.
Memory goes back to the simple home pleasures of a
wintry evening, the sense of security and family oneness, as,
doors closed and window blinds shutting out the stormy
darkness, we gathered around the open wood fire. My mother
would be busy with her needle, my father would join us in
popping corn ( for in those days the corn-popper was as nec-
essary an adjunct to the hearthstone as tongs and shovel),
guessing riddles, playing checkers, or dominoes, or authors.
The game of authors I remember best of all the games our
father played with us; for though I could not read, I was not
left out. With my little chair pushed up just as close as I
could get it to my father's chair, I was allowed to hold the
"books," as a completed set of one author's titles was called.
And it was thus unconsciously I learned, from hearing the
others call for titles, the names of many authors and their
works, such as Whittier's Tenting on the Beach, and Cooper's
526 The North Carolina Historical Review
The Deerslayer, long before I could tell a letter of the al-
phabet.
As I recall my earliest memories connected with my father,
I can smell the faint, pleasant odor of tea cakes which seemed
always to emerge when my father opened his roomy, linen-
lined valise to unpack after a trip, for whenever his journey-
ings took him to Raleigh, where his beloved niece, who had
married my mother's brother, lived, he had a way of slipping
in among his fresh handkerchiefs and socks a package of
fresh tea cakes for his little grandnieces and nephews.
The pungent smell of his cigar lingers also in my memory.
He had a way of cutting his cigar in two and leisurely puffing
down to the tip of each small piece. I loved to watch the curl-
ing whiffs of smoke as they drifted from his cigar into the
fire-lighted room where we gathered after supper on a wintry
evening, and I loved, too, the dry tobaccory smell which lin-
gered in the old-fashioned woolly dressing gown he wore as
he relaxed in his favorite chair, the high-arm chair with the
short worn-down rockers, the chair which had been the
favorite chair also of his father and his father's father.
The scent of apples, delicious sheep nose apples, a variety
long off the market, is among the earliest memories of my
father. In my mind's eye I can see my father coming down
Spruce Street in the winter twilight, a large paper bag of
apples in his arms. I can hear his quick, decisive step, as I
run out the gate to meet him. He selects from his bag one big
juicy apple for me to sample before supper. Taking out his
ever-handy pen knife, he proceeds to peel it ( I never saw him
eat an apple without first peeling it ) while I, my mouth wa-
tering, stand by watching the knife go round and round, the
curling skin growing longer and longer.
In the attic of our Spruce Street home (or garret as we
called the long, wide room with the sloping roof over the
dining room and kitchen ell) are two small, split-bottomed
chairs whose smooth, worn backs bear silent testimony to the
fun we used to have as children, when after supper, our
father would join us in our winter sport— sliding down the
long, gently-sloping side yard covered deep in freshly fallen
snow. We didn't have sleds enough to go round and so when
Childhood Recollections 527
all of us wanted to slide at the same time, we used the chairs
for sleds.
My father, with the youngest in his lap, preferred the
safety of a chair-sled which he could guide at his own rate of
speed between the big trees down the sloping yard to the
chain of sleds loosely fashioned together and guided by the
boy in the foremost sled lying flat on his stomach.
With shouts and laughter, my father the very center of
the merriment, we would fly down the track from front street
to back; then plowing up the unbroken snow beside the beat-
en track, drag our sleds or chairs up to the starting point and
slide down again.
The neighborhood boys and girls, up and down the street,
would come with their sleds to join in our sport, and when-
ever the snow began to cover the ground, they were just as
eager as we were for our father to get home before the sliding
was over.
It was surprising how many people there were who
dropped in to see my father on the days between his trips
and the varied missions upon which they came.
There was an old gentleman up Spruce Street, an early
merchant of Winston and former mayor, Martin Grogan
( "Squire" he was called ) , who loved to drop by on a summer
evening and talk with my father. He was never at a loss for
a subject of conversation, but the one topic upon which he
could converse upon for hours was the subject of Greenbacks.
I didn't know what he meant by Greenbacks but I trembled
as I listened to his dire prophecies of what would happen to
our country if those who advocated Greenbacks did "get in"
(or did not "get in")— I don't remember which.
I trembled, too, as adroitly he turned the conversation
from Greenbacks to the Judgment Day— a subject in which
both he and my father were keenly interested. In my childish
imagination, the Judgment Day was one of two most dreadful
things that could possibly happen; and from conversation far
over my head I gathered it was imminent without warning
at any moment. The other dreadful thing was the return of
the Cholera.
528 The North Carolina Historical Review
It was from stories handed down from my father and
mother that I knew all about the cholera scare in Tennessee
of the early eighteen-seventies, and I shuddered at the mere
thought of the dread epidemic ever threatening our North
Carolina home.
My father, as Superintendent of the American Bible So-
ciety for East and Middle Tennessee, was living in Jonesboro,
Tennessee, when the epidemic of cholera began to spread
eastward from West Tennessee and with my mother and
their young son and infant daughter refugeed to Rural Re-
treat, in Wythe County, Virginia.
So vividly did my parents portray the dreadful weeks of
the cholera epidemic that I felt as I heard them talk that I,
too, had lived in Jonesboro that sultry, rainy summer when
everything in the house molded, when overnight the grass
grew in the village streets and in the gardens vegetables hung
lush and rank, and household after household suddenlv be-
came stricken with the strange black sickness— vomiting and
raging fever.
Day and night could be heard the mooing of cows un-
milked and untended, straying along the village street, the
barking of dogs unfed, the tolling of church bells not only
for the burial of the dead but for the digging of graves for
the stricken and dying.
One man, while listening to the tolling of the church bell
for the friend whose grave he was digging, was suddenly
attacked with the disease and so rapidly did it run its course
that he was buried in the very grave he had been digging for
his friend. The man in whose care my father left his house
when he refugeed to Virginia died and was buried with the
key to the house in his pocket.
My father's family physician, Dr. Deadrick, and his good
wife (the parents of Mrs. Robert B. Glenn, wife of North
Carolina's Governor Glenn) remained in Jonesboro all
through the epidemic, ministering to the sick and dying, and
through their letters which I have found among my father's
papers, the impressions of my childhood have been deeply
strengthened of this terrible scourge.
Childhood Recollections 529
And thus I bring to a close these childhood recollections
of my father. It has not been easy to lay bare these intimate
memories and I have done so only in the hope that they may
enable students of my father's work as a builder of the public
school system of our State to have a fuller, richer understand-
ing of his rare, innate qualities of mind and spirit as best
shown within the circle of his family.
BOOK REVIEWS
James K. Polk, Jacksonian, 1795-1843. By Charles Grier Sellers,
Jr. (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.
1957. Preface, illustrations, description of sources, and index.
Pp. xiv, 526. $7.50.)
This volume, appropriately described in the Preface as both
biography and history, is devoted entirely to the pre-presi-
dential career of Polk, revealing him as a hardworking poli-
tician with boundless ambition but with no suggestion that
he will ever achieve the high office. Eugene I. McCormac's
James K. Polk: A Political Biography, is cited as covering his
later career adequately.
Polk's Scotch-Irish ancestors had like so many of their com-
patriots made their way to Maryland's Eastern Shore and
from there had gone to the frontier. After a stay in western
Pennsylvania they moved down the valley of Virginia to
Mecklenburg County, North Carolina. Though the Polks left
Mecklenburg when James was only eight, his biographer feels
that his brief stay there coupled with his growing up on the
Tennessee frontier made him the stanch Jacksonian that he
remained throughout his life.
The Polks were by no means obscure frontiersmen. They
belonged rather to the planter, farming, land-speculating,
office-holding group who played important roles in local,
state, and even national affairs. James's frail health in his
early years shut him off from more robust activities and turn-
ed his energies to law and politics.
After his graduation from the University of North Carolina
in 1818 his is largely a political biography. He began by
studying law in the offices of the famous lawyer-politician,
Felix Grundy, at Nashville and was admitted to the bar in
1820. Already he was serving an apprenticeship in politics
as he was clerk of the Tennessee Senate from 1819 to 1823.
He was elected to the lower house of the Tennessee legisla-
ture in 1823, and two years later he entered the national
House of Representatives where he served fourteen years, the
[530 ]
Book Reviews 531
last four as speaker. A term as governor of Tennessee followed
after which he suffered defeat in 1841 and 1843 as the Whigs
took command and Polk's career in politics appeared ended.
On this note the book ends.
The first part of the book provides an interesting account
of frontier North Carolina and Tennessee in all aspects, but
it becomes more and more a description of the political
issues, personalities, and campaigns in state and nation in
which Polk was playing an increasingly important role.
C. W. Tebeau.
University of Miami,
Coral Gables, Florida.
0. Henry in North Carolina. By Cathleen Pike (Chapel Hill: The
University of North Carolina Library. 1957. Pp. 29.)
This is another in the useful North Carolina Biographical
Series of the University's Library Extension Publications. Its
Foreword and five short chapters give an account of William
Sidney Porter's schoolhouse, boyhood, and drugstore youth in
Greensboro, a statement of his connections with the State
during the Texas and the New York years, a list of the North
Carolina memorials to him, and a very cursory treatment of
the impact of the scenery, life, and culture of his native state
upon his stories. The first two chapters furnish some new-
found facts about O. Henry's early life (e.g., that he was a
registered druggist), and the last shows how the experiences
at Aunt Lina's school and Uncle Clark's drugstore reappear
in his stories— to their benefit. It is well that we know also
where this famous son lies buried and what memorials have
been raised to him, as given in Chapter 4.
Now, O. Henry is important for his stories and whatever
helps the reader to a richer appreciation of them is a good
thing. The last chapter does this: it shows to some extent
wherein his living and visiting in North Carolina lent color
and irony and pathos to his work. It is unfortunate, however,
that the scope of the pamphlet did not allow a fuller treat-
532 The North Carolina Historical Review
ment of this subject. And it is likewise unfortunate that the
author had not the chance to point up O. Henry's unique
pathos built, as it was, upon his rather whimsical sense of
irony— and derived ultimately from his Greensboro days, when
caricature was his hobby. The writing in this piece is clear;
it lacks the distinction that its subject deserves. One hopes,
however, that it may serve to renew interest in the work of an
exceptional craftsman, in these days too often neglected.
Thomas B. Stroup.
The University of Kentucky,
Lexington.
The Cokers of Carolina. By George Lee Simpson, Jr. (Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 1957. Pp. 237.
Illustrated. $5.00.)
This is the biography of a South Carolina family which has
had an extraordinary influence not only on life in their state,
but possibly in the whole South. This family stems from
Caleb and Hannah Lide Coker who were married in 1830.
The centers of Coker activity have been Society Hill and
Hartsville. Caleb Coker and his wife underwent the char-
acteristic experiences of an ante bellum southern couple who*
began life on meager resources, and undertook to stabilize
their conditions by farming and merchandising. Caleb's his-
tory was somewhat more important because of his store-
keeping activities. Even in those days of factorage supply he
served a tremendously vital purpose in making merchandise
available locally. Through his limited records both his biog-
rapher and the reader are able to catch a glimpse of life in
the early cotton belt as it concerned supply and credits.
The numerous brood of Caleb Coker reached maturity dur-
ing the war years. Three of the boys were caught in war
from the outset, and the experiences of these three constitute
a thrilling chapter of the anxieties and griefs which befell
southerners during these tumultuous years. Charles Coker
was killed at Malvern Hill; William was captured at Gettys-
Book Reviews 533
burg; and James was seriously wounded at Chattanooga. The
story of Hannah Coker's journey to Chattanooga and her
return with the wounded James sounds like an ancient saga.
Once the war was over and James and William were back
home, the Cokers began to unravel the tangled threads of
their lives. The Coker story through the Reconstruction days
involved not only the enormous social and political struggle
going on about them, but the tremendous effort necessary
to make a come-back in the cotton South.
Two things seem to have set the Cokers apart from their
neighbors. They had a deep respect for education and scien-
tific knowledge, and they seem to have been free of de-
featism and bitterness. Certainly the reader does not detect
bitterness in this book. Even in the field of racial upheaval
the Cokers seemed to have kept an even keel, as they did in
most of the Tillman period.
The struggle of the Cokers to re-establish themselves in the
New South involved about all the woes to which southern
farming was heir. It was clearly evident that the old system
of cotton alone would not sustain the region. Something more
than cotton, Negroes, and mules was necessary. There was
a considerable casting about for an industrial outlet. In 1890
this family embarked upon a venture which in many respects
was an astonishing undertaking. They believed that paper
could be made from pine pulp, and today the paper mill at
Hartsville confirms this faith. In fact, nearly all South Caro-
lina at this moment of industrial revolution confirms the Coker
faith in paper and the common pine.
Two chapters of this book stand out over all the rest; they
are the ones which deal with David R. Coker and the develop-
ment of pedigreed seed, and the collapse of the rural way
of life in the sand hills of South Carolina. The author was
able to strike at the heart of two fundamental southern prob-
lems. Without specifically defining the woes of the South
in this century, he does give his reader a concept of change.
Possibly few men in the South saw more clearly the fate of the
old line cotton business than did D. R. Coker. Out of all the
534 The North Carolina Historical Review
members of this numerous family, "Mr. D. R." saw what was
coming, and made genuine progress in preparing the cotton
industry for this moment. In doing so, however, he helped
virtually to remove from the small farmer's field the cotton
patch and helped to make it a heavily mechanized crop— or
world market and production conditions prepared the way.
There is no way of knowing how much Coker plant breeding
has meant to the South. Coker tobacco, oats, corn, and
grasses have gone far toward revolutionizing southern farm-
ing.
Today the Coker empire is rather extensive. It not only
encompasses the seed breeding plant, but the oil industry, the
store and the bank, the paper mill, and the cone manufactur-
ing industry. Through the solid efforts of all the family this
empire has been held together, and now in the hands of the
third generation it is prospering.
Members of the family have strayed from the Hartsville
fold to become botanists, political scientists, chemists, medi-
cal doctors, and businessmen. Few southern families can lay
claim to such solid accomplishments, nor can they take satis-
faction in the absence of so few blacksheep as can the Cokers.
The author had great respect for his collectivized subject.
Often-times, it seems to this reviewer, he might have done the
Cokers a greater service if he had been more analytical and
critical of phases of their history. Too, there are places where
the writing drags; this is especially true in the earlier chapters
where the author becomes bogged in the details of family
background. He did have access to family records, incomplete
though they were. Despite some of these shortcomings, Mr.
Simpson has made an interesting exploration into the back-
ground of a southern family which has displayed unusual
intelligence, and a tremendous amount of determination to
remain decent and successful.
Thomas D. Clark.
University of Kentucky,
Lexington.
Book Reviews 535
The Land Called Chicora: The Carolinas under Spanish Rule
with French Intrusions, 1520-1670. By Paul Quattlebaum.
(Gainesville: University of Florida Press. 1956. Pp. xiv, 153.
$3.75.)
This volume reminds us that nearly one hundred and fifty
years before the permanent settlement of Carolina the Spanish
had explored the coast, built a fort, and established a tempo-
rary town. In 1520 Lucas Vaquez de Ayllon, a member of the
Royal Council of Hispaniola, sent out a voyage of discovery,
and it is believed that contact with the land of Chicora,
stretching possibly from the Cape Fear to the Savannah, was
made first in the region of Port Royal, South Carolina, on
Santa Elena's Day, 1520. Nearly a year later the expedition
entered Winyah Bay; in 1523 Allyon received a patent from
Charles V of Spain with authority to plant and govern a
colony in the new land. In 1526 he sailed from Hispaniola
with a fleet of six vessels and some five hundred men, touched
at the river Jordan (which the author believes to have been
the Cape Fear), and then proceeded to Winyah Bay where
the first Spanish settlement north of Mexico, San Miguel de
Gualdape, was founded on lower Waccamaw Neck. A
scourge of malaria brought death to Ayllon, and treachery
brought an end to the colony. Some twenty years later
De Soto was an unwelcome guest in the land of Chicora.
Then in 1562 came Jean Ribaut, representing the Huguenots
of France, to build Charlesfort on what is now Parris Island.
This was the beginning of a bitter rivalry, accentuated by
religious differences, which was to result in the defeat of
Ribaut and Rene de Laudonniere by Pedro Menendex de
Aviles, the Spanish governor of Florida. The attempt to hold
St. Elena for Spain was abandoned in 1587 when the Spanish
felt compelled to consolidate their forces at St. Augustine.
The author includes a brief sketch of the early English
explorations and the first settlements. He discusses the un-
successful missionary efforts of the Jesuits, and he has two
chapters on the Chicora Indians and their way of life. Mr.
Quattlebaum, a resident of South Carolina who has spent a
536 The North Carolina Historical Review
lifetime in the region he discusses, is especially interested in
the local geography, and he has used his experience as an
engineer and his familiarity with nautical instruments to piece
together the fragmentary evidence found in old maps and
drawn from the confused accounts of early narrators. It is
obviously a labor of love, and a good summation of a little-
known period of our history.
Robert H. Woody.
Duke University,
Durham.
The Colonial Records of South Carolina. Series I, Journal of the
Commons House of Assembly, September 10, 1745-June 17,
1746. Edited by J. H. Easterby. (Columbia: South Carolina
Archives Department. 1956. Illustration and index. Pp. xii,
291. $8.00.)
The competent editorial hand of J. H. Easterby has brought
forth another excellent edition of the colonial records of South
Carolina. In this instance, the deliberations of the Commons
House of Assembly is presented for the period September 10,
1745, through June 17, 1746. Large pages, clear type, and a
good index characterize this as another fine volume in the
series.
Although this work represents but a small portion of the
immense editorial job which Mr. Easterby and staff have
undertaken— that of editing and publishing the entire avail-
able previously unpublished colonial records of his state— it
is nonetheless an interesting and absorbing unit of colonial
history. The gentlemen who assembled in the Commons to
discuss their colony's affairs were concerned with defense
on the western frontier and on the coast; they deliberated
over economic affairs, such as the decision to abandon the
bounty on indigo after the crop had proved successful; they
tackled such diversified problems as taxation, immigration,
counterfeiting, and cattle disease. The South Carolina Com-
mons wrangled with the Upper House, with Governor Glen,
Book Reviews 537
and with each other. In short, this legislative body seems to
have acted in the tradition of American legislatures.
Yet this record of deliberations abounds in the fine touches
of humor and serious business which make such records im-
portant to the student of American history. Whether we delve
into these pages for teaching, research, or for simple reading
pleasures, our gratitude to Mr. Easterby is bound to be end-
less.
Henry T. Malone.
Georgia State College of Business Administration,
Atlanta.
The Letters of William Gilmore Simms, Volume V, 1867-1870.
Collected and edited by Mary C. Simms Oliphant, Alfred Taylor
Odell, and T. C. Duncan Eaves. (Columbia: The University of
South Carolina Press. 1956. Pp. xxiv, 571. Illustrations. $8.50.)
This volume brings to a successful conclusion one of the
biggest and most important scholarly undertakings in the
field of nineteenth-century Southern literary culture. Each of
the four preceding volumes has been an impressive picture
of a man central to that culture and, through its elaborate
annotation, a valuable picture of the principal currents in
Southern literary, cultural, and social history. This conclud-
ing volume consists of the letters of Simms for the last three
and a half years of his life, of additional letters which came
to the attention of the editors too late for inclusion in their
proper places in the earlier volumes, and of two very valuable
indices— one a general index, which replaces the "temporary"
indices to each of the earlier volumes, and the other a most
useful index of references to Simms's voluminous works. It
thereby becomes a useful key volume to the entire set.
The letters themselves show Simms in the concluding years
of his life, writing desperately in an effort to maintain the
basic needs of his family, aiding his son and his sons-in-law
in re-establishing a healthy economic life under Reconstruc-
tion, and combating his growing illness, almost certainly
cancer. His temper is healthy, his spirits good, his fortitude
538 The North Carolina Historical Review
sufficiently strong to remove his sad story from the realm of
the pathetic to that of the tragic.
Students of Southern life and literature in the nineteenth
century owe to Mrs. Oliphant, the late Professor Odell, and
Professor Eaves a debt of deep gratitude for their excellent
work in collecting and editing these valuable letters. They
have performed their task with great skill and have maintain-
ed the highest standards of scholarly excellence.
C. Hugh Holman.
University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill.
Stub Entries to Indents Issued in Payment of Claims Against
South Carolina Growing Out of the Revolution. Books C-F.
Edited by Wylma Anne Wates. (Columbia: South Carolina
Archives Department. 1957. Pp. vii, 278. $6.00.)
The term indents, as used in this volume, applies to interest-
bearing certificates issued after the Revolutionary War by
the South Carolina Treasury in payment of a relatively small
number of claims outstanding on May 12, 1780, when
Charleston was occupied by the British, and of larger debts
contracted afterwards as the war progressed. On each stub
remaining in the Treasurer's books after the indent was de-
tached there was entered the name of the recipient, the serv-
ice rendered, and the amount paid. These entries on the stubs
represent summaries of thousands of individual debts, ac-
counts of which had been received, audited, and approved.
They reveal much as to how troops were recruited and sup-
plied, of the exercise of power while the civil authority was
largely in abeyance, of the fiscal policy of the government
after its restoration, and of the activities of hundreds of men
whose military service is not recorded elsewhere.
This is the twelfth volume in the series to be published
since 1910 and it is anticipated that one additional volume
will be sufficient to complete it.
William S. Powell.
University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill.
Book Reviews 539
A Bibliography of John Marshall. By James A. Servies. (Wash-
ington : The U. S. Commission for the Celebration of the Two
Hundredth Anniversary of the Birth of John Marshall. 1956.
Pp. xix, 182. $1.50.)
This bibliography gives a list of all the collections of
Marshall writings, with brief annotations. Then in chronologi-
cal order, it gives the other letters and papers with an indica-
tion of the source for each. All Marshall's Supreme Court
decisions, and his dissents, are noted as well as his legislative,
diplomatic, and personal papers. The contents of important
letters and papers are stated in a few words.
More than half the volume is devoted to "Works About
John Marshall," including the well-known biographies by
Beveridge and Corwin, monographs in which Marshall was
of secondary importance, such as Abernethy's Burr Con-
spiracy, others in which the great jurist's name enters only
incidentally, and a host of essays and addresses. A three and
a half page "List of Abbreviations" gives some indication of
the breadth of the work. Other noteworthy features are the
chronology of events of Marshall's life and the thirty-six page
index.
This is an extremely useful book, and should stimulate and
facilitate future historical writings concerning Marshall. No
competent historian working on any phase of our early na-
tional history will dare to disregard it.
Gilbert L. Lycan.
Stetson University,
DeLand, Florida.
The Legend of the Founding Fathers. By Wesley Frank Craven.
(New York: New York University Press. 1956. Pp. 191. Foot-
notes and index. $4.50.)
Despite the diverse racial, religious, and cultural origins
of the American people there has developed a common na-
540 The North Carolina Historical Review
tional tradition as to the causes and significance of the na-
tion's origins. To show how this tradition or legend of the
founding fathers was created and the various influences which
have maintained this tradition at various stages in our history
is the major concern of the author. The result of this effort is
a thoughtful and stimulating study in which the author does
not attempt to assess the historical validity of this tradition
but rather seeks to show American interest in its development.
The six chapters which comprise this work were originally
prepared as lectures and delivered in 1955, as another in the
fine series of Anson G. Phelps Lectures in Early American
History at New York University.
Professor Craven finds two groups of founding fathers who
have contributed to this legend— those associated with the
early settlement of the colonies and those who participated
in the American Revolution. While not neglecting the contri-
butions of this latter group to the shaping of the legend, the
author is most concerned with the part the pre-Revolutionary
settlers contributed to the legend.
The author finds the roots of the legend of the founding
fathers in New England's concept of its own founding. For
a number of reasons, the autocratic Puritan founders of the
New England theocracy had become invested by their mid-
eighteenth century descendants with the robes of seekers
after religious and political liberty. By the time of the Revolu-
tion the New Englander's view of his own founding fathers
had become the accepted popular concept of the founding
fathers in the thirteen colonies. This concept of the founding
fathers as seekers after religious and political liberty filled
the needs of the propagandists of the American Revolution
who, using this already well-defined legend, could call upon
the American people to die for the liberties their fathers had
braved the wilderness to secure.
The most original and centainly the most interesting por-
tion of Dr. Craven's study is that which shows how this legend
has fared at the hands of Americans since the days of the
Revolution. As immigrants poured into the country in the
Book Reviews 541
nineteenth century, there was no effort by these new Ameri-
cans to reject the legend of the founding fathers but a
conscious effort, almost ludicrous at times, to identify them-
selves with the legend. The rise of such organizations as the
Daughters of the American Revolution at the close of the
nineteenth century, the author states, grew out of the fear
that the rising tide of immigration might overwhelm the na-
tional traditions. The job which these organizations assigned
for themselves, however, was not to stop the flow of immigra-
tion but to educate and indoctrinate the newcomers in the
established national traditions. The twentieth century brought
with it the challenge of the debunker to our national tradi-
tions. This challenge failed, however, and the author believes
that by mid-century the legend stood as sound and vital as
ever.
Herbert R. Paschal, Jr.
East Carolina College,
Greenville.
Counterfeiting in Colonial America. By Kenneth Scott. (New
York: Oxford University Press. 1957. Pp. xii, 283. $5.00.)
Counterfeiting in all countries is as old as money itself,
and the English colonists in America were familiar with such
crimes as "forging the coin of the realm" and the severe pun-
ishments inflicted in the mother country upon offenders.
Counterfeiting prevailed in the colonies, from the days when
Indians counterfeited wampum by dyeing the lower-valued
white beads a darker color, to the Revolution, when the Bri-
tish Government and the Tories found it an excellent device
for depreciating Continental and state currencies and under-
mining the national economy.
Mr. Scott, who is Professor of Modern Languages at Wag-
ner College, has been doing research on colonial counterfeit-
ing for many years and is a recognized authority in this field.
He has produced a scholarly, readable, and exciting history
of a somewhat neglected but important phase of colonial
542 The North Carolina Historical Review
economic and social life. He has shown how coins of all sorts-
English, French, Spanish, Massachusetts "pine tree shillings,"
and other coins were clipped and counterfeited. He has given
many details about the counterfeiting of paper currency: the
individuals and groups who were engaged in "money mak-
ing"; the techniques used by counterfeiters, the sums emitted
by some of the larger operators of this "colonial racket"; the
punishments meted out to those counterfeiters who were ap-
prehended, and the effects of the circulation of counterfeit
money on the economy of the colonies.
Of the scores of counterfeiters whose activities are related
here, most were engaged in counterfeiting paper currency,
though there were always those who "tampered with coins."
In the seventeenth century most of the counterfeiters operat-
ed on an individual basis, but by the middle of the eighteenth
century much of the counterfeiting was being carried on by
organized and co-operating groups, some of which carried
on their nefarious activities in more than one colony. More
than one-third of the volume is devoted to the activities of
these gangs. There are chapters on: 'John Potter and the
Rhode Island Counterfeiters in 1741"; "Samuel Weed and
the Derby Gang"; "Owen Sullivan and the Dover Money
Club"; and "The Pittsylvania and Morristown Gangs." There
are also interesting chapters on "Women Money Makers";
"Silversmiths as Counterfeiters"; and "John Bull Turns Coun-
terfeiter."
One of the earliest counterfeiters in the colonies was
Peregrine White, Jr., son of Peregrine White, "Mayflower"
baby and first-born New Englander of English parentage.
Perhaps the largest operator of the counterfeit racket was
Samuel Ford, who was so successful that his associates called
him "the treasurer of three provinces" (New York, New
Jersey, and Pennsylvania). A contemporary described Ford
as "the most accomplished villain that the country has pro-
duced."
Counterfeiters came from all social and economic classes:
farmers, sailors, weavers, carpenters, bakers, school-masters,
Book Reviews 543
merchants, doctors, deacons, justices of the peace, legislators,
printers, blacksmiths, and silversmiths ( including some noted
ones such as Samuel and Gideon Casey, Abel Buell, and
Garrett Onclebag).
There were "money makers" in every colony, more perhaps
in New England and the Middle Colonies than in the South.
Counterfeiting "posed a constant threat to the credit and
commerce of the provinces." North Carolina had fewer coun-
terfeiters than most of the colonies, but throughout the late
colonial period there were constant complaints of the circula-
tion of bogus currency.
In 1734, soon after Governor Gabriel Johnston arrived in
North Carolina, he was apprised by several of the leading
merchants and traders of the numerous and great incon-
veniences to trade and commerce caused by "the great Multi-
plicity of Counterfeit Bills of Credit issued by Vagabond and
Idle people passing from one part of the Government to an-
other." On January 15 of the next year, Johnston addressed
the session of the legislature, warning the members that the
matter of the currency of their bills could no longer be neg-
lected "without the entire Ruin of the Country." He urged
the legislators to do something to prevent the industrious
planter from being robbed of the fruits of his labor "by the
Tricks and Frauds of profligate and abandoned persons."
Professor Scott gives a facsimile of "A counterfeit twenty
shilling North Carolina bill of the emission of 1735, perhaps
one of those forged by Thomas Hamilton Scott." He also
reproduces a twenty shilling North Carolina bill of 1783,
which carries the interesting warning "Counterfeiters Be-
ware."
In some colonies, notably New York and Virginia, counter-
feiting was a capital offense, and the currency put out by the
money makers in those colonies carried such ominous warn-
ings as: 'Tis Death to Counterfeit" and "To Counterfeit is
Death." In a few instance, notably that of Owen Sullivan in
New York in 1756, counterfeiters were put to death. In most
cases, however, they were placed in the pillory, had their
544 The North Carolina Historical Review
ears cropped, or were given a public whipping. But the severe
punishments meted out to offenders failed to solve the prob-
lem of counterfeiting.
Hugh T. Lefler.
University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill.
Rebels and Redcoats : The Living Story of the American Revolu-
tion. By George F. Scheer and Hugh F. Rankin. (Cleveland and
New York: The World Publishing Company. 1957. Pp. 572.
Introduction, notes, bibliography, index, and maps. $7.50.)
In recent years the American Revolution has had increas-
ing popularity as a subject of historical study in the United
States, and many excellent books have been written about it.
Now another has been added to the list: Rebels and Redcoats:
The Living Story of the American Revolution, by George F.
Scheer and Hugh F. Rankin. Primarily a military history, it
covers the same ground covered by other histories of the war,
leading the reader through a detailed account of each of the
major battles and campaigns from Lexington to Yorktown.
Though it contributes nothing that is startling in the way of
interpretation or information, it is nevertheless unlike any-
thing else in print. For it tells the story of the war, whenever
possible, in the words of those who lived it, and therein lies
its justification and its charm.
As the result of extensive research, mainly in printed
sources, the authors have gathered together in this volume
a large and diverse collection of original accounts, many of
them little used before. These accounts, skillfully woven into
the authors' own well-written narrative, constitute perhaps
one-half of the text. They have been extracted from a variety
of sources— letters, diaries, official reports and journals— and
they include the writings of all manner of men: Americans,
Britons, Frenchmen, and Hessians; the highest ranking officers
and the lowliest soldiers; and civilians, too, male and female,
patriot and tory. Some of the accounts are deadly serious,
Book Reviews 545
some are full of the soldier's lusty humor, some are downright
bawdy, some are grisly. If some are more interesting than
others, few are dull, and one gains through them a sharply
realistic and intimate picture of the war. On the whole, the
quality of selection is excellent.
There are things about the book that give to the reviewer
his coveted opportunity to quibble. Since it deals almost ex-
clusively with military history a more appropriate sub-title
might have been "The Living Story of the Revolutionary
War." It is a very long book, perhaps excessively so (490
pages of finely printed text). Had the authors been willing
to sacrifice some of the detail they could have produced a
shorter, easier to read and probably more effective work. The
authors separate the accounts taken from the sources from
their own narrative by little stars at the beginning and end of
each passage, and the source of each of these passages is ap-
propriately indicated in the notes. But the text is studded with
other quotations ( designated in the standard way ) for which
no sources are indicated at all. All quoted passages, it seems,
should have warranted footnoting, no matter how designated
in the text. Generally speaking, the maps are well-done and
helpful, though the map of New Jersey (p. 205) places the
village of Trenton on the wrong side of Assunpink Creek. One
last thing— John Adams was not "always an advocate of in-
dependence" (p. 150).
But these are only minor criticisms of a well-executed and
worthwhile book, one, indeed, that should have wide appeal.
The historically minded layman should find it vastly interest-
ing; the Revolutionary specialist will find it useful; the teacher
of history will find it an unfailing source of anecdotes with
which to enliven lectures.
Robert L. Ganyard.
The University of Houston,
Houston, Texas.
546 The North Carolina Historical Review
Revolution in America : Confidential Letters and Journals, 1776-
1784, of Adjutant General Major Bauermeister of the Hessian
Forces. Translated and annotated by Bernhard A. Uhlendorf.
(New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press.
1957. Pp. xiv, 640. $9.00.)
The writer of the ninety-four letters and diaries presented
here, Carl Leopold (later von) Bauermeister, was in a good
position to report at firsthand many of the momentous events
and decisions of the "American War." He was a general staff
officer, serving as first adjutant to all three Hessian comman-
ders-in-chief, Leopold Phillipp von Heister, Wilhelm von
Knyphausen, and Friedrich Wilhelm von Lossberg. For some
time between 1779 and 1782 he was aide-de-camp to Sir
Henry Clinton. Only once did he command a body of troops,
namely at Eagle Hill, in the Philadelphia campaign. In 1783
he was authorized by Generals von Lossberg and Guy Carle-
ton to negotiate in person with Congress for the return of
German prisoners and deserters who had settled in the Phila-
delphia area or were employed in the iron works at Mount
Hope, New Jersey.
Bauermeister, an intelligent man, a keen and relatively
unbiased observer, and a professional soldier, reported to his
superior, the Minister of State of Hesse Cassel, on the military
events in America and also on the social, economic, and diplo-
matic aspects of the war. It is interesting to note that before
the war ended, Hesse Cassel sent to America 16,992 officers
and men out of a total population of less than three hundred
thousand. More than one-third of the virtually seventeen thou-
sand did not return to Germany. Some had been killed in
action or had died from wounds or disease, but by far the
greatest number had deserted or had else "escaped" from
American prisons to settle in this country and could not be
persuaded to return to their homeland at the close of the war.
Yet Bauermeister had written in 1781: "The Hessians are be-
coming accustomed to the American climate, but not to the
extent of preferring this air in any respect to that of the
Fatherland."
Book Reviews 547
The Hessians, as revealed in these interesting and highly
informative letters and diaries, were not the ogres many
schoolbooks paint them to be. In the beginning of the war
they were feared by the civilian population, but later on they
were gradually better liked and more civilly treated than were
the British. Legends of the Hessians being guilty of a great
deal of plundering have survived to this day, but the Hessians
looted no more than did the British— or the patriots when
Tory property was concerned. Bauermeister's letters and
diaries contain many remarks about pillaging, marauding, and
plundering—always uttered in condemnation of the offense.
Bauermeister not only gives a full account of the much-
maligned Hessians, but also comments critically on such sub-
jects as British laxity and negligence and the interrelation of
British commerce and warfare. In contrast with most personal
accounts of the Revolution, his narrative contains a great deal
of information about the movements and activities of the
British naval forces, especially in the West Indies. He felt
that unless British military and naval leaders displayed more
efficiency than they had shown in most of their campaigns
"England may lose everything/' At the same time, he declared
that the "stubborn and inexperienced rebels are too lucky."
Until the British surrender at Yorktown, in October, 1781, he
believed that the rebels might be brought to terms of sub-
mission. Yet he wrote: "To conquer the Americans completely
and impose arbitrary terms is thought to be improbable."
Bauermeister was interested in almost every aspect of the
war. He commented about American uniforms, guns, wagons,
military supplies, and the fighting quality— or lack of it— dis-
played by Continentals and militia. Commenting about
George Washington, he wrote: "Everyone is captivated by
this general . . . even though he is not a good strategist" and
"does not always follow through." Time and again, Bauer-
meister referred to prices and the depreciation of paper cur-
rency. He gave a vivid account of the activities of various
Tory leaders, among them John Butler of New York and
David Fanning of North Carolina. He wrote about the sec-
tional jealousies in America, the bickerings of Congress, and
548 The North Carolina Historical Review
General Washington's relation to Congress. On several
occasions he commented about American suspicions of
French sincerity, and declared that these suspicions were well
founded.
Bauermeister had little to say about the causes of the war.
He seemed to be doing a job that had to be done and he was
reporting to his superiors in Germany what he thought they
wanted to hear. As early as October, 1777, he stated his hope
that "this miserable war will soon end." He estimated that
if the rebels had, in addition to their own soldiers, "twelve
thousand men generaled in the German way," they would win
a quick victory. He had little praise for the undisciplined
American troops. Yet he wrote: "The Americans are bold, un-
yielding, and fearless. . . . They have their indomitable ideas
of liberty, the mainsprings of which are held and guided by
every hand in Congress."
Hugh T. Lefler.
University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill.
The Green Dragoon: The Lives of Banastre Tarleton and Mary
Robinson. By Robert D. Bass. (New York: Henry Holt and
Company. 1957. Pp. viii, 489. $5.75.)
Publishers have a nasty little way of putting authors on the
spot through their dust jacket "blurbs." To declare any book
"definitive" goads every reviewer to work with diligence to
prove that jacket wrong, sometimes even to the point of dig-
ging out innocuous minutiae which have little to do with the
main current of the narrative.
Doctor Bass was a brave man to select as the subject of a
biography Banastre Tarleton, for "Bloody Tarleton" was pos-
sessed of a personality that only a biographer or a mother
could love.
The story begins during the American Revolution, the arena
in which Tarleton gained his greatest fame and suffered his
greatest disgrace. His green-coated British Legion plundered,
despoiled, and killed with abandon and enthusiasm. Even to-
Book Reviews 549
day the name Tarleton conjures up a picture of brutality and
needless slaughter. His comeuppance came that January 17,
1781, when, at a place called Cowpens in South Carolina,
Daniel Morgan administered the cocky cavalry leader a
thrashing that was to haunt him the rest of his days.
With the cessation of hostilities and his subsequent return
to England, Banastre Tarleton lived a life that revolved just
outside the pale of respectability. On a bet he seduced Mary
Robinson, ex-mistress of the Prince of Wales, and then be-
came so enamoured of his conquest that he found it difficult
to break away from her for many years. He became as de-
bauched as any of the gay crowd who ran with the royal
princes, so much so that the London Morning Post said of this
young roue that his "chief boast is that he has killed more men
and ruined more women, than any other man in Europe. . . ."
Mary Robinson, a talented actress and writer, became his
great love, and it was Mary who wrote his speeches when
Tarleton became a member of Parliament. As a legislator from
Liverpool he fought the abolition of the slave trade in the
interests of his sea-faring constituency. But once outside the
solemn halls he spent much of his time in gambling, many of
his losses being covered by Mary's literary earnings. In Parlia-
ment he prided himself on being something of a military ex-
pert, although the largest body of troops he ever led had been
defeated at Cowpens and after leaving America never again
did he lead troops into battle. Eventually, possibly because
of his friendship with the' royal princes, he was made a full
general. Nevertheless, he was never assigned to a really im-
portant command.
Always "the unfortunate day at Cowpens,'' hung about his
neck like the albatross. The publication of his Campaigns of
1780-1781, in the Southern Provinces of North America was
his apologia and in it he bit the hand that had protected him.
Lord Cornwallis, who was his champion after the defeat at
Cowpens, was saddled with the blame by the ungrateful
Tarleton. The readability of his Campaigns apparently is due
largely to the deft strokes of the pen of Mary Robinson, but
true to his nature, Tarleton was to discard the woman he lov-
550 The North Carolina Historical Review
ed and in middle age was to marry a young girl with money.
In interest, this book starts slowly and gathers momentum
as it progresses. That portion covering the period of the
American Revolution moves at a languid pace and contains
some errors, albeit of a minor nature. The research here does
not seem to have been as thorough as in the later chapters.
It is only after Tarleton returns to England that the book takes
on life, slowed only by the author's penchant for printing long
passages from Mary Robinson's writings or complete letters of
Banastre Tarleton. The latter, however, are of value; Dr. Bass
has turned up a number of hitherto unknown Tarleton letters
which are not readily available to the historian.
The author's facile pen draws a well-delineated picture of
the gay social whirl of London's "younger generation" in the
late eighteenth century. Nevertheless, it is Mary Robinson
who most often carries the narrative, with Tarleton apparent-
ly just coming along for the ride.
Contrary to Dr. Bass's statements, Williamsburg was not
the capital of Virginia in 1781; Cornwallis was not the pur-
sued, but the pursuer in the Virginia campaign; theater cur-
tains did not part, but rose in the eighteenth century; and the
orchestra was not called that, but was referred to as the
"pit." To enumerate other errors of a like nature would seem
picayunish and indicate that this reviewer had picked up the
gauntlet thrown down by the publishers when they used the
adjective "definitive." This is a good book, and is the final
word of Tarleton's life in England, but his role in the Ameri-
can Revolution is yet to be fully done.
Hugh F. Rankin.
Tulane University of Louisiana,
New Orleans.
Mighty Stonewall. By Frank E. Vandiver. (New York, McGraw-
Hill Book Company, Inc. 1957. Pp. xi, 547. Maps, illustrations,
notes and index. $6.50.)
In the brief space of one year, Thomas Jonathan Jackson,
once a none-too-successful teacher at the Virginia Military
Book Reviews 551
Institute, demonstrated that he was a rare military genius.
From the spring of 1862 to the end of April, 1863, he defeated
a succession of Federal armies in a brilliant campaign in the
Valley of Virginia, went to Richmond to help defeat and im-
mobilize McClellan's Peninsula Campaign, fought at Cedar
Mountain, and Second Manassas, captured Harper's Ferry,
joined Robert E. Lee at Sharpsburg, and served valiantly at
Fredericksburg. His achievements inspired the South, threw
terror into the North, and won the lasting admiration of stu-
dents of military science for all time to come.
For many years Colonel G. F. R. Henderson's Stonewall
Jackson and the American Civil War has stood as the standard
military study of Jackson and his campaigns. A work of high
merit, it seemed so definitive that no one attempted to replace
it. Freeman, in Lee's Lieutenants, gave considerable attention
to Jackson. But neither Freeman nor Henderson succeeded in
integrating the strange personality of Jackson— who bore both
the nicknames of "Stonewall'' and "Tom Fool"— with his mili-
tary achievements. Dr. Vandiver has now succeeded where
both previous military students failed. His study of Jackson
places "Tom Fool's" strange quirks— his odd diet, his eccentric
mannerisms, his unusual religious devotion— in perspective
while displaying "Stonewall's" sense of logistics, strategic
imagination, and tactical skills. The result is a rounded, full-
fleshed biography which is at once fascinating to read and
penetrating in its scholarship. Vandiver's lucid analysis of
campaigns and dramatic descriptions of battles can take rank
among the best writing on the Civil War.
William B. Hesseltine.
University of Wisconsin,
Madison.
Fiction Fights the Civil War: An Unfinished Chapter in the
Literary History of the American People. By Robert A. Lively.
Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1957.
Pp. viii, 230. Bibliography, footnotes, and index. $5.00.)
"The Connecticut lady who laid aside the description of
Sherman's march in Gone with the Wind with an explosive
552 The North Carolina Historical Review
'Those damn Yankees' puts in forceful context the process I
seek here to analyze," writes Robert A. Lively in this discern-
ing and provocative treatise on Civil War novels. "One cannot
doubt", he adds, "that Southern traditions of the Civil War
have been more firmly fixed in the American consciousness by
Miss Mitchell's best seller than by Douglas Southall Freeman's
minute examination of the career of Robert E. Lee."
Professor Lively is a historian, but this does not mean that
he objects to people turning to fiction for ideas about the past.
Indeed, his examination of 512 novels about the Civil War
has given him a wholesome respect for the novelist as his-
torian. All the major interpretations that successive genera-
tions of historians have applied to the conflict, he states, are
to be found in works of fiction; and, what is more important,
the appearance of these interpretations antedated, sometimes
by many years, their exposition in history books. The implica-
tion is not that the historians appropriated the ideas of the
novelists— Professor Lively seems to think that historians gen-
erally are disdainful of historical novels— but rather that they
moved at a slower pace in their search for an understanding
of the Civil War. Historians had to proceed more slowly be-
cause they could accept as truth only what they could estab-
lish by the standards of their discipline; novelists on the other
hand were free to use their imagination. And what the good
novelist discerned intuitively, in Professor Livery's opinion,
was often closer to the truth than what the historical scholar
dug out laboriously from masses of records. The advantage
of the novelist is summarized thus in a passage about South-
ern novels:
Even dreams spun from the realm of romantic illusion have their
place with such achievements, for in the artist's vision there may
be captured a truth more accurate than fact, because it is con-
ceived in the spirit which informs the fact. Stately gentlemen of
unblemished honor, loyalty beyond the fear of death, unwavering
conviction of righteous purpose — these qualities seem lost for-
ever except in the pages of such books as these, which bring us
again to the time before the Union was divided, before blue and
gray were faded, before the bright hope, unrealized, collapsed in
early sorrow.
Book Reviews 553
As the above comments indicate, Professor Lively is a bold
scholar. His daring is quickly manifested when in his first
chapter he selects from the 512 titles the fifteen "best Civil
War novels." Space will not permit complete listing of his
favorites, but they include De Forest's Miss Ravenel's Con-
version from Secession to Loyalty, Faulkner's The Unvan-
quished, Glasgow's Battle-Ground, Caroline Gordon's None
Shall Look Back, Kantor's Long Remember ( "The best mod-
ern novel produced in the North about the war."), Lytle's
The Long Night, Tate's The Fathers, and Stark Young's So
Red the Rose.
Writing about the war is not a phenonomen peculiar to any
period, according to the author, though the peak decade for
Civil War novels was 1900-1909, when 110 were published,
and the nadir was 1870-1879, when only 17 appeared. "The
unusual times were the years when Civil War novels were not
being published'' in considerable quantity.
The author analyzes some of the better novels. He also
essays a comparison of northern and southern works. Northern
novelists, he finds, tended to portray the war as "more a
calamity in individual lives than a national or regional ex-
perience." Even so, "they succeed in outlining important un-
derlying forces of the time" and their work, because it seeks
to point up the war's lasting effects on the nation, has "a
vitality, a social usefulness, which is evident less frequently
in southern portrayals of the war as a catastrophic punctua-
tion point of the majestic phases of an old litany."
A distinquishing feature of southern novels about the war,
he notes, is the emphasis on family. This exaggerated con-
sciousness of kin, and all the customs and loyalties associated
with it, appears, not only among Stark Young's aristocratic
McGehees, but also in Andrew Lytle's yeomen Mclvors. "The
dissolution of manners, of group pride, or of family loyalty
becomes evidence of defeat more devastating than the result
of purely military action."
Fiction Fights the Civil War is a thoughtful, well-written,
and richly interpretive book. It would be a credit to a writer
of twice the years of its youthful author. Its merit is so excep-
554 The North Carolina Historical Review
tional as to mark him as one of the most promising of the
excellent crop of historians produced during the period fol-
lowing World War II. He will bear watching.
Bell I. Wiley.
Emory University,
Emory University, Ga.
Lincoln's Commando: The Biography of Commander W. B.
Cushing, U.S.N. By Ralph J. Roske and Charles Van Doren.
(New York: Harper & Brothers. 1957. Pp. x, 310. $4.50.)
William Barker Cushing was dismissed from the Naval
Academy in March of 1861, a few months before he was to
graduate. Four years later his reputation for bravery and in-
dividual deeds of daring was unequaled by anyone, North
or South, who fought in the Civil War. How he wangled
his way back into the Navy, pleaded for, planned, and suc-
cessfully executed numerous missions (several of them un-
authorized) it told in detail in Lincoln's Commando. Brief
attention is given to his forebears, his family, and his post
war career.
The high point of Cushing's career was the sinking of the
Confederate ram Albemarle at Plymouth, North Carolina, for
which he received $56,000 prize money, a Congressional vote
of thanks, and the frenzied acclaim of the Union. Less sig-
nificant but equally hazardous were his raids into most of the
navigable inlets and rivers of the North Carolina coast.
Dullness is impossible in a book that undertakes the Cush-
ing story. By generously quoting Cushing's letters, the authors
give us a fair glimpse of the man. On receiving his first as-
signment and before any action, he wrote a cousin: "Wherever
there is fighting, there we will be, and where there is danger
in the battle, there will I be, for I will gain a name in this
war." On his first visit home after the war began, he arranged
for his letters to his mother to be published in the local paper
as soon as she had read them. Following a minor engagement
in the Nansemond Biver in which he acquitted himself well,
Book Reviews 555
he wrote his mother: "I am no braggart, but I challenge the
world to furnish a more determined fight, or a victory more
richly deserved." The authors are at their best with a quiet
humor concerning Cushing's exaggerations and his bombast.
Despite its inevitable interest and reasonably good writing
( one scene of suspense is pure pulp ) the book is a failure as
a historical work. It begins with "Acknowledgments", the
usual thanks to persons and libraries, and it ends with an
index. The intervening 303 pages abound with facts and
quotations the sources of which, with four exceptions, the
authors play hide and seek. "D. S. Freeman said in his R. E.
Lee" and "Wells wrote in his diary" account for two. "Stewart,
his official biographer" probably refers to Charles W. Stuart,
who wrote two articles on Cushing for the U. S. Naval Insti-
tute Proceedings (Vol. XXXVIII, Nos. 11 and 111). Cushing's
home town newspaper, the Fredonia Censor, is mentioned
without date as the source of two quotations. The book is
innocent of footnotes or bibliography.
The authors' credentials are presented on the dust jacket.
Ralph Roske is a summa cum laude graduate of DePaul Uni-
versity and now teaches history at Humbolt State College.
Charles Van Doren is a cum laude graduate of St. John's
College and presently teaches English at Columbia Univer-
sity. These abundant professional talents were not well used
in this book.
Winston Broadfoot.
Duke University,
Durham.
Still Rebels, Still Yankees, and Other Essays. By Donald David-
son. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. 1957.
Pp. x, 284. Wood engraving by Theresa Sherrer Davidson, and
index. $4.50.)
Right away, what will impress any reader of this book is
that there are few stylists like Donald Davidson around any-
more. Delightfully, the sentences ripple along with a lucid
rhetoric reminiscent of that characterizing the best old South-
556 The North Carolina Historical Review
ern orators. This is as it should be; for the ideas expressed in
these seventeen essays are straight out of the Old South. The
author, a confessed traditionalist and a regionalist without
shame, is spokesman for the "golden days," when men lived
off the land and a folk culture was abroad.
At present Professor of English at Vanderbilt University,
Donald Davidson was one of the original agrarians. His
colleagues have dispersed to the North and East, but loyal
Davidson is still in Tennessee, preaching those doctrines
which energized him in 1930 (see I'll Take My Stand).
Professor Davidson has arranged his essays carefully. He
begins by defending poetry and by mourning its demise; he
moves through Yeats and Hardy and Stark Young, particular-
ly praising Hardy's dependence on the tradition, which with
Davidson is by now synonymous with the only enduring and
worthwhile essense of life; and then he goes into the folk
tradition itself. All these pages are enlightening and even
convincing.
It is only when Davidson begins to comment on the modern
South that he invites suspicion. His explanation of why
America's greatest contemporary novelist, William Faulkner,
comes out of (of all places) Mississippi is that tradition has
made it possible for Faulkner not to be "confused by the
division between head and heart." This is carrying a devotion
too far. And by the time Davidson is ready to comment on
W. J. Cash's great work The Mind of the South, there is a
mood of ridicule.
The reasons for these excesses soon become apparent: an
old-fashioned detestation of Negro progress, and a violent
envy of the nontraditional North. Professor Davidson would,
of course, deny both. At any rate, it seems a pity that such
a fine literary hand must be governed by prejudice and bias,
especially in a cause with which many historians and writers
can sympathize.
Richard Walser.
North Carolina State College,
Raleigh.
Book Reviews 557
The United States: The History of a Republic. By Richard
Hofstadter, William Miller, and Daniel Aaron. (Englewood
Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc. 1957. Pp. xvi, 812. Preface,
appendix, illustrations, maps, and index. $7.95.)
General histories of the United States come from the pub-
lishers in an ever growing flood. In recent years many of them
have been the result of collaborative authorship; a practice
with advantages and pitfalls. Too often, especially with col-
lections of readings in American history, the method of col-
lective authorship seems more designed to seek wider adop-
tion than to present the cream of several men's special
knowledge.
This book, the reviewer hastens to say, does fall into the
latter category rather than the former. The authors present
in a generally chronological fashion the progress of the
United States from its origin in the stirrings of Europe's early
commercial revolution to its role in the turbulence of the
present cold war. The style of writing is fluid and easy, neither
the academic jargon which might be expected from dis-
tinguished scholars nor the basic English so often fed to the
television-conditioned reader. The lucidity of style is un-
marred by apparent breaks as each of the three authors con-
tributes his part. This is also a compliment to the over-all
editing of the book.
The charts and maps are clear, well-chosen, and properly
placed in the text. Many times readers of history books find
it a wearing task to keep one finger continually marking the
page where a map is placed as the text races pages ahead.
The cartoons, prints, and photographs are fresh and properly
illustrative. The only criticism of the latter group lies in the
selection of certain pre-Civil War Negro scenes which the
reviewer feels may furnish too much sympathy for the Aboli-
tionist point of view to suit the Southern reader.
Actually, the book is a balanced portrayal of the various
forces at work in the shaping of the United States. Nowhere
is there an obvious attempt to present any special point of
view, not even Mr. Hofstadter's Social Darwinism. For this
558 The North Carolina Historical Review
reason it is a good general account of the whole sweep of the
history of the country, enlivened with personal vignettes
which explain the political and social activities of the past
and present. There is always an attempt to portray the politi-
cal developments against a social background which makes
this book superior to many general histories of the United
States. The appendix contains interesting and helpful charts
of the various presidential elections and important party vic-
tories to aid further the reader in assessing the sometimes
tangled web of politicial activity.
The reviewer feels that this is one of the superior general
histories which have come before the public in the past few
years and one which may be read with pleasure by the aver-
age interested citizen.
Joseph Davis Applewhite.
University of Redlands,
Redlands, California.
The New-York Historical Society's Dictionary of Artists in
America, 1564-1860. By George C. Groce and David H. Wallace.
(New Haven, Conn. : Yale University Press. 1957. Pp. xxvii,
759. Introduction and key to sources. $15.00.)
This is a purely biographical dictionary, listing artists alph-
abetically and presenting as nearly as possible the following
information: full name, dates, places of birth and death,
subject matter of work (in some instances location), and
places of residence and exhibition. It will be used primarily
as a reference work by those students who are doing research
in early American art.
The volume has a complete Introduction by the authors as
well as a key to abbreviations and citation of sources. It not
only includes painters and sculptors but also engravers; litho-
graphers; wood-carvers; cameo-,seal-, and silhouette-cutters;
and others in the many related fields. It supplies in a compact,
comprehensive style the most complete data obtainable on
more than 10,000 artists. Primary sources have been used in
all possible instances, and each entry is documented. The
Book Reviews 559
term "in America" includes artists who traveled or visited
in this country as well as those who were born here or spent
their productive years here. On the reverse side the term is
also applied to artists who were born in America, who went
abroad and pursued their artistic activity during the period
selected.
Dr. Groce and Dr. Wallace state that this work cannot be
considered "definitive"; nonetheless, it is an excellent dic-
tionary. They are to be congratulated for their contribution to
the New- York Historical Society's lengthening list of superior
publications.
Elizabeth W. Wilborn.
State Department of Archives and History,
Raleigh.
The Jamestown 350th Anniversary Historical Booklets. Edited
by E. G. Swem. (Richmond: Garrett and Massie, Inc. For the
Virginia 350th Anniversary Celebration Corporation, Wil-
liamsburg. 1957. 23 volumes. $11.50 for the set, $.50 per vol-
ume.)
1. A Selected Bibliography of Virginia, 1607-1699. By E. G.
Swem, John M. Jennings, and James A. Servies. Pp. 72.
2. A Virginia Chronology, 1585-1783. By William W. Abbot.
Pp. 76.
3. John Smith's Map of Virginia, with a Brief Account of
its History. By Ben C. McCary. Pp. 11, folded map.
4. The Three Charters of the Virginia Company of London,
with Seven Related Documents: 1606-1621. With an Introduction
by Samuel M. Bemiss. Pp. 128.
5. The Virginia Company of London, 1606-1624. By Wesley
Frank Craven. Pp. 57, illustrated.
6. The First Seventeen Years, Virginia, 1606-1624. By Charles
E. Hatch, Jr. Pp. 118, illustrated.
7. Virginia under Charles I and Cromwell, 1625-1660. By
Wilcomb E. Washburn. Pp. 64, folded map.
8. Bacon's Rebellion, 1676. By Thomas J. Wertenbaker.
Pp. 60.
9. Struggle Against Tyranny and the Beginning of a New
Era, Virginia, 1677-1699. By Richard L. Morton. Pp. 80, folded
map.
560 The North Carolina Historical Review
10. Religious Life of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century.
By George MacLaren Brydon. Pp. 51, illustrated.
11. Virginia Architecture in the Seventeenth Century. By
Henry Chandlee Forman. Pp. 79, drawings and photographs.
12. Mother Earth— Land Grants in Virginia, 1607-1699. By
W. Stitt Robinson, Jr. Pp. 76.
13. The Bounty of the Chesapeake; Fishing in Colonial Vir-
ginia. By James Wharton. Pp. 78, drawings.
14. Agriculture in Virginia, 1607-1699. By Lyman Carrier.
Pp. 41, drawings and appendices.
15. Reading, Writing, and Arithmetic in Virginia, 1607-1699.
By Susie M. Ames. Pp. 76.
16. The Government of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century.
By Thomas J. Wertenbaker. Pp. 61, photographs.
17. Domestic Life in Virginia in the Seventeenth Century.
By Annie Lash Jester. Pp. 91, photographs and index.
18. Indians in Seventeenth-Century Virginia. By Ben C. Mc-
Cary. Pp. 93, drawings.
19. How Justice Grew. Virginia Counties, An Abstract of
Their Formation. By Martha W. Hiden. Pp. 101, charts, photo-
graphs, and index.
20. Tobacco in Colonial Virginia; "The Sovereign Remedy."
By Melvin Herndon. Pp. 53, drawings.
21. Medicine in Virginia, 1607-1699. By Thomas P. Hughes.
Pp. 78.
22. Some Notes on Shipbuilding and Shipping in Colonial
Virginia. By Cerinda W. Evans. Pp. 77, appendices.
23. A Pictorial Booklet on Early Jamestown Commodities
and Industries. By J. Paul Hudson. Pp. 78, drawings.
The Virginia 350th Anniversary Commission (which pub-
lished this series), Dr. E. G. Swem (the editor), the Commit-
tee on Publications, the authors of the individual booklets,
and all others concerned have reason to be proud of this fine
series on seventeenth-century Virginia, issued in connection
with the 350th anniversary celebration of the first permanent
English settlement in the New World. The purpose evidently
has been to present in easily readable form a number of book-
lets that visitors at the celebration and others might purchase
at reasonable cost and read in order to gain a good idea of
Virginia life during that period. This purpose has been suc-
cessfully achieved in a useful series of twenty-three separate
publications, each selling for only fifty cents. Various phases
of the subject are covered, giving a well-rounded picture.
Book Reviews 561
Most of the booklets contain illustrations that enhance their
value and interest. The over-all format is good.
Obviously in any series the different items vary in quality,
but in the present instance it does seem that more uniformity
might have been attained. Some of the authors are adequately
identified, some are not. Some of the booklets have introduc-
tions, bibliographies, and indexes, while others lack one or
more of these. A critical bibliography and an index, at least,
would seem to have added to the value of all the booklets
except one or two, which perhaps do not need these features.
Christopher Crittenden.
State Department of Archives and History,
Raleigh.
357-1958
1958-1959
$135,611
$122,841
47,994
36,664
161,904
62,193
14,234
—
1,198
6,644
360,941
228,342
14,406
11,656
346,535
216,686
HISTORICAL NEWS
The North Carolina General Assembly at its regular 1957
session made the following appropriations for the Depart-
ment of Archives and History:
I Administration
II Records Control
III Historic Sites
IV Gutten Silver
V Merit Salary Increments
Total Requirements
Less Estimated Receipts
General Fund Appropriation
The total budget for 1956-1957 was $200,133. The de-
crease in the appropriation for 1958-1959 under that for
1957-1958 is explained by the fact that a number of specific
appropriations were made for Historic Sites for the earlier
year but not for the later.
The new appropriation includes three new employees— a
Public Records Examiner, an Archivist I, and a Photographer.
The first two will be employed in the Division of Archives
and Manuscripts and the last will work half-time for the Divi-
sion of Archives and Manuscripts and half-time for the Divi-
sion of Museums.
The appropriation also includes salary increases for all
members of the staff according to a graduated scale set up by
the State Personnel Department. The average increase for all
state employees is 11 per cent.
Included in the appropriation for 1957-1958 is a sum to
purchase the fine collection of Early American silver of Dr.
George B. Cutten of Chapel Hill. The fund will supplement
private donations, and the collection will remain in the Hall
of History, where for several years it has been on exhibit as
a loan.
The General Assembly also amended two laws sponsored
by the Department which were reported on in the July His-
[562 ]
Historical News 563
torical News section of The Review— one authorizing the set-
ting up of a committee on the disposal of records in the cus-
tody of the Department, the other dealing with appropria-
tions of non ad valorem tax revenues to local historical socie-
ties by the various counties and municipalities of the State.
The Department of Archives and History prepared an
illustrated 4-page folder on North Carolina, "Land of Begin-
nings," which was used to welcome the visiting governors
who were entertained by Governor Luther H. Hodges in
Dare County on June 27 and 28. The folder, which was pro-
duced by the State Advertising Division, gave brief historical
data on significant dates and events in Dare County with
emphasis on the Lost Colony and the great "Firsts" which
are so famous in the development of aviation and radio. Illus-
trations included a reproduction of De Bry's engraving of
John White's water color of "Roanoke," the Zuccara portrait
of Sir Walter Raleigh, a reproduction of the painting of the
"Christening of Virginia Dare," pictures of the highway mark-
er showing the site of the first English colony in America,
the Wright Memorial, and the Hatteras Lighthouse, as well
as a facsimile of the John White water color of an Indian
chieftain and a model of an Elizabethan galleon.
On June 2 Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Director of the De-
partment of Archives and History, spoke on "North Carolina
in the War Between the States" at a meeting honoring Jeffer-
son Davis, President of the Confederate States of America.
The celebration, held at the John Graham High School in
Warrenton, was sponsored by the Warren County Chapter
No. 939 of the United Daughters of the Confederacy. On July
9-10 Dr. Crittenden lectured on state and local archives to
the fourth annual session of the Institute on Historical and
Archival Management in Cambridge, Mass., sponsored jointly
by Radcliffe College and the Department of History of Har-
vard University. On July 23 Dr. Crittenden attended a joint
luncheon meeting in Raleigh of the Board of Directors of the
Calvin Jones Memorial Society, Inc., and a special committee
of the Wake County Chapter of the Wake Forest College
564 The North Carolina Historical Review
Alumni Association. The committee and directors met to plan
a campaign to raise funds for the restoration of the Calvin
Jones House, the birthplace of Wake Forest College. The
house has been moved from its original location and now
stands on the 400 block of N. Main Street in Wake Forest.
The goal which has been set is $20,000 and interested per-
sons may write Dr. Crittenden, President of the Calvin Jones
Memorial Society, Inc., Box 1881, Raleigh.
Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Superintendent of the De-
partment of Archives and History, visited the Barker House
and the James Iredell House in Edenton on June 5 and dis-
cussed plans for further restoration work on these two historic
houses. On June 6 he visited the house of Revolutionary
War General Isaac Gregory in Camden County and discussed
with a local group the possibilities of restoring the house. On
July 10 Mr. Tarlton spoke to the Caswell County Historical
Society in Yanceyville on historic houses and sites in North
Carolina. He represented the Department at a meeting on
July 22 held at "Flossie's" in Pantego. The purpose of this
meeting which was attended by a group of Beaufort County
citizens was to continue the discussion and planning for the
restoration of Colonial Bath. During the summer Mr. Tarlton
and Dr. Jay Luvaas of Duke University have made explora-
tory trips to Bentonville Battleground to locate trenches,
earthworks, and other remains, and to plan a series of mark-
ers for the battlefield.
Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museum Administrator of the Depart-
ment of Archives and History, attended the opening June 24-
26 of the Fireman's Museum in New Bern. While there she
visited Tryon Palace to make plans to house the artifacts re-
maining from the original palace. On July 26 Mrs. Jordan,
accompanied by Mrs. Martha H. Farley of the staff of the
Hall of History, and Mr. Norman C. Larson, Historic Site
Specialist, went to Hillsboro where they assisted the Hillsboro
Garden Club in planning exhibits for the museum which is
to be located in the old courthouse. On August 5-8 Mrs. Jor-
dan and Mrs. Farley worked in the National Parks Laboratory
Historical News 565
and at the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D. C,
where they studied the planning and techniques employed in
arranging modern museum exhibits.
Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archivist of the Department of
Archives and History, announces the acquisition by the Divi-
sion of Archives and Manuscripts of the personal papers of
the late Governor R. Gregg Cherry. Totalling approximately
50 cubic feet, these papers include Cherry's personal corre-
spondence from about 1914 to 1957, childhood and adult
quotation books, political papers, World War I records,
speeches and source materials, scrapbooks, and picture al-
bums. It is expected that this significant body of papers will
be arranged and made available for research in the near fu-
ture. In addition, a quantity of Governor Cherry's personal
possessions and mementoes, particularly World War I items,
has been received by the Division of Museums.
Historical Research in the North Carolina Department of
Archives and History, an eight-page leaflet, has been pub-
lished by the Department. Copies of the leaflet, designed to
give the scholarly researcher a general description of the
main types of records in the Archives and statement of poli-
cies concerning their use, may be obtained without charge
from Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archivist, Box 1881, Raleigh.
Another leaflet, Services to the Public, is designed for the
genealogist and copies may be obtained from the same ad-
dress.
Mrs. Madlin M. Futrell assumed the duties as Photograph-
er on July 1. She will work half-time for the Division of Ar-
chives and Manuscripts and half-time for the Division of
Museums.
During the months of April, May, and June, 722 research-
ers registered in the Search Room. In addition, at least 572
persons were given reference service by mail and 32 persons
were rendered service by telephone. These figures do not
include matters handled directly by the State Archivist. In
addition to the above services, 588 photostatic copies and
microfilm prints, 69 certified copies, and 335 feet of microfilm
were furnished.
566 The North Carolina Historical Review
Microfilm copies of the population schedule of the Census
of 1880 for North Carolina, purchased from the National
Archives, are now available in the Search Room. Microfilm
copies of the special agriculture, industry, social statistics,
and other schedules of the Censuses of 1850, 1860, 1870, and
1880 are now available also for public use. These special
schedules were filmed in the Department.
The following manuscript volumes which had been with-
drawn from public use because of deterioration have been
laminated, rebound, and readied for public use: Register of
the North Carolina Line of the Army of America (copied in
1791); Northampton County Court Minutes, 1792-1796;
Rutherford Countv Court Minutes (three volumes), 1779-
1786, 1786-1789, and 1789-1793; and Duplin County Court
Minutes, 1791-1793.
Mrs. Fannie Memory Blackwelder, Records Center Super-
visor, has compiled a 34-page mimeographed pamphlet on
the policies and procedures in the Records Management Pro-
gram.
Miss Mollie Lukis, Archivist in the State Library of West-
ern Australia, visited the Division of Archives and Manu-
scripts for a week in August. Her interest was in the policies
and practices of archival institutions in the United States,
and she also spent one day each visiting the Southern Histo-
rical Collection at the University of North Carolina in Chapel
Hill and the Duke University Manuscript Department in
Durham. Miss Lukis elected to visit only three state archival
departments in the United States, those of North Carolina,
Illinois, and Maryland. While visiting the Department Miss
Lukis talked at a staff meeting about her work in Australia
and presented a program of color slides which showed the
geographical features of the country.
Dr. Fletcher M. Green, Chairman of the Department of
History at the University of North Carolina, received the
degree of Doctor of Letters at the spring commencement at
Emory University. Dr. C. O. Cathey taught at the Summer
Session at the University of Wyoming, and has been promoted
from the rank of Associate Professor to Professor. Dr. Hugh
Historical News 567
T. Lefler taught in the Summer Session at Syracuse Univer-
sity. Dr. James L. Godfrey replaces Dr. Corydon P. Spruill
as Dean of the Faculty effective September 1. Dr. Spruill will
return to teaching in the Department of Economics. Mr.
Charles Hale resigned from the staff of the Department of
Social Science to accept a position at Lehigh University, and
Dr. Hugh Hawkins resigned his position as Instructor in the
Department of History for a position at Amherst College.
Other faculty promotions are: Dr. Frank W. Klingberg from
Associate Professor to Professor; Dr. F. N. Cleveland from
Associate Professor to Professor; and Dr. Elisha P. Douglass,
Dr. J. R. Caldwell, and Dr. George V. Taylor from Assistant
Professor to Associate Professor.
At the Woman's College of the University of North Caro-
lina in Greensboro Dr. Richard Bardolph has been promoted
to Professor of History, and Dr. Lenoir Wright has been made
Assistant Professor of Political Science.
Dr. Rosser H. Taylor, Head of the Department of History
at Western Carolina College, sends the following items: Mr.
Ernest M. Lander, Jr., of Clemson College served as Visit-
ing Professor of History at Western Carolina College during
the first session of summer school; and Mr. Richard J. Barker,
who received a B.A. from the University of Rochester and
an M.A. from Duke University, has been appointed as In-
structor of History.
The Department of History of North Carolina State Col-
lege announces the following faculty changes: Mr. J. Leon
Helguera has been appointed Instructor of History; Dr. Bur-
ton F. Beers has been promoted from the rank of Instructor
to that of Assistant Professor; Dr. William J. Block has been
appointed as Assistant Professor ( formerly taught at The Cit-
adel); Dr. Marvin L. Brown, Jr., and Dr. Abraham Holtzman
have been promoted from Assistant Professors to Associate
Professors; and Dr. Stuart Noblin and Dr. Philip M. Rice
have received promotions from Associate Professors to Pro-
fessors. Dr. Noblin has also been appointed College Archivist
for North Carolina State College.
568 The North Carolina Historical Review
Dr. Julian C. Yoder, member of the Social Studies Depart-
ment of Appalachian State Teachers College and Professor of
Geography, has been promoted to Head of the Department
of History. He succeeds Dr. D. J. Whitener, presently Dean
of the college, who resigned from the position.
Dr. Bradley D. Thompson has been promoted to Professor
of History at Davidson College.
Dr. E. Malcolm Carroll, James B. Duke Professor of
History at Duke University and a member of the department
since 1923, has resigned as Chairman effective September 1,
1957, and has announced his voluntary retirement from
teaching as of September, 1958. During the interval he will
be on sabbatical leave. Dr. John R. Alden has been appointed
as Chairman of the History Department to succeed Dr. Car-
roll. He came to Duke in 1955 from the University of Ne-
braska and has written extensively in the field of American
colonial and Revolutionary history. He is a member of the
board of editors of the Mississippi Valley Historical Review
and a member of the Council of the Institute of Early Amer-
ican History and Culture.
Dr. Alexander DeConde has resigned from the department
at Duke to become Associate Professor of History at the Uni-
versity of Michigan. Mr. J. Bowyer Bell, doctoral candidate,
has accepted a position at Georgia Teachers College. Dr.
George M. Addy and Dr. Arthur R. Steele, who received the
doctorate in June, have accepted positions at Brigham Young
University and the University of Toledo respectively. Dr.
Ernest W. Nelson and Dr. Harry R. Stevens taught at the
Summer Sessions of the University of Tennessee and the Uni-
versity of Cincinnati respectively.
Mr. Winston Broadfoot, formerly of Wilmington, has been
appointed to succeed Dr. Jay Luvaas as Director of the
George Washington Flowers Collection at Duke University.
Mr. Broadfoot received his LL.B. degree from the University
of North Carolina, lived in Texas for a number of years, and
for the past several years has been collecting materials for
his private collections.
Historical News 569
Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton, former member of the Execu-
tive Board of the Department of Archives and History and
President of the Western North Carolina Historical Asso-
ciation (1956-1957), has written another pamphlet, The
Kingdom of the Happy Land. The booklet tells the story of
a band of freed Negro slaves who settled partially in Hender-
son County (North Carolina) and partially in Greenville
County ( South Carolina ) . The first group settled "The Happy
Land" about 1864 and disbanded about 1900. Mrs. Patton
presents new sidelights of this little-known effort in com-
munal living with its King and Queen ruling their subjects
who built their dwellings on a part of the Col. John Davis
plantation, Oakland. Biographical sketches are included and
a few pictures— one of these is of Ezel Couch who contributed
his reminiscences to this story.
A pre-Revolutionary house, presumably built about 1760,
has been moved to Tryon and has been sufficiently restored
to be used as a museum. The general design of the house is
similar to those restored in colonial Williamsburg, Virginia,
and is open to the public for a small fee. Exhibits have in-
cluded one of household utensils, quilts, clothing, childrens'
toys, needlecraft, and a combination exhibit of old tin, glass,
china, pottery, slip ware, and rare "treen" ware. Paintings by
local artists are displayed and offered for sale. Plans are in
progress for future displays, some of which will be borrowed
on a temporary basis.
A recent issue of The Gaston County Historical Bulletin,
official organ of the Gaston County Historical Society, fea-
tured stories about the postal service in Gaston County, the
ceremonies commemorating the beginning of the county and
the Town of Dallas, and a list of topics for historical research
to be published in the future. The editor stressed the neces-
sity for accurate information but stated that it is not necessary
that the data be submitted in story form.
The North Carolina Society of County and Local Histo-
rians sponsored a tour of Mecklenburg County on June 23,
with the courthouse in Charlotte as a starting point. Points
570 The North Carolina Historical Review
of interest which were visited on the tour included: the birth-
place of James K. Polk, 11th President of the United States;
Providence Presbyterian Church which was organized before
the Revolution by the Rev. Alexander Craighead; Philadel-
phia Presbyterian Church; Eli Hinson House erected in 1786
which has been restored; the Charlotte Mint Museum of Art
erected in 1836; and the First Presbyterian Church erected in
1856. Behind this church is the oldest cemetery in Charlotte
and tradition states that Dr. Ephraim Brevard is buried there.
The graves of Governor Nathaniel Alexander, Thomas Polk,
and many other noted persons are also to be found here.
The Society also sponsored a tour of McDowell County on
July 23 beginning at the courthouse in Marion. The following
places of interest were visited by those who participated:
Gillespie's Gap and Monument; Cathey's Fort Marker; mark-
er at the site of the home of Colonel Joseph McDowell;
home of Jonathan L. Carson where the first Court of Pleas
and Quarter Sessions met; "The Glades" constructed about
1785 and used as a stage-coach stop; marker located at Old
Fort commemorating General Griffith Rutherford and his ex-
pedition from that point across Swannanoa Gap; Arrowhead
Monument; Old Carson Home; the Evans Cottage, Gowan's
Point, and Lake Tahoma, where the group had lunch; and the
last stop at Quaker Meadows.
The sixth joint summer regional meeting of the North Caro-
lina Literary and Historical Association, Inc., and the West-
ern North Carolina Historical Association was held in Cul-
lowhee on August 16 and 17. The program included talks by
the following persons: Mr. William D. McKee of Cashiers,
who spoke on "The H Volume in Jackson County"; Mr. Paul
Kelly, Superintendent of Fort Loudoun State Park, Vonore,
Tennessee, who spoke on "The Story of Fort Loudoun"; Mr.
Glenn Tucker of Flat Rock who spoke on "Some Aspects of
North Carolina's Participation in the Gettysburg Campaign";
and a panel discussion on "Cultural Centers in Western North
Carolina". Other events included a reception given by West-
ern Carolina College and attendance on Saturday evening of
the outdoor drama, "Unto These Hills," at Cherokee. Mr. Gil-
Historical News 571
bert T. Stephenson of Pendleton is President and Dr. Christo-
pher Crittenden is Secretary of the Literary and Historical
Society; and Mr. George W. McCoy of Asheville is President
and Dean J. J. Stevenson of Brevard College is Secretary of
the Western North Carolina Historical Association.
The History Bulletin, official organ of the Western North
Carolina Historical Association, in the July issue had the fol-
lowing articles: an account of the last quarterly meeting, the
proposed program for the joint summer meeting with the
North Carolina Literary and Historical Association, Inc., local
news items relative to county meetings, a notice of the publi-
cation of Our Heritage, a history of the people of Cherokee
County by Mrs. Margaret Freel, and a report on the activities
and plans of the association.
More than thirty members and guests attended the meeting
of the Carteret County Historical Society held at Cedar Point
on Bogue Sound on July 27. Hosts for the annual watermelon
cutting were Mr. A. D. Ennett and Mr. John S. Jones. Mr.
Thomas Respess, President, presided at the business session
at which time reports were presented. A paper on the history
of Plymouth prepared by Mrs. T. T. Potter was read by Mrs.
F. C. Salisbury. One of the projects of the society for the year
was to acquire records from markers in the various old ceme-
teries in the county and more than 400 markers from the Ann
Street Cemetery in Beaufort were recorded and put in book
form by the group.
The Pitt County Historical Society met August 1 in Green-
ville at which time a discussion was held to formulate ideas
to be developed toward the completion of a program for the
bicentennial celebration of Pitt County in 1960. Mr. Frank
Brooks, Vice-President, presided, and Mr. D. L. Corbitt of
the State Department of Archives and History talked to the
group. Mr. Herbert R. Paschal, Dr. Lawrence E. Brewster,
Dr. Howard Clay, Dr. Paul E. Jones (State Senator from Pitt
County ) , and Mr. Frank Wooten ( State Representative from
Pitt County) made brief talks. Judge Dink James read ex-
572 The North Carolina Historical Review
cerpts from a law establishing the Pitt County Historical
Commission which is charged with the responsibility of stag-
ing the celebration.
Favorite Recipes of the Lower Cape Fear, edited by the
Ministering Circle of Wilmington, is now available again. The
cookbook has been reprinted and mail orders can be filled by
sending $2.25 to The Ministering Circle, Box 1809, Wilming-
ton.
A second edition of The American Indian in North Caro-
lina by the late Douglas L. Rights has been published by
John F. Blair. The volume, originally published by the Duke
University Press, is illustrated and traces the history of the
various tribes in North Carolina from the earliest records
through the white man's wars and treaties. The author, a
Moravian minister who became interested in Indians when
he was a small boy looking for arrowheads, continued his
search and research into his adult life. His book is considered
one of the best works on the Indian in this state. It may be ob-
tained from John F. Blair, Publisher, 404 First National Bank
Building, Winston-Salem.
Dr. H. E. Spence, Professor Emeritus of Religious Educa-
tion at Duke University Divinity School, is the author of a
36-page pamphlet, McBride, A Mother in Methodism. This
history of Dr. Spence's home church in Camden County deals
with rural Methodism from 1792 to the 1920's. Dr. Spence
tells the story of the evangelistic and educational work of the
church interweaving biographical sketches and reminiscences
as the growth of the congregation expands. This booklet may
be added to the increasing list of individual church histories
which are being produced as a result of interest manifested
by local groups.
The University of Chicago and the University of Virginia
are sponsoring the publication of a new and complete edition
of the papers of James Madison. The editors will appreciate
information about the location of letters by or to James Madi-
Historical News 573
son or his wife (Dolley Payne Madison, who was born in
North Carolina), especially letters in private possession or
among uncalendared manuscripts in the collections of public
or private institutions. Please use the following address when
writing: The Papers of James Madison, 1126 East 59th Street,
Chicago 37, Illinois.
The Society of American Historians, Inc., announces the
Francis Parkman Prize of $500 to be awarded in the field of
American history and biography. The book which will receive
the award must be published within the calendar year 1957
and the award will be presented during the winter of 1958.
Colonial history would admit of a treatment of the English,
French, or Spanish background if definitely connected with
the colonies. Literary, religious, economic, political, scientific
and technological, legal and constitutional history, and the
history of foreign relations would fall within the field. The
purpose of the award is to stimulate the writing of history as
literature, thus emphasizing literary distinction in historical
writing. For further information address: Dr. Rudolf A.
Clemen, Executive Vice-President, The Society of American
Historians, Inc., Princeton University Library, Princeton,
New Jersey.
The American Council of Learned Societies announces the
sum of $100,000 for fellowship grants not to exceed $7,000
each for tenure during the academic year 1957-1958. Candi-
dates must have the doctorate ( or its equivalent ) at the time
of application. These fellowships are to be used to provide
opportunities for younger scholars to complete research proj-
ects in the humanities. A budget must be submitted by the
candidates and they must spend six consecutive months on
the projects with no other work permissible. Forms may be
requested from the ACLS Fellowship Program, American
Council of Learned Scholars, 2101 R Street, NW, Washing-
ton 8, D. C. Applicants should apply before October 15, 1957,
and should be under 45 years of age.
An additional program with $100,000 for grants-in-aid (no
grant to exceed $3,000) has also been announced by the
574 The North Carolina Historical Review
same group. Grants will allow applicants to do research in a
wide variety of fields and may be used for travel, clerical as-
sistance, relief from summer school teaching, etc. Candidates
should have the doctorate ( or its equivalent ) and must sub-
mit a budget to show need. Judging for the grants will take
place in October, 1957, and February and April, 1958. In-
quiries should be made at the above address.
A Special Awards Program for 1958-1959 for distinguished
work in the humanities has also been announced by the Coun-
cil. These awards will be presented to mature scholars who
are to be nominated by academic institutions, professional
societies, and the like. Individual applicants will not be so-
licited. Awards will be in the sum of $10,000 to be used for
at least eight months of uninterrupted work. Funds may be
used for travel, research assistance, materials for research,
and other similar purposes. All inquiries should be made at
the above address.
Books received for review during the last quarter are:
Sadie Smathers Patton, The Kingdom of the Happy Land
(Asheville: The Stephens Press, Inc., 1957); Clifford Dow-
dey, The Great Plantation. A Profile of Berkeley Hundred
and Plantation Virginia from Jamestown to Appomattox
(New York and Toronto: Rinehart and Company, Inc.,
1957); Douglas L. Rights, The American Indian in No7ih
Carolina (John F. Blair, Publisher, 1957); Otis A. Singletary,
Negro Militia and Reconstruction (Austin: University of
Texas Press, 1957); and Laura Polanyi Striker, The Life of
John Smith, English Soldier (Chapel Hill: The University of
North Carolina Press. Published for The Virginia Historical
Society, 1957).
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE
Mr. David H. Corkran is Lecturer in American History at
Roosevelt University, Chicago, Illinois.
Dr. Kenneth Scott is Professor and Head of the Depart-
ment of Modern Languages at Wagner College, Grimes Hill,
Staten Island, New York.
Dr. Edwin A. Miles is an Associate Professor of History at
the University of Houston, Houston, Texas.
Dr. George C. Osborn is Professor of Social Sciences at the
University of Florida, Gainesville.
Dr. Mary C. Wiley was for many years Head of the De-
partment of English at the R. J. Reynolds High School in
Winston-Salem, and is now writing a daily column, "Mostly
Local," in the Twin-City Daily Sentinel, Winston-Salem.
[575]
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS VOLUME
Dr. Henry T. Malone is Associate Professor of History and
Assistant to the Dean in the School of Arts and Sciences at
Georgia State College of Business Administration, Atlanta.
Mr. Diffee W. Standard is Research Assistant at the Insti-
tute for Research in Social Science, and a graduate student,
at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.
Dr. Richard W. Griffin is Associate Professor of History at
Athens College, Athens, Alabama.
Mrs. Fannie Memory Blackwelder is Supervisor of the State
Records Center of the Department of Archives and History in
Raleigh and is a member of the North Carolina State Bar.
Dr. Frenise A. Logan is Professor of History at The Agri-
cultural and Technical College of North Carolina in Greens-
boro.
Miss Marian H. Blair is a former member of the faculties
of Salem, Agnes Scott, and Greensboro colleges and has also
taught at the University of North Carolina and Duke Univer-
sity. She presently resides in Winston-Salem where she is a
member of the Board of Directors of the Wachovia Historical
Society.
Dr. John W. Parker is Chairman of the Department of
English at Fayetteville State Teachers College, Fayetteville.
Mr. Richard Walser is Associate Professor of English at
North Carolina State College, Raleigh.
Mr. William Stevens Powell is Assistant Librarian, North
Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina Library,
Chapel Hill.
[676 ]
Contributors to this Volume 577
Dr. C. Hugh Holman is Professor of English at the Uni-
versity of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.
Dr. H. Broadus Jones is Professor of English and Head of
the Department of English at Wake Forest College, Winston-
Salem.
Dr. Gilbert T. Stephenson is retired Director, Trust Re-
search Department, Graduate School of Banking, American
Bankers Association, and resides at Warren Place, Pendleton.
Dr. Roy F. Nichols is Vice-Provost and Dean of the Grad-
uate School of Arts and Sciences, University of Pennsylvania,
Philadelphia.
Dr. Percy G. Adams is Associate Professor of English at
the University of Tennessee, Knoxville.
Mr. Henry W. Lewis is Assistant Director of the Institute
of Government and Research Professor of Public Law and
Government at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.
Dr. Harold T. Pinkett is an Archivist, Natural Resources
Records Division, National Archives, Washington.
Mr. Herbert Collins is Assistant Professor of Social Studies
at North Carolina State College, Raleigh.
Dr. John C. Guilds is an Associate Professor of English at
Texas Technological College, Lubbock.
Mr. David H. Corkran is Lecturer in American History at
Roosevelt University, Chicago, Illinois.
Dr. Kenneth Scott is Professor and Head of the Depart-
ment of Modern Languages at Wagner College, Grimes Hill,
Staten Island, New York.
578 The North Carolina Historical Review
Dr. Edwin A. Miles is an Associate Professor of History at
the University of Houston, Houston, Texas.
Dr. George C. Osborn is Professor of Social Sciences at the
University of Florida, Gainesville.
Dr. Mary C. Wiley was for many years Head of the De-
partment of English at the R. J. Reynolds High School,
Winston-Salem, and is now writing a daily column, "Mostly
Local," in the Twin-City Daily Sentinel, Winston-Salem.
INDEX TO VOLUME XXXIV -1957
Aaron, Daniel, his The United
States: The History of a Repub-
lic, received, 452; reviewed, 557.
Absher, Mrs. W. R., serves on
Board of Directors, Wilkes Coun-
ty Historical Association, 309.
Accessions, those of the Division
of Archives and Manuscripts,
listed, 304.
Actors in the Colony, by Albert Q.
Bell, presents prose biographies
of Roanoke settlers, 184.
Adams, John E., named as Secre-
tary, North Carolina Symphony
Society, 118.
Adams, Percy G., compares work
of Lawson and Brickell, 317-
326; his article, "John Lawson's
Alter-Ego — Dr. John Brickell,"
313-326; reviews North Carolina
Drama, 90; reiterates Sparks's
and Cox's assertion regarding
BrickelPs plagiarism, 326.
Addy, George M., accepts position,
Brigham Young University, 568.
Africa, Philip, announces Salem
faculty addition, 307.
Agricultural Developments in
North Carolina, 1783-1860, dis-
cussed, 243; reviewed, 283.
Ahoskie Era of Hertford County,
1889-1939, The, by Roy Parker,
Sr„, received, 129.
Alabama, spinning mill established
there in 1809, 20.
Alabama Commission of Industrial
Resources, notes influx of north-
ern capital, 375.
Alamance Battlefield, visited by lo-
cal historians on tour, 125.
"Alamance plaids," first colored
cotton cloth woven on power
looms in South, 146.
Alamance Presbyterian Church,
visited by group on tour of Guil-
ford County, 125.
Alden, John R., appointed Chair-
man, History Department, Duke
University, 568; elected new
member of Historical Society of
North Carolina, 124; has article
published, 442; member of Coun-
cil, Institute of Early American
History and Culture, Colonial
Williamsburg, 568; on board of
editors, Mississippi Valley His-
torical Review, 568.
Alderson, William T., reviews The
Decisive Battle of Nashville, 421.
Alexander, Nancy, her Here Will
I Dwell: The Story of Caldwell
County, reviewed, 91.
Alexander, Nathaniel, grave of,
visited on tour, 570.
Allcott, John, elected Vice-Presi-
dent-at-Large, Art Society, 112.
Allen (Master), name of man with
Ralph Lane, 207.
Allen, Morris, listed as Lost Col-
onist, 207.
Allen, Mrs. W. G., named as Sec-
retary-Treasurer, Society of
Mayflower Descendants, serves as
committee chairman, 118.
Ali-Mat Takes Off, by Mrs. Alice
Clarke Mathewson, discussed,
241.
Alston, John, one of family accused
of counterfeiting, 479, 480.
Alston House, opened as historic
shrine, 444.
Amadas, Philip, makes voyage to
Roanoke twice, 214.
American Council of Learned So-
cieties, The, announces fellow-
ship grants, 573.
American Indian in North Caro-
lina, The, by Douglas L. Rights,
received, 574; republished, 572.
American University, co-sponsors
Institute on Records Manage-
ment, 436; joint sponsor of the
Institute in the Preservation and
Administration of Archives, 436.
Anderson, John H., prepares con-
stitution and by-laws for Wake
historical group, 446.
Andrews, M. B., represents Wayne
County Historical Society at
Wake County meeting, 124.
Angel, Herbert E., directs Insti-
tute on Records Management,
436.
Ann Street Cemetery (Beaufort),
markers there, recorded by Car-
teret historical group, 571.
Appeal, The, Negro newspaper,
urges support of Negro fairs,
60.
Applewhite, Joseph Davis, reviews
The United States: The History
of a Republic, 558.
[579 ]
580
The North Carolina Historical Review
Archaeological Society of North
Carolina, holds annual meeting,
125.
Archives, those of England, yield
data on Roanoke colonists, 215.
Archives and Manuscripts, Division
of, acquisitions listed, 304.
Archives of the North Carolina
Department of Archives and
History: Services to the Public,
released by the Department, 111.
Argo, Thomas M., Raleigh lawyer
attempts to organize bar associa-
tion, serves as Secretary, North
Carolina Bar Association, 36.
Arnett, Mrs. Ethel Stevens, her
Greensboro, North Carolina, dis-
cussed, 243; receives American
Association for State and Local
History Award, 115.
"Around My Back Door," quoted
from The News and Observer,
248.
Arrowhead Monument, visited on
McDowell County tour, 570.
Ashe, Samuel A., elected secretary
of legal group, 37; writes edito-
rial on organization of bar asso-
ciation, 40.
Asheville, serves as host to legal
meetings, 48, 55, 56.
Asheville Citizen, editor of, indi-
cates need for lawyers to orga-
nize, 36.
Askew, A. S., presides at session,
North Carolina Literary and
Historical Association, Inc., 437.
Atkinson, Edward, proposes exhi-
bition, suggests marmalade in-
dustry instead of cotton mills,
380; supports New England su-
premacy in textiles, 381.
Aubrey, Captain, member of Roa-
noke colony, 207.
Auraria, The Story of a Georgia
Gold-Mining Town, by E. Merton
Coulter, received, 128; reviewed,
291.
"Avoca," visited by group on coun-
ty tour, 437.
Ausley, Paul K., speaks to mem-
bers of Pasquotank County His-
torical Society, 445.
Aycock, Charles B., restoration of
his birthplace, discussed, 443.
Aydlett, Olive, gives report, 445;
re-elected Treasurer, Pasquotank
County Historical Society, 446.
B
Back Creek Friends Church, visit-
ed by group on tour of Randolph
County, 125.
Baker Island, obtained by United
States under Guano Act, 266.
Ball, Jerry, receives Palatine His-
tory Award, 447.
Baltimore Chronicle (Maryland),
questions Jones-Wilson duel, 501.
Barber, Mrs. W. W., serves as Di-
rector, Wilkes County Historical
Association, 309.
Bardolph, Richard, promoted to
Professor, 567.
Barker, Richard, given Fulbright
grant for study in France, 121.
Barker, Richard J., appointed In-
structor, Western Carolina Col-
ledge, 567.
Barnum, P. T., marker unveiled in
honor of, 110.
Barrett, John G., his Sherman's
March through the Carolinas,
received, 129; reviewed, 284; re-
views General George B. Mc-
Clellan. Shield of the Union,
425; reviews Rebel Brass, The
Confederate Command System,
298.
Barrow, Henry W., attends Trinity
College, born near Salem, 68;
describes cold and poor shelter,
78; describes illnesses at camp,
72, 73, 74, 76; describes quarter-
master duties, 80, 82; disap-
proves of camp gossip about of-
ficers, 75; employed by F. and
H. Fries, 69; expresses hope for
war's end, 81; goes to Staunton
(Va.) for provisions, 82; goes to
Weldon to join General Hoke,
80; has four brothers in Confed-
erate Army, 69; his "Memoir"
read, 70; joins Moravian Church,
69; last letter to Fries, 85; let-
ters of, describe camp life, 69;
marries Mrs. Nannie Webster
Cardwell, 70; requests food from
home, 84; requests Fries to get
him heavy boots and hat, 83; re-
turns to Salem after war, 70;
sends extra clothing home, 81;
sends John W. Fries cannon ball,
77; sends letters to Salem by mill
wagons, 69; serves as corporal,
70; serves under Robert F. Hoke,
82; tells of illness of Negro cook
in camp, 77; tells of makeshift
army hospital, 74; tells of Salem
ladies nursing Forsyth County
Index to Volume XXXIV
581
regiments, 76; tells of scouting
for Yankees near New Bern, 80;
tells of watermelon feast, 73;
volunteers for Confederate
Army, 68; writes from Danville
(Va.), 70; writes from near Ma-
nassas, 72; writes of destruction
of land during battle, 79; writes
of election of officers, 71; writes
of evacuation of Columbia (S.C.),
84; writes of Forsyth County
Flag, 72; writes of gift of wine
while in camp, 73; writes of lack
of camp routine, 77; writes of
measles in camp, 75; writes of
mountain camp site, 76; writes
views of Grant's campaign, 81.
Basil the Page, by Grace I. Whit-
man, juvenile story of Virginia
settler, 193.
Bass, Robert D., his The Green
Dragoon. The Lives of Banastre
Tarlton and Mary Robinson, re-
ceived, 451; reviewed, 548.
Bass, Mrs. Taft, elected Vice-
President, Society of County and
Local Historians, presents Hodg-
es Cup Award, 117; presides at
luncheon, North Carolina Liter-
ary and Historical Association,
Inc., 116; re-elected Vice-Presi-
dent, Literary and Historical As-
sociation, 115.
Batchelor, J. B., aids in efforts of
Raleigh lawyers to organize, 36.
Battle, Joel, advertises for citizen
support of cotton mills, 25;
wealthy planter of Edgecombe
County, 24.
Battle, R. H., one of Raleigh law-1
yers urging formation of a state
bar association, 36.
"Battle of Gettysburg, The," film
shown at staff meeting, Depart-
ment of Archives and History,
438.
Beall, James F., officer of Henry
W. Barrow's regiment, 70.
Beard, Robert, speaks at Asheville
meeting, 449.
Beasley, Mrs. W. B., represents
Johnston County Historical So-
ciety at meeting of Wake Coun-
ty group, 124; writes article on
Mitchiner family, 309.
Beaufort County Historical Society,
holds meeting, 308.
"Bedford Brown: State Rights
Unionist," wins Connor Award,
115.
Beers, Burton, promoted to Assist-
ant Professor, North Carolina
State College, 567; reads paper,
Historical Society of North Caro-
lina, 443.
Belk, Henry, attends meeting of
Wake County group at Gover-
nor's Mansion, 124; introduces
speaker, 443.
Bell, Albert Q., his Actors in the
Colony, discussed, 184.
Bell, Holley Mack, reviews Ocra-
coke, 289; writes comments on
Jamestown celebration, 451.
Bell, J. Bowyer, accepts position,
Georgia Teachers College, 568;
studies in Italy on Fulbright
grant, 121.
Bell, Mrs. Suzanne G., joins staff,
Records Center, Department of
Archives and History, 304, 436.
Bell's Grove, visited by group on
tour of Randolph County, 125.
Ben Franklin's Privateers. A Naval
Epic of the American Revolu-
tion, by William Bell Clark, dis-
cussed, 245.
Benbow, Charles, leads movement
for internal improvements, 139.
Bennet, Marke, husbandman, mem-
ber of the Lost Colony, 214.
Bentonville Battleground Associa-
tion, Inc., organized, 302.
Berde, William, yeoman, member
of the Lost Colony, 214.
Berry, Richard, Lost Colonist, de-
scribed as "gentleman" and
"muster captain," 214.
Best, John Hardin, goes to Missis-
sippi State College for Women,
119.
Beth Carr Church, visited on tour
of Bladen County, 445.
Beveridge, Albert J., annual com-
petition for award in honor of,
announced, 310.
Bevington, Mrs. Helen, her poetry
quoted, 232, 236; recognized as
poetess, 231; wins Roanoke-
Chowan Poetry Award, 115.
Bibliography of John Marshall, A,
received, 311 ; reviewed, 539.
"Bibliography of the Published
Writings of Benjamin Griffith
Brawley, A," by John W. Parker,
165-178.
Bierck, Harold A., promoted to Pro-
fessor, University of North Caro-
lina 119; speaks at Elon Col-
lege, 439.
Big End of the Horn, by Julia
Canaday, discussed, 230.
Biggs, J. Crawford, deserves credit
for founding permanent bar as-
582
The North Carolina Historical Review
sociation, 45; desires stricter
standards for lawyers, 50; pre-
pares constitution and by-laws,
43; reports on membership, 47;
serves as officer, North Carolina
Bar Association, 43, 44; takes
initiative in organization of law-
yers, 42.
Bijou: The Foundling of Nag's
Head, by Albert Plympton South-
wick, discussed, 200.
Biltmore Arboretum, discontinued,
353; established by Pinchot, 354.
Biltmore Estate, visited by Bar
Association members, 56.
Biltmore Forest, exhibit of, at Ex-
position causes favorable com-
ment, 352; management of,
brings praise from notables, 356-
357; put on a productive basis,
351; serves continuously as
school, 357; shows profit under
Pinchot's management, 350-351.
Biltmore Forest School, establish-
ed, 356.
Biltmore House, picture of, cover
of July Revieiv; near Asheville,
348.
Biltmore Story, The, by Carl A.
Schenck, tells of forestry school,
346.
Binford, Lewis, gives talk to
Archaeological Society, 126.
Bireline, George, wins award,
North Carolina Artists Competi-
tion, 113.
Black and White, book by T.
Thomas Fortune, mentioned, 63.
Blackmun, Ora, reads paper, Ashe-
ville meeting, 309.
Blackwelder, Mrs. Fannie Memory,
acts as hostess, 305; attends In-
stitute on Records Management,
436; attends meeting, Executive
Board, 432; attends meeting,
Meredith College, 433; attends
meeting, Society of American
Archivists, 111; compiles pamph-
let, 566; completes "Records in
North Carolina," 304; her ar-
ticle, "Organization and Early
Years of the North Carolina Bar
Association," 36-57; leads dis-
cussion, Institute of Religion,
304.
Bladen County Historical Society,
organized, 445.
Blair, Henry W., New Hampshire
senator, praises Negro fair, 67.
Blair, John F., republishes The
American Indian in North Caro-
lina, 572.
Blair, Marian H., her article, "Civil
War Letters of Henry W. Bar-
row Written to John W. Fries,
Salem," 68-85.
Blantyre Hospital, ladies from
Salem serve there as nurses,
16n.
Block, William J., appointed As-
sistant Professor, 567.
Bloody Fellow, Cherokee Indian
chief, refers to Holston agree-
ment, 2.
Blount, William, territorial gov-
ernor, attempts peace settle-
ments, 2.
Blue, H. Clifton, present for Al-
ston House opening, 444.
Blythe, LeGette, his James W.
Davis: North Carolina Surgeon,
received, 311; reviewed, 417.
Boniten, Captain, listed as Roanoke
colonist, 207.
Borchers, Mrs. Ethel, joins staff,
Division of Archives and Manu-
scripts, 111.
Borland, J., goes to Nicaragua to
protect isthmus transit interests,
259.
Bothwell, Jean, her Lost Colony,
discussed, 194.
Bowling, Mrs. Bessie, dances with
group, 305; joins staff, Division
of Archives and Manuscripts,
111, 436.
Boyd, Adam, prints handbills for
governor, 478.
Bragaw, John G., named board
member, Sons of the American
Revolution, 448.
Brandis, Dietrich, influences Gif-
ford Pinchot, 349.
Branscomb, John, makes presenta-
tion of World Methodist Build-
ing, 127.
Brandon, Barbara, accepts posi-
tion, Woman's College, Univer-
sity of North Carolina, 121.
Brandon, Evan, his Green Pond,
presents history of North Caro-
lina town, 229.
Branch, Mrs. Ernest A., re-elected
Secretary-Treasurer, Antiquities
Society, 114.
Brawley, Benjamin G., accepts po-
sition at Shaw University, 169;
attends Morehouse College, 166;
biographical works of, listed,
171; born, 165; contributes to
periodicals, 168; dedicates poems,
166; edited works of, listed, 171;
edits Home Mission College Re-
view, 172; general works of, list-
Index to Volume XXXIV
583
ed, 170-171; has faith in ulti-
mate opportunity for Negroes,
169; helps found Athenaeum,
166; his articles in periodicals,
listed, 172-172; his book reviews
in periodicals, listed, 175; his
booklets of verse, listed, 174; his
editorials in periodicals, listed,
176; his newspaper articles,
listed, 172; his poems in periodi-
cals, listed, 176-177; his short
stories in periodicals, listed, his
songs, listed, 177; introduces in-
tercollegiate debate in American
Negro colleges, is English in-
structor and dean, Morehouse
College, 166; is ordained minis-
ter, 168; joins Howard faculty,
167; makes trip to Liberia, 168;
marries, 167; miscellaneous
pamphlets of, listed, 172; re-
ceives M.A. at Harvard, 166; re-
turns to Howard University,
169; short stories and selections
in anthologies, listed, 171 ; teach-
ing ability becomes legendary,
167.
Brawley, James 3., new member,
Historical Society of North
Carolina, 443.
Brewster, Lawrence E., makes
brief talk to Pitt group, 571; re-
views Stub Entries to Indents
Issued in Payment of Claims
Against South Carolina Growing
Out of the Revolution, Book K,
289.
Brickell, John, accused of receiv-
ing credit due John Lawson, 324;
cited as plagiarist, 313; credited l
by scholars for Lawson's work,
324; describes Indian customs,
323; describes North Carolina
exports, 325; his description of
turkeys and pigeons compared to
Lawson's, 325-326; his descrip-
tion of white-Indian marriages
given, 323; his trip among the
Indians described, 321 ; his The
Natural History of North Caro-
lina, gives medical advice, 318-
319; states in History that he
gave Indians rum, 322; work re-
published, 315.
Bridges, Earley Winfred, his
Chorazin Chapter No. IS, Royal
Arch Mason. A Historical Sur-
vey of One of North Carolina's
Outstanding Chapters, received,
128; his Greensboro Lodge, No.
76. A. F. and A. M. A Historical
Survey of One of North Caro-
lina's Outstanding Lodges, re-
ceived, 128.
Bridges, Robert, intimate friend of
Woodrow Wilson, 514.
Brinkley, Walter, elected Treasur-
er, Davidson County Historical
Association, 448.
Broadfoot, Winston, becomes Di-
rector, George Washington Flow-
ers Collection, Duke University,
568 ; elected director, Lower Cape
Fear Historical Society, 448; re-
views Lincoln's Commando: The
Biography of Commander W. B.
Gushing, U.S.N. , 555.
Brocke, John, shoemaker, with
Ralph Lane's colony, 214.
Brooke, Francis, treasurer of 1585
expedition to Roanoke, 214.
Brooks, Frank, presides at Pitt
County Historical Society meet-
ing, 571.
Brooks, Robert Preston, his The
University of Georgia under Six-
teen Administrations, 1785-1955,
reviewed, 96.
Broughton, Mrs. J. M., elected to
Executive Council, Wake Coun-
ty Historical Society, 446; pres-
ent for Hall of History exhibit
opening, 306.
Brown, Mrs. J. A., elected Histo-
rian, Columbus County histori-
cal group, 122.
Brown, J. M., his article printed in
The Chronicle, 123.
Brown, Marvin L., Jr., appointed
Associate Professor, 567.
Brown, Mills, joins staff, Colonial
Williamsburg, Inc., 119.
Brown, William Burlie, joins fac-
ulty, Tulane University, 120.
Bruce, Blanche K., first Negro
United States senator, praises
Negro fairs, 59.
Brunswick County (Virginia),
scene of Dugger-Dromgoole duel,
327.
Brunswick Gazette (Lawrence-
ville, Va.), carries account of
Dugger-Dromgoole duel, 327.
Buchanan, James, serves as Am-
bassador to Great Britain, 259.
Buckland Abbey, former home of
Grenville family, home of Fran-
cis Drake, 219.
Buncombe to Mecklenburg — Spec-
ulation Lands, by Sadie Smath-
ers Patton, mentioned, 243.
Bulletin (Memphis, Tenn.), criti-
cizes southern attitude toward
improvement, 361.
584
The North Carolina Historical Review
Burgwyn, Mebane Holoman, her
Lucky Mischief, mentioned, 254;
her Moonflower, mentioned, 254.
Burwell, Armistead, speaks to bar
members on legal rights of mar-
ried women, 53.
Busbee, Mrs. Jacques, elected Vice-
President-at-Large, Art Society,
113.
Butler, Julian, Jr., his Come Unto
Me, mentioned, 239.
Butterfield, Lyman H., elected to
Council, Institute of Early
American History and Culture,
Colonial Williamsburg, Inc., 450.
Byers, Mildred I., to teach at Sa-
lem, 307.
Byrd, Clara Booth, presents Sir
Walter Raleigh Award, 116.
Byrnes, James B., gives brief re-
port to Art Society, 113.
Cage, Anthony, colonist in 1587,
former sheriff of Huntington,
215.
Caldwell, David, mentioned, 524.
Caldwell, James R., has essay pub-
lished, 439; has promotion, 567.
Caldwell, Tod R., proposes inter-
nal improvement program, 359.
Caldwell, Wallace E., member of
board, Society of Mayflower De-
scendants, 118.
Callcott, George Hardy, accepts
position, University of Mary-
land, 120.
Calvin Jones House, moved to new
location, 564.
Calvin Jones Memorial Society,
Inc., plans fund-raising cam-
paign, 564.
Calvinist (German Reformed)
Church, visited by group on his-
torical tour of Randolph, 125.
Camden County, story of McBride
Church there, given, 572.
Camp, Cordelia, gives report, West-
ern North Carolina Historical
Association, 310; reads paper on
grist mills, 127.
Campbell, Mrs. Carl, elected Secre-
tary-Treasurer, Bladen County
Historical Society, 445.
Campbell, Mrs. Vera N., named as
officer, North Carolina Sympho-
ny Society, 118.
Canaday, Julia, her Big End of the
Horn, mentioned, 230.
Cannon Awards, presented at
meeting, Antiquities Society, 114.
Cannon, Carl, accepts position, St.
Mary's Junior College, 441.
Cannon, Mrs. Charles A., brings
greetings, evening session, An-
tiquities Society, 114; elected
honorary president, presides at
meeting, Antiquities Society, 113.
Cannon, J. W., launches cotton
mill project, 370.
Cannon Manufacturing Company,
project launched by J. M. Odell
and J. W. Cannon, 370.
Cape Fear and Yadkin Valley
railroads, agree to transport ar-
ticles for Negro fair aft re-
duced rates, 61.
Captain Peter Summer's House,
visited by group on County and
Local Historians tour, 125.
Carlton, Phil R., Jr., announces
appointments, North Carolina
Sons of the American Revolu-
tion, 448; elected President, Sons
of the American Revolution, 449.
Carraway, Gertrude, attends meet-
ing, Executive Board, 432.
Carrigan, William, advocates in-
ternal improvements, 139.
Carroll, Charles F., named member
ex officio of North Carolina
Symphony Society, 117.
Carroll, E. Malcolm, resigns as
Chairman, History Department,
Duke University, 568.
Carroll, M. Elliot, named Executive
Vice-President, North Carolina
Symphony Society, 117.
Casey, Gideon, Rhode Island sil-
versmith, attempts to pass false
bills, 476.
Carson, J. H., speaks on gold-min-
ing, Mecklenburg Historical As-
sociation, 122.
Carson, Jonathan L., home of, vis-
ited on McDowell County tour,
570.
Carter, Clarence Edwin, The Ter-
ritorial Papers of the United
States, Volume XXII, The Ter-
ritory of Florida, 1821-1824, re-
ceived, 452.
Carteret County Historical Society,
holds quarterly meetings, 122,
308, 447, 571.
Cassidy, Vincent de Paul, joins
faculty, Southwestern Louisiana
Institute, 120.
Caswell-Nash Chapter, Daughters
of the American Revolution,
hold banquet meeting, 306.
Cathey, Cornelius O., has article
published, 439; his Agricultural
Index to Volume XXXIV
585
Development in North Carolina,
1783-1860, discussed, 244; re-
viewed, 283; promoted to Pro-
fessor of History, University of
North Carolina, 566; reviews Eli
Whitney and the Birth of Amer-
ican Technology, 99; teaches at
the University of Wyoming, 566 ;
to be Visiting Professor, 120.
Cathey's Fort Marker, visited by
group on McDowell County
tour, 570.
Cauthen, Charles E., his The State
Records of South Carolina:
Journals of the South Carolina
Executive Councils of 1861 and
1862, reviewed, 94.
Cavendish, Thomas, member of
Grenville's expedition, Roanoke
colonist, claims "around-the-
world" trip, 218.
Cazneau, William L., goes to Santo
Domingo, 259.
Cedar Falls Manufacturing Com-
pany, successful mill, produces
"Cedar Falls" yarn and cloth,
148.
Census of 1880, microfilm copy of,
available for use in Search Room,
566; predicts South's industrial
development, 379.
Censuses of 1850-1880, transferred
from State Library, 112.
Center Quaker Church, visited by
group on tour of historic sites,
Guilford County, 125.
Chambers, William Nisbet, his Old
Bullion Benton: Senator from
the New West, reviewed, 101.
Change of Sky, by Mrs. Helen Bev-1
ington, discussed, 232-233; wins
poetry award, 115.
Chapman, Margaret Louise, joins
faculty, University of Florida,
120.
Chapman, surname listed as Roa-
noke colonist, 207.
Charles E. Maddry: An Autobiog-
raphy, discussed, 241.
Charles, Joseph, his The Origins
of the American Party System,
received, 311; reviewed, 428.
Charles W. Ramsdell Award, to al-
ternate with the Sydnor Memo-
rial Award, 119.
Charleston (South Carolina), im-
migration meeting there, em-
phasizes industry, 359.
Charlotte, lawyers there, draw res-
olutions for Raleigh meeting, 38.
Charlotte Journal, praises Thomas
McNeely, 140; reports on cotton
textiles, 145.
Charlotte Mint Museum, visited by
group on tour, 570.
Chatham, Thurmond, presents orig-
inal documents to the State, 116.
Cherokee Council, creates bi-cam-
eral legislature, 7; decides to
fight with Lower Creeks and An-
drew Jackson, 9; serves as gov-
ernment of Cherokees, 7.
"Cherokee Pre-History," article by
David H. Corkran, 455-466.
Cherokees, advance in agrarian
economy, 10; agent for, appoint-
ed by government, 3; appreciate
white man's influence, 4; bor-
derlands of, cessioned away, 7;
bring religious cult from Asia,
457; change from tribal to re-
publican form of government, 4;
confined to Southern Appala-
chians, 1 ; forced to become farm-
ers, 1; have serpent deity in re-
ligion, 463; Hicks "fragment"
tells of establishing of early
"fire", 459; Hicks legend places
chronological development of,
460; industries of, enumerated,
10; inter-marry with white trad-
ers, Tories, and artisans, 4; is-
sue permits to free Negroes re-
maining in nation, 12; locate
along western North Carolina
rivers, 460; make "giant strides
towards white man's way of life,"
14; migration of, traced, 459-
462; mixed breed cause trouble
with whites, 7; mixed breed de-
scendants of, become leaders, 4;
mounds made by, yield artifacts,
459; of Iroquoian origin, 455;
pattern mounds after Musko-
geans, 462 ; pre-history of, shows
weakened religious and serpent
cult, 466; pre-history of tribe
theorized, 455-456; priests of,
called the "Proud," 464; priests
of, have Asiatic origins, 462;
progress of, aided by United
States government, 1 ; rebel
against priests, 463 ; said to have
come South by Alleghenies,
study of, as tribe migrating from
North, 456; suffer property loss-
es during Creek War, 9; towns
of, listed, 460-461; war against
United States in 1812, 9; war
leadership in nation replaces
priests, 464; women of, progress
in use of "white man's inven-
586
The North Carolina Historical Review
tions," 10; women of tribe have
freedom, 463.
Cherokee-white relations, nine-
teenth-century adjustments, dis-
cussed, 1.
"Cherokee-White Relations on the
Southern Frontier in the Early
Nineteenth Century," article by
Henry T. Malone, 1-14.
Cherokees of the Old South: A
People in Transition, by Henry
T. Malone, received, 128; re-
viewed, 294.
Cherry, R. Gregg, his personal pa-
pers acquired by the Department
of Archives and History, 565.
Cherry, William R., named as
Treasurer, North Carolina Sym-
phony Society, 118.
"Childhood Recollections of My
Father," article by Mary C. Wi-
ley, 517-529.
Cholera, epidemic of, in Tennessee,
described, 528.
Christian Eschatol&gy and Social
Thought, by Ray C. Petry, men-
tioned, 241.
Chronicle, The, list of articles in
May issue, 451 ; newsletter of
Bertie County Historical Asso-
ciation, reports on work, 123.
Chorazin Chapter No. 13, Royal
Arch Mason. A Historical Sur-
vey of One of North Carolina's
Outstanding Chapters, by Ear-
ley Winfred Bridges, received,
128.
Chotte, war-minded capital of
Overhills, 465.
Chotte-Great Tellico, Cherokee
towns, engaged in rivalry, 466.
Civil War, copy of map from
Clark's Histories of the Several
Regiments . . . showing battles
of, in North Carolina, released,
438; overshadows diplomatic at-
tempts of United States, 266.
"Civil War Letters of Henry W.
Barrow Written to John W.
Fries, Salem," by Marian H.
Blair, 68-85.
Clark, Amanda, elected Historian,
Bladen County Historical Soci-
ety, 445.
Clark, Elmer T., makes address at
dedication of Methodist archives
building, 127.
Clark, Miles, gives report to Pas-
quotank County Historical So-
ciety, 125.
Clark, H. H., elected President,
Bladen County Historical Soci-
ety, 445.
Clark, Thomas D., edits Travels in
the Old South: A Bibliography,
120; reviews The Cokers of Car-
olina, 534.
Clark, Walter, justice of the su-
preme court, replies to question
of robes for judges, 52.
Clark, William Bell, his Ben Frank-
lin's Privateers, A Naval Epic
of the American Revolution, dis-
cussed, 245.
Clarke, George Weston, joins fac-
ulty, Presbyterian College, 120.
Clarke James McClure, named
Vice-President, North Carolina
Symphony Society, 117.
Clarkson, Francis 0., elected board
member, Sons of the American
Revolution, 449.
Clay, Howard, makes brief talk to
Pitt County Historical Society,
571.
Clement, William, listed as prison-
er before joining Lost Colony
company, 215.
Cleveland, Grover, his election to
presidency, mentioned, 363.
Cleveland, F. N., promoted to Pro-
fessor, 567.
Clonts, Forrest W., on staff, new
Department of History, Wake
Forest College, 442.
Clyde, Paul H., lectures at Emory
University and Agnes Scott Col-
lege, 441; presents paper, 442;
presides at luncheon meeting,
Southern Historical Association,
118; is Visiting Scholar, Univer-
sity of Georgia, 441.
Coates, Albert, praises Bar Asso-
ciation for high standards, 50.
Cobb, Collier, Jr., elected board
member, Sons of American Rev-
olution, 448.
Cobb, Lucy M., her play, A Gift
for Penelope, mentioned, 230; to
write play for Society of Pala-
tine's celebration, 447.
Cockrell, Monroe F., his Gunner
with Stonewall, Reminiscences of
William Thomas Poague, . . .
A Memoir Written for His Chil-
dren in 1903, received, 452.
Code of Honor, followed by sec-
onds in Dugger-Dromgoole duel,
332.
Coe, Joffre, appears on television
program, 303; gives talk at
Index to Volume XXXIV
587
meeting of Archaeological So-
ciety, 126.
Cohen, Bernard, receives Book
Prize Award, 450.
Coffar, surname listed as Roanoke
colonist, 207.
Cokers of Carolina: A Social Biog-
raphy of a Family, The, by
George Lee Simpson, received,
129; reviewed, 532.
Coleman, Robert, returns with
John White to search for Lost
Colony, 224.
Coleman, Walter, serves as con-
sultant for film, 438.
Collins, Herbert, his article, "The
Idea of a Cotton Textile Indus-
try in the South, 1870-1900,"
358-392.
Colonel Balfour's grave, vi ited on
Randolph County tour, 125.
Colonel Polk Chapter, Daughters
of American Revolution, have
banquet meeting, 306.
Colonel Robeson home and tomb,
visited on Bladen County tour,
445.
Colonial Bath, by Herbert R. Pas-
chal, Jr., mentioned, 243.
Colonial Granville County and Its
People. Part II, The Lost Tribes
of North Carolina, An Index to
Names, received, 311; reviewed,
418.
Colonial Records of South Caro-
lina. The Journal of the Com-
mons House of Assembly, Sep-
tember 10, 17If5-June 17, 1746,
The, by J. H. Easterby, received,t
129; reviewed, 536.
Colored Industrial Association of
North Carolina, becomes major
force in Negro life, 59; desires
to educate and improve Negroes,
58; encourages educational and
industrial advancement of Ne-
groes, 67; encourages submit-
ting of articles for Negro fair,
63; organized, 58; posts hand-
bills and premium lists, 61 ; plans
1886 fair, 60; sponsors fairs for
Negroes, 58; stock in, sold, 62.
"Colored Industrial Association of
North Carolina and Its Fair of
1886, The," article by Frenise A.
Logan, 58-67.
Colton, Joel, awarded Guggenheim
Fellowship, 441.
Columbus County Society of Coun-
ty and Local Historians, holds
reorganizational meeting, 122.
Columbus Democrat (Mississippi),
eulogizes Joseph Seawell Jones,
506.
Come Unto Me, by Julian Butler,
Jr., devotions for young people,
mentioned, 239.
Commercial and Financial Chron-
icle, notes growth of southern
mills during depression, 385;
praises southern textile industry,
383.
Committee of Safety of Westmore-
land and Fincastle. Proceedings
of the County Committees, 177 A-
1776, The, by Richard Barksdale
Harwell, received, 129.
Concord Manufacturing Company,
produces twine, 149.
Confederacy, draws entire supply
of textiles from North Carolina
at close of war, 159.
Connor, R. D. W., award in his
honor presented to H. G. Jones,
115.
Conrad, Mrs. Agnes, archivist for
the Territory of Hawaii, visits
Department of Archives and
History, 111.
Constable, Marmaduke, attends
Caius College, member of Lane's
expedition, 218.
Conquest of Virginia, The, by Con-
way Whittle Sams, mentioned,
189.
Conway, Robert O., to serve as di-
rector of publicity, Old Salem,
Inc., 307.
Corbitt, D. L., assists in organiz-
ing Davidson County Historical
Society, 435; attends joint meet-
ing of historical societies, 443;
attends meeting, Executive
Board, 432; attends meetings,
Historical Society of North Car-
olina, 110, 434; edits Public Ad-
dresses, Letters, and Papers of
William Kerr Scott, Governor of
North Carolina, 1949-1953, 438;
gives report to North Carolina
Literary and Historical Associa-
tion, Inc., 115; speaks at meet-
ing, Wake County group, 112;
speaks at meeting, Western
North Carolina Historical Asso-
ciation, 449; speaks on Vance,
Western North Carolina Press
Association for Weekly Newspa-
pers, 434; speaks to Cherokee
County Historical Society, 435;
speaks to class, Western Caro-
lina College, 434; speaks to Co-
588
The North Carolina Historical Review
lonial Dames of the Seventeenth
Century, 435; speaks to Execu-
tive Committee, United Daugh-
ters of Confederacy, 112; speaks
to Mitchell County Historical So-
ciety, speaks to Murphy Junior
High School group, 435; speaks
to Rutherford County Club and
Forest City Kiwanis Club,
speaks to Sylva Rotary Club,
434; takes part in radio broad-
cast, 109; talks to Daughters of
American Revolution, Ruther-
fordton, 434; talks to Pitt Coun-
ty group, 571.
Cordon, Mrs. James H., elected
Treasurer, Art Society, 112.
Corkran, David H., his article,
"Cherokee Pre-History," 455-466;
reviews Cherokees of the Old
South, 294.
Cotten, Bruce, buys Tryon letter,
406.
Cotten, Sallie Southall, her The
White Doe: The Fate of Vir-
ginia Dare, discussed, 181.
Cotton, low prices of, causes plant-
ers to produce less, 30; market
for, fluctuates due to erratic
"grabbing" by mill owners, 368;
North Carolina production of,
listed, 30; price of, fluctuates,
384; price of raw, increases, 159;
price of, declines, 154.
Cotton manufacturers, become ar-
dent railroad promoters, 138;
become guardians of workers'
morals, 155; lead movements for
all internal improvements, 139;
problem of transportation of
goods confronts them, 138;
transport goods by wagons, 139.
Cotton mill, first in the South, 15.
Cotton mills, advantages of, listed
in Fisher report, 31; advertised
by southern press, 364; affected
by dry weather, 28; ante-bellum
ones located in rural areas, 23;
ante-bellum ones provide basis
for mill expansion after Civil
War, 160; appendix listing those
to 1830, 34-35; approximately
fifty in North Carolina at begin-
ning of Civil War, 159; attract
farm labor, 387; attract north-
ern capitalists to South, 373; be-
gun as adjunct to general store,
22; campaign to establish them
made by newspapers, 364; cam-
paigners for, point out natural
advantages of South, 365; close
in summers due to drought, 133;
conditions of, better than agrari-
an group, 387; criticized by few
who dislike "wildcat" organiza-
tions, 367; desired by southern
citizens, 391; dyeing process in-
troduced into, 146; emerge from
war with useless machinery, 159 ;
encouraged as proof of South's
independence, 157; erected on
faith rather than common sense,
367 ; establishment of, from 1830-
1860, 131; expected to change all
phases of community life, 367;
five established in 1828, 33; four
founded in North Carolina be-
fore 1830, 22; grow slowly due
to high prices of raw cotton, 27;
machinery for, ordered from
North, 132 ; mechanics come with
machinery to instruct workers,
139; money invested in doubled
between 1840 and 1870, 365;
needed New England "know-
how" to succeed, 373 ; New Eng-
land manufacturers become in-
terested in those of South, 366;
North Carolina ones, compared
with New England, 142; North
Carolina ones, from 1830 to 1865
listed, 161-164; often established
as community projects, 373; own-
ers of, besieged by problems,
134; period of expansion cited,
150; poorly operated, 383; prof-
its of, not shared by small in-
vestors, 137; project of many
southern communities after 1870,
358; promoters of, urge people
into mill employment, 131 ^pro-
vide houses, schools, clinics,
churches, etc., 156; structure of,
described, 143; suffer from lack
of capital, 134, 135; supporters
of, turn against northern in-
vestors, 376; unrestricted build-
ing of, undesirable, 384, work-
ers in, referred to as "heroes,"
155.
Cotton textile industry, "stabilized
about 1850," 158.
"Cotton Textile Industry in Ante-
Bellum North Carolina, The," by
Diffee W. Standard and Richard
W. Griffin, Part I, 15-35; Part
II, 131-164.
Counterfeiters, acts against re-
pealed, 474; captured through
"reward" plan, 470; continue to
operate during Revolution, 481;
difficult to convict, 467; few con-
victed in North Carolina courts,
467-482; in North Carolina, to
Index to Volume XXXIV
589
receive death penalty, 467; of
North Carolina, names of listed,
467-482; to be convicted alike by
North Carolina and Virginia,
474; to die without benefit of
clergy, 467, 473.
Counterfeiting in Colonial Amer-
ica, by Kenneth Scott, received,
452; reviewed, 541.
"Counterfeiting in Colonial North
Carolina," article by Kenneth
Scott, 467-482.
Country Doctor in the South Moun-
tains, A, by Benjamin Earle
Washburn, discussed, 241.
Courts, of Colonial North Carolina,
acquit counterfeiters, 468.
Cowee, Council there, shares
"Mother Fire" and power, 465.
Cox, G. E., accuses Brickell of
"stealing" Lawson's material,
316.
Coxe, Tench, assistant secretary of
the Treasury, urges South to
capitalize on home products, 16;
predicts increase in demand for
South's products, 17.
Craft, John Richard, speaks at Art
Society luncheon, 113.
Craig, Marjorie, writes poetry, 231,
232.
Craven, Wesley Frank, his The
Legend of the Founding Fath-
ers, reviewed, 539.
Crawford, Clifford, elected Vice-
President, Bladen County Histo-
rical Society, 445.
Creator Fire, has priesthood divi-
sion, 462; part of Cherokee re-t
ligious cult, 457.
Creek-Overhill wars, described, 465.
Crimean War, situation at time of,
similar to 1956, 262.
Critcher, Mrs. Lawrence, serves as
Curator, Wilkes County Histori-
cal Association, 309.
Crittenden, Christopher, acts as
discussion leader at joint session
of North Carolina Literary and
Historical Association, Inc. and
Southern Historical Association,
119; appears before General As-
sembly's Joint Appropriations
Committee, 305; attends annual
meeting, American Association
for State and Local History, 109 ;
attends annual meeting, Ameri-
can Historical Association, 110;
attends annual meeting, Nation-
al Trust for Historic Preserva-
tion, attends annual meeting, So-
ciety of American Archivists,
109; attends Bertie meeting, Lit-
erary and Historical Associa-
tion, 433; attends board meet-
ings, Calvin Jones Memorial So-
ciety, Inc., 109; attends meeting,
Calvin Jones Society, 563; at-
tends meeting, Charles B. Ay-
cock Birthplace Commission, at-
tends meeting, Council of Amer-
ican Association of Museums,
302; attends meeting, Executive
Board, 432; attends meeting, Ex-
ecutive Committee, Tryon Pal-
ace, 302; attends meeting, Gov-
ernor Richard Caswell Memorial
Commission, 433; attends meet-
ing, Hillsboro Garden Club, 432;
attends meeting, Historical So-
ciety of North Carolina, attends
meeting, Masonic Museum,
Greensboro, 433; attends meet-
ing, National Trust for Historic
Preservation, 302, 433; attends
meeting, Southern Historical As-
sociation, 110; attends opening
of Alston House, 444; attends or-
ganizational meeting, Wake
County Historical Society, 433;
attends Southeastern Museums
Conference, 109; attends Tryon
Palace Commission meeting,
elected President, Historical So-
ciety of North Carolina, 110;
elected Vice-President, Wake
County Historical Society, 446;
gives illustrated talk, Colonel
Robert Rowan Chapter, Daugh-
ters of American Revolution,
302; gives report, annual meet-
ing, Literary and Historical As-
sociation, 115; lectures at insti-
tute, Cambridge, Mass., 563;
meets with Johnston County
group, 302; participates on
"Let's Visit," 109; presented
"time capsule," 433; presents il-
lustrated talk, Antiquities Soci-
ety, 114; presents report to group
at Old Sturbridge, Mass., 109;
presides at meeting, Historical
Society of North Carolina, 443;
presides at session, Literary and
Historical Association, 437; re-
elected Secretary-Treasurer, Lit-
erary and Historical Association,
115; reviews The Jamestown
350th Anniversary Historical
Booklets, 561; speaks at Bertie
meeting, North Carolina Liter-
ary and Historical Association,
Inc., 433; speaks at marker un-
veiling, speaks briefly at meeting
590
The North Carolina Historical Review
to organize Wake historical
group, 110; speaks to Harnett
County Historical Society, 109;
speaks to Junior League, 302;
speaks to Lower Cape Fear His-
torical Society, 110; speaks at
Warrenton meeting, 563; speech
to Bertie group, printed in The
Chronicle, 123; talks to Caswell-
Nash Chapter, Daughters of
American Revolution, 302; talks
to Daughters of American Revo-
lution, Junior Group, 433.
Croatan, by Mary Johnston, tells
of Indian attacks on colonists,
187.
Crock ford's Clerical Dictionary,
used by William Powell to iden-
tify colonists, 212.
Crumpton, John Layman, elected
board member, Sons of American
Revolution, 449.
Cullowhee, site of regional joint
meeting of historical groups, 570.
Cultural Life of the American Col-
onies, 1607-1763, The, by Louis
B. Wright, received, 311; re-
viewed, 427.
Cumming, William P., presides at
meeting, Historical Society of
North Carolina, reads paper at
meeting, 124; speaks at Bertie
meeting, North Carolina Liter-
ary and Historical Association,
Inc., 437.
Cunningham, H. H., has charge of
arrangements, Historical Soci-
ety of North Carolina, 443 ; reads
paper at meeting, 124; reviews
William Nathaniel Wood, Rem-
iniscences of Big I, 100.
Current, Richard N., speaks at
meeting, Trinity College Histo-
rical Society, 121.
Currituck County Historical So-
ciety, sponsors tour of county,
444.
Curtiss, John Shelton, has book
published, 442.
Cushing, Caleb, Attorney-General
in Franklin Pierce's govern-
ment, 258.
Cushman, Ralph Spaulding, his
The Prayers of Jesus, with Med-
itations and Verse for Devotion-
al Use, mentioned, 240.
Cutten, George B., silver collec-
tion of, purchased, 562.
D
Daily Chronicle (Charlotte), notes
advancement of Negro, 67.
Daily Journal, The (Wilmington),
carries series of articles on
Rocky Mount Mills, 26.
Dallas, article about ceremonies
there, 569.
Dallas, G. M., markers erected in
honor of, 445.
Dallas Woman's Club, sponsors
marker unveiling, 446.
Daniel, Ted, directs WPTF broad-
casts, "Let's Visit," 109.
Daniels, Lucy, young author, men-
tioned, 250.
Daniels, Patsy, joins staff, Division
of Archives and Manuscripts,
111.
Daniel Boone in North Carolina,
by George H. Maurice, men-
tioned, 240.
Dare County, governors entertain-
ed there, 563; history, legend,
and geography of, attracts writ-
ers of drama, fiction, and poet-
ry, 180.
"Dare County Belle-Lettres," by
Richard Walser, 180-201; conclu-
sions drawn from discussion of,
201.
Dare, John, half-brother of Vir-
ginia Dare, facts about given,
226.
Dare, Virginia, fate of, fascinates
writers for over one hundred
years, 201; first white (English)
child born in New World, 221.
Daughter of the Blood, The, by
Herbert Bouldin Hawes, hypo-
thetical tale of 1607, 196.
Daughter of Virginia Dare, The,
by Mary Virginia Wall, tells of
Jamestown settlers, 196.
Davidson, Chalmers G., elected
President, Mecklenburg Histori-
cal Association, 122.
Davidson, Donald, his Still Rebels,
Still Yankees, and Other Essays,
received, 451 ; reviewed, 555.
Davidson, Mary Louise, elected
Secretary, Mecklenburg Histori-
cal Association, 122.
Davidson County Historical Asso-
ciation, organized, 448.
Davis, Burke, his Gray Fox: Rob-
ert E. Lee and the Civil War,
discussed, 245.
Davis, Egbert L., elected Director,
Art Society, 112.
Davis, Jefferson, serves as Secre-
tary of War in Pierce's Cabinet,
258.
Dear Doctor Dick, by J. Allen
Hunter, mentioned, 230.
Index to Volume XXXIV
591
Dearborn, Henry, Secretary of
War, supports Meigs' Indian
policy, 3.
De Bow, J. D. B.r comments on
planters' prejudice against tex-
tile industry, 28.
De Bow's Revieiv, comments on
Simms, 405.
de Leon, Edwin, describes life of
cotton mill workers, 387.
Decisive Battle of Nashville, The,
by Stanley F. Horn, received,
129; reviewed, 420.
DeConde, Alexander, accepts posi-
tion, University of Michigan,
568.
Dedmond, Francis B., his Length-
ened Shadows: A History of
Gardner-Webb College, 1907-
1956, received, 311.
Dees, Mrs. Samuel B., named as
Lieutenant Governor, Society of
Mayflower Descendants, 118.
Defence of the Revolutionary His-
tory of the State of North Caro-
lina from the Aspersions of Mr.
Jefferson, A, by Joseph Sea well
Jones, published, 490.
Denny, Jean, dances with group on
program for Sir Walter Cabinet,
305.
Department of Archives and His-
tory, collaborates with WRAL-
TV in telecast series, 305; funds
appropriated for, 562; has series
of radio broadcasts, 109; opens
exhibit featuring gowns of gov-
ernors' wives, 306; presents four
telecasts on WRAL-TV, 109; ,
presents program for Sir Wal-
ter Cabinet, 305; recent legisla-
tion relatives to, 432; to publish
old documents, 112; to supervise
Alston House, 444.
Derry, Joseph T., teaches Wood-
row Wilson, 507.
"Democrat, A," writes criticism of
Jones's "A Picturesque History
. . .," 496.
Dey Homestead, visited on Curri-
tuck County Tour, 444.
Dismal Swamp Canal, site of al-
leged Jones-Wilson duel, 498.
Division of Archives and Manu-
scripts, lists new items available
for public use, 111; lists record
of services to public, 565.
Division of Publications, releases
two maps, reprints pamphlets,
438.
Dobbin, James C, nominates
Franklin Pierce for presidency,
258.
Dobbs, alarmed at number of coun-
terfeit bills, 473; death of, men-
tioned, 409; mentioned, 406.
Dockery, Henry C, named trustee,
Mecklenburg Historical Associa-
tion, 122.
Dolson, Hildegarde, assists Eliza-
beth Stevenson Ives with biog-
raphy of Adlai Stevenson, 241.
Donaldson, Henry A., immigrates
from Rhode Island to open cot-
ton mill, 24; joins George Mc-
Neil in organizing Fayetteville
mills, 26; purchases mill equip-
ment in Rhode Island, 24; sells
mill interests to Battle family,
25.
Dortch, Hugh, elected Vice-Presi-
dent, Wayne County Historical
Society, 443.
Douglass, Elisha P., promoted
to Associate Professor, 567; re-
views The Pursuit of Science in
Revolutionary America, 1735-
1789, 98; serves as co-ordinator
for television program, to serve
as Fulbright Lecturer in Ger-
many, 439.
Dowdey, Clifford, his The Great
Plantation. A Profile of Berkeley
Hundred and Plantation Virgin-
ia from Jamestown to Appomat-
tox, received, 574.
Downs, Murray S., accepts posi-
tion, Virginia Polytechnic Insti-
tute, 121.
Drake, Francis, central figure in
Mason's Golden Admiral, 189;
his home now a museum, 219;
stops by Roanoke Island, 206.
Dromgoole, Edward, father of
George C. Dromgoole, Methodist
circuit rider, 327.
Dromgoole, George C, attends Wil-
liam and Mary, attends Univer-
sity of North Carolina, 328;
challenges Dugger to duel, 332;
dies, 344; felt to be victim of
public sentiment, 345; his fond-
ness for alcohol cited, 330, 331;
instructed by Haines in use of
dueling pistol, 335; insults Dug-
ger at party, 329, 330; "Moni-
tor" writes biographical sketch
of, 328-329; officers serving un-
der resign, 331 ; participates in
duel, 327; pursues political ca-
592
The North Carolina Historical Review
reer following duel, 343; re-
quests Dugger to clarify quar-
rel, 331; serves in United States
Congress, 328; serves in Virgin-
ia House of Delegates, 327;
serves in Virginia Senate, 328;
used by Whig Party as pawn,
331; wounds Dugger in duel,
338.
Du Bois, William E. B., desires
"talented tenth" of Negroes to
be educated, 165.
"Duello," custom of, described, 327;
defended in Arney Childs', Rice
Planter and Sportsman. The Rec-
ollections of J. Matte Alston,
1821-1909, 345.
Dugger, Daniel, accepts Drom-
goole's challenge, 332; dies of
wounds, 338; manages hotel,
329; owner of race horses, 328;
participant in duel, 327; post-
pones duel to attend races in
New York, 333; refuses to clar-
ify quarrel with Dromgoole, 332;
sons of, graduate from Univer-
sity of North Carolina, 342.
Dugger-Dromgoole duel, described,
336-338; terms of, given, 334.
"Dugger-Dromgoole Duel, The,"
article by Henry W. Lewis, 327-
345.
Duke, Bruce, elected Treasurer,
Wayne County Historical Soci-
ety, 443.
Duke University Commonwealth-
Studies Center, conducts sum-
mer program, 442.
Duke University Library, lists re-
cent acquisitions, 121.
Duncan, Mrs. Winnie, serves as
Secretary - Treasurer, Wilkes
County Historical Association,
309.
Dunnagan, M. R., presents report,
North Carolina Literary and
Historical Association, Inc., 115.
Duplin County Court Minutes, re-
leased for use in Search Room,
566.
Durden, Robert F., has article in
New England Quarterly, 121 ;
has book published, 441.
Duychinck, Evert A., correspond-
ent of William Gilmore Simms,
396, 397.
E
Early, Ella, writes story of Au-
lander, 451.
Early Jackson Party in Ohio, The,
by Harry R. Stevens, received,
311; reviewed, 425.
Earnshaw, Mrs. Edith T., elected
to Executive Council, Wake
County Historical Society, 446.
Easterby, J. H., his The Colonial
Records of South Carolina. The
Journal of the Commons House
of Assembly, September 10,
1745-June 17, 1746, received,
129; reviewed, 536.
Eaton, Clement, his Henry Clay
and the Art of American Poli-
tics, received, 311.
Eaves, T. C. Duncan, his The Let-
ters of William Gilmore Simms,
Volume V, 1867-1870, received,
452; reviewed, 537.
Edens, Mrs. A. Hollis, gives tea
for Southern Historical Associa-
tion, 118.
Edmonds, Richard H., tries to per-
suade New England industrial-
ists to move South, 382.
Edwards, Mrs. N. A., elected Sec-
retary, Wayne County Historical
Society, 443; elected Vice-Presi-
dent, Society of County and Lo-
cal Historians, 117.
Ehle, John, his "This Vision of
Charles B. Aycock" presented to
joint meeting of historical so-
cieties, 443.
Ehringhaus, Mrs. J. C. B., present
for Hall of History exhibit open-
ing, 306.
1850's, decade of, described, 256.
Eli Hinson House, visited by group
on tour, 570.
Eli Whitney and the Birth of
American Technology, by Con-
stance McL. Green, reviewed,
98.
Eliason, Norman E., his Tarheel
Talk. An Historical Study of the
English Language in North Car-
olina, received, 129; reviewed,
86.
Elizabethan Garden, to have gate-
house in replica of Hayes Bar-
ton, 113.
Elizabethtown, tour of Bladen
County begins there, 444.
Ellis, Thomas, Lost Colonist, list-
ed as member of vestry, St. Pet-
rock's, 215.
Embargo Acts, force North Caro-
lina to manufacture at home,
19.
Emigration, large-scale, from
North Carolina in 1830's, 131.
Ennet, A. D., host to Carteret
County Historical Society, 571.
Index to Volume XXXIV
593
Enoch Ferebee House, visited on
Currituck County tour, 444.
Erskine, Edith Deaderick, writes
poems, 231.
Etheridge, Ray, participates in
tour of Currituck County, 444.
Evans, George N., doubts details of
Jones-Hooper duel, 494.
Evans Cottage, visited on McDow-
ell County tour, 570.
Everett, Robinson O., his Military
Justice in the Armed Forces of
the United States, mentioned,
239.
Executive Board, Department of
Archives and History, has May
meeting, to file report on Zebu-
Ion B. Vance Birthplace prop-
erty, 432.
Exeter (England), library there,
yields valuable data, 209.
F
F. and H. Fries Company, makes
cloth for Confederate Uniforms,
sends supplies to Confederate
camps, 69.
Fagg, Dan, elected President,
Wayne County Historical Soci-
ety, 443.
Fair of 1886, "departments" of,
listed, 66n; exhibits rare table,
66; has John M. Langston as
speaker, 65 ; has parade, 66 ; held
by Negroes in Raleigh, 65; lasts
four days, 66.
Fallen Angel, The, by William T.
Polk, discussed, 228.
Farley, M. Foster, joins staff, De-
partment of History, Salem Col-
lege, 122.
Farley, Mrs. Martha H., assists
Hillsboro group in museum plan-
ning, 564; attends Chapel Hill
conference, 110; works in Na-
tional Parks Laboratory, 565.
Farley, Marvin R., victim of acci-
dental drowning, 440.
Farm implements, those of Chero-
kee Indians, listed, 10.
Faulkner, William, mentioned, 235.
Favorite Recipes of the Lower Cape
Fear, reprinted, 572.
Fayetteville, becomes urban tex-
tile center of ante-bellum South,
26; cotton mills there, enjoy
prosperity, 144; transport point
for raw cotton to England and
the North, 26.
Fayetteville Gazette, reprints arti-
cles of industrial news, 16.
Ferguson, Thomas W., his Home
on the Yadkin, received, 311; re-
viewed, 416; serves as Director,
Wilkes County Historical Asso-
ciation, 309.
Fernandez, Simon, makes three
voyages to Roanoke, 214; pilot
of Amadas' and Barlowe's ship,
205.
Fever, John, basket-maker, with
Roanoke Colony, 214.
Fiction Fights the Civil War — An
Unfinished Chapter in the Lit-
erary History of the American
People, by Robert A. Lively, re-
ceived, 311; reviewed, 551.
Fiddler's Fancy, by Julia Mont-
gomery Street, mentioned, 230;
wins AAUW Juvenile Literature
Award, 115.
Fields, William, paints portrait of
Benjamin Williams for Alston
House, 444.
Fillmore, Millard, appoints Wil-
liam A. Graham as Secretary of
Navy, 256.
Fire King, concept of, described,
463; head of Cherokee religious
cult, 457.
First Presbyterian Church (Char-
lotte), visited by group on tour,
570.
Fisher, Charles, ardent advocate of
textile development, 29; begins
campaign for industry which
continues to present day, 33;
heads committee making report
on agriculture and industry, 29;
his reports presented, 30-31 ; re-
publishes report of 1828, 133.
Fisher Report, widely circulated in
newspapers, 32.
Flanner, Carolina D., elected Di-
rector, Lower Cape Fear Histo-
rical Society, 447.
Fletcher, Inglis, her Roanoke Hun-
dred, successful novel about Ra-
leigh's colonists, 188; uses Albe-
marle and Cape Fear sections
as background for novels, 249.
Fletcher, John, elected Vice-Presi-
dent, Folklore Society, 117.
For the Love of Lady Margaret:
A Romance of the Lost Colony,
by William Thomas Wilson, dis-
cussed, 186-187.
Forest History Foundation, Inc.,
The, seeks material on forest
history, 310.
Forgery, prevalent in colonial
North Carolina, 467.
Forrest, Mrs. John S., presents
award at society meeting, 449.
594
The North Carolina Historical Review
Forsyth County, flag of Company I,
described, 72n.
Fort Caswell, visited in 1901 by
Bar Association members, 56.
Fortson, Ben, Secretary of State
(Georgia), visits Archives with
delegation, 111.
Fortune, T. Thomas, promises copy
of his book for fair exhibit, 63;
refuses invitation to speak at
fair of 1886, 65.
Fountain, A. M., serves as Chap-
lain, Sons of American Revolu-
tion, 449.
Fowle, Daniel G., mentioned, 37;
joins Raleigh group in attempt-
ing to form bar association, 35.
Francis, John Brown, Rhode
Island governor, issues procla-
mation against "Shocco" Jones,
494.
Frank, A. D., resigns as Head,
Department of Social Studies,
East Carolina College, to con-
tinue teaching duties, 440.
Franklin, Douglas, sings on pro-
gram for Sir Walter Cabinet,
305.
Franklin, John Hope, his From
Slavery to Freedom, A History
of American Negroes, received,
129; reviewed, 430.
Franklinville Manufacturing Com-
pany, picture of, facing 143.
Frederik II, writes Queen Eliza-
beth, 213.
Freund, Virginia, her The His-
toric of Travell into Virginia
Britania, 1612, received, 129;
reviewed, 290.
Friday, William C, speaks at Dal-
las marker unveiling, 445.
Friedens Lutheran Church, visit-
ed by County and Local Histo-
rians on tour, 125.
Friendville Old Quaker Church,
visited by group on tour of Ran-
dolph County, 125.
Fries, Francis, completes cotton
mill at Salem, 146.
Fries, John W., becomes head of
mills, detailed for service in
family mills during Civil War,
69; fails to write Barrow, 78;
receives Civil War letters from
Henry W. Barrow, 68; receives
letter from Barrow telling of
pay day, 79; receives letter tell-
ing of religious services in camp,
81 ; receives many informative
letters from Barrow, 68-85.
From Slavery to Freedom: A His-
tory of American Negroes, by
John Hope Franklin, received,
129; reviewed, 430.
Fuller, T. C, one of Raleigh law-
yers urging formation of bar as-
sociation, 36.
Futrell, Mrs. Madlin M., joins De-
partment of Archives and His-
tory staff, 565.
G
Gadsden, James, goes to Mexico to
secure land cessions, 259 ; sent as
neutral agent in Mexican rail-
road dispute, 261.
Gadsden Purchase, fails in over-
all purpose, 266.
Galapogos Islands, America ob-
tains guano concession there, dis-
covery of guano there, "hoax,"
266.
Gallaudet, Elisha, engraver, ap-
proached by counterfeiters, 474.
Ganyard, Robert L., reviews Reb-
els and Redcoats: The Living
Story of the American Revolu-
tion, 545.
Garden and Forest, praises Bilt-
more project, 352.
Gardner, Mrs. Bettie Sue, wins
Lillian Pitcher Smith Cup, 448.
Gardner, Clarence E., Jr., reviews
James W. Davis: North Carolina
Surgeon, 418.
Gardner, Dillard S., reviews, Lin-
coln's Supreme Court, 103.
Gardner, Mrs. O. Max, present for
Hall of History exhibit opening,
306; presents winners with Can-
non Awards, 114.
Gash, Robert T., on program,
marker dedication, 126.
Gaston, William, mentioned, 492.
Gaston County, markers unveiled
at Dallas, early county seat, 445;
mill operations there, discussed,
151-152.
Gaston County Historical Bulletin,
The, carries article on county
history, 309; list of articles in,
446, 569.
Gaston County Historical Society,
sponsors marker unveiling, 446.
Gatewood, Willard, writes on Eu-
gene Clyde Brooks, 441.
General Assembly, amends laws
relative to Department of Ar-
chives and History, appropriates
funds for Department, 562; cre-
ates Code Commission to revise
Index to Volume XXXIV
595
laws, 53; establishes committee
to investigate construction of
cotton mills, 29; extends loan of
Moravian paper mill, 18; of 1724,
attempts prosecution of counter-
feiters, 467; puts in force stat-
utes of "Kingdom of England,"
471 ; works throughout colonial
period to stop counterfeiting,
467-482 passim.
General E. Kirby Smith, by Joseph
H. Parks, wins Sydnor Memorial
Award, 119.
General George B. McClellan, by
Warren W. Hassler, Jr., received,
312; reviewed, 424.
George W. Cable, A Biography, by
Arline Turner, discussed, 240.
Georgia Commissioner of Land and
Immigration, cites need of cap-
ital, 375.
Georgia's Land of the Golden
Isles, by Burnette Vanstory, re-
ceived, 128; reviewed, 422.
Gholson, James H., Brunswick
County (Virginia) native, held
in esteem by populace, 329n.
Gifford, Lester C. , named Vice-
President, Symphony Society,
117.
"Gifford Pinchot at Biltmore," by
Harold T. Pinkett, 346-357.
Gift for Penelope, A, by Lucy M.
Cobb, mentioned, 230.
Gilchrist, C. W., named Trustee,
Mecklenburg Historical Associa-
tion, 122.
Gill, Edwin, elected First Vice-
President, North Carolina Art
Society, 112.
Gillam, Mrs. M. B. Sr., directs
preparation of paper on Wind-
sor, 123.
Gillespie's Gap, visited on McDow-
ell County tour, 570.
Gilreath, Fred, serves as Vice-
President, Wilkes County His-
torical Association, 309.
"Glades, The," visited on McDow-
ell County tour, 570.
Godfrey, James L., elected Dean of
Faculty, University of North
Carolina, 567; elected officer, So-
ciety for French Historical Stud-
ies, 306; elected to Executive
Council, Southern Historical As-
sociation, 120; gives lecture,
306; has article in The South At-
lantic Quarterly , 120 ; has ar-
ticle published, 439; reads paper
at Southern Historical Associa-
tion, 120; reads paper, Duke
Commonwealth - Study Center
Seminar, 306; serves as Vice-
President, French historical so-
ciety, 442.
Goerch, Carl, his Ocracoke, receiv-
ed, 129; reviewed, 288.
Gohdes, Clarence, establishes date
American literature became na-
tional, 393.
Golden Admiral, The, by F. Van
Wyck Mason, deals with life of
Sir Francis Drake, 189.
Golden, Harry L., his Jewish Roots
in the Carolinas, mentioned, 239.
Goldsboro, Junior High school club
there, exhibits work, 443.
Goodloe, Daniel R., predicts ad-
vance in industry, 359.
Gordon, M. W., elected Vice-Presi-
dent, McDowell County Histori-
cal Association, 448.
Gordon, James, made president of
Mississippi bank, 502; step-
father of Joseph Seawell Jones,
mentioned, 484.
Gorges, Edward, cousin of Sir
Walter Raleigh, graduate of
Magdalen College, messenger of
Elizabeth I to Henry IV, 219.
Government and Administration of
North Carolina, The, by Robert
S. Rankin, discussed, 239.
Gowan's Point, visited by group on
McDowell County tour, 570.
Grady, Henry W., advocate of in-
dustry, 358; continues to em-
phasize South's industrial ad-
vantages, 366; writes article on
cotton industry, 360.
Graham, Billy, his The Secret of
Happiness, mentioned, 239.
Graham, William A., brief biog-
raphy of, 256; hears from Jo-
seph Seawell Jones, 492; plays
part in Pacific expansion, 256.
Gray Fox: Robert E. Lee and the
Civil War, by Burke Davis, dis-
cussed, 245.
Great Britain, attempt made by, to
force America on Isthmus issue,
265.
Great Plantation. A Profile of
Berkeley Hundred and Planta-
tion Virginia from Jamestown
to Appomattox, The, by Clifford
Dowdey, received, 574.
Great Tellico, possesses "Mother
Fire" of Cherokees, "Mother
Town" of Cherokees, 461.
Green, Constance McL., her Eli
Whitney and the Birth of Amer-
ican Technology, reviewed, 98.
596
The North Carolina Historical Review
Green, Fletcher M., addresses Old
Capital Historical Society, 307;
attends Executive Board meet-
ing, 432; delivers annual Honors
Day address, Mars Hill College,
439; gives lecture, Georgia State
College for Women, 307; reads
paper, Mississippi Valley Histo-
rical Association, 439; receives
honorary degree, 566; reviews
Auraria: The Story of a Geor-
gia Gold-Mining Town, 292; to
be Visiting Professor, North-
western University, 121.
Green, Paul, announces winners of
Cannon Awards, 114; his The
Lost Colony most familiar work
on colonization period, 180;
writes Wilderness Road, 230.
Green Dragoon. The Lives of Ba-
nastre Tarleton and Mary Rob-
inson, The, by Robert D. Bass,
received, 451; reviewed, 548.
Green Pond, novel by Evan Bran-
don, described as "piece of so-
cial realism," 229.
Greene, G. C, Jr., elected Treas-
urer, Southern Appalachian His-
torical Association, 124.
Greene, Henry, graduate of Corpus
Christi College, member of Ama-
das and Barlowe expedition,
possible ancestor of Nathanael
Greene, 215.
Greene, Jack, teaches at Michigan
State, 121.
Greenlee, Mary, on program, mark-
er unveiling, 126.
Greenlee, Ruth M., elected Presi-
dent, McDowell County Histori-
cal Association, 448; serves on
committee, Western North Caro-
lina Historical Association, 309.
Greensboro, North Carolina, The
County Seat of Guilford, wins
American Association for State
and Local History award, 116.
Greensboro Patriot, features edi-
torial advocating industrial ad-
vancement, 359.
Greer, I. G., re-elected President,
Southern Appalachian Historical
Association, 124.
Gregory, Robert Granville, pn
faculty, new Department of His-
tory, Wake Forest College, 442.
Grenville, Richard, arrives too late
with supplies for colonists, 206;
character in Inglis Fletcher's
novel, Roanoke Hundred, 188;
commands fleet of ships bound
for Carolina, 205; cousin of Wal-
ter Raleigh, 219; leaves men on
Roanoke Island, 206.
Gribble, Mrs. James, serves as com-
mittee chairman, marker erec-
tion, 446.
Griffin, Clarence W., attends meet-
ings, Executive Board, 432;
elected board member, Sons of
American Revolution, 449; parti-
cipates on program at marker
unveiling, 126; reappointed to
Executive Board, 432; receives
American Association For State
and Local History award, 116;
receives Cannon Award, 114;
represents Department at Gaston
County marker unveiling, 435;
speaks briefly at Dallas marker
unveiling, 445.
Griffin, Richard W., his article,
"The Cotton Textile Industry in
Ante-Bellum North Carolina,"
Part I, 15-35; Part II, 131-164.
Griffin, Rowland, one-time prisoner,
member of Lane's colony, 215.
Groce, George C, his The New-
York Historical Society's Dic-
tionary of Artists in America,
1564-1860, received, 452; review-
ed, 558.
Grumman, Russell M., named Pres-
ident, North Carolina Symphony
Society, 117.
Guano Act, Baker, Howland, and
Jarvis Islands obtained under,
266.
Gudger, Owen, awarded "Outstand-
ing Historian's Cup," 449.
Guggenheim Fellowship, awarded
William S. Powell, 208.
Guide to Early American Homes
— South, A, by Richard and
Dorothy Pratt, received, 129;
reviewed, 298.
Guilds, John C, his article,
"Simms's Views on National and
Sectional Literature, 1825-1845,"
393-405.
Guilford County, advertises climate
to attract investors, 369.
Guilford Courthouse, visited by
group on tour, 125.
Guille, Mrs. W. G., reports to Anti-
quities Society on restoration
project, 114.
Gunner with Stonewall. Reminis-
cences of William Thomas
Poague, . . . A Memoir Written
for His Children in 1903, by
Monroe F. Cockrell, received,
452.
Gwin, William M., exposes Shocco
Jones as prankster, 503.
Index to Volume XXXIV
597
H
Hachiya, Michihiko, donates royal-
ties to Yurin Scholarship Fund,
310.
Hagaman, Hugh, elected First
Vice-President, Southern Appal-
achian Historical Association,
124.
Haines, Hiram, acts as Dromgoole's
second in duel, 332; remains
close friend of Dromgoole, 339;
writes Dromgoole of duel ar-
rangements, 333; writes to Drom-
goole, 339.
Haines, Ruth, replaces Mrs. Rachel
R. Robinson, 304.
Hale, Charles Adams, accepts posi-
tion at Lehigh University, 567;
appointed Instructor, University
of North Carolina, 119.
Hall, B. Frank, elected President,
Lower Cape Fear Historical So-
ciety, 447.
Hall of History, purchases Cutten
Silver Collection, 562.
Hamilton, Alexander, advocates
manufacture of cotton in South,
writes of inevitable development
of cotton mills in South, 15.
Hamilton, J. G. de Roulhac, his
The Papers of William Alexan-
der Graham, Volume I, 1825-
1837, published, 438.
Hamilton, William B., named edi-
tor, South Atlantic Quarterly,
studies in Africa, Australia,
New Zealand, and England, 442;
to do research, 121.
Handlin, Oscar, his Readings in
American History, received, 452.
Harding, Bruce C, seeks forest
history material, speaks at meet-
ing, Western North Carolina
Historical Association, 310.
Harding, Edmund H., presides at
Beaufort County Historical So-
ciety meeting, 308.
Hariot, Thomas, mathematician and
astronomer, mentioned, 219;
member of first Roanoke colony,
205.
Harrell House, visited on Currituck
County tour, 444.
Harris, Bernice Kelly, her Janey
Jeems, mentioned, 254; uses
North Carolina material for her
writing, 249.
Harris, Joel Chandler, distinguishes
between "sectionalism" and lo-
caliam," 401.
Harris, Thomas, Lost Colonist, fel-
low at Corpus Christi College,
216; member of Lane's expedi-
tion, 215; name listed twice by
John White, 206.
Harrison, F. W., physician serving
at Dugger-Dromgoole duel, 336.
Hartridge, Clifford Wayne, his
Manteo, discussed, 197.
Harvard University, History De-
partment there, sponsors Insti-
tute on Historical and Archival
Management, 127.
Harwell, Richard Barksdale, his
The Committees of Safety of
W estmoreland and Fincastle.
Proceedings of the County Com-
mittees, 1774-1776, received, 129.
Hassler, Warren W., Jr., his Gen-
eral George B. McClellan: Shield
of the Union, received, 312; re-
viewed, 424.
Hatch, William, elected to Execu-
tive Council, Wake County His-
torical Society, 446.
Haunce, listed by John White as
"Surgion," 208.
Hawes, Herbert Bouldin, his The
Daughter of the Blood, discussed,
196.
Hawkins, Benjamin, Indian Sup-
erintendent, favors agriculture
for Cherokees, 2; interested in
Creek Indians, 3.
Hawkins, Hugh Dodge, accepts po-
sition at Amherst, 567; appointed
Instructor, University of North
Carolina, 119.
Hawthorne, Nathaniel, son-in-law
of, writes novel of Dare coast,
195.
Hayes, Rutherford B., comments on
"welfare of the South," 374;
mentioned, 361.
Hayes Barton, replica of, to be
constructed in honor of Mrs.
Charles A. Cannon, Elizabethan
Garden, 113.
Haygood, Atticus G., predicts fu-
ture of masses in South, 362.
Heal, Edith, her The Topaz Seal,
discussed, 193.
Helper, Hinton Rowan, mention-
ed, 361.
Helguera, J. Leon, appointed In-
structor, North Carolina State
College, 567.
Henderson, Archibald, writes arti-
cle on Historical Society of North
Carolina, 308.
Henderson, Mrs. Isabelle Bowen,
elected Director, Art Society, 112.
Hen'retta, servant of Wiley family,
mentioned, 517, 521.
598
The North Carolina Historical Review
Henry, Robert Selph, elected Presi-
dent Southern Historical Asso-
ciation, 119.
Henry Clay and the Art of Amer-
ican Politics, by Clement Eaton,
received, 311.
Henry Francis du Pont Winter-
thur Museum, The, announces
establishment of fellowships, 128.
Here Will 1 Dwell, The Story of
Caldwell County, by Nancy Alex-
ander, mentioned, 243; reviewed,
91.
Hesseltine, William B., reviews
Mighty Stonewall, 551.
Hewet, Thomas, Lost Colonist, has
law degree from Oxford, 216.
Heywood, Daniel, South Carolina
planter, sets up primitive "cot-
ton mill," 15.
Hiawatha, mentioned, 182.
Hicks, Charles, attends Moravian
mission school, 5; described,
elected Principal Chief, 6; frag-
ment of Cherokee legend trans-
lated by, speaks of colonization
in southeast, 458; fragment of
migration legend recorded by,
given, 458-459; nineteenth-cen-
tury Cherokee leader, 4; serves
as interpreter for Cherokees, 5;
writes of Cherokee priests, 463.
Higginbotham, Don R., has article
published, 442.
Higgs, Martha Adeline, presents
tablet in memory of Thomas
Chappell, 123.
Hill, G. F., presents address, Pas-
quotank County Historical So-
ciety, 124.
Hill, John Sprunt, receives Distin-
guished Citizen Award, 306.
Hillsboro, organizational meeting
held there, for cotton and woolen
factory, 21 ; town of, votes funds
for proposed museum, 433.
Hillsboro Garden Club, sponsors
plan for museum, 432.
Hillsborough Manufacturing Com-
pany, organized, 22.
Hillsborough Recorder, editor of,
predicts future for North Caro-
lina in cotton mill industry, 144.
Hindle, Brooke, his The Pursuit of
Science in Revolutionary Amer-
ica, 1735-1789, reviewed, 97.
Historical Book Club, Inc., holds
breakfast meeting, 118.
Historical Researclt in the North
Carolina Department of Archives
and History, released for re-
searchers, 565.
Historical Society of North Caro-
lina, meets at Greensboro Col-
lege, 124.
Historic of Travell into Virginia
Britania, 1612, The, by Louis B.
Wright and Virginia Freund,
received, 129; reviewed, 290.
History Bulletin, official organ of
Western North Carolina Histori-
cal Association, list of articles
in, 571.
History of Atlantic Christian Col-
lege: Culture in Coastal Caro-
lina, A, by Charles Crossfield
Ware, received, 129; reviewed,
285.
History of Carolina, by John Law-
son, discussed by Jared Sparks,
314; table of contents, given,
318.
History of Meredith College, A,
by Mary Lynch Johnson, receiv-
ed, 452.
History of the Great Seal of North
Carolina, The, reprinted by Di-
vision of Publications, 438.
History of Moore County, 1? %7-
1847, A, by Blackwell P. Robin-
son, mentioned, 243; reviewed,
93.
History of North Carolina, by
Hugh T. Lefler, published by
Lewis Publishing Co., 120; re-
viewed, 105.
History of North Carolina Bap-
tists, Volume II, by George
Washington Paschal, discussed,
244.
History of the United States, by
Bancroft, serves as an inspira-
tion for Roanoke novels, 184.
Hodges, J. E., presides at meeting,
308; re-elected President, Society
of County and Local Historians,
117.
Hodges, Luther H., appoints H. V.
Rose to Executive Board, 432;
brings greetings, luncheon meet-
ing, Antiquities Society, 114;
entertains governors in Dare
County, 563; entertains mem-
bers of various cultural societies,
115; Honorary President, Art So-
ciety, 113; member ex officio,
North Carolina Symphony Soci-
ety, 117; presents W. Kerr Scott
with first copy of Scott Letter-
book, 438; presides at luncheon,
Art Society, 113; reappoints
Clarence W. Griffin to Executive
Board, 432.
Index to Volume XXXIV
599
Hodges, Mrs. Luther H., has recep-
tion for cultural societies, 115;
present for Hall of History ex-
hibit opening, 306.
Hoffmann, William S., reads pa-
per, Historical Society of North
Carolina, 443; reviews From
Slavery to Freedom: A History
of ' American Negroes, 431; re-
views The Early Jackson Party
in Ohio, 426.
Hofstadter, Richard, his The
United States. The History of a
Republic, received, 452; reviewed,
557.
Hoke, Robert F., commands forces
in which Henry W. Barrow is
quartermaster, 82 ; described,
SOn.
Holecraft, Robert, member of
Lane's colony, possibly served as
lawyer, 216.
Holloman, Charles R., speaks to
Palatine group in New Bern, 447.
Holly Springs Friends Church,
visited by group on tour of Ran-
dolph County, 125.
Holman, C. Hugh, his article,
"North Carolina Fiction, Drama,
and Poetry, 1955-1956," 227-236;
reviews North Carolina fiction,
115; reviews The Letters of Wil-
liam Gilmore Simms, Volume V,
1867-1870, 538.
Holt, Edwin M., advocates internal
improvements, 139; buys Cane
Creek Company, 137; called cot-
ton mill promoter of Alamance
County, 22; establishes Great
Alamance Mill, 137; taught dye-
ing process by French dyer, 146;
trains sons in industry, 148.
Holt, Ivan Lee, expresses thanks
for gift of Methodist Archives
Building, 127.
Holt, Michael, leader of Hills-
borough cotton mill group, 22.
Holtzman, Abraham, promoted to
Associate Professor, 567.
Home on the Yadkin, by Thomas
W. Ferguson, received, 311; re-
viewed, 416.
"Hope," birthplace and home of
David Stone, visited on tour, 437.
Hope-Brawley-Archer, triumvirate
of Negro educators, mentioned,
167.
Hope Restoration Fund, nets $1,300
from tour of historic homes, 123.
Horn, Stanley F., his The Decisive
Battle of Nashville, received,
129; reviewed, 420.
Home, Josh L., attends meeting,
Executive Board, 432; works to
have marker erected in honor
of P. T. Barnum, 110.
House, R. B., elected to Executive
Committee, North Carolina Lit-
erary and Historical Association,
Inc., 115.
House of Burgesses, offers reward
for counterfeiters, 470.
How, George, listed by John White
as killed by Indians, 206.
Howes, Davis H., elected Director,
Lower Cape Fear Historical So-
ciety, 448.
"House in the Horseshoe," restored
and opened to public, 444.
Hoyle, Bernadette, her Tar Heel
Writers I Know, discussed, 242.
Hubbard, Fordyce M., expresses
opinion of "Esther Wake" story,
491.
Huckaby, John Keith, on faculty,
new Department of History,
Wake Forest College, 442.
Hudson, A. P., re-elected Secretary-
Treasurer, Folklore Society, 117.
Hughey, Mrs. Elizabeth House,
gives report, North Carolina Lit-
erary and Historical Associa-
tion, Inc., 115; speaks to Depart-
ment of Archives and History,
305.
Hulme, Thomas, member of Lane's
colony, enters Oxford upon re-
turn to England, 216.
Humber, Robert Lee, elected Presi-
dent, Art Society, 112; makes
brief talk at breakfast meeting,
Society of Mayflower Descen-
dants, 118; presides at evening
meeting, Art Society, reports on
gifts to North Carolina Museum
of Art, 113; speaks to Roanoke-
Chowan group, 250.
Humfrey, Thomas, Lost Colonist,
statistics about, given, 224.
Humphreys, Henry, becomes ad-
vocate of internal improvements,
139; buys Fayetteville cotton
mill, 27; encourages Edwin M.
Holt, 137; founder of Mt. Hecla
Mill, 132; picture of, facing 132.
Hunt, Richard Morris, architect of
Biltmore House, 348.
Hunter, Charles N., helps Colored
Industrial Association of North
Carolina organize, 59; receives
congratulations for work with
Negro expositions, states purpose
of Colored Industrial Associa-
tion, 59.
600
The North Carolina Historical Review
Hunter, J. Allen, his Dear Doctor
Dick, mentioned, 230.
Hunter, Kermit, scene from his
drama, "Unto These Hills," on
October cover.
Hutton, S. Janney, conducts un-
veiling ceremony, 123.
Hynde, James, listed as prisoner
before joining Lost Colony, 215.
I
"Idea of a Cotton Textile Industry
in the South, 1870-1900, The," by
Herbert Collins, 358-392.
Idol, Vera, her Paths of Shining
Light, mentioned, 239.
Idol, Victor, elected Vice-President,
Sons of American Revolution,
449.
Index and Digest to Hathaway's
North Carolina Historical and
Genealogical Register with Ge-
nealogical Notes and Annota-
tions. Part I, The Lost Tribes
of North Carolina, by Worth S.
Ray, received, 311; reviewed, 418.
Inside the Confederate Govern-
ment. The Diary of Robert Gar-
lick Hill Kean, by Edward
Younger, received, 452.
Institute of Early American His-
tory and Culture, awards book
prize, establishes Institute Man-
uscript Award, receives grant,
450.
Institute on Historical and Archival
Management, held at Radcliffe
College, 127.
Inter-racial relationships, discuss-
ed, 253.
"Introduction, Papers from the
Fifty- Sixth Annual Session of
the State Literary and Historical
Association, Raleigh, December,
1956," 179.
Ireland, Richard, becomes Head-
master, Westminster School,
enters Christ Church, Oxford,
216.
Iroquois, treatment of John Brick-
ell, discussed, 321.
Ives, Elizabeth Stevenson, her My
Brother Adlai, mentioned, 241;
presides at luncheon meeting,
Antiquities Society, 114.
J
James, Dink, reads law on Pitt
County Historical Commission at
meeting, 572.
James K. Polk, Jacksonian, 1795-
18J+S, by Charles Grier Sellers,
Jr., received, 312; reviewed, 530.
James W. Davis: North Carolina
Surgeon, by LeGette Blythe, re-
ceived, 311; reviewed, 417.
Jamestown, question of relation-
ship of colonists there to Roa-
noke colonists, 225.
Jamestown 350th Anniversary His-
torical Booklets, The, edited by
E. G. Swem, reviewed, 561.
Japan, doors of, opened by Frank-
lin Pierce and William A. Gra-
ham, 265.
Jarvis, George, extends welcome
to historical group, 309.
Jarvis Island, obtained by United
States, 266.
Jefferson, Thomas, arouses anger
of "Shocco" Jones, 488.
Jeffreys, Raymond J., his Must
They Sell Apples Again?, de-
scribed, 239.
Jerome, Mrs. Vance, elected to Ex-
ecutive Council, Wake County
Historical Society, 446.
Jewish Roots in the Carolinas, by
Harry L. Golden, mentioned, 239.
John Filson of Kentucke, reviewed,
292.
"John Lawson's Alter-Ego — Dr.
Brickell," article by Percy G.
Adams, 313-326.
John McLean House, visited by
group on tour of Guilford Coun-
ty, 125.
John Vytal, by William Farquhar
Payson, novel of Roanoke set-
tlers, 185.
Johnson, Mary Lynch, her A His-
tory of Meredith College, re-
ceived, 452.
Johnson, Richard Carroll, his A
Story of Six Loves, discussed,
229.
Johnson, Thor, to direct Moravian
music festival, 307.
Johnston, Gabriel, his plan to cap-
ture counterfeiters successful,
470; issues proclamation against
counterfeiters, reports to council,
469; seeks remedy for counterfeit
evil, 470.
Johnston, Frontis, serves as pastor,
Presbyterian Church, Winston,
523.
Johnston, Frontis W., speaks to
Trinity College Historical So-
ciety, 307.
Johnston, Mary, her novel Croatan,
tells of Indian attacks, 187.
Johnston County Historical Society,
holds joint meeting with Wayne
and Sampson, 443.
Index to Volume XXXIV
601
Jones, Edward, establishes Shocco
Academy, father of "Shocco"
Jones, described, 484.
Jones, H. Broadus, his article,
"North Carolina Non-Fiction
Books, 1955-1956," 237; reviews
non-fiction books, 116.
Jones, H. G., announces acquisition
of Cherry papers, 565; appears
before General Assembly's Joint
Appropriations Committee, 305;
attends annual meeting, Society
of American Archivists, 111; at-
tends Bertie meeting, North
Carolina Literary and Historical
Association, Inc., 433; attends
Institute in the Preservation and
Administration of Archives,
436; attends joint meeting of his-
torical societies, Goldsboro, 443;
attends meeting, Executive
Board, 432; attends meeting,
Historical Society of North Car-
olina, 110; attends meeting,
Meredith College, 433; partici-
pates on radio program, 109; re-
views Colonial Granville County
and Its People, 418-419; reviews
History of North Carolina, 105;
reviews Home on the Yadkin,
416; reviews Index and Digest
to Hathawdy's North Carolina
Historical and Genealogical Reg-
ister, 418; speaks at annual
meeting, Currituck County His-
torical Society, 110; speaks at
luncheon meeting, Bloomsbury
Chapter, Daughters of Revolu-
tion, 436; speaks at meeting,
Caswell County Historical Asso-
ciation, 111; wins R. D. W. Con-
nor Award, 115.
Jones, John, Lost Colonist, facts
concerning, 221.
Jones, John S., acts as host to
Carteret County historical group,
571.
Jones, Joseph Seawell (Shocco),
apologizes for price of book,
489; arrives in Mississippi, 502;
attempts Alabama hoax, 505?2;
attends New York rally for Har-
rison, 497; becomes intimate with
Seargent S. Prentiss, 503; birth
of, 484 ; career summarized, 505-
506; charter member of North
Carolina Historical Society, 494;
childhood described, 484; com-
pared to John Randolph, 483;
death of, 506; details of his al-
leged duel with Wilson, given,
498-501; dismissed from Univer-
sity, 486; duel ends marriage
plans, 493; education of, 485;
embarks on Mississippi hoax,
501 ; engaged in duel with "cer-
tain Hooper," 493-494; engages
in writing Revolutionary histo-
ry of North Carolina, 487; en-
joys stay in Cambridge, 486-487;
enters Harvard Law School, 486 ;
enters University of North Caro-
lina, 485; examines Iredell
papers, 489; exposed as hoax-
er, 504; granted law license, 487;
his Defence of the Revo-
lutionary History of the State
of North Carolina from the
Aspersions of Mr. Jefferson, dis-
cussed, 490; indiscreet in pol-
itics, 498; interviews North Car-
olinians to write history, 488;
joins Whig Party, 497; meets
Van Buren, 498; newspapers
carry story of duel, 500 ; outwits
H. C. McLaughlin, 499; pledges
his support to Swain, 497; poses
as Treasury agent, 502; praised
for his defense of North Caro-
lina, 490-491; receives Harvard
degree, 487; retires from public
life, 506; sells copyright to book,
490; termed "unusual," 483; uses
records in Secretary of State's
office, 488; "wined and din-
ed" by Mississippians, 502-503;
writes article on North Carolina
history, 496; writes David L.
Swain, 489; writes of Andrew
Jackson, 495; writes of Esther
Wake, 492; writes of Regulators,
490; writes William A. Graham,
495.
Jones, Paul, desires to publish law
journal, 47; discontinues editor-
ship of Law Journal, 49; editor
of North Carolina Law Journal,
45; states intentions of organ-
ized lawyers, 57.
Jones, Paul E., makes brief talk
to Pitt County group, 571.
Jones-Wilson duel, description of,
499.
Jordan, John Yates, Jr., elected
board member, Sons of American
Revolution, 449.
Jordan, Mrs. Joye E., assists as
hostess at meeting, Colonial
Dames of the Seventeenth Cen-
tury, assists at reception, Tar
Heel Junior Historian Club, Jo-
sephus Daniels Junior High
School, 434; assists Hillsboro
group planning museum, 564;
602
The North Carolina Historical Review
assists Joffre L. Coe with plans
for Indian life exhibit, attends
meeting at Alston House, 110;
attends Council Meeting, South-
eastern Museums Conference,
303; attends Garden tour, War-
renton, attends meeting, Amer-
ican Association of Museums,
434; attends meeting, Executive
Board, attends meeting, Hills-
boro Garden Club, 432; attends
meeting, Masonic Museum,
Greensboro, 433; attends meet-
ing, Southeastern Museums Con-
ference, 109; attends meeting,
Tryon Palace Commission, 110;
attends meeting, Williamsburg,
Va., 434; attends opening, Alston
House, 444; attends opening,
Fireman's Museum, New Bern,
564; judges Junior Historian ex-
hibits, Goldsboro, 434; makes
talk, Caswell-Nash Chapter,
Daughters of American Revolu-
tion, 304; makes trip to New,
Bern, 303; on program, Museum
Educators' Conference, 110;
takes part in WPTF broadcast,
109; talks to Junior Committee,
Caswell-Nash Chapter, 304;
visits Tryon Palace, 564; works
in National Parks Laboratory,
565.
Jordan, Weymouth T., reviews
John Filson of Kentucke, 293.
Joseph F. Loubat Prizes, announce-
ment of, made by Columbia Uni-
versity, 451.
"Joseph Seawell Jones of Shocco —
Historian and Humbug," article
by Edwin A. Miles, 483-506.
Josserand, Frank Butler, on faculty,
new Department of History,
Wake Forest College, 442.
Journal des Sciences, Parisian
journal, carries notice of Brick-
ell's History, 313.
Journal of Commerce (Boston,
Mass.), advertises South as fer-
tile field for investment, 376.
Journal of Southern History, The,
best article published in, to re-
ceive Ramsdell Award in alter-
nate years, 119.
Journal-Patriot, The (North
Wilkesboro), carries brief his-
tory of Wilkes County Histori-
cal Association, 309.
Jumper, Roy, on faculty, new De-
partment of Political Science,
Wake Forest College, 442,
K
Kate Weathers, by Frank Vaughan,
"discovered" by Richard Wal-
ser, 199.
Keesey, Ruth, joins faculty, East
Carolina College, 440.
Keith, Alice B., attends meeting,
Historical Society of North Car-
olina, attends sessions, Southern
Historical Association, elected
Vice-President, Historical So-
ciety of North Carolina, 121; has
article published, 440.
Kellam, Mrs. Ida B., elected Secre-
tary, Lower Cape Fear Historical
Society, 447.
Kellenberger, John A., speaks to
joint patriotic societies, 306.
Kellenberger, Mrs. John A., re-
ceives Distinguished Citizen
Award, 306; reports on restora-
tion projects, Antiquities Society,
114.
Keller, Hans Gustav, speaks to
group at meeting, Society of
Descendants of the Palatines,
446.
Keller, Morton, appointed Instruc-
tor, University of North Caro-
lina, 119.
Kelley, William D., states New
England should be model for
South, 377.
Kelly, Edward, member of Lane's
colony, 222.
Kelly, Paul, speaks on "The Story
of Fort Loudoun," 570.
Kendall, Abraham, navigator and
mathematician, commands ship,
219.
Key, V. O., Jr., reviews The Ori-
gins of the American Party Sys-
tem, 429.
Keys, Charles A., his The Parson
of the Hills, mentioned, 241.
Kilby, Ann J., dances with group
on program for Sir Walter Cabi-
net, 305.
Killebrew, Joseph B., desires book
giving information on erecting
"cotton factories," 309.
Kingdom of the Happy Land, The,
by Sadie Smathers Patton, dis-
cussed, 569; received, 574.
Klingberg, Frank W., promoted to
Professor, 567; reads paper, His-
torical Society of North Carolina,
120.
Knight, Rebecca, joins staff, Record
Center, Department of Archives
and History, 436,
Index to Volume XXXIV
603
Kyles, Mrs. A. A., presides at meet-
ing, Poetry Society, 117.
Kyser, James Kay, receives Cannon
Award, 114.
Labor, mill owners accused of
"plantation" treatment of, 386;
not unionized in South by 1895,
388.
Labouisse, Mrs. J. W., elected
Vice-President, Antiquities So-
ciety, 113.
Lake Tahoma, visited by group on
McDowell County tour, 570.
Land Called Chicora. The Caro-
linas Under Spanish Rule with
French Intrusions, 1520-1670,
The, by Paul Quattlebaum, re-
ceived, 311, reviewed, 5C5.
"Land of Beginnings," prepared by
Department of Archives and His-
tory, 563.
Lander, Ernest M., Jr., is Visiting
Professor, Western Carolina Col-
lege, 567.
Lane, Ralph, decides to return to
England, 206; description of,
220; penetrates. 130 miles into
present North Carolina, 205;
knighted, 220; list of names of
men with him on voyages, 207-
208.
Larson, Norman C, assists Hills-
boro group in planning museum,
564; makes trip to Bentonville
Battleground, 303; presents slide-
lecture program, Mt. Airy Ki-
wanis Club, 436; presents slide-
lecture program, Northampton
County Historical Society, 435;
serves as narrator, 305; serves as
narrator in television series;
436; speaks to Sertoma Club, 112.
Lassiter, William C, his Law and
the Press, discussed, 239.
Lathrop, George Parsons, his True
discussed, 195.
Lathrop, Mrs. Virginia Terrell,
reads paper, Western North
Carolina Historical Association
meeting, 449.
Laurentson, Martin, Danish mem-
ber of Grenville's expedition, 213.
Laurinburg Exchange, editor of,
writes textile manufacturer, 368.
Law and the Press, by William C.
Lassiter, discussed, 239.
Lawson, John, describes colonial
North Carolina, 325; describes
Indian customs, 323; describes
turkeys and pigeons in North
Carolina, 325; his description of
white-Indian marriages given,
322; his History of Carolina dis-
cussed by Jared Sparks, 314.
Lawyers, draw up resolutions for
judicial reforms, 38; Ealeigh
meeting of, in 1885, described,
37; recommend increase in num-
ber of judges, 38.
Leary, John S., president of Colored
Industrial Association, requests
itemized indebtedness, 62.
Leavitt, Sturgis B., gives report to
Society of Mayflower Descen-
dants, member of board, Society
of Mayflower Descendants, 118.
Lederer, John, his trip to Indians,
mentioned, 322.
Lee, Enoch Lawrence, Jr., joins
faculty, The Citadel, 120.
Lee, Fitzhugh, elected Vice-Presi-
dent, Wayne County Historical
Society, 443.
Leech, Francis, writes "The Mam-
moth Humbug," 504.
Lefler, Hugh T., addresses AAUW
Chapter, Chapel Hill, 439; ad-
dresses Wayne County Histori-
cal Society, 120; co-edits pamph-
let list of North Carolina books,
126; his History of North Caro-
lina, published, 120; reviewed,
105; invited to be Visiting Pro-
cessor, Syracuse University, pub-
lishes "The Southern Colonies,
1600-1750," 120; reviews Coun-
terfeiting in Colonial America,
544; reviews Revolution in Amer-
ica: Confidential Letters and
Journals, 1776-1784, of Adju-
tant General Major Bauermeister
of the Hessian Forces, 548;
speaks to Chapel Hill New Com-
ers Club, 306; speaks to Orange
County unit, North Carolina Ed-
ucation Association, 439; teach-
es at Syracuse University, 567.
Legend of the Founding Fathers,
The, by Wesley Frank Craven,
reviewed, 539.
Lemmon, Sarah M., attends meet-
ing, Historical Society of North
Carolina, attends sessions, South-
ern Historical Association, 121 ;
has article published, 440 ; re-
views, Georgia's Land of the
Golden Isles, 422.
Lengthened Shadows: A History
of Gardner-Webb College, 1907-
1956, by Francis B. Dedmond,
received, 311.
604
The North Carolina Historical Review
Lenoir, William, correspondence of,
shows interest in cotton mill,
family of, promotes manufactur-
ing interests, 132; family of, pur-
sues construction of mills in
North Carolina and Tennessee,
153.
Letters of William Gilmore Simms,
Volume V, 1867-1870, The, by
Mary C. Simms Oliphant, Alfred
Taylor Odell, and T. C. Duncan
Eaves, received, 452; reviewed,
537.
Lewis, Henry W., his article, "The
Dugger-Dromgoole Duel," 327-
345.
Lewis, John S., canvasses eastern
North Carolina for support of
Negro fair, 60.
Lewis, McDaniel, attends meeting,
Executive Board, 432; accepts
Chatham gift for State, 116.
Lewis, Warner, life sketch of, 327;
writes under the name, "Moni-
tor," 327. p
Lewis Publishing Company, pub-
lishes four-volume History of
North Carolina, 120.
Library Company of Philadelphia,
establishes fellowships, 128.
Library of Congress, joint sponsor
of Institute in the Preservation
and Administration of Archives,
436; lists there of Oxford and
Cambridge graduates, 203.
"Life and Literature," by Gilbert
T. Stephenson, 247-254.
Life of John Smith, English Sol-
dier, The, by Laura Polanyi Stri-
ker, received, 574.
Lilly, Eli, questions Cherokee pre-
history, 455.
Lilly Endowment, Inc., presents
$60,000 grant to Institute at
Williamsburg, Va., 450.
Lincoln Cotton Factory, hires
Massachusetts superintendent,
sells yarn in local area, 24.
Lincoln's Commando; The Biog-
raphy of Commander W. B.
Gushing, U. S. N., by Ralph J.
Roske and Charles Van Doren,
reviewed, 554.
Lincoln's Supreme Court, by Da-
vid M. Silver, reviewed, 102.
Lindsay, Horace B., serves as gene-
alogist, Sons of American Revo-
lution, 449.
Link, Arthur, his Wilson, The New
Freedom, received, 128; reviewed,
300,
Liquor, Cherokee council regulates
sale of, sale of forbidden by
white men to Cherokee Nation,
source of friction between Chero-
kees and whites, 13.
Literature, American becomes "na-
tional" in nineteenth century,
393; definition of, given, 247;
realism in, discussed, 252.
Lively, Robert A., his Fiction
Fights the Civil War — An Un-
finished Chapter in the Literary
History of the American Peo-
ple, received, 311, reviewed, 551.
Living Past of Cleveland County,
The, by Lee B. Weathers, dis-
cussed, 243; reviewed, 92.
Lockmiller, David A., reviews The
University of Georgia under Six-
teen Administrations, 1785-1955,
96.
Logan, Frenise A., his article, "The
Colored Industrial Association of
North Carolina and Its Fair of
1886," 58-67.
London, Edith, wins award, North
Carolina Artists Competition,
113.
Long, Alexander, Cherokee migra-
tion fragment recorded by, given,
456-457; records ancient myth,
456.
Lost Colony, arrives July 16, 1587,
at Roanoke, 206; members of,
described, 214-225; mystery of,
fascinates writers for over 100
years, 201; occupations of mem-
bers of, given, 214-225.
Lost Colony, by Jean Bothwell,
juvenile novel about colonists,
194.
Lost Colony, The, by Paul Green,
best known work about settlers
at Roanoke, 180; discussed, 181.
Lost Citadel, The, by Alexander
Mathis, narrative about Barlowe-
Amadas expedition, 189.
Lowe, Alice, elected Secretary-
Treasurer, reorganized Columbus
County historical group, 122.
Lower Cape Fear Historical So-
ciety, holds meeting, 447.
Luddington, Thomas, Roanoke colo-
nist, former fellow at Lincoln
College, 215.
Ludwick Summer's House and
Mills, visited by group on tour,
125.
Lukis, Mollie, Archivist of Aus-
tralia, visits Department of Ar-
chives and History, 566,
Index to Volume XXXIV
605
Lupton, Mack, introduces speaker,
Palatine meeting, 447.
Luvaas, Jay, accepts position, Al-
legheny College, 441 ; reviews
Sherman's March through the
Carolinas, 285.
Lycan, Gilbert L., reviews A Bib-
liography of John Marshall, 539.
Lyday, Mrs. Robert, on program,
marker dedication, 126.
M
McAllister, Hubert Eugene, joins
faculty, Mercer University, 120.
McBride, A Mother in Methodism,
by H. E. Spence, discussed, 572.
McChesney, Dora Greenwell, her
The Wounds of a Friend, dis-
cussed, 186.
McCoy, George W., elected Presi-
dent, Western North Carolina
Historical Association, 449; in-
troduces speaker, 310; serves as
program chairman, 127.
McCorkle, Donald M., announces
Moravian music festival, 307.
McCrary, Mary Jane, on program,
marker unveiling, 126; serves on
committee, Western North Caro-
lina Historical Association, 309.
McDonald, C. J., gives talk on
Alston House, Antiquities So-
ciety, 114.
MacDonald, Donald, elected Vice-
President, Folklore Society, reads
papers at December meeting,
Folklore Society, 117.
McDonald, Leon M., elected Vice-
President, Society of County and
Local Historians, 117.
McDowell, Mrs. Grace B., nam-
ed First Vice-President, Mecklen-
burg Historical Association, 122.
McDowell, Joseph, site of home,
visited on McDowell County tour,
570.
McDowell County, tour of, spon-
sored by County and Local His-
torians, 570.
McDowell County Historical Asso-
ciation, holds meeting, 448.
McFarland, Daniel, accepts position
as Head of Department of His-
tory, Atlantic Christian College,
441.
McKee, William D., talks on "The
H Volume in Jackson Countv,"
570.
McKeithan, Barbara, attends South-
eastern Museums Conference,
110; dances with group on pro-
gram for Sir Walter Cabinet,
305; makes trip to New Bern,
303.
McKeithan, W. A. Leland, present
for opening of Alston House, 444.
MacKinney, Loren C, appointed
to editorial board of Manu-
scripts, gives illustrated lecture
to International College of Sur-
geons, 120; has book published,
440; invited to speak, American
Association of Anatomists, 120;
reads paper, American Associa-
tion for the History of Medicine,
440; reads paper, 439; to be vis-
iting Professor, University of
California, 440.
McLane, Robert, sent as govern-
ment representative to China,
260.
McLaughlin, H. C, aids Shocco
Jones to escape, becomes involv-
ed in Jones-Wilson duel, 499;
shown evidence of Jones-Wilson
duel, 500.
McLean, Albert S., gives report at
Asheville meeting, 449; serves
on committee, Western North
Carolina Historical Association,
309.
McLean, Guy R., accepts position,
Dalhousie University, Halifax,
Nova Scotia, 441.
MacMillan, Henry, elected Vice-
President, Lower Cape Fear His-
torical Society, 447.
McMillan, Mrs. R. L., receives Can-
non Award, 114.
McMullen, Mrs. Sidney, receives
Cannon Award, 114.
McMurray, Carl, participates on
program, marker unveiling, 126.
McNeill, Ben Dixon, pen portrait
of, given in Surf man, 201.
McNeill, William Gibbs, intimate
friend of Joseph Seawell Jones,
486.
Macon, Nathaniel, great uncle of
Shocco Jones, 484; predicts North
Carolina will never become a
"commercial state," 28; supports
Jackson's stand on banks, 497.
Madison, Dolley Payne, letters and
papers of, requested by Univer-
sity of Chicago, 573.
Madison, James, his papers to be
published, 572.
Magnolia: or Southern Apalachian
(Charleston, S. C), discontin-
ued, 404; edited by William Gil-
more Simms, 399.
606
The North Carolina Historical Review
MaGruder, Nathaniel, joins faculty,
Stratford College, 120.
Mahler, Mrs. Grace B., acts as
hostess, 305; attends Bertie
meeting, North Carolina Literary
and Historical Association, Inc.,
433.
Mahoney, John, his Paronsie, men-
tioned, 234.
Major William Chronicle Chapter,
Daughters of American Revolu-
tion, sponsor marker unveiling,
446.
Mallett, Charles P., advocates in-
ternal improvements, builds lar-
gest ante-bellum mill in North
Carolina, 139; his mills to sell
yarn to North, incorporates mill
in Fayetteville, 144.
Mallison, Fred, serves as Historian,
Beaufort County Historical So-
ciety, 308.
Malone, Henry T., his article
"Cherokee-White Relations on
the Southern Frontier in the
Early Nineteenth Century," 1-
14; his Cherokees of the Old
South: A People in Transition,
received, 128; reviewed, 294; re-
views The Colonial Records of
South Carolina. Series I, Jour-
nal of the Commons House of
Assembly, September 10, 1745-
June 17, 1746, 536.
"Mammoth Humbug," scheme of
Shocco Jones, referred to, 483,
504, 504??, 505??.
Mannering, Jane, Lost Colonist,
facts concerning, 223.
Manor, Mrs. Blanche, receives Can-
non Award, 114.
Manteo, by Clifford Wayne Hart-
ridge, deals with son of Manteo,
197.
Maps, Civil War one, outline one of
State, made available by Division
of Publications, 438.
"Mark Bennett on Roanoke," by
Harry K. Russell, discussed, 183.
Markham, Mrs. F. P., Ill, re-elected
Vice-Secretary, Pasquotank Coun-
ty Historical Society, 445.
Marsh, James, elected Executive
Vice-President, Southern Appala-
chian Historical Association, 124.
Marshall, Christopher, customs of-
ficial, member of Lane's expedi-
tion, 216.
Marshall, W. E., becomes Head of
Department of Social Studies,
East Carolina College, 440.
Martin, Josiah, commends Virginia
actions against counterfeiters,
480; writes of ease of counter-
feiting, 479.
Martin, Julien D., elected Director,
Lower Cape Fear Historical So-
ciety, 447.
Martin, L. A., elected First Vice-
President, Davidson County His-
torical Association, 448.
Martin, Marianne R., founds Rock-
ingham County Fine Arts Festi-
val, 448.
Maryland Hall of Records, joint
sponsor of the Institute in the
Preservation and Administration
of Archives, 436.
Mason, F. Van Wyck, his Golden
Admiral, story of Sir Francis
Drake, 189.
Mason, John Y., warns George C.
Dromgoole about drinking habits,
331.
Masonic Museum, Greensboro, cele-
brates twenty-fifth anniversary,
433.
Massengale, Rosalie, her Other
People's Lives, study outline, 239.
Mathewson, Alice Clarke, her
Ali-Mat Takes Off, discussed,
241.
Mathis, Alexander, his The Lost
Citadel, tells story of Amadas-
Barlowe, Lane, and White expe-
ditions, 189.
Maurice, George H., his Daniel
Boone in North Carolina, men-
tioned, 240; receives Cannon
Award, 114.
Mayflower Award, presented to
Glenn Tucker, 116.
Mayo, Adeline, serves as Secretary,
Beaufort County Historical So-
ciety, 308.
Meader, Stephen W., his The Sea
Snake, exciting story of Coast
Guard, 200.
Mecklenburg County, tour of, spon-
sored by County and Local His-
torians, 569.
Mecklenburg Historical Associa-
tion, holds meeting, 122.
Meek, S. P., his Surf man tells sto-
ry of Outer Banks, 200.
Mehan, Mrs. Floyd D., named Vice-
President, North Carolina Sym-
phony Society, 117.
Meigs, Return J., acquires Indian
land for whites, 7; appointed
Cherokee agent, distributes farm-
ing implements to Indians, 3;
helps maintain friendly Chero-
Index to Volume XXXIV
607
kee-white relations, 9; receives
support of Henry Dearborn, so-
licitous of Indian welfare, 3.
Melanchthon Lutheran Church,
visited on tour of Randolph
County, 125.
Memorials of North Carolina, by
Joseph Seawell Jones, discussed,
497.
Merchant's Hope Church (Va.),
site of tablet unveiling;, 123.
Messages of the Governors of Ten-
nessee, 1845-1857, by Robert H.
White, received, 452.
Messick, J. D., reviews A History
of Atlantic Christian College:
Culture in Coastal Carolina, 287.
Metcalf, Paul C, his Will West
composed of poetic monologues,
230.
Mexico, American railroad promo-
ters operate there, 261; land ac-
quired from to build railroad to
California, 258.
Michaux, Andre, uses BrickelPs
History of North Carolina, 314.
Middleton, Robert Lee, his Think-
ing About God, mentioned, 240.
Miers, Earl Schenck, his When the
World Ended, The Diary of
Emma LeConte, received, 452.
Mighty Stonewall, by Frank Van-
diver, received, 452; reviewed,
550.
Miles, Edwin A., his article,
"Joseph Seawell Jones of Shocco
— Historian and Humbug," 483-
506.
Military Justice in the Armed
Forces of the United States, by
Robinson O. Everett, 239.
Miller, Robert Moats, appointed
Assistant Professor of History,
University of North Carolina,
119.
Miller, William, his The United
States. The History of a Repub-
lic, received, 452; reviewed, 557.
Millett, Henry, returns with White
to search for Lost Colony, 224.
Minerva, The (Raleigh), editor of,
interested in Virginia's efforts
to establish cotton mills, 21.
Missionaries, to Cherokees, fight
whiskey menace, most successful
as teachers, 13.
Mississippi, hard hit by panic of
1837, 501; territory of, has 22
spinning mills by 1810, 20.
Mississippi Valley Historical Asso-
ciation, announces history award,
451.
Mitchiner, article on family pub-
lished in Smith field Herald, 309.
Mitchiner, William Arthur, elected
board member, Sons of American
Revolution, 449.
Moffitt, J. V., Jr., elected President,
Davidson County Historical As-
sociation, 448.
Money Problems of Early Tar
Heels, reprinted by Division of
Publications, 438.
"Monitor," defends duel as civilized
way of settling difficulties, 345;
pen name of Warner Lewis,
writes of Dugger-Dromgoole
duel, 327; writes of Thomas
Goode Tucker, 341.
Monroe, Lee, named Second Vice-
President, Mecklenburg Histori-
cal Association, 122.
Montgomery, Hugh, leads white
efforts to get Cherokee land, 8;
reports large number of whites
living among Cherokees, 12.
Mooney, Chase C, serves as Chair-
man of History Award Commit-
tee, Mississippi Valley Historical
Association, 451.
Mooney, James, explores Cherokee
myths, 460, 462.
Moore, Joseph C, Jr., presides at
meeting, Society of Mayflower
Descendants, 118.
Moore, Louis T., his Stories Old
and Neiv of the Cape Fear Re-
gion, received, 129; reviewed,
287.
Moore, Patrick, leads counterfeiters
in plot, turns Crown witness
against fellow-counterfeiters, 472.
Moore, William Henry, writes Vir-
ginia Dare: A Story of Colonial
Days, 182.
Moore County Historical Associa-
tion, receives American Associa-
tion for State and Local History
Award, 116; to operate Alston
House, 444.
Moose, Roy C, his O. Henry in
North Carolina, received, 452;
reviewed, 531.
Moravian Church, attempts to es-
tablish Cherokee mission, 5.
Morehead, John M., builds success-
ful cotton mill, 32; erects Leaks-
ville factory, 146; pushes plan
for internal improvement, 139;
supports Fisher report, 32.
Morehead City, acts as host to bar
members, 56.
Morgan, Edmund S., elected to
Council, Institute of Early
608
The North Carolina Historical Review
American History and Culture,
450.
Morris, Richard B., elected to Coun-
cil, Institute of Early American
History and Culture, 450.
Moss, Mrs. Betsy C, dances with
group on program, Sir Walter
Cabinet, 305.
Mount Gallant, visited by Tryon on
tour, 408.
"Mount Gould," visited by group
on tour, 437.
Mount Hecla Mill, built on stream
outside Greensboro, 27; descrip-
tion of, 132; operates on both
water and steam, 27.
Mullen, Thomas Eugene, on facul-
ty, new Department of History,
Wake Forest College, 442.
Murray, Paul, presents paper,
Lower Cape Fear Historical So-
ciety, 448; reviews The Papers
of Willie Person Mangum, Vol-
ume V, 283.
Muse, Amy, elected Curator, Car-
teret County Historical Society,
reads paper at Carteret meeting,
308.
Must They Sell Apples Again?, by
Raymond J. Jeffreys, mentioned,
239.
My Brother Adlai, biography of
Adlai Stevenson, by Elizabeth
Stevenson Ives, 241.
My Lord Monleigh, by Jan Cox
Speas, story of Scottish Rebel-
lion, 229.
N
Nag's Head, reprinting of, sug-
gested, 201.
Napoleon III, fears Russian efforts
to obtain seaport, 262.
Napp, Ralph, joins faculty, East
Carolina College, 440.
"Nathaniel Batts House," site of,
visited by group on tour, 437.
National Archives, co-sponsors In-
stitute on Records Management,
joint sponsor of Institute in the
Preservation and Administration
of Archives, 436.
National Council of Cherokees, di-
vides Cherokee Nation into eight
districts, 8; permits teachers and
artisans to remain in nation, 12.
National Education Association,
presents "time capsule" for pres-
ervation, 433.
Nationalism, of literature, discuss-
ed, 393.
Natural History of North Carolvia,
The, describes Indians native to
area, 321; elaborates on Law-
son's material, 320 ; gains in pop-
ularity, 313; longer than Law-
son's History, 317; published in
1737, 313; said to be more sys-
tematic than Lawson's History,
317; table of contents of, given,
318; used as source book for
geographers, 314.
Neal, William N., hires "salesman"
for Catawba mill products, known
as pioneer industrialist, 151.
Negro Genius, The, dedicated by
Brawley to his wife, 167.
Negro Militia and Reconstruction,
by Otis A. Singletary, received,
574.
Negro slaves, inter-marry with In-
dians, 11; number of, owned by
Cherokees, listed, 10; teach
Cherokees to read, 11.
Negroes, free or mixed-breeds de-
nied vote or offices in Cherokee
republic, 12; great advances
made in establishment of col-
leges for, 165; invite Negroes of
international reputation to speak
at fairs, 64; lack proper enthu-
siasm for fairs, promise items
for exhibit at fairs; 63; slaves
taught to operate mill machinery,
24; sponsor state-wide industrial
and agricultural fairs, 58; stimu-
lated to improve life by Colored
Industrial Association of North
Carolina, 67; their fairs aided by
railroads, 62.
Nelson, Ernest W., teaches at Uni-
versity of Tennessee, 568.
New Bern Spectator, questions
duel of Joseph Seawell Jones,
301.
"New South," advocates of, find
local capital more available than
northern, 375.
New-York Historical Societyys Dic-
tionary of Artists in America,
1584-1860, The, by George C.
Groce and David H. Wallace, re-
ceived, 452; reviewed, 558.
Newberry Cotton Manufacturing
Company, outgrowth of commu-
nity canvas, 370.
News and Observer, The (Ra-
leigh), describes evening meet-
ing of lawyers, 39; describes T.
M. Argo, gives account of 1885
bar meeting, 37; praises legal
profession, 48; promotes interest
in industry, 362; publishes poet-
Index to Volume XXXIV
609
ry of citizenry daily, 248; re-
ports on bar meetings during
formative years, 55; reports on
Negro fair, 66.
Newsome, Albert Ray, honored by
publication of Studies in South-
ern Histo?*y, 440.
Newspapers, carry complaints
about cotton mill industry, 133,
134; cite advantages of white
mill workers, 141; editors of, re-
fer to glory of mill employment,
155; editors of, wax eloquent in
support of mills, 153; headlines
from, 255; in South and North
play a large role in industriali-
zation, 363-392 passim.
Nicaragua, rocked by civil war,
265; route there, established by
Vanderbilt, 257; scene of political
upheaval, 263.
Nicholes, William, Lost Colonist,
possibly a tailor in London, 216.
Nichols, Roy F., gives address,
North Carolina Literary and His-
torical Association, Inc., 116; his
article "One Hundred Years
Ago," 255-269; special guest of
Central Colony, Society of May-
flower Descendants, 118.
Niles, Hezekiah, editor of maga-
zine, hopes South will produce
domestic cotton, 25.
Niles Weekly Register, endorses
Fisher Report, 32; reports on
progress of textiles in North
Carolina, 148.
Nine Hour Labor Law, reaction to,
388.
Noblin, Stuart, appointed Archivist,
North Carolina State College,
promoted to Professor, 567.
Non-fiction books, classified into
four groups, publishers of, listed,
thirty-eight entered in Mayflower
Competition, 238.
North, feels keen competition of
South in textiles after 1880, 389.
North American Review, cites
BrickelPs History, 315.
North Carolina, commerce of with
foreign countries halted, 17; en-
courages culture in every field,
247; has modest beginning in
textile industry, 27; legislature
of, interested more in ante-bel-
lum agriculture than industry,
18; makes great progress in field
of literature, 247; need for manu-
facturing in, cited, 21 ; non-fiction
books about, described as bake-
shop window, 237; poetry and fic-
tion of, tends to be regional,
233; provides setting for over
700 works of prose fiction, 180;
uses cotton formerly sold to Eng-
land, 20.
North Carolina Bar Association,
adopts plan of organization, 39;
aids members in distress, 43;
amends constitution, 41; asks
legislature for responsibility of
examining and licensing new at-
torneys, 51; banquets of, describ-
ed, 56; constitutional provisions
of, listed, 46-47; definitely estab-
lished by 1904, 49; desires power
to expel members, 51; dues of,
44; has about one-third of state's
lawyers as members, 46; has
difficulty in establishing periodi-
cal, 47; has fifteen year forma-
tive period, 36; has 285 members
by 1904, 56; has varied programs
during formative years, 51, 53;
helps in codification of laws of
state, 53; included entertainment
with meetings, 39, 47, 55, 56;
permanently organized in 1899,
36; sets forth ideals, 39; sets
fourth rules to guide members in
practice, 52; states objectives,
46; topics discussed at meetings,
mentioned, 54-55.
"North Carolina Bibliography,
J955-1956," by William S. Powell,
270-281.
North Carolina Drama, by Rich-
ard Walser, reviewed, 87.
North Carolina Education Associa-
tion, celebrates one-hundredth
anniversary, 433.
"North Carolina Fiction, Drama,
and Poetry: 1955-1956," by C.
Hugh Holman, 227-236.
North Carolina Folklore Society,
holds meeting, 117.
North Carolina Historical Review,
The, six articles in, refer to
Brickell, 316-317.
North Carolina History Told by
Contemporaries, by Hugh T.
Lefler, mentioned, 316.
North Carolina Journal of Law,
issued by Bar Association, from
Chapel Hill, 50; notes improve-
ment brought about by Bar As-
sociation, 57.
North Carolina Law Journal, de-
scribes legal meetings, 48; es-
tablished in 1900, 45; serves as
organ for legal profession, 48-
49.
610
The North Carolina Historical Review
North Carolina Law Review, pub-
lished by Law School, University
of North Carolina, 50.
North Carolina Literary and His-
torical Association, Inc., holds
annual meeting, 115; holds joint
meeting with Western North
Carolina Historical Association,
570; holds spring meeting, 437;
meets jointly with Southern His-
torical Association, 119.
"North Carolina Non-Fiction
Books, 1955-1956," by H. Broadus
Jones, 237-246.
North Carolina Poetry Society,
holds annual meeting, 116.
North Carolina Press Association,
champions state's natural re-
sources, 366.
North Carolina Society for the
Preservation of Antiquities, holds
annual meeting, to honor Mrs.
Charles A. Cannon, 113.
North Carolina Society of County
and Local Historians, conducts
tour of Randolph County, 125;
holds annual meeting, 117; holds
meeting, 308; sponsors Mecklen-
burg tour, 569; sponsors tour of
Bladen County, sponsors tour of
Currituck County, 444; sponsors
tour of Guilford County, 125.
North Carolina Society of the De-
scendants of the Palatines, holds
annual meeting, 446.
North Carolian State Art Society,
holds annual meeting, 112.
North Carolina State Flag, The,
reprinted by Division of Publi-
cations, 438.
North Carolina Symphony Society,
holds annual meeting, 117.
North Carolina, The History of A
Southern State, by Hugh T. Lef-
ler and Albert R. Newsome,
quotes Brickell, 316w, 325.
Northampton County, scene of
Dugger-Dromgoole duel, 327.
Northampton County Court Min-
utes, released for use in Search
Room, 566.
Nunn, R. A., presides at meeting of
Palatine group, 446.
0
O. Henry in North Carolina, by
Cathleen Pike, received, 452; re-
viewed, 531.
O era coke, by Carl Goerch, received,
129; reviewed, 288.
Odell, Alfred Taylor, his The Let-
ters of William Gilmorc Simms,
Volume V, 1867-1870, received,
452; reviewed, 537.
O'Donnell, John Burke, elected to
Executive Council, Wake County
Historical Society, 446.
Old Brown Marsh Church, visited
on tour of Bladen County, 445.
Old Bullion Benton: Senator from
the New West, by William Nis-
bet Chambers, reviewed, 101.
Old Carson Home, visited on Mc-
Dowell County tour, 570.
Old Fort, marker unveiled there,
126.
Old Moat Farm, The, by Eliza F.
Pollard, tells inaccurate story of
colonists 192.
"Old North State," phrase attribut-
ed to Joseph Seawell Jones, 494.
Old Thad Hall Tavern, visited by
group on tour of Currituck Coun-
ty, 444.
Old Trinity Church, visited by
group on tour of Bladen County,
445.
Oliphant, Mary C. Simms, her The
Letters of William Gilmore
Simms, Volume V, 1867-1870, re-
ceived, 452; reviewed, 537.
Olmsted, Frederick Law, advises on
planning: of Biltmore Estate, 346;
landscape architect of Biltmore
Estate, July cover.
Olson, Charles, recognized as poet,
231; writes Anecdotes of the
Late War, 232.
One Clear Call, by Agnes Lucas
Phillips, mentioned, 230.
One Hundred Outstanding Books
about North Carolina, by Rich-
ard Walser and Hugh T. Lefler,
released by University of North
Carolina Press, 126.
"One Hundred Years Ago," article
by Roy F. Nichols, 255-269.
'Onslow's Oldest Church," by
Charles Crossfield Ware, issued,
307.
"Organization and Early Years of
the North Carolina Bar Associa-
tion," article by Fannie Memory
Blackwelder, 36-57.
Origin of the American Party Sys-
tem, The, by Joseph Charles, re-
ceived, 311; reviewed, 428.
Orr, Harry T., elected Treasurer,
Mecklenburg Historical Associa-
tion, 122.
Osborn, George C, his article,
"Woodrow Wilson: The Evolu-
tion of A Name," 507-516; re-
views Old Bullion Benton: Sen-
Index to Volume XXXIV
611
ator from the New West, 102; re-
views Wilson: The New Free-
dom, 301.
Ostend Manifesto, fails to further
Cuban interests, 265.
Other People's Lives, by Rosalie
Massengale, mentioned, 239.
Our Heritage, by Margaret Freel,
mentioned, 571.
Overhills, attempt to assert tribal
prestige, 464; cause series of
Creek-Cherokee wars, 465; pos-
sess "the Eldest Fire of all,"
464; segment of Cherokee na-
tion, 461.
Owen Hill, visited on tour of Bla-
den County, 445.
Owsley, Mrs. Lawrence, elected
Secretary, Southern Appalachian
Historical Association, 124.
Pacelot Manufacturing Company,
organized by individuals, 376.
Palatine History Award, presented,
447.
Palmerston, his opinion of United
States shows failure of govern-
ment's motives, 268; minister of
Queen Victoria, writes opinion
of "Yankees," 267.
Panama, riots there, destroy rail-
road property, 265; scene of de-
velopment of 1850's, 256.
Papers of William Alexander Gra-
ham, Volume I, 1825-1837, The,
published by Department of Ar-
chives and History, 438.
Papers of Willie Person Mangum,
Volume V, 18U7-189U, The, re-
viewed, 282.
Parker, Frank, serves as Secretary-
Treasurer, Sons of American
Revolution, 449.
Parker, Harold T., elected Presi-
dent, Society for French Histori-
cal Studies, 442.
Parker, John W., his article, "A
Bibliography of the Published
Writings of Benjamin Griffith
Brawley," 165-178.
Parker, Roy, Jr., his newspaper
column mentioned, 248; presents
Roanoke-Chowan Poetry Award,
115; reviews Rebel Boast: First
at Bethel — Last at Appomattox,
91 ; to be host to Roanoke-Cho-
wan group, 250.
Parker, Roy, Sr., his The Akoskie
Era of Hertford County, 1889-
1939, received, 129.
Parker, William A., elected Presi-
dent, Wake County Historical
Society, 446; National Trustee,
Sons of American Revolution,
449.
Parkman, Francis, prize to be
awarded in honor of, 573.
Parks, Hugh S., Sr., picture of,
facing 147.
Parks, Joseph H., receives Sydnor
Award, 119.
Parris, John, participates in dedi-
cation of highway marker, 126.
Parson of the Hills, The, by
Charles A. Keys, 241.
Paschal, George Washington, his
History of North Carolina Bap-
tists, Volume II, discussed, 244.
Paschal, Herbert R., Jr., talks on
Tuscarora Indians, North Caro-
lina Literary and Historical As-
sociation, Inc., 437; makes brief
talk to Pitt group, 571; reviews
The Legend of the Founding Fa-
thers, 541.
Pasour, Mrs. E. D., serves as chair-
man of steering committee,
marker erection program, 446.
Pasquotank County Historical So-
ciety, completes first volume,
Year Book, 125; holds meeting,
124, 125, 445.
Pastor's Hospital Ministry, The,
by Richard K. Young, mentioned,
240.
Paths of Shining Light, by Vera
Idol, mentioned, 239.
Patton, Mrs. Frances Gray, her A
Piece of Luck, discussed, 228;
wins Sir Walter Raleigh Award,
116.
Patton, James W., delivers address,
annual dinner, Southern Histori-
cal Association, 119; makes ad-
dress, annual meeting, Society of
County and Local Historians,
117; presides at meeting, 119.
Patton, Mrs. Sadie Smathers Pat-
ton, arranges program, marker
dedication, 126; her The King-
dom of the Happy Land, receiv-
ed, 574; presides at meeting,
309; presides at meeting, West-
ern North Carolina Historical
Association, 449 ; presides at
quarterly meeting, 127.
Payson, William Farquhar, his
John Vytal, tells of Lost Colony,
185.
Peculiar Institution: Slavery in
the Ante-Bellum South, The, re-
viewed, 295.
612
The North Carolina Historical Review
Pendleton, Mrs. A. L., re-elected
Secretary, Pasquotank County
Historical Society, 445.
Penniman, Mrs. K. T., reports on
restoration project, Antiquities
Society, 114.
Peoples Press, The (Winston-
Salem), comments on secession,
notes formation of volunteer
companies, 68.
Perkins, Dexter, his Charles Evans
Hughes and American Demo-
cratic Statesmanship, reviewed,
103.
Perquimans Precinct Court Min-
utes, 1688-1693, made available
in Search Room, 436.
Perry, Percival, Associate Profes-
sor, new Department of History,
Wake Forest College, 442; at-
tends meetings, Southern His-
torical Association, 122; new
member, Historical Society of
North Carolina, 443.
Peterson, Mrs. M. W., presents
AAUW Award, 115.
Petry, Ray C., his Christian Escha-
tology and Social Thought, men-
tioned, 240.
Pfohl, Christian T., receives dis-
charge from Confederate army,
79.
Philadelphia Presbyterian Church,
visited by group on tour, 570.
Phillips, Agnes Lucas, her One
Clear Call, mentioned, 230.
Phillips, Mrs. Dorothy R., attends
Bertie meeting, North Carolina
Literary and Historical Associa-
tion, Inc., 433; attends meeting,
Southeastern Museums Confer-
ence, 109; makes trip to photo-
graph Bentonville Battleground,
303; takes photographs of Alston
House, 110.
Phillips, Wade H., elected Secre-
tary, Davidson County Historical
Association, 448.
Philpott, H. Cloyd, elected Second
Vice-President, Davidson County
Historical Association, 448.
"Picturesque History of North
Carolina, A," by Shocco Jones,
termed hoax, 496.
Piece of Luck, A, by Mrs. Frances
Gray Patton, discussed, 228;
wins Sir Walter Raleigh Award,
116.
Pierce, Franklin, administration
negotiates for free territories,
262; appoints James Cochran
Dobbin, Secretary of Navy, 258;
diplomatic policy fails, 264; elect-
ed President, 257; foreign policy
discussed, 260; policy in Mexico
repudiated, 262.
Pierce, Jane, Lost Colonist, infor-
mation about, 223.
Pierce, Ovid Williams, writes of na-
tive North Carolina, 249.
Pigott, Josie, reads paper at Car-
teret meeting, 447.
Pike, Cathleen, her O. Henry in
North Carolnia, received, 452;
reviewed, 531.
Pinchot, Gifford, agrees to manage
Biltmore Forest, 346; appointed
Forester, United States Depart-
ment of Agriculture, 356; arrives
at Biltmore, 346; comes to Bilt-
more in 1892, deplores destruc-
tion of North Carolina forests,
348; desires to promote timber
production, 350; directs forest
management, 354; directs plant-
ing project, 353; does topographi-
cal study, 349; ends supervision
of Biltmore and Pisgah forests,
356; feels Vanderbilt uninterest-
ed in forestry project, 355; first
American to choose forestry as
profession, 347; inspects Ameri-
ca's forests, 347-348; prepares
exhibit, 346, 352; studies forestry
in Europe, 347.
Pinkett, Harold T., his article,
"Gifford Pinchot at Biltmore,"
346-357.
Pisgah National Forest, acquired
by the United States government,
355; description of, "unequalled"
in condition, 354.
Pitt County Historical Commission,
composed of 165 members, estab-
lished by legislature, 447.
Pitt County Historical Society,
holds meeting, 447.
Planters, oppose cotton mills, 134;
prejudiced against industry dur-
ing ante-bellum period, 18; scoff
at cotton mill investors, 28.
Plemmons, W. H., reads paper,
Asheville meeting, 309.
Poe, Clarence, elected Director, Art
Society, 112.
Pollard, Eliza, her The Old Moat
Farm, deals with Roanoke and
Jamestown colonies, 192.
Polk, James K., birthplace of, visit-
ed, 570; caught between Whigs
and Democrats, 257.
Polk, Thomas, grave of, visited on
tour, 570.
Index to Volume XXXIV
613
Polk, William T., his The Fallen
Angel, discussed, 228; uses North
Carolina material in stories, 249.
Poplin, R. 0., serves as Director,
Wilkes County Historical Asso-
ciation, 309.
Pory, John, secretary of Jamestown
Colony, journeys into present-
day Gates County, 225.
Posey, Walter, elected Vice-Presi-
dent, Southern Historical Asso-
ciation, 119.
Potter, Roland, serves as Director,
Wilkes County Historical Asso-
ciation, 309.
Potter, Mrs. T. T., elected Secre-
tary, Carteret County Historical
Society, 308; prepares paper on
history of Plymouth, 571.
Powell, William S., continues re-
search on Roanoke colonists and
explorers, 226; examines British
archival agencies, 208; his ar-
ticle, "Roanoke Colonists and Ex-
plorers: An Attempt at Iden-
tification," 202; his article, "Try-
on's Book on North Carolina,"
406-415; his "North Carolina
Bibliography, 1955-1956," 270;
makes trip to Scotland to iden-
tify colonists, 208; presents
American Association for State
and Local History Awards, 115;
reads paper, Historical Society
of North Carolina, 443; reads pa-
per, North Carolina Literary and
Historical Association, Inc., 115;
reviews Stories Old and New of
the Cape Fear Region, 288; re-
views Stub Entries to Indents
Issued in Payment of Claims
against South Carolina Grow-
ing Out of the Revolution, Books
C-F, 538; searches in Washing-
ton for material relating to Ro-
anoke colonists, 202.
Pratt, Dorothy, her A Guide to
Early American Homes — South,
received, 129; reviewed, 298.
Pratt, Richard, his A Guide to
Early American Homes — South,
received, 129; reviewed, 298.
Prayers of Jesus, with Meditations
and Verse for Devotional Use,
The, by Ralph Spaulding Cush-
man, mentioned, 240.
Prentiss, Seargent S., becomes
friend of Shocco Jones, 503.
Price, Charles Lewis, joins faculty,
West Georgia College, 120; joins
East Carolina College faculty,
440.
Price, J. Hampton, elected board
member, Sons of American Revo-
lution, 449.
Proceedings of the Massachusetts
Historical Society, October 1947-
May, 1950, Volume LXIX, re-
ceived, 129.
Progressive Farmer, The, quota-
tion from, 254.
Providence Baptist Church, visited
by group on Currituck County
tour, 444.
Providence of Wit in the English
Letter Writers, by William Hen-
ry Irving, mentioned, 244.
Providence Presbyterian Church,
visited on tour, 570.
Prowd, Hilda Damaris, marries
Benjamin G. Brawley, 167.
Public Addresses, Letters, and Pa-
pers of William Kerr Scott, Gov-
ernor of North Carolina, 1949-
1953, facts about publication,
438.
Purdie Home and Cemetery, visited
on Bladen County tour, 445.
Purrington, A. L., Jr., elected tem-
porary chairman. Wake County
group, 124; elected to Executive
Council, Wake County Historical
Society, 446.
Pursuit of Science in Revolution-
ary America, 1735-1789, The, by
I^rooke Hindle, reviewed, 97.
Q
Quarles, Mrs. Boyd D., elected Di-
rector, Lower Cape Fear Histori-
cal Society, 447.
Quattlebaum, Paul, his The Land
Called Chicora. The Carolinas
under Spanish Rule with French
Intrusions, 1520-1670, received,
311; reviewed, 535.
R
Radcliffe College, holds Institute on
Historical and Archival Manage-
ment, 127.
Railroads, lack of, hampers growth
of cotton mills, 138; publicize
advantages of South as industrial
site, 366.
Raleigh, Walter, dispatches fleet
for New World, 205; his settlers
at Roanoke Island provide in-
spiration for writers, 180; re-
ceives patent from Queen Eliza-
beth, 204; spells name many
ways, 207.
Raleigh Register, encourages cot-
ton mill development, 28.
614
The North Carolina Historical Review
Randleman, visited on tour of Ran-
dolph County, 125.
Rankin, Hugh F., his Rebels and
Redcoats: The Living Story of
the American Revolution, re-
ceived, 312; reviewed, 544; re-
views The Green Dragoon: The
Lives of Banastre Tarleton and
Mary Robinson, 550.
Rankin, Robert S., his The Govern-
ment and Administration of
North Carolina, mentioned, 239.
Raper, Horace W., reviews The
Living Past of Cleveland County,
93.
Rasmussen, Wayne D., reviews
Agricultural Development in
North Carolina, 1783-1860, 284.
Rawlings, Marjorie Kinnan, men-
tioned, 233.
Ray, Worth S., his Colonial Gran-
ville County and Its People.
Part II, The Lost Tribes of
North Carolina, An Index to
Names, received, 311; reviewed,
418; his Index and Digest to
Hathawayys North Carolina His-
torical and Genealogical, Regis-
ter, with Genealogical Notes and
Annotations, Part I, The Lost
Tribes of North Carolina, re-
ceived, 311; reviewed, 418.
Raymond, George, colonist in 1585,
former captain with Royal Navy,
sails to West Indies as privateer,
216.
Reade, Edwin Godwin, chosen as
president of North Carolina Bar
Association, 41.
Readings in American History, by
Oscar Handlin, received, 452.
Readings in Indiana History, by
Gayle Thornbrough and Dorothy
Riker, received, 129.
Rebel Boast: First at Bethel — Last
at Appomattox, by Manly Wade
Wellman, received, 129; review-
ed, 90.
Rebel Brass: The Confederate
Command System, by Frank E.
Vandiver, received, 129; review-
ed, 297.
Rebels and Redcoats: The Living
Story of the American Revolu-
tion, by George F. Scheer and
Hugh F. Rankin, received, 312;
reviewed, 544.
"Records in North Carolina," by
Mrs. Fannie Memory Black-
welder, completed, 304.
Redding, J. Saunders, winner of
Mayflower Cup, mentioned, 254.
Register of the North Carolina Line
of the Army of America, release-
ed for public use in Search Room,
566.
Religious Press in the South At-
lantic States, 1802-1865: An An-
notated Bibliography with His-
torical Introduction and Notes,
The, by Henry S. Stroupe, dis-
cussed, 244.
Respess, Thomas, elected President,
Carteret County Historical So-
ciety, 308; presides at Carteret
meetings, 122, 308, 447, 571;
reads paper at Carteret meeting,
123.
Revolution in America. Confiden-
tial Letters and Journals, 1776-
1784, of Adjutant General Ma-
jor Bauermeister of the Hessian
Forces, by Bernhard A. Uhlen-
dorf, received, 311; reviewed,
546.
Revolutionary War, increases home
industry, 16-17.
Ribbentrop, Bernhardt, admires
work of Gifford Pinchot, 356.
Rice, Philip M., promoted to Pro-
fessor, State College, 567.
Richards, Claud Henry, Jr., to serve
as Chairman, new Department of
Political Science, Wake Forest
College, 442.
Richardson, H. Smith, receives Dis-
tinguished Citizen Award, 306.
Richmond County Court Minutes,
1786-1792, made available for use
in Search Room, 436.
Rights, Douglas L., gives illustrat-
ed lecture, Archaeological Soci-
ety, 126; his The American In-
dian in North Carolina, received,
574; republished, 572.
Riker, Dorothy, her Readings in
Indiana History, received, 129.
Road to Appomattox, The, by Bell
Irwin Wiley, received, 128; re-
viewed, 423.
Roaming the Mountains, book by
John Parris, discussed, 242.
Roanoke, by Calvin Henderson Wi-
ley, historical novel of Revolu-
tionary days, 197.
Roanoke, colonists for settlement
there, sail from Plymouth, 205;
colonists there, interest William
S. Powell, 202; colonists there,
share forty-two surnames, 207;
first colony there, composed of
108 men, 205; fourteen of colo-
nists make two voyages to island,
Index to Volume XXXIV
615
213; identification of colonists
there, inadequate, 207; names of
colonists there, given, 214-226;
22 of colonists not English-born,
213; two children born to colo-
nists there, 221.
Roanoke-Chowan, group there, or-
ganizes to further creative arts,
group there, cited as model for
other literary groups, 250.
"Roanoke Colonists and Explorers:
An Attempt at Identification,"
article by William S. Powell, 202-
226.
Roanoke Hundred, by Inglis Fletch-
er, tells story of Grenville-Lane
expeditions, excellent example of
historical novel, 188.
Roanoke Island Historical Associa-
tion, holds annual meeting, 115.
Roanoke Railroad, co-operates with
Negroes sponsoring fairs, 61.
Roanoke Renegade, by Don Tracy,
discussed, 190-191.
Roberts, Mrs. Alma O., participates
on tour of Currituck County,
444.
Roberts, Eugene, elected Chaplain,
Wayne County Historical Socie-
ty, 443.
Robeson County Court Minutes,
1796-1806, made available for use
in Search Room, 436.
Robinson, Blackwell P., his A His-
tory of Moore County, 17U7-18U7,
reviewed, 93; reviews Here Will
I Dwell: The Story of Caldwell
County, 92.
Robinson, Grove, wins award,
North Carolina Artists' Competi-
tion, 113.
Robinson, Mrs. Rachel R., granted
temporary leave, 304.
Rockingham County Fine Arts
Festival, held in Wentworth, 448.
Rockingham County Library, spon-
sors county festival, 448.
Rockwell, Paul A., reads paper,
Western North Carolina Histori-
cal Association, 127.
Rocky Mount Mills, destroyed by
Civil War calvary raid, employ
slave labor, 26; established by
Battle and Donaldson, 24; have
successful operation, 25; operate
during early Civil War period,
26.
Rose, D. J., makes report on Aycock
Memorial Commission, 443.
Rose, Hershel V., appointed to Ex-
ecutive Board, Department of
Archives and History, 432.
"Rosefield," birthplace of William
Blount, visited on tour, 437.
Rosenburg, Jacob, gives address on
Rembrandt, Art Society meeting,
113.
Roske, Ralph J., his Lincoln's Com-
mando: The Biography of Com-
mander W. B. Cushing, U.S.N. ,
reviewed, 554.
Ross, John, advocate of Indian
rights, named Principal Chief,
6; nineteenth -century Cherokee
leader, 4.
Rowse, A. L., his A True Discourse
of the Present State of Virginia,
received, 452.
Rowse, Anthony, executor of
Drake's estate, knighted, listed
as sheriff of Cornwall, member
of Lane's expedition, former
member of Parliament, 217.
Royall, Luby, represents Johnston
County Historical Society, Wake
County meeting, 124.
Russell, Mattie, elected new mem-
ber, Historical Society of North
Carolina, 124.
Russia, instigates Crimean War for
seaport, 262.
Rutherford, Griffith, descendants
participate in unveiling of mark-
er in honor of, 126; marker erect-
ed in honor of, visited on Mc-
Dowell County tour, 570.
Rutherford County Court Minutes,
1782-1786, made available for use
in Search Room, 436, 566.
Ryan, Frank W., joins faculty,
North Texas State College, 120.
St. Thomas Episcopal Church, visit-
ed on tour, 437.
Salem, Moravians there, plan in-
stallation of textile machinery,
19; produces woolen hats and
paper, 19-20.
Salem Christmas Eve, by Julia
Montgomery Street, mentioned,
231.
Salisbury, F. C, elected Treasurer,
Carteret County Historical So-
ciety, 308; gives illustrated map
talk to Carteret group, 123.
Salisbury, Mrs. F. C, presents pa-
per to Carteret historical group,
571.
Salisbury cotton factory, pride of
community, 150.
Sallie Salter Monument, visited on
tour of Bladen County, 445.
616
The North Carolina Historical Review
Saluda Cotton Mills (South Caro-
lina), lists reasons for South's
industrial leadership, 378.
Sampson County Historical Society-
holds joint meeting with Wayne
and Johnston, 443.
Sanderlin, Mrs. Hobson, elected
Historian, Bladen County His-
torical Society, 445.
Sandy Creek Baptist Church, visit-
ed by group on tour of Randolph
County, 125.
Sanford, citizens there, subscribe
funds to establish mill, 370.
Sare, Richard, member of Lane's
expedition, listed as laborer, 217.
Sassafras, uses of, given by Law-
son and Brickell, 319.
Savannah Morning News (Geor-
gia), editorializes building of
local industry, 371.
Savelle, Max, elected to Council,
Institute of Early American His-
tory and Culture, 450.
Scales, Alfred M., describes fair of
1886 as "most creditable," 67;
opens Negro fair in 1886, 64.
Scheer, George F., his Rebels and
Redcoats: The Living Story of
the American Revolution, re-
ceived, 312; reviewed, 544.
Schlegel, Marvin, reviews A His-
tory of Moore County, North
Carolina, 1747-1847, 94.
Shellenberg, Theodore R., Director
of Institute in the Preservation
and Administration of Archives,
436.
Schenck, Carl A., first resident
forester, Biltmore Estate, founds
first American forestry school,
346; hired by Vanderbilt, 356.
Schenck, Michael, establishes first
permanent cotton mill in North
Carolina, 23; goes North to pur-
chase mill machinery, 139; oper-
ates cotton mills successfully, 23.
"Scotch Hall," visited by group on
tour, 437.
Scott, Kenneth, his article, "Coun-
terfeiting in Colonial North Car-
olina," 467-482; his Counterfeit-
ing in Colonial America, receiv-
ed, 452; reviewed, 541.
Scott, W. Kerr, presented first copy
of Public Addresses, Letters, and
Papers of William Kerr Scott,
Governor of North Carolina,
1949-1953, 438.
Schurz, Carl, notes southern desire
to attract immigrants, 375;
writes of tour of South, 360,
Sea Snake, The, by Stephen W.
Meador, tells story of submarines
in World War II, 200.
Seaboard Airline Railway, co-oper-
ates with Negroes organizing
fairs, 61.
Search Room, services rendered to
public, 437.
Seawell, Richard, elected Treasurer,
Wake County Historical Society,
446.
Seawell, Mrs. Richard, elected tem-
porary secretary of Wake County
group, 124.
Secret of Happiness, The, by Billy
Graham, mentioned, 239.
Sectionalism, of literature, discuss-
ed, 393.
Sellers, Charles Grier, Jr., his
James K. Polk, Jacksonian, 1795-
1843, received, 312; reviewed,
530.
Servies, James A., his A Bibliog-
raphy of John Marshall, re-
ceived, 311; reviewed, 539.
Shaberdge, non-English name of
colonist, 213.
Shakelford, E. A. B., her Virginia
Dare, tells story of Indians and
Virginia Dare, 192.
Shaman, of Cherokees, separate
from warrior group, 463.
Shanks, Henry Thomas, his The
Papers of Willie Person Man-
gum, Volume V, 1847-1894, re-
viewed, 282.
Sharp, Mrs. Anne Kendrick, reads
paper, Western North Carolina
Historical Association, 449.
Shelburne, Earl of, requested to
obtain plates for new currency,
475.
Shellans, Herbert, on program,
Folklore Society, 117.
Sherman's March through the Car-
olinas, by John G. Barrett, re-
ceived, 129; reviewed, 284.
Shirley, John W., prepares biogra-
phy of Thomas Hariot, 219.
Shirley, Sewallis, identified, re-
ceives letter from nephew Wil-
liam Tryon, 406.
"Shocco," name given Joseph Sea-
well Jones, 485.
Shocco Springs, fashionable resort,
mentioned, 484.
Shoe Boots, Cherokee Town Chief,
marries Negro slave, 11.
Shull, Lena Merle, writes poetry
about mountains, 231.
Sickles, Daniels, serves as Secre-
tary of Legation, London, 259.
Index to Volume XXXIV
617
Sieber, H. A., reads poetry, meeting
of Poetry Society, 117.
Silver, David M., his Lincoin's Su-
preme Court, reviewed, 102.
Silver, Mrs. Sprague, elected to
Executive Council, Wake County
Historical Society, 446.
Simeon Wagner House, visited by
group on County and Local His-
torians tour, 125.
Simms, Mrs. R. N., serves as Chair-
man, committee from Blooms-
burg Chapter, Daughters of Rev-
olution, attempting to organize
Wake County historical group,
124.
Simms, R. N., elected to Executive
Council, Wake County Historical
Society, 446.
Simms, William Gilmore, accused
of changing loyalties, 397n; ad-
mits he is "sectionalism" 394; al-
lied with Locofoco Democrats,
396; attempts to create southern
literature, 394-395 ; aware of dif-
ficulties in establishing literary
journal, demands recognition for
southern authors, 404 ; denounces
Britain for ridiculing American
literary talent, 395; feels south-
ern indifference to literature,
404; leads radical ideaology, 395;
maintains "national" literature
must be "sectional," 400; points
out benefits of periodicals, 401,
402, 404; South's most promi-
nent novelist, 394; terms him-
self as "national," 393; under-
paid, 404; urges South to pub-
lish literary materials, 399;
views on literature, 393-405
passim.
"Simms's Views on National and
Sectional Literature, 1825-1845,"
by John C. Guilds, 393-405.
Simpson, Alan, elected to Council,
Institute of Early American His-
tory and Culture, 450.
Simpson, George Lee, his The Cok-
ers of Carolina, A Social Biog-
raphy of a Family, received, 129 ;
reviewed, 532.
Singletary, Otis A., his Negro Mi-
litia and Reconstruction, re-
ceived, 574.
Sir Walter Cabinet, entertained by
Department of Archives and His-
tory, 305.
Sir Walter Raleigh Award, pre-
sented to Mrs. Frances Gray
Patton, 116.
Sir Walter Raleigh Chapter of the
North Carolina Society of Colon-
ial Dames of the Seventeenth
Century, places marker honoring
Thomas Chappell, 123.
Sitterson, J. Carlyle, contributes
article to Studies in Southern
History, edits memorial study,
440; elected to Board of Editors,
The Journal of Southern Histo-
ry, 121; his Studies in Southern
History. In Memory of Albert
Ray Newsome, 1894-1951, By His
Former Students, received, 311;
reads paper, Historical Society
of North Carolina, 443.
Skaggs, Marvin L., announces new
division, Department of History,
Greensboro College, 126; presides
at dinner meeting, North Caro-
lina Literary and Historical As-
sociation Inc., 116; re-elected
Secretary-Treasurer, Historical
Society of North Carolina, 124;
re-elected Vice-President, Liter-
ary and Historical Association,
115.
Skeen's Mill Covered Bridge, visit-
ed on tour of Randolph County,
125.
Skevelabs, unidentified name of
colonist, 213.
Slaves, use of, in cotton mills, dis-
cussed, 140; used in Jeol Battle's
mills, 141.
Smart, Thomas, facts concerning,
224.
Smiley, David, attends meetings,
presides over session, Southern
Historical Association, 122; on
staff, new Department of His-
tory, Wake Forest College, 442.
Smith, Clyde, presents report,
North Carolina Literary and His-
torical Association, Inc., 115.
Smith, James M., serves as Editor
of Publications, Institute of
Early American History and Cul-
ture, 450.
Smith, Mrs. Nat, reads paper, Car-
teret meeting, 447.
Smith, Mrs. Seth, elected Vice-
President, reorganized Columbus
County historical group, hostess
to Columbus County Society of
County and Local Historians,
122.
Smith, Thomas, listed by John
White as dead, 206.
Smith, Mrs. W. S., directs prepara-
tion of paper on Windsor, 123.
618
The North Carolina Historical Review
Smithfield Herald, The, carries sto-
ry about Mitchiner family, 309.
Smolkin, name of colonist on Roa-
noke Island, 213.
Snyder, Jerold, participates on pro-
gram, marker unveiling, 126.
Society for French Historical Stu-
dies, to meet at Duke and Uni-
versity of North Carolina, 442.
Society of American Historians,
Inc., sponsors Francis Parkman
Prize, 573.
Somers, Robert, English journalist,
writes of travel in southern
states, 365.
Sommer, Clemens, elected Director,
Art Society, 112.
Sons of the American Revolution,
hold state-wide meeting, 306.
Soule, Pierre, to serve as Ambassa-
dor to Spain, 259.
South, aware of political differ-
ences, conscious of being minori-
ty group, 398; encouraged to
produce its own yarn and cloth,
157-158; exhibits confidence in
industrialization, 392; literary
journals of, promote literature,
393.
South, Stanley, appears on televis-
ion program, 303; gives talk,
Archaeological Society meeting,
126; reviews The Historie of
Travell into Virginia Britania
(1612), 290.
Southern and Western Monthly
Magazine and Review, discontin-
ued, 404.
Southern Cotton Manufacturers As-
sociation, confident of South's
control of cotton market, 382.
Southern Historical Association,
holds annual meeting in Durham,
118.
Southern Literary Gazette
(Charleston, S. C), edited by
William Gilmore Simms, 395; re-
veals Simms's bitterness, 398.
Southwick, Albert Plympton, his
Bijou: The Foundling of Nag's
Head, discussed, 200.
Sparks, Jared, accuses Brickell of
plagiarism, 314.
Speas, Jan Cox, her My Lord Mon-
leigh, story of rebellion in Scot-
land, 229.
Speight, Francis, Bertie County
native, mentioned, 250.
Spence, H. E., writes pamphlet on
McBride, A MotJier Church in
Methodism, 572.
Spencer, Samuel R., Jr., accepts
Presidency, Mary Baldwin Col-
lege, 441.
Spendlove, John, member of Lane's
group and the Lost Colony, listed
as "gentleman," 217.
Spragge, George, of Canadian Ar-
chives, visits State Department
of Archives and History, 111.
Spruill, Corydon P., returns to
teaching, 567.
Stampp, Kenneth M., his The Pe-
culiar Institution: Slavery in
the Ante-Bellum South, reviewed,
295.
Stanback, Jeffrey F., elected to
Executive Committee, North
Carolina Literary and Historical
Association, 115; serves as His-
torian, Sons of American Revo-
lution, 449.
Standard, Diffee W., his article,
"The Cotton Textile Industry in
Ante-Bellum North Carolina,"
Part I, 15-35; Part II, 131-164.
State Advertising Division, pro-
duces "Land of Beginnings," 563.
State Chronicle, The (Raleigh),
notes progress of Negro race,
66.
State Records of South Carolina:
Journals of the South Carolina
Executive Councils of 1861-1862,
The, by Charles E. Cauthen, re-
viewed, 94.
Statesboro (South Carolina), site of
first cotton factory in South, 15.
Steele, Arthur R., accepts position,
Toledo, 568.
Stenhouse, James A., elected Presi-
dent, Society for the Preserva-
tion of Antiquities, 113; instru-
mental in restoration of Alston
House, 444; named trustee, Meck-
lenburg Historical Association,
122.
Steelman, Joseph F., reviews
Charles Evans Hughes and
American Democratic States-
manship, 105.
Stephenson, Gilbert T., his article,
"Life and Literature," 247-254;
makes presidential address, 116;
presides at joint session, South-
ern Historical Association and
North Carolina Literary and His-
torical Association, Inc., 119;
presides at meeting, 115, 437;
re-elected President, North Caro-
lina Literary and Historical As-
sociation, 115.
Index to Volume XXXIV
619
Stevens, Harry R., has book pub-
lished, 441; his The Early Jack-
son Party in Ohio, received, 311;
reviewed, 425; reads paper, Mis-
sissippi Valley Historical Asso-
ciation, 441; teaches at Univer-
sity of Cincinnati, 568.
Stevenson, J. J., elected Secretary-
Treasurer, Western North Caro-
lina Historical Association, 449.
Stick, David, new member, Histori-
cal Society of North Carolina,
443; speaks to Pasquotank Coun-
ty Historical Society, 125.
Still Rebels, Still Yankees, and
Other Essays, by Donald David-
son, received, 451; reviewed,
555.
Stokely, Mrs. Wilma Dykeman,
visits State Department of Ar-
chives and History, 111; work
of, discussed, 450.
Striker, Laura Polanyi, her The
Life of John Smith, English Sol-
dier, received, 574.
Strong, Ludlow P., elected Treas-
urer, Lower Cape Fear Historical
Society, 447.
Stories Old and New of the Cape
Fear Region, by Louis T. Moore,
received, 129; reviewed, 287.
Story, T. E., serves as President,
Wilkes County Historical Asso-
ciation, writes brief history of
Wilkes historical group, 309.
Story of Six Loves, The, first pub-
lished work of Richard Carroll
Johnson, 229.
Story of the Lost Colony, The, col-
oring book for children, 194.
Street, Mrs. Julia Montgomery,
her Fiddler's Fancy, mentioned,
230; wins AAUW Juvenile
Award, 115; writes poem, 231.
Stroup, Thomas B., reviews 0.
Henry in North Carolina, 532.
Stroupe, Henry S., attends meet-
ing, Historical Society of North
Carolina, attends meetings,
Southern Historical Association,
122; his The Religious Press in
the South Atlantic States, 1802-
1865, An Annotated Bibliog-
raphy with Historical Introduc-
tion and Notes, discussed, 244;
presents Connor Award, 115;
reads paper, joint session of
Southern Historical Association
and North Carolina Literary and
Historical Association, Inc., 119;
to be Chairman, new Depart-
ment of History, Wake Forest
College, 442.
Stub Entries to Indents Issued in
Payment of Claims Against
South Carolina Growing Out of
the Revolution, Books C-F, re-
ceived, 451 ; reviewed, 538 ;
Book K, reviewed, 289.
Studies in Southern History. In
Memory of Albert Ray Newsome,
1894-1951, By His Former Stu-
dents, received, 311.
Stukely, John, Grenville's brother-
in-law, colonist in 1585, 217.
Supreme Court, agrees that law-
yers need more formal prepara-
tion, 51.
Surf man, by S. P. Meek, has set-
ting at Cape Hatteras Life Boat
Station, 200.
Swain, David L., friend of Shocco
Jones, 488; hears of Shocco
Jones's proposed marriage, 493.
Swalin, Benjamin F., named as Di-
ector, North Carolina Symphony
Society, 117.
Swann, Mrs. Doris, joins staff,
Record Center, Department of
Archives and History, 111.
Swannanoa Gap, marker there, in
Rutherford's Trace series, dedi-
cated, 126.
Swera, E. G., his The Janiestown
350th Anniversary Historical
Booklets, reviewed, 559.
Sydnor Memorial Award, presented
to Joseph H. Parks, 119.
Talcott, Charles A., corresponds
with Woodrow Wilson, 513.
Talley, Mrs. Joseph O., Jr., reports
to Antiquities Society on restora-
tion project, 114.
Tanse, Overhills town, discovered
in 1567, 462.
Tappan, Audrey, Lost Colonist,
mentioned, 222.
Tar Heel Tales, reprinted by Divi-
sion of Publications, Depart-
ment of Archives and History.
438.
Tar Heel Writers I Have Known,
by Bernadette Hoyle, mentioned,
242.
Tarheel Talk. An Historical Study
in the English in North Caro-
lina, by Norman E. Eliason, re-
ceived, 129; reviewed, 86.
Tarlton, William S., attends meet-
ing, Alston House, 110; attends
meeting, Bentonville Battle-
620
The North Carolina Historical Review
ground Association, 302; attends
meeting, Bertie County, 303; at-
tends meeting, Charles B. Ay-
cock Birthplace Commission, 302;
attends meeting, Executive
Board, 432; attends meeting, Ex-
ecutive Committee, North Ameri-
can Association of Historic Sites
Public Officials, 435; attends
meeting, Governor Richard Cas-
well Memorial Commission, 433;
attends meeting, Historical Hali-
fax Restoration Association, Inc.,
435; attends meeting, Washing-
ton (N.C.), 435; attends opening
of Alston House, 444; attends
Tryon Palace Commission meet-
ing, 110; inspects Kron House,
303; makes brief address at
Dallas marker unveiling, 445;
makes exploratory trips to Ben-
tonville Battleground, 564; makes
survey of Town of Bath, partici-
pates on NBC's "Monitor" pro-
gram, 303; participates on radio
broadcast, 109; presents slide-
lecture program, American In-
stitute of Architects, 303; repre-
sents Department at meeting,
Forest History Committee of
North Carolina, 435; represents
Department at Moore's Creek
Bridge Battleground, 112; repre-
sents Department at James
Lytch marker unveiling, 435;
represents Department at Pante-
go meeting, speaks to Caswell
County Historical Society, 564;
speaks to Johnston Pettigrew
Chapter, United Daughters of
Confederacy, 435; talks to group
in Bath, 303; talks to Wake
Forest Civic Club, 112; visits
Barker and Iredell houses, visits
house of General Isaac Gregory,
564; visits Person's Ordinary,
435.
Taylor, George V., promoted to As-
sociate Professor, 567; reads pa-
per, Society for French Histori-
cal Studies, 306.
Taylor, John, returns with John
White to search for Lost Colony,
224.
Taylor, Rosser H., elected Vice-
President, Western North Caro-
lina Historical Association, 449.
Taylor, Mrs. W. Frank, elected
Vice-President-at-Large, Art So-
ciety, 113.
Tebeau, C. W., reviews James K.
Polk, Jacksonian, 1795-18US, 531.
Tecumseh, Vision of Glory, by
Glenn Tucker, appraised, 242;
wins Mayflower Award, 116;
wins Wolfe Memorial Cup, 127.
Tehuantepec, site of diplomatic
battles concerning development
of, 257.
TePaske, John J., Duke graduate
student studying in Spain, 121.
Territorial Papers of the United
States, Volume XXII, The Ter-
titory of Florida, 1821-1821*, The,
by Clarence Edwin Carter, re-
ceived, 452.
Textile industry, develops slowly
in the South, 27; early examples
of, prove practicality of, in
North Carolina, 33; has excellent
relations with employees, 387-
388; lacks capital for growth, 28;
prediction of South's leadership
in, 379; South becomes center of,
391; southern cotton mills make
money for owners, 383; summary
of factors favoring southern
locale, 389-390; trend toward
unionization of, 391; witnesses
shift in location, 383.
They Passed This Way, A Personal
Narrative of Harnett County, by
Malcolm Fowler, mentioned, 243.
Thinking About God, by Robert
Lee Middleton, mentioned, 240.
Thomas Wolfe Memorial Literary
Cup, presented to Glenn Tucker,
127.
Thompson, Arsene, on program,
marker unveiling, 126.
Thompson, Bradley D., promoted to
Professor, Davidson College, 568.
Thompson, Elizabeth, elected to
Executive Council, Wake County
Historical Association, 446.
Thornbrough, Gayle, his Readings
in Indiana History, received, 129.
Thorpe, Jerry, on program, mark-
er unveiling, 126.
Throop, George Higby, his Nag's
Head, tells story of southern
schoolmaster on Carolina coast,
198.
Tillett, Lowell R., on faculty, new
Department of History, Wake
Forest College, 442.
Tillett, Pennel A., fictitious por-
trait of, given in Surf man, 201.
Times-Democrat (New Orleans,
La.), predicts "New South," 362.
Timrod, Henry, emphasizes style,
tone, and spirit in literature, 401.
To Unknown Lands, by Manly
Wade Wellman, mentioned, 230.
Index to Volume XXXIV
621
Tompkins, Daniel A., acquires rep-
utation as engineer and mill ar-
chitect, 369; urges home own-
ership of cotton mills, 372;
writes of South's triumph over
New England mills, 390-391.
Topan, Thomas, Lost Colonist, men-
tioned, 222.
Topaz Seal, The, by Edith Heal,
juvenile story about Jamestown,
193.
Tory Hole, visited on tour of Bla-
den County, 445.
Tracy, Don, his Roanoke Renegade,
tells about all of Raleigh's ex-
peditions, 190.
Trade unions, criticized, 390.
Treaty of Holston, attempts to es-
tablish peace between Cherokees
and pioneers, 2.
Trinity, site of old Trinity Col-
lege, visited on tour of Randolph
County, 125.
Trinity College Historical Society,
holds meeting, 307.
Trollinger, John, builds mill on
Haw River, 143.
Trowbridge, John T., notes south-
ern desire to pull northern capi-
tal into southern investments,
374.
True, by George Parsons Lathrop,
novel dealing with Carteret
County, 195.
True Discourse of the Present
State of Virginia, A, by A. L.
Rowse, received, 452.
Tryon, new museum there, opened,
569.
Tryon, William, arrives in North
Carolina, 406; calls assembly,
409; describes family ailments,
412; describes 500-mile tour of
province, 408; describes his
house, 410; describes topography
of coastal area, 408; discusses
illness of servant, 409; his expe-
dition against insurgents paid
for, 479; makes address against
counterfeiting, 475, 477; men-
tioned, 491; mentions fruits and
vegetables, 410; mentions saw-
mills, 412; names exports, 411;
pardons two young counterfeit-
ers, 477; refers to letter as
"book," 406; sends greetings to
friends, 414-415; tells of colonial
industry, 412; writes 44-page
letter to uncle, 406; writes from
Brunswick, 407; writes of inhab-
itants, 411; writes of price of
rent, 413; writes of salary, 414;
writes of use of slaves, 411.
"Tryon's 'Book' on North Caro-
lina," edited by William S. Pow-
ell, 406-415.
Tucker, Glenn, honored at break-
fast by Society of Mayflower De-
scendants, 118; speaks on "Some
Aspects of North Carolina's Par-
ticipation in the Gettysburg
Campaign," 570; his Tecumseh,
Vision of Glory, discussed, 242;
wins Mayflower Award, 116;
wins Thomas Wolfe Memorial
Literary Cup, 127.
Tucker, Thomas Goode, college-
mate of Edgar Allen Poe, 340;
fails to notify Haines of Dug-
ger's condition, 338; his planta-
tion scene of duel, 335; repre-
sents Dugger as field second,
333.
Turner, Arlin, his George W.
Cable, A Biography, mentioned,
240.
Turner, Mrs. H. A., elected Assist-
ant Historian, Columbus County
historical group, 122.
Tuscarora Indians, subject of talk
by Herbert R. Paschal, Jr., 437.
Tuthill, Cornelia L., her "Virginia
Dare: or The Colony of Roa-
noke," novel about Raleigh's
settlers, 184.
Twyt, John, one of Lane's men,
listed as apothecary, 217.
Tyler, Mr. and Mrs. John E., pre-
sent coat of arms to Bertie Coun-
ty Historical Association, 451.
U
Uhlendorf, Bernhard A., his Rev-
olution in America. Confidential
Letters and Journals, 1776-1784,
of Adjutajit General Major Baur-
meister of the Hessian Forces,
received, 311; reviewed, 546.
Underground Railroad, by Wil-
liam Still, mentioned, 63.
United States, fails in communi-
cation of ideals, 268; obtains
Pacific islands as source of fer-
tilizer, 266; people of, too ready
to accept "commentator opin-
ions" of world situations, people
of, unaware of hostility of other
nations, 269.
United States. The History of a
Republic, The, by Richard Hof-
stadter, William Miller, and
Daniel Aaron, received, 452; re-
viewed, 557.
622
The North Carolina Historical Review
University in the Kingdom of Gua-
temala, The, by John Tate Lan-
ning, discussed, 245.
University of Chicago, to sponsor
new edition of James Madison
papers, 572.
University of Delaware, announces
establishment of fellowships,
128.
University of Georgia under Six-
teen Administrations, 1785-1955,
The, by Robert Preston Brooks,
reviewed, 96.
University of North Carolina,
1900-1930. The Making of a Mod-
ern University, The, by Louis R.
Wilson, received, 452.
University of North Carolina
Press, issues pamphlet of avail-
able North Carolina books, 126;
publishes Hiroshima Diary, 310.
University of Virginia, to sponsor
new edition of James Madison
papers, 572.
Unto These Hills, scene from, on
October cover.
Upper Creeks, fight United States
in 1813, 9.
Valentiner, W. R., makes brief
talk at evening meeting, Art So-
ciety, 113.
Valley towns, of Cherokees, colon-
ize Tennessee, 461.
Vanderbilt, George W., buys small
forest holdings, 348; consoli-
dates tracts to form Pisgah For-
est, 354; his estate site of first
American forestry school, 346;
his home, Biltmore House, on
July cover; praises Gifford Pin-
chot, 352.
Van Doren, Charles, his Lincoln's
Commando: The Biography of
Commander W. B. Cushing,
U.S.N. , reviewed, 554.
Vandiver, Frank E., his Mighty
Stonewall, received, 452; review-
ed, 550; his Rebel Brass: The
Confederate Command System,
received, 129; reviewed, 297; re-
views The Road to Appomattox,
424.
Vance, Zebulon B., predicts "prog-
ress in the arts and sciences"
for North Carolina, 360.
Vann, James, described by mission-
aries, 5 ; nineteenth-century
mixed-breed Cherokee leader,
mentioned, 4; wealthy slave-own-
ing Cherokee, 5.
Vanstory, Mrs. Burnette, her
Georgia's Land of Golden Isles,
received, 128; reviewed, 422.
Vaughan, Frank, his Kate Weath-
ers, termed "literary discov-
ery," 199.
Vestal, Mrs. Gertrude LaV., intro-
duces Mrs. Helen Bevington, at
meeting of Poetry Society, 117.
Virginia, House of Burgesses
there, passes act against coun-
terfeiting, 480; public meeting
held there to secure support for
industry, 20.
Virginia Dare: A Story of Colo-
nial Days, narrative poem by
William Henry Moore, 182.
Virginia Dare, by E. A. B. Shack-
elford, imaginary story about
Virginia Dare as adult, 192.
"Virginia Dare: or, The Colony of
Roanoke," by Cornelia L. Tut-
hill, discussed, 184.
"Vision of Charles B. Aycock,
The," by John Ehle, presented to
joint meeting of historical so-
cieties, Goldsboro, 443.
W
Wagner, Mrs. Musella W., re-elect-
ed Secretary-Treasurer, Society
of County and Local Historians,
117.
Waitt, Daisy, serves as chairman,
Society of Mayflower Descend-
ants committee, 118.
Wake County, interested group
from meets to form historical
society, 123.
Wake County Historical Society,
elects officers, organized, 446.
Wake, Esther, legend concerning,
begun by Shocco Jones, 492.
Walker, Piatt D., addresses Bar
Association, 46; president of Bar
Association, 44.
Walker, Robert J., serves as Polk's
Secretary of Treasury, unable to
accept appointment to China,
260.
Walker's Mill, visited by group on
tour of Randolph County, 125.
Wall, Bennett H., re-elected Secre-
tary-Treasurer, Southern Histo-
rical Association, 119.
Wall, Mary Virginia, her The
Daughter of Virginia Dare, deals
with Jamestown settlers, 196.
Wallace, David H., his The New-
York Historical Society's Dic-
tionary of Artists in America,
Index to Volume XXXIV
623
1584-1860, received, 452; review-
ed, 558.
Wallace, Mrs. Lillian Parker, at-
tends meetings, Southern Histo-
rical Association, 121; elected
Vice-President, Association of
Social Studies Department of the
North Carolina Baptist Colleges,
441 ; presides at meeting, 433.
Walser, Richard, announces plans
for using Guggenheim Fellow-
ship, 440; co-edits pamphlet list
for University of North Caro-
lina Press, 126; evaluates poems
and stories about Dare County,
180-201; his "Dare County Belle-
Lettres," 180-201; his North
Carolina Drama reviewed, 87 ;
presents report, North Carolina
Literary and Historical Associa-
tion, Inc., 115; reads paper, joint
session, Literary and Historical
Association and Southern Histo-
rical Association, 119; reviews
Still Rebels, Still Yankees, and
Other Essays, 556; reviews Tar-
heel Talk: An Historical Study
of the English Language in
North Carolina, 86; reviews The
Cultural Life of the American
Colonies, 428.
Walsingham, Francis, former em-
ployer of several Roanoke col-
onists, 222.
Walters, Haunce, listed as one of
Ralph Lane's men, 207.
Walton, John, his John Filson of
Kentucke, reviewed, 292.
Walum Olum, migration legend of
Delaware Indians, mentioned,
455, 457.
War of the Regulation and the
Battle of Alamance, May 16,
1771, The, reprinted by Division
of Publications, Department of
Archives and History, 438.
Ward, Daron, directs play, "The
Vision of Charles B. Aycock,"
443.
Wardlaw, Jack, joins Central Car-
olina Colony, Society of May-
flower Descendants, 118.
Ware, Charles Crossfield, edits new
pamphlet, 307; his A History of
Atlantic Christian College — Cul-
ture in Coastal Carolina, re-
ceived, 129; reviewed, 285.
Warner, Thomas, Lost Colonist,
mentioned, 222.
Warren, Joan, Lost Colonist, men-
tioned, 222.
Warren Place, home of Gilbert T.
Stephenson, mentioned, 251.
Warrenton, has garden tour, 434.
Washington, Booker T., advocates
industrial education for Ne-
groes, 165; unable to attend Ne-
gro fair of 1886, 65.
Wassom, George T., writes in The
Appeal urging Negroes to sup-
port fair, 60.
Wates, Wylma Anne, her Stub En-
tries to Indents Issued in Pay-
ment of Claims Against South
Carolina Growing Out of the
Revolution, Books C-F, received,
451; reviewed, 538; Book K, re-
viewed, 289.
Watkins, Mrs. Elizabeth Lewis
Battle, joins staff, Division of
Archives and Manuscripts, De-
partment of Archives and His-
tory, 436.
Watson, Hugh A., elected board
member, Sons of American Revo-
lution, 449.
Watterson, Henry, writes on south-
ern life, 377.
Wayne County Historical Society,
holds joint meeting at Samp-
son and Johnston, 443.
Weathers, Lee A., his The Living
Past of Cleveland County, re-
viewed, 92.
Weeks, Stephen B., defends Brick-
ell's History, 315.
Weitzel's Mill, visited by County
and Local Historians on tour,
125.
Wellman, Manly Wade, his Rebel
Boast: First at Bethel — Last at
Appomattox, received, 129; re-
viewed, 90; his To Unknown
Lands, story of Yucatan, 230;
presents newspaper awards, 117.
Wells, Warner, donates royalties
from Hiroshima Diary to Japan-
ese scholarship fund, 310.
Western Carolinian (Salisbury),
notes increased operation of cot-
ton factories, 148.
Western North Carolina Histori-
cal Association, announces erec-
tion of historical markers, 126;
holds quarterly meetings, 127,
309, 449.
Western North Carolina Historical
Association's History Bulletin,
articles in, listed, 449.
Wheeler, Fred B., reads Mayflower
Compact, 118.
Wheeler, John H., appointed as
minister to Nicaragua, 263; be-
624
The North Carolina Historical Review
comes ill, 264; his son shot in
Nicaragua, victim of Hollins
bombardment, 263.
Wheler's Magazine (Athens, Ga.),
mentioned, 402, 403.
When the World Ended. The Diary
of Emma LeConte, by Earl
Schenk Miers, received, 452.
Whiddon, Jacob, colonist with Gren-
ville, explores Orinoco River, fol-
lower of Sir Walter Raleigh, 220.
Whigs, lead movement to locate
industry, 133.
Whitaker, Mary, dances with
group, on program for Sir Wal-
ter Cabinet, 305.
White, Buxton, re-elected Vice-
President, Pasquotank County
Historical Society, 445.
White, John, makes five voyages to
Roanoke, 214; member of first
Roanoke colony, 204; returns to
England, 206; returns to Roa-
noke in 1590, 207.
White, Robert H., his Messages of
the Governors of Tennessee,
1845-1857, Volume IV, received,
452.
White, William, member of Lane's
colony, graduate of Brasenose
College, Oxford, 216.
Whitehead, Alfred North, men-
tioned, 251.
Whitehurst, Georgia, hostess to
Carteret County Historical Soci-
ety, 308.
Whitehurst, Mary, hostess to Car-
teret County Historical Society,
308, 447.
Whitener, D. J., becomes Dean,
Appalachian State Teachers Col-
lege, 568; reads paper at joint
session, North Carolina Literary
and Historical Association and
Southern Historical Association,
119.
Wigwam and the Cabin, The, ded-
ication of, mentioned, 394.
Wilborn, Mrs. Elizabeth W., at-
tends meeting, Historical Soci-
ety of North Carolina, 110; re-
views A Guide to Early Ameri-
can Homes — South,^ 299; reviews
The New-York Historical Soci-
ety's Dictionary of Artists in
America, 156A-1860, 559.
Wilderness Road, by Paul Green,
symphonic drama presented in
Kentucky, 230.
Wildye, Richard, one of Lane's
men, listed as graduate of
Brasenose College, Oxford, 216.
Wiley, Bell Irwin, his The Road to
Appomattox, received, 128; re-
viewed, 423; his William Nath-
aniel Wood, Reminiscences of
Big I, reviewed, 99; reviews Fic-
tion Fights the Civil War: An
Unfinished Chapter in the Liter-
ary History of the American
People, 554; reviews The Pecu-
liar Institution: Slavery in the
Ante-Bellum South, 297.
Wiley, Calvin Henderson, active in
civic and religious work, 523;
brief sketch of, 51 In; carries tea
cakes on visits, 526; collects and
files books, 519; describes "little
red schoolhouse," 524; enjoys
cigars, 526; excerpts from diar-
ies of, 520n, 521n, 522%, 523n;
experiences Tennessee cholera
epidemic, 528; father of Mary
C, 517, 520; his Roanoke, tells
story of Revolutionary Nag's
Head, 197; jots sermons down on
used envelopes, 521; pioneers in
educational field, 520; plays in
snow, 526; keeps diaries, 518;
plays with children, 525; serves
as District Superintendent,
American Bible Society, 522;
uses schoolmaster's desk, 518;
writes Bible Society reports, 521.
Wiley, Mary C, enjoys father's
stories, 525; enjoys looking at
parents' mementoes, 518; de-
scribes family evenings with fa-
ther, 523; describes father's
walking canes, describes old
North Carolina map, 519; de-
scribes Revolutionary War pis-
tols, 518; describes study, 517;
her article, "Childhood Recollec-
tions of My Father," 517-529;
lists father's books, 519-520;
plays in father's study, 517; re-
ports on restoration projects,
Antiquities Society, 114; spends
childhood in Winston, 517; tells
of discussions of "Greenbacks,"
527; tells of eating "sheep nose"
apples, 526; tells of fear of cho-
lera, 528; tells of visits of
"Squire Grogan," 527; writes
of family dog, 520 ; writes of fa-
ther to show his love of home and
family, 529; writes of father's
statistical and narrative reports,
521.
Wilkes, Mrs. Preston B., Jr., hon-
ored at breakfast, Society of
Mayflower Descendants, 118;
presents Mayflower Award, 116.
Index to Volume XXXIV
625
Wilkins, William Webb, life
sketch of, 340w; physician serv-
ing at Dugger-Dromgoole duel,
336.
Wilkinson, Ray S., presides at
evening session, North Carolina
Literary and Historical Associa-
tion, Inc., 116; re-elected Vice-
President, Literary and Histori-
cal Association, 115.
Will West, by Paul C. Metcalf,
Cherokee Indian novel, 230.
William Gaston Chapter, Daugh-
ters of American Revolution,
sponsor marker unveiling, 446.
William Nathaniel Wood, Reminis-
cences of Big I, by Bell Irwin
Wiley, reviewed, 99.
Williams, Ben, presents brief re-
port, Art Society, 113.
Williams, Benjamin, portrait of,
unveiled, 444.
Williams, Mrs. Betty Vaiden, elec-
ed President, Folklore Society,
117.
Williams, David, becomes London
judge and lawyer, 220; knight-
ed, 221; member of group with
Lane, 211.
Williams, Mrs. Garland, elected
Secretary-Treasurer, Mc-Dowell
County Historical Society, 448.
William, Ruth Hash, writes poems,
231.
Williamson, Hugh, mentioned, 490 ;
takes notes of industrial begin-
nings in North Carolina, 19.
Willis, Frances, paper read con-
cerning her career, 447.
Wilson, H. Wright, imaginary par-
ticipant in duel with Shocco
Jones, 498; revealed as "Pasquo-
tank roaster," 501.
Wilson, James, admonishes Wood-
row Wilson to study, 508.
Wilson, Joseph Ruggles, builds
large house, 508; father of Wood-
row, described, moves to Colum-
bia, S. C, 507.
Wilson, Louis R., his The Univer-
sity of North Carolina, 1900-
1930, received, 452.
Wilson, The New Freedom, by Ar-
thur S. Link, received, 128; re-
viewed, 300.
Wilson, Thomas Woodrow, attends
University of Virginia, 512; av-
erage student, 507, 510; birth of,
507; called "Tommy," 507, 508,
509, 512; chosen president of so-
ciety, 513; decides on political
career, 511 ; decides to enter law
school, 512; enrolled at "T. W.,"
Princeton, 510; enters Davidson
College at "T. W.," 509; joins
church, 508; joins debating soci-
ety, 510; joins Jefferson Society,
512; listed as "Thomas W.," 508;
rests from studies, 509; signs
himself "Atticus," 513; signs
himself at "T. Wilson," 510;
signs himself as "T. Woodrow,"
512; signs himself "Thomas W.,"
511; signs himself "W. W.,"
signs himself "Woodrow," 514;
signs literary efforts anonymous-
ly, 511; signs name in full, 514;
speculation about shortening his
name to "Woodrow Wilson,"
515; writes Charles A. Talcott,
513.
Wilson, William Thomas, his nov-
el, For the Love of Lady Mar-
garet: A Romance of the Lost
Colony, discussed, 187.
"Windsor Castle," visited on tour
of Bertie County, 437.
Winslow, Frith, meeting held at
home of, 250.
Winston, Francis D., joins Bar As-
sociation, 41.
Wise, Thomas, member of Lane's
colony, 222.
Wood, Benjamin, member of Ama-
das ^and Barlowe expedition, not-
ed navigator and captain, 217.
Wood, Agnes, Lost Colonist, facts
concerning, 223.
Wood, John, member of Amadas
and Barlowe expedition, 217;
muster captain, "pirate at port
of Sandwich who was knighted,"
218.
Wood, John E., edits Yearbook,
Pasquotank County Historical
Society, 125; presents report,
445; presides at Pasquotank
meetings, 124, 125, 445; re-elect-
ed President, Pasquotank group,
445.
Woodbourne, description of, 523-
524; family home of Wiley's, 518;
slaves there, described, 524.
Woodlawn Factory, pioneer cotton
mill, cover January issue.
"Woodrow Wilson: The Evolution
of a Name," article by George
C. Osborn, 507-516.
Woodrow, Harriet, rejects propos-
al of Woodrow Wilson, 516;
sweetheart of her cousin Wood-
row, 514.
Woody, Robert H., reviews The
Land Called Chicora: The Caro-
626
The North Carolina Historical Review
Unas under Spanish Rule with
French Intrusions, 1520-1670,
536; reviews The State Records
of South Carolina,. Journals of
the South Carolina Executive
Councils of 1861 and 1862, 94.
Wooten, Frank, makes brief talk
to Pitt County group, 571.
World Methodist Council, dedicates
historical and archival building,
127.
World's Columbian Exposition, has
Biltmore Forest exhibit, held in
Chicago, 1893, 351.
Wounds of a Friend, The, by Dora
Greenwell McChesney, tells sto-
ry of Roanoke colony, 186.
Wright, Carroll D., foresees New
England benefiting from indus-
trialized South, 381 ; says mill
owner reesponsible for moral
well-being of his employees, 386.
Wright, Lenoir, promoted to As-
sistant Professor, Woman's Col-
lege, University of North Caro-
lina, 567.
Wright, Louis B., his The Cultural
Life of the American Colonies,
1607-1763, received, 311; re-
viewed, 427; his The Historie of
Travell into Virginia Britaina,
1612, reviewed, 290.
Writers, obligated to society, 254;
realistic ones, discussed, 252;
some called "muckrakers," 253.
Wyche, Ray, elected President,
Columbus County historical
group, 122.
Wythers, William, Lost Colonist,
statistics concerning, 224. '
Yarborough Hotel, host to lawyers,
39.
Year Book, Pasquotank Historical
Society, Elizabeth City, 195U-
1955, first volume completed, 125.
York Minster, famous English
cathedral where Marmaduke Con-
stable (Lane's expedition) is
buried, 218.
Young, Richard K., his The Pas-
tor's Hospital Ministry, mention-
ed, 240.
"Young American," group dedicat-
ed to fostering Americanism, 395.
"Your National Archives," film
shown to staff, Department of
Archives and History, 305.
Yearns, Wilfred B., on staff, new
Department of History, Wake
Forest College, 442.
Yoder, Julian C, promoted to
Head, Department of History,
Appalachian State Teachers Col-
lege, 568.
Younger, Edward, his Inside the
Confederate Government. The
Diary of Robert Garlick Hill
Kean, received, 452.
Yurin Scholarship Foundation, es-
tablished by Hiroshima Diary
author, 310.
"Zeb's Black Baby" : Vance County,
by Samuel Thomas Peace, men-
tioned, 243.
North Carolina State Library
Raleigh
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