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North Carolina State Library 


North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Issued Quarterly 

Volume XXXIV Numbers 1-4 


Published By 


Corner of Salisbury and Edenton Streets 

Raleigh, N. C. 


Published by the State Department of Archives and History 

Raleigh, N. C. 

Christopher Crittenden, Editor 
David Leroy Corbitt, Managing Editor 

Walter Clinton Jackson Hugh Talmage Lefler 

Frontis Withers Johnston George Myers Stephens 



McDaniel Lewis, Chairman 

Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne 

Fletcher M. Green William Thomas Laprade 

Clarence W. Griffin Hershel V. Rose 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 

This review was established in January, 192b, as a medium of publication 

and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other institutions 
by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. The regular price 
is $3.00 per year. Members of the North Carolina Literary and Historical As- 

sociation, Inc., for which the annual dues are $5.00, receive this publication 

without further payment. Back numbers may be procured at the regular 

price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number. 


The North Carolina 
Historical Review 




Henry T. Malone 



Dipfee W. Standard and Richard W. Griffin 



Fannie Farmer Blackwelder 



Frenise A. Logan 


Edited by Marian H. Blair 


Eliason's Tarheel Talk: An Historical Study of the English 
Language in North Carolina — By Richard Walser; 
Walser's North Carolina Drama — By Percy G. Adams ; 
Wellman , s Rebel Boast: First at Bethel — Last at 
Appomattox — By Roy Parker, Jr.; Alexander's Here 
Will I Dwell: The Story of Caldwell County — By 
Blackwell P. Robinson; Weathers' The Living Past of 
Cleveland County — By Horace W. Raper; Robinson's 

I iii] 

iv Contents 

A History of Moore County, North Carolina, 17U7-18U7 
— By Marvin W. Schlegel ; Cauthen's The State Records 
of South Carolina: Journals of the South Carolina 
Executive Councils of 1861 and 1862 — By Robert H. 
Woody; Brooks's The University of Georgia Under 
Sixteen Administrations, 1785-1955 — By David A. 
Lockmiller ; Hindle's The Pursuit of Science in Revolu- 
tionary America, 1735-1789 — By Elisha P. Douglass; 
Green's Eli Whitney and the Birth of American Tech- 
nology — By Cornelius 0. Cathey; Wiley's William 
Nathaniel Wood, Reminiscences of Big I — By H. H. 
Cunningham; Chambers' Old Bullion Benton: Senator 
from the Neiv West — By G. C. Osborn ; Silver's Lincoln's 
Supreme Court — By Dillard S. Gardner; Perkins' 
Charles Evans Hughes and American Democratic 
Statesmanship — By Joseph F. Steelman; and Lefler's 
History of North Carolina — By H. G. Jones. 


NUMBER 2, APRIL, 1957 

CONSOLIDATION, 1830-1860 131 

Richard W. Griffin and Diffee W. Standard 



John W. Parker 



Richard Walser 

Contents v 


William S. Powell 


AND POETRY, 1955-1956 227 

C. Hugh Holman 

BOOKS, 1955-1956 237 

H. Broadus Jones 


Gilbert T. Stephenson 


Roy P. Nichols 


William S. Powell 


Shanks' s The Papers of Willie Person Mangum, Volume 
V, 1847-1894 — By Paul Murray; Cathey's Agricultural 
Developments in North Carolina, 17 88-1860 — By Wayne 
D. Rasmussen ; Barrett's Sherman* s March through the 
Carolinas — By Jay Luvaas ; Ware's A History of Atlan- 
tic Christian College: Culture in Coastal Carolina — By 
J. D. Messick; Moore's Stories Old and New of the 
Cape Fear Region — By William S. Powell; Goerch's 
Ocracoke — By Holley Mack Bell ; Wates's Stub Entries 
to Indents Issued in Payment of Claims Against South 
Carolina Groiving Out of the Revolution. Book K — By 
Lawrence F. Brewster ; Wright's and Freund's The His- 
toric of Travell into Virginia Britania (1612), by 
William Strachey, gent. — By Stanley South; Coulter's 
Auraria: The Story of a Georgia Gold-Mining Town — 
By Fletcher M. Green; Walton's John Filson of Ken- 
tucke — By Weymouth T. Jordan ; Malone's Cherokees of 
the Old South — By D. H. Corkran; Stampp's The 
Peculiar Institution: Slavery in the Ante-Bellum South 
— By Bell I. Wiley; Vandiver's Rebel Brass, The Con- 
federate Command System — By John G. Barrett; 

vi Contents 

Dorothy and Richard Pratt's A Guide to Early Ameri- 
can Homes — South — By Elizabeth W. Wilborn; and 
Link's Wilson: The New Freedom — By George C. 


NUMBER 3, JULY, 1957 



Percy G. Adams 


Henry W. Lewis 


Harold T. Pinkett 


IN THE SOUTH, 1870-1900 358 

Herbert Collins 


John C. Guilds 


Edited by William S. Powell 


Ferguson's Home on the Yadkin — By H. G. Jones ; Blythe's 
James W. Davis: North Carolina Surgeon — By Clarence 
E. Gardner, Jr. ; Ray's Index and Digest to Hathaway' s 
North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register 
and Colonial Granville County and Its People — By H. G. 
Jones; Horn's The Decisive Battle of Nashville — By 
William T. Alderson ; Vanstory's Georgia's Land of the 
Golden Isles — By Sarah McCulloh Lemmon ; Wiley's The 
Road to Appomattox — By Frank E. Vandiver ; Rowse's 
True Discourse of the Present State of Virginia — By 
William S. Powell; Hassler's General George B. Mc- 

Contents vii 

Clellan. Shield of the Union — By John G. Barrett; 
Steven's The Early Jackson Party in Ohio — By William 
S. Hoffmann ; Wright's The Cultural Life of the Ameri- 
can Colonies, 1607-1763 — By Richard Walser; Charles's 
The Origin of the American Party System — By V. 0. 
Key, Jr. ; and Franklin's From Slavery to Freedom: A 
History of American Negroes — By William S. Hoff- 




David H. Corkran 



Kenneth Scott 



Edwin A. Miles 


George C. shorn 


Mary C. Wiley 


Sellers's James K. Polk, Jacksonian, 1795-1843 — By C. W. 
Tebeau ; Pike's 0. Henry in North Carolina — By Thomas 
B. Stroup; Simpson's The Cokers of Carolina — By 
Thomas D. Clark; Quattlebaum's The Land Called 
Chicora: The Carolinas under Spanish Rule with 
French Intrusions, 1520-1670 — By Robert H. Woody; 
Easterby's The Colonial Records of South Carolina, 

Entered as second class matter September 29, 1928, at the Post Office at 
Raleigh, North Carolina, under the act of March 3, 1879. 

viii Contents 

Series I, Journal of the Commons House of Assembly, 
September 10, 1745-June 17, 17 U6— By Henry T. 
Malone ; Oliphant's, Odell's, and Eaves's The Letters of 
William Gilmore Simms, Volume V, 1867-1870— By C. 
Hugh Holman ; Wates's Stub Entries to Indents Issued 
in Payment of Claims Against South Carolina Growing 
Out of the Revolution. Books C-F — By William S. 
Powell; Servies's A Bibliography of John Marshall — 
By Gilbert L. Lycan; Craven's The Legend of the 
Founding Fathers — By Herbert R. Paschal, Jr. ; Scott's 
Counterfeiting in Colonial America — By Hugh T. Lefler ; 
Scheer's and Rankin's Rebels and Redcoats: The Living 
Story of the American Revolution — By Robert L. 
Ganyard; Uhlendorf's Revolution in America: Confi- 
dential Letters and Journals, 1776-17 '8 k, of Adjutant 
General Major Bauermeister of the Hessian Forces — By 
Hugh T. Lefler; Bass's The Green Dragoon: The Lives 
of Banastre Tarleton and Mary Robinson — Hugh F. 
Rankin; Vandiver's Mighty Stoneivall — By William B. 
Hesseltine; Lively's Fiction Fights the Civil War: An 
Unfinished Chapter in the Literary History of the 
American People — By Bell I. Wiley; Roske's and Van 
Doren's Lincoln's Commando: The Biography of Com- 
mander W. B. Gushing, U.S.N. — By Winston Broadf oot ; 
Davidson's Still Rebels, Still Yankees, and Other Es- 
says — By Richard Walser; Hofstadter's, Miller's, and 
Aaron's The United States: The History of a Republic 
— By Joseph Davis Applewhite; Groce's and Wallace's 
The Netv-York Historical Society's Dictionary of Artists 
in America, 1564-1860 — By Elizabeth W. Wilborn; 
and Swem's The Jamestown 350th Anniversary Histori- 
cal Booklets — By Christopher Crittenden. 


Nprth Carolina Mare uorory 



•■..& , 

{ "^flliS;v| 


'. ■ ! 

■ ■ . ■ :; ■:.. - ■■ . . ■ ■■ ...:■■■■■■■; ■ , ■■■. 

Volume XXXIV 


Number 1 

Published Quarterly By 
State Department of Archives and History 

Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets 
Raleigh, N. C. 


Published by the State Department of Archives and History 

Raleigh, N. C. 

Christopher Crittenden, Editor 
David LeRoy Corbitt, Managing Editor 


Walter Clinton Jackson Hugh Talmage Lefler 

Frontis Withers Johnston George Myers Stephens 



McDaniel Lewis, Chairman 

Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne 

Fletcher M. Green William Thomas Laprade 

Clarence W. Griffin Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 

This review was established in January, 192 U, as a medium of publica- 
tion and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other 
institutions by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. 
The regular price is $3.00 per year. Members of the State Literary and 
Historical Association, for which the annual dues are $5.00, receive this 
publication without further payment. Back numbers may be procured at 
the regular price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number. 

COVER— The Woodlawn Factory, or "Old Pinhook," as it was 
known in the neighboring territory, was a pioneer cotton mill 
of Gaston County. Built by Caleb Lineburger on the Catawba 
River in 1848, the original wooden building (inset) housed 
excellent machinery purchased in England and Philadelphia and 
manufactured yarn sold throughout the ante-bellum South. The 
older mill is shown again in the larger picture at the head of the 
millrace which operated the newer Lawrence Mill, built after 
the Civil War as an expansion of the Woodlawn Factory. See 
pages 15-35 for an article on the early textile industry in 
North Carolina. 

The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXIV January, 1957 Number 1 




Henry T. Malone 


Diffee W. Standard and Richard W. Griffin 



Fannie Memory Blackwelder 



Frenise A. Logan 



Edited by Marian H. Blair 


Eliason's Tarheel Talk: An Historical Study of the 
English Language in North Carolina — By Richard 
Walser ; Walser's North Carolina Drama — By Percy G. 
Adams; Wellman's Rebel Boast: First at Bethel — Last 
at Appomattox — By Roy Parker, Jr. ; Alexander's Here 
Will I Dwell: The Story of Caldwell County— -By 
Blackwell P. Robinson; Weathers' The Living Past of 
Cleveland County — By Horace W. Raper ; Robinson's A 

Entered as second class matter September 29, 1928, at the Post Office at 
Raleigh, North Carolina, under the act of March 3, 1879. 


History of Moore County, North Carolina, 1747-1847 — 
By Marvin W. Schlegel ; Cauthen's The State Records of 
South Carolina: Journals of the South Carolina Execu- 
tive Councils of 1861 and 1862 — By Robert H. Woody; 
Brooks's The University of Georgia Under Sixteen Ad- 
ministrations, 1785-1955 — By David A. Lockmiller; 
Hindle's The Pursuit of Science in Revolutionary 
America, 1735-1789 — By Elisha P. Douglass; Green's 
Eli Whitney and the Birth of American Technology 
— By Cornelius 0. Cathey; Wiley's William Nathaniel 
Wood, Reminiscences of Big I — By H. H. Cunningham ; 
Chambers' Old Bullion Benton: Senator from the New 
West — By Dillard S. Gardner; Perkins' Charles Evans 
Hughes and American Democratic Statesmanship — By 
Joseph F. Steelman, and Lefler's History of North Caro- 
lina — By H. G. Jones. 




The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXIV January, 1957 Number 1 


By Henry T. Malone 

The early nineteenth century was a period of tremendous 
adjustment for the Cherokees, an era characterized by con- 
trasting relationships with white men. 

The belligerent, relentless push of pioneers, the infiltration 
of friendly traders and artisans, and the constructive guid- 
ance of able Indian agents and missionaries made inevitable 
far-reaching changes in both Cherokee mores and relations 
with the whites. After a crippling defeat by American forces 
in the Revolutionary War, the Cherokees were slowly con- 
fined by a series of treaties into a tightly encircled area in 
the southern Appalachians. Forced into a new type of exist- 
ence by sharply reduced hunting grounds and exposed to the 
more comfortable agrarian economy of the white man through 
the example and teaching of traders and Indian agents, the 
tribe began a change in its pattern of life. The alteration 
was alluring to many. During the several decades between 
eighteenth century frontier-fighting and the removal agitation 
of the 1830's thousands of Cherokee red men made great 
strides along the white man's path. Largely peaceful relations 
on the frontier underwrote the success of this remarkable 
Indian development. 

Cherokee progress was enormously abetted by the United 
States government, through several measures designed to 
promote Indian welfare. None of these had more social sig- 

* This paper was read at the annual meeting of the Southern Historical 
Association, Knoxville, Tennessee, November, 1952. 


2 The North Carolina Historical Review 

nificance for the Cherokee Nation than the Fourteenth Article 
of the Treaty of Holston, which was written in 1791 in an 
effort to establish peace between Cherokees and pioneers. In 
this provision the American government guaranteed aid in 
leading the Cherokees "to a greater degree of civilization," 
and promised to send both tools and agents to implement the 
program. 1 

Cherokee reaction to this strange new attitude of the white 
man was both skeptical and receptive. The favorable attitude 
was perhaps best expressed by a Town Chief named Bloody 
Fellow, who in referring to the Holston agreement, told the 
Secretary of War: 

The treaty mentions ploughs, hoes, cattle and other things 
for a farm ; this is what we want ; game is going fast away from 
us. We must plant corn, and raise cattle, and we desire you to 
assist us. . . . 

We wish you to attend to this point. In former times we bought 
of the trader goods cheap ; we could then clothe our women and 
children; but now game is scarce and goods dear, we cannot 
live comfortably. We desire the United States to regulate this 
matter. 2 

Apparently the United States was willing "to regulate this 
matter." Continued sporadic warfare in the Cherokee country 
during the 1790's, however, forced Territorial Governor Wil- 
liam Blount— serving also as Superintendent of Southern 
Indians— to concentrate on the achievement of peace rather 
than improvement of the red man. His successor as Indian 
Superintendent was Colonel Benjamin Hawkins, long an out- 
spoken advocate of Indian progress along the white man's 
pattern. During two short years Hawkins stimulated numer- 
ous Cherokees toward agriculture and domestic industry; but 

1 "Art. 14. That the Cherokee nation may be led to a greater degree 
of civilization, and to become herdsmen and cultivators, instead of remain- 
ing in a state of hunters, the United States will, from time to time, furnish 
gratuitously the said nation with useful implements of husbandry. . . ." 
American State Papers, Class II, Indian Affairs (Documents, Legislative 
and Executive, of the Congress of the United States, Dec. 4, 1815-March 
3, 1827. Washington, D.C., 1834), I, 125, hereinafter cited as American 
State Papers, Indian Affairs. 

2 American State Papers, Indian Affairs, I, 205. 

Cherokee-White Relations 3 

his greater interest in Creek Indians confined his efforts 
largely to that group. 3 

In 1801 the appointment of an agent especially for the 
Cherokees brought the first real opportunity to put the govern- 
ment's civilizing program into operation. The man chosen 
by the War Department for this important post was a sixty- 
year-old veteran of Revolutionary War and Ohio Land Com- 
pany experience named Return Jonathan Meigs. For twenty- 
three years Meigs working in the interest of both Indians 
and whites performed yeoman service in the maintenance 
of peace. He was particularly solicitous of Indian welfare, 
and served his Cherokee wards variously as parent, adviser, 
doctor, lawyer, and agricultural agent. 4 He carried out the 
provisions of Article Fourteen by distributing farming imple- 
ments and domestic utensils, along with expert advice on how 
to use them. From the government's viewpoint, his principal 
duties were to keep the Cherokees peaceful along the frontier 
and be able, when desired, to persuade them to make further 
land cessions. ) 

Meigs received official support in maintaining peace from 
Secretary of War Henry Dearborn, who told his agent to 
prevent disturbances by "the licentiousness of daring and 
unprincipled men." The menace of these objectionable per- 
sons was clearly described by a group of Georgia commis- 
sioners to the Cherokees who stated: "There are Numbers 
of white people in the Nation who have wives among the 
Natives, Carry on a Trifffing Commerce with them and are 
averse to any further, or better understanding between whites 

3 Records of William Blount's service as joint Territorial Governor and 
Superintendent of Southern Indians are available in Clarence E. Carter 
(ed.), The Territorial Papers of the United States, Volume IV, The Terri- 
tory South of the River Ohio, 1790-1796 (Washington, D.C., 1936), passim,. 
For the work of Benjamin Hawkins, see The Letters of Benjamin Hawkins, 
1796-1806 (Savannah, 1916, Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, 
Volume IX) ; and Merritt B. Pound, Benjamin Hawkins, Indian Agent 
(Athens, Georgia, 1951). 

4 Dumas Malone and others (eds.)> Dictionary of American Biography 
(New York, 1928 — ), XII, 508-509, hereinafter cited as Malone, Dictionary 
of American Biography. A voluminous record of Meigs's service as Cherokee 
Indian Agent from 1801 to 1823 is found in the Cherokee Agency Files, 
Bureau of Indian Affairs Records, National Resources Records Branch, 
National Archives, Washington, D.C., hereinafter cited as Cherokee Files, 
Indian Affairs Records. 

4 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and Indians than now exists. Several of these characters have 
fled from punishment." 5 

This attitude toward white people residing in the Cherokee 
Nation largely reflected the bias of native white inhabitants 
of the surrounding states. To them, the traders and artisans 
and missionaries in the Cherokee country were dangerous 
renegades who might easily encourage resistance to further 
land grants or road privileges. But from the Indian's view- 
point, most of the white residents brought a wholesome and 
constructive influence. From the middle of the eighteenth 
century traders, itinerant artisans, and even escaping Tories 
had found commercial and political freedom in the Indian 
territory, and had settled and married there. Many of the 
mixed-breed descendants of these white-red families became 
leaders among the Cherokees, and were of considerable im- 
portance in the civilizing process. Born into comparative 
wealth, many of them capitalized on Anglo-Saxon know-how 
in agriculture and commercial ventures. But their leadership 
was not restricted to the economic realm. When the Indian 
nation exchanged its time-honored tribal government in 1817 
for a representative republic, approximately forty per cent 
of the new office-holders were mixed-bloods whose names 
predominated among the top incumbents. 6 

Among the most outstanding examples of this mixed-blood 
leadership during early nineteenth-century Cherokee history 
were three unusual personalities: James Vann, Charles Hicks, 
and John Ross. The contrasting careers of these Indians 
demonstrate three different types of native leadership in an 
era of increasing inclination toward the white man's ways. 
James Vann, a descendant of a white trader named Clement 
Vann, was a prominent Town Chief during the first decade 
of the century. A peculiar combination of rip-snorting hood- 
lum and benevolent leader, Vann was a constant trouble- 

5 Dearborn to Meigs, June 25, 1801, Cherokee Files, Indian Affairs 
Records; Journal of Georgia Commissioners to the Cherokees, January, 
1803, in Cherokee Letters Collection, Georgia Department of Archives, 
Atlanta, hereinafter cited as Cherokee Letters, Georgia Archives. 

6 From "List of Officers in the Cherokee Nation [c. 1822]," in Records 
of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Houghton 
Library, Harvard University, Cambridge Mass., 18.3.1., II, no. 174-175. 
This reference hereinafter cited as Records for Foreign Missions. 

Cherokee-White Relations 5 

maker. Yet on several occasions he used his local and tribal 
influence to benefit the Cherokees. When Moravian church- 
men sought to bring a mission to the Cherokees in 1800, 
Vann's aid to them was outstanding. After helping to gain 
Council approval for the mission station, he gave generously 
of his time, advice, and property when the mission station 
was begun at his home (in present-day Murray County, 
Georgia ) . He was a wealthy man, owning a two-story brick 
house, slaves, and considerable other property, including a 
ferry on the Chattahoochee River and some business property 
in Jackson County, Georgia. In spite of his interest in general 
Cherokee betterment, however, James Vann remained a con- 
stant source of difficulty. The missionaries, who described 
him as "a half-breed with two wives, very dissipated and 
drunken," worked in vain to convert him to a better life. Vann 
continued to drink, exhibiting an excessively cruel nature 
when intoxicated. His sins finally caught up with him, and he 
was shot by his son-in-law in February, 1809, at the age of 
forty-one. 7 

A mixed-breed Cherokee of more stable influence in pro- 
moting the Indian development was Charles Hicks, son of a 
tradesman named Nathan Hicks. Like many of his colleagues 
in the Indian country, the elder Hicks saw to it that his sons 
learned some of the white mans ways, including a knowledge 
of the English language. At the beginning of the nineteenth 
century, Charles had become an interpreter for the Cherokee 
Council and was increasing his education by attending the 
Moravian Mission School. As he grew in stature and experi- 
ence, he became a spokesman for the tribe and probably one 
of their principal advisers as well. He was not only one of the 
first to attend the Moravian school, but in 1813 he became 
their second Indian convert and was baptized Charles Re- 
natus Hicks. 8 

7 Adelaide L. Fries (ed.), Records of the Moravians in North Carolina 
(Raleigh, 8 volumes, 1922-1955), VI, 2759, 2799; VII, 3704, hereinafter 
cited as Fries, Records o'f the Moravians; Buckner Harris of Jackson 
County, Georgia, to Meigs, Feb. 22, 1808, and Dearborn to Meigs, May 
7, 1808, Cherokee Files, Indian Affairs Records and Cherokee Letters, 
Georgia Archives, passim. 

8 Fries, Records of the Moravians, VI, 2798-2799; VII, 3435; numerous 
communications by and concerning Charles Hicks may be found in Cherokee 
Files, Indian Affairs Records. 


6 The North Carolina Historical Review 

A striking description of Charles Hicks was recorded in 
1817 by a missionary from the American Board of Commis- 
sioners for Foreign Missions. While visiting in the Hicks 
home, the clergyman wrote: 

He is a half-breed Cherokee, about fifty years of age. He has 
very pleasant features and an intelligent countenance. He speaks 
the English language with the utmost facility, and with great 
propriety. ... As a man of integrity, temperance, and intelli- 
gence, he has long sustained a most reputable character. 

A staunch advocate and a living exemplar of Cherokee prog- 
ress, Charles Hicks rose to a high place in the Indian govern- 
ment. In 1827 he was elected Principal Chief, a position which 
he held until his death a year later. 9 

The third of these notable mixed-breeds was a one-eighth 
Cherokee named John Ross. Indeed, John Ross was one of 
the greatest of all Indian statesmen. Both his maternal grand- 
father, John McDonald, who had been one of the earliest 
white traders to settle in the Chickamauga country, and his 
father, Daniel Ross, had become popular and trusted advisers 
to the tribe. John Ross was a younger contemporary of Charles 
Hicks, and like Hicks, became prominent in Indian affairs. 
In the 1820's he was President of the National Committee 
and Assistant Principal Chief. In 1828 he was named Prin- 
cioal Chief under a new Cherokee constitutional government. 
The skillful, effective, and occasionally absolute leadership 
of this man, whose blood was predominantly white, graphi- 
cally represents the complexity of Cherokee-white relation- 
ships. For although John Ross spoke the white man's tongue 
and wore the white man's clothes, he preferred to call himself 
a Cherokee. Throughout the later periods of Indian removal 
and resettlement, and until his death in 1866, white men 
found Principal Chief Ross an implacable advocate of Indian 
nghts. 10 

l ^H 

7 - *\ S - Edwards (ed.) Memoir of Elias Cornelius (Boston, Mass., 1833) 

2 TkZTa Y f S T CeS - t0 S- e ? ublic career of Charles Hicks may be 
v7»Lvu Zl/'ru 1 ' Z° rei £n Ml T ss j? ns ; F ^s, Records of the Moravians, 
iod 1 VI 1 I ^ a ?, d Cherok ee Files, Indian Affairs Records. 

]914^ C Miw n/"? ! JOhn R ? S a and - the CJ . ierok ™ tndians (Menasha, Wis., 
J J \V' Malone ' Dictionary of American Biography, XVI 178-179- Thomas 

k^tTrV^ri^' The Indian Trib * s °f #"& AmeZa«3ohn 

Ross (Edinburgh, Scotland, reprinted edition, 1933), III, 293-296. 


Cherokee-White Relations 7 

The influence in Cherokee deliberations of mixed-breeds 
like Ross and Hicks was a prime factor in the growing diffi- 
culty of white men seeking to extend land cessions and com- 
mercial privileges. During the first two decades of the century 
a number of land grants had been obtained. These cessions, 
which scissored away Cherokee borderlands in areas claimed 
by Tennessee, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and 
Alabama, had been secured largely through the efforts of 
Return J. Meigs on the insistence of the surrounding states, 
and also through the reprehensible practice of secret con- 
cessions to certain chiefs. In the last of this series of grants, 
which occurred in 1817 and 1819, thousands of acres on the 
northern, southern, and eastern boundaries were relinquished, 
chiefly because a conservative minority was persuaded that 
western tracts offered in exchange were richer in game than 
the eastern areas coveted by the whites. 11 

Progressive Cherokees, largely under mixed-breed influ- 
ence, denounced the minority treaty of 1817 and led the way 
in a reorganization of the Indian government designed in part 
to prevent such defections in the future. After 1817 white 
men seeking land grants were probably surprised and cha- 
grined to discover that treaties no longer could be obtained 
from a tribal gathering consisting of an indeterminate number 
of local Town Chiefs. Instead, the Cherokee government had 
become a near republic similar in its pattern to the white 
man's own government. The Council created a national 
bicameral legislature. The upper house, called the "Standing 
Committee"— later the "National Committee"— was chosen by 
the Council from its own membership. The Council itself was 
continued as a lower house. The Committee consisted of 
thirteen members elected for two-year terms and eligible for 
re-election. This group was given chief responsibility for 
"the affairs of the Cherokee Nation," including negotiations 

11 The various Cherokee treaties for this period may be found in Charles 
J. Kappler, Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties (Washington, D.C., 1904), 
II; and American State Papers, Indian Affairs, I, II. A Cherokee chief 
who took advantage of the secret-concession arrangement once too often 
was Doublehead — his continued efforts to secure personal gain at the 
expense of the nation resulted in his assassination by appointed execu- 
tioners. James Mooney, "Myths of the Cherokee," 19th Annual Report of 
the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1897-1898, Part I (Washington, D. C, 
1900), 85, hereinafter cited as Mooney, "Myths of the Cherokee." 

8 The North Carolina Historical Review 

with the United States Agent and with land-seeking treaty 
commissioners. The Council, however, retained reviewing 
power over the actions of the Committee. Three years later 
the nation was divided into eight districts, each of which was 
to send four elected representatives to the National Council. 12 
The creation and operation of this unusual Indian develop- 
ment in political science reflects much of the confusion of 
Cherokee- white relationships. Clearly the new government 
was inspired by white suggestion and influence; but it was 
also designed to halt further land cessions to white men. 
After 1819 it did so very effectively for nearly twenty years, 
despite a rising tide of complaints from surrounding states. 
Further efforts toward land cessions were led by two locally 
interested successors to Return Meigs (who had died in 
1823). These agents were former Governor of Tennessee 
Joseph McMinn and a Georgian named Hugh Montgomery. 13 
But these and other land-seekers were unsuccessful until 
1835, when the minority Treaty of New Echota became the 
instrument of Cherokee removal. That Cherokee resistance to 
further cessions lasted so long must be attributed in large 
degree to the efforts and influences of white men and their 
descendants in the Indian country. Even the former Agent 
Meigs had an indirect part in this stiffening Cherokee resis- 
tance, for he had encouraged the reorganization of tribal 
government. 14 The greatest influence by far, however, came 
from the descendants of white men who seemingly preferred 
their own Cherokee connections and despised the idea of 

anv further land grants to their racial relations in surrounding 
states . '^ f WH 

12 Laivs of the Cherokee Nation : Adopted by the Council at Various 
Periods (Tahlequah, C[herokee]. N[ation]., 1852), passim. The native 
term for the Cherokee legislature was "Tsaligi Tinilawigi." Preservation 
and Civilization of the Indians (Washington, D.C., 1826, 19 Congress, I 
Session, House Executive Document No. 102), 19. 

13 McMinn died November 17, 1824; Montgomery's letter of appointment 
as Indian agent is dated April 23, 1825, Cherokee Letters, Georgia Archives. 

14 Shortly after his arrival in the Cherokee country Meigs suggested a 
reorganization of government to the Council as follows: "Form the whole 
[nation] into civil divisions, creating officers in each, to attend to the 
manners, employments, Virtues, & Vices, — to advise, instruct, & encourage 
virtuous actions — discourage and apprehend vice. . . ." Meigs to Dearborn, 
Oct. 4, 1801, Cherokee Files, Indian Affairs Records; Journal of Occur- 
rences in the Cherokee Nation (a manuscript record kept by Meigs from 
1801 to 1804), Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress. 

Cherokee-White Relations 9 

The ill-feeling generated by land controversies was the 
chief cause of irritation between red men and white men 
during these years of comparative peace on the Cherokee 
frontier. That this smouldering antagonism did not flare out 
into open conflict early in the nineteenth century was due 
in large measure to the efforts of Return J. Meigs, who was 
able to maintain a generally friendly Cherokee attitude to- 
ward his government. The value of his placating influence 
was effectively demonstrated during the War of 1812, when 
hostile Indians went on the warpath against the United 
States. Those nearest the Cherokees were the Upper Creeks, 
whose desires to destroy white supremacy in the South had 
been drummed up earlier by Tecumseh and other agents of 
his short-lived Indian confederacy. When this neighboring 
branch of the Creeks launched raids against American posts 
in 1813, the Cherokees were showered with requests for 
assistance, not only from the United States and the hostile 
Indians, but also from the Lower Creeks, who desired to 
crush the revolt. Reactionaries within the Cherokee Council 
advocated abandoning the white man and joining the attack- 
ing Creeks. This proposal was defeated by the influence of 
Meigs and the active opposition of Cherokee mixed-breed 
progressives. A force of Cherokee volunteers was quickly 
organized, which fought along with the United States and 
the friendly Lower Creeks under the joint leadership of 
Andrew Jackson. 15 

Altogether some eight hundred Cherokees participated in 
the Creek War, but the struggle had unfortunate accompani- 
ments for their nation. American troops marched through 
Cherokee lands going to and coming from the Creek country 
and inflicted serious depredations on property. Miegs' office 
received many complaints about these unwarranted losses, 
which became sources of contention in subsequent treaty 

15 Major John Lowery [a Cherokee Chief] to Meigs, Feb. 1, 1813, Cherokee 
Files, Indian Affairs Records; Mooney, "Myths of the Cherokee," 88-96. 
Meigs himself urged the War Department to use Cherokees against the 
hostile Creeks. Not only did Meigs believe that many Cherokees were 
anxious to fight for the United States, but he thought it was their duty 
in view of the advantages and opportunities for improvement given them 
by the white government. Meigs to Dearborn, July 30 and Aug. 6, 1813, 
Cherokee Files, Indian Affairs Records. 

10 The North Carolina Historical Review 

discussions. Although a treaty of March 22, 1816, promised 
justice for the damage, no serious attempt to repay Cherokees 
was made until the 1830's. 16 

Except in the matter of further land cessions, the growing 
influence of mixed-breeds and the growth of white institu- 
tions among the Cherokees may have sponsored a better feel- 
ing toward whites. In numerous ways during the early nine- 
teenth century had these red men advanced along the "white 
man's path." By the 1830' s they had become a nation of 
farmers. Approximately 93 per cent of the 2,700 families 
possessed at least one farm, while total ownership of cattle, 
horses, swine, and sheep numbered each in the thousands. 
On the Cherokee farms were 2,450 plows, 700 looms, and 
120 wagons. Business men operated 12 saw mills, 20 grist 
mills, 55 black-smith shops, 6 cotton gins, 10 ferries, 9 stores, 
a dozen turnpike toll-gates, and even a threshing machine. 
Comparable progress was made by Cherokee women, who 
probably grasped eagerly the white man's inventions to fa- 
cilitate their household duties. Spinning wheels and weaving 
paraphernalia became commonplace articles among the 
Indians' possessions; when cotton became a staple crop, the 
distribution of thousands of cotton cards by the Indian Agent 
helped in the process of making cotton fibers ready for spin- 
ning and weaving. 17 

Indians of initiative and energy improved their farms, and 
some became country gentlemen with plantations and slaves. 
Indeed, an increase in Negro slavery accompanied agrarian 
progress in the Cherokee country. By 1824 more than one 
thousand Negro slaves were owned by Cherokees, and within 
a decade the number of bondsmen had increased to nearly 

30 On January 15, 1814, a "Claims Journal," written by Charles Hicks, 
containing more than seventy claims for damages, was presented to Colonel 
Meigs. The total amount represented was $5,885, mostly for stolen and 
butchered livestock. This document is among the Cherokee records in the 
collection of Mrs. Penelope J. Allen, Chattanooga, Tennessee. For other 
Creek War Claims filed by the Cherokees see "Cherokee Claims Papers" in 
the Allen collection and in Cherokee Files, Indian Affairs Records. 

17 "Cherokee Census," Cherokee Phoe?iix (New Echota [Georgia], 1828- 
1834), May 14, June 11, 1829, hereinafter cited Cherokee Phoenix. This 
was the official organ of the Cherokee Nation and was published in Cherokee 
and English. See also the manuscript, "Census of the Eastern Cherokees, 
1835," Cherokee Files, Indian Affairs Records, hereinafter cited as "Census 
of the Eastern Cherokees, 1835." 

Cherokee-White Relations 11 

sixteen hundred. It should be noted, however, that less than 
four per cent (or 101) of the 2,700 Cherokee families pos- 
sessed any slaves at all, and that while the average number 
of slaves held by any one family was fifteen, only eleven 
families listed that many. 18 

The presence of Negro slaves on Cherokee farms led to 
some curious relationships, especially in connection with 
white men living in surrounding states, or on the Indian 
borders. In 1808, for example, the Cherokee Council ordered 
a white man named Evans Austill to give up 

... a woman and her Children which you have in your Poses- 
sion which appears to be one of our own people and you can not 
have any objection to Deliver up as she is free born as any 
White women — although you have paid for her as a Slave . . . 
you must have a recourse to the Man you bought her of — 10 

Another curious instance was noted a decade later by a mis- 
sionary who learned that among the more devout Negroes 
attending services at Brainerd Mission in Tennessee were 
two slaves who were teaching their Cherokee mistress "to 
read in the^ bible." 20 

A case of inter-marriage created one of the most unusual 
problems. The Cherokee Town Chief Shoe Boots married a 
white woman, by whom he had two children. Later his white 
wife deserted him, taking the children with her. Shoe Boots 
thereupon married his favorite Negro slave, a girl named 
Lucy. When two black-red children had been born from this 
marriage, the chief petitioned the Council to grant the chil- 
dren free status. This request was granted, but the Council 
cautioned Shoe Boots against "begetting any more such legal 
problems." 21 

18 Cherokee Phoenix, June 11, 1828; "Census of Eastern Cherokees, 1835," 

"Principal Chief Black Fox to Evan Austill, Sept. 12, 1808, Cherokee 
Files, Indian Affairs Records. 

^ Journal of the Mission Station at Chickamauga, June 7, 1818, Records 
for Foreign Missions, 18.3.1, II. In August, 1818, a full-blooded Cherokee 
youth applying for admission to Chickamauga Mission was found "able to 
spell correctly in words of 4 & 5 letters. He had been taught solely by 
black people who had received their instruction in our sunday-school." 
Records for Foreign Missions, Aug. 7, 1818. 

21 Marion L. Starkey, The Cherokee Nation (New York, 1946), 18-19. 

12 The North Carolina Historical Review 

One evidence of increasing white influence on Cherokee 
affairs was revealed in the native slave codes, which during 
the 1820's began to show prejudice against Negroes. Two laws 
in 1824 required free Negroes to secure a permit from the 
Cherokee government to remain in the nation, and banned 
slaves from possessing livestock. When the Indian constitu- 
tion was written in 1827, "negroes and descendants of white 
and Indian men by negro women" who had been set free 
were denied the right to vote. Furthermore, Negroes and 
their descendants were held ineligible to "hold any office of 
profit, honor, or trust under this government." When the 
National Council resolved the following year to punish indi- 
viduals who might disturb any religious services, it was an- 
nounced that "if any negro slave shall be convicted ... he 
shall be punished with thirty-nine stripes on the bare back." 22 

A group of whites having especially close relationships with 
the Cherokees were itinerant farmers and laborers known as 
"croppers." By 1828 Indian Agent Hugh Montgomery re- 
ported to the Governor of Georgia that more than two hun- 
dred white farmers were in the Indian country, as well as a 
considerable number of licensed traders, millers, ferrymen, 
blacksmiths, masons, carpenters, and mechanics. In addition, 
numerous missionaries from several denominations were busy 
at more than a score of mission stations. With all these white 
residents in their nation, the Cherokee government early 
began to restrict their activities. In 1819 it was ruled that 
white teachers and artisans could remain in the Cherokee 
Nation only if their Indian employers procured permission 
from the National Committee and Council and became re- 
sponsible for their conduct. As a gesture of friendship and 
appreciation for their services, however, the Council made 
the following offer: "that blacksmiths, millers, ferrymen and 
turnpike keepers, are privileged to improve and cultivate 
twelve acres of ground for the support of themselves and 
families, should they please to do so." In the same year white 
merchants were forbidden to establish stores within Cherokee 

22 Laws of the Cherokee Nation, 37, 39, 107; Article III, Cherokee Con- 
stitution, Cherokee Phoenix, Feb. 21, 1828. 

Cherokee-White Relations 13 

borders, and a strict order was issued against the sale of 
whisky by or to any white man. 23 

The excessive consumption of liquor was a constant source 
of friction between Cherokees and whites. Since early days 
traders had found it profitable to haul in liquor, legal or 
otherwise. Sometimes unscrupulous treaty commissioners 
weakened Indian opposition with "fire-water." The menace 
of strong drink was a great concern to Cherokee leaders, and 
rightfully so, for liquor was often a cause of trouble with 
whites. Frequently, Indian officials complained to the agent 
about the constant introduction of liquor by white men. The 
Cherokee government sought to correct part of the evil by 
legislating against it. One regulation forbade the presence 
of liquor "within three miles of the General Council House," 
or at Cherokee courthouses. A subsequent amendment spe- 
cifically banned liquor from public gatherings under penalty 
of "having it poured on the ground." But the Council did 
not attempt to institute prohibition throughout the nation. 
Perhaps the Indian leaders felt that it would be extremely 
difficult to enforce. Besides, the nation was receiving some 
taxes from whisky sales, and the owners of public houses and 
general stores sold it freely. 24 

One group of whites in the nation was as anxious as the 
Cherokee leaders to bring an end to the whisky menace. 
These were the missionaries, a group of hard-working, self- 
sacrificing Christian men and women. Their influence on 
Cherokee development was perhaps greater than that of the 
Indian agent, for the mission stations were scattered about 
the length and breadth of the land, and thousands of Chero- 
kees were exposed to their religious, educational, and cultural 
teachings. The chief influencing factor came in the education 
which Christian mission schools offered to young and old. 
Indeed, most churches found far more success in their teach- 
ing program than in conversions. 25 

23 Montgomery to Governor Forsyth, May 18, 1828, in Cherokee Letters, 
Georgia Archives; Laws of the Cherokee Nation, 6-7. 

^American State Papers, Indian Affairs, I, 655; Laws of the Cherokee 
Nation, 6-7. 

25 For a brief summary of this mission work, see Henry T. Malone, "The 
Early Ninteenth Century Missionaries in the Cherokee Country," Tennessee 
Historical Quarterly, X (June, 1951), 127-139. 

14 The North Carolina Historical Review 

All in all, white and red relationships in the early nine- 
teenth century Cherokee country were varied and complex, 
and hence they are difficult to assess. It is especially note- 
worthy that relations were generally peaceful during this 
period of enormous Cherokee development, a period which 
came between frightful frontier warfare of the previous cen- 
tury and the devastating shock of removal in the late 1830's. 
In this halcyon era Cherokees made giant strides toward the 
white man's way of life, and in the process were aided by 
friendly agents, tradesmen, and missionaries. An even greater 
impulse toward such progress came from descendants of 
white men within the tribe, who emerged as leaders in what 
became almost a nation-wide attempt to secure the white 
man's agricultural and commercial security. This occurred de- 
spite the efforts of some white men to destroy that security 
through theft, persuasion, treaty, or the illegal use of liquor. 

Thus to the early nineteenth-century Cherokee Indian the 
white man appeared as a paradox— offering both friendship 
and hostility, guidance and abandonment, inspiration and 


By Diffee W. Standard and Richard W. Griffin 

Part I 
Origin and Growth to 1830 

The potentialities of the South for the development of a 
major cotton textile industry were noted even as early as the 
colonial period. In 1775 Alexander Hamilton wrote that the 
construction of cotton mills in the southern states, where 
planters were already increasing their annual production of 
cotton, was not only feasible but indeed inevitable. Advanc- 
ing an argument that would be repeated in North Carolina 
and throughout the South for the next hundred years, Hamil- 
ton advocated the manufacture of the staple in the region 
where it was grown and the distribution of finished textile 
products to the other colonies. 1 

Despite the disruption of southern economy during the 
Revolutionary War, a few pioneering planters now began a 
shift in textile manufacturing from the older domestic system 
to the factory method in much the same way that it had been 
accomplished earlier in England. In 1776 Daniel Heywood, 
a tidewater South Carolina planter, began working thirty 
slaves at spinning wheels and handlooms in a primitive mill, 
where he achieved a weekly production of 120 yards of cotton 
and woolen cloth. 2 With the conclusion of the war and the 
establishment of the federal government, a stabilized do- 
mestic economy encouraged the development of more ad- 
vanced types of factory construction and the installation of 
more modern equipment. The first real cotton factory in the 
South was built in 1789 near Statesboro, South Carolina, by 

1 Henry Cabot Lodge (ed.), The Works of Alexander Hamilton, I (New 
York, 1885), 157-158. 

2 Ernest M. Lander, "Manufacturing in Ante-Bellum South Carolina" 
(unpublished doctoral dissertation, the University of North Carolina, 
1950), 48. 


16 The North Carolina Historical Review 

an English mechanic who received financial backing from 
local planters. This factory received widespread notice in the 
local and national periodicals of the time and undoubtedly 
came to the attention of North Carolinians. 3 At least one state 
newspaper, the Fayetteville Gazette, reflected this natural 
interest in the cotton industry by reprinting articles of na- 
tional industrial news. In 1789 the Fayetteville editor com- 
mended the legislature of Massachusetts for subscribing five 
hundred pounds to aid in the establishment of a cotton factory 
at Beverly which was to use "Arkwright's machines." 4 

This initial interest in the building of factories seemed to 
languish in the South during the 1790's as men with capital 
continued to place their faith in agriculture as the basis for 
southern prosperity, but the development of extensive do- 
mestic manufactures continued to give some impetus to the 
infant idea. Increased home production of cotton and woolen 
fabrics, especially in the relatively isolated upland areas, was 
to provide a basis for later factory development in North 

In 1794 Tench Coxe, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, 
wrote that the backcountry regions of all the South Atlantic 
states produced textiles in greater quantities than they im- 
ported from abroad, and that "family manufactures in cotton 
are much greater in the four southeastern most states, than in 
the four eastern states/' Coxe urged the people of the South 
to take advantage of the possibilities for profit and to capital- 
ize on the value of these home products by expanding them 
further. Reflecting current Hamiltonian doctrine, Coxe be- 
lieved that manufacturing would not interfere with agricul- 
tural pursuits but rather would provide an increased demand 
for farm products. 5 In confirmation of Coxe's contentions, the 
Census of 1810 reported that the annual amount of North 
Carolina domestic textiles was 7,376,154 yards, valued at 
$2,989,140; while those of Massachusetts, more open to 
foreign importations, totaled only $2,219,279, and those of 

3 The Maryland Gazette (Annapolis), July 22, 1790; The Universal 
Asylum and Columbian Magazine (Philadelphia), V (July, 1790), 61; 
The American Museum (Philadelphia), VIII, Appendix IV (1790), 1. 

4 Fayetteville Gazette, September 27, 1789. 

5 Tench Coxe, A View of the United States of America (Philadelphia, 
1794), 274, 298, 304, hereinafter cited as Coxe, View of America. 

North Carolina State Library, 

The Cotton Textile Industry 17 

all New England totaled $460,000 less than the textiles pro- 
duced in North Carolina. 6 

The domestic weaving of cloth was an inextricable factor 
in the rise of cotton mills in North Carolina. The Revolu- 
tionary War accentuated colonial home industry and brought 
on an increase in home spinning and weaving that continued 
largely unabated through the following years of peace. 7 Do- 
mestic industry had arisen as a natural result of the lack of 
commerce in the state caused by poor transportation facili- 
ties and a general shortage of capital with which to purchase 
imported wares. In 1790 less than one-fifth of North Caro- 
lina's commerce was with foreign countries and the amount 
decreased until brought to a virtual halt by the War of 1812. 8 

The influence of these wars and the shortage of imported 
cloth served as irresistible pressures for the establishment of 
factory industry in many of the southern states, and event- 
ually this pressure exerted its influence even in agriculturally- 
minded North Carolina. Initial efforts in the field of manu- 
facturing caught the interest of all the nation, while Coxes 
report called special attention to such budding enterprises 
in Virginia, South Carolina, and Kentucky: 

An association in Virginia, another in the territory south of 
the Ohio, and a company in the western district of South Caro- 
lina, have provided themselves with carding and spinning ma- 
chinery on the British plans to manufacture their native cotton. 
The planters in the southern states raise great quantities of this 
raw material, unthought of before the war, and until this dis- 
cussion of the subject of manufactures, which took place some 
time after the treaty of peace. . . . An association containing 
forty of the most respectable planters of South Carolina, has 
been established within a few years for the promoting of manu- 
factures, and agriculture. A subscription to the amount of about 
25,000 dollars, has been made in the territory manufactory. — 
An indication of the zeal not equalled in any middle or northern 
state. 9 

6 Tench Coxe, A Statement of the Arts and Manufacturers of the United 
States of America for the Year 1810 (Philadelphia, 1815), 87, hereinafter 
cited as Coxe, Arts and Manufacturers. 

7 Allen H. Eaton, Handicrafts of the Soiithern Highlands (New York, 
1937), 40-43. 

8 Coxe, Arts and Manufacturers, 87. 

9 Coxe, View of America, 303, 305. 

18 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Although the North Carolina legislature displayed a more 
consistent interest in agricultural improvement than in indus- 
trial growth throughout the ante-bellum period, the legisla- 
tors were aware of various other needs of the state and oc- 
casionally endeavored to aid manufacturing. In the 1790s 
the General Assembly extended a loan to be used for the 
establishment of a paper mill in the thriving Moravian settle- 
ment of Salem, a village already known for the manufacture 
of woolen hats and later to be the site of a successful cotton 
mill. 10 

With the single exception of Georgia every state bordering 
North Carolina had a cotton factory of some sort in operation 
in the eighteenth century. In Tennessee John Hague began 
the construction of spinning frames for his factory near Nash- 
ville in 1791. Most of the machinery, all of which he was 
building, was reported finished by a visitor to the mill in the 
autumn of that year. This primitive factory was on the hostile 
Indian frontier, and one employee fell victim to the scalper's 
knife, an unusual occupational hazard which must have seri- 
ously hampered the operation of this most western factory in 
the country. 11 While rudimentary mills such as this were 
being constructed in states surrounding North Carolina, the 
bulk of cotton and woolen textiles continued to be made in 
the home. In the families of small farmers and among slave 
women on the larger planters' holdings, the manufacture of 
yarn and cloth was carried on in an excellent though piece- 
meal fashion. 12 

Any industry in the South was confronted during this 
period by a degree of hostility from a planter class prejudiced 
in favor of an exclusively agricultural economy; but of all the 
possible types of industry open to southern development, the 
most logical and the least antipathetic to southern feeling 
was the manufacture of cotton. In the backcountry especially, 
a variety of newer settlers, largely unaffected by the planter 
philosophy and cut off from cheap and convenient transpor- 

10 Coxe, View of America, 303, 305-307; Rolla M. Tryon, Household 
Manufacturers in the United States, 1607-1860 (Chicago, 1937), 309. 

11 The Maryland Gazette (Annapolis), April 5, 1792; July 18, 1793; The 
Gazette (Knoxville, Tennessee), June 16, 1793. 

u Holland Thompson, From, the Cotton Field to the Cotton Mill (New 
York, 1906), 250-251. 

The Cotton Textile Industry 19 

tation, found it necessary to retain their trades and arts and 
produce at home what they needed. As the Piedmont pro- 
gressed from the pioneer stage of settlement, increasing de- 
mands for more finished products led to the development of 
small industries in many towns and villages. Thus in the early 
nineteenth century industrious people of this region, less 
susceptible to sectional suspicion of industry, began to devote 
their skills and energies to more complex manufacturing 
enterprises. 13 , 

The mounting fury of the Napoleonic struggle in Europe 
and the effects of non-intercourse, non-importation, and the 
embargo acts of the national government forced the planter 
of North Carolina to develop an interest in manufacturing 
a variety of articles which he had been long accustomed to 
receiving from Great Britain. This wartime pressure was also 
felt by the energetic citizens of small backcountry towns like 
Salem, and no doubt this emergency need accounts for the 
early experiment in Salem in the mill manufacture of cotton 
yarn and cloth. Realizing the increased demand for these 
items, a Moravian tradesman in that settlement planned to 
install textile machinery which would be more productive 
than the community-sponsored sisters' house. The village 
burgers of Salem, resisting another threat of private enter- 
prise, made arrangements in 1808 for the community to pur- 
chase spinning and weaving machines. Thus Salem, already 
producing hats and paper, was extending and widening its 
manufacturing interests. 14 

The cotton factory interest in Salem and that of a group of 
coastal planters was of sufficient importance to capture the 
eye of one of North Carolina's earlier historians. Hugh Wil- 
liamson was intensely interested in the progress of the state 
and took special note of the industrial beginnings in his own 

It is hardly necessary to observe, that they raise, or can raise, 
in every part of the state, all the cotton they can use in the most 
extensive manufactories. It is certainly to be presumed, that 

13 Coxe, View of America, 303. 

"Adelaide L. Fries (ed.), Records of the Moldavians in North Carolina, 
VI (Raleigh, 1943), 2929. 

20 The North Carolina Historical Review 

people who live in a healthy climate where provisions are re- 
markably cheap, who are well supplied with good streams of 
water that are easily managed, and who have an ample supply 
of all the raw materials, will avail themselves of these advan- 
tages. It is to be presumed, we say : for the Moravians, who are 
remarkably prudent, have lately made considerable progress in 
the manufacture of cotton ; and in the course of last year [1811], 
several gentlemen in the low country, where they work under 
great disadvantages, have introduced machines for spinning 
cotton. This spirit, as we infer from the manner in which it 
spreads, will soon pervade the community: a circumstance that 
must produce a balance of trade in favor of the state. 15 

The period from 1807 to 1816 was one of widespread in- 
terest in the field of manufactures due primarily to the dual 
necessity of consuming cotton formerly sent to England and 
supplying the demand for manufactured textiles earlier furn- 
ished by British mills. In state after state throughout the 
South entrepreneurs began the establishment of small, in- 
efficient, but temporarily profitable cotton factories, while 
in the few urban areas there was an increasing demand for 
the establishment of permanent factories. 

Maryland, a state half-southern and half-northern in its 
industrial character, was the center of the largest and most 
complete factory development in the South. In Georgia small 
factories were placed in operation in 1810 and 1811, in Ala- 
bama a spinning mill was established in the fertile and popu- 
lous Tennessee Valley in 1809, and according to the census of 
1810, a total of twenty- two small spinning mills of varying 
capacity had been built in the Mississippi territory. The in- 
dustrial spirit was perhaps most pronounced in Virginia, and 
public meetings were frequently held in the state to secure 
the support and cash of patriotic citizens. At one such meet- 
ing, held in Richmond in 1809, an attempt to stimulate the 
interest of the community met with little success. According 
to a later published account of the proceedings, "the patriotic 
fervor over flowed in frothy speeches, but when it subsided it 
left little residium in cash." This barren meeting led Parson 
Blair of Virginia to write a piece of doggerel to show his 
scorn for such nonsense: 

15 Hugh Williamson, The History of North Carolina (Philadelphia, 1812), 
II, 221. 

The Cotton Textile Industry 21 

I've seen with pleasure in your patriot city 
The appointment of a most august committee, 
To encourage manufactures of our own, 
And bring Old England to her marrow bone, 
To spoil her commerce, since she's made us wroth ; 
And bring her pride down with Virginia cloth. 16 

In spite of much lukewarm feeling the industrial beginnings in 
Virginia were stimulated by the public interest aroused at 
such meetings. More tangible results were obtained when 
factories were started at Petersburg in 1810 and at Win- 
chester in 181 1. 17 

The editor of The Minerva was quite interested in the effort 
made in Richmond to promote the establishment of a cotton 
factory and published in full the activities of the meeting. 
The governor of Virginia served as the chairman, and the 
group resolved to establish cotton mills in order to free the 
state from dependence upon European powers who were 
ignoring the rights of neutrals. Stating in their resolution that 
"it is highly expedient, that the people of these United States 
should rely upon those internal resources with which they 
are so amply supplied," the members of the committee agreed 
to be present at a meeting on July 4 and would "as far as 
practicable, appear clothed in articles of the Manufacture of 
Virginia, or of some one of the United States/' 18 

The outbreak of the war with Britain had introduced a 
sense of urgency into the issue of North Carolina's need for 
manufacturing. In 1813 a group of citizens of Hillsborough 
and Orange County, North Carolina, held an organizational 
meeting "for the purpose of establishing a COTTON and 
WOLLEN FACTORY in the town of Hillsborough, or its 
vicinity. . . ." The proposed company was to be a joint stock 
enterprise with at least one hundred shares valued at twenty- 
five dollars each, and its officers were to be elected as soon as 

16 DeBow's Review (New Orleans, La.), XXVIII (February, 1860), 187- 
188, hereinafter cited DeBow's Review. 

17 National Intelligencer (Washington, D.C.), June 18, 1811, hereinafter 
cited National Intelligencer; The Maryland Gazette (Annapolis), January 
31, 1810. 

18 The Minerva (Raleigh), June 9, 1808. This newspaper appeared under 
several titles such as The Minerva, North Carolina Minerva and Raleigh 
Advertiser, and The Raleigh Minerva. 

22 The North Carolina Historical Review 

a minimum amount of capital was in hand. Adopting the name 
The Hillsborough Manufacturing Company, the stockholders 
drew up company rules providing "for one share, and not 
more than two shares, one vote; for every two shares above 
two, and not exceeding ten shares, one vote . . ." with a pro- 
portional decline in voting powers as the number of shares 
held increased. The gentlemen who organized this company 
came from several different parts of North Carolina, 19 but 
perhaps the most significant leader of the group was Michael 
Holt, father of Edwin Holt who later was the cotton mill pro- 
moter of Alamance County. There is no indication that this 
company ever went beyond the organizational stage, and 
this may well account for Michael Holt's desire in the 1830's 
to discourage his son from a similar enterprise at a time when 
conditions seemed even less propitious for success in this 
field. 20 

The motives for founding the four cotton mills in North 
Carolina before 1830 are not difficult to discover. In convert- 
ing raw cotton into cloth the most laborious step is carding 
the cotton and spinning the yarn which was then woven on 
hand looms. Much of the time consumed in making cloth 
could be saved by purchasing yarn at the local store. It seems 
only natural then that the first mills were built by the men 
who wanted most to meet this demand for yarn— the mer- 
chants of town and crossroad stores. The first cotton mills 
in the state were begun as another adjunct to a general store 
that probably already operated a grist mill and tanning yard 
on the premises. The merchant sold the yarn in his store, and 

19 The Raleigh Minerva, June 18, 1813. "John Umstead, Ch. John Taylor, 
Jr., Sec. Subscription books shall be lodged in the hands of the following 
gentlemen, viz. James Mebane, John Craig, Michael Holt, and Duncan 
Cameron, Esq'rs of Orange; Frederick Nash, Wm. Whitted and John 
Taylor, Jr. of Hillsborough; Edward Jones and John J. Alston, Esq'rs of 
Chatham; Samuel Ashe of Halifax; Col. Sam'l Ashe of New Hanover; 
Alex Murphey, Esq., Caswell; Col. R. Atkinson, Person; Joseph Gales of 
Raleigh; Wm. M. Sneed, Esq., Granville; A. McBryde, Esq. of Moore; 
Gen. Alex Grey, of Randolph; Hance McCain, Esq. Guilford; and Wm. 
B. Grove, Esq. of Fayetteville, for the purpose of giving an opportunity 
of subscribing to all those who may wish to be concerned." 

20 Edwin Michael Holt, Diary, June 8, 1846, Southern Historical Collec- 
tion, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, hereinafter cited as Holt, 

The Cotton Textile Industry 23 

if his milling operations were successful, he would send bales 
of the yarn by wagon to stores in nearby settlements. 21 

Ante-bellum cotton mills in North Carolina were generally 
located in rural areas of the Piedmont section, and often the 
mills and their 'stores became local social centers, while the 
merchant owners were frequently the most civic-minded men 
of the county. 22 These mills became the setting for many 
political meetings, as the county people gathered to memori- 
alize the legislature to pass bills they desired or to protest the 
passage of bills they disapproved. 23 

The first mill of any permanence in North Carolina was 
that of Michael Schenck of Lincoln County in the Piedmont 
section of the state near the South Carolina state line. Here 
the typical meeting place developed and here emerged the 
pattern of growth through which many mills would soon 
evolve. Already a successful merchant of the county, in 1814 
Schenck began his cotton mill by ordering spindle machinery 
from Providence, Rhode Island, and having the gears and 
shafting made in a local iron forge by his son-in-law Absolom 
Warlick and Michael Beam, two skilled iron workers of the 
community. Schenck's first mill was located about one and 
one-half miles from Lincolnton on Mill Branch, but after the 
first dam was swept away by a flood in 1816, the mill was 
moved downstream and reopened. Soon the enterprise was 
prosperous enough to attract additional investors, and the 
capital furnished by John Hoke and Dr. James Bevens in 1819 
was spent on new machinery and a new building on the south 
fork of the Catawba River, two miles south of Lincolnton. The 
rechristened Lincoln Cotton Factory operated machinery, 
variously estimated at between 1,284 to 3,000 spindles, for 
the production of coarse yarn, which by 1840 was valued at 
$21,373 annually. Although its yarn was sold throughout an 

21 Holt, Diary, March 4, 1845; William Turner to George W. Johnson, 
May 14, 1836, in George W. Johnson Papers, Flowers Collection, Duke 
University; The Greensboro Patriot, February 18, 1843. 

22 This seems to have been generally true in all parts of North Carolina. 
Among these owners were Charles P. Mallet of Fayetteville, John M. 
Morehead of Leaksville, Henry Humphreys and Charles Benbow of Greens- 
boro, and the Trolingers, Gants, and Holts of Orange County. The Raleigh 
Register and North Carolina Gazette, July 16, 1838; April 18, 1849, here- 
inafter cited as Raleigh Register. 

23 Holt, Diary, passim; Raleigh Register, June 1, 8, 1839. 

24 The North Carolina Historical Review 

area of a one hundred mile radius of the mill, lack of addi- 
tional capital kept this first mill relatively small until after 
the Civil War. 24 However, when a superintendent from 
Lowell, Massachusetts, was placed in charge of the company 
in the late 1840's, an industrial community sprang up near the 
mill. A blacksmith shop, producing iron bedsteads and axes, a 
brass foundry, a cotton gin, and a shingle factory were built 
around the inevitable large dry- goods store and brought 
prosperity to the company. 25 

While the western edge of the Piedmont was experiencing 
this embryonic development of the cotton textile industry, 
there were other primal stirrings at the eastern edge. In 1817 
Henry A. Donaldson, a New England manufacturer, immi- 
grated from Rhode Island expressly to establish a cotton mill, 
and indeed by 1830 this talented organizer had been instru- 
mental in the incorporation or operation of three of the four 
cotton mills built in North Carolina before 1830. 26 Soon after 
his arrival in the state, Donaldson met Joel Battle, a wealthy 
and energetic planter of Edgecombe County. Battle owned 
a flourishing flour and grist mill on the Tar River and had 
accumulated $25,000 in capital with which he wished to con- 
struct a cotton mill. The combination of Donaldson's technical 
skill and Battle's available capital led to the organization in 
1817 of the Rocky Mount Mills at the falls of the Tar River 
in Nash County. Donaldson went to Rhode Island, purchased 
machinery, supervised its installation and taught the slaves 
secured by Colonel Battle to operate it. 27 Equipped with two 
thousand spindles, this early factory produced throughout 
the 1820's a daily allotment of twelve to fifteen hundred 
pounds of coarse cotton yarn, packaged in five pound skeins 
for the local market. 28 It was the early career of this mill that 

34 David Schenck, Historical Sketch of the Schenck and Bevins Families 
(Greensboro, 1884), 14-16; William L. Sherrill, Annals of Lincoln County 
North Carolina (Charlotte, 1937), 83, 102; Michael Schenck Papers, De- 
partment of Archives and History, Raleigh. 

25 Carolina Republican (Lincolnton), April 10, 1849; April 3, 1851. 

2e Niles' Weekly Register (Baltimore, Md.), XXVII (February 5, 1825), 
352, hereinafter cited as Niles' Weekly Register. 

27 Raleigh Register, December 17, 1833; September 23, 1834. 

28 The Rocky Mount Mill in the 1820's was also sending shipments of 
cotton goods to the markets of New York, Philadelphia and Boston and 
in 1828 sent one shipment of twenty bales to New York alone. Niles' 
Weekly Register, XXIV (May 10, 1828), 175, citing the Tarborough Free 

The Cotton Textile Industry 25 

prompted magazine editor Hezekiah Niles to express the hope 
in 1828 that the South would soon "join in the scuffle" with 
the North to satisfy the demands of the domestic cotton 
market. 29 

Although the early years of the Rocky Mount Manufactur- 
ing Company do not seem to have been ones of unalloyed 
success, by 1833 the mill was apparently booming. In that year 
Colonel Battle advertised in a Raleigh newspaper, "After 
struggling for fifteen years against the most adverse circum- 
stances, the cotton factory at the Falls of the Tar River is in a 
state of successful operation." He called upon all patriotic 
citizens to support what he termed "the oldest Cotton Factory 
in North Carolina." 30 

The "state of successful operation" that the mill had reached 
by 1833 was probably the result of hiring a trained cotton mill 
superintendent from Massachusetts in 1830 and making him 
another partner in the factory. John Parker brought new ma- 
chinery with him and apparently did such a thorough job in 
teaching the slaves and Colonel Battle and his son William the 
operation of the mill that the Battles felt secure enough to buy 
out his partnership in 1833, as they did the partnership of the 
errant Henry Donaldson the same year. 31 

Joel Battle retired in 1839, and the young William had 
ambitious plans for the Rocky Mount Manufacturing Com- 
pany. He sold the family's turpentine holdings along the coast 
and persuaded several other planters to join him in recapital- 
izing the mill for $500,000, which would have made it one of 
the largest in the South. But in 1839 the price of cotton rose 
two cents a pound, and the eager planters invested their 
money instead in more cotton lands and slaves. The mill con- 
tinued to operate on its $50,000 capitalization until 1860, and 
the yarn it produced above the local demand was occasionally 

29 iV^es' Weekly Register, XXXIV (May 10, 1828), 175. 

80 Raleigh Register, August 20, 1833; December 31, 1833. This may have 
been a case of trying to secure the patronage of a wider market by equivo- 
cation, for Battle had been sufficiently successful by 1828 to be joined by 
a group of investors who tried to raise $100,000 for a cotton factory in 
Edgecombe County. Acts Passed by the General Assembly of the State 
of North Carolina, 1828-1829 (Raleigh, 1829), 39, hereinafter cited as 
Acts Passed by the General Assembly, 1828-1829. 

31 Raleigh Register, September 23, 1834; July 28, 1835; Niles' Weekly 
Register, XXVII (February 5, 1825), 352; XXX (July 1, 1826), 321. 

26 The North Carolina Historical Review 

shipped to New York and Philadelphia. After its successful 
operation during part of the war years, the mill was destroyed 
by a calvary raid from New Bern in 1863. The Daily Journal 
of Wilmington carried a series of four feature articles on the 
Rocky Mount Mills after the war, three in 1867 and another 
in 1869: 

The Federals visited this place during the war — in 1863, I 
believe — and cavorted around considerably. They tore up the 
track, burnt the depot, burnt Battle's Cotton Factory and mills, 
at the falls, and appropriated all the hams, niggers, jewelry and 
chickens they could carry off. . . . After their destruction the 
third year of the war, nothing was done toward rebuilding . . . 
these valuable and important works. . . , 32 

Perhaps the "adverse circumstances" of the Battle mill in 
the 1820's were a result of Henry Donaldson's interests having 
wandered afield from the growing Rocky Mount community. 
While retaining his partnership in the first mill, Donaldson 
had joined forces with an industrially-minded North Caro- 
linian, George McNeil, and together they constructed the first 
of many mills that were to make Fayetteville an important 
urban textile center of the ante-bellum South. Their choice 
of location was a wise one, for Fayetteville had already be- 
come a thriving cotton trading center. It was the transfer 
point for cotton brought from the farms by wagon to the 
river boats that would carry it to Wilmington for shipment 
to England and the North. 38 

The Fayetteville mill was completed in 1825, and although 
an article in Niles' Register described it as "capable of con- 
taining 10,000 spindles," it probably contained closer to the 
1,200 in Joel Battle's mill since each was capitalized at 
$50,000. Like Battle's, this mill employed slave labor until the 
late 1830's. Despite the apparent success of this factory, 
Donaldson and McNeil sold the property in 1834 to the owner 

32 The Daily Journal (Wilmington), May 14, 1867; July 12, 1867. 

33 Niles' Weekly Register, XXXII (April 21, 1837), 131, XXXV (October 

11, 1828), 97. This river traffic continued throughout the ante-bellum 
period. In 1853 nine steamers and twenty-two barges operated between 
the two river ports. DeBow's Review, XIV (June, 1853), 611-612. 

The Cotton Textile Industry 27 

of the fourth and last cotton mill built in the state before 
1830, Henry Humphreys of Greensboro. 34 

First built in 1818, Humphrey's Mount Hecla Mill had 
two distinct periods of operation, the first from 1818 to about 
1825 and a second and more prosperous period after 1830 
when plans were made for the use of steam power. The origi- 
nal mill was built on a stream outside Greensboro and em- 
ployed the waterpower of a dam Humphreys had constructed 
earlier to operate a grist mill. The first frame structure ap- 
parently excited little interest in the 1820's, for it was listed 
in a newspaper article as merely "one of the four mills in the 
state. " But from this humble start, the second largest mill in 
ante-bellum North Carolina soon developed. 35 

In North Carolina the establishment of four modest mills 
was a comparatively small beginning for the years preceding 
1830, during which the New England textile industry seemed 
to blossom overnight into full flower. Yet there are compelling 
reasons why the South and North took divergent paths. New 
England's commercial prosperity passed away rapidly with 
the War of 1812, and her only recourse was to industrial ex- 
pansion. The South, however, was on the eve of a boom era 
of cotton planting for geographic and climatic conditions mili- 
tated in favor of exclusively agricultural pursuits. North Car- 
olina, with an area almost as large as all the New England 
states combined, possessed an infinitely superior soil and 
climate, and the growth of cotton, rather than the manufac- 
ture of textiles, seemed to offer the natural road to prosperity. 

The correspondence, diaries, and ledgers of the ante-bellum 
mill owners give ample and repeated reasons why men of 
prudence might well hesitate to embark on the money-con- 
suming scheme of cotton manufacturing, in which many 
failed and few became wealthy. The chief factors working 
against cotton mill expansion in the state were the high price 
and great demand for raw cotton until 1824, the inadequacy 
and expense of transportation in the state which limited the 
market for the mills' products, the shortage of capital among 

34 Raleigh Register; September 23, 1834; Niles' Weekly Register, XXVII 
(February 5, 1825), 352. 

35 Niles* Weekly Register, XXX (July 1, 1826), 321, citing The Newbern 
Spectator and Literary Journal. 

28 The North Carolina Historical Review 

men long accustomed to investing all profits in more land and 
slaves and the lack of managerial experience by even the 
ambitious and willing. 36 

The philosophic atmosphere created by the major planters 
and by their economic satellites was not conducive to the 
establishment of industry in the period before 1830, and 
any support planters gave was seldom more than grudging 
throughout the period before the Civil War. North Carolina 
landholders might be persuaded to adopt temporarily any ex- 
pedient, even manufacturing, to revive declining farm reve- 
nues, but whenever there was a slight increase in the price of 
cotton they would revert to the old patterns of plantation in- 
vestments. Writing in 1848, a Salisbury editor recalled quite 
clearly that throughout the 1820's and early 1830's "manu- 
factures were so odious" that planters or any gentleman 
scoffed at the idea of investing in cotton mills. 37 J. D. B. 
DeBow well understood the deep-seated prejudice against 
manufacturing held by men "accustomed to the respectable 
gaining of wealth from the land." The New Orleans editor 
wrote of the damage done in 1835 by Nathaniel Macon, one 
of the most respected and venerable citizens of the state, who 
declared in a speech in Raleigh that North Carolina would 
never become a commercial state. 38 Before this feeling even 
slightly abated during the mill building era of the 1840's, 
many such editorial cries as this from the Raleigh Register 
in 1833 would be heard. "Away then you people of the South 
with an ill-founded prejudice, which stands in the way of 
your prosperity, and open your eyes to your true interest." 39 

Many early efforts to construct profitable cotton mills did 
not meet with a sufficient degree of success to encourage other 
investors to put their capital in similar ventures. Recognizing 
this fact, one mill owner wrote to a merchant that the dry 
weather of North Carolina summers created such hardship 

88 Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, (New York), XV (October, 1846), 380; 
(November, 1849), 496-497; DeBow' s Review, XXXVI (January, 1867), 
90; William Turner to George W. Johnson, May 14, 1836, George W. Johnson 
Papers, Flowers Collection, Duke University. 

37 The Carolina Watchman (Salisbury), May 18, 1848. 

^DeBow's Review, XXXVI (January, 1867), 90. 

89 Raleigh Register, December 17, 1833. 

The Cotton Textile Industry 29 

for grist and saw mill operators that he was not surprised 
that so few people built cotton mills. 40 Yet despite the failure 
of several early cotton mills and the sometime indifferent 
success of those that continued to operate, the enthusiasm of 
a few determined North Carolinians and the effects of an 
agricultural depression presaged a period of active mill build- 
ing in the years after 1830. 

Under the pressure of declining farm prices in the 1820s 
and the ensuing unrest in western North Carolina, the legis- 
lature began seeking means for stemming the growing tide of 
emigration and for making the state prosperous again by 
encouraging both diversified agriculture and industry. To 
investigate the possibility of more widespread construction 
of woolen and cotton mills in the state, the General Assembly 
established a select committee under the chairmanship of 
Charles Fisher of Rowan County, who was an ardent advo- 
cate of this program. 41 

After conducting a series of public hearings and listening 
to experienced local manufacturers, 42 the committee present- 
ed an exhaustive report for the consideration of the legisla- 
ture. The report dealt with many facets of the problem and 
enumerated the obvious advantages that would accrue to 
North Carolina by the introduction of manufactures. The 
committee foresaw the widespread ramifications that such a 
plan would have in presenting new economic opportunity to 
the poor, in encouraging and reviving agriculture, and in 
introducing general prosperity to all North Carolinians. 

The Fisher committee believed that the citizens of North 
Carolina must determine to divert a part of their labor and 
efforts to other pursuits than agriculture or face ruin as a com- 
munity. The depressed state of cotton prices had caused a 
decline in property values and resulted in such a shortage of 
money that existing farm debts were comparatively double 
their actual figure. The competition in the world market for 
cotton was keener than ever before as new areas of production 
were opened in Greece, Egypt, India, and South America. 

40 William Davidson to William H. Horok, July 14, 1832, William H. Horok 
Papers, Flowers Collection, Duke University. 

"Acts Passed by the General Assembly, 1828-1829, 78. 
** Raleigh Register, March 18, 1828. 

30 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Competition from farmers on the new rich lands of the south- 
west was even more pressing, for they were now able to raise 
more cotton at less expense. The crisis facing agricultural in- 
terests thus appeared acute. Unless North Carolina cotton 
growers could create a greater local demand, many planters 
would be driven from its production by low prices. 

As part of its attempt toward a solution of the state's prob- 
lems, the committee pointed out that, although North Caro- 
lina had all the facilities for manufacturing, the people ig- 
nored these and purchased millions of dollars worth of foreign 
articles manufactured of materials exported from the state. 
There was no reason why increased manufacturing could not 
supply many more of the consumers' demands at home. An- 
nual cotton production of North Carolina in 1828 was eighty 
thousand bales valued at two and a half million dollars. The 
committee believed that if the entire crop were manufactured 
locally the income of the residents of the state would be 

increased bv some seven million dollars and make a total 


annual income of ten million dollars from cotton alone. Only 
by a marked increase in the domestic manufacture of cotton 
could its full value be restored. "As it is now, we lose it, and 
the profits are enjoyed by Old and New England." 43 

With cautious optimism the Fisher committee advanced a 
plan for diversifying the state's economy. The introduction of 
manufactures would 

. . . build up flourishing villages in the interior of our State, 
and improve not only the physical but the moral and intellectual 
condition of our citizens. . . . But it may be asked are the circum- 
stances of our state such as to render practicable the intro- 
duction of the system among us? The hand of nature itself 
seems to point out North Carolina as a region of country well 
adapted to manufactories. Cut off from the ocean by a sand 
bound coast, her rivers filled with shoals and obstructions along 
the whole extent, and their mouths inaccessible to large vessels, 
she can never be greatly commercial. On the other hand, her 

43 Charles Fisher, "A Report on the Establishment of Cotton and Woolen 
Manufactures and on the Growing of Wool," Legislative Papers, 1828. 
North Carolina Department of Archives and History, Raleigh, hereinafter 
cited as Fisher, "Report." 

The Cotton Textile Industry 31 

climate and soil are equal to those of any of her sister states, and 
she abounds with all the facilities necessary to the manufactur- 
ing arts. 44 

The committee's report analyzed each of several elements 
necessary for "sustaining manufacturing establishments" and 
pointed out their application to the natural situation of North 
Carolina. With an abundant supply of local cotton available, 
savings on transportation to other markets was estimated at 
twenty-five per cent of the total cost of finished cloth. The 
southern manufacturer gained an advantage in having the 
cotton fresh from the seed, which was the best time for it to 
be spun, and he would save the cost of bagging, roping, and 
waste, estimated by Henry Donaldson, the Rocky Mount 
manufacturer, to be ten per cent of raw material costs of the 
northern and European manufacturer. Abundant water 
power, a mild and healthful climate, inexpensive food for 
workers, and a convenient home market would assure the 
prosperity of new mills. 

This unique and significant report on southern industrial 
potential concluded: 

The Committee have thus, at greater length than they could 
wish, presented their views on the policy of introducing the 
Manufacturing System into North Carolina. They firmly believe 
that it is the only course that will relieve our people from the 
evils that now so heavily press on them. They have nearly 
reached the lowest point of depression, and it is time for the 
reaction to begin. Our habits and prejudices are against manu- 
facturing, but we must yield to the force of things, and profit 
by the indications of nature. The policy that resists the change, 
is unwise and suicidal. Nothing else can restore us. 

Let the Manufacturing System take root among us, and it 
will soon flourish like a vigorous plant in its native soil! It will 
become our greatest means of wealth and prosperity; it will 
change the course of trade, and, in great measure, make us 
independent of Europe and the North. 

Nature has made us far more independent of them then they 
are of us. They can manufacture our raw material, but they 
cannot produce it. We can raise it and manufacture it too. Such 
are our superior advantages, that we may anticipate the time, 
when the manufactured articles of the South will be shipped 

Fisher, "Report." 

32 The North Carolina Historical Review 

North, and sold in their markets cheaper than their own fabrics, 
and then the course of trade and difference of exchange will turn 
in our favor. The committee, at this time, are not aware that it 
is within the powers of this General Assembly, by any act, to 
forward the introduction of the system into North Carolina. 
They however recommend the granting of acts of incorporation 
to companies for manufacturing purposes as often as suitable 
applications may be made. 45 

The insight shown in this statement influenced the govern- 
ing body of North Carolina to take its first notice of an issue 
of overwhelming importance to its citizens. Niles' Register 
wholeheartedly endorsed this valuable report and expressed 
the wish that it would receive wide circulation and be seri- 
ously considered by North Carolinians, for the great natural 
resources of the state should be used for the general welfare. 
"With the growth of manufacturers, causing the circulation 
of much money, will cease the present rickety state of banks, 
and rather render North Carolina a creditor than a debtor 
state, in her domestic and foreign commerce," Niles urged 
North Carolinians to take advantage of the highly protective 
Tariff of 1828 and secure the benefits anticipated from the 
American System, "and buffet the Northern manufacturer 
with their own weapons." 46 

The circulation of the Fisher report by the newspapers of 
the state excited editorial approval and stimulated reader 
interest in a program of cotton industry for the state. The 
reorganization of the Mt. Hecla Mill of Greensboro, begun 
during this period, was hailed as a forward step. 47 John M. 
Morehead, who had extensive investments in manufactures 
at Leaksville, became an ardent supporter of the report and 
within ten years built a successful pioneer cotton mill. 48 
Charles Fisher and John Morehead were among the foremost 
promoters of a progressive program of industrial, agricultural, 
and educational improvement in North Carolina, and from 
them the cotton textile industry in this formative stage re- 

45 Fisher, "Report." 

"Mies' Weekly Register, XXXIII (January 19, 1828), 346; XXXIV 
(May 10, 1828), 175. 

47 National Intelligencer, May 3, 1828. 

48 Burton J. Konkle, John Motley Morehead and the Development of 
North Carolina, 1796-1866 (Philadelphia, 1922), 103. 

The Cotton Textile Industry 33 

ceived incalculable assistance in its permanent establishment. 

The year 1828 saw attempts to establish five cotton manu- 
facturing companies. 49 The Leaks and Crawfords were given 
a charter for the Richmond-Rockingham Company at Rock- 
ingham, and the Randolph Manufacturing Company was in- 
corporated by Hugh McCain, Jesse Walker, Benjamin Elliot, 
and Jonathan Worth. A charter for the Belfort Cotton Manu- 
facturing Company was issued to W. A. Blount, John Myers, 
and William Ellison, while Henry A. Donaldson and a group 
of prominent residents of Fayetteville secured the fourth 
charter of 1828 for a cotton factory in that city. In Edgecombe 
County Joel Battle and a large group of investors organized 
the Edgecombe Manufacturing Company. These five pro- 
jected cotton factories were capitalized at a total of $350,000 
and were given the right to manufacture a variety of fibers 
—cotton, wool, flax, and hemp. Despite the wave of editorial 
enthusiasm in 1828, the incorporators apparently had consid- 
erable difficulty in raising the necessary capital, for there is 
no evidence that any carried their ideas to fruition before 
the middle 1830's. 

Thus the cotton mill campaign begun by Charles Fisher 
and endorsed by newspapers throughout the state has con- 
tinued to the present day, a century and a quarter later. Al- 
though its momentum faltered under the impact of the sec- 
tional crisis of the fifties and suffered during the lethargic 
years induced by defeat and radical Reconstruction, even in 
these periods new cotton mills were built, old ones modern- 
ized, and still others projected. 

Born of crisis and necessity, these early industrial plants 
were truly pioneers, and their existence was far from assured 
in the critical years ahead. Perhaps their greatest service was 
merely offering proof by their existence that cotton manu- 
facturing was practical in North Carolina, but only new 
problems in the 1830's would stimulate mass momentum in 
the cotton mill movement. 

The years 1828-1830 mark the turning point for North 
Carolina's industrial future. With both encouraging and dis- 
couraging signs on the eve of a new era, the work yet to be 


Acts Passed by the General Assembly, 1828-1829, 39, 41, 46, 59, 60, 65. 

34 The North Carolina Historical Review 

done for the success of this new type of enterprise was the 
challenge facing advocates of industry in a traditionally agri- 
cultural state. 


Cotton Mills Projected and Built in 
North Carolina, 1800-1830 

Beam Cotton Factory, Lincoln County x 1804* 

Moravian Cotton Mills, Salem 2 1808* 

Planters' Cotton Mill, Coastal Plain 3 1811* 

Hillsborough Manufacturing Company, Hillsboro 4 1813* 

Lincolnton Cotton Factory, Lincolnton 5 1813 

Rocky Mount Mills, Rocky Mount 6 1817 

Mount Hecla Mill, Greensborough 7 1818-1822 

Reorganized and enlarged 1828-1830 

Moved to Lincoln County 1848 

McNeil and Donaldson Mill, Fayetteville 8 1825 
Richmond-Rockingham Manufacturing Company, 

Rockingham 9 1828** 

* Cotton mills that probably did not progress beyond the organizational 

** Mills that were not completed until after 1830. 

1 Daily Charlotte Observer, October 9, 1881, quoting The Aurora (Shelby). 

2 Adelaide L. Fries, ed., Records of the Moravians in North Carolina 
(Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton, 8 volumes, 1922-1954), VI, 2929. 

3 Hugh Williamson, The History of North Carolina (Philadelphia: 
Thomas Dobson, 2 volumes, 1812), II, 221. 

* The Raleigh Minerva, June 18, 1813. 

5 Michael Schenck Papers, North Carolina Department of Archives and 
History, Raleigh; David Schenck, Historical Sketch of the Schenck and 
Bevens Families (Greensboro: Thomas, Reece & Company, 1884), 14-16. 

*Niles' Weekly Register, XXVII (February 5, 1825), 352; XXXIV (May 
10, 1828), 175. 

7 Niles' Weekly Register, XXX (July 1, 1826), 321; Raleigh Register, 
July 5, 1836; The Carolina Watchman (Salisbury), March 29, 1849. 

*Niles' Weekly Register, XXVII (February 5, 1925), 352; Raleigh 
Register, September 23, 1834. 

9 Burton J. Konkle, John Motley Morehead and the Development of North 
Carolina, 1796-1866 (Philadelphia: William J. Campbell, 1922), 103. 

The Cotton Textile Industry 35 

Randolph Manufacturing Company, Randolph County 10 1828** 
Belfort Cotton Manufacturing Company, 

Fayetteville n 1828** 

Fayetteville Manufacturing Company, Fayetteville 12 1828** 

Edgecombe Manufacturing Company, Rocky Mount 13 1828** 

[To be continued] 

10 Raleigh Register, July 16, 1838. 

11 Acts Passed by the General Assembly, 1828-1829, 39, 41. 

M Acts Passed by the General Assembly, 1828-1829, 46, 59; Raleigh Regis- 
ter, December 17, 1833; September 23, 1834. 

13 Acts Passed by the General Assembly, 1828-1829, 60, 65; Raleigh Regis- 
ter, August 20, 1833. 


By Fannie Memory Blackwelder 

Though the present North Carolina Bar Association dates 
only from 1899, the roots of the organization are to be found 
some fifteen years earlier. In July, 1884, the editor of the 
Asheville Citizen commented on the first annual meeting of 
the Bar Association of Western North Carolina, which had 
been held in Asheville on July 9. The editor made it known 
that his paper was in sympathy with the aims of the Associa- 
tion when he wrote, "If made to embrace the entire profes- 
sion of the State, we regard it as capable of becoming one 
of the most useful, as well as potential agencies for the 
welfare of the commonwealth." He continued by mentioning 
the growth which was occurring in North Carolina and by 
indicating the necessity for new laws to meet changed con- 
ditions. The legal profession was the group to lead in these 
changes. Such an organization as that meeting in Asheville 
could do much to insure the speedy administration of justice. 
"To nobody can we look with more propriety for measures 
to correct . . . [abuses] than members of the Bar, 5 ' wrote 
the editor. 1 

Whether or not the Asheville meeting inspired a committee 
of Raleigh lawyers to act in 1885 is only a matter of surmise. 
T. M. Argo, J. B. Batchelor, D. G. Fowle, T. C. Fuller, and 
R. H. Battle, all of Raleigh, issued a call to lawyers of the 
state inviting them to a meeting in the capital city on Jan- 
uary 28 at noon. The call, issued January 8, 1885, stated that 
the lawyers should study imperfections in the judicial system 
of the state and should come together to make "common 
stock of our information and experience. . . ." It emphasized 
the need of the support of a large number of lawyers and of 
the most experienced in the profession if the plan was to be 

1 Asheville Citizen, July 17, 1884. See also Edwin Godwin Reade, Address 
Delivered by the Hon. Edwin Godwin Reade, LL.D., before the Convention 
of the Legal Profession of North Carolina, at Asheville, N. C, July 9, 1884 
(Raleigh, 1884), 1-16. 


North Carolina Bar Association 37 

successful. 2 The men who issued the call were themselves 
leaders of the profession. For example, Argo was described 
by the editor of the Raleigh News and Observer as "brilliant 
and original to a degree that made him easily the foremost 
man as an advocate at the Raleigh bar." 3 Fuller, a notable 
trial lawyer, served as associate judge of the United States 
Court of Private Land Claims from 1891 until his death in 
1901. Fowle was a judge of the North Carolina Superior 
Court and was later chosen governor of the state. 4 Battle 
was described as a "laborious and painstaking" lawyer, accu- 
rate in his knowledge of the law and eminent in his profes- 
sion. 5 Batchelor, attorney general of North Carolina in 1885, 
was an "able and fearless lawyer. . . ." 6 

The lawyers who responded to the call met in the Raleigh 
courthouse on January 28, with representatives of the nine 
judicial districts present. Argo, chairman of the committee, 
read the call and address and moved that J. J. Davis be made 
temporary chairman. Davis was elected to the position; B. F. 
Long and Samuel A. Ashe were made secretaries. 7 The first 
point of business was the appointment of a committee, one 
member from each district and six from the state at large, 
to which suggestions could be referred. 8 

John W. Hinsdale moved that the temporary organization 
be made the permanent one, a motion which was carried. 
Davis was thus made president of the organization for the 
year 1885. The News and Observers account stated that 
"Mr. Davis in a few well chosen words said he would under- 
take any duty that the bar might desire to impose upon him. 

2 Constitution and By-Laws of the North Carolina Bar Association, To- 
gether with the Proceedings of a Convention of the Bar of the State, Held 
in Raleigh, the 28th of January, 1885 (Raleigh, 1885), 3, hereinafter cited 
Proceedings of January, 1885. 

8 The News and Observer (Raleigh), January 15, 1909, hereinafter cited 
The News and Observer. 

4 Ernest Haywood, Some Notes in Regard to the Eminent Lawyers Whose 
Portraits Adorn the Walls of the Superior Court Room at Raleigh, North 
Carolina (n. p., 1936), 10-11. 

6 Samuel A'Court Ashe and others (eds.), Biographical History of North 
Carolina (Greensboro, 1905-1917), VI, 41. 

6 J. Crawford Biggs (ed.), Report of the Fifth Annual Meeting of the 
North Carolina Bar Association held at Morehead City, N. C, July 1, 2, 8, 
1903 (Durham, 1903), 71-72, hereinafter cited Biggs, Bar Report, 1903. 

7 The News and Observer, January 29, 1885. 

8 Proceedings of January, 1885, 4. 


8 The North Carolina Historical Review 

He only wished that his capacity and experience were such 
as would enable him the better to serve the cause which 
the association had at heart." The organization voted to call 
itself "The North Carolina Bar Association." 9 

Several matters of business were discussed at this initial 
meeting. The Charlotte bar, at a meeting held January 24, 
had passed resolutions to be introduced at the Raleigh meet- 
ing. These dealt with the need of separating civil and crim- 
inal dockets in many counties and pointed out the fact that an 
increase in the number of superior court judges would not 
solve the problem. W. W. Peebles recommended the estab- 
lishment of courts of pleas and quarter sessions. 10 The subject 
of county courts evoked considerable discussion, J. B. Batch- 
elor speaking with "unusual eloquence" on the matter. 11 Still 
another resolution dealing with judicial improvement was 
introduced by R. H. Battle, who thought that judges should 
be appointed by the governor and his council, with ratifica- 
tion by the Senate, rather than a continuation of the elective 
system. 12 

In the evening session, the resolutions, which had been 
studied by the committee on the judicial system, were 
reported. The suggestions included the recommendation of a 
Constitutional amendment for appointment of judges by the 
governor and his council with Senate ratification, a Consti- 
tutional amendment to increase the number of judges of the 
Supreme Court to five, and an increase in the number of 
Superior Courts in the counties which needed additional 
facilities, with the provision that some terms be designated 
for civil cases only. The further recommendation was that 
the number of judges should be increased to fifteen. These 
resolutions were adopted. 13 

The adoption of these resolutions is evidence that the 
North Carolina Bar Association began by carrying out its 

9 The News and Observer, January 29, 1885. Davis was, in 1887, made 
associate justice of the North Carolina Supreme Court. See Robert Digges 
Wimberly Connor, North Carolina, Rebuilding an Ancient Commonwealth 
(Chicago, 1928), II, 436, hereinafter cited as Connor, North Carolina. 

10 Proceedings of January, 1885, 5-6. 

11 The News and Observer, January 29, 1885. 

12 Proceedings of January, 1885, 8. 
™ Proceedings of January, 1885, 10, 

North Carolina Bar Association 39 

object of improving the judicial system. It is doubtful that 
any direct results followed the adoption of the resolutions 
since the 1885 Association dissolved shortly. The object of 
the Association, as set forth in its constitution, was full of 
lofty ideals. It would endeavor to 

. . . cultivate the science of jurisprudence, to promote reform 
in the law, to facilitate the administration of justice, to elevate 
the standard of integrity, honor and courtesy in the legal pro- 
fession, to encourage a thorough and liberal legal education, 
and to cherish a spirit of brotherhood among the members 
thereof. 14 

Following a resolution of T. R. Purnell, a committee of 
nine had been appointed by the chairman to inquire into the 
propriety of a permanent bar association. The committee, 
including Purnell, Frank Vaughn, G. C. Lyon, J. S. Hender- 
son, B. F. Long, and W. H. Malone, was charged with the 
duty of drafting a constitution and plan of organization for 
the Association. The constitution, as adopted by the Associa- 
tion, provided for a president, vice president from each judi- 
cial district, and various committees. Any lawyer in good 
standing was eligible to membership, provided that he paid 
his dues and subscribed to the constitution. There was to be 
a committee on admissions. Meetings were to be held in Ra- 
leigh in July, 1885; all subsequent annual meetings were to 
be held at such place and time as the Association should 
determine by a three-fourths vote of members present. 15 

All was not work at the first meeting of the Bar in January 
of 1885. On the evening of the 28th the Raleigh bar enter- 
tained at the Yarborough Hotel. The News and Observer 
waxed eloquent in its description of the occasion: 

The gathering of legal luminaries was a notable one; so ex- 
cessively brilliant in fact that it looked as if half a dozen electric 
lights were in the dining room [.] There were eating and drink- 
ing and speeches galore. . . . The banquet was certainly a hand- 
some affair and very greatly enjoyed by the visitors and their 
hosts. The speeches were capital. 1(i 

14 Proceedings of January, 1885, 11. 

15 Proceedings of January, 1885, 9-13. 

18 The News and Observer, January 29, 1885. 

40 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Seventy-five attended the banquet. Unusual toasts, such as 
"Our Present Judicial System, and How it Should be Cor- 
rected," "Marriage License Fees, Ought They to be Re- 
duced?" were given, with proper responses. 

Samuel A. Ashe, editor of the Raleigh paper, wrote a long 
editorial on the organization of the Bar Association. In part, 
he said: 

The meeting of the North Carolina bar here . . . and the for- 
mation of the North Carolina Bar Association mark a step 
forward in the history of the State. In the olden time when the 
knights rode in their mailed armor and roamed the world in 
quest of adventure, their deeds alone were on the tongues of 
men and it was deemed unfit to sully the historic page with 
aught but a relation of their achievements on the tented field. 
Such were the uses of historic lore. But the olden time is gone 
and a new light breaking through the rift of the clouds illumines 
mankind and we see more on the face of God's earth than strong 
men seeking reputation at the cannon's mouth and vigilant and 
bold is the cause of destruction. We see the teeming millions 
. . . who live to elevate and ennoble mankind. It is of such now 
that history takes account, and so it has come to pass that 
"Peace hath her victories no less renowned than war," and the 
life of a people is studied while once only the daring deeds of 
the few were thought worthy of portrayal. 

Among recent events but few will exert a more notable influ- 
ence upon the people of North Carolina than the organization 
which has just been perfected. . . . The members of the bar are 
usually the foremost men in their respective communities and 
give tone to society while in some measure controlling and di- 
recting public sentiment. 

It is then of consequence that the bar should . . . possess 
every requirement necessary to preserve the confidence and es- 
teem of the people. Grave duties devolve upon the profession 
and in order to discharge them properly its reputation should 
be kept free from slurs and entirely unsmirched. It is one of the 
objects of the newborn association to protect the bar from the 
presence of unworthy men, to seek for it a higher standard of 
excellence, to enlarge its influence and maintain that popular 
confidence which its glorious history and achievements in behalf 
of constitutional liberty have so justly won for it. 17 

The editor's own phrase, "unusual eloquence" would be ap- 
propriate comment on his editorial! Ashe rambled on in a 


The News and Observer, January 29, 30, 1885. 

North Carolina Bar Association 41 

similar vein for several additional paragraphs, emphasizing 
the idea that the Bar Association and lawyers were a great 

Though the regular meeting of the Association was sched- 
uled for July, it was not held until October. 18 However, the 
idea of the Bar Association was in the minds of lawyers in 
the intervening months. For example, in March of 1885, 
Francis D. Winston, a Bertie County lawyer, wrote to Walter 
Clark, saying "You will please enter my name among the 
members of the State Bar Association." 19 By the time of the 
October meeting, 131 members had joined the group. 20 

The Association met in the Senate chamber in Raleigh on 
the evening of October 14, 1885. Judge Edwin Godwin 
Reade 21 was admitted without the formalities of the sanction 
of the Commitee on Admissions; he was immediately chosen 
president for the following year. Thomas M. Argo was elected 
secretary and W. J. Peele treasurer. 22 Retiring President 
Davis addressed the group, appealing to members to continue 
to adhere to high standards and praising lawyers as a group. 
Reade "made some eloquent remarks on taking the chair. 
He thanked the members for the honor and confidence 
shown, encouraging them to exhibit interest in whatever 
would elevate and purify the honorable profession to which 
they belonged, and expressing a willingness to contribute 
his aid in furtherance of so desirable an object." 25 

Various minor constitutional amendments were proposed 
and adopted. Officers having been elected, the Association 
adjourned subject to the call of the president and executive 
committee. 26 



™ Proceedings of January, 1885, 13. 

19 Aubrey Lee Brooks and Hugh Talmage Lefler (eds.), The Papers of 

Walter Clark (Chapel Hill, c. 1948), I, 222. 

20 Proceedings of the North Carolina Bar Association, at a Meeting Held 
in Raleigh, the ltfh of October, 1885 (Raleigh, 1886), 13-14, hereinafter 
cited Proceedings of October, 1885. 

21 Reade was elected associate justice of the North Carolina Supreme 
Court in 1885. See Connor, North Carolina, II, 274. 

22 Proceedings of October, 1885, 4. The News and Observer, October 15, 
1855, names Walter Clark as treasurer. From other references in the Bar 
reports, it is known that Peele was treasurer. 

23 Proceedings of October, 1885, 7-12. 

24 The News and Observer, October 15, 1885. 

28 Proceedings of October, 1885, 5. 

29 Proceedings of October, 1885, 6. 

42 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Why the Association was not called is not known. As 
The News and Observer put it, "for some reason or other 
it fell into inocuous [sic] desuetude." 2T Finally, February 9, 
1899, The News and Observer announced a meeting of 
lawyers to be held the following day to form a bar associa- 
tion. 28 J. Crawford Biggs, professor of law at the University 
of North Carolina, had decided that a legal organization was 
needed in the state, though there had been no talk among 
lawyers on the subject. While the legislature was in session, 
he went to Raleigh, approached lawyers in the legislature, 
and procured the signatures of attorneys from all over the 
state to a call which he had prepared. 29 The call was issued 
January 21, 1899, with the signatures of 62 interested law- 
yers. 30 Having taken the initiative it was natural for Biggs 
to become the father of the Association. The example of 
leadership was manifested by his father who was the moving 
spirit in the organization of the North Carolina Press Associa- 
tion. 31 Though the American Bar Association had been organ- 
ized in 1877, 32 there were no local city or county bar organi- 
zations; since the state association of 1885 had perished, 
Biggs felt that a formal organization would be of benefit to 
the legal profession, and, through its activities to improve 
the administration of justice, to the people of the state. 33 The 
need for such an association was not felt in old circuit riding 
days, before modern transportation, when the lawyers became 
acquainted as they traveled from court to court. By the 
twentieth century the "old companying together" had van- 
ished. 34 Though there was no active opposition to a bar 
association, there was much indifference. 35 

27 The News and Observer, June 28, 1901. 

28 The News and Observer, February 9, 1899. 

29 Interview with J. Crawford Biggs, Raleigh, June 29, 1950. 

30 J. H. Chadbourn, "The Activities of the North Carolina Bar Association 
in Stimulating Legislation," North Carolina Law Review, VIII (December, 
1929), 101, hereinafter cited Chadbourn, "Activities of the N. C. Bar 

31 R. C Lawrence, "The Family of Biggs," The State (Raleigh), X 
(February 6, 1943), 25. 

32 John L. Bridgers, "The American Bar Association," North Carolina 
Journal of Law, I (July, 1904), 335. 

33 Interview with J. Crawford Biggs, June 29, 1950. 

34 "The Bar Association," North Carolina Journal of Law, II (July, 1905), 

86 Interview with R. N. Simms, Sr., Raleigh, June 29, 1950. Mr. Simms 
was a member of the Bar Association in 1899. 

North Carolina Bar Association 43 

The Raleigh paper, announcing the meeting, said: 

There are many reasons why the organization of members of 
a learned profession is to be desired. It elevates the tone, gives 
a community of interest, and stimulates the whole membership. 

The lawyers in all ages have been in the fore-front of strug- 
gles for the preservation of liberty regulated by law. In North 
Carolina they have been the foremost leaders of the people from 
the days of Iredell. The profession never embraced so many able 
and learned men as now. Their organization for mutual good 
will not be confined to the membership, but will have a salutary 
influence upon the men of all callings. 36 

The call invited lawyers to a meeting in the Supreme Court 
room in Raleigh on February 10, 1899, at 7:30 p.m. J. Craw- 
ford Biggs called the meeting to order and asked J. B. Batch- 
elor, a Raleigh lawyer, to act as temporary chairman. Biggs 
was made temporary secretary. Charles W. Tillett of Char- 
lotte stated that the object of the meeting was to organize the 
bar of North Carolina into an association. 37 At the time of its 
organization, each lawyer in the state had acted for himself 
alone. The primary purpose of the formal organization was 
to foster good will among lawyers; work for improvements 
in the legal system, as by codification of the laws; and to 
create a feeling of fellowship among lawyers. The fraternal 
function was one of the main purposes of a bar association. 38 
Occasionally, the bar added another function by coming to 
the rescue of members in distress. For example, in 1901, an 
appeal was made for an attorney who had lost his library, 
papers, and other personal property in a flood. The recom- 
mendation was made that the organized bar help him. 39 

Biggs had prepared a constitution and by-laws. The sug- 
gestion was made that they be read at the February 10th 
meeting. William R. Allen, a Goldsboro attorney, indicated 

39 The News and Observer, February 10, 1899. 

87 Charter, Constitution, By-Laws and Proceedings of the Meeting of 
Organization of the North Carolina Bar Association, February 10, 1899 
(Chapel Hill, 1899), 1-2, hereinafter cited Proceedings of February, 1899. 

38 Interview with R. N. Simms, Sr., June 29, 1950. 

39 J. Crawford Biggs (ed), Report of the Third Annual Meeting of the 
North Carolina Bar Association, Held at Seashore Hotel, Wrightsville 
Beach, N. C, June 26, 27 and 28, 1901 (Durham, 1901), 24, hereinafter 
cited Biggs, Bar Report, 1901. 

44 The North Carolina Historical Review 

that the group should first see which lawyers intended to join. 
Another member wanted the group to hear the constitution 
and by-laws first, as no one would want to join without know- 
ing what sort of group he was supporting. This remark 
elicited from Tillett the observation that the lawyers were 
starting off with a suspicious attitude and that any member 
could withdraw if dissatisfied. 40 

A committee on permanent organization was appointed. 
The constitution was read by the secretary, and officers were 
suggested by the permanent organization committee. J. 
Crawford Biggs was made secretary and treasurer; as such, 
he was to receive the sum of $100.00 per year. 41 At the organ- 
ization of the new association, W. J. Peele, treasurer of the 
1885 association, reported that he had the sum of $80.00 from 
the group "which was organized a number of years ago and 
has gone down. ..." On the motion of T. M. Argo, members 
of the old organization who were present retired to discuss 
the relationship between the old and the new associations. 
The members of the 1885 group decided to dissolve that 
association, to turn over books, records, minutes and the 
$80.00 to the new group. 42 The News and Observer, com- 
menting on the $80.00 donation, stated that "This generous 
offer on the part of the members of the defunct association 
was received with thanks." 43 

Any white member of the bar of North Carolina was eli- 
gible to join the Bar Association. An admission fee of $5.00 
and annual dues of $2.50 was charged to members. 44 

Piatt D. Walker of Charlotte was chosen president; in ac- 
cepting the office, he was not modest in his statement of 
opinion as to the meaning of the presidency of such an organ- 
ization as the North Carolina Bar Association. His opinion 
that the "highest honor that can come to any man in North 
Carolina is die expression of confidence of the representatives 
of the bar of the State/' 45 is a bit astounding. 

40 Proceedings of February, 1899, 3. 
^Proceedings of February, 1899, 4, 10. 

42 Proceedings of February, 1899, 6-7. 

43 The News and Observer, February 11, 1899. 
"Proceedings of February, 1899, 9, 12. 

48 Proceedings of February, 1899, 5. 

North Carolina Bar Association 45 

At the meeting of the organization the bar agreed to have 
the secretary secure a charter of incorporation from the legis- 
lature, 46 a request which was carried out. 47 

Thus was the North Carolina Bar Association officially 
launched. J. Crawford Biggs probably deserves most of the 
credit for the beginning of the permanent organization; with- 
out his "painstaking and enthusiastic work" the Association 
would probably not have been born as early as 1899. 48 

The North Carolina Lata Journal, established in 1900, 
frequently exhorted lawyers to join their association. The 
editor wrote, "If the Association is to stand, it should stand 
as a Profession united." Again, Paul Jones, editor, wrote: 

... if previous efforts to establish and maintain a Bar Asso- 
ciation have failed of their purpose, we have much now to stim- 
ulate and give us courage. Let us not remember the former 
things, neither consider the things of old, but live and act in the 
present, and go intrepidly forward to the work that is before us 
with that kind of will and determination of which success is 
always the flower and the fruit. 49 

Thanks to the editorials of the Law Journal's editor and 
thanks to the efforts of the lawyers themselves, the Bar Asso- 
ciation has held regular meetings and has grown in member- 
ship from 1899 to the present. 

Big advertisements in The Netos and Observer in the first 
week of July, 1899, announced that the Atlantic Hotel in 
Morehead City would give special rates to all members of the 
Bar Association who attended the first annual meeting. 50 The 
meeting opened on July 5th, at 10:30 p.m. F. H. Busbee of 
Raleigh, chairman of the Executive Committee, called the 
meeting to order and the president, Piatt D. Walker, was 
introduced. Walker very sagely announced that "Owing to 
the late hour of the night, and to the fact that the train is 
late . . ." the Executive Committee had recommended that 

48 The News and Observer, February 11, 1899. 

47 See Proceedings of February, 1899, 26-29 for the charter of incorpora- 

48 "James Crawford Biggs," North Carolina Law Journal, II (October, 
[1901]), 175. 

49 "The State Bar Association," North Carolina Law Journal, I (March 
[1900]), 5-6. 

The News and Observer, July 4, 5, and 6, 1899. 


46 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the night's program be postponed until the following day. 51 
Walker addressed the body the next day, urging the mem- 
bers to look to the future, not to past failures. He recom- 
mended the establishment of local and county bar associa- 
tions to bring members into closer contact with one another. 
About one-third of the active practitioners of North Carolina 
were members of the Association in 1899. Walker urged that 
the organization consider the problems of congested dockets, 
the legal condition of married women, revision of the statute 
law, and other matters needing legal reform. 52 His address 
was "able, eloquent and . . . enthusiastically received." 53 

The speakers at the early meetings now and then found it 
impossible to attend at the ninth hour. For example, R. T. 
Bennett, scheduled to speak in 1899, wrote that he would 

... be pleased to be with you on this occasion, but conspiring 
circumstances prevent it; the heat, increasing infirmities of 
body, and the demands of my farming work, somewhat in 
arrear, render my going inconvenient, and a serious tax on my 

Though Bennett sent his prepared speech to the Association, 54 
it seems peculiar that he did not realize until such a late date 
that the heat, his farming work, and infirmities would keep 
him at home. 

Various matters of business were taken up at the first an- 
nual meeting. A committee which had been appointed to 
prepare a constitution and by-laws reported and those instru- 
ments were adopted. 55 The constitution provided that judges 
should be admitted to the Association as honorary, non-dues 
paying members. It stated the object of the organization, 
including such matters as reforming the law, elevating the 
standard of the legal profession, and fostering a spirit of 
brotherhood among the lawyers. The constitution provided 

51 J. Crawford Biggs (ed.), Report of the First Annual Meeting of the 
North Carolina Bar Association, Held at Atlantic Hotel, Morehead City, 
N. C, July 5th, 6th and 7th, 1899 (Durham, 1899), 7, hereinafter cited 
as Biggs, Bar Report, 1899. 

52 Biggs, Bar Report, 1899, 16-20. 

58 The News and Observer, July 6, 1899. 
M Biggs, Bar Report, 1899, 8-9. 
66 Biggs, Bar Report, 1899, 22. 

North Carolina Bar Association 47 

that the president, twelve vice-presidents, and the secretary- 
treasurer should be elected annually. Standing committees 
on membership, legislation and law reform, the judiciary, 
legal education and admission to the bar, memorials, griev- 
ances, and legal ethics were to be appointed by the president 
within ten days after the annual meetings. Those present at 
the annual meetings were to constitute a quorum. The consti- 
tution provided that the president should deliver an address 
on any subject he chose at the meetings. 56 

A matter of business which concerned the lawyers was the 
establishment of a law periodical. The idea was presented 
by Charles W. Tillett of Charlotte, who expressed the opinion 
that the editor should be a lawyer, but that good lawyers 
were too busy to edit a magazine. 57 Tillett was firmly con- 
vinced that a law journal was necessary, however. 58 Paul 
Jones of Tarboro spoke, saying that he wanted to publish 
a legal periodical. The matter was finally referred to a com- 
mittee of three, which was given full power to act, though 
not to involve the Association financially. 59 

The Morehead City meeting was not devoid of entertain- 
ment. E. C. Smith of Raleigh extended an invitation to the 
group to go sailing with him, an invitation which was unani- 
mously accepted. The same year, the Association had a long 
discussion about its proposed banquet. F. H. Busbee told the 
group of the difficult time he had had with hotel officials 
arranging for wines to be included at $1.50 a plate. 60 

The 1899 meeting was a very successful one. Charles F. 
Warren, of Washington, was elected new president. 61 J. Craw- 
ford Biggs reported that the total membership, including 
honorary members, had reached 260; but over 800 lawyers 
were practicing in North Carolina at the time, therefore, 
others should join the Association. 62 

56 Biggs, Bar Report, 1899, 10, 91-94. 
"Biggs, Bar Report, 1899, 45-46. 

68 The News and Observer, July 7, 1899. 

59 Biggs, Bar Report, 1899, 52-56. 

60 Biggs, Bar Report, 1899, 23-25 and 44-45. 

61 Biggs, Bar Report, 1899, 88. See J. Crawford Biggs (ed.), Report of 
the Second Annual Meeting of the North Carolina Bar Association Held 
at Battery Park Hotel, Asheville, N. C, June 27th, 28th and 29th, 1900 
(Durham, 1900), 170, for an account of his administration, hereinafter 
cited Biggs, Bar Report, 1900. 

62 Biggs, Bar Report, 1899, 25-26. 

48 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The News and Observers special editorial correspondent 
from Morehead City wrote that the general average of the 
legal profession in the state was high, though there were no 
"towering figures/' He reported that the speeches were of 
high quality; "the profession is composed of able men who 
have the gift of speech as of yore." 63 Likewise, the North 
Carolina Law Journal, in March, 1900, in its maiden number, 
referred to the summer meeting of the Association in More- 
head City. The editor wrote: 

This meeting at Morehead was marked for its enthusiasm, 
and though the first regularly held, yet it came up to the expec- 
tation of all. All the sessions of the Association were perfectly 
harmonious, and the addresses that were delivered were of the 
highest order. 64 

In April, 1900, the Late Journal announced that the next 
meeting would be held in Asheville on June 27th, 28th, and 
29th. 65 After the meeting had been held, the Law Journal 
stated that there was not enough space to give a full account 
of the proceedings, but that all lawyers who attended were 
fully repaid. A member "is benefitted [sic]. He is elevated. 
He makes friends, and he goes away a better and a wiser 
man." 66 The discussions at the Asheville meeting "were ani- 
mated, yet no one seemed to lose himself." 67 The meeting of 
1901 was held at Wrightsville. 68 Attendance was about aver- 
age, with nearly every eastern town being represented. The 
Journal's strong opinion was that there was "not in the United 
States a more successful or stronger association than the Bar 
Association of North Carolina." 69 The next year Asheville 
was again the host city. 70 In 1903 the lawyers returned to the 

63 The News and Observer, July 8, 1899. 

64 "The State Bar Association," North Carolina Law Journal, I (March, 
[1900]), 3-4. 

05 See the announcement on page 37 of the North Carolina Law Journal, 
I (April, [1900]). 

66 "Bar Association," North Carolina Law Journal, I (August, [1900]), 

67 "Bar Association," North Carolina Law Journal, I (August, [1900]), 

08 "Bar Association," North Carolina Law Journal, II (May, [1901]), 30. 

69 «The Bar Association," North Carolina Law Journal, II (July, [1901] ) , 

70 Asheville Citizen, July 8, 1902. 

North Carolina Bar Association 49 

seashore, 71 but in 1904 they held their meeting in Charlotte. 72 
By the end of 1904 the North Carolina Bar Association was 
a definitely established organization. There was no doubt but 
that it would live and grow. What did the Association do in 
these early years of its organization? What was the nature 
of the programs? What was the significance of the group? A 
brief summary of the events of these years will answer these 

First of all, the legal periodical which had been discussed 
in the 1899 meeting became a reality. In 1900 the President 
of the Association reported that a law journal was being 
published in Tarboro by Paul Jones. Jones announced that 
he had published four issues; sample copies had been sent 
to the lawyers; he hoped for additional subscribers. 73 The 
committee of the Bar Association had studied the situation 
and had decided that the Association should accept Jones's 
proposition to publish a journal. 74 The periodical would con- 
tain biographical sketches of outstanding lawyers, articles on 
North Carolina law, digests of court opinions, editorials, se- 
lections of wit, book reviews, and similar items of interest. 75 
The North Carolina Lata Journal was published as the organ 
of the North Carolina Bar Association for approximately two 
years. 76 At the 1903 meeting, Jones reported that he had dis- 
continued the publication of the Journal for reasons he 
thought proper. His reasons are perhaps understood by his 
statement that he did not see how he could "in the future 
issue from 500 to 800 Journals gratis in the State year after 
year." He thought he could carry on, but his efforts would 
be futile when the support was lacking. A committee was 
appointed to confer with Jones. 77 

Evidently Jones and the committee were unable to reach 
any agreement; the next publication, the North Carolina 

71 The News and Observer, July 2, 1903. 

72 Charlotte Daily Observer, June 21, 1904. 
78 Biggs, Bar Report, 1900, 8-9. 

74 "To the Lawyers," North Carolina Law Journal, I (March, [1900]), 13. 

75 "The North Carolina Law Journal," North Carolina Law Journal, I 
(March, [1900]), 9. 

76 See issues of the North Carolina Law Journal for 1900-1902. 

77 J. Crawford Biggs (ed.), Report of the Fifth Annual Meeting of the 
North Carolina Bar Association held at Morehead City, N. C, July 1, 2, 3, 
1903 (Durham, 1903), 42-43, hereinafter cited Biggs, Bar Report, 1903. 

50 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Journal of Law, was issued from Chapel Hill, under the 
patronage of the North Carolina Bar Association. James C. 
MacRae served as editor. 78 The Bar Association had agreed 
to pay MacRae $300 the first year under conditions almost 
certain to occur. 79 The publication was discontinued after 
1905. The editorial of farewell stated that the publication 
had been established with the idea of turning it over to some- 
one else. 80 However, no other legal journal was published 
until the establishment of the North Carolina Law Review 
in June, 1922, published by the law school of the University 
of North Carolina. 81 

Another matter coming before the meetings of the early 
years was that of legal education and admission to the bar. 
Albert Coates says that "no one can read the proceedings 
of the North Carolina Bar Association since its organization 
. . . without feeling its keen and enthusiastic interest in 
standards of admission to the bar." 82 In 1900 the committee 
recommended that two years' study be required for legal 
education. The opposition favored a more stringent bar exam- 
ination. They felt that increasing the required time of study 
would deprive the poor but brilliant from entering the pro- 
fession. At that time the University of North Carolina's law 
course was planned for one year preparatory to the bar exam- 
ination; the LL.B. degree was awarded if a person studied 
for two years. J. Crawford Biggs' position was that more 
study would produce better lawyers. 83 The Association agreed 
with Biggs; the lawyers voted to recommend to the Supreme 
Court that the requirement for legal study be raised to two 
years. 84 The following year F. H. Busbee reported to the As- 

78 "The North Carolina Journal of Law," North Carolina Journal of Law, 
I (January, 1904), 34, 30. 

79 J. Crawford Biggs (ed.), Report of the Sixth Annual Meeting of the 
North Carolina Bar Association Held at the Colonial Club, Charlotte, N. C, 
June 20, 21, 22, 1904 (Durham, 1904), 65, hereinafter cited Biggs, Bar 
Report, 1904. 

80 "Farewell," North Carolina Journal of Law, II (December, 1905), 553. 

81 See Volume I, Number 1 of the North Carolina Law Review (June, 

82 Albert Coates, "A Century of Legal Education," North Carolina Law 
Review, XXIV (June, 1946), 394. 

83 Biggs, Bar Report, 1900, 49-71 includes the discussion on the problem. 

84 Biggs, Bar Report, 1900, 71. 

North Carolina Bar Association 51 

sociation that the Supreme Court had acquiesced in the 
lawyers' recommendation. 85 

In 1903 a discussion of texts used in legal preparation 
occupied the attention of the lawyers. Many minutes were 
spent debating the merits of Blackstone versus Ewell's Es- 
sentials, a book containing some parts of Blackstone. 86 Prob- 
ably no man was swayed from his original opinion on the 

Also in 1903 came the suggestion that the lawyers ask the 
legislature to make them responsible for the examination of 
and licensing of new attorneys. Though a resolution to this 
effect was passed, 87 the matter was held over until the next 
meeting. 88 In the interim a study was made of means of exam- 
ination in sister states. Idaho, Montana, Oregon, South Da- 
kota, Vermont, Alabama, South Carolina, and Virginia fol- 
lowed North Carolina in having Supreme Court examinations. 
The Bar Report for 1904 contained the following statement 
on the matter: 

... it will be seen that outside of our sister southern states, 
the other states which follow the North Carolina plan are not 
states that North Carolinians feel a pride in following. 89 

The attempt of lawyers to gain control of the bar exami- 
nations was not successful for years to come. 90 

The bar not only wanted to regulate the admission of new 
members; it wanted power to expel undesirable members. 
In 1900 the committee on legal ethics reported to the Associa- 

85 Biggs, Bar Report, 1901, 19. 

88 Biggs, Bar Report, 1903, 37-38, 20-22. 

87 Biggs, Bar Report, 1903, 31. 

88 "The Meeting of the North Carolina Bar Association, July 7, 1905," 
North Carolina Journal of Law, II (August, 1905), 380. 

89 Biggs, Bar Report, 1904, 59-60. 

90 Chadbourn, "Activities of the N. C. Bar Association," 105-106. In 1933 
the North Carolina State Bar was incorporated and the examination of 
applicants was turned over to that organization. See A. Hewson Michie, 
Charles W. Sublett, Beirne Stedman (eds.), The General Statutes of North 
Carolina of 1943 (Charlottesville, Va., 1943), Chapter 84, Section 24 and 
Article VIII of the "Rules, Regulations, Organization, and Canons of 
Ethics of the North Carolina State Bar," found as Appendix VI in Volume 
IV of The General Statutes of North Carolina of 1943, 55-56. Today, every 
licensed attorney is automatically a member of the North Carolina State 
Bar; membership in the North Carolina Bar Association is purely volun- 
tary. See The General Statutes of North Carolina of 1943, Ch. 84, Sees. 16 
and 35. 

52 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tion and set forth rules to guide members in their practice. 
They recommended that the lawyers refrain from public 
criticism of judges, that they not seek special favors in court, 
that they be frank in dealing with one another, that they be 
punctual, that they control their tempers, that they be faithful 
to their clients and also the law and to God, and that numer- 
ous other rules of ethics be observed. 91 In 1901 a resolution 
was passed which provided that the Association draw up a bill 
for the legislature on disbarment. 92 The next year a special 
committee was appointed to draft such a bill. 93 In 1903 Biggs 
made the statement that North Carolina had little legislation 
on the important subject of disbarment; he, therefore, moved 
that the matter be referred to committee, a step which was 
taken. 94 A draft of a bill was prepared in 1905 and passed in 
1906. 95 

The lawyers frequently expressed dissatisfaction with the 
crowded dockets and emphasized the need for additional 
judges. The idea of rotation of judges was introduced and 
discussed. 96 The efforts of the Association to abolish the 
rotation system of judges were unsuccessful. 97 

In 1902 a resolution was introduced suggesting that the 
Supreme Court judges of the state be requested to wear robes 
as they presided. Such a resolution called forth heated dis- 
cussions on "democratic simplicity" against the formality of 
judicial dress. The resolution did pass, however. 98 In 1903 
the secretary reported that Chief Justice Walter Clark had 
replied to the Association on the question of robes. He wrote: 

With the greatest deference to the wishes of your Association, 
we are constrained to say that we do not feel at liberty to insti- 
tute such a [sic] innovation upon the habits and traditions of the 
Court. " 

81 Biggs, Bar Report, 1900, 87-97. 
92 Biggs, Bar Report, 1901, 21-22. 

83 The News and Observer, July 11, 1902. 

84 Biggs, Bar Report, 1903, 45. 

95 Chadbourn, "Activities of the N. C. Bar Association," 103. 

96 Biggs, Bar Report, 1900, 37-48 and Bar Report, 1901, 42-47. 

97 Chadbourn, "Activities of the N. C. Bar Association," 103. 
68 Biggs, Bar Report, 1902, 62-66. 

"Biggs, Bar Report, 1903, 57. 

North Carolina Bar Association 53 

The Bar Association was more successful in its efforts to 
bring about the codification of the laws than it was in per- 
suading the judges to wear robes. There had been no codifi- 
cation since 1885. It was because of the efforts of the Asso- 
ciation that a revision was begun soon after the bar organ- 
ized. 100 In 1902 the Asheville Citizen went so far as to say 
that the lawyers were considering the problem of codification 
because the laws were so intricate that they could not be 
understood. 101 In 1903 the secretary reminded the members 
that at the two previous meetings the Association had favored 
a Code Commission. He announced that the General As- 
sembly had created such a Commission composed of three 
members, its chairman being the president of the Bar Asso- 
ciation. 102 In 1905 a revisal of the laws was issued. 103 

Still another problem which was discussed by the attorneys 
was that of the jury system. Many people did not agree with 
Clement Manly of Winston who spoke of the juror as "the 
most dignified person that God Almighty ever created." 104 
They wanted to be exempted from jury service; the question 
of exemptions, particularly as to ministers and physicians, 
was discussed at length. 105 The final decision was that the 
Association would recommend that there be no exemptions, 
without specific cause, except in the case of ministers. 106 

The discussions mentioned above give a general idea of 
the problems which confronted lawyers and which they 
hoped to solve. At the meetings hours were spent listening 
to speeches, both of North Carolina and of visiting attorneys. 
The subjects varied widely. 

In 1900 Armistead Burwell of Charlotte spoke on the legal 
rights of married women. He did not feel that there should 
be any changes which would remove their disabilities, con- 
tending that women were content; though they were classed 
as incapable, they ruled with "almost divine intelligence . . ." 

100 Interview with R. N. Simms, Sr., June 29, 1950. 

101 Asheville Citizen, July 10, 1902. 
103 Biggs, Bar Report, 1903, 58. 

103 Interview with R. N. Simms, Sr., June 29, 1950. 

104 The News and Observer, June 22, 1904. 

105 Biggs, Bar Report, 190 U, 16, 21, 23-24. 
108 The News and Observer, June 22, 1904. 

54 The North Carolina Historical Review 

in their homes. 107 The News and Observer called the address 
"a masterly effort . . . [which] was highly complimented by 
the members of the association." 308 James E. Shiplands 
speech on the development of the science of the law "was 
an able paper, full of thought and information"; 109 Charles M. 
Stedman's presidential address of 1901, "Characterized by 
deep earnestness and convincing eloquence . . . was an effort 
not easily to be surpassed!" no Though the address of Charles 
M. Blackford, a visitor from Lynchburg who spoke on "The 
Influence of the English Speaking Lawyer in Preserving the 
Liberty of the English Speaking Race," m lasted an hour or 
over, the audience paid "flattering attention." 112 

In 1902 the Association was enlightened as to the laws 
of Louisiana by Francis T. Nichols, the Louisiana chief 
justice. He discussed the history of the state under the dom- 
ination of France, Spain, and the United States, as well as 
her laws. 113 Not only did lawyers learn about Louisiana law; 
in 1904 they heard about the law of Washington state from 
R. C. Strudwick. 114 

The lawyers never feared broad subjects. James M. Mac- 
Rae spoke at the 1902 meeting on "The Triumph of Equity," 
in which he "entertained" the audience for more than an 
hour. He discussed the history of the early government of the 
world, not failing to discuss old Roman laws; his remarks 
"elicited much cheering." 115 George F. Rountree of Wil- 
mington spoke on the Supreme Court of the United States, 
a history of the court. 116 Also in 1902 came Charles M. 
Rusbee's presidential address, on legal ethics and admission 
to the bar. He was distressed because the actions of the few 
lowered the profession in the eyes of the public. The speech 
was one which would "interest lawyers, . . . business men, 

107 Biggs, Bar Report, 1900, 128-142. 

108 The News and Observer, June 29, 1900. 

109 The News and Observer, June 30, 1900. 

110 The News and Observer, June 27, 1901. 

111 Biggs, Bar Report, 1901, 83-114. 

112 The News and Observer, June 28, 1901. 
™ Asheville Citizen, July 10, 1902. 

114 The News and Observer, June 21, 1904. 

115 Asheville Citizen, July 10, 1902 and The News and Observer, July 11, 

118 Asheville Citizen, July 11, 1902. 

North Carolina Bar Association 55 

farmers and mechanics. ... It is able, timely and interesting," 
according to The News and Observer. 117 

The next year, 1903, the lawyers heard Seymour D. Thomp- 
son of New York on "Twentieth Century Problems," which 
difficulties included foreign immigration, with emphasis on 
the problems created by the immigrants' rapid rate of repro- 
duction; the race problem in the South; imperialism of the 
United States; and the labor problem. 118 The address was 
"ornate [,] scholarly and eloquent. . . ." 119 Francis D. Win- 
ston's speech on "The Historical Value of Our Court Rec- 
ords," was "delivered in his own peculiarly happy and pleas- 
ant manner. . . ." 12 ° The North Carolina Journal of Law felt 
that the addresses of 1903 "were of the highest order of 
merit. . . ," 121 

At each meeting some local lawyer welcomed the visitors 
to the host city. The welcoming address of 1900 is evidence 
that not all was serious business at the legal meetings. The 
Asheville lawyer said: 

Our customs and usages will not be disagreeable to you, but 
in order to follow them you need not consult Gould on Waters, 
but you may casually examine Black on Intoxicating Liquors. 
All your demurrers to our customs will be overruled, and no 
devices of yours can change them. . . . We will covenant and 
guarantee to you a good time, if you will only follow our advice 
— which, different from our usual custom, we will give you free 
of charge. 122 

The lawyers thoroughly enjoyed their gatherings. A vari- 
ety of entertainment was provided for them at their meetings. 
The afternoon of June 28, 1900, they rode street cars around 
Asheville and had refreshments at the Swannanoa Country 
Club. The next afternoon they drove through the Biltmore 

117 J. Crawford Biggs (ed.), Report of the Fourth Annual Meeting of the 
North Carolina Bar Association, Held at Battery Park Hotel, Asheville, 
N. C, July 9, 10, and 11, 1902 (Durham, 1902), 113-127, hereinafter cited 
Biggs, Bar Report, 1902. See also The News and Observer, July 10, 1902. 

1U Biggs, Bar Report, 1903, 95, 102-103, 106-113. 

119 The News and Observer, July 4, 1903. 

120 Biggs, Bar Report, 1903, 121-139. See also The News and Observer, 
July 4, 1903. 

121 "The North Carolina Bar Association," North Carolina Journal of Law, 
I (January, 1904), 31. 

122 Biggs, Bar Report, 1900, 6. 

56 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Estate. 123 In 1902 the Asheville bar invited members and their 
families to a trolley ride to Overlook Hill. 124 The following 
year they enjoyed a moonlight sail, compliments of the boat- 
men of Morehead City. That same year some of the lawyers 
made catches of mackerel at Morehead. 125 On the way to their 
homes from Morehead, many of the lawyers stopped at New 
Bern for an excursion down the river. 126 In 1901 the attorneys 
were invited to inspect Fort Caswell, though generally civili- 
ans were not admitted. 127 At the same meeting they heard 
the secretary announce that a ball game would be played in 
Wilmington. 128 

Banquets were favorites with the lawyers. In Asheville in 
1900 they banqueted at the Battery Park Hotel, 129 where the 
"toasts were brilliant and the spread luxurious." 130 In 1901 a 
"brilliant german ... in the ball room of the Seashore Hotel 
. . . served as a fitting finale for this occasion. The ball was an 
elegant affair and was attended by members of the Bar As- 
sociation and other guests at the hotel and society people of 
Wilmington." 131 A smoker was held at the Battery Park Hotel 
at the 1902 meeting in Asheville. 132 In closing that session, 
the newly elected president of the Association invited the 
members to adjourn to a cafe downstairs. "This announce- 
ment was received with much applause and the invitation 
unanimously accepted." 133 

By 1905 the Bar Association was well established. Includ- 
ing honorary members the Association had 285 members in 
1904. 134 The attorneys who attended the meetings found 
fellowship and social life, heard profound and lengthy ad- 
dresses, and discussed serious problems relating to the legal 
profession and to the relationships of the profession to the 

123 Biggs, Bar Report, 1900, 17, 34-35. 

124 Biggs, Bar Report, 1902, 25. 

125 The News and Observer, July 4, 1903. 

126 "North Carolina Bar Association," North Carolina Journal of Law, 
(January, 1904), 33. 

127 Biggs, Bar Report, 1901, 41-42. 

128 Biggs, Bar Report, 1901, 17. 

™ Semi-Weekly Citizen (Asheville), July 3, 1900. 

130 The News and Observer, June 30, 1900. 

131 The News and Observer, June 29, 1901. 
182 The News and Observer, July 12, 1902. 
138 Asheville Citizen, July 11, 1902. 

184 Biggs, Bar Report, 190 A, 49-50. 

North Carolina Bar Association 57 

public. As the editor of the North Carolina Journal of Law 
indicated, the deliberations of the body had borne fruit in 
that some of the laws had been improved. 135 The members 
felt the need of their Association and realized its importance. 
When Charles Price of Salisbury was elected president, in 
1902, he said that he appreciated the honor even more than 
he would the chief justiceship of North Carolina. 136 Perhaps 
he stated the case more strongly than most lawyers would 
have done, but there is no doubt but that the Association by 
1904 merited the support of lawyers. The organization, ac- 
cording to Paul Jones, was intended "to be of the lawyers, 
by the lawyers, and for the lawyers." 137 The members of the 
bar were leaders of North Carolina; 138 the Charlotte Daily 
Observer went so far as to call the profession the "ablest in 
the State." 139 The organization, according to a News and 
Observer prophecy, was "destined not only to live, but to 
flourish like a green bay tree." 140 Time has fulfilled this 

135 "The Bar Association," North Carolina Journal of Law, II (July, 
1905), 295. 

138 Asheville Citizen, July 11, 1902. 

137 "The Bar Association," North Carolina Law Journal, II (March, 
[1902]), 317. 

138 The News and Observer, July 3, 1903. 

139 Charlotte Daily Observer, June 21, 1904. 

140 The News and Observer, June 28, 1901. 


By Frenise A. Logan 

Among the more important agencies promoting Negro 
welfare in the South after Reconstruction were Negro spon- 
sored state- wide industrial and agricultural fairs. Although 
of significance in their day, these efforts for self-betterment 
by southern Negroes are not well known by present-day 
historians, perhaps because they have been obscured by more 
extensive publicity and historical research given to the res- 
toration and consolidation of white supremacy in the South 
in the 1870's and 1880's. In this article an effort is made to 
place these fairs in their setting; and those of one state are 
emphasized: the agricultural and industrial exhibitions spon- 
sored by the Colored Industrial Association of North Caro- 
lina. The fairs of this State are selected because they, being 
the first of their kind in the South, most clearly reveal the 
philosophy and motivations of all such undertakings; they 
attracted the widest recognition; and they appeared to be the 
most important and interesting. Rather than recite a year by 
year account of these annual gatherings, the 1886 exhibition 
is selected as representative of all fairs preceding and suc- 
ceeding it. 

The Colored Industrial Association of North Carolina was 
organized in 1879 by a group of twenty-two Raleigh Negroes 
with a capital stock of $20,000. Its expressed intent was to 
improve and educate the Negroes of the state as well as to 
demonstrate at an annual fair the progress and capabilities 
of that race. 1 Perhaps the clearest statement of the purpose 
of this organization and its reasons for sponsoring annual 
fairs was set forth by one of its founders, Charles N. Hunter, 
on the eve of the first exhibition in Raleigh in the autumn 
of 1879. 

1 Laivs and Resolutions of the State of North Carolina, 1879, 799-800. 


The Colored Industrial Association 59 

Many circumstances combine to render such a gathering not 
only desirable, but of the highest importance. Fifteen years are 
on the eve of completion since universal Negro emancipation in 
the American Republic became a fixed and accepted fact. With 
keenest interest the world has been watching every indication 
of progress on the part of the emancipated race. Many regarded 
the experiment with doubt and anxiety, fearing lest we should 
prove unequal to the great and grave requirements of indepen- 
dent freemen . . . 

Despite all the disadvantages of our surroundings, we have 
already made advances which give promise of a bright and a 
happy future. . . . The design of the North Carolina Industrial 
Association, and the object of the Industrial Fair, is to place 
before the world every evidence of our progress as a race which 
it is possible to secure. In this work we call upon our farmers, 
mechanics, artizans, and educators, to come forward and place 
on exhibition their best productions.,- 2 

By 1886 these aims were largely realized. In less than a 
decade after its inception, then, the Colored Industrial Asso- 
ciation of North Carolina had become a major force in the 
economic life of the Negroes of the State. Recognition of this 
fact came from without as well as from within North Carolina. 
For example, Blanche K. Bruce, the first Negro elected to the 
United States Senate, declared that the exhibitions ought to 
convince the most skeptical that the Negro "had arrived." 
In 1886 in a letter to Charles N. Hunter, one of the two secre- 
taries of the association for that year, the Senator from Mis- 
sissippi declared that the fairs organized by the Negroes of 
North Carolina had conclusively attested to the progress of 
the Negroes. He went on to say that the Negro expositions 
in the State proved not only "the hopeful growth of the race, 
but have supplied the opportunity and the evidence alike of 
our capacity to conduct such enterprises." 3 

2 Clipping from the Journal of Industry (Raleigh), in the Charles N. 
Hunter Scrapbook, 1879-1888, Charles N. Hunter Papers, Duke University, 
hereinafter cited as Hunter Scrapbook and/or Hunter Papers. The Journal 
of Industry, edited by Charles N. and Oliver Hunter, was the official organ 
of the Colored Industrial Association of North Carolina. This writer, un- 
fortunately, has been unable to locate any complete copies of this newspaper. 
For an interesting eye-witness account of the 1879 fair, see the article ''The 
Colored Fair at Raleigh, N. C. ," in Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, 
XLIX (December, 1879), 242-243. 

3 Bruce to Hunter, October 14, 1886, Hunter Papers. See also letter from 
George Wassom to Governor Alfred M. Scales, September 17, 1886, Gov- 
ernors' Papers, North Carolina Department of Archives and History, Ra- 
leigh, hereinafter cited as Governors' Papers. 

60 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Having satisfied themselves that the organization was a 
"growing concern," the Executive Council of the Colored 
Industrial Association of North Carolina was determined to 
make the 1886 fair "the finest ever." Although not scheduled 
to open in Raleigh until November 9, plans for the exposition 
were launched some nine months earlier. The other secretary 
of the association for 1886, George T. Wassom, writing in the 
1886 April-May issue of The Appeal, a Negro newspaper, 
urged all Negroes of the state to support the fair because of 
"race pride," and because they must "demonstrate to the 
Southern white people that 'Ethiopia' has put forth her hand 
in the new world." 4 

The plans of the Colored Industrial Association of North 
Carolina for the 1886 fair, however, called for more than 
mere appeals to race pride. In order to further interest in and 
support of the fair among the Negroes, the association organ- 
ized local committees and contacted prominent Negro leaders 
in various sections of North Carolina and urged them to 
"spread the news." Thus on September 10, 1886, John S. 
Lewis, a Negro lawyer from Lumberton, promising to do all 
in his power to "work up" an interest in the fair among the 
Negroes of his section, began a speaking tour which lasted 
nearly six weeks. With the aid of a pass on the "C. C. R. R.," 5 
he canvassed the section of North Carolina between Char- 
lotte and Wilmington, embracing the counties of Union, 
Anson, Richmond, Columbus, and Bladen. 6 On October 8, 
as Lewis neared the end of his tour, he wrote Wassom that 
the prospects for a good representation at the fair from the 
area he had covered were excellent. 7 From Asheville a Negro, 
J. E. Thomas, informed the association that the local com- 
mittee was performing a most creditable job and that "quite 
an interest is manifested in the fair and from all indications, 
we should have quite a concourse of people from the 'Land 
of the Sky" [Buncombe County]. 8 From Warrenton J. R. 

* Clipping from The Appeal, April-May, 1886, Hunter Scrapbook, 1887- 
1928, Hunter Papers. 

5 Carolina Central Railroad. 

6 Lewis to Wassom, August 12, September 7, September 10, 1886, Hunter 

7 Lewis to Wassom, October 8, 1886, Hunter Papers. 

8 Thomas to Wassom, August 21, 1886, Hunter Papers. 

The Colored Industrial Association 61 

Hawkins wrote Wassom that the hand-bills and premium 
list 9 sent him would be posted in conspicuous places and that 
he would spare no energy in arousing interest among the 
Negroes in behalf of the association. He continued: 

I am proud of what has been done, and hope to see greater 
and grander things accomplished. With the work in the hands of 
our worthy President, Mr. Leary and yourself as secretary, I am 
hopeful of success. I feel it a duty that I owe to my race and my- 
self to encourage the enterprise. Whatever I can do to assist you 
within the bounds of my ability, I am yours to command. 10 

Reports from local committees and speakers in other towns 
and counties of the State were equally as optimistic, enthusi- 
astic and "dedicated." n 

The plans for the 1886 fair also included enlisting the co- 
operation of the railroads of the state, notably the Seaboard 
and Roanoke and Atlantic Coast Line. In consequence of 
appeals by the Colored Industrial Association of North Caro- 
lina, these railroads not only provided members of the asso- 
ciation and its speakers with free passes, but they agreed to 
sell reduced round trip tickets to all Negroes attending the 
fair in Raleigh. 12 The Atlantic Coast Line and the Cape Fear 
and Yadkin Valley railroads also agreed to transport articles 
intended for the exhibition at regular rates one way, and on 
presentation of certificates from the association that the 
articles had been on exhibition at the fair, the lines would 
return the articles to the original shipping point free and 
refund the amount paid on the articles going. 13 Without this 

9 A list of the prizes, usually ranging from fifty cents to $25.00, for the 
best articles submitted to the various departments of the fair. 

10 Hawkins to Wassom, August 23, 1886, Hunter Papers. 

II See letters to Wassom from Nellie E. Cox, September 4; W. C. Coleman, 
September 6; J. A. Wright, September 3; Hugh Cale, August 24, 1886, 
Hunter Papers. Interestingly enough, attempts to arouse interest in the 
fair was not confined to North Carolina. Oliver Hunter, brother of Charles 
N. Hunter, and one of the founders of the Colored Industrial Association 
of North Carolina, wrote Wassom from Washington, D. C that the former 
minister to Liberia and a Negro, J. Smyth, and "other dignitaries" would 
be present, Hunter to Wassom, November 1, 1886, Hunter Papers. 

™ See letters to Wassom from L. T. Myers, July 8, 13, 1886; S. Hass, 
August 11, 1886; F. W. Clark, October 26, 1886, Hunter Papers. 

M T. M. Emerson to Wassom, October 7, 1886; letter from the Office of the 
General Superintendent, Cape Fear and Yadkin Valley Railroad to Wassom, 
October 7, 1886, Hunter Papers. 

62 The North Carolina Historical Review 

unselfish support of the railroad companies, the success of 
these annual gatherings would have been placed in jeopardy. 
Lack of adequate or even sufficient funds on the part of both 
the association and the Negroes who desired to attend or 
submit articles was a perennially vexatious problem. It was, 
therefore, only through this "outside" assistance that the 
fairs sponsored by the Colored Industrial Association of North 
Carolina continued to be of such a high order. 

That finance was a real and pressing problem can be seen 
in a letter the president of the association, John S. Leary, 
wrote to Wassom on October 26, 1886. Leary requested that 
Wassom itemize the indebtedness of the 1885 fair and the 
amount of indebtedness anticipated for the 1886 exhibition 
as well as the "amount of money, if any, secured from all 
sources for the present fair." 14 While the records do not reveal 
whether Wassom complied with this particular request of 
Leary, they do show that the association in 1886 received 
some financial support from "other sources." Individual don- 
ors included some of North Carolina's leading white bankers, 
businessmen and industrialists. 15 To supplement these private 
contributions, stock in the Colored Industrial Association of 
North Carolina was sold. 16 However, despite these donations, 
and if the final report of Wassom can be believed, the total 
amount of cash received by the association from "all sources" 
in 1886 was a moderate $598.80. 17 Thus it appears that had 
the railroad companies not offered their facilities with little 
or no charge to the Colored Industrial Association of North 
Carolina, it is extremely doubtful if that organization could 
have survived. Certainly, its effectiveness would have been 
greatly impaired. 

14 Leary to Wassom, October 20, 1886, Hunter Papers. 

13 See for example, letters from Julian S. Carr, October 30, 1886; P. 
Cowper, October 29, 1886; Oliver Hunter, October 21, 1886, Hunter Papers. 

16 Statement by James Young, March 31, 1886, Hunter Papers. It was not 
until 1887 that the Colored Industrial Association of North Carolina received 
any state support. In that year, at the request of the governor, Alfred M. 
Scales, the North Carolina legislature granted $1,000. Alfred M. Scales, 
Letterbook, 1886-1889, 83-84, North Carolina Department of Archives and 
History. See also Laws and Resolutions of the State of North Carolina, 
1887, 772-773. 

17 Clipping from The Outlook (Raleigh), July 28, 1887, Hunter Scrapbook, 
1886-1921, Hunter Papers. 

The Colored Industrial Association 63 

Encouraging the submission of articles by the Negro farm- 
ers, artisans, and housewives of North Carolina was a vital 
part of the pre-fair activities of the North Carolina Industrial 
Association. In reply to letters sent out by the association, 
the Negroes of the State responded by "promising" items 
which included homemade boats, needlework, shoes, silk 
quilts, poultry, crazy-patchwork quilts, a variety of farm 
products, and one coffin and hearse. 18 Contributions from 
prominent Negroes from outside the state were also solicited. 
T. Thomas Fortune, editor of the New York Freeman, wrote 
the association that he was certain his publishers would for- 
ward to them a copy of his work, Black and White. 19 William 
Still, author of the Underground Railroad, agreed to forward 
"2 or 3 copies of the U. G. R. R." to the 1886 fair. 20 

Notwithstanding these "herculean efforts" to insure an 
excellent exhibit and a large attendance, it should occasion 
no surprise to note that there existed some non-interest among 
the Negroes of the State toward the fair. For example, a 
member of the association in Western North Carolina wrote 
Wassom : 

We have called three mass meetings but have not had, at 
either, a full attendance though we are not discouraged. I think 
we shall be able yet to give Western N. C, Buncombe County 
especially, a full representation, if not in articles or funds, I am 
certain, almost sure a number of people. 

Anything like this doesn't seem to interest our people at first, 
like many other things of less importance, but if we continue to 
agitate no doubt we shall bring them out. 21 

A supporter from the eastern part of the State voiced a 
similar feeling. 22 In one instance a worker of the North Caro- 

18 Letters to Wassom from J. L. Montgomery, October 8, 1886; John A. 
Strange, Richmond, Virginia, October 28, 1886; L. R. Randolph, October 21, 
1886; unidentified writer, New Bern, North Carolina, October 21, 1886; 
Mamie Alexander, October 27, 1886, Hunter Papers. 

19 Fortune to Wassom, October 16, 1886, Hunter Papers. Fortune's work 
was published in 1884 and discussed very ably contemporary political and 
economic problems of the South as they effected the Negro. For a brief 
but critical appraisal of the book, see Herbert J. Doherty, Jr., "Voices of 
Protests from the New South," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Vol. 
42 (June, 1955), 47-49. 

20 Still to Wassom, October 19, 1886, Hunter Papers. 

21 John A. Love to Wassom, September 19, 1886, Hunter Papers. 

22 Maggie Whiteman to Wassom, October 21, 1886, Hunter Papers. 

64 The North Carolina Historical Review 

lina Industrial Association was rebuffed by a minister of the 
gospel. In an attempt "to get up a meeting" in the Negro 
Methodist Church of Goldsboro, B. S. Stevens was curtly 
refused by the minister on the grounds that he did not "want 
such matters in his church." 23 Despite these occasional in- 
stances of disinterest, it is reasonable to assume that interest 
in and support of the fair by the Negroes was general and 
widespread throughout North Carolina. 

Another important phase of pre-fair planning was the se- 
lection of speakers. Excluding state and federal government 
officials, the association usually sought Negroes of national 
and international reputation to address the crowds attending 
the fairs. The exposition of 1886 was no exception to this 
practice. The governor of North Carolina, Alfred M. Scales, 
was extended and he accepted the invitation to open the fair 
on November 9. 24 In spite of a busy schedule, Henry W. Blair, 
United States Senator from New Hampshire, "gratefully ac- 
cepted an invitation. 25 Among the Negroes invited to address 
the 1886 fair was John M. Langston, former United States 
Representative from Virginia. In his acceptance letter Lang- 
ston praised the effort of the North Carolina group "to better 
the condition of our people by stimulating them to habits of 
industry, economy and progressive enterprise." 26 Of the Ne- 
groes who were extended invitations but were unable to 
attend the 1886 exhibition, T. Thomas Fortune and Booker T. 
Washington were the most notable. 27 The Colored Industrial 
Association of North Carolina, in urging Fortune to address 
the fair, said that he was especially welcome because "we 

23 Stevens to Wassom, October 27, 1886, Hunter Papers. 

24 Wassom to Scales, September 17, 1886, Governors' Papers; C. M. Arm- 
field, private secretary to the Governor, to Wassom, September 18, 1886, 
Hunter Papers. 

25 Blair to Wassom, August 30, 1886, Hunter Papers. In 1886 Blair's name 
was familiar to most southerners, Negro and white. Some five years earlier, 
in 1881, he introduced in the Senate a bill to distribute among the states 
on the basis of illiteracy $120,000,000 covering a period of ten years. In 
1886 the bill was still being debated in the federal congress. 

26 Langston to Wassom, August 17, 27, 1886, Hunter Papers. 

27 Thomas was viewed in 1886 as one of America's foremost Negro news- 
paper editors. A bitter foe of "second-class" citizenship for his race, he 
represented the more militant type of Negro leadership. Washington in 1886, 
though nine years before he was to make his famous Atlanta speech, was 
rapidly rising to the fore as a Negro leader of the moderate, conservative 

The Colored Industrial Association 65 

look upon you as one of the national leaders of the race who 
dares to utter the truth in the Negroes' behalf. . . ." Fortune 
replied that because he was an outspoken, militant crusader 
for Negro rights, the support which his newspaper, The Free- 
man, received would not permit him to attend the fair. 

I have to stand at my post because I cannot go away without 
positive sacrifice. If I were more of a white man's Negro and 
less a Negro's Negro, I am sure I would have less cause to com- 
plain in matters of support. But I would not do so much good 
for the race, nor satisfy my own opinion of what is just and 
proper ... I am not ashamed to be poor for the reasons that 
make me so. 28 

Booker T. Washington, Principal of the Tuskegee Normal 
School, was unable to attend because the Negroes of Alabama 
were preparing an exhibit to be included in the Alabama 
State Fair (white) which opened in Montgomery on the same 
date ( November 9 ) as the Negro fair in North Carolina. Since 
he was scheduled to take an active part in the proceedings, 
his presence in Montgomery, Washington informed the asso- 
ciation, was imperative. 29 

Despite these disappointments, the fair opened in Raleigh 
on November 9. The four-day occasion was properly initiated 
by a procession. At its head were two military bands, the 
Kinston Band and the Oak City Blues, two fire companies, 
the Victor and Bucket of Raleigh. Then followed a carriage 
drawn by "four cream colored horses abreast" which con- 
tained the executive officers of the association. Behind the 
executive carriage was another in which sat the invited guest. 
The procession moved through the heart of North Carolina's 
capitol city to the fair grounds where they and the assembled 
crowd, a large but orderly multitude," heard an address 
by John M. Langston. 30 Following the speech of the Negro 
from Virginia, the crowd turned to view the "best produc- 

28 Fortune to Wassom, October 18, 1886, Hunter Papers. 

29 Washington to Hunter, October 16, 1886; L. Mayo to Hunter, October 
20, 1886, Hunter Papers. 

30 Clipping from the Evening Visitor (Raleigh), November 10, 1886 in the 
Hunter Scrapbook, 1886-1921, Hunter Papers. This newspaper title varies 
(1879 to 1895) as Evening Visitor, Daily Evening Visitor, Raleigh Evening 
Visitor and Raleigh Times. 

66 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tions" of the Negro artisans, farmers, mechanics, and edu- 
cators of North Carolina. 31 

The fair lasted four days, ending on November 12. General 
reaction to it, as evidenced in the Raleigh press, was most 
favorable. According to one Capital City paper, the 1886 
exhibition "not only equals but in many respects excels all 
that has preceded it." Special praise was given by the editor 
to the exhibits of needlework, decorative household work, oil 
paintings and stock and poultry. One of the "curiosities" at 
the fair was a table which contained 365 squares and was 
made of seventy-two different kinds of wood collected within 
a half mile of the capitol. 32 The News and Observer was im- 
pressed by cotton stalks ten feet tall, corn stalks twelve feet 
in length, and some collard greens four feet tall. The stock 
display included "some of the finest hogs in the State . . . ." 33 
The State Chronicle ( Raleigh ) declared that the products on 
exhibition would convince the most skeptical of the progress 
of the Negro race. 34 

White newspapers in other cities of the State were equally 
as effusive in their commendations. For example, on Novem- 
ber 16 the editor of the Daily Chronicle (Charlotte) wrote: 

31 If the organization of the 1879 exhibition can be taken as representative 
of the fairs sponsored by the Colored Industrial Association of North 
Carolina, the articles on display at the 1886 fair were divided into thirteen 
"departments. " Over each "department" several judges presided who were 
appointed by the Association to award premiums, prizes and diplomas for 
the most outstanding articles in their respective groups. The thirteen "de- 
partments" were as follows : Department A : field crops and samples of field 
crops; Department B: horses, mules, cattle, sheep and swine; Department 
C: poultry, bees and honey; Department D: household supplies; Department 
E: horticulture, orchard and wines; Department F: manufacture of home- 
made articles; Department G: fine arts, painting, drawing, musical instru- 
ments; Department H: mechanic arts, carpenter's work, vehicles, cabinet 
and upholster's work; Department I: agricultural implements; Department 
J : saddlery, harness ; Department K : plowing match ; Department L : dairy 
and vegetable garden; Department M: educational production, map draw- 
ing, essays, penmanship. Clipping from the Journal of Industry (Raleigh), 
n. d. in the Hunter Scrapbook, 1879-1888, Hunter Papers. 

32 Clipping from The Raleigh Times, November 11, 1886 in the Hunter 
Scrapbook, 1885-1929, Hunter Papers. See also The News and Observer 
(Raleigh), November 10, 1886, hereinafter cited as The News and Observer. 

33 The News and Observer, November 16, 1886. 

941 The State Chronicle (Raleigh), November 11, 1886, hereinafter cited 
as State Chronicle. 

The Colored Industrial Association 67 

The colored people of North Carolina can point with pride to 
their State and Industrial Fair. It was very successful and dis- 
played great advancement in their industrial pursuits and many 
of the higher arts. The colored people of this State, those who 
have shown a disposition to work and take advantage of their 
opportunities, are progressing as rapidly as any people under 
the sun and their recent State Fair bears marked evidence of 
this fact. 35 

Governor Scales and Senator Blair both described the 1886 
fair as "most creditable." 36 

In conclusion it may be pointed out that the annual fairs 
sponsored by the Colored Industrial Association of North 
Carolina benefitted both the Negro minority and the state at 
large. There is no question but that the exhibitions promoted 
a degree of harmony, co-operation and mutual respect be- 
tween the two races; that they stimulated the Negroes to 
improve their livestock, farm products, tools and machinery 
by offering prizes for the superior articles; that they advanced 
the material interests of North Carolina as a whole by encour- 
aging the development of the educational, agricultural and 
industrial resources of the Negro people of the State. 

35 Clipping from Hunter Scrapbook, 1886-1921, Hunter Papers. 
38 Alfred M. Scales Letter Book, 1885-1889, North Carolina Department of 
Archives and History; The State Chronicle, November 18, 1886. 



Edited by Marian H. Blair 

The Peoples Press published in Salem (Winston-Salem) 
on Friday, April 26, 1861, carried the following editorial 

With our friend of the Hillsborough Recorder we have not 
changed our opinion as to the impolicy of secession as a measure 
of redress or a security to our peculiar institution, nor of the 
value of the Union as the source of the unexampled prosperity 
of the whole country. But all our fondest hopes for an amicable 
adjustment of our sectional difficulties have been blasted. 1 

Three weeks later, in the Friday, May 17 issue, the editor 
states that "Two Volunteer companies formed in this county 
are now quartered among citizens of Winston and Salem. 
They are drilled regularly and will soon be thoroughly equip- 
ped for the camp when they will offer their services to the 
Governor." This was three days before the convention meet- 
ing in Raleigh approved the secession of North Carolina and 
"Ratified the Provisional Constitution of the Confederate 
States of America." 2 On June 21 The Peoples Press records 
that "On Monday morning last the First and Second com- 
panies of Forsyth Volunteers— the 'Riflemen' and the 'Grays,' 
took their departure from this place for Danville, Virginia." 
One of the volunteers from Salem was Henry W. Barrow 
whose letters, written from various camps in 1861, 1864, and 
1865 and preserved among the papers of John W. Fries, give 
intimate glimpses of personal experiences during the war. 
Henry Barrow, son of Moses and Sarah Barrow, was born 
January 28, 1828, on a farm near Salem. He attended Trinity 
College for one year, and then came to Salem where for 

1 From the files in the Moravian Archives, Winston-Salem, hereinafter 
cited as Moravian Archives. 

2 Hugh Talmage Lefler and Albert Ray Newsome, North Carolina, The 
History of a Southern State (Chapel Hill: The University of North Caro- 
lina Press, 1954), 425, hereinafter cited as Lefler and Newsome, North 


Civil War Letters of Henry W. Barrow 69 

thirty-seven years he was employed by the firm of F. and H. 
Fries. He became a member of the Moravian Church in 
1856, and until the beginning of the War, lived with the 
family of Francis Fries, senior partner of the firm. In 1861 
he enlisted in the Twenty-first Regiment of North Carolina 
Volunteers, serving as corporal, and was later promoted to 
regimental quartermaster sergeant. He was one of five 
brothers, all of whom served in the army and several of whom 
were severely wounded. 3 

John W. Fries, son of Francis Fries, to whom the letters 
were written, was, during the Civil War, detailed for service 
in the mills of F. and H. Fries which were making cloth for 
Confederate uniforms. 4 He was only fifteen years of age when 
the war beg^n, but two years later upon the death of his 
father in 1863, he shared the full responsibility of the mills 
with his uncle, Henry Fries, and eventually became head of 
the firm. Supplies were frequently sent from Salem to the 
men in camp by wagons from the mills, and it is easy to 
imagine with what anticipation the young soldiers looked 
forward to the arrival of the wagons bringing word from 
home— and with what anxious hearts those in Salem awaited 
the return of the wagons with news from the front. 

The letters, written as they were, hurriedly and in poorly 
lighted tents, have many errors in spelling and punctuation 
for which the writer frequently apologizes. Yet, although the 
form is faulty, and although there is no new information about 
the many battles in which the Twenty-first Regiment fought, 
the letters are of interest because they make vivid the prob- 
lems, other than military, with which the Southern army 
was faced. Barrow writes of the recurring attacks of fever 
which kept needed men from the battle line, of the totally 
inadequate provisions for caring for those who were ill, and, 
in the last months of the war, of the desperate need for shoes, 
the difficulty of foraging for food, and the growing discour- 
agement in the face of impending disaster. 

8 From the "Memoir," Moravian Archives (unpublished manuscript). 
In succeeding footnotes there are a number of references made to "memoirs" 
of individuals which are housed in the Moravian Archives. 

* "North Carolina was the only state with the obligation to clothe its own 
troops in the Confederate armies." Lefler and Newsome, North Carolina, 430. 


The North Carolina Historical Review 

Most of the letters were written in 1861. No letters by Bar- 
row written in 1862 and 1863 have been preserved. The 
spring of 1862 marked the beginning of the Valley campaign, 
and the Twenty-first Regiment "marched and counter march- 
ed up and down the Valley" 5 and took part in some of the 
bloodiest battles of the war. At Gettysburg Major Beall re- 
ports that "all the field officers of the Twenty-first were killed 
and wounded except Colonel Kirkland" 6 who after the battle 
was promoted to Brigadier General. Perhaps the rapid march, 
the shifting lines of battle, and the distance from Salem made 
the sending of mail impossible. If the letters were received 
during those years, they must have been destroyed. Early 
in 1864 the Twenty-first Regiment was moved to North 
Carolina and most of the letters written by Barrow during 
1864 and 1865 were sent from the eastern part of the 
State. The last days of the struggle are not recorded by him 
as he was not with the Twenty-first Regiment when, after 
the fierce combat at Hatcher's Run, it retreated to Petersburg 
and surrendered at Appomattox. 

After the surrender Barrow returned to Salem and resumed 
his work at the F. and H. Fries mills. In June, 1874, he mar- 
ried Mrs. Nannie Webster Cardwell, sister of Colonel I. R. 
Webster of Reidsville. They had one daughter. He continued 
to live in Salem until his death on April 5, 1905. The "memoir" 
read at his funeral speaks of him as "a good man, kind and 
upright and faithful in all relations of life." 7 

Camp Hill Danville Va July 4 1861 
Mr John W. Fries 
Dear friend 

Yours of 30th came to hand in due time which was gratifying 
to me to hear from you all again. I am somewhat low spirited, 
we have this morning received a Telegrapick Dispatch that we 

6 James F. Beall, "Twenty-First Regiment," Walter Clark (ed.), His- 
tories of the Several Regiments and Battalions from North Carolina in the 
Great War, 1861-65 (Raleigh: State of North Carolina, 5 volumes), II, 
132. This reference is hereinafter cited as Beall, "Twenty-First Regiment," 
The volumes will hereinafter be cited as Clark, Histories of the Several 

a Beall, "Twenty-First Regiment," II, 137. 

7 Unpublished manuscript, Moravian Archives. 

Civil War Letters of Henry W. Barrow 71 

have to leave here for Richmond as soon as we can get ready. I 
cant say how soon that will be, but I prosume it will be in a few 
days ; I promise you will hear from the Election of officers over 
this regiment The election took place on yesterday and resulted 
in electing a man from Raleigh N. C. by the name of W. W. Kirk- 
land 8 he is a young man I am told a competant man for Colonel, 
and James M. Leach 9 for Leiutenant Colonel and a man from 
Hillsboro N. C. for Major 10 

I have nothing to write you that will be interesting Our com- 
pany are all tolerable well with the exception of a man in our 
company by the name of Jack Smith and Albert Alspaugh they 
have both been in the Hospitle for several days I am told they 
are on the mend. I am looking for your father's Wagon tonight 
or tomorrow. Mr. Lewis Belo Wm Hauser and Charles Belo are 
here and tell me \ that the Wagon started one day sooner then 
they had expected. I would like very much to come to see you all 
once more before I have to leave here. I have been building upon 
some slender hopes that we would stay here a few weeks and I 
would be able to leave here long enough to come to see you all 
again but all hopes are blasted at present 

I cant learn where we are to go from Richmond I fear we wont 
find as pleasant a place as we have had here. I have fell very 
much in love with this place and especially with some of the 
good folks here in Town they are very clever to us. I want you 
to show this to your Father I have been preparing and fixing up 
tricks for the office of Commissary and have got up my recom- 
mendation and this morning Telegraphed to Col. Kirkland at 
Raleigh some of my friends say I will stand a tolerable good 
chance but I dont think there is any chance for the reason Leach 
has gone to Raleigh and he will do all he can against me and he 
had Ham. Sheppard here already to fill the place before the elec- 
tion I will write to you again soon how I came out but I feel like 
I can tell you now I wont get any appointment with certainty. 
This will look very bad to give the appointment to a man living 
in another State but such things go by favors you know. I would 
like to hear from you soon I will write you when I arrive at 
Richmond. ... I must close for it is late and my light is very 
bad I am lying in my tent writy by a bad light you can gane some 
Idea how it goes Remember me to all the Family and all enquir- 
ing friends. You will say to your Sisters that some of the Ladies 

8 Major James F. Beall says of him : "This efficient and Accomplished 
officer, with vigorous efforts, brought the regiment to a state of perfection 
in discipline and drill." Beall, "Twenty-First Regiment," II, 129. Kirkland 
was later promoted to Brigadier General. 

9 Of Davidson County. After the War he served as a member of the 
Lower House. 

10 James F. Beall. 

72 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of Danville say we have decidedly the best looking Flag in 
camp. n I think so myself. I was showing the Flag to some Ladies 
yesterday they said I ought to be proud that we have at home 
Ladies in our Town that can do such nice work as is on those 
Flags I told them that was most certainly so 


H. W. Barrow 

You will Please say to your Father that I received his letter 
with such a very good recommendation for which I feel myself 
under many obligations to him and hope I can always conduct 
myself in such a manner as to keep that noble high minded con- 
fidence I would like to say more on this subject if I could. You 
will please excuse bad writing and spelling for I know I have 
made many mistakes 

Yours Truly 

H. W. Barrow 

Camp Hardie Va August 28, 1861 
Mr. John W. Fries 

Salem N. C. 
Dear Sir 

I write you a few lines to let you know I am in the land of the 
living. We left Camp Rhett on last Friday for this place. We 
came a distance of Eleven miles North West direction We are 
now nine miles north west of Manasses Junction but still intend 
to send there every day for our mail and the Boxes of Goodies 
we are looking for from home. We are at a tolerable nice place 
and where we can have some favors. If there dont too many Regi- 
ments come here. There are only Three here now But if more 
come they will soon Eat up everything in this neighborhood We 
have a considerable number sick here at this time I think half 
of this Regiment is sick not able to do anything. Drs. Keen and 
Douthet have not been here for sometime. We have no one but 
Dr. Fulton of Stokes County being we had no one at all he left 

u "The first flag of Forsyth County was made for Company I, Captain 
A. H. Belo. It was made by Misses Bettie and Laura Lemly, Nellie Belo, 
Carrie and Mary Fries [sisters of John W. Fries]. It was made of red, 
white and blue silk, and was embroidered in large letters with yellow silk, 
on the white side, with the words 'Liberty or Death'. After the war, Colonel 
Belo settled in Texas, which accounts for the fact that after his death his 
widow presented the flag to the Texas Room in the Confederate Museum at 
Richmond, Va. The second flag was made by the same young ladies. They 
could not get more silk like the first so used white silk for the whole flag, 
embroidering it in blue silk. . . . Both of these flags were presented to the 
Companies of the Forsyth Rifles. . . ." Mrs. John Huske Anderson, North 
Carolina Women of the Confederacy ( Fayetteville : Published by the author, 
1926), 112. The second flag is now in the Wachovia Museum, Winston-Salem. 

Civil War Letters of Henry W. Barrow 73 

his company and attended to all he could and has Broke himself 

But we have at last succeeded in procuring two Physicians 
here at Head quarters that I am told are both very good Physi- 
cians and by that means Fulton can rest and Recruit again. 

We are in about two miles of the Winchester Rail Road Sta- 
tion at a little place called Ganesville 

We managed to have all of our sick that was able to travail 
brot on the Rail Road of Ganesville and had them brot from 
that place to this in Wagons We was compelled to leave some 
that was not able to be mooved at all and some of them had died 
since we have left that place it hurts my feelings very much to 
have to say to you that we was compelled to leave Henry But- 
ner 12 from Old Town I am expecting to hear of his Death at any 
moment He has Typhoid Fevor of the worst kind; I think the 
Doctors have gave his case up for gone. We left Pink Beles also 
he is not very bad but somewhat excited if Butner is dead or 
dies he will be the first we have lost out of the Forsythe Rifles 
But as life is uncertain he may Recover and outlive many of us 
after all. 

We are living in tolerable Rough manners but I prosume from 
what I can see and Learn about as many others We have to live 
on very common coarse diet but this is what I expected before I 
left home. I think if I can only keep my health I will try to make 
the trip anyway, you had better believe I could tell you all some- 
thing about hard times. We hope to have more favors shown us 
in the section of the county where we are I road out about 2*/2 
miles on yesterday with our Wagon master to buy some Hay for 
Bedding in Tents we went to one Mr. Chinns about Dinner time 
He and his good Lady gave us one of the best Dinners and de- 
cidedly the best wine I think I have ever drinked in my life They 
treated us so very well I almost forgot which one of the Boys I 
was. When we started back the good Lady insisted on my taking 
a bottle of her good wine with me to camp for some of my friends 
who was troubled with Bowel complaints. She also insisted on 
my coming back to Eat with them before we leave this place I 
think I will go again 

We bought a little watermellon yesterday at the Junction for 
fifty cents and have just Eat it today you had better believe it 
was good it had Red meat and Red seeds. This is the first I have 
Eat this season. 

I have been trying to find you a very nice Bomb Shell, if I 
succeed I will try and send it by the first opportunity I saw a 
peculiar one the other day it was all scolloped out it was a butif ul 

33 Butner was reported as having died. See John Henry Clewell, History 
of Wachovia in North Carolina (New York: Doubleday, Page and Com- 
pany, 1902), 246, hereinafter cited as Clewell, History of Wachovia. 

74 The North Carolina Historical Review 

one but the young man would not let me have it We are in a field 
where we have lots of Green Grass and Clover in fact too much 
I fear for good health for we have so very much wet weather it 
is very disagreeable especially of mornings and Evenings, The 
water is not very good and scarce 

We came here to try to recruit and get our men Restored again 
to good health if we can We happened to meet with better luck 
here in finding some Barns and out Houses for our sick and two 
very large Hospital tents we are prepared to take better care 
of the sick than we have been before 

The three houses all have floors in them and we had sleepers 
laid in the Extra Large Tents and plank Floors and then a fine 
chance of Straw and Hay put Down for the sick Beds My Broth- 
er Charles has been sick for some time I have managed to pro- 
cure a Room at a private Residence close by when we first ar- 
rived here for him and Mr. Hart, where they are both treated 
very kindly by the good old Gentleman and his Lady, They like 
to stay their very much for they take very great pains and treat 
them very kindly. They say they are mending very fine Brother 
has fell of some forty odd lbs since he got sick But is doing very 
well at present 

... I wish to be remembered to all enquiring friends and hope 
to have the pleasure of Returning again to see them all again 
sometime if not before next Spring I anticipate a joyful time if 
such time ever be . . . Please remember me to George and all the 
Black ones at home Tell old uncle Daniel I often think about him 
and how he is doing and hope to come back and find him with all 
things in a good condition I must close please write to me soon 
and dont have this Exposed for it was gone over in great hurry 
without much pains 


H. W. Barrow 

Broad Run Station Va. Sept, 27 1861 
Mr. John W. Fries 

Dear Sir I have Received your very kind letter of the 10 
and hope you will excuse me for not answering it sooner I have 
been very busy for a few weeks But I think I have my business so 
arranged at this time to have more Leisure time 

I understand you all at home think I am sick because I dont 
write oftener I am sorry I did not write oftener and will prom- 
ise you all to do better if you will Excuse me for what I have 
done already. I think the health of this Regiment is better than 
what it was a short time back I think about all the worst cases 
have been sent up the Road about forty miles above this place to 
Front Royal I think the moste that are sick here now are those 

Civil War Letters of Henry W. Barrow 75 

who are recovering from a spell of Fevor or measles I think the 
first cause of this sickness comes from being in camp at Mitchells 
Ford on Bull Run for our men was exposed to bad weather about 
the time of the Battle 13 and that camp was at a very low filthy 
place and the worst water to drink I have ever seen any human 
drink, I Recollect when we would have coffee made of muddy 
water it would look like coffee with a very large quantity of 
Cream, you may gane some idea how the coffee would taste. We 
staid at that place a few weeks and then went up to a place we 
called camp Rhett, About two miles from the Junction where The 
water was some better but not very plenty This camp was in the 
woods where we had to cut out quite a number of small Groath. 
The place was very damp and so very much vegitable matter 
decaying I think that was unhealthy. At this place a very large 
number got sick and died The condition got worse every day 

At last we Received permission to go to a place about ten 
miles on this side of the Junction called Page Land We called 
it Camp Hardee This was a low flat county and the water was 
very bad Some thought that was a healthy place But they got 
worse every day and the men died very fast at that place We 
staid their a few weeks and at last got permission to come up here 
across the mountain 

We are in a Beautiful healthy looking Country our Camp is 
between Winchester Rail Road and Bull Run mountain which is 
a very high mountain our camp is cloce to Broad Run Station 
The Boys are at liberty to go all over this neighborhood I think 
this will be good for them if they dont Expose themselves 

I am sorry some of this Regiment has been writing terrible 
Letters home to Excite our friends about us The Truth is bad 
enough, But I hear some have been holding up the dark side of 
the question all the time and are not very particular about telling 
the Truth at all time some say They dont have plenty to Eat I 
think with the exception of a few days at Mitchells ford all hands 
have had plenty to Eat such as Bacon Beef Flour Coffee Sugar 
and Rice this is more than some who complain so very much was 
used to at home. I understand there is a great deal said about 
our Colonel This is something I have always been opposed to do- 
ing, for I am told it is a court martial offence to be writing any- 
thing much concerning my Superior officers but I can say this 

13 Beall makes the following comment: "Immediately the regiment moved 
in double quick time to our position at Mitchell's Ford on Bull Run — this 
being the center of the Confederate line of battle. . . . We continued to hold 
the same position on 21 July when the first battle of Manassas was fought 
and a victory won for the Confederates which electrified the whole country/' 
He also mentions that the regiment suffered greatly from illness. Beall, 
"Twenty-first Regiment," II, 130. 

76 The North Carolina Historical Review 

much for Col. Kirkland 14 he has always treated me like a Gen- 
tleman and therefore I have nothing more to say on this subject. 
We have had the pleasure of seeing several of our friends from 
N. Carolina and amongst the Rest a number of our good Ladies 
from Salem 15 We have put up 5 good Large Hospital Tents on 
a beautiful place about one quarter of a mile from camp Mrs. 
Kremer 16 Miss Vogler and Miss Clewell will stay in one and a 
short distance from them we will moove over our Sick to occupy 
the others I came across a very cleaver Gentleman about three 
miles from us that Loaned me inch Plank enough to lay good 
Floors in each Tent, and also Large Rafters for Sleepers, This 
is a great improvement in the way of comfort. The other nurses 
have all gone up to Front Royal to attend to the Sick at that 

... I must try to make some appoligy for not sending you the 
Bomb Shell I had promised to send you when I came to Examine 
I found it had something in it looked very much like part of a 
load I asked your uncle Henry what I had best do he said I could 
send it by my Brother and write to you to be careful how you 
managed it and I put it in my Brothers carpet Sack that night 
and the next morning I told him abount finding some hard sub- 
stance inside of the Shell He said I ought not to send it if there 
was any danger in it, and I was fearful some accident might take 
place and I had best not send it, But I will try to send you some- 
thing if I can. 

You will please say to Aunt Betsey Shore that her son Henry 
is sick and has been sent to Front Royal for medical treatment 
he has not been very sick and is on the mend Augustus Samuels 
is doing very well Williams Parsons is stout and harty I think 
from what I can learn Thomas Hunter 17 and Ade. Voss are the 
worst caces now on hand from our siction of the county Hunter 
is at Front Royal and Voss is at Gansville I passed that place 
last evening on the cars and stopped their but few minutes. 
They thought Voss to be some little better but he is very low 
and it would take but very little to take him anyway. 

""This officer was a splendid fighter and a superb soldier." David E. 
McKinne, "Seventy-Second Regiment," Clark, Histories of the Several 
Regiments, IV, 45. 

15 "Among those who went to Blantyre Hospital were Mrs. Eliza Kremer, 
and Misses Lizetta Stewart, L. Shaub, Laura Vogler, and Margaret Clewell." 
Clewell, History of Wachovia, 254. 

16 Mrs. Kremer taught in Salem Academy, and after her husband's death 
she taught in the Salem Boys' School. She was a pioneer in Sunday School 
work. During the war she was President of the Ladies' Relief Association 
of Salem. "After the battle of Manassas she took a group of women from 
Salem to the fever hospital at Blantyne, near Culpepper, Va. where they 
served as nurses for several months." "Memoir." 

17 Died Sept. 28, 1861. 

Civil War Letters of Henry W. Barrow 77 

The Boys that are here dont have any thing much to do for 
we dont have any Guard. They can go to Bed and sleep as late 
as they please of mornings The Colonel said he would gave them 
all the privlege he posibly could and see if that would help them 
We are amongs very cleaver people they are quite [different] 
from what some were on the other Side of the Junction I think 
that to be a very uncertain county This is a very bad disagree- 
able wet day I very much dislike to see such especially here in 
camp but we have to take such things as we find them I think 
if I can have my health I can stand this kind life But this is a 
very bad place to be sick in camp 

I must close you will please Excuse bad Spelling and writing 
please dont have this Exposed Please gave my kindest Regards 
to all and tell them I would like to hear from them all 

Yours very Truly 

H. W. Barrow 

Broad Run Station Va October 9 1861 
Mr. John W. Fries 

Dear Sir 

By Mr. William Gentry I send you a cannon ball. This is the 
best I can do for you at present. . . . There will be no danger in 
the Ball 

I have nothing much to write at present some bring" news 
from below, That there is fighting going on below Fairfax Court 
house, some twentyfive or thirty miles from this I was down at 
the Junction on yesterday all things was quiet But they have 
sent back all the Sick and what Bagage they can spare to the 
Junction and to other places They were expecting an engagement 
every hour 

The health of the Regiment is improving very much But it will 
be some time before some of the men are able for duty. On last 
monday the paymaster was here he paid the Boys They are flush 
with money I heard from the Boys up at Front Royal The Boys 
from Forsythe County are doing very well We have very dis- 
agreeable weather it is damp and cool 

We are compelled to send home Philip Mitchell 18 by Mr. 
Vaughn who is here on a visit, he says he will see him through 
Philip has had a very hard spell of Fevor and is mending very 
slow and I fear he wont be able to do anything here in camp this 
winter We must try to do without him for we have had to do so 
for some time already I can say this much for Philip he was a 
faithful hand but very slow Peter Scales and his mess brot him 
with them and they wanted to give him up and our mess took 


A Negro. 

78 The North Carolina Historical Review 

him to help Gid and he very soon took fevor and was bad sick 
on our hands but this was not Philips fault. . . . 

I have heard of no new caces of Fevor in camp for several days 

Yours very truly 

H. W. Barrow 

Broad Run Station Va Nov. 10 1861 
Mr. John W. Fries 

Dear Sir 

As I have a chance of sending you a few lines by Mr. Samuels 
I write in haste to let you know how I am doing. I prosume you 
have heard that I am left at this place in company with a part 
of the Regiment, I cant say how long we will be here in this con- 

When they left for Centerville I thought we would be with 
the balance of the Regiment before now 

As the men are thought to be able They are sent on for duty. 
I prosume I will have to stay here as long as any of the Regiment. 
There is not much sickness here now there are no new caces, and 
those who have been sick are mending, and I hope will soon be 
well again I have nothing to write more than what you have 
heard We have rather Bad news from the South and good from 

We have been expecting a great fight for some time at or near 
Centerville. There are two very large armeys within a few miles 
of each other and I dont think this state of affairs can continue 
long For the weather is getting cold and they will have to do 
something soon We have had some very disagreeable weather 
here I think on Saturday the second of this month was one of the 
worst days that I have ever seen We had a considerable storm 
of wind and Rain Cold wet weather is very bad on us who are in 
Tents But when the wind Blows so very hard it is much worse 
I have been this afternoon upon a very high mountain with the 
Ladies We had a splendid vew of a large portion of Virginia 

I hope there will be some arrangements for us to go into 
Winter quarters soon I would like for the fight to take place first 
For I would be much better satisfied if we can give the Yankees 
another thrashing and then we will not be interrupted this win- 
ter. Augustus Samuels received his discharge this Evening since 
dark I told him to make ready to start in company with Mr. 
Holder This is very good news for him 

I would like to know why you dont write to me I have been 
looking for a letter from you for some time please say to Mr. 

Civil War Letters of Henry W. Barrow 79 

C. T. Pfohl 10 his letter of the second has come to hand and I will 
answer it soon. ... I am well and Sam is mending fast 

Yours very truly 

H. W. Barrow 

Camp Kremer Va Dec 13/61 
Mr. John W. Fries 

Dear Sir 

I have been wanting to answer your moste welcome letter 
for several days But owing to business I have not done so We 
have had a fine day here But rather cool to be pleasant Times are 
quiet here But there was considerable canonading going on the 
larger portion of the day to our left, I think towards Leesburg, 
But I have not heard whether they were fighting or not The Pay- 
master was here today and paid this Regiment for Two months 
The Boys are flush again But I hope they will take care and send 
some money home This Regiment is going to start out Tomorrow 
morning on picket this is a hard undertaking. They will be out 
three days and nights before they Return I calculate to go with 
them. The staff generally stay in a house if they can find one 
close by and as I belong to that Body I hope we will stay in a 
house for it will be much more pleasant The health of the Regi- 
ment is tolerable good with the exception of Colds I think they 
are harty and have plenty Beef Flour and coffee I think when we 
Return from picket if nothing happens we will go into Winter 
quarters Belo the Junction at a place on the Rail Road called 
Union Mills This is I am told near Fairfax Station I hope we will 
get into the woods where we can Build Log Cabbins in a hurry. 
John when I once think how the great army Ruins this county 
I am glad that the Battle ground is not in our section of county 
and I hope that will never be the Battle ground I want for us to 
stand firm and Beat the miserable Scoundrels back and teach 
them to stay on their own soil and let us alone 

Then I think we will be a free and happy people, I was much 
Rejoiced this morning very soon on the Receipt of your Father's 
letter I dont think I have ever received a letter that done me 
more good . . . please gave my Respects to all 

Yours truly 

H. W. Barrow 

19 Christian T. Pfohl was detailed for service in the F. and H. Fries 
Woolen Mills during the War. Later he served as a member of the Board 
of Elders of the Moravian Church for twenty-five years. "Memoir." 

80 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Weldon, N. C. Feb. 1, 1864 
Mr. John W. Fries 
Dear Sir 

I arrived here on the train from Petersburg last Saturday, 
Capt. Brame of the 6th N. C. Sergt. Shreenes of the 54th and my- 
self were ordered to Report to our Brigade at this place with the 
Tents and some other Babage. But when we arrived here we 
learnt that the Brigade had left and gone in the direction of 
Goldsboro We then Telegraphed to Genl. Hoke 20 he then Tele- 
graphed for us to remain here until further orders We have our 
Bagage stored away in the ware house and we are occupying a 
Room at the Gooch Hotel for the present We draw Rations and 
have a servt. to cook for us. When our Brigade left their winter 
quarters in Va. We then moved the Transportation back to Gor- 
donsville where we Built very good quarters thinking we would 
remain. The weather has been very fine for some time But for 
the last day or two we have had rather damp weather. . . . Since 
I commenced this the Band of the 26 N. C. arrived here on the 
Petersburg Train They say they are going on Furlogh I am 
sorry that I could not send you a better Bridle Bit When I saw 
you I thought I would send one that I left when I started But 
during my absence it was taken. . . . Please give my kindest Re- 
gards to all. 

Yours very truly 

H. W. Barrow 

Kinston N. C. March 10th 1864 
Mr. John W. Fries 

Dear Sir, yours of the 6th is at hand, We remain at the same 
Camp. I think we will stay here some time. The Recruits are 
comming to this Brigade every day. Our men are tolerable well 
provided for at present, They are looking very well There was 
a Scouting party of sixty men sent down towards Newbern the 
other day and was out four days But they found no Yankees Our 
men are at work on the Gun Boat at this place it will be a very 
strong Boat when finished. This has been a very Rainy day here. 
I think this will be a very warm place to stay during the Summer 
Season, But By that time we may all be somewhere else. I think 

20 After the battle of Sharpsburg Colonel Hoke was placed in command 
of the Twenty-first North Carolina Regiment. Following the battle of 
Fredericksburg he was promoted to Brigadier General and a brigade was 
formed for him which included the Twenty-first N. C. In January, 1864, 
Hoke's Brigade was sent to North Carolina and after the victory at 
Plymouth Hoke was promoted to Major-General. Biographical History of 
North Carolina, Samuel A. Ashe (ed.), (Greensboro: Charles L. Van 
Noppen, Publisher, 8 volumes, 1905-1917), I, 312-315. He was "a superlative 
Colonel and an excellent, hard-hitting Brigadier." Douglass Southall 
Freeman, Lee's Lieutenants (New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 3 
volumes, 1942-1944), III, 618. 

Civil War Letters of Henry W. Barrow 81 

our prospects are looking more favorable than they have for a 
long time. By Mr. Nathaniel Styers I send a pair blue Pants and 
1 Comfort, you will please have them packed away in my Trunk, 
as I have pants plenty to last me for some time yet to come. 

I thought I would send the one pair home for safe keeping 
until I may want them 

We will look for Capt. James back in a few days I have been 
having a tolerable good time here and have been Riding about 
in this neighborhood I would like to come up the County a few 
days this Spring But I fear it will be a hard matter for me to get 
off as I have [to] do the Business here of Quartermaster of the 
Regt as Capt. Vogler is in Va. . . . 

Let me hear from you again 

Yours very truly 

H. W. Barrow 

Kinston N. C. April 9th 1864 
Mr. John W. Fries 

Dear Sir 

I have been owing you an answer to yours of the 27th. We 
have quiet times yet. Yesterday being the day the President ap- 
pointed We all tryed to keep it as much as we could, I think 
there was Preaching in all the different Regts. of this Brigade. 
We have a vast deal of Rain here this Spring. Sergt Pfohl has 
returned from home, he tells me you have had some very rough 
weather lately. We dont hear much said about us leaving here. 
Some think we will not remain here much longer when the 
weather gets good again Our Regt have not been Drilling very 
much for the last few days They have been cleaning up and 
putting our Camp in good order We have a good Camp From 
your last Letter I have been looking for you and Mr. C. T. Pfohl 
to pay us a visit The Neuse River has been very high for some 
time, There has been very few fish caught here for some time I 
fear they wont catch many more 

I think the Yankees are going to try to capture Richmond 
again as Grant has been successful out west He thinks he can 
manage Genl. Lee and his army, But I think he will find out 
some difference between Genl Lee and old Pemberton who I 
believe is a Yankee Our men here in the army are in fine spirits 
We think this summer will end this cruel war I have been talking 
with several men who have lately been up in Forsythe and Stokes 
Counties they tell me there has lately been a change amongst a 
great many up their I hope all of the Traitors will soon be con- 
vinced they have been doing so very much harm and have caused 
a many a good young man to have to loose his life already in de- 

82 The North Carolina Historical Review 

fence of his country I must close as I have nothing to write that 
is interesting I want you to write again when you have time 
Please give my Regards to all 

Yours very truly 

H. W. Barrow 

Greenville N. C. April 30th 1864 
Mr. John W. Fries 

Dear Sir 

Since we left Kinston We have had a very hard time I pro- 
sume you have heard all about our forces Capturing Plymouth 
and contents. 21 I am told that the soldiers had a good time after 
the place was surrendered. They have mostely provided them- 
selves with clothing and Eatables 

Before the place surrendered I was sent back to Tarboro with 
our wounded. I returned too late to supply myself with any thing. 
I had heard that there was a large quantity of goods in the place 
I was in hopes I could be present when the place surrendered and 
procure some valuable goods for myself and friends, but failed 
to do so. We remained there a few days and then came to Wash- 
ington and drove in their pickets at that place We staid their 
one day and night. I am told the Enemy were very much excited 
thinking our forces would storm the place. We arrived here on 
yesterday about one oclock I dont think we will stay here long. 
We dont know in what direction we will moove from here Hoke 
is now a Major General Our Brigade is for the present com- 
manded by Lieut Col Lewis of the 43 N. C. Regt. 

Leiut Robert Belo and Athel Lemly are here with us They 
are both very well, Maj Pfohl Capt James and the rest of our 
Boys are very well 

Yours very truly 

H. W. Barrow 

Camp Below Harrisonburg Va Nov. 23rd 1864 
Mr. John W. Fries 
Dear Sir 

As I have time I drop you a few lines Our forces have moved 
up to this place. I dont have much news to write it was reported 
here last Evening that the Enemy were advancing But we dont 
hear anything said about it this morning. I have been up above 
Staunton for the last fifteen days hunting Forage for our Stock 
I find it very scarce. I prosume you have heard that our forces 
went down the valley near Winchester They soon returned. They 

21 The battle of Plymouth was fought on April 20, 1864. The garrison 
surrendered to General Hoke. 

Civil War Letters of Henry W. Barrow 83 

assertained at Strasburg that Maj W. J. Pf ohl 22 died very soon 
after he was wounded 

Some of our men saw his Grave at Strasburg. 

I am looking for his brother. I have been told that our army 
has recruited very much lately I am told they are bringing nearly 
all of the men from our section of country Carlos Strupe and 
Wely Petree are here with us I hope we wont have to winter 
here in the Vally as it is a very cold place We have had for some 
time very wet and disagreeable weather But the clouds Blew 
away last Evening and we had a very cold night last night. I 
fear we are going to have a very hard winter. We have not Re- 
ceived any News Papers for some days until this morning. 
There seems to be very little news in the Papers. I fear we wont 
be permitted to go into winter quarters soon if at all this winter 

I would very much like to have a pair of good coarse heavy 
Boots for this winter. Will you and Mr. Joseph Stockton do me 
the kindness to see if you can have such a pair made if you can 
I want them no. 9 Course and Strong with thick bottoms suitable 
to tromp the mud this winter perhaps the best chance would be 
at Waughs Shop Either of you know best. When I was at home 
last winter I left a pair of old Boots at my Brother Williams at 
Winston I think the Legs of those would do very well to front if 
you can have a pair fronted. You or Mr. Stockton will please send 
up for those. I dont like to be so much trouble to you But I have 
heard that my Brother is not at home I have been very much 
troubled about Boots lately I purchased a pair at Staunton for 
a very large price thinking they would answer for me for this 
Winter But they are like to be worthless, I never have been so 
badly cheated in my life before. I would also like to have a Hat 
no. 7% if you should see any person coming out that you could 
send one, if there is no Hats on hand for sale in Town where they 
make them, I think I have a black soft fur Hat in my Room at 
the store You will please write to me soon what the chance would 
be for the above mentioned articles and I will satisfy you for 
your trouble and pay you all Expenses You will please remem- 
ber me to all the family My health is tolerable good write soon 
and gave all the news 

Yours very truly 

H. W. Barrow 

22 "Among the killed was the heroic Pfohl, commander of the regiment. 
No man ever exhibited in such a time a greater coolness, skill, and bravery 
which excited the admiration of his men." Beall, "Twenty-First Regiment," 
II, 143. 

84 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Pleasant Hill NC January 20th 1865 
Mr. John W. Fries 
Dear Sir 

Sergt. R. A. Wammock will be at Salem in a few days if 
you have not sent the Hat and Boots, you have for me, you will 
Please send them By him I have been sent up here to collect 
Forage and will remain here until he returns I also wrote to 
your mother some days back requesting her to send me a Box 
of Provisions. You will please say to her if she has not sent it, 
To not send until she can hear from me I am not with the Com- 
mand and cant say when I will be and I would rather she would 
not send the Box for fear I would not receive it 23 I hope I can 
live tolerable well up here I left Petersburg about four days back 
all was quiet there I cant tell when I will be able to come home on 
Furlough But when Wammock returns I will make application 
But I am fearful I wont succeed for I would very much like to 
come home I will close please accept my thanks for your kind- 
ness Write when you can Gave my regards to all the family 

Yours very truly 

H. W. Barrow 

Quarter Masters Office 
Lewis Brigade 
February 19th 1865 
Mr. John W. Fries 
Salem, N. C 
Dear Sir 

I hope you will excuse me for not writing you sooner 
The Boots and Hat that I have been troubling so long about, 
reached me on the 14th of this month. I am very much pleased 
with the Boots, they fit very well and I think they are a very 
good strong article I dont have much news to write you have I 
prosume heard of the evacuation of Columbia S. C. 24 A few 
weeks back I was down in Northampton County N.C. I remained 
their about two weeks for the purpose of collecting up Forage 
for this Brigade. I then returned back to my post and have since 
been verry busy writing in this Office. I have Sergt Ed. Pfohl 
with me 

We have our quarters in a verry comfortable House on what 

is called the Cox Road about three miles South of Petersburg Va. 

Our Brigade is about Eight miles from us They are down on 

our Right. We have had tolerable quiet times here for the past 

23 "Many received boxes of provisions from home, but food so sent often 
was stolen or spoiled in transit, or was left in railway stations that never 
were cleared of freight and express." Freeman, Lee's Lieutenants, III, 620. 

24 Sherman "entered Columbia, South Carolina on the 17th," Freeman, 
Lee's Lieutenants, III, 641. 

Civil War Letters of Henry W. Barrow 85 

week, But I think it has been mostly owing to the verry disagree- 
able weather We have had a vast quantity of Rain here this 
Winter, But very little Snow This has been a beautiful day here 
and the ground is drying up very fast I think if the Weather 
keeps fair a few days, Hostilities will be renewed again I dont 
think I will be able to obtain a Furlough this Spring. I have 
been hoping I could do so. ... I have been hoping that our future 
prospects would brighten up by this time, But to my great re- 
gret they look at present very much to the contrary. We are but 
a short distance to the rear of our front lines. We can hear the 
Yankee cars run up and they can hear our cars also. The Enemy 
have built a very large observatory oposite our quarters it dont 
look like it is but a short distance from us. This is a very high 
concern. They can see from the top a verry considerable distance 
I think Genl. Lee will have this observatory Shot down with 
artillery for it is in reach I prosume you have heard of the fight 
that took place about two weeks back down where our Brigade 
is in camp. 25 This was a hard fight Our Division I am told fought 
about twenty thousand Yankees. They drove the Yankees back 
Our loss was said to be very small When the Enemy advanced, 
They captured Mr. Edwin Minung. 26 He was out guarding a pri- 
vate House and they took him by surprise I must close by re- 
turning to you many thanks for your trouble and kindness until 
you are better paid 

Please write to me soon and gave me all the news direct my 
Letters to the care of Capt. S. H. Brame A.Q.M. Lewis Brigade 
as I am not with the Regiment any more. . . . 

Yours very truly 

H. W. Barrow 

25 Winter quarters on Hatcher's Run, Beall, "Twenty-First Regiments," 
II, 142. 

26 His life was spent in Salem "with the exception of the trying time spent 
with the army in Virginia. He often referred with thankfulness to the 
experiences of God's goodness which he made during this season of priva- 
tion disease and danger." "Memoir." 


Tarheel Talk : An Historical Study of the English Language in 
North Carolina. By Norman E. Eliason. (Chapel Hill: The 
University of North Carolina Press, 1956. Pp. x, 324. $5.00.) 

A lot of popular notions about North Carolina speech 
are exploded in this delightfully entertaining study by a 
Professor of English at Chapel Hill. For instance, our moun- 
tain people and our coastal residents do not employ "pure 
Elizabethan" or antique "Chaucerian," even when they say 
hit instead of it. Hit is simply a survival retained in folk 
speech after the elimination of the word from cultivated 
usage. Similar word histories are numerous. Current unfash- 
ionable phrasing is almost uniformly traceable to dialects in 
those various sections of England from which our ancestors 

For his research Dr. Eliason copiously investigated the 
papers of the Southern Historical Collection at the Univer- 
sity of North Carolina Library: letters, diaries, journals, ac- 
count books, plantation records, wills, deeds, speeches, 
poems, and class notes. Even so, the author is careful to make 
no broad generalizations. He constantly warns against form- 
ing any principles based on insufficient evidence. But withal, 
he gives us enough examples to set a pattern, and incidentally 
provides us with information about many social attitudes of 
our forbears. The upper classes, for example, were not 
aloof in speech matters. In North Carolina it was quite the 
contrary, we are told. Frequently, folk and cultivated speech 
were indistinguishable in what must have been a very demo- 
cratic society. 

North Carolina is no lexicographer's paradise. Dr. Eliason 
found few "North Carolinaisms." Definite native products 
are buncombe and scuppernong, both derivities of place 
names. Among the words antedating citations in DA and 
OED are jew down (1848), scarce as hens teeth (1858), 
corduroy ( 1795 ) , and fixing ( 1854 ) as in "Aunt Lizy is just 
fixing to go to church." Fixing to is not cited by OED till 

Book Reviews 87 

The drawl of North Carolina speech is not due to Southern 
laziness, but rather to a patrician attitude about language 
matters. The dropped g in morning and the dropped r in car 
have respectable antecedence. The broad a in fast (which 
North Carolinians abhor) was once, we are glad to learn, 
considered unashamedly vulgar. 

Though grammar was flexible in ante-bellum times, Dr. 
Eliason "found no convincing instance anywhere of you all 
used for the singular." Ain't was infrequent. Professor E. 
Bagby Atwood in a University of Michigan publication is 
the authority cited for the startling news that Mowed, growed, 
knowed, and have wrote are prevalent North Carolina forms 
today except among the "highly educated"! 

A word list, carefully documented, plus 440 significant 
spellings (e.g., Catauber, Guildford, Hye, and Macklingburgh 
counties), is appended. 

This valuable study— one of the first anywhere to be based 

on manuscript rather than printed material— is evidence of 

Dr. Eliason's scholarship, good sense, and humor. It must 

have troubled him, however, to use the one-word Tarheel in 

his title instead of the Tar Heel sanctioned by six of the seven 

leading morning newspapers in the State, only the Durham 

paper concurring with the usage-ignoring dictionary-makers 

of the North. 

Richard Walser. 
North Carolina State College, 

North Carolina Drama. Edited with an Introduction by Richard 
Walser. (Richmond, Va. : Garrett & Massie, Inc. 1956. Pp. 
vii, 229. $4.00.) 

This volume of plays is a companion to North Carolina in 
the Short Story and North Carolina Poetry, both by the same 
editor, a graduate of the University of North Carolina, cur- 
rently an Associate Professor of English at North Carolina 
State College, and a tireless and thorough student of his 
State's literature. The knowledge that Professor Walser has 

88 The North Carolina Historical Review 

gained, both from libraries and from personal acquaintance 
with writers, shows not only in the two-page introduction 
that precedes each of the ten one-act plays included, but also 
in the 37-page introduction to the volume itself. Here is per- 
haps the only attempt at a complete history of the drama in 
North Carolina. One reads in it of such producers as Augustin 
Daly and the De Mille's; of such actors as Forrest, Modjeska, 
and Mansfield, who toured North Carolina in the late nine- 
teenth century; of such writers as Thomas Godfrey, whose 
"Prince of Parthia," finished in North Carolina, was the first 
real drama by an American, and Lula Vollmer, whose "Sun- 
Up" ran so long on Broadway in the 1920's; of such plays as 
"Blackbeard," the first about North Carolina by a native of 
the State; and of the currently and universally popular out- 
door symphonic dramas written by such men as Paul Green 
and Kermit Hunter. But at greatest length one reads of 
Proff Koch, who came to Chapel Hill in 1918 to exert a perma- 
nent influence on all the state's dramatists, particularly on 
the writers of autobiographical and local color plays. 

The dramas that Professor Walser chose for his anthology 
are all products of the Koch period. Many of them are by 
ProfFs former students, and all of them are about North 
Carolina people. There are three tragedies, the best of which 
is "The Scuffletown Outlaws," by William Norment Cox, a 
play of the Croatan Indians of Robeson County and their 
post-Civil War feud with the law-abiding "whites." It is best 
because of the pathos, the suspense, the subtle weaving-in 
of background, the convincingly realistic dialogue, and the 
well-drawn characters of Henry Berry Lowrie, chief of the 
outlaws, and John Sander, the Yankee who joined the gang 
in order to capture it. The other two tragedies, "Sea Psalm," 
by Charles Edward Eaton, and "The Return of Buck Gavin," 
by Thomas Wolfe, are surprisingly poor to be included in this 
selection of plays, but understandably poor when one real- 
izes how young the poet and the novelist were at the time 
of composition. 

Of the comedies, there is one light satire of small-town 
life, "The Beaded Buckle," by Frances Gray Patton, author 
of the successful novel "Good Morning, Miss Dove." This 

Book Reviews 89 

play contains an amusing and ironic treatment on the leader 
of a small-town smart set, who with charm and cunning gets 
what she wants, twisting a doting son around her fingers and 
stopping gossip with flattery on the one hand and threats 
on the other. There are two plays about Negroes, "Sleep on, 
Lemuel," by John W. Parker, and "The No 'Count Boy," by 
Paul Green. One treats humorously the old Negress conjuror 
who straightens out the course of true young love while in 
the background is heard the singing and praying of a funeral 
service. The other, perhaps the most sensitive, discerning, 
and dramatically successful play in the collection, deals with 
the "Rainmaker" theme, bringing an imaginative, harp- 
playing, tale-telling boy briefly into the hum-drum life of a 
young girl who has immortal longings but a staid, sober, and 
very mortal fiance. And finally, there are four other folk 
comedies, "In Dixon's Kitchen," by Wilbur Stout, "Quare 
Medicine," by Paul Green, "Ca'line," by Bernice Kelly Har- 
ris, and "Wash Carver's Mouse Trap," by Fred Koch, Jr. One 
shows a young girl persuading her boy friend to propose, 
combatting not only his shyness but her father's denseness 
and her little brother's interruptions. Another presents the 
smooth-operating, poetic vendor of patent medicines, who 
gives a young husband the strength of character to take 
command of his household. "Ca'line" concerns the old, hard 
working community servant who is sent to the county poor 
house where she ironically learns to like electricity and other 
luxuries and, as a result, refuses to go through with a mar- 
riage planned by altruistic relatives trying to insure her old 
age. And the last comedy gives a short but convincing glimpse 
of the scheming mountaineer who fleeces detouring vacation- 
ists by pulling them out of a mud hole that he made but who 
in the end is himself cheated by a smart city slicker. 

Ordinarily a book of selections from the literature of a 
particular state would be of greatest interest to the natives 
of that state, and certainly North Carolina Drama will pro- 
vide most appeal for the readers who know the communities, 
the dialects, and the types of people represented in its covers. 
But there is also a universal appeal. Some of these plays are 

90 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of interest simply because they are the youthful efforts of 
great writers, some because they are intrinsically successful 
as drama, and nearly all because they are entertaining. 

Percy G. Adams. 

University of Tennessee, 
Knoxville, Tenn. 

Rebel Boast. By Manly Wade Wellman. (New York: Henry Holt 
and Company. 1956. Pp. 317. Photographs and notes. $3.95.) 

Manly Wade Wellman has mined into a vein of Civil War 
material that has heretofore been largely neglected. He has 
provided a fully-rounded model for others who will undoubt- 
edly take to the same rich store. 

Manuscript material used was in the form of diary and 
letter collections in the Southern Historical Collection at 
Chapel Hill, and from private sources in Halifax County. 

Using the manuscript and standard reference works, the 
author traces the war experiences of five common soldiers of 
the Confederacy from their enlistment in the Enfield Blues 
until the surrender at Appomattox. 

The five soldiers (none of whom rose above the rank of 
captain) were all members, first, of the Bethel Regiment 
(First Volunteers), and then of Company D of the Forty- 
Third North Carolina. 

Two of the five literally lived the "rebel boast" of being 
"First at Bethel, last at Appomattox." Three became victims 
of The War, dying or fatally wounded during Jubal Early's 
Shenandoah Valley campaign in the summer of 1864. 

The book abounds in good detail on the day-to-day life 
of the lower ranks, hangs fire when the principals go to 
battle ( diary- writers seldom reach their peak in describing 

Written in journalistic style, the work nevertheless shows 
good attention to historiographic discipline. Extensive direct 
quotation is used. Even when not quoting, the author lets 
the manuscript speak for itself with hardly an author's judg- 
ment intruding. This naturally causes gaps, and several of 

Book Reviews 91 

the principals fail to spring fully to life, despite the capable 
word-working of the author. 

Extensive and interesting notes are helpful not only for 
their material, but as an interesting study of how Wellman 
developed the mass of manuscript into a coherent, fast- 
moving story. 

The book is valuable for its plan, interesting for its wealth 
of detail on North Carolina's part in the War for Southern 
Independence, and written in a style that catches the mood 
of its period. 

Roy Parker, Jr. 


Here Will I Dwell: The Story of Caldwell County. By Nancy 
Alexander. (Lenoir: Published by the author. 1956. Pp. 230. 
Illustrations. $5.00.) 

As the title would seem to indicate, this history of Caldwell 
County was performed as a labor of love by one of its loving 

Broken down into thirteen chapters, the book devotes 
chapters to the Indians, the early explorers and settlers, and 
the Revolutionary days of the area, through its various stages 
of development as part of Rowan, Burke, and Wilkes before 
its actual formation in 1841. Later chapters deal at length 
with the social, economic, religious, and cultural progress of 
this piedmont-mountain county. In fact, its accounts of camp 
meetings, ancient superstitions, weddings, funerals, excur- 
sions, and bees of various varieties give it a homelike quality 
which will no doubt awaken many nostalgic reminiscences 
in the minds of others who dwell in Happy Valley and its 
environs. Legends, reminiscences, memorabilia, and anec- 
dotes abound. 

The author states that the book is based on five years of 
research among "many hundred historical books and volumes, 
family records, scrapbooks, manuscripts, documents, and 
newspaper files" at various places in Caldwell and other 
counties, in libraries at Duke, Chapel Hill, the Woman's 

92 The North Carolina Historical Review 

College, State College, and the Department of Archives and 
History. Interviews with "innumerable persons" rounded 
out the research. Unfortunately there is no documentation 
except a few internal references, mostly to published journals, 
such as Bishop Asbury's, and to Lenoir newspapers of the 
past half -century. Nor is there a bibliography, but there is a 
fifteen-page index, which, incidentally, is labeled "Appendix." 

A careful check of facts ( e. g. Patrick Ferguson is elevated 
to a general) and careful proofreading would have improved 
the book. For instance, Louis Round Wilson is referred to as 
R. L. Wilson, Mrs. C. P. Dey becomes Mrs. Day, "exag- 
gerated" is mispelled, the year "1887" should read "1787," 
"hung" should read 'hanged," et cetera. 

Despite the lack of scientific training, the author has 
breathed into this volume a great deal of life and love which 
should bring pleasure to the inhabitants of 'this beautiful, 
protected valley in the foothills of the Blue Ridge." 

Blackwell P. Robinson. 

High Point College, 

High Point. 

The Living Past of Cleveland County. By Lee A. Weathers. 
(Shelby: Star Publishing Company. 1956. Pp. 269. $4.00.) 

It is probable that no one is better qualified to record the 
general history of Cleveland County than Lee Weathers, for 
since 1911 he has edited the Shelby Daily Star and his an- 
cestors lived, worked, and participated in the country activi- 
ties for five generations. He has been active in the writing of 
its day-to-day history and is thus on familiar ground in dis- 
cussing the background of the problems and events that 
occurred. More important, he was on intimate and personal 
terms with the Shelby "political dynasty" of O. Max Gardner, 
Clyde R. Hoey, and Judge James Y. Webb and could discuss 
the political leadership of these men who helped to mold 
the destiny of North Carolina throughout the twentieth 

The author does not attempt to make this a scholarly or 
documented history of Cleveland County. Instead, it is more 

Book Reviews 93 

of a personalized sketch of facts, myths, and "tidbits" of the 
highlights of the county's past. It is regretable that a more 
scientific study was not made, especially on the Civil War and 
Reconstruction political story and the industrial development 
of the county. Yet, for the general lay reader it was fortunate 
that the present format was followed since otherwise much 
of the personality and "flavor" of Mr. Weathers would have 
been inevitably lost. 

The most important topics included: formation and early 
settlement of the county; building the railroads after the 
Civil War; public education; resort center and recreation; 
King's Mountain; industrial pioneers; and, political develop- 
ment and leadership. The latter was the highlight of the 
study, but here again, this reviewer would have liked a more 
thorough analysis of the political leadership and contributions 
of the "Cleveland dynasty." 

Mr. Weathers should be commended for making his study 

so readable and for the many timely illustrations. Its appeal 

will be altogether local, but enough information is included 

that should lead to several excellent graduate thesis and local 

research histories. 

Horace W. Raper. 
Tennessee Polytechnic Institute, 
Cookeville, Tennessee. 

A History of Moore County, North Carolina, 1747-1847. By 
Blackwell P. Robinson. (Southern Pines: Moore County His- 
torical Association. 1956. Pp. viii, 270. Maps, illustrations, and 
bibliography. $5.00.) 

Moore County has produced a local history that is well 
above the average county history. Mr. Robinson, apparently 
a writer of some experience, tells his story ably, if not brilliant- 
ly, and has wisely relegated most of the customary lists of 
early settlers and other scattered bits of information to a 
series of appendices, which occuply about one-fourth of the 
text. The result is a readable book, which holds the interest 
even of some one, like this reviewer, who had never before 
heard of Moore County. 

94 The North Carolina Historical Review 

For those who have no roots in Moore County, the chief 
value of the book is its account of the arrival of the Highland 
Scots, their Tory sympathies during the Revolution, and the 
brutal civil war in the area following the battle of Moore's 
Creek Bridge. A glimpse of the way in which crude and 
violent men were raised to positions of power by the passions 
of the Revolution is afforded in the sketch of Colonel Philip 
Alston, justice of the peace and state senator, who was ac- 
cused of murder as well as counterfeiting, not to mention 
petty tyrannies over the local Tories. 

Other chapters are devoted to the organization of the 
county, education, churches, farming and industry, and the 
Alston house, later the home of Governor Benjamin Williams, 
now preserved as a historic shrine. The book avoids the usual 
weakness of local histories, the neglect of more recent history, 
by stopping rather abruptly in 1847, the centennial, not of 
the county, but of the first settlement in the area. This sudden 
ending has at least the virtue of leaving the reader in sus- 
pense, waiting for another volume to take Moore County 
through two world wars and to add the story of Pinehurst and 
Southern Pines, Moore County's most important contribution 
to the twentieth century. It is to be hoped that the author of 
the second volume will be able to dig a little deeper than Mr. 
Robinson has had time to do. 

Marvin W. Schlegel. 
Longwood College, 
Farmville, Virginia. 

The State Records of South Carolina: Journals of the South 
Carolina Executive Councils of 1861 and 1862. Edited by 
Charles E. Cauthen. (Columbia: South Carolina Archives De- 
partment. 1956. Pp. xv, 336. $8.00.) 

For several years the South Carolina Archives Department, 
under the able direction of J. H. Easterby, has been printing 
an invaluable series of colonial records. The present volume 
is the first in a series of state records which promises to be of 
equal importance. 

Book Reviews 95 

This volume deals with the critical Civil War period. As 
Professor Easterby says in the Series Preface, "The effects of 
its [South Carolina's] decision to withdraw from the union 
in 1860 have been more far-reaching than those of any other 
event in its history." The event has been studied attentively. 
So far as the reviewer knows, however, this is the first time 
the journals of the Executive Council have been available. 
The editor of this volume, Professor of History in Wofford 
College, is the author of an excellent study, South Carolina 
Goes to War, 1860-1865 (Chapel Hill, 1950), including two 
chapters on the executive councils, in which he did not cite 
the journals. Laura A. White, in an article in the American 
Historical Review (July, 1929) dealing specifically with the 
Council and the Convention that gave it birth, does not cite 
the journals of the Council but only those of the Convention. 
It is true that some of the essential material may be found 
elsewhere, but in matters of historical importance there can 
be no substitute for original sources. The sense of urgency 
surrounding the Fort Sumter crisis, the confusion of war, 
the inter-mixture of high policy and petty administrative 
detail, can nowhere be felt more vividly than in the day-to- 
day minutes of the Council. The work of the Council as an 
experiment in executive control, and its ultimate failure be- 
fore the bar of public opinion— in spite of the editor's view 
that it "exercised its great powers with considerable wisdom 
and success"— is made doubly interesting because of the 
war crisis. 

The editor has explained the origin of the Council, its lapse 

after the state's formal association with the Confederacy, 

its revival at a critical time near the end of 1861, and its final 

demise a year later. 

Robert H. Woody. 
Duke University, 

96 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The University of Georgia under Sixteen Administrations, 1785- 
1955. By Robert Preston Brooks. (Athens : The University of 
Georgia Press. 1956. Pp. ix, 260. $4.50.) 

This is a timely and interesting survey of the history of 
The University of Georgia from the closing years of the 
eighteenth century to the present. It supplements the earlier 
works of A. L. Hull and E. M. Coulter and covers new ground 
in its treatment of the University during the late nineteenth 
and first half of the twentieth centuries. 

The author was eminently qualified for this assignment, 
having been on the campus in Athens for fifty-five years as 
student, professor, and dean. In addition to an intimate per- 
sonal knowledge of men and events, he has consulted col- 
leagues and made extensive use of published and unpublished 
material. The emphasis is on "financial problems, the growth 
of the enrollment, and changes in the curriculum." These, 
along with sketches of distinguished teachers, are woven into 
the administrations of the several presidents and chancellors. 

Dr. Brooks states that North Carolina is clearly entitled to 
the distinction of having the first state university in actual 
operation, but notes that Georgia was the "first state actually 
to charter a university." Discussion of difficulties with church- 
related colleges, the Civil War years, athletics, and political 
meddling in higher education by the late Governor Eugene 
Talmadge enliven and add to the value of this study. 

The book contains appendices on enrollment, income, 
principal officers, and a tribute to Harold Hirsch. One misses 
illustrations of the University campus and of the worthies 
who have contributed so much to higher education in Georgia 
and the South. A bibliography and index are included. 

Dr. Brooks is to be commended for this valuable addition 
to the growing list of college and university histories. His 
efforts will be welcomed by alumni and friends of The Uni- 
versity of Georgia and those concerned with the problems 
and opportunities of the South. 

David A. Lockmiller. 

University of Chattanooga, 
Chattanooga, Tennessee. 

Book Reviews 97 

The Pursuit of Science, in Revolutionary America, 1735-1789. By 
Brooke Hindie. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Caro- 
lina Press. Published for The Institute of Early American 
History and Culture. 1956. Pp. xi, 410. $7.50.) 

For a nation whose destiny is bound to science, perhaps 
as Prometheus was bound to the rock, the story of our scien- 
tific beginnings must have a particular fascination. Brooke 
Hindie, formerly Research Associate at The Institute of Early 
American History and Culture and now a rising young his- 
torian at New York University, here follows the first faltering 
footsteps of American scientists in a volume which is original 
in scope, meticulous in attention to detail, and based on wide 
and comprehensive research. 

Explaining that the relatively backward economic develop- 
ment, poor communications, and workaday spirit of colonial 
America retarded scientific advance, Mr. Hindie finds the 
first evidence of scientific interest among a group of amateurs 
who made natural history their special study and among 
physicians. Slowly these men, by exchanging accounts of 
their observations and by establishing contacts with leading 
European scientists, formed the nucleus of an Atlantic scien- 
tific community. By the middle of the eighteenth century 
their interests had widened to include astronomy and elec- 
tricity and America had produced two scientists of the first 
order, Benjamin Franklin and John Winthrop. 

The coming of the Revolution and the influence of the idea 
of progress implicit in the Enlightenment further spurred 
scientific advances, but the first flowering of American science 
came only, as Mr. Hindie makes clear, in the 1780's when 
colleges expanded their scientific curricula, scientific societies 
were formed, and "a bewildering number of inventions and 
gadgets appeared." Nevertheless, Mr. Hindie notes at the 
conclusion of his work, America still lagged behind Europe 
in scientific advance principally because of its less developed 
internal conditions, a general unfamiliarity with mathematics, 
and the unwillingness of a somewhat narrowly practical 
people to interest themselves in scientific theory. 

Perhaps the only serious criticism of this fine book is that 
Mr. Hindie, in his occupation with scientists, nowhere ex- 

98 The North Carolina Historical Review 

plains for us the state of scientific knowledge in any of the 
fields he deals with. Thus the lay reader is sometimes con- 
fronted with unfamiliar terms and processes whose signifi- 
cance can only be left to conjecture. 

Elisha P. Douglass. 
University of North Carolina, 
Chapel Hill. 

Eli Whitney and the Birth of American Technology. By Con- 
stance McL. Green. (Boston: Little, Brown and Company. 
1956. Pp. vii, 215. Bibliographical note and index. $3.50.) 

This is a fine new volume in The Library of American 
Biography, edited by Oscar Handlin, and contains a preface 
by the editor. The author's academic background, experience 
as Chief Historian for Ordnance in the Army history program, 
and interest in urban history equip her particularly well to 
tell the story of Eli Whitney. 

The book begins with a survey of the economic problems 
with which the United States was confronted after winning 
political independence. In most respects the nation was still 
in the frontier stage of development although possessed of 
untold natural resources. The labor supply was inadequate, 
there were few skilled artisans, and there were no factories 
as such. America, as a result, continued dependent upon 
Europe for manufactured goods. Agriculture also languished 
for want of markets. It was largely by chance that Eli Whit- 
ney, who had demonstrated earlier an aptitude for mechanics, 
invented the cotton gin in 1793. This invention bolstered up 
the economy of the South by stimulating an enormous expan- 
sion in cotton culture and providing profitable employment 
for slaves. The enthusiasm for the gins was so great that 
Whitney immediately set to work devising ways and means 
of producing them in quantity. He was handicapped by a lack 
of skilled labor and necessary implements. "Other than ham- 
mers and chisels, saws and files, he could buy no tools. He 
had to make them by hand, just as he had cut and threaded 
every individual screw." A partnership with Phineas Miller 
was formed to produce and operate the gins. Although the 

Book Reviews 99 

gin was patented, pirating began almost immediately. This 
led to long years of expensive litigation and frustration for 
the inventor. As a result, Whitney made very little money 
from the cotton gin. 

Whitney turned next to the manufacture of muskets for 
the government. France, from whence we had previously 
secured most of our muskets, was on the verge of war with 
the United States. Whitney believed that he could design 
and construct machines which "could produce muskets of 
greater precision than could the most carefully trained hands, 
and make them faster than could an army of gunsmiths." It 
was contemplated that the component parts of the musket be 
made by separate machines, and that the parts be inter- 
changeable. On this basis, the government gave Whitney a 
contract to produce 10,000 muskets, and agreed to advance 
the money for this experiment in mass production. Out of 
this experiment came the American system of manufacturing. 

This is a well-balanced account of Eli Whitney's contribu- 
tion in laying the ground work for the gigantic structure and 
productivity of American industry. Technological details are 
presented in a manner intelligible to the lay reader. A "Note 
on Sources" is helpful in the absence of footnotes. It is to be 
regretted that more information is not available on Whitney's 
private life. 

Cornelius O. Cathey. 

Universi r y of North Carolina, 

Chapel Hill. 

William Nathaniel Wood tieminiscences of Big I. Edited by Bell 
Irv^n Wiley (Jackson, Tennessee: McCowat-Mercer Press, 
Inc 1956. Pp. xxviii, 138. Introduction, preface, appendices, 
\r\( jx, and illustrations. $3.95.) 

Since even the editor of this engaging narrative— one of 
the very few such accounts written by Confederate junior 
officers— was unaware of its existence until just a few years 
ago, most students of history will undoubtedly find Nat 
Wood's personal experiences to be a new and rewarding 
source of the Civil War. An earlier edition of the work was 

100 The North Carolina Historical Review 

published in 1909, but only 200 copies were printed and 
these were given to friends and relatives of the author. Hence, 
as claimed by the publisher, this is really the first public 
edition of Big I. 

The title stemmed from the fact that Wood weighed only 
127 pounds and not from any tendency toward boastfulness, 
although his record was sufficiently gallant to have excused 
some self-praise had he been inclined to indulge in such 
pastime. A native of Albemarle County, Virginia, Wood left 
his clerkship in a dry-goods store to enlist in Company "A," 
Nineteenth Virginia Infantry, just before First Manassas. His 
dependability, loyalty, and bravery did not go unnoticed 
during the following months and, when Company "A" was 
reorganized early in 1862, Wood was elected to the rank of 
junior second lieutenant. He apparently participated in all of 
his company's numerous engagements, leading the unit in sev- 
eral major battles and even commanding his entire regiment 
at Sharpsburg. The climax of Wood's military career was 
reached at Gettysburg where he and his comrades, then in 
Pickett's Division, "for the first time, failed to do what we 
attempted" (p. 47) in the assault on Cemetery Ridge. Near 
the end of the war (April 6, 1865) Wood and his company 
were captured at Sailor's Creek, and he spent two months as 
a prisoner first in Washington and then on Johnson's Island. 
"Though greatly crushed by the outcome of our struggle," 
he wrote, "I felt proud that I had been permitted to do my 
part, and even to suffer for the cause I loved." (p. 76) 

Editor and publisher have combined to present a signifi- 
cant and attractive historical record. The physical make-up 
of the volume is excellent, and the interesting appendices, 
well-chosen illustrations, and useful index add considerably 
to its value. 

H. H. Cunningham. 

Elon College, 

Elon College. 

Book Reviews 101 

Old Bullion Benton: Senator from the New West. By William 
Nisbet Chambers. (Boston : Little, Brown and Company. 1956. 
Pp. xv, 517. $6.00.) 

Of the four greatest United States senators of the middle 
period of American history only one— Thomas Hart Benton— 
has not heretofore found a competent biographer. The other 
three— Calhoun, Clay, and Webster— have all been written 
about ably. Until this book made its appearance, Benton had 
somewhat faded from the picture. Professor Chambers spent 
ten years producing this excellent biography. It restores 
Benton to his well-earned place among the senatorial leaders 
of the middle period and corrects some of the false impres- 
sions about him. Mr. Chambers has clarified some of the 
vagaries which have heretofore prevailed about Old Bullion 

Among the last must be listed the fact that young Benton 
was expelled from the University of North Carolina for steal- 
ing. Apparently this weighed heavily on his conscience and 
he left his native state for Tennessee. At 24 years of age he 
practiced law and entered in the War of 1812. If he failed 
to find fighting in military uniform, he found it several times, 
as the writer reveals, in civil life. Before Benton married, at 
the age of 39, he repeatedly engaged in duels or threatened 
to fight on the field of honor. 

In 1815 Benton moved to St. Louis, a mere frontier town. 
When he died in 1858, it was a city of over 100,000. Benton 
grew in intellectual stature and political wisdom with his 
adopted home. 

Elected to the United States Senate in 1820, Benton began 
a tenure in that august body which lasted over 30 years. He 
came to know the men who governed the Bepublic. As the 
author vividly reveals, Old Bullion was soon in the midst of 
fierce political battles and subseqeuntly ranked foremost 
among those whose words were respected in Washington. 
Shortly after Benton entered the Senate, he was among the 
radical Democrats. As such he opposed the Clay- Adams 
coalition. As Jackson rose in power Benton's star shone in 
splendor. He was soon recognized as Jackson's spokesman on 

102 The North Carolina Historical Review 

many occasions, especially when the United States Bank was 
the issue. 

That Benton was the author of the Expunging Resolution 
is widely known but that he also wrote the Specie Circular is 
not generally recognized. Although spoken of repeatedly as 
presidential timber, Benton usually retorted "not available." 
Seemingly, as Professor Chambers states, Benton would have 
sought to succeed Van Buren had the latter been re-elected 
in 1840. 

In debate Benton was not the equal of Webster but he 
fathered more constructive legislation than either Calhoun 
or Webster. Moreover, the Senator from Missouri wrote more 
readable historv than Clay, Webster, or Calhoun. Many have 
read Benton's Thirty Years View, but few know of his Abridg- 
ment of the Debates of Congress, 1789-1850, in 16 volumes, 
nor of his Examination of the Dred Scott case. All of these 
achievements of Old Bullion are related in this long-needed 

Since Benton's papers were burned shortly before his 
death, the author had to reconstruct his subject from the 
papers of Benton's contemporaries. The story is written in an 
interesting style. The footnotes are at the back of the book, 
the bibliography is selective, and the index accurate. This book 
will be a strong contender for some of the major awards for 
biographies published in 1956. 

G. C. Osborn. 

University of Florida, 
Gainesville, Florida. 

Lincoln's Supreme Court. By David M. Silver. (Urbana: The 
University of Illinois Press. 1956. Pp. ix, 272. $4.00 in cloth, 
$3.00 in paper.) 

This volume seeks to evaluate the Court's relationship to 
the Lincoln administration. It is an almost aridly objective, 
non-legal study in historical interpretation. No effort is made 
to present the internal history of the Court. As the study leans 
heavily on private letters and newspaper comments, the odor 

Book Reviews 103 

of the paste-pot and the scrapbook is sometimes evident. The 
author rarely escapes from his documentation sufficiently to 
offer those perceptive generalizations so necessary in assimi- 
lating a large mass of primary material. However, this weak- 
ness is necessarily inherent in all pioneer studies. 

The book begins with the aged Taney, of Dred Scott fame, 
administering the presidential oath to the gangling railsplitter 
who had said that the Court must reverse the Scott decision. 
Hostile to the Court and its coolness to his emergency powers, 
in such typical situations as the Habeas Corpus and Prize 
cases, Lincoln skillfully evaded efforts to test his doctrine of 
necessity. Meanwhile, he filled vacancies with known sym- 
pathizers—and even increased the Court to make his "pack- 
ing" more effective. Even then he barely managed to have 
his war-time powers sustained. When he reluctantly appoint- 
ed Chase to Chief Justice (to remove a dangerous rival to 
the presidency ) , the Court began to move back to the Taney 
position. The new peace-time Court, with a majority of 
Lincoln appointees ( in the Milligan case ) admitted that war- 
time pressures had unfortunately influenced it. Thus the 
story of the Lincoln Court is really a vindication of Lincoln's 
adversary, Taney. This story the author permits the docu- 
mentation to tell, as he remains in the background. 

Dillard S. Gardner. 


Charles Evans Hughes and American Democratic Statesman- 
ship. By Dexter Perkins. (Boston: Little, Brown & Co. 1956. 
The Library of American Biography. Edited by Oscar Hand- 
lin. Pp. xxiv, 200. $3.50.) 

The theme of this short biography hinges upon the dilem- 
ma a corporation lawyer must face in reconciling the public 
interest with that of powerful, wealthy clients. Charles Evans 
Hughes was richly endowed with the intellectual capacity 
and administrative ability to become a successful lawyer. 
Having won acclaim at the bar, he responded to the call of 
public duty at the age of forty-three. His investigations into 

104 The North Carolina Historical Review 

New York's gas, electric, and insurance scandals revealed 
sordid connections between business and politics and led to 
his election as governor in 1906. Until his retirement in 1941 
Hughes served almost constantly in high public office, and 
so established a record unparalleled in recent American 

As governor of New York, Hughes applied the principle 
of regulation to business interests. He grasped the spirit of 
progressivism and, eschewing radicalism and demagoguery, 
hastened moderate reforms. While associate justice of the 
United States Supreme Court from 1910 to 1916, he defended 
extension of federal control over interstate commerce and 
upheld social and economic legislation of the states against 
the injunctions so freely granted by district court judges. The 
security of the courts, he believed, depended upon the way in 
which they exercised their powers to meet the demands of 
the times. 

Professor Perkins describes with candor and insight 
Hughes' shortcomings in the presidental campaign of 1916; 
it was the sole political misadventure of his long public 
career. On the subject of foreign relations in the post World 
War I era the author writes with zest and erudition. Hughes, 
he reveals, favored the League of Nations with reservations 
but refused to subscribe to any effective policy of collective 
security. In doing so, it is explained, he acted within the 
framework of public opinion. As Secretary of State from 1921 
to 1925 he attained high rank among the several occupants 
of that office, but the policies he initiated were not of lasting 

From 1930 to 1941 Hughes served as Chief Justice of the 
Supreme Court. Perkins presents an eloquent defense of the 
over-all record during these years and of the forbearance and 
judicial statesmanship Hughes demonstrated when beset by 
the court packing threat. In these pages the chief justice 
emerges as a liberal jurist, a champion of the rights of minori- 
ties, of civil, religious, and intellectual liberty, of the Bill 
of Rights, and of social and economic reform. The author 
of this study, as did Merlo J. Pusey in a more detailed biog- 

Book Reviews 105 

raphy, presents Hughes as a judicial statesman of the highest 
calibre. Perkins defines statesmanship as the use of public 
authority to make the necessary adaptations to a changing 
political and social environment. Hughes measured up to this 
exacting standard with distinction. 

Joseph F. Steelman. 

East Carolina College, 


History of North Carolina. By Hugh T. Lefler. (New York, N.Y. : 
Lewis Historical Publishing Company, Inc. 1956. Volume I. 
Pp. xx, 1-466. Volume II. Pp. 467-883. Volume III [Biog- 
raphy]. Pp. 1-450. Volume IV [Biography]. Pp. 451-854. 

With the appearance in 1954 of the one-volume North 
Carolina: The History of a Southern State, co-authored by 
Hugh T. Lefler and the late Albert Ray Newsome (largely 
the work of the former), the State at last had an up-to-date 
history worthy of the story it told. The volume was received 
with enthusiasm by scholars and general readers alike. 
Through that and his several other works, Professor Lefler' s 
name has come to occupy a place alongside that of the late 
R. D. W. Connor. Unfortunately, the new History of North 
Carolina will not enhance a deservedly-earned reputation. 

Publishing combined series of North Carolina history and 
biography is not new for the Lewis Historical Publishing 
Company, Inc. In 1919 this firm published the R. D. W. 
Connor-William K. Boyd-J. G. de R. Hamilton three-volume 
history plus three volumes of biography; in 1928-29, under 
the name American Historical Society, Inc., it published 
R. D. W. Connor's two volumes of history and two of bio- 
graphy; and in 1941 it brought out Archibald Henderson's 
two volumes of history and three of biography. In the latest 
series, Professor Lefler is author only of the history of the 
State and his name does not appear on the title pages of the 
biographical portions. Unfortunately, however, the natural 
tendency will be for the public to assume his authorship of 
the entire series— "unfortunately" because the idea of a person 

106 The North Carolina Historical Review 

having to pay to get his name in history books is not a happy 

The history volumes are essentially a re-writing of the 
Lefler-Newsome work. Except for consolidation of chapters 
and some re-working of paragraphs, the first volume bears 
striking similarities to the corresponding sections of Lefler- 
Newsome. The most noticeable changes occur in the sections 
of Volume II on Civil War and Reconstruction, and on the 
twentieth century. A more traditionally southern view of the 
coming of and the results of "The Waw" can be noted in the 
new work, and there appears to be missing some of the frank 
self-criticism which always added spice and often added 
common sense to the earlier volume. 

A work of this magnitude could not be published without 
flaws, but the frequency of what appear to be careless errors 
in these volumes leads to the belief that the manuscript and 
page proofs were not given critical readings. Such defects as 
the following have no place in a history that will grace the 
shelves of hundreds of North Carolina homes and libraries: 
page numbers of cited works are frequently omitted (e.g., 
pp. 154-155, 230, 253); the same quotation is repeated but 
with different dates of the source (p. 277, n. 27, and p. 465, 
n. 7); slaves were taxed as persons, not as property (p. 389); 
Bartlett Yancey was a State Senator, not a Representative, in 
1818 (p. 469); Governor Holden was impeached in 1871, not 
in 1870 (p. 578); the caption "Albemarle County Hospital, 
Burlington," (p. 656) needs no comment; Elias Carr was 
elected Governor in 1892, not 1888 (p. 663); William Howard 
Taft was not President in December, 1908 (p. 713); David 
F. Houston was not only Secretary of Agriculture but also 
Secretary of the Treasury under Wilson (p. 718); Clyde R. 
Hoey was not the incumbent U. S. Senator in the 1944 pri- 
mary (p. 846); Jonathan Daniels' Man of Independence could 
not have been the most intimate biography of Truman pub- 
lished before 1946 because it was not published until 1950 
(p. 850); and the reader will be surprised to learn that the 
population of North Carolina in 1920 was "3,170,276" (when 
actually it was only 2,560,000), of which the rural population 
amounted to only "490,370" (actually 2,069,000) (p. 737). 

Book Reviews 107 

The claim that Winfield Scott won the presidential cam- 
paign in 1852 in North Carolina is not only repeated, but is 
fortified with figures from the oft-erring North Carolina 
Manual, 1913 (p. 391). One has only to check the Congres- 
sional Globe to learn that North Carolina's vote was cast for 
the Democratic candidate in 1852. 

But the most serious error is a mystifying one. On page 199 
one reads, "Professor DeMond wrote that 'an examination of 
the records reveals that of 883 of the known Regulators, 289 
were Whigs, 34 Tories, and 560 Revolutionary status un- 
known.' A footnote refers the reader to R. O. DeMond's 
The Loyalists in North Carolina During the Revolution "for 
a list of the names of the 'known Regulators/ In the first 
place, DeMond not only didn't make such a statement, but 
his book took the opposite point of view. In the second place, 
the figures (though the quotation is unfaithful) and the list 
are found only in Elmer D. Johnson, "The War of the Regula- 
tion: Its Place in History," a master's thesis which was written 
under Professor Lefler's direction at the University of North 

The two biographical volumes consist of eulogies of several 
hundred North Carolinians, living and dead, as well as a 
number of business enterprises and the New Hanover County 
public schools. The sketches— based on willingness to pay 
the price— range from a modest three-fourths of a column and 
no picture for the late Congressman Robert L. Doughton to 
more than seven columns and a full-page picture for Greens- 
boro lawyer C. C. Frazier, Sr. Of the State's top political 
leaders, only Senator Sam J. Ervin, Jr., is included. The chief 
value of these sketches will be for genealogical research. The 
attractive slick paper and neat print of these volumes are in 
sharp contrast to the coarse paper and poor reproduction 
of the history volumes. 

While shortcomings are easy to find in this newest history 
of North Carolina, it is, notwithstanding, a good one. Profes- 
sor Lefler knows the history of the State and he writes it well. 
Few contemporary historians do a better job of interweaving 
relevant quotations with the author's text. This effective 
blending leads to a feeling of history that a straight narrative 


The North Carolina Historical Review 

can hardly give. Too, statistics in these volumes appear to 
give more than usual meaning when interpreted lucidly with 
comparisons and contrasts. 

In summary, an otherwise excellent History of North Caro- 
lina is marred by far too many defects which should never 
have reached the printed page. Although undoubtedly some 
of the shortcomings are attributable to the publisher, the 
name of an author on a title page implies his assumption of 
blame as well as credit. A critical reading of manuscript and 
proof would have prevented embarrassment to both. 

H. G. Jones. 
Department of Archives and History, 


The Department of Archives and History participated 
in a series of radio broadcasts over Station WPTF, Raleigh, 
on Sunday afternoons during September and October on a 
program, "Let's Visit," under the direction of Ted Daniel. 
Mr. Daniel interviewed officials of various State agencies 
to inform the public of their functions and work. Those who 
were interviewed were Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Director 
of the Department; Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Super- 
intendent; Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Editor; Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, 
Museum Administrator; and Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archivist. 

The Department announces plans for a half -hour television 
program, "Our Heritage," to be given from 5:30 to 6:00 on 
the following Sunday afternoons: January 27, February 24, 
March 24, and April 21. The programs will be designed to 
present various phases of North Carolina history and will 
be telecast on Station WRAL-TV. 

Dr. Christopher Crittenden attended the board meetings 
of the Calvin Jones Memorial Society in Wake Forest on 
September 7, October 1, November 2, and 18. On October 
2 he spoke to the Harnett County Historical Society on a 
suggested program for county historical societies and on Oc- 
tober 7-9 attended the annual meeting of the American 
Association for State and Local History at Old Sturbridge 
Village, Sturbridge, Mass. At this meeting the association 
adopted a long-range program presented by a committee of 
which Dr. Crittenden was chairman, which will broadly ex- 
pand the services of this group to the people of the country. 
He attended the annual meeting in Washington, D. C, on 
October 10-12 of the Society of American Archivists and on 
October 19-21 the annual meeting of the National Trust for 
Historic Preservation in the same city. On October 25-27 
he attended the meeting of the Southeastern Museums Con- 
ference in Williamsburg, Virginia, accompanied by Mrs. 
Joye E. Jordan, Museum Administrator, and two members 
of the staff of the Hall of History, Mrs. Dorothy R. Phillips 


110 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and Miss Barbara McKeithan. Dr. Crittenden spoke to the 
members of the Lower Cape Fear Historical Society in Wil- 
mington on November 1, on a possible program and objec- 
tives for the group. On November 7 he spoke at the unveiling 
of a marker to showman P. T. Barnum at Rocky Mount 
which was the result of a twelve-year effort on the part of 
Dr. Crittenden and Mr. Josh L. Home. On November 9 
Dr. Crittenden was elected President of the Historical So- 
ciety of North Carolina at the meeting in Greensboro. Other 
members of the staff of the Department who attended were 
Mr. H. G. Jones, Mr. D. L. Corbitt, and Mrs. Elizabeth W. 
Wilborn. He attended the annual meeting of the Southern 
Historical Association in Durham on November 15-17 and 
spoke briefly at a meeting on November 19 when an inter- 
ested group met at the Governor's Mansion to organize a 
historical society in Wake County. On November 25-27 
Dr. Crittenden, Mr. W. S. Tarlton, and Mrs. Joye E. Jordan 
met with the Try on Palace Commission in New Bern. On 
December 28-30 he attended the annual meeting of the 
American Historical Association in St. Louis, Mo. 

Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museum Administrator, attended the 
fourth annual meeting of the Museum Educators' Conference 
sponsored by the National Federation for Junior Museums 
held in Jacksonville, Florida, on December 5. She was one 
of the speakers on a program "Our Common Problems- 
Meeting the Demand." On November 14 Mrs. Jordan, accom- 
panied by Mrs. Martha H. Farley of the staff of the Hall of 
History, went to Chapel Hill to assist Dr. Joffre L. Coe in 
planning an exhibit on North Carolina Indian life. On De- 
cember 13 Mrs. Jordan, Mrs. Dorothy R. Phillips of the staff 
of the Hall of History and Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites 
Superintendent, attended a meeting of the acquisitions com- 
mittee, took photographs, and measured the Alston House- 
Trie House in the Horseshoe— in Moore County. 

Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archivist, spoke at the annual 
dinner meeting of the Currituck County Historical Society 
at Shawboro, October 29, on "Sources of Currituck History." 

Historical News 111 

The society is currently engaged in setting up a county 
museum and plans are being made for the compilation of a 
county history. Mr. Jones was the speaker at the quarterly 
meeting of the Caswell County Historical Association at 
Yanceyville on October 3 on "Eighteenth Century Caswell." 
Mr. Jones and Mrs. Fannie Memory Blackwelder, Super- 
visor of the Records Center, attended the annual meeting 
of the Society of American Archivists in Washington, D. C, 
October 10-12. Prior to the meeting they visited the National 
Archives, Library of Congress, Folger Shakespeare Library, 
and the Federal Records Center for two days. 

Additions to the staff of the Division of Archives and 
Manuscripts during the past quarter are Miss Patsy Daniels, 
Mrs. Doris Swann, Mrs. Ethel Borchers, and Mrs. Bessie 

Among the visitors to the Archives recently were Miss 
Agnes Conrad, Archivist for the Territory of Hawaii; Dr. 
George Spragge of the Canadian Archives; Mrs. Wilma 
Dykeman Stokely, author, of Asheville and Newport, Tenn.; 
and Secretary of State Ben Fortson and a delegation of offi- 
cials from the State of Georgia. 

The Archives of the North Carolina Department of Ar- 
chives and History: Services to the Public, an eight-page in- 
formational leaflet, has been released by the Department. 
The leaflet is intended primarily to give information to gen- 
ealogists and briefly describes various records groups avail- 
able in the Archives and the policies of the Division of Ar- 
chives and Manuscripts. Copies may be obtained free from 
the State Archivist. 

The alphabetizing and cataloguing of the following items 
have been completed and the papers are now available to 
the public: the War of 1812 vouchers, Mecklenburg Coun- 
ty estates papers, and scattered Orange County inventories, 
apprentice, guardian, and administrators' bonds. 

The original agriculture, industry, mortality, and social 
statistics schedules of the Censuses of 1850-1880, inclusive, 

112 The North Carolina Historical Review 

which were returned to the State in 1918, have been trans- 
ferred to the Archives from the State Library. Due to the 
weight and poor condition of the volumes, a program has 
been instituted to microfilm them. In this way these valuable 
manuscript copies may be made available to the public with- 
in the next year. 

The Department plans to publish in the near future the 
text of the documents which were given to the Department 
by Mr. Thurmond Chatham. 

Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Superintendent, talked 
to the Wake Forest Civic Club on October 9 on the subject, 
"The Importance of Preserving the Calvin Jones House," 
and on October 18 he represented the Department at a 
special program at Moore's Creek Bridge Battleground spon- 
sored by the Battle of Moore's Creek Bridge Association. 

Mr. Norman Larson of the Historic Sites Division spoke 
to the Sertoma Club and presented a slide program on the 
work of the Historic Sites Division on November 5. 

Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Editor, spoke at the pre-organizational 
meeting of the Wake County group which met at the Gov- 
ernor's Mansion on November 19 to make plans for the for- 
mation of a historical society. On December 5 he spoke to 
the Executive Committee of the United Daughters of the 
Confederacy on "Historical Activities in North Carolina." 

The thirtieth annual meeting of the North Carolina State 
Art Society which met in Raleigh on December 5 opened 
the yearly meetings of the ten cultural societies which closed 
on December 8. A business session was held during the 
morning at which time the following directors were named: 
Mrs. Isabelle Bowen Henderson and Dr. Clarence Poe, both 
of Raleigh; Dr. Clemens Sommer of Chapel Hill; and Mr. 
Egbert L. Davis of Winston-Salem. Other officers who were 
re-elected are Dr. Robert Lee Humber of Greenville, Pres- 
ident; Mr. Edwin Gill of Raleigh, First Vice-President; Mrs. 
James H. Cordon of Raleigh, Treasurer; and Mr. John Allcott 

Historical News 11 


of Chapel Hill, Mrs. Jacques Busbee of Steed, anc} Mrs. W. 
Frank Taylor of Goldsboro, all Vice-Presidents-at-large. 

Governor Luther H. Hodges, Honorary President, pre- 
sided at the luncheon session and Mr. John Richard Craft, 
Director of the Columbia, S. C, Museum of Art, was the 
featured speaker. Dr. Robert Lee Humber presided at the 
evening meeting at which time Dr. W. R. Valentiner, Direc- 
tor of the North Carolina Museum of Art, made a brief talk, 
and Dr. Jacob Rosenberg of the Fogg Museum of Art, Har- 
vard University, gave an address on Rembrandt. The win- 
ners of the 1956 North Carolina Artists Competition were 
announced as follows: Mr. George Bireline of the faculty 
of the School of Design at State College for his "Painting 
No. 10"; Miss Edith London of the Duke University Art 
Department for "Provincetown Memories"; and Mr. Grove 
Robinson of Mars Hill for "Regional Landscape No. 5." Dr. 
Humber reported on the gifts received by the North Caro- 
lina Museum of Art during the past year which are valued 
at approximately $182,300 and stated that the sum of approx- 
imately $14,000 in cash was given for the purchase of works 
of art. Reports were given by Mr. Ben Williams, Museum 
Curator; Mr. James B. Byrnes, Associate Museum Director; 
and Mrs. James H. Cordon, Treasurer. Following the even- 
ing session a reception was held for members and guests. 

The North Carolina Society for the Preservation of An- 
tiquities held its sixteenth annual session on December 6 
with Mrs. Charles A. Cannon of Concord, President, pre- 
siding. Mr. James A. Stenhouse was elected at the morning 
session to succeed Mrs. Cannon who was elected Honorary 
President of the society of which she is a charter member 
and of which she has been President since 1941. Members 
of the group voted to give $1,000 as a tribute in honor of 
Mrs. Cannon to be used toward the construction of a gate- 
house in the Elizabethan Garden at Manteo, to be built 
in replica of Hayes Barton, Sir Walter Raleigh's home. Mrs. 
J. W. Labouisse of Durham was elected Vice-President and 
Mrs. Ernest A. Branch of Raleigh was re-elected Secretary- 

114 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Treasurer. Progress on the various restoration projects 
throughout the State were reported on by Mrs. Joseph O. 
Talley, Jr., of Fayetteville, Mrs. K. T. Penniman of Rocky 
Mount, Dr. Mary Wiley of Winston-Salem, Mrs. W. G. Guille 
of Salisbury, and Mrs. J. A. Kellenberger of Greensboro. Dr. 
Christopher Crittenden gave a brief illustrated talk on "Pre- 
serving Our Historic Shrines." 

Governor Luther H. Hodges brought greetings at the 
luncheon at which Mrs. Ernest Ives of Southern Pines pre- 
sided. Mr. C. J. McDonald, President of the Moore County 
Historical Society, gave a talk on "Some Historic Facts Con- 
cerning the Late Governor Williams and also the Alston 

Mrs. Cannon brought greetings at the evening session 
which was highlighted by the presentation of the Cannon 
Awards and a presentation by the Carolina Playmakers of 
Adolphe Vermont's melodrama, "Esther Wake, or the Spirit 
of the Regulators." This year's recipients of the awards, 
which are made for outstanding work in the field of history, 
are: Mr. Clarence W. Griffin of Forest City, for historical 
articles and his work with the Western North Carolina His- 
torical Association; Mrs. Blanche Manor of Raleigh, for her 
work in interesting out-of-state people in the work of the 
Antiquities Society; Mr. James Kay Kyser of Chapel Hill, 
for his work in historical preservation and with the Roanoke 
Island Historical Association; Mrs. R. L. McMillan of Ra- 
leigh, for her work in restoring ancient gardens in the State 
and with the Memorial Highway project of the Federation 
of Women's Clubs; Mrs. Sidney McMullen of Edenton, for 
her work in historic preservation in Edenton; and Mr. George 
Maurice of Eagle Springs, who has directed research and re- 
construction of the "House in the Horseshoe." Mr. Paul 
Green of Chapel Hill announced the winners and Mrs. O. 
Max Gardner of Shelby presented the awards. Following 
the meeting a reception was held with life members and 
officers receiving. 

Historical News 115 

On the afternoon of December 6 Governor and Mrs. Luther 
H. Hodges entertained at a reception at the Governor's Man- 
sion for all members and guests of the participating societies. 

The Roanoke Island Historical Association held its sub- 
scription luncheon and annual business meeting in the Man- 
teo Room of the Hotel Sir Walter on December 6. 

The fifty-sixth annual meeting of the North Carolina Lit- 
erary and Historical Association, Inc., opened on December 
7 with Mr. Gilbert T. Stephenson of Pendleton, President, 
presiding. Reports were given by Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Dr. 
Christopher Crittenden, Mr. M. R. Dunnagan, Mrs. Eliza- 
beth H. Hughey, Miss Clyde Smith, and Mr. Richard Walser. 

The entire slate of officers was re-elected: Mr. Gilbert T. 
Stephenson, President; Mrs. Taft Bass of Clinton, Dr. Marvin 
L. Skaggs of Greensboro, and Mr. Ray S. Wilkinson of Rocky 
Mount, all Vice-Presidents; and Dr. Christopher Crittenden, 
Secretary-Treasurer. New members of the Executive Com- 
mittee elected were Dr. R. B. House and Colonel Jeffrey F. 
Stanback. Mr. Richard Walser of State College read a paper, 
"Dare County Belles-Lettres"; Mr. William S. Powell of the 
University of North Carolina Library read a paper, "Roanoke 
Colonists and Explorers: An Attempt at Identification"; and 
a review of North Carolina fiction of the year was given by 
Dr. C. Hugh Holman of the University of North Carolina. 
Presentation of the various awards were made as follows: 
Dr. Henry S. Stroupe, the R. D. W. Connor Award to Mr. 
Houston G. Jones of the State Department of Archives and 
History for his article, "Bedford Brown: State Rights Union- 
ist," which appeared in The North Carolina Historical Re- 
view; Mr. Roy Parker, Jr., the Roanoke-Chowan Poetry 
Award to Mrs. Helen Bevington of Durham for her volume 
of poems, Change of Sky; Mrs. M. W. Peterson, the Ameri- 
can Association of University Women Juvenile Literature 
Award to Mrs. Julia Montgomery Street of Winston-Salem 
for her book, Fiddlers Fancy. Mr. William S. Powell pre- 
sented the American Association for State and Local His- 
tory Awards to the following: Mrs. Ethel Stephens Arnett 

116 The North Carolina Historical Review 

for her book, Greensboro, North Carolina, The County Seat 
of Guilford; Mr. Clarence W. Griffin of Forest City for his 
contributions to the development of local history; and to 
the Moore County Historical Association for its publication 
of an authentic county history. 

Mrs. Taft Bass of Clinton presided at the subscription 
luncheon which featured a review of North Carolina non- 
fiction books of the year given by Dr. H. Broadus Jones of 
Wake Forest College. A collection of original documents 
covering the period, 1664-1674, was presented to the State 
by Mr. Thurmond Chatham of Ronda. These documents in- 
clude letters and instructions from the Lords Proprietors to 
governors Peter Carteret and Samuel Stephens, reports, 
grants, accounts, commissions, and certificates of appoint- 
ment. Mr. McDaniel Lewis of Greensboro, Chairman of the 
Executive Board of the Department of Archives and History, 
accepted the gift on behalf of the State. 

Dr. Marvin L. Skaggs of Greensboro presided at the din- 
ner meeting at which time Mr. Gilbert T. Stephenson made 
the presidential address. Following the dinner the evening 
session which was presided over by Mr. Ray Wilkinson of 
Rocky Mount was held. The address was given by Dr. Roy 
F. Nichols, Vice-Provost and Professor of History at the Uni- 
versity of Pennsylvania, on the subject, "One Hundred Years 
Ago." Mrs. Frances Gray Patton of Durham received the 
Sir Walter Raleigh Award for her book, A Piece of Luck, 
and Mr. Glenn Tucker was presented the Mayflower Award 
for his non-fiction work, Tecumseh, Vision of Glory. Miss 
Clara Booth Byrd, President of the Historical Book 
Club, Inc. of Greensboro, presented the Sir Walter Award 
given yearly for the best work of fiction, and Mrs. Preston B. 
Wilkes, Jr., of Charlotte, Governor of the Society of May- 
flower Descendants in North Carolina, presented the May- 
flower Award. Following the meeting a reception was held 
for members and guests of the State Literary and Historical 
Association, with officers and the awards winners receiving. 

The North Carolina Poetry Society held its annual meet- 
ing on the afternoon of December 7 with Mrs. A. A. Kyles 

Historical News 117 

of Bessemer City presiding. Poetry was read by Mr. H. A. 
Sieber of Chapel Hill, and Mrs. Gertrude LaV. Vestal of 
Winston-Salem introduced Mrs. Helen Bevington, winner 
of the Roanoke-Chowan Poetry Award for the year. A busi- 
ness session was held and reports and announcements were 

The forty-fifth annual meeting of the North Carolina Folk- 
lore Society was held on December 7 at which time Mr. 
Donald MacDonald of Charlotte read a paper on "Scottish 
Jacobite Songs," and Mr. Herbert Shellans of Chapel Hill 
presented "A Sheaf of American Folksongs." Officers elected 
at the business session were: Mrs. Betty Vaiden Williams, 
President, Mr. Donald MacDonald and Mr. John Fletcher, 
Vice-Presidents, and Dr. A. P. Hudson, Secretary-Treasurer. 

The North Carolina Society of County and Local Histor- 
ians held its annual meeting on December 7 with Dr. James 
W. Patton, Head, Southern Historical Collection of the Uni- 
versity of North Carolina, making the principal address. Mr. 
Manly Wade Wellman presented the newspaper awards of 
merit and Mrs. Taft Bass presented the Hodges Cup Award 
which is given to high school students. A business session 
was held with the following officers elected: Dr. J. E. Hodges 
of Maiden, President; Mrs. Taft Bass of Clinton, Mrs. N. A. 
Edwards of Goldsboro, and Mr. Leon M. McDonald of 
Olivia, all Vice-Presidents; and Mrs. Musella W. Wagner of 
Chapel Hill, Secretary-Treasurer. 

The North Carolina Symphony Society held a meeting of 
its executive committee on the evening of December 7. Offi- 
cers of the society are: Governor Luther H. Hodges and Dr. 
Charles F. Carroll, members ex officio; Dr. Benjamin F. 
Swalin of Chapel Hill, Director; Mr. Russell M. Grumman 
of Chapel Hill, President; Mr. M. Elliott Carroll of Durham, 
Executive Vice-President; Mr. Lester C. Gifford of Hickory, 
Mr. James McClure Clarke of Asheville, and Mrs. Floyd 
D. Mehan of High Point, Vice-Presidents; Mr. John E. 

118 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Adams of Chapel Hill, Secretary; Mr. William R. Cherry of 
Chapel Hill, Treasurer; and Mrs. Vera N. Campbell of 
Chapel Hill, Assistant Treasurer. 

Mr. Glenn Tucker of Flat Rock, winner of the Mayflower 
Cup Award, and Mrs. Preston B. Wilkes, Jr., of Charlotte, 
Governor of the Society of Mayflower Descendants in North 
Carolina, were honored at a breakfast on December 8 by 
the Central Carolina Colony of the Society. Dr. Robert Lee 
Humber made a brief talk and Dr. Roy F. Nichols was also 
a special guest. Mr. Joseph C. Moore, Jr. of Raleigh, Lieu- 
tenant Governor of the Central Carolina Colony, presided 
and Mayor Fred B. Wheeler of Raleigh read the Mayflower 
Compact. Dr. Sturgis B. Leavitt of Chapel Hill gave a re- 
port on the projects of the society for the past year and Mr. 
Jack Wardlaw of Raleigh was presented as a new member. 
Mrs. W. G. Allen and Miss Daisy Waitt were co-chairmen of 
the breakfast committee. In addition to Mr. Moore other offi- 
cers of the society are: Mrs. Samuel B. Dees, Lieutenant 
Governor; Mrs. Allen, Secretary-Treasurer; and Dr. Leavitt 
and Dr. Wallace E. Caldwell, members of the board. 

Members of the Historical Book Club, Inc., of Greensboro 
held a breakfast meeting at the Sir Walter Hotel on Decem- 
ber 8. 

The Southern Historical Association held its twenty-sec- 
ond annual meeting in Durham, November 15-17, with head- 
quarters at the Washington Duke Hotel. A number of meet- 
ings were held on the campus of Duke University including 
a tea given for women members and members' wives on 
November 15 by Mrs. A. Hollis Edens, wife of the President 
of Duke University, and the sessions which were held on 
Saturday, culminating in a complimentary luncheon at which 
Dr. Paul H. Clyde presided. 

Approximately 500 members and guests registered for the 
three-day meeting which brought together a large number 
of historians and scholars from over most of the southern 
and eastern sections of the country. Dr. James W. Patton, 
Head of the Southern Collection at the University of North 

Historical News 119 

Carolina and President of the Association, presided at the 
business session and delivered the address at the annual 
dinner on November 16. New officers elected are Dr. Robert 
Selph Henry of Washington, D. C, President; Dr. Walter 
Posey of Emory University, Vice-President; and Dr. Ben- 
nett H. Wall of the University of Kentucky, Secretary-Treas- 

One of the highlights of the meeting was the presentation 
of the Sydnor Memorial Award for distinguished historical 
writing to Dr. Joseph H. Parks of Birmingham-Southern Col- 
lege, Birmingham, Alabama, for his book, General E. Kirby 
Smith. Dr. Parks is the first recipient of the award establish- 
ed in 1955 in honor of the late Dr. Charles S. Sydnor, former 
Chairman of the Department of History at Duke University 
and Dean of the Graduate School. The $500 award is to be 
presented every two years, alternating with the Charles W. 
Ramsdell Award for the best article published in The Journal 
of Southern History. 

On Saturday morning there was a joint session of the 
North Carolina State Literary and Historical Association and 
the Southern Historical Association at which Mr. Gilbert T. 
Stephenson presided. Mr. Stephenson, President of the Liter- 
ary and Historical Association, introduced Dr. D. J. Whitener 
of Appalachian State Teachers College, Dr. Henry S. Stroupe 
of Wake Forest College, and Mr. Richard Walser of North 
Carolina State College who read papers. Dr. Christopher 
Crittenden acted as discussion leader. 

News items from the University of North Carolina include 
the following: Dr. Harold A. Bierck has been promoted to 
Professor in the Department of History; Dr. Robert Moats 
Miller, formerly of Texas Western College, has been ap- 
pointed as Assistant Professor of History; Dr. Hugh Dodge 
Hawkins has been appointed Instructor in History; Dr. Mor- 
ton Keller and Mr. Charles Adams Hale have been appoint- 
ed Instructors in Social Science. The following recent gradu- 
ates have accepted positions for the school year 1956-57; Mr. 
John Hardin Best, Mississippi State College for Women; 
Mr. Mills Brown, Colonial Williamsburg; Mr. William Burlie 

120 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Brown, Tulane University; Mr. George Hardy Callcott, Uni- 
versity of Maryland; Mr. Vincent H. dePaul Cassidy, South- 
western Louisiana Institute; Miss Margaret Louise Chapman, 
University of Florida; Mr. George Weston Clarke, Presby- 
terian College; Mr. Enoch Lawrence Lee, Jr., The Citadel; 
Mr. Hubert Eugene McAllister, Mercer University; Mr. Na- 
thaniel Magruder, Stratford College; Mr. Charles Lewis 
Price, West Georgia College; and Mr. Frank W. Ryan, North 
Texas State College. Dr. Frank W. Klingberg read a paper, 
"The Southern Unionists Joins the Solid South," at the fall 
meeting of the Historical Society of North Carolina, and Dr. 
James L. Godfrey read a paper, "The Labor Government and 
the Independence of India," at the Southern Historical Asso- 
ciation meeting in Durham on November 15 at which meet- 
ing he was elected to the Executive Council of the Associa- 
tion. Dr. Godfrey also had an article, "The Problem of Guid- 
ing Youth in English Schools," in The South Atlantic Quar- 
terly, LV (October, 1956). Dr. Cornelius O. Cathey will be 
Visiting Professor in the 1957 Summer Session, the Univer- 
sity of Wyoming. 

Dr. Loren C. MacKinney gave an illustrated lecture on 
"Surgery in the Middle Ages" in Chicago on December 4 
at a meeting sponsored by the International College of Sur- 
geons. He has been asked to participate at the annual meet- 
ing of the American Association of Anatomists in Baltimore 
in April, 1957, and was recently appointed a member of the 
editorial board of Manuscripts published by St. Louis Uni- 
versity. Dr. Hugh T. Lefler addressed the Wayne County 
Historical Society in Goldsboro, October 18, 1956, on "Some 
Problems in Writing Local History." He has published "The 
Southern Colonies, 1600-1750," Travels in the Old South: A 
Bibliography, edited by Dr. Thomas D. Clark, and History 
of North Carolina, published by the Lewis Publishing Com- 
pany of New York and composed of four volumes, two of 
which are biography (not written by Dr. Lefler). Dr. Lefler 
has been asked to be Visiting Professor of History in the 1957 
Summer Session at Syracuse University. Dr. J. Carlyle Sit- 
terson was elected to the Board of Editors of The Journal 

Historical News' 121 

of Southern History at the November meeting of the South- 
ern Historical Association. Dr. Fletcher M. Green will be 
Visiting Professor of History at Northwestern University in 
the 1957 Summer Session. 

Dr. Jack Greene, recent doctoral graduate of Duke Uni- 
versity, is teaching at Michigan State; Miss Barbara Bran- 
don, a doctoral candidate, is teaching at the Woman's Col- 
lege of the University of North Carolina; and Mr. Murray 
S. Downs, doctoral candidate, at Virginia Polytechnic In- 
stitute. Three other Duke graduate students are studying 
abroad on grants: Mr. John J. TePaske in Spain; Mr. Rich- 
ard Barker in France; and Mr. J. Bowyer Bell in Italy, the 
last two on Fulbright Awards. Dr. Richard N. Current of 
the Woman's College of the University of North Carolina 
spoke at the opening meeting of the Trinity College Histor- 
ical Society. Dr. Robert F. Durden has published "J ames S. 
Pike: President Lincoln's Minister to the Netherlands," in 
the New England Quarterly (September, 1956). The Duke 
University Library has accessioned over one and a quarter 
million volumes. Among recent manuscript accessions are 
letters and papers of Joseph Conrad, Lord Grenville, the 
Duke of Wellington, Sir Robert Peel, Stephen Fuller ( agent 
for Jamaica in London, 1780's and 1790's), the McLaurin 
familv in the Carolinas (chiefly ante-bellum), Colonel J. D. 
Langston of Goldsboro, Senator Lee Overman, Congressman 
H, J. Drane of Florida, Baudry des Lozieres (1751-1841), 
and films of the Adams papers. Dr. William B. Hamilton 
will be on leave in the spring to do research on political his- 
tory in New Zealand and Australia and on Lord Grenville 
in England. 

Dr. Alice B. Keith and Dr. Sarah M. Lemmon of Meredith 
College attended the meeting of the Historical Society of 
North Carolina in Greensboro on November 3, at which time 
Dr. Keith was elected Vice-President of the Society. Drs. 
Keith and Lemmon and Dr. Lillian Parker Wallace attended 
some of the sessions of the Southern Historical Association 
meeting in Durham, November 15-17. 

122 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Six members of the Department of Social Science of Wake 
Forest College attended the meeting of the Southern His- 
torical Association in Durham: Drs. Percival Perry, David 
L. Smiley, Henry S. Stroupe, Lowell R. Tillett, W. Buck 
Yearns, and Mr. John K. Huckaby. Dr. Smiley presided over 
the session, "Problems of Civil War and Reconstruction," 
and Dr. Stroupe read a paper on "The History of the North 
Carolina Department of Archives and History." Dr. Stroupe 
also attended the meeting of the Historical Society of North 
Carolina in Greensboro. 

Dr. Philip Africa, Head of the Department of History of 
Salem College, announces the appointment of Mr. M. Foster 
Farley, formerly of Newberry College, to the staff. 

Dr. Chalmers G. Davidson was elected President of the 
Mecklenburg Historical Association at a dinner meeting Nov- 
ember 29 at Sugaw Creek Presbyterian Church. Dr. David- 
son succeeds Mr. James A. Stenhouse. Mrs. Grace B. Mc- 
Dowell was named first Vice-President; Mr. Lee Monroe, 
Kerns, second Vice-President; Miss Mary Louise Davidson, 
Secretary; and Mr. Harry T. Orr, Sr., Treasurer. Mr. Sten- 
house, Mr. C. W. Gilchrist, and Mr. Henry C. Dockery were 
named trustees for a two-year term. Mr. J. H. Carson spoke 
on the history of gold mining in Mecklenburg County. A 
new project of the society for the coming year is the collec- 
tion of a complete file of all publications concerning May 20 
celebrations in Charlotte from the 1820's to the present. 

The Columbus County Society of Local and County His- 
torians held a reorganizational meeting in November at the 
Whiteville home of Mrs. Seth Smith. The following officers 
were elected: Mr. Ray Wyche, President; Mrs. Smith, Vice- 
President; Mrs. J. A. Brown, Historian; Mrs. H. A. Turner, 
Assistant Historian; and Miss Alice Lowe, Secretary-Treas- 

The Carteret County Historical Society began its third 
year with a meeting at the civic center in Morehead City on 
October 20 with Mr. Thomas Respess, President, presiding. 

Historical News 123 

Mr. Respess presented a paper on the early schools of Beau- 
fort, and Mr. F. C. Salisbury gave an illustrated map talk 
on the history of the formation of Carteret County. The com- 
mittee which compiled the records of burials in the Old 
Town Cemetery was commended and Miss Mildred White- 
hurst was recognized for her work in typing the four books 
compiled. The society has taken as one of its additional pro- 
jects the compiling of similar records of old cemeteries 
throughout Carteret County. 

The Chronicle, newsletter of the Bertie County Historical 
Association, which was issued in October carried the speech 
given by Dr. Christopher Crittenden at the spring meeting, 
an article on the history of Roxobel Township by Mr. J. M. 
Browne, and a report on the tour which netted $1,300 for 
the Hope Restoration Fund. The fall meeting of the asso- 
ciation was held on October 18, at which time papers on the 
history of Windsor were presented. These were prepared 
under the direction of Mrs. M. B. Gillam, Sr., and Mrs. W. S. 
Smith, Windsor Township Chairmen. 

At a service conducted by the Rev. S. Janney Hutton, on 
September 23, 1956, a bronze tablet was unveiled at Mer- 
chant's Hope Church, six miles east of Hopewell, Virginia. 
This church is said to be the oldest Protestant church now 
standing in Virginia. The tablet is a gift from Miss Martha 
Adeline Higgs of Raleigh and was presented in memory of 
her ancestor, Thomas Cnappell (1612-1658), to the Sir Wal- 
ter Raleigh Chapter of the North Carolina Society of Col- 
onial Dames of the Seventeenth Century which placed the 
marker at the service. 

The foundation for the organization of a Wake County 
historical society was laid at a meeting held in the Gover- 
nor's Mansion on November 19 with Mrs. R. N. Simms, who 
served as chairman of a committee representing the Blooms- 
bury Chapter of the Daughters of the Revolution, presiding. 
She was assisted by Mr. D. L. Corbitt of the State Depart- 
ment of Archives and History who made a brief talk. The 
invocation was given by Mr. James S. Potter of the Taber- 

124 The North Carolina Historical Review 

nacle Baptist Church after which Mrs. Simms recognized 
members of patriotic societies who were present. Mr. and 
Mrs. Henry Belk and Mr. M. B. Andrews of the Wayne 
County Historical Society, Dr. Luby Royall and Mrs. W. B. 
Beasley of the Johnston County Historical Society, and Dr. 
Christopher Crittenden were also recognized. Mr. A. L. Pur- 
rington, Jr., was elected temporary chairman of the group and 
Mrs. Richard Seawell temporary secretary. A meeting is 
planned for January at which time committees appointed by 
Mr. Purrington are to report and make recommendations. 

The fall meeting of the Historical Society of North Caro- 
lina was held at Greensboro College on November 3 with 
Dr. William P. Cumming of Davidson, presiding. Papers 
were read by Dr. Frank W. Klingberg of the University of 
North Carolina, Dr. H. H. Cunningham of Elon College, 
and Dr. Cumming. The following officers were elected for 
1957: Dr. Christopher Crittenden, President; Dr. Alice B. 
Keith of Meredith College, Vice-President; and Dr. M. L. 
Skaggs of Greensboro College, Secretary-Treasurer. Miss 
Mattie Russell and Dr. John Alden both of Duke Univer- 
sity were elected new members of the society. 

Dr. I. G. Greer of Chapel Hill has been re-elected Presi- 
dent of the Southern Appalachian Historical Association, 
sponsor of the outdoor drama, "Horn in the West." Mr. 
James Marsh was elected executive Vice-President; Mr. 
Hugh Hagaman, first Vice-President; Mr. G. C. Greene, Jr., 
Treasurer; and Mrs. Lawrence Owsley, Secretary. Opening 
date for 1957 has been tentatively set as June 25, and the 
season is to run through Labor Day. 

The quarterly meeting of the Pasquotank County Histori- 
cal Society was held September 25, in the Christ Church 
Parish House with General John E. Wood, President, pre- 
siding. Reports on the condition of historic sites and markers 
located in the county and on the progress of the year book 
were made. The speaker, Mr. G. F. Hill, presented an address 
on "Astronomy— History and Movements of the Heavenly 

Historical News 125 

The final quarterly meeting of the society was held on 
November 27 in the Parish House with Mr. David Stick as 
the principal speaker. General John E. Wood presided at 
the business session at which time Mr. Miles Clark reported 
on the investigations made by his committee in an effort to 
restore a number of historical markers which have been 
abandoned. Mr. Stick talked on research and the writing of 
local history and the need for accuracy in recording facts 
which are to be used by future writers and historians. The 
heritage of Roanoke Island and the Outer Banks was especial- 
ly emphasized. 

The Pasquotank County Historical Society announces the 
completion of the first volume of Year Book, Pasquotank His- 
torical Society, Elizabeth City, 1954-1955. Persons interested 
in this book may apply to General John E. Wood, Archorage 
Farm, Currituck, N. C. 

The North Carolina Society of County and Local His- 
torians conducted a tour of Randolph County on October 7 
which began at the courthouse in Asheboro. Places visited 
were Colonel Balfour's grave, Back Creek Friends Church, 
Skeens' Mill Covered Bridge, Trinity (site of old Trinity 
College), Bell's grave, Walker's Mill, Randleman (where 
the group ate a plate lunch ) , Melanchthon Lutheran Church, 
Sandy Creek Baptist Church, Friendville Old Quaker Church, 
and Holly Springs Friends Church. 

Another tour on October 21 sponsored by the same organi- 
zation began at the Guilford Courthouse and covered the 
following places of interest: Center Quaker Church and 
Cemetery, Alamance Presbyterian Church and Cemetery, 
the John McLean House, the Calvinist (German Reform) 
Church, Alamance Battlefield (where the group had lunch), 
Captain Peter Summer's House, Simeon Wagoner House, 
Friedens Lutheran Church, Ludwick Summer's House and 
Mill, and Weitzel's ( Whitesell's ) Mill. 

The twenty-fourth annual meeting of the Archaeological 
Society of North Carolina was held in the Assembly Room 
of the Department of Archives and History in the Education 

126 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Building on October 6. The program consisted of illustrated 
lectures by the late Douglas L. Rights, Mr. Stanley South, 
and Mr. Joffre L. Coe, and a talk by Mr. Lewis Binford. Fol- 
lowing the business meeting a luncheon was attended by a 
number of the members present. 

Dr. Marvin L. Skaggs, head of the Department of History 
at Greensboro College, announces the addition of a Division 
of Economics and Business Administration to his depart- 
ment. The addition was made primarily to answer the de- 
mands of resident male students who are being admitted for 
the first time this year. 

The University of North Carolina Press recently released 
a list, One Hundred Outstanding Books About North Caro- 
lina, compiled by Richard Walser and Hugh T. Lefler. The 
primary purpose of the pamphlet is to guide individuals and 
libraries in the selection of available books in the fields of 
history, biography and letters, folklore, fiction, the short 
story, drama, poetry, juvenile, sectional, and general sub- 
jects. This is available free upon application from the Press 
in Chapel Hill. 

The Western North Carolina Historical Association an- 
nounces the erection of four historical markers in that area. 
Two Estatoe Path Markers were dedicated in Transylvania 
County on September 13 and two markers, one at Old Fort 
and one at Swannanoa Gap, were dedicated in the Ruther- 
ford's Trace series on September 16. The programs were ar- 
ranged by Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton of Henderson ville, 
President of the Western North Carolina Historical Associa- 
tion. Participating in the dedication services were Mrs. Mary 
Jane McCrary of Brevard; Mr. John Parris of Sylva; Mr. Ar- 
sene Thompson of Cherokee; Mr. Robert T. Gash; Mrs. 
Robert Lyday; Dr. Carl McMurray; Miss Mary M. Greenlee; 
Mr. Clarence W. Griffin; Dr. Jerold Snyder; and Mr. Jerry 
Thorpe. All four of the markers are official roadside markers 
erected under the Historic Sites Division, State Department 
of Archives and History. Descendants of General Griffith 

Historical News 127 

Rutherford unveiled the Swannanoa Gap and Old Fort Mark- 

On October 27 the Western North Carolina Historical As- 
sociation held its regular quarterly meeting in the Pack Mem- 
orial Library in Asheville with Mrs. Sadie S. Patton, Presi- 
dent, presiding. Miss Cordelia Camp read a paper on "The 
Grist Mills of North Carolina," and Colonel Paul A. Rock- 
well gave a paper on "Early North Carolina Maps." Fol- 
lowing the program the Thomas Wolfe Memorial Literary 
Cup was awarded to Glenn Tucker of Flat Rock for his 
book, Tecumseh: Vision of Glory, which is a biography of 
the great Indian chief. Mr. George W. McCoy, Vice-Presi- 
dent, served as chairman of the program committee. 

The new World Methodist Council headquarters building 
which cost $100,000 and houses historical and archival ma- 
terials valued at more than $100,000 was dedicated at Lake 
Junaluska on September 2. Bishop John Branscomb of Jack- 
sonville, Fla., made the presentation of the debt-free build- 
ing and Bishop Ivan Lee Holt of St. Louis, Mo., President 
of the World Methodist Council, expressed appreciation 
to the group who provided the money. Guests from seventy 
nations were present and a number of sessions were held re- 
lating to various Methodists including John Wesley and 
Francis Asbury. A vast accumulation of documents and 
papers relating to Methodist history is stored in this deposi- 
tory and is accessible to Methodists as well as other visitors. 
Dr. Elmer T. Clark of Lake Junaluska made an address to 
the assembly and presented the archives with a large number 
of items from his private collection. 

The fourth annual summer Institute on Historical and 
Archival Management will be offered by Radcliffe College, 
with the co-sponsorship of the Department of History of 
Harvard University, from June 24 through August 2, 1957. 
The course which is designed for college graduates offers 
two full-tuition scholarships of $200 each and will be con- 
ducted by a staff of eighteen or more experts in the fields of 

128 The North Carolina Historical Review 

historical and archival management. Inquiries should be ad- 
dressed to the Institute, 10 Garden St., Cambridge 38, Mass. 

The Library Company of Philadelphia announces the 
establishment of a fellowship in American studies for the 
academic year 1957-1958, which carries a stipend of $5,000 
for the term September 15-June 15 with residence in or 
near Philadelphia a requirement. Applications for the fellow- 
ship, with personal history, three letters of recommendation, 
and an outline of the proposed research project, must be in 
the hands of The Library Company of Philadelphia, Broad 
and Christian Streets, Philadelphia 47, Pa., no later than 
March 1, 1957. 

The University of Delaware and The Henry Francis du 
Pont Winterthur Museum announce five two-year fellowships 
with stipends up to $4,000 each for graduate fellowships in 
early American arts and cultural history. The second year's 
grant is to be contingent on satisfactory completion of the 
first vear's work and applications should be filed by March 
1, 1957. Blanks and further information may be obtained 
from The Co-Ordinator, Winterthur Program, University of 
Delaware, Newark, Delaware. 

Books received during the last quarter are: Bell Irwin 
Wiley, The Road to Appomattox (Memphis, Tennessee: 
Memphis State College Press, 1956 ) ; Earley Winfred Bridges, 
Chorazin Chapter No. 13, Royal Arch Mason. A Historical 
Survey of One of North Carolina's Outstanding Chapters 
(Staunton, Virginia: McClure Printing Company, 1953); 
Earley Winfred Bridges, Greensboro Lodge, No. 76. A. F. 
and A. M. A Historical Survey of One of North Carolina's 
Outstanding Lodges (Staunton, Virginia: McClure Printing 
Company, 1951); Arthur S. Link, Wilson, The New Freedom 
(Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1956); 
Burnette Vanstory, Georgia's Land of the Golden Isles 
(Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1956); Henry 
Thompson Malone, Cherokees of the Old South: A People 
in Transition (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 
1956); E. Merton Coulter, Auraria, The Story of a Georgia 
Gold-Mining Town (Athens: The University of Georgia 
Press, 1956); Richard Barksdale Harwell, The Committees 

Historical News 129 

of Safety of Westmoreland and Fincastle. Proceedings of the 
County Committees, 1774-1776 (Richmond: The Virginia 
State Library, 1956); Louis B. Wright and Virginia Freund, 
The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britaina, 1612 (New 
York: Cambridge University Press [London: The Hakluyt 
Society, 1951]); Manly Wade Wellman, Rebel Boast: First 
at Bethel— Last at Appomattox (New York: Henry Holt 
and Company, 1956); George Lee Simpson, The Cokers of 
Carolina: A Social Biography of a Family (Chapel Hill: The 
University of North Carolina Press, 1956 ) ; Charles Crossfield 
Ware, A History of Atlantic Christian College— Culture in 
Coastal Carolina (Wilson: Atlantic Christian College, 1956); 
Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 
LXIX, October, 1947 -May, 1950 (Boston: Published by the 
Massachusetts Historical Society, 1956); Norman E. Eliason, 
Tar Heel Talk. An Historical Study of the English Language 
in North Carolina (Chapel Hill: The University of North 
Carolina Press, 1956); Carl Goerch, Ocracoke (Raleigh: 
Privately printed, 1956); John G. Barrett, Shermans March 
Through the Carolinas (Chapel Hill: The University of 
North Carolina Press, 1956); Louis T. Moore, Stories Old 
and New of the Cape Fear Region (Wilmington: Privately 
printed, 1956); J. H. Easterby, The Colonial Records of 
South Carolina. The Journal of the Commons House of As- 
sembly, September 10, 1745-June 17, 1746 (Columbia: South 
Carolina Archives Department, 1956); Frank E. Vandiver, 
Rebel Brass: The Confederate Command System (Baton 
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1956); Gayle Thorn- 
brough and Dorothy Riker, Readings in Indiana History 
(Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Bureau, 1956); John Hope 
Franklin, From Slavery to Freedom, A History of American 
Negroes (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1956, Second Print- 
ing); Stanley F. Horn, The Decisive Battle of Nashville 
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1956); 
Roy Parker, Sr., and Others, The Ahoskie Era of Hertford 
County, 1889-1939 (Ahoskie: Parker Brothers Publishers, 
1956); and Dorothy and Richard Pratt, A Guide to Early 
American Homes— South (New York: McGraw-Hill Book 
Company, Inc., Trade Book Department, 1956). 


Dr. Henry T. Malone is Associate Professor of History 
and Assistant to the Dean in the School of Arts and Sciences 
at Georgia State College of Business Administration, Atlanta. 

Mr. Diffee W. Standard is Research Assistant at the Insti- 
tute for Research in Social Science, and a graduate student, 
at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. 

Dr. Richard W. Griffin is Associate Professor of History 
at Athens College, Athens, Georgia. 

Mrs. Fannie Memory Blackwelder is Supervisor of the 
State Records Center of the Department of Archives and 
History in Raleigh and is a member of the North Carolina 
State Bar. 

Dr. Frenise A. Logan is Professor of History at The Agri- 
cultural and Technical College of North Carolina in Greens- 

Miss Marian H. Blair is a former member of the faculties 
of Salem, Agnes Scott, and Greensboro colleges and has 
also taught at the University of North Carolina and Duke 
University. She presently resides in Winston-Salem where 
she is a member of the Board of Directors of the Wachovia 
Historical Society. 






■;■ THE 1 I TOR OF 'THE- :■ ' 


~**K\ 4-f 





APRIL 1957 

Volume XXXIV 

Number 2 

Published Quarterly By 
State Department of Archives and History 

Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets 
Raleigh, N. C. 


Published by the State Department of Archives and History 

Raleigh, N. C. 

Christopher Crittenden, Editor 
David LeRoy Corbitt, Managing Editor 

Walter Clinton Jackson Hugh Talmage Lefler 

Frontis Withers Johnson George Myers Stephens 



McDaniel Lewis, Chairman 

Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne 

Fletcher M. Green William Thomas Laprade 

Clarence W. Griffin Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 

This review was established in January, 192U, as a medium of publica- 
tion and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other 
institutions by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. 
The regular price is $3.00 per year. Members of the State Literary and 
Historical Association, for which the annual dues arc $5.00, receive this 
publication without further payment. Back numbers may be procured at 
the regular price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number. 

COVER — Faced with a chronic lack of currency with which to 
pay his employees at the Mount Hecla mill, Henry Humphreys of 
Greensboro issued scrip in denominations of 12% cents to five 
dollars. The financial success of this first steam-operated cotton 
mill in the state led to the ready acceptance of Humphreys' scrip 
in the community. Mount Hecla bills, like those issued by other 
textile mills, aided in the commercial expansion of the North 
Carolina Piedmont in the decades before the Civil War. 

The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXIV April, 1957 Number 2 



CONSOLIDATION, 1830-1860 131 

Richard W. Griffin and Diffee W. Standard 



John W. Parker 




Richard Walser 



William S. Powell 


AND POETRY: 1955-56 227 

C. Hugh Holman 

Entered as second class matter September 29, 1928, at the Post Office at 
Raleigh, North Carolina, under the act of March 3, 1879. 


1955-56 237 

H. Broadus Jones 


Gilbert T. Stephenson 


Koy F. Nichols 


William S. Powell 


Shanks's The Papers of Willie Person Mangum, Volume 
V, 1847-1894 — By Paul Murray; Cathey's Agricultural 
Developments in North Carolina, 1783-1860 — By Wayne 
D. Rasmussen ; Barrett's Sherman's March through the 
Carolinas — By Jay Luvaas ; Ware's A History of Atlan- 
tic Christian College: Culture in Coastal Carolina — By 
J. D. Messick ; Moore's Stories Old and New of the Cape 
Fear Region — By William S. Powell ; Goerch's Ocracoke 
By Holley Mack Bell ; Wates's Stub Entries to Indents 
Issued in Payment of Claims Against South Carolina 
Growing Out of the Revolution. Book K — By Lawrence 
F. Brewster; Wright's and Freund's The Historie of 
Travell into Virginia Britania (1612) by William 
Strachey, gent. — By Stanley South; Coulter's Auraria: 
The Story of a Georgia Gold-Mining Town — By Fletcher 
M. Green; Walton's John Filson of Kentucke — By 
Weymouth T. Jordan; Malone's Cherokees of the Old 
South — By D. H. Corkran; Stampp's The Peculiar 
Institution: Slavery in the Ante-Bellum South — By 
Bell I. Wiley ; Vandiver's Rebel Brass, The Confederate 
Command System — By John G. Barrett; Dorothy and 
Richard Pratt's A Guide to Early American Homes — 
South — By Elizabeth W. Wilborn; and Link's Wilson: 
The New Freedom — By George C. Osborn. 


[ ii] 

The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXIV Apri l, 1957 Number 2 





By Richard W. Griffin and Diffee W. Standard 

The initial encouraging steps toward the development of 
the cotton textile industry in North Carolina prior to 1830 
were indeed modest, but they presaged a notable period 
of industrial advance in the subsequent two decades. By 
1830 the success of four small cotton mills offered graphic 
proof that this industry could be introduced into the state 
to complement a predominately agricultural economy. In 
the following years men with initiative and capital found 
increasing evidence that the industry offered a new outlet 
for major investment. Improved transportation facilities for 
marketing manufactured goods, the chronically low prices 
offered for raw cotton and comparatively high prices for 
cotton textiles, a new policy to increase sales in the South 
by northern manufacturers of mill machinery, and a growing 
propaganda campaign to encourage industry and hold both 
wealth and workers in the State were persuasive factors that 
led to the establishment of scores of new cotton mills in 
North Carolina. 

Because North Carolinians in the 1830's were genuinely 
distressed by large-scale emigration to the West which threat- 
ened to deplete the area of its most capable working families, 
the enthusiasm displayed by the promoters of the cotton 
industry rapidly spread over the State. These men wrote 
articles for local newspapers and detailed letters to planter 

[ 131] 

132 The North Carolina Historical Review 

acquaintances to encourage the expansion of industry in the 
State. The correspondence of the sons of General William 
Lenoir offers an excellent example of the interest in the 
industry evinced by North Carolinians. The Lenoir family, 
living in western North Carolina and eastern Tennessee, 
corresponded with each other and with their friends con- 
cerning mutual manufacturing interests and played a signi- 
ficant part in the introduction of the textile industry into 
both states. The Tennessee branch of the family had a cotton 
mill in operation at Lenoir City in 1830, while the North 
Carolina Lenoirs were stockholders in the Patterson Factory 
near Lenoir, North Carolina, in the early thirties. 1 The suc- 
cess of many such optimistic industrial leaders in North 
Carolina fostered a new boom in the textile industry. 

Stimulated perhaps by renewed interest throughout the 
State, Henry Humphreys, the founder of the Mt. Hecla 
Mill in Greensboro, began an extensive expansion of his plant 
by ordering the machinery for two thousand spindles and a 
steam plant from Paterson, New Jersey, whose machinery 
companies were to furnish equipment for many North Caro- 
lina mills in the 1830's and 1840's. Two supervisors accom- 
panied the machinery shipment from New Jersey and re- 
mained with the mill long enough to teach the white and 
slave girls to tend the machines. This was the first of 
several steam-operated cotton mills to be built in the 
State prior to the war. 2 The new Mount Hecla Mill 
was a four-story structure containing twenty-five hundred 
spindles and seventy-five looms and manufacturing sheeting, 
shirting, Osnaburgs, and cotton yarns packaged in five pound 
skeins. An annual operating expense of $4,000 for coal left 
a Raleigh editor aghast, and the prosperity of the mill, which 
the editor could not explain, was probably a result of the 
year-round operation of the mill while competitive mills 
generally closed for a month or more in the summer for lack 

1 "Lenoir Family Number 2," Lenoir Family Papers, Southern Historical 
Collection, University of North Carolina, hereinafter cited as Lenoir 
Family Papers. 

a Raleigh Register and North Carolina Gazette, July 18, 1838, herein- 
after cited as Raleigh Register. 

Henry Humphreys of Greensboro was the owner and 
superintendent of one of the more successful cotton mills 
of the 1830's. Fellow North Carolinians visited his Mount 
Heel a mill and aided by Humphreys' advice established 
other mills in the State. 

North Carolina Textiles 133 

of water power. 3 After Humphreys' conversion to all-white 
labor in the late 1830's, he came to be regarded as a great 
benefactor of the community, and a local editor noted that 
Greensboro appreciated his civic-mindedness in offering 
"employment for numerous hands hitherto doing nothing 
for the community, and but little for themselves/' 4 

In 1832 Charles Fisher, the Rowan County legislator noted 
for his efforts to encourage the growth of manufacturers, 
made an attempt to establish a cotton factory. He and a 
group of Salisbury investors received a charter for the Yadkin 
Manufacturing Company, but the efforts to raise the requisite 
capital evidently failed, for it was not until later under a 
second charter with a new group of incorporators that the 
company was successfully launched. Fisher was not satisfied 
merely with this project, for he advertised in the Western 
Carolinian the establishment of his own foundry which was 
prepared to manufacture cotton mill machinery. 5 In an effort 
to spur on interest in mill-building, Fisher once again pub- 
lished, in an abridged form, his stirring report of 1828. 6 

During the thirties twenty-four new cotton mills were 
projected. Undoubtedly the interest and encouragement of 
progressive Whig leadership in North Carolina in this period 
accounts for some of the rapid expansion of the textile in- 
dustry. 7 Of the twenty-four mills planned twenty were ac- 
tually built, and of these, fifteen were completed in the years 
1836-1840. These mills were located in eighteen counties, 
from Caldwell in the west to Northampton in the east, and 
from Caswell in the north to Richmond in the south. 

Before the middle 1830's there were varying opinions 
concerning the benefits which might be derived from the 
introduction of a manufacturing system in North Carolina. 
A Salisbury editor recalled that throughout the 1820's and 
early 1830's "manufactures were so odious" that planters 

8 Raleigh Register, July 5, 1836. 

* The Greensboro 1 Patriot, September 30, 1843. Hereinafter cited as 
The Patriot. 

6 Western Carolinian (Salisbury), April 5, 1839, hereinafter cited as 
Western Carolinian; Hillsborough Recorder, April 19, 1838. 

6 Western Carolinian, April 11, 1839. 

'William Turner to George W. Johnson, May 18, 1848, George W. 
Johnson Papers, George Washington Flowers Collection, Duke University, 
hereinafter cited as George W. Johnson Papers. 

134 The North Carolina Historical Review 

or any gentleman scoffed at the idea of investing in cotton 
mills. 8 Before this feeling subsided many such editorial cries 
as this one from the Raleigh Register in 1833 were heard. 
"Away then, you people of the South with an ill-founded 
prejudice, which stands in the way of your prosperity, and 
open your eyes to your true interest." 9 By 1835 the prejudice 
of the planters had begun to wane, and the promotional 
campaign was to continue unabated until overshadowed by 
the bitterness of the sectional controversies of the 1850's. 

Many of the early efforts to construct profitable cotton 
mills did not meet with the success necessary to encourage 
the emulation of other investors. One mill owner wrote to 
a merchant that the dry weather of North Carolina summers 
was such a hardship for grist and saw mill operators that he 
was not surprised that so few people built cotton mills. 10 
Other owners complained in the press that spring rains 
brought on such high water that water wheels were damaged 
and mill operations had to be suspended. In 1836 a fall flood 
on Lower Creek near Salem swept one cotton mill com- 
pletely away. That this discouraging lesson was taken to 
heart may be assumed from the fact that no record exists of 
another mill being built on the site. 11 

Factory owners were constantly confronted by a variety 
of other problems in their attempts to introduce a successful 
manufacturing industry into North Carolina. Short-weighted 
cotton bales, unpaid accounts, fires, strikes, and depressions 
came to be expected by the experienced owner. Quite early 
the factory owners in the area of Fayetteville reported re- 
peated efforts to defraud them. These mill men attempted 
by damaging publicity to discourage the practice by a few 
planters of selling cotton which was watered to give added 
weight and of packing bricks and stones in the bales. 12 

A chronic lack of local capital was another source of dis- 
couragement to those interested in mill building or expansion. 

8 Carolina Watchman (Salisbury), May 18, 1848, hereinafter cited as 
Carolina Watchman. 

9 Raleigh Register, December 17, 1833. 

10 William Davidson to William H. Horok, July 14, 1832, William H. 
Horok Papers, Flowers Collection, Duke University. 

11 Raleigh Register, September 16, 1834; September 27, 1836. 

12 Raleigh Register, April 16, 1838, 

North Carolina Textiles 135 

An Orange County mill owner wrote in 1839 that money for 
expansion promised by various planters had been diverted 
to the more popular schemes of railroad construction and 
river improvement, leaving the mill owner without funds 
for further building. One unhappy mill owner invested all 
his accumulated profits in such a scheme only to see the 
company fail and his working capital disappear. 13 

Insufficient capital coupled with poor or inexperienced 
management accounted for many cotton mill failures in ante- 
bellum North Carolina. 14 The record books of one such mill, 
the Cane Creek Manufacturing Company of Orange County, 
tell a tale of failure that was repeated by the Mocksville 
Factory in Davie County and the Salisbury Factory in Rowan 
County, 15 and in all probability by many other mills now long 
forgotten. The career of the Cane Creek Company was a 
twenty-one year struggle to pay dividends to stockholders 
who did not have the foresight to employ an experienced 
manager for the mill. 16 In 1836 the mill was incorporated 
with a capital of $10,000 by selling shares to twenty people 
of the community. The mill was built, machines were ordered 
and installed, worker's houses were erected, and operations 
were begun. Here, as was true with most of the industrial 
establishments of the time, the stock was paid for on the 
installment plan. The officers of the company were constantly 
trying to collect payments long in arrears, a task made almost 
impossible by the panic which crippled all business in 1837. 
Thus the mill began its first year under a cloud, for the 
capital subscribed was insufficient to purchase raw cotton 
and pay wages until the first profits came in. Because of 
non-payment of wages the first and only experienced man- 
ager employed by the company resigned to accept a similar 

13 C. S. Winlord to John W. Carrigan, December 9, 1839, John Warren 
Carrigan Papers, Flowers Collection, Duke University, hereinafter cited 
as Carrigan Papers; unsigned note on receipt of July 2, 1848, Tomlin 
Papers, Flowers Collection, Duke University, hereinafter cited as Tomlin 

u The Merchants' Magazine and Commercial Review, XLII (March 1860), 

35 Carolina Watchman, February 3, 1848; April 12, June 28, 1849. 

16 The following account was taken from the minutes of the stockholders' 
meetings, which were recorded on 88 unnumbered pages of a large ledger. 
Papers of the Cane Creek Manufacturing Company, Flowers Collection, 
Duke University. 

136 The North Carolina Historical Review 

position with one of the successful mills in Randolph County. 

The debt contracted during the mill's first year was never 
to be paid. Throughout the 1840's the mill was moderately 
successful because cotton prices were low and competition 
was not keen. Power looms were added in 1845 and 1849 
for weaving "coarse domestics," and as a last resort a steam 
plant was installed in 1850. However, the money allotted 
to meet the notes on the steam plant generally had to be 
diverted to pay for repairs on the spindle frames, and thus 
another debt was added to the books. These debts could 
possibly have been paid, but when any profit was shown, 
the investors demanded dividends instead. 

Almost every vicissitude of the times plagued the company. 
Some of the best workers succumbed to the lure of the West, 
others had to be discharged for repeated drunkenness, twenty 
went off to fight the Mexican War and never returned, and 
many more, dissatisfied with the mill's twelve-hour working 
day, returned to the farm. Almost every summer the creek 
went down and operations were suspended for weeks. Con- 
versely, almost every winter the swollen stream either flooded 
the mill or damaged the water wheel. Almost every fall and 
every spring "the fever" came to the mill village, and many 
were laid low for weeks at a time. All groceries at the com- 
pany store were sold on careless credit, and consequently 
the store showed a perennial loss. The mill's yarn and cloth 
were sold to merchants on credit; few paid promptly and 
many never paid. 

Nevertheless, the managers of the mill seem to have been 
a hardy lot and were not easily discouraged. When they 
heard at stockholders' meetings that the mill was averaging 
an annual production of 47,000 pounds of yarn, 27,000 
pounds of thread, 30,000 yards of sheetings, and 5,000 
pounds of Osnaburgs, and still there was little profit, they 
continued to believe that the appointment of yet another one 
of the major stockholders as president would increase annual 
dividends. Under this arrangement the management of the 
mill revolved from one major stockholder to the next until 
it became the victim of a capricious round-robin that spun 

North Carolina Textiles 137 

steadily toward failure. The president was required to forego 
his farming responsibilities to work in the mill for the dollar 
a day the stockholders voted him. The last sentence of each 
president's annual report followed the same form of all the 
predecessors. In the 1840's it usually read, "I made you a 
thousand dollars I wish I could of made you more." The 
amount in each closing sentence decreased steadily until 
in the middle 1850's, for the last three years of the company's 
existence, the report read, "I didn't make you anything I 
wish I could of." At last after twenty-one years of running 
the gamut of major stockholders through the office of presi- 
dent, the mill was sold to Edwin Michael Holt, whose mill 
on the next creek, the Great Alamance, was more success- 
fully supervised. 

Edwin M. Holt, who established the Alamance Factory 
the same year the Cane Creek mill was built, did not have 
the problem of stockholders' demands interfering with his 
more capable management. Holt had become interested in 
cotton manufacturing as a result of many visits to the Mt. 
Hecla Cotton Factory in Greensboro, where he met Henry 
Humphreys, who encouraged him to go ahead in the busi- 
ness. The diary he kept from 1844 to 1854 is a vivid record 
of the problems facing cotton mill owners and offers repeated 
testimony to the hard work necessary for success. 17 

Edwin Holt entered the textile field in spite of his father's 
adamant opposition, a feeling which may have been en- 
gendered by the elder Holt's unsuccessful attempt to aid 
in the organization of the Hillsborough Manufacturing Com- 
pany in 1813. The pessimism of Holt's father was easily 
counterbalanced by both the active interest in the project 
of Chief Justice Ruffin and the encouragement offered by 
Henry Humphreys. Holt in partnership with his brother-in- 
law, William A. Carrigan, continued work until his mill 
building was completed in 1837. The correspondence of the 
new firm of Holt and Carrigan forms a fascinating catalogue 
of the astute steps taken by the partners to expand their 

17 Edwin Michael Holt, Diary, 1844-1854, Southern Historical Collection, 
University of North Carolina, hereinafter cited as Holt Diary. 

138 The North Carolina Historical Review 

operations. The success with which their efforts were met 
led Holt's father-in-law, who sold their yarn in his Pittsboro 
store, to offer his guarded congratulations. "I am glad to 
here you have started your new machinery and it done 
well." 18 

The most serious problem facing these pioneer cotton 
manufacturers was lack of dependable transportation. There 
were no railroads in the North Carolina Piedmont before 
1855, and freight was usually transported by wagon. When 
Holt received an order from Petersburg, Virginia, for several 
hundred pounds of yarn, he resorted to writing several 
friends in neighboring towns to help him locate wagons 
going near there. The most optimistic reply merely stated 
that if the correspondent heard of any wagons having Peters- 
burg as their destination he would send them by the mill or 
send the information to Holt immediately. 19 Other factories, 
like the Milton Manufacturing Company, sent their products 
by company wagons. John Wilson, the agent for this mill, 
wrote Haygood and Claiborne of Danville, "I have charged 
you and Mr. Ross, one dollar each for the hire of the wagon, 
which is about equal to ordinary freight-bridge tolls we pay 
ourselves." 20 

The omnipresent transportation problem led many cotton 
manufacturers to become ardent promoters of railroad proj- 
ects, and the increased interest throughout North Carolina in 
improving transportation facilities became an inestimable 
aid to cotton mill construction in the decades from 1830 to 
1850. Internal improvements were offered by scores of edi- 
tors and orators as a panacea for all the State's ills. Emigra- 
tion to the West would cease, depressed farmers would be 
able to market their crops, and industry would cover the 
State. Newspaper editors began to welcome the construction 
of new mills as an added weight to their pleas for railroads. 

_________ IT "S - ~ WT - ~ 1 

18 Thomas Farish to Edwin M. Holt, March 10, 1839, Alamance Mills 
Collection, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, 
hereinafter cited as Alamance Mills Collection. 

19 Eli Smith to Edwin M. Holt, March 23, 1839, Alamance Mills Collection. 

20 John Wilson to Haygood and Claiborne, November 1, 1838, William 
Clark Grasty and John F. Rison Papers, Flowers Collection, Duke Uni- 

North Carolina Textiles 139 

As one editor wrote in 1836, if mills continued to spring up, 
North Carolina could say: 

Then farewell to domestic jars 
All bullying nonsense done — 
An endless chain of railroad cars, 
Will bind us all in one. 21 

It was only natural that cotton mill owners become leaders 
of the movement for all internal improvement projects. In 
the multitude of state commercial conventions called to draw 
up memorials to the legislature for funds to aid in plank 
road, canal, and railroad building and river clearance, John 
M. Morehead, Henry Humphreys, and Charles Benbow of 
Greensboro, Charles P. Mallett of Fayetteville, William Car- 
rigan and Edwin M. Holt of Alamance County, and other 
mill owners were active spokesmen. 22 

Certainly a potent factor in stimulating mill construction 
at this time was the growing realization on the part of 
northern manufacturers of cotton mill machinery that the 
South was an unexploited but promising field to which they 
could extend their trade. It seems evident that most ma- 
chinery used in ante-bellum mills was purchased chiefly from 
firms in Providence, Rhode Island, Paterson, New Jersey, 
and New York City. Michael Schenck had made a trip in 
1814 to Providence to purchase part of his machinery and to 
accompany it while it was hauled overland by wagon to 
Lincoln County. By 1832, however, when Henry Humphreys 
refitted the Mount Hecla mill in Greensboro, a Paterson, 
New Tersey, firm had sent the machinery by boat to Charles- 
ton, then by wagon to Guilford County. The new departure 
taken by this firm in sending a mechanic with the machinery 
to remain as long as eighteen months and instruct the mill 
workers, rapidly became the policy of northern companies. 
Charles P. Mallett, who built the largest ante-bellum mill 
in the State at Fayetteville in 1836, had his 4,500 spindles 
and 100 looms installed under the supervision of two fore- 

21 Raleigh Register, July 5, 1836. 

22 Raleigh Register, January 24, 1837; July 16, December 3, 10, 1838; 
April 18, 1849. 

140 The North Carolina Historical Review 

men of the Matteowan Company of New Yofk. 23 Edwin M. 
Holt recorded in his diary that the northern mechanic who 
worked with him for the first eighteen months was largely 
responsible for the success of his mill on Alamance Creek. 24 
By the 1850's, advertisements of these eager northern com- 
panies were regular features of many North Carolina news- 
papers. The notices stressed generous credit terms, the ability 
of the supervisors that would be sent, and the success of their 
former customers throughout the South. 25 

Newspapers of the time attempted to encourage the manu- 
facturer and prospective manufacturer by citing the possi- 
bilities of great success and wealth inherent in the business. 
Several editors praised the efforts of Thomas McNeely, who 
built a steam cotton mill at Mocksville. Although his initial 
brick structure was large enough to contain three thousand 
spindles, McNeely began his operations modestly with 528 
spindles and planned to fill the remaining space with ma- 
chinery purchased from profits. The editor of the Charlotte 
Journal said of McNeely, "We wish every possible success 
to the enterprising gentleman who has thus set this worthy 
example to men richer than himself." 26 

From the time of the report of Charles Fisher in 1828 until 
the 1850's, many other editors and political leaders, con- 
vinced of the benefits of manufacturing, strove valiantly to 
eradicate the prejudice which a conservative rural population 
held against innovation. Opponents of factories in the State 
pointed with alarm to the use of slave labor in the early mills. 
Many feared that slaves employed in mills would be elevated 
beyond their status and possibly freed, a development which 
would have been anathema to most white southerners. 27 The 
use of slave labor in North Carolina mills, however, never 
reached the proportions it attained in Tennessee and South 
Carolina mills, for only three cotton mills used slave labor, 

23 1. W. Wilson to A. D. Gage, December 4, 1847, Tomlin Papers; Niles' 
Weekly Register, L (August 6, 1836), 378. 

24 Holt Diary, March 4, 1845. 

25 Carolina Republican (Lincolnton), April 3, 1851, hereinafter cited as 
Carolina Republican; Raleigh Register, February 16, 1852. 

28 Hillsborough Recorder, March 17, 1838, quoting the Charlotte Journal. 

27 Phillip G. Davidson, "Industrialism in the Ante-Bellum South," South 
Atlantic Quarterly, XXVII (October, 1928), 411, hereinafter cited as 
Davidson, "Ante-Bellum South." 

North Carolina Textiles 141 

and two of these, Henry Humphreys' mill in Greensboro and 
Henry Donalson's Fayetteville mill, had converted to white 
labor by the late 1830's. The remaining mill, Joel Battle's in 
Rocky Mount, retained its slave operatives until the early 
1850's, when the various owners from whom Battle rented 
slaves protested that since the price of raw cotton was rapidly 
increasing they were needed in the fields. Although there 
were a few protests about "taking a Negro's place," the tran- 
sition to white labor was rapidly made. 28 The fact that slaves 
were often used to perform menial tasks and act as draymen 
for the mills did not seem to excite any comment. 29 Thus, 
with mill labor largely restricted to white workers, the 
founding of new mills was given increasing attention in 
North Carolina newspapers. 

One of these newer organizations, the Randolph Manu- 
facturing Company, reported even before its cotton factory 
was completed that the company already had in operation 
a sawmill and a wool carding machine. The corporation built 
houses for its workers and made all the bricks used in the 
construction of the mill building. In an article describing 
this mill the editor of a Raleigh paper employed the format 
of a classified advertisement to encourage workers to apply 
for jobs there. "Here is a fine opening for hardy, industrious 
young men, who are willing to work hard, live well, earn 
money honestly, and enjoy one of the most healthful situa- 
tions in this or any other country." 30 

Often vying with each other to demonstrate their enthu- 
siasm, newspaper editors soon became avid apostles of cotton 
mill building. They insisted that unless North Carolina over- 
came her indifference to the industry, she would "incur the 
contempt of the world, merit the reproaches of posterity, 
and remain a mere skeleton of a state, destitute of those 
active propensities which make life a blessing." 31 Familiar 

88 Holland Thompson, From the Cotton Field to the Cotton Mill (New 
York, 1906), 50-53, hereinafter cited as Thompson, Cotton Mill; Carolina 
Watchman, August 23, 1854. 

89 1. W. Wilson to A. D. Gage, December 4, 1847, Tomlin Papers; William 
A. Carrigan, Sr. to William A. Carrigan, Jr., February 7, 1848, Carrigan 

30 Raleigh Register, April 23, 1838. 

81 Raleigh Register, March 14, 1837. 

142 The North Carolina Historical Review 

arguments were given a variety of presentations. The econ- 
omic advantages over New England of savings in bagging, 
sampling, river and ocean freight, insurance, and drayage 
charges were often mentioned. New mill sites were pointed 
out in many counties, almost all of which had "enough power 
for another Lowell." 32 "The rapid stream, the roaring cata- 
ract, which abound through her length and breadth, and the 
cheapness of labor are all eloquent pleaders for the Manu- 
facturing policy." Editors liked to sit back and envision the 
results, and one saw the State with "her hills and valleys 
teeming with a busy and thriving population, her mountain 
streams and rivers made, every drop, to contribute to the 
wealth of her citizens; the native intellect and energies of her 
sons would be stimulated and her name enrolled high up 
among her sister states." 33 Merchants who continued to buy 
yarn from the North were shamed with patriotic fervor. The 
factories of the 1830's were heartening indeed to the Raleigh 
editor who concluded, "The wild enthusiastic views of the 
few, and the cold indifference of the many, are becoming 
blended together into a generous glow of steady and united 
patriotism, which must have its effects." 34 

The effect, however, was not so great as the enthusiastic 
few might have hoped, and each editor was careful to preface 
his remarks with the idea that agriculture was still the true 
calling of most of the State's inhabitants. The propaganda 
campaign, which had been on occasion vociferous in the 
1830's, faded into complacency by the late 1840's, and had 
little effect on the industry in the 1850's, as higher cotton 
prices had refocused attention on the cotton field rather than 
on the mill. When Alfred G. Foster told the Randolph County 
Society for the Promotion of Agriculture, the Mechanic Arts 
and Manufacturers in 1855 that the "true policy of North 
Carolina is to encourage the establishment and growth of 
manufactories," 35 his had become like a still, small voice in 

82 Carolina Watchman, July 12, 1835; Raleigh Register, November 5, 1833; 
June 6, 1837. 

83 Raleigh Register, June 16, 1849. 

84 Raleigh Register, March 14, October 9, 1837. 

35 Alfred G. Foster, Address before the Randolph County Society for the 
Promotion of Agriculture, the Mechanic Arts and Manufactures (Lexing- 
ton, 1855), 18. 

Photograph courtesy of Mr. John W. Claik 

Built in 1840, this first mill of the Franklinville Manufacturing 
Company is shown as it appeared in 1875. The Franklinville mill in 
Randolph County is typical of over thirty textile mills constructed in 
the North Carolina Piedmont during the expansion of the industry in 
the 1840's. 

North Carolina Textiles 143 

a state wedded to the soil. Thus the propaganda campaign 
of this period must be considered as more a prelude to the 
vast enthusiasm for textile mills in the New South period. It 
was not a sustained effort, and the later occasional voices 
advocating cotton manufacturing could not have the effect 
that the chorus of such voices had in the 1880's. 

Within the decade of the 1830's when the sentiment favor- 
ing southern industry was at its peak, a score of cotton mills 
were placed in operation in North Carolina. Most of these 
were two-story frame structures built by the banks of a river 
or stream, utilizing water power to propel a ten or twelve 
foot, water wheel that operated the four 132-spindle frames 
that were so common with the beginning manufacturer. Sev- 
eral of these early mills, however, took the familiar form of 
most later mill buildings. These were three or four story brick 
structures with two towers in front which contained the mill's 
staircases and were sometimes topped with ornamental nine- 
teenth-century Gothic filigree. 

In 1832 John Trollinger, grandson of a German immigrant 
who had built one of the first grist mills in Orange County, 
constructed the High Falls Manufacturing Company, which 
was located on the grist milFs site on the Haw River and 
operated a thousand spindles producing coarse yarn for local 
use. This was the first of six mills to be built before 1860 
in that section of the county which became Alamance County 
in 1849. 36 

In a single year, 1836, six more mills began operations, 
four in the adjoining central Piedmont counties of Randolph, 
Chatham, Forsyth, and Orange, and two in the town of 
Fayetteville. Two of these mills deserve mention because 
their success led either to the construction of new mills by 
their owners or to the consolidation of less successful mills 
into their management. 

Charles P. Mallett, a planter and merchant of Fayetteville, 
found his hometown, already the site of Donaldson s Fayette- 
ville Mill, to be an ideal location for his successful ventures 
in cotton manufacturing. His first mill, the Phoenix, built 

36 Sallie W. Stockard, The History of Alamance (Raleigh, 1900), 143- 
145, hereinafter cited as Stockard, Alamance', Raleigh Register. November 
22, 1836. 

144 The North Carolina Historical Review 

in the spring of 1836, was an immediately prosperous con- 
cern. A Raleigh editor commented that the cheapness of 
labor, the convenience of the market, and the demand for his 
goods was making Mallett a wealthy man. 37 Yet Phoenix 
Mill with its one thousand spindles was apparently too small 
to supply the demand, so Mallett in the same year incorpo- 
rated a local company, raised over $100,000 in capital, and 
built the Rock Fish Manufacturing Company, which was to 
become the largest mill in the State. The company's ready 
capital allowed it to purchase the best northern machinery, 
and soon the mill operated 4,500 spindles and 100 looms. 
There can be little doubt that the success of this company 
later helped influence Charles Benbow, John Hall, and Dun- 
can Murchison to build their mills in Fayetteville in 1840. 
The location of Fayetteville and the ease with which these 
mills could make occasional shipments of yarn to New York 
and Philadelphia accounted for the prosperity enjoyed by 
all six local mills until the Civil War. 38 

By 1838 the cotton factories at Fayetteville were gaining 
an excellent national as well as state reputation. The factory 
of Charles Mallett had already begun sending yarns to 
northern markets. As a result of this practice he received an 
order for four thousand pounds of yarn monthly from St. 
Louis. This early demand for Fayetteville yarn led news- 
paper editor E.J. Hale to comment that such an order should 
not only be an indication of the excellence of the manufac- 
tures of the area, but should be encouraging to those engaged 
in the business and to those who were considering such in- 
vestments. 39 

Dennis Heartt, editor of the Hillsborough Recorder, pre- 
dicted a great future for the cotton industry of North Caro- 
lina, "On the whole, the manufacturers of the Northern 
States need not much longer count North Carolina as one of 
their markets: they may rather regard her as a competitor, 
and one who will soon become very formidable." 40 

37 Raleigh Register, July 26, 1836. 

38 The Patriot, October 14, 1843; Niles' Weekly Register, XIV (June 18, 
1843), 272; Raleigh Register, November 15, 1836. 

89 Hillsborough Recorder, November 29, 1838, citing the Fayetteville 

40 Hillsborough Recorder, July 19, 1838. 

North Carolina Textiles 145 

The rapid growth of the cotton textile industry in the 
thirties created a change in the general trading pattern of 
the State. Within a few years the shipment of North Carolina 
cotton had declined, and the demand for yarn was met at 
home. Only ten years after the Rocky Mount Mill had begun 
entering northern markets, the Charlotte Journal reported 
that many bales of cotton textiles were being shipped regu- 
larly to New York and Philadelphia. 41 Editorials in local 
papers graphically pointed out the advantages of such in- 
dustry to the planter and farmer, who could now secure the 
same prices for their products at home, when once they had 
to send them to distant market towns to get the best price. 
Now the State's raw materials were being used at home, giv- 
ing employment to needy people and profits to local investors. 
A Greensboro editor believed that such a program would 
bring to a halt the "depopulating and impoverishing tide of 
emigration" and create a state of growing prosperity for 
North Carolinians. 42 

In the Piedmont section the Holts' Alamance Mill did as 
much to promote the growth of the textile industry as did the 
mills of Charles Mallett in the Fayetteville region. During 
the first years of the Alamance Mill's existence, when only 
yarn was produced, the old water wheel of the grist mill 
was used to operate the spindle frames, but in 1845 when 
the mill was enlarged by the addition of a second group of 
528 spindles, a new and larger water wheel was constructed. 
Like other mill owners of the State, Holt drew his workers 
from the immediate neighborhood of the mill and directed 
their instruction as mill hands. Purchasing his raw cotton 
from farmers in the county, Holt manufactured only coarse 
yarn for home weaving until twelve looms were added to the 
mill in 1848. 43 By 1860 yarn was still the chief product of the 
mill, but ninety-six looms had been added to produce a 
larger amount of cotton cloth. Although Holt has several 
references in his diary to work stoppages due to high or low 

41 Charlotte Journal, May 11, 1838. 
a The Patriot, March 6, 1839. 

48 Alfred A. Holt to William A. Carrigan, Jr., May 8, 1849, Carrigan 
Papers; Holt Diary, October 14, 1844. 

146 The North Carolina Historical Review 

water in Alamance Creek, the mill was apparently well- 
managed and profitable. 44 

The most significant event in the ante-bellum development 
of this mill was the introduction of a dyeing process in 1853. 
In that year an almost destitute French dyer happened to be 
travelling by the mill and offered to teach the process to Holt 
and his son Thomas M. Holt in return for $100 if his efforts 
were successful. With the use of makeshift equipment, a dye 
shed was constructed, and the yarn processed there was 
woven into "Alamance plaids," the first colored cotton cloth 
woven on power looms in the South. 45 The popularity of this 
cloth assured the continued success of the mill, and the 
profits derived allowed Holt to purchase the Cane Creek mill 
in 1857 and the Haw River Factory in 1860. By adhering 
strictly to a policy of re-investing his profits into the mills 
and training his sons in mill management, Holt became the 
head of one of the most important textile families in North 
Carolina. 46 

In the same year that Holt began building the Alamance 
Mill, his friend and later business associate, Francis Fries, 
completed his first cotton mill at Salem. In order to save each 
other time and expense the two mill owners cooperated by 
making alternate trips to the North where they investigated 
new improvements in machinery, ascertained marketing con- 
ditions, and sought other information which might be of as- 
sistance in their growing businesses. 47 

In 1838 Governor John Motley Morehead erected the 
Leaksville Factory on the Dan River in Rockingham County, 
which presented an impressive appearance. The three-story 
stone mill, built at the head of a large canal and operated 
by a twenty-five foot waterwheel, was surrounded by a flour 
and grist mill, a cotton seed oil mill, and the brick cottages 
of the factory village. 48 Governor Morehead left no doubt, 

44 Holt Diary, May 31, October 11, 1845; March 6, June 13, 1846. 

45 Stockard, Alamance, 91-92, quoting T. M. Holt; The News and Ob- 
server (Raleigh), April 12, 1896. 

46 Stockard, Alamance, 93. 

47 F. H. Fries, "The History of the Fries Family," typescript copy, 
Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina. 

48 Raleigh Register, July 16, 1838; The Patriot, September 30, 1843; 
September 2, 1854; Carolina Watchman, June 5, 1840. 

The career of Hugh S. Parks, Sr. 
(1827-1913) of Franklinville, Randolph 
County, typifies the continuation of 
management from ante-bellum cotton 
mills to many of the New South era. In 
1858 he assumed the management of the 
Island Ford Mill, a wooden building on 
the Deep River built in 1845 by Elisha 
Coffin, A. S. Horney, and George Make- 
peace. Under Parks' direction the small 
mill with only 1,700 spindles and twen- 
ty-five looms was expanded by 1900 into 
one of the leading textile producers of 
the State. 

North Carolina Textiles 147 

even in state papers, of his active interest in the promotion 
of the infant industry. In a campaign debate for the governor- 
ship in 1842, Morehead pointed out that his wealth had gone 
to develop "manufacturing, mechanical and farming opera- 
tions, by which he afforded employment to many of his poor 
neighbors, mechanics, etc." 49 In a speech to a Democratic 
legislature he unhesitatingly upheld Whig doctrines. The 
governor attacked free trade and the competition of Euro- 
pean pauper labor. "We have the power not only to raise 
Revenue by imposing duties, but we have the power, by 
imposing them, to protect American Industry against Euro- 
pean industry." 50 

There were many other entrepreneurs of lesser standing 
than Holt, Fries, or Morehead, who became overly encour- 
aged by the low price of raw cotton in the years following 
the Panic of 1837 and built less successful cotton factories. 
A typical one of those produced by the panic was the Mill- 
edge ville Cotton Factory on the Yadkin River in Montgomery 
County, twenty-two miles east of Salisbury. Its builder, Ed- 
ward Burrage, in 1838 added a frame extension to the grist 
mill on his farm and spun coarse yarn which was bartered 
or sold in the neighborhood. 51 Since this mill did not survive 
the decade of the 1850's, it seems probable that the higher 
prices of raw cotton during these years led Burrage back 
to his farming operations. 

A more successful attempt was the Cedar Falls Manufac- 
turing Company on Deep River, six miles above Asheboro. 
Benjamin Elliott, its local organizer, had sufficient foresight 
to secure adequate capital for the mill's operation by selling 
stock to many of the community's leading citizens. The first 
mill was completed in 1837 and began spinning its coarse 
yarn. Prosperity followed and the mill was enlarged in 1846. 
A new brick building was constructed, 54 looms were added, 
capital was increased to $60,000, and 120 people were given 
steady employment. 52 Elliott very wisely decided to display 

* e Hillsborough Recorder, May 25, 1843; Raleigh Register. January 5, 

60 Raleigh Register, November 25, 1842. 

61 Carolina Watchman, December 12, 1840 ; Raleigh Register, July 16, 1838. 

62 Raleigh Register, March 14, 1837; August 22, 1849. 

148 The North Carolina Historical Review 

conspicuously a brand name on all the mill's products, and 
by the late 1840's, "Cedar Falls" yarn and cloth were known 
throughout the State. 53 

The decade of the 1830s ended full of promise for future 
progress in the cotton textile industry of the State, with North 
Carolina able to boast of twenty-five factories in active opera- 
tion. 54 The expansion of the textile industry had been so rapid 
that Niles' Weekly Register reported in 1840 that North Car- 
olina had a greater number of factories of different kinds 
than there had been in all the southern states in 1830. 55 Ed- 
ward J. Hale, editor of the Fayetteville Observer, was so in- 
spired by the general development of the cotton industry in 
his state that he gave a special toast at the Charleston Com- 
mercial Convention in 1839, "North Carolina is rapidly de- 
veloping all her resources, multiplying her facilities of in- 
ternal and external intercourse, and is making such progress 
in manufacture, that ere long she will be found importing 
cotton from her Southern neighbors, and exporting her fab- 
rics in return." 56 Hale's own home city furnished ample 
justification for assuming this prophetic tone, for Fayetteville 
had three cotton factories in the city, two others in the 
county, and three new mills in various stages of organization. 

Despite a temporary recession in trade and the general 
tightening of investment capital in the years following the 
Panic of 1837, newspapers published many stirring editorials 
from 1840 to 1844 in an attempt to maintain the interest of 
North Carolinians, large capitalists and the investing public 
alike, in cotton factories. In 1840 and 1841 North Carolina 
editors confidently chronicled the completion of seven new 
mills in both Piedmont and coastal sections. Various publica- 
tions, both inside and outside the State, made attempts to 
estimate or to list the number of cotton mills and their loca- 
ions. 57 The Western Carolinian noted the operation of twenty- 
seven factories valued at close to a million dollars, operating 

68 Receipt, September 30, 1847, and undated notes, George W. Johnson 

54 See appended list of cotton factories. 

65 Niles 7 Weekly Register, LXVIII (May 2, 1840), 138. 

66 Western Carolinian, April 11, 1839. 

67 Hillsborough Recorder, September 1, 1841. 

North Carolina Textiles 149 

47,931 spindles, and employing 1,219 workers. 58 A letter from 
a North Carolina manufacturer in the National Intelligencer 
discussed the progress of the cotton industry in the state and 
reported the existence of 

twenty cotton factories, worked by, I presume, 1,800 white 
operatives, and, although N. Carolina will obtrude herself upon 
the time of Congress with petitions for a discriminating tariff, 
yet she is to be vitally affected by it, in the success of those large 
factories recently established. I am now shipping a lot of goods 
directly to New Bedford, and expect to supply that market with 
a portion of what they require for shipment around Cape Horn. 59 

Continued expansion in the cotton industry led the editor 
of the Wilmington Chronicle to rhapsodize over the increas- 
ing industrial interest in the State and its future prospects. 
He reported with obvious pride the export of North Carolina 
textiles to the North, much of which came from mills in the 
interior of the State. 60 Such exports were not at all uncom- 
mon, for manufactured goods had been shipped occasion- 
ally since 1828 and with great regularity after 1835. 

Two of the four mills established in 1840 had especially 
far-reaching influence, for they were established in towns 
which took a prominent role in the post-war textile expansion 
of the State, and from their initial construction they were 
operated by steam power, rather than the more popular but 
less dependable waterpower. The Concord Manufacturing 
Company was incorporated in 1840 under the leadership of 
Isborn Cannon, Paul Barringer, and John Phifer, and their 
initial $30,000 capital was used to purchase both spindles 
and a sixty-horsepower steam engine. Soon power looms were 
added, and the new machinery to produce cotton twine made 
the mill the first in the State to compete with Kentucky hemp 
manufacturers. All these products elicited praise from a sym- 
pathetic and encouraging press. 61 Editors urged planters and 


Western Carolinian, September 9, 1842. 

Charlotte Journal, May 12, 1842, quoting the National Intelligencer. 

Hillsborough Recorder, February 4, 1841, quoting the Wilmington 
Chronicle; Charlotte Journal, April 12, 1845. 

81 Carolina Watchman, April 12, 1845; October 9, 1846; The Patriot, 
October 14, 1843. 

150 The North Carolina Historical Review 

farmers of the South to begin using cotton bagging and 
twine, instead of hemp, for baling their cotton, and the new 
Concord mill was suggested as a source for these manufac- 
tures. The products of this factory were termed "superior to 
any articles of the kind we have seen . . . the twine seems to 
be an excellent article and much stronger than ordinary 
hemp twine." The Camden Journal (South Carolina) urged 
the planters of that area to encourage this home enterprise. 62 

The other of these two mills, the Salisbury Cotton Factory, 
was the object of great civic pride in its small community. 
The three-storied brick building was 125 feet long and 40 feet 
wide, and its tower was crowned with an ornamental cupola. 
Since it was only one-fourth of a mile from the courthouse, 
a daily walk to the mill became a new diversion for the towns- 
people. The Matteowan Company of New York had installed 
the initial one thousand spindles, but before the end of the 
first year, another supervisor from the company had arrived 
with two thousand more and fifty looms. The shirting, sheet- 
ing, Osnaburg, and yarn which the mill produced were 
declared by the local editor to be "the best in the state." 63 

Because capital was greatly constricted in the wake of the 
Panic of 1837, there was little activity in the construction of 
new cotton mills between 1840 and 1845. In the latter year 
four small mills in Orange, Randolph, and Montgomery 
counties began modest operation. The years 1847-1850, how- 
ever, mark the second and last significant building period 
before 1860. In these four years sixteen new mills were built, 
largely in the Piedmont section and at least four of them in 
newly-industrialized counties near the South Carolina state 
line. Two mills built in Mecklenburg County were success- 
ful enough to aid in the growth of the county seat, Charlotte, 
as a marketing center of the surrounding counties. The Ca- 
tawba Factory, built in 1848 on an excellent water site on 
the Catawba River, was equipped with new and improved 
northern machinery which produced yarn and sheeting that 
was apparently superior to that of some of the older mills. It 

62 Hillsborough Recorder, April 10, 1845, quoting the Camden Journal; 
Charlotte Journal, April 12, 1845. 

68 Carolina Watchman, December 19, 1840; Carolina Republican, Janu- 
ary 27, 1853, 

North Carolina Textiles 151 

quickly acquired a reputation "that made all its products sell 
easily," largely through the expert management of its owner 
General William N. Neal of Charlotte and his Rhode Island 
superintendent, George Brown. General Neal employed as 
agents two brothers, H. B. and L. L. Williams, who traveled 
over the State taking orders for the Catawba products. When 
these orders were received at the mill, the company's wagons 
would deliver the cotton yarn and cloth directly to the mer- 
chants. Such merchandising paid ample reward, and Gen- 
eral Neal was widely respected as a "pioneer industrialist." 64 
The other mill in Mecklenburg County, the Rock Island 
Manufacturing Company, was also built in 1848 and was 
owned in partnership by Messrs. Carson, Young, and Grier 
of Charlotte. Capitalizing on the skill of workers long ac- 
customed to domestic carding and weaving, the mill pro- 
duced both cotton and woolen yarn and cloth, "which are 
equal, if they are not superior, to any similar work produced 
in this country." From the founding of the mill until after 
the Civil War, the popular brand name of the company gave 
it a constant market for its products, but honesty as to its 
comparative quality led the owners to advertise only by 
guaranteeing "that their fabric shall be suited to the market 
for which they are made, . . . and will give satisfaction to both 
merchant and customer." 65 Despite the company's moderate 
claims for its textile wares, the mill was awarded a prize at 
the Georgia State Fair in 1853, the only out-of-state company 
to be so recognized. The founders received a further accolade 
when "The judges . . . recommend [edl the cassimeres manu- 
factured by Grier, Carson & Young, to the notice of southern 
merchants, as being very superior." 66 

In Gaston County, the district adjoining Mecklenburg, 
the textile industry was initiated in 1845 when the Woodlawn 
Factory was begun by the Lineberger brothers, who were 
soon joined by Moses H. Rhyne, later to become a benefactor 
of Lenoir-Rhyne College. The ante-bellum Woodlawn Fac- 
tory was a frame building on stone foundations. Its superior 

81 Carolina Watchman, April 12, August 30, 1849. 

66 Raleigh Register, April 9, 1851, quoting the Charleston Mercury; De- 
Bow's Review, XXXVI (January, 1867), 90. 

"DeBow's Review, XIV (February, 1853), 192-193. 

152 The North Carolina Historical Review 

machinery, purchased in England and Philadelphia, was 
shipped to Charleston and then by railroad and wagon to 
the site of the mill. The operation of the various divisions of 
the mill were capably directed for many years by the chief 
stockholders "as suited each one's ability." In 1848, the year 
that the Woodlawn organization began operations, Jasper 
and E. B. Stowe opened the smaller but successful Stowesville 
Mill, the second cotton factory in a district soon to become 
famous as a major textile area. 67 A year later Thomas Tate, 
son-in-law of Henry Humphreys, transferred the prosperous 
Mt. Hecla Mill from Greensboro to Mountain Island on the 
Catawba River in Gaston County. The shortage of wood 
around Greensboro and the excellent water power available 
at the new location led Tate to select Mountain Island as a 
superior mill site. The young owner easily converted the re- 
mains of a canal there, originally intended as a link in con- 
veying cotton by boat to Charleston, into a mill race and soon 
began production of plain sheeting to be used for under- 
clothing and shirts. Some of the cloth woven for ladies' dresses 
was dyed with copperas, maple bark, or sumac berries to 
provide southern women with more attractive southern tex- 
tiles. 68 

Trading practices in the State, however, failed to keep pace 
with progress in construction, for as late as 1848 many fac- 
tories were still bartering for their yarn and cloth. In that year 
Gwyn and Hickerson, operating a retail store at Wilkesboro, 
received from the Leaksville mill of Governor Morehead 500 
bunches of yarn and 2,409 yards of 4/4 sheeting. The super- 
intendent of the mill wrote the merchants, "I understand him 
[Morehead] to say you had 100$ worth of trade which he 
has agreed to take please send that down by wagon also." 69 
One of these Wilkesboro merchants, James Gwyn, like so 
many others who had first-hand knowledge of the demand 
for cotton goods, later invested heavily in the local mills at 
Patterson and Elkin. 

m Minnie Stowe Puett, History of Gaston County (Charlotte, 1939), 183- 

09 Charlotte Journal, March 23, 1849. 

09 J. H. Bullard to Gwyn and Hickerson, April 10, 1848, James Gwyn 
Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina. 

North Carolina Textiles 153 

Throughout the late ante-bellum period, the Lenoir family, 
so successful during the pioneer years of the industry, con- 
tinued its construction of cotton factories in western North 
Carolina and eastern Tennessee. Major William Lenoir of 
Tennessee wrote to the North Carolina members of the fam- 
ily inquiring about the plans of James Gwyn and E. W. Jones 
to found new cotton mill companies. Jones had succeeded in 
organizing a company and was then in the process of con- 
structing a mill. His new Yadkin Factory was making brick 
for the main building and constructing a dam to provide 
water power. One of the Tennessee major's sons, Thomas 
Lenoir, wrote from the newly established Elkin Factory, "I 
look upon the manufacturing establishments springing up in 
every part of North Carolina as the surest hope for future 
wealth and prosperity." 70 

North Carolina editors in the late 1840's shared this opti- 
mism and predicted that in the future the greatest cotton 
growing states would be the greatest cotton manufacturing 
states. This trend was deemed inevitable, for "western North 
Carolina, northwestern South Carolina, north Georgia and 
Alabama, and parts of Tennessee, afford some of the finest 
water power on the globe, . . . contiguous to the cotton/' 71 
In the 1840's it was becoming increasingly clear to North 
Carolinians that they could not remain prosperous by grow- 
ing cotton alone, especially since the staple was then being 
overproduced and the price constantly lowered. Using an 
argument with a peculiarly modern ring, editors contended 
that the only hope of the State to remain economically inde- 
pendent was to diversify its labor. 72 The Philadelphia News 
mentioned the increasing number of cotton factories through- 
out the South and observed that planters were "tired of sell- 
ing their raw cotton for five cents a pound, when hy simply 
spinning it into yarn, they can get twelve."™ As a general 
rule, intense agitation for even more cotton mills was a prod- 
uct of each slump in the agricultural market, while actual 

70 Thomas Lenoir, Jr. to William B. Lenoir, April 2, 1849, Lenoir Family 

71 Charlotte Journal, June 21, 1848. 

72 Charlotte Journal, April 20, 1849. 

73 Charlotte Journal, April 20, 1849, quoting the Philadelphia News. 

154 The North Carolina Historical Review 

mill building generally occurred in the periods of prosperity 
before 1850. 

Dissatisfaction with prevailing cotton prices reached its 
peak in the 1850 season, before the sharp price increases 
which characterized the last decade preceding the Civil War. 
A result of this discontent was the enthusiasm evident at the 
meeting of the first manufacturers' convention held in North 
Carolina. A large group of state industrialists assembled in 
Raleigh in December, 1850, to hold an organizational meet- 
ing. John M. Morehead of the Leaksville Factory served as 
president, and Colonel H. B. Elliott of the Cedar Falls mill 
made the main address. After expressing a public spirit inde- 
pendent of its members' individual manufacturing interests, 
the group declared that its chief aim was to aid in the im- 
provement of manufacturing in North Carolina. The mem- 
bers resolved to organize a permanent society "in order to 
promote and encourage all those engaged in the various 
branches of productive industry, and to stimulate and reward 
enterprise, excellence and skill." The organization was to 
follow the lead of other southern states and hold at its annual 
meetings an exhibition of articles in agricultural, manufac- 
turing, mining, and mechanical departments. In early 1851 
this group sponsored the first North Carolina state fair, which 
was held at the time of the annual meeting of the legisla- 
ture. 74 By means of this fair the society expected to display 
the products of the progressive manufacturers and agricul- 
turists of the state and reward outstanding exhibits with 
prizes. Edward J. Hale, editor of the Fayetteville Observer, 
praised the fair as a means of attracting attention to locally 
produced items and bringing about improvements in both 
manufactures and agriculture. 75 Thus with confident visions 
of future prosperity the period of greatest cotton mill expan- 
sion came to an end. 

One of the most significant results of the development of 
cotton manufacturing in the State was the changing attitude 
toward factory work and mill ownership. The dignity of mill 

74 Hillsborough Recorder, January 8, 1851; Raleigh Register, November 
30, December 12, 1850. 

n Fayetteville Observer, November 21, 1851. 

North Carolina Textiles 155 

labor was a popular theme in the State. The mill laborer was 
no longer to be considered as grubbing for his food at a task 
beneath his dignity, because he, like his fellow workers, was 
"a shining hero standing on a hill in the sunlight." 76 Young 
men were admonished not to loiter in the village streets but 
to find employment by joining the "heroes" at the local mill. 77 
A Raleigh editor reflected that no situation in the world was 
more enviable than that of the American working man, "free 
for everything for which Heaven designed him; untrammeled 
in his opinions, and left to the guidance of his own genius, 
he walks erect in the full stature of a man." 78 Freeman Hunt 
aided the campaign by stating, "A great good to society must 
result from the employment of thousands of idle and immoral 
persons, who are now consumers and not producers." Such 
glowing phrases may have taken some effect, for an English 
traveler in the State in 1855 noted, perhaps optimistically, 
that there was no stigma attached to mill work. 79 

Editors were often careful to point to the moral responsi- 
bility of the owners. A Salisbury editor conceded that pecuni- 
ary gain must be the motive of the mill builders, but they 
were to remember for the good of the community that they 
were running not only a cotton machine but a "moral ma- 
chine," which must encourage education, improve the stand- 
ards of living, and thus raise the morals of the community. 80 

Most mill owners seemed to accept this responsibility as 
an intrinsic part of their position as employers. The workers 
at the Snow Camp Factory in Orange County were provided 
with a building which served as a library carrying several 
state newspapers and religious tracts. No distilleries, "grog- 
shops," or "race-grounds" were allowed near the commun- 
ity. 81 At the Alamance Factory a school was operated three 
months of the year to teach the workers' children "Reading, 
Writing, and Arithmetic" and here, too, no whisky was 

78 Raleigh Register, May 25, 1834. 

77 Carolina Watchman, March 11, 1843. 

78 Raleigh Register, August 16, 1836. 

79 The Merchants* Magazine and Commercial Review, XXIII (September, 

1850), 346; DeBow's Review, XVIII (April, 1855), 538. 

80 Carolina Watchman, August 23, 1845. 

81 Raleigh Register, January 1, 1838. 

156 The North Carolina Historical Review 

allowed. 82 Alamance Factory was also the scene of occasion- 
ally fervent religious activities. Robert Carrigan, a student at 
the University of North Carolina, visited a revival held for 
the workers of the mill. His father recounted in amusement 
that "they got to shouting and praying about him and scared 
him half to death he could not get out of the house, there is 
but three girls at the Factory but what professed religion." 83 
The Battle's Rocky Mount mill provided workers with a 
school, a clinic, and a church. At the Salisbury factory adults 
and children were taught to read and write, church attend- 
ance was required, and liquor was forbidden. 84 The mill 
owner was directly aided in his control of morals by the 
power of the state. The legislature in several charters at- 
tempted to control the sale of liquor to mill workers and pro- 
vide for their education. One charter provided that no person 
would be allowed to sell liquor to the operatives or sell it 
within one mile of the factory. A fine of twenty dollars was 
to be assessed if this law were broken, and the money col- 
lected was to be divided between the local school district 
and the informer. 85 A second charter provided that of such 
fines "one half of the money shall be applied to the benefit 
of the moral or literary instruction of the operatives in said 
factory. . . ." 86 

The houses provided by the rural mill owners seem to have 
been uniformly worthy of praise. A Charlotte editor visited 
the Catawba Factory in 1849 and wrote, "We found the 
factory snugly ensconced on the side of the noble Catawba in 
a very pretty romantic little cove. The village of cottages 
around, pleasantly located on the shady and verdant knolls, 
makes the place wear a cosy air of rural ease and comfort, 
quite delightful." 87 

An increasingly potent factor in the new attitude toward 
cotton mill workers and owners was a growing feeling of 
sectional pride in the South's new-found talent for manufac- 

82 "Articles of Agreement," January 12, 1847, Carrigan Papers. 

83 W. A. Carrigan to W. A. Carrigan, Jr., July 22, 1853, Carrigan Papers. 

84 Fayetteville Observer, July 16, 1843; Thompson, Cotton Mill, 52-53. 

85 Laws of the State of North Carolina, 1848-1849, 320. 

86 Laws of the State of North Carolina, 1850-1851, 580. 

67 Carolina Watchman, August 30, 1849, quoting the Hornet's Nest (Char- 

North Carolina Textiles 157 

turing. With the coming of the bitter disputes between the 
North and South, southerners began to feel that each year 
the South was coming increasingly under the domination of 
the northern industrialist. To many in the South this rising 
economic power could only result in a concomitant increase 
in political power, and as a means of decreasing potential 
northern pressure, many advocated industrial development. 88 
This feeling was expressed by a South Carolinian in Niles' 
Register, who wrote in 1845, "As long as we are tributaries, 
dependent on foreign labor and skill for food, clothing, and 
countless necessities of life, we are in thralldom." 89 

The concept of encouraging manufacturing in order to pro- 
tect and insure the independence of the South appeared as 
early as 1837 when the editor of the Raleigh Register noted 
in the North, "a wide and deep and secret current running 
against the South," as a result of abolitionists' movements, 
and admonished the South to be vigilant and become self- 
sufficient. 90 The same theme appeared in 1850 when, as a 
result of the sectional controversy of that year, the editor 
advised the South that it should "quietly and steadily raise up 
manufactories among ourselves using our resources and 
skill and enterprise and labor" rather than spend time grumb- 
ling about the North, since "the idea of southern independ- 
ence was foolish" until the South was economically inde- 
pendent. 91 But there were encouraging signs. Pride in mill 
development was augmented by a "heartfelt satisfaction at 
their prosperity," as the South, following a policy dictated 
"not only by wisdom but by self-preservation" was beginning 
to realize the importance of cotton manufacturing. 92 

A Salisbury editor felt that the South should manufacture 
all its necessary yarn and coarse cloth, for "When it does this, 
the North will have learnt a lesson, and we shall be inde- 
pendent and prosperous." 93 This southern manufacturing 
should be patronized by all, even the wealthy who seemed 

88 Davidson, "Ante-Bellum South," 410-411. 

"Niles' Weekly Register, LXVIII (April 19, 1845), 103. 

90 Raleigh Register, February 28, 1837. 

91 Raleigh Register, October 2, 1850. 

92 Fayetteville Observer, October 13, 1847; August 23, 1849. 
98 Carolina Watchman, March 29, 1849. 

158 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to prefer imported or northern cloth and clothing. There was 
a constant complaint from mill owners that local merchants 
refused to buy North Carolina textiles. Much of the yarn and 
cloth made in the State was exported to markets in the North, 
where it was often purchased and sent back to the State. This 
expensive practice led E. J. Hale of the Fayetteville Observer 
to remark that cotton textiles "some times have new virtues, 
before undiscovered, imparted to them by being sold in the 
North/' 94 

Southerners were encouraged to exert their energy to pro- 
duce "articles of prime necessity to free the South from Old 
and New England." "Looking both to our honor and our in- 
terest, we should rally to the support of factories and render 
ourselves independent of other sections so far as we can." 95 
Such speeches and articles were often climaxed with bright 
visions of the southern future, like that expressed by a politi- 
cal speaker in Salisbury, who said: "May the day hasten on 
when Western North Carolina and the South shall become, 
as they seem designed by nature to be, one of the finest manu- 
facturing districts in the United States." 96 Thus sectional 
pride had given to cotton manufacturing a greater degree of 
respectability than it would have otherwise obtained. 

By the early 1850's, the North Carolina cotton industry 
had begun to stabilize. The ten-year depression in the price 
of raw cotton abruptly shifted in the 1849-1850 season, when 
prices paid were double those of the previous years. This 
unexpected rise had unfortunate consequences for the manu- 
facturing industry. When the price of their raw material 
doubled cotton mills from Rhode Island to Virginia were 
forced to close or operate only part-time, while mills in the 
more southern states suffered from the same loss of profits 
to a somewhat lesser degree. The low tariff, the high price 
of cotton, and the manufacture of too many coarse goods 
were causes listed by J. D. B. DeBow for the recession in the 
industry. "The first we cannot discuss without being drawn 

M Fayetteville Observer, June 16, 1856. 

65 The Southerner (Tarboro), September 3, 1850; The Patriot, June 3, 

96 Carolina Watchman, March 29, 1849. 

North Carolina Textiles 159 

into politics. The second effects manufactures by turning 
capital into other channels; and the third by overstocking 
the market with coarse goods, leaving our citizens dependent 
on other countries for finer ones/' 97 

After the early 1850's the increased price of raw cotton, 
bringing greater prosperity to the planter and increased hard- 
ships to the manufacturer, effectively lessened the wide in- 
terest which had been shown by newspapers in new cotton 
factories. The change of editorial emphasis became increas- 
ingly evident as more columns were devoted to the defense 
of southern institutions, attacks on abolitionists, and discus- 
sions of shifting political alignments. Many southerners, in 
direct antithesis to the earlier propaganda campaign, found 
new comfort in pointing out that industry, as conducted in 
the North, was worse than slavery, for it brutalized and de- 
graded the factory operative and cast him off once his effici- 
ency had declined. It was only natural that the majority of 
southerners, who had always felt more at home near cotton 
fields than in cotton factories, continued to devote themselves 
primarily to agriculture. 

There were approximately fifty cotton mills operating in 
North Carolina when the Civil War began. From 1861 to 
1865 these mills were to perform yeoman service for both the 
State and the Confederacy. Almost without exception North 
Carolina mills worked at full capacity throughout these four 
years, and many operated day and night. From one-half to 
three-fourths of their yarn and cloth was purchased by the 
State government and often used as barter to secure the 
supplies needed by State troops in the Confederate armies. 
During the last months of the war the Confederate govern- 
ment drew its entire supply of textile goods from the mills 
of upland North Carolina. 98 Cotton factories not burned by 
Sherman's or Stoneman's forces emerged from the war as 
bankrupt companies with worn and obsolescent machinery, 
but their own record of production during the war justified 

w J. D. B. DeBow, The Industrial Resources of the Southern and Western 
States (New Orleans, 1852), I, 210. 

98 DeBow' 's Review, XXXVI (January, 1867), 89-90; Elizabeth Yates 
Webb, "Cotton Manufacturing and State Regulation in North Carolina, 
1861-1865," North Carolina Historical Review, IX (April, 1932), 117-137. 

160 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the faith their owners had shown in the North Carolina textile 

For the years ahead the ante-bellum mills had also pro- 
vided a valuable service. Despite the precarious existence 
of mills in the late 1860's and 1870's, there was never a com- 
plete breakdown of the industry in the State, and the vast 
textile expansion after 1880 was built on the foundations 
that had existed for decades. In the 1880's mills were operat- 
ing that had been under the same family management and 
had had the same families of workers since the 1830's and 
1840's. It was this asset— a number of communities with manu- 
facturing traditions and training and enough mills to form a 
nucleus for further growth— that attracted capital and made 
the North Carolina Piedmont the textile center of the New 

North Carolina Textiles 



Neuse Mfg. Co. 1 
Patterson Cotton Factory 2 
Richmond Mfg. Co. 3 
Big Falls Mfg. Co. 4 
Iredell Mfg. Co. 5 
Northampton Mfg. Co. 6 
Cane Creek Farmers* and 

Mechanics' Mfg. Co. 7 
Cedar Falls Mfg. Co. 8 
Milton Mfg. Co. 9 
Mocksville Cotton Factory 10 
Mt. Arrarat Cotton Factory 11 
Salem Mfg. Co. 12 
Alamance Cotton Mill 13 
Rockfish Mfg. Co. 14 
Franklinville Mfg. Co. 15 
Hunting Creek Factory 16 
Lexington Cotton Factory 17 
Montgomery Mfg. Co. 18 
Randolph Mfg. Co. 19 


























































1 The Patriot, October 14, 1843. These notes have been selected from a 
larger number of references found in private papers, newspapers, census 
reports, and local records. 

2 Mrs. Lindsay Patterson Papers, Duke University; The Patriot, Octo- 
ber 14, 1843. 

8 The Register, July 16, 1838. 

* The Register, November 22, 1836. 

5 Carolina Watchman, July 15, 1836. 

6 The Patriot, October 14, 1843. 

"The Register, June 1, 1836; June 1, 1839; The Patriot, September 30, 

8 The Register, March 14, 1837; August 22, 1849; The Patriot, September 
30, 1843. 

9 The Register, July 16, 1838. 

10 George W. Johnson Papers, Duke University; The Register, June 6, 
1837; Carolina Watchman, April 12, 1849. 

Carolina Watchman, April 12, 1849. 
31 The Register, January 1, 1838. 

12 The Patriot, September 30, 1843. 

13 Carrigan Papers, Duke University; Edwin M. Holt, Diary, Southern 
Historical Collection, University of North Carolina. 

" The Register, July 26, 1836. 

16 The Patriot, September 30, 1843. 

16 The Register, July 16, 1838. 

17 Carolina Watchman, August 30, 1839; The Patriot, September 30, 1843. 
M The Register, July 16, 1838. 

19 The Register, July 16, 1838. 


The North Carolina Historical Review 

Phoenix Mfg. Co. 20 
Weldon Mfg. Co. 21 
Yadkin Mfg. Co. 22 
Snow Camp Factory 23 
Leaksville Factory 24 
H. and F. Fries Cotton and 

Woolen Mills 25 
Mt. Airy Cotton Mill 26 
Beaver Creek Mfg. Co. 27 
Concord Cotton Factory 28 
Monbo Factory 29 
Milledgeville Cotton Factory 30 
Cross Creek Mfg. Co. 31 
Little River Mfg. Co. 32 
Salisbury Mfg. Co. 33 
Saxapahaw Cotton Mill 34 
High Falls Factory 35 
Island Ford Mfg. Co. 36 
Swift Island Mfg. Co. 37 
Haw River Factory 38 
Catawba Mfg. Co. 39 
Cape Fear Mfg. Co. 40 
Rock Creek Shoals Factory 41 




























































New Hanover 






20 The Register, July 16, 1838; The Patriot, October 14, 1843. 

21 The Patriot, October 14, 1843. 

22 The Register, July 16, 1838; Carolina Watchman, August 27, 1842. 

23 The Register, July 16, 1838. 

24 Carolina Watchman, June 5, 1840; The Patriot, September 30, 1943. 

25 Carolina Republican, April 3, 1851. 

26 The Register, July 16, 1838; Carolina Watchman, August 27, 1842. 

27 Niles* Weekly Register, LX (May 1, 1841), 131-132; The Patriot, Oc- 
tober 14, 1843. 

28 William H. Horok Papers, Duke University; Carolina Watchman, 
April 12, 1845. 

29 Carolina Watchman, December 12, 1840. 

30 Carolina Watchman, December 12, 1840. 

"'■Niles' Weekly Register, LX (May 1, 1841), 132; The Patriot, October 
14, 1843. 

^Niles' Weekly Register, LX (May 1, 1841), 131-132; North Carolina 
Standard, May 29, 1850. 

33 Carolina Watchman, December 19, 1840; August 23, 1849. 

34 Edwin M. Holt, Diary, May 18, 1848. 

35 Carrigan Papers, Duke University. 

36 Manuscript Schedule IV, North Carolina. Seventh Census, 1850. State 
Department of Archives and History, hereinafter cited as MS. Seventh 
Census, 1850. 

37 Carolina Republican, November 13, 1845. 

38 William Clarke Grasty and John F. Rison Papers, Duke University. 

39 1. W. Wilson to A. D. Gage, December 4, 1847, Tomlin Papers, Duke 
University; Carolina Watchman, August, 30, 1849. 

40 Fayetteville Observer, October 30, 1847. 

41 Tomlin Papers, Duke University. 

North Carolina Textiles 


Buena Vista Mfg. Co. 42 
Deep River Mfg. Co. 43 
Elkin Mfg. Co. 44 
Woodlawn Mfg. Co. 45 
Stowesville Cotton Mill 46 
Blount's Creek Mfg. Co. 47 
Columbia Cotton Mill 48 
High Shoals Mfg. Co. 49 

River Mfg. Co. 50 
Mountain Island Mfg. 

Co. (Mt. Hecla) 51 
Newbern Mfg. Co. 52 
Union Mfg. Co. 53 
Union Mfg. Co. 54 
Yadkin Cotton Factory 55 
Laurel Hill Mfg. Co. 56 
Eagle Cotton Mills 57 
Tomlinson's Cotton Factory 58 
Elm Grove Factory 59 
Bertie Mfg. Co. 60 
Buck Shoals Mfg. Co. 61 
S. F. Patterson and Co. 

Cotton Mill 62 
Neuse River Mfg. Co. 63 

































































43 Carolina Watchman, April 5, 1849. 

43 Carolina Watchman, October 24, 1850. 

44 MS. Seventh Census, 1850. 

45 Elizabeth W. Carrigan to William A. Carrigan, Jr., May 20, 1855, Car- 
rigan Papers, Duke University; A. C. Lineburger Daybooks, Duke Univer- 

46 Carolina Republican, January 27, 1853 ; Papers of Stowesville Cotton 
Mill, Duke University. 

47 Fayetteville Observer, June 19, 1848. 

48 Carolina Watchman, March 29, 1849. 

49 Carolina Republican, April 3, 1851. 
60 MS. Seventh Census, 1850. 

B1 Carolina Watchman, March 29, 1849. 

52 MS. Seventh Census, 1850. 

53 Carolina Watchman, October 24, 1850. 

54 Fayetteville Observer, October 2, 1849. 

65 George W. Johnson Papers, Duke University. 

56 Carolina Republican, April 10, 1849; April 3, 1851. 

57 MS. Seventh Census, 1850. 

58 W. D. Williams to Tomlin, Gage and Company, September 1, 1848, Tomlin 
Papers, Duke University. 

59 Carolina Republican, September 8, 1851. 

60 William Clarke Grasty and John F. Rison Papers, Duke University. 

61 Tax Book "B," 1840-1860, Surry County Court House. 

62 Mrs. Lindsay Patterson Papers, Duke University. 
68 Carolina Republican, February 16, 1852. 


The North Carolina Historical Review 

Rock Island Mfg. Co. 64 
Orange Factory 65 
Catawba Mill 66 
Double Shoals Cotton 

Factory 67 
High Shoals Mfg. Co. 68 
Granite Shoals Factory 69 
Yadkin Mfg. Co. 70 
Yadkin Falls Mfg. Co. 71 
Rocky River Mfg. Co. 72 
Wachovia Steam 

Cotton Mill 73 
Randolph Mfg. Co. 74 
Confederate Cotton and 

Woolen Mills 75 
Fayetteville Mfg. Co. 76 
Enterprise Mfg. Co. 77 
Logan Mfg. Co. 78 

* Mills in that section of Orange County that became Alamance County 
in 1849. 

** Projected mills which were organized but never built. 













































64 Carolina Republican, April 3, 9, 1851. 
66 Edwin M. Holt, Diary, May 3, 1852. 

66 Tax Assessment Ledger 6, 1840-1860, Catawba County Court House. 

67 Carolina Republican, November 1, 1852. 

68 Carolina Republican, January 27, 1853. 

69 Tax Assessment Ledger 6, 1840-1860, Catawba County Court House. 

70 Carolina Watchman February 6, 1856. 

71 Manuscript Schedule IV, North Carolina. Eighth Census, 1860. State 
Department of Archives and History, hereinafter cited as MS. Eighth Cen- 
sus, 1860. 

72 MS. Eighth Census, 1860. 

73 The Patriot, August 23, 1862. 

74 The Patriot, October 8, 1863. 

75 Stanley Causey to Quarter Master General, November 2, 1863. Quarter 
Master's Records, State Department of Archives and History. 

76 Fayetteville Observer, June 4, 1864. 

77 Fayetteville Observer, January 15, 1864. 

78 The Patriot, February 3, 1865. 


By John W. Parker 

Among the most meaningful decades for Negroes in the 
whole range of American history were perhaps those im- 
mediately following the turn of the century. The impact of a 
number of restrictive measures imposed by a fear-stricken 
South was partially counterbalanced by the afterglow of a 
great missionary movement and the Negro people continued 
their pace, if but slowly, in the direction of an articulate 
ethnic group. Along with the missionary colleges established 
for Negroes below the Mason-Dixon line, came the federally- 
supported institutions provided for in the Second Morrell 
Act of 1890. And as organs of group expression, the Crisis 
was issued in 1910, the Journal of Negro History in 1916, and 
the Opportunity Magazine in 1923. 

After the Emancipation, the Negro people worked on the 
assumption that the solution of their problems lay in the 
opportunity to vote. One can add to this Booker T. Wash- 
ington's advocacy of industrial education as the way out, and 
William E. B. DuBois' insistence upon the education of the 
black man in terms of his higher spiritual and intellectual 
capabilities, the emphasis to be placed upon the "talented 
tenth." Benjamin G. Brawley was more inclined toward the 
DuBois conception. He set about to effect the intellectual 
and cultural orientation of the American Negro people to 
their total surroundings. 

One of a family of nine children, Benjamin G. Brawley was 
born in Columbia, South Carolina, on April 22, 1882. He had 
the advantage of the culture brought to the home by edu- 
cated parents, his father, whose people had been free as far 
back as they could remember, having been a Baptist clergy- 
man and for a time the president of the college for Negroes 
at Salem, Alabama. For young Brawley, however, Columbia 
became a point of departure rather than a home, for his 
youth was passed in several southern cities as a result of the 


166 The North Carolina Historical Review 

migratory character of his father's ministerial duties. It was 
a fortunate coincidence that this Negro intellectual-to-be 
should experience early at first hand some of the problems 
around which his subsequent career was to center. 

For his college training, Brawley proceeded in 1898 to 
Atlanta Baptist College (now Morehouse College) where he 
excelled in the activities both in and out of the classroom and 
from which he was graduated with honor in 1901. Especially 
did he distinguish himself as a debater. Subsequently, as an 
instructor at Morehouse College, he organized and coached 
the debate between Atlanta Baptist College and Talladega 
College ( 1906 ) , which marked the inception of intercollegiate 
debate in the American Negro college. 

Likewise did Brawley manage the baseball team, play 
quarterback on an early football team, and along with 
Timothy Williams serve as one of the founders of the Athe- 
naeum, an organ of student expression to which he contrib- 
uted no less than fifty-six essays, poems, editorials, and short 
stories. His initial booklet of poems, A Toast to Love and 
Death ( 1902 ) , was dedicated to the memory of two school 
chums, Timothy Williams and James E. Carmichael. Each 
of these friends had contracted colds on summer jobs which 
they were never quite able to shake off. Significant, too, 
among his writings for the Athenaeum was the poem, A 
Prayer, written in response to a Georgia lynching and subse- 
quently set to music by A. H. Ryder of Boston, Massachusetts. 

Following his initial year of teaching in a one-room school 
out in the hinterlands of Georgetown, Florida, exactly ten 
miles from a railroad, Brawley was called back to begin a 
distinguished career as an instructor in English and as Dean 
of Morehouse College. Before long, however, advanced study 
beckoned and largely through summer courses, he completed 
the requirements for the A.B. degree at the University of 
Chicago in 1906 and those for the M.A. degree at Harvard 
University in 1908. Straightway, he came under the spell of 
five productive scholars— Ernest De Whitt Barton and John 
M. Manley of Chicago, and Bliss Perry, William Allen 
Neilson, and George Lyman Kittredge (the celebrated "Kitty 
of Harvard") at Harvard. 

Writings of Benjamin G. Brawley 167 

In Washington, D. C, where in 1910 he joined the faculty 
of Howard University, Brawley married Hilda Damaris 
Prowd of Kingston, Jamaica, British West Indies, and it was 
to her that he subsequently dedicated The Negro Genius 
(1937). After two years at Howard, however, the Brawleys 
headed again for Morehouse College where as the institu- 
tion's first Dean he became a member of the famous Hope- 
Brawley-Archer triumvirate, famous in the history of Ameri- 
can Negro education. 

Brawley's students everywhere agree that he was the type 
of teacher that comes once in a lifetime. Few men have been 
capable of more sustained and high-powered exertion; not 
infrequently his enthusiasm developed into a contagion. As 
he saw it, the profession of teaching was a sacred one and its 
effectiveness was contingent upon the intelligence, industry, 
and integrity of the teachers themselves. Much that borders 
on the legendary has grown up around Brawley's teaching 
career, especially his monomania for precision, tone, and 
f*ood taste. The story is told of a tennis game played by Tohn 
Hope, Benjamin Brawley, and two other faculty members. 
Hope stopped the game complaining that the net had 
"sagged." Brawley replied, "The net has not sagged; it has 
s wagged." They disputed and Brawley went for an un- 
abridged dictionary. The ensuing discussion took precedence 
over the game while the net sagged and swagged uninter- 

This penchant for correctness was not typical of the man; 
it was the man. He was known to require that his students 
memorize long passages from the classic English and Ameri- 
can authors. To a theme that was slovenly in logic or in ap- 
pearance, he was wont to add his characteristic comment, 
'Too carelessly written to be carefully read." He saw students 
in terms of what they might become and demonstrated his 
interest in their all-around development. One of the few men 
to distinguish himself in the matter of sheer classroom teach- 
ing, he contributed substantially to the elevation of that call- 
ing to the plane of a fine art. When, therefore, in 1927, he 
declined the Harmon Foundation's Second Award in Edu- 
cation, he did so on the ground that he had not catered to 

168 The North Carolina Historical Review 

second-rate work and was, therefore, justified in accepting 
no badge in direct contradiction to his ideal of excellence. 

Meanwhile, Brawley was devoting his energies to yet 
another area— that of authorship. He first contributed to such 
periodicals as the Springfield Republican, Lippincott's Maga- 
zine, The Voice of the Negro, and The Dial. His piece, "The 
Negro in American Fiction/' carried in The Dial for May 11, 
1916, he always regarded as the first appearance of his work 
in a standard literary magazine. A Short History of the 
American Negro, his initial book, found its way to the book- 
shelves in 1913. Once the start was made, other volumes 
written as textbooks or for the general reader multiplied with 
the passing of the years. It is significant that the first decade 
of his literary productivity saw, with one exception, the 
appearance of books based wholly upon race; the second, 
roughly from 1921 to 1932, books free from racial exclusive- 
ness; and after 1932, those based upon the phenomenon of 
race. It all points up Brawley 's decision as to whether he 
should turn out books based upon racial expediency, or fol- 
low the American standard of belles lettres. He finally settled 
for the former alternative. 

In 1920, after an eight-year sojourn at Morehouse College, 
Brawley entered upon two new fields of work in succession. 
His growing concern for the impact of race upon the realiza- 
tion of the democratic ideal in America and around the world 
led him to relinquish his position at Morehouse College and 
to accept the invitation to make a socio-educational survey 
of the Republic of Liberia. This undertaking of six months' 
duration was underwritten by four religious and educational 
associations. Upon his return to the States, Brawley was or- 
dained into the Baptist ministry in the People's Church of 
Boston, Massachusetts, on June 2, 1921, and straightway 
accepted the pastorate of the Messiah Baptist Church in 
Brockton, Massachusetts. His congregation remembers him as 
a "scholar" who organized and systemized the church and 
built up the prayer meetings that were always limited to 
"just one hour." 

As time went on, however, Brawley became dissatisfied 
with the conduct of certain of his deacons who were alleged 

Writings of Benjamin G. Brawley 169 

to have engaged in practices unbecoming to their offices and 
straightway handed in his resignation, the offer to correct the 
situation notwithstanding. He then accepted a position at 
Shaw University, another Home Mission College, where once 
again he combined teaching and authorship. He contributed 
"The Baseball" to Addison Hibbard's Stories of the South 
(1923); and several of his later volumes were issued by the 
University of North Carolina Press at Chapel Hill. 

The Brawleys returned in 1931 to Howard University 
where, as the invitation stipulated, he was to teach two 
courses— "whatever his scholarly attitude suggested." He had 
come at last to the crowning point in his professional career. 
A spacious two-story house on Harvard Street became the 
home of the Brawleys. Here for the first time he was free to 
write and volumes appeared in quick succession. 

The plight of the American Negro people shunted off as 
they were into a "disadvantaged outgroup," Brawley constru- 
ed as the supreme test of the American democratic ideal as 
expressed in the Declaration of Independence. As he saw it, 
the whole problem must eventually square with the yardstick 
of Christian justice, and governed by this principle, the white 
man was bound to allow the Negro folk, not special favors, 
but equal opportunity in every area of American life. And it 
was incumbent upon the black people, dissatisfied with their 
sorry lot, to measure up fully to the American cultural stan- 
dard. The problem of race in America never embittered 
Brawley because of his implicit faith in the ultimate matura- 
tion of the American democratic ideal. 

170 The North Carolina Historical Review 


The following bibliography of the published writings of 
Benjamin G. Brawley is a tribute to his industry and to his 
versatility. But for remote and sometimes isolated articles, 
newspaper items, and book reviews which frequently belong 
to his early or experimental period and which have long since 
disappeared, the present listing is practically complete. In 
a few cases of doubt, the compiler has had to rely upon what 
appeared to constitute the most reliable sources. 

General Works 

Africa and the War, New York : Duffield and Company, 1918. 
General reference book. 

The Best Stories of Paul Laurence Dunbar, New York: Dodd, 
Mead and Company, 1938. General reference book. 

Freshman Year English, New York : Noble and Noble, Publish- 
ers, 1929. College text. 

History of Morehouse College, Atlanta: Morehouse College 
Press, 1917. General reference book. Written on the authority 
of the Morehouse College Board of Trustees. 

A History of the English Hymn, New York : The Abington Press, 
1932. General reference book. 

The Negro in American Literature in the United States, New 
York: Duffield and Company, 1918. Revised editions appeared 
in 1921 and 1929. Reissue of 1929 edition, Dodd, Mead and 
Company, New York, 1934 and 1937. College text. 

Negro Builders and Heroes, Chapel Hill : The University of North 
Carolina Press, 1937. General reference book. 

1 For valuable assistance in tracking down the data upon which the 
present investigation is based, the writer is indebted to many libraries, 
publishing houses, business concerns, and individual persons who had 
formed an intimate acquaintance with Dr. Benjamin G. Brawley. The 
more significant contributions to the prosecution of this study, however, were 
made by Mrs. Edith M. Royster, Brockton, Massachusetts; Mrs. Susie E. 
Thomas, Washington, D.C.; Mrs. S. H. Archer, Jr., Atlanta, Georgia; 
Dr. Nathaniel P. Tillman, Atlanta, Georgia; Mr. James W. Ivy, New 
York City; Mrs. Claudia W. Harreld, Atlanta, Georgia; Mrs. Marjorie 
Gaillard, (sister), Birmingham, Alabama; Mrs. Jeannette B. Stewart, 
(sister), Atlanta, Georgia. Mrs. Hilda P. Brawley (wife), Washington, 
D.C.; Mr. Arna Bontemps, Fisk University Library, Nashville, Tennessee; 
Mrs. Catherine J. Pierce, Duke University Library, Durham; Mrs. Eva 
G. McKenna, University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill; Dr. 
Lawrence D. Reddick, Trevor Arnett Library, Atlanta, Georgia; Mrs. 
Dorothy Porter, Howard University Library, Washington, D.C.; Mrs. 
Barbara D. Simison, James Weldon Johnson Memorial Collection of Negro 
Arts and Letters, New Haven, Connecticut; Mr. Henry J. Dubester, Library 
of Congress, Washington, D.C.; and Miss Florence Blakely, Duke Uni- 
versity Library, Durham. 

Writings of Benjamin G. Brawley 171 

A New Survey of English Literature, New York: Alfred A. 

Knopf, Inc., 1925. Third edition, F. S. Crofts and Company, 

New York, 1936. College text. 
The Negro Genius, New York : Dodd, Mead and Company, 1937. 

General reference book. 
A Short History of the American Negro, New York : The Mac- 

millan Company, 1913. High school and college text. 
A Short History of the English Drama, New York: Harcourt, 

Brace and Company, 1921. Revised editions appeared in 1919, 

1931, and 1939. College text. 
A Social History of the American Negro, New York: The Mac- 

millan Company, 1921. Revised editions appeared in 1919, 

1931, and 1939. College text. 
Your Negro Neighbor, New York: The Macmillan Company, 

1918. General reference book. 

Biographical Works 

Dr. Dillard of the Jeanes Fund, New York: Fleming H. Revel 

Company, 1930. Introduction by Anson Phelps Stokes. General 

reference book. 
Paul Laurence Dunbar: Poet of His People, Chapel Hill: The 

University of North Carolina Press, 1936. General reference 

Women of Achievement, Chicago: Women's American Baptist 

Home Mission Society, 1919. Written for the Fireside Schools, 

under the auspices of the Women's American Baptist Home 

Mission Society. General reference book. 

Edited Works 

Early Negro American Writers, Chapel Hill: The University 
of North Carolina Press, 1935. General reference book. 

New Era Declamations, Sewanee: The University Press of Se- 
wanee, Tennessee, 1918. High school text. 

Short Stories and Selections in Anthologies 

'The Baseball," Stories of the South, Chapel Hill : The Univer- 
sity of North Carolina Press, 1931. 

"The Baseball," America Through the Short Story, Boston: 
Little, Brown, and Company, 1936. 

"The Negro in American Literature," The Bookman Anthology, 
New York: George H. Doran Company, 1923. 

Miscellaneous Pamphlets 

Early Efforts for Industrial Education, Occasional Papers Num- 
ber 22, Published by the Trustees of the John F. Slater Fund, 
Charlottesville, 1923. Pp. 15. 

An Essay Toward an Evaluation of High Schools for Negroes 
in the South, A Study Conducted under the Auspices of The 

172 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Association of Colleges for Negroes in the South, Atlanta: 
Morehouse College Press, 1920. Pp. 10. 

Studies in English Prose with Exercises in Style, Atlanta : At- 
lanta Baptist College Press, 1908. Pp. 14. 

The Work in English in the Academy and in the College at 
Atlanta Baptist College, Atlanta: Atlanta Baptist College 
Press, 1905. Pp. 7. 

Magazine Edited 

Home Mission College Review, An Organ of the Colleges of 
Negro Youth. Mainly Supported by the American Baptist 
Home Mission Society and the Woman's American Home 
Mission Society. Four volumes, May, 1927 through May, 1930, 

Articles in Newspapers 

(1) The Springfield Republican (Springfield) 
"American Drama and the Negro," II (1915), 9. 

(2) The Watchman-Examiner (New York) 
"Hymn as Literature," XIX (1930), 6. 

Articles in Periodicals 


( 1) The Athenaeum (Atlanta) 

'On Some Old Letters," XIV (1908), 6-8. 

To the Men of Atlanta Baptist College," XIII (1910) , 21-23. 
"George Sale and His Message to Atlanta Baptist College," 
XIV (1912), 48-50. 

(2) The Bookman (New York) 

"The Negro in American Literature," LVI (1922), 137-141. 

(3) The Champion of Fair Play (Chicago) 
"American Ideals and the Negro," IV (1916), 31-32. 

( 4) The Christian Register (Boston) 

"What The War Did to Krutown," X (1920), 33-35. 
(5) The Crisis (New York) 

"Atlanta Striving," XXIIII (1914), 114-116. 
( 6) The Dial (Chicago) 

"The Negro in American Fiction," LX (1916), 445-450. 
( 7) The English Journal (Chicago) 

"The Negro in Contemporary Literature," XVIII (1929), 

(8) The Harvard Advocate (Cambridge) 

"Varied Outlooks," LXXXIV (1907), 67-69. 
( 9) The Home Mission College Review (Raleigh) 

"Is The Ancient Mariner Allegorical?" I (1927), 28-31. 

"Some Observations on High School English," II (1928), 


Writings of Benjamin G. Brawley 173 

(10) Journal of Negro History (Washington, D. C.) 
"Lorenzo Dow," I (1916), 265-275. 

"Three Negro Poets : Horton, Mrs. Harper, and Whitman,'* 

II (1917), 384-392. 

"Elizabeth Barrett Browning and the Negro," III (1918), 


"The Promise of Negro Literature," XIX (1934), 53-59. 

(11) The Methodist Review (New York) 
"Wycliffe and the World War," IX (1920) , 81-83. 
"Our Religious Re-Adjustment," XIII (1924), 28-30. 

(12) The New South (Chattanooga) 

"Recent Literature on the Negro," XIII (1927), 37-41. 

(13) The New Republic (New York) 

"Liberia One Hundred Years After," XXIV (1921), 319- 

(14) The North American Review (New York) 

"Blake's Prophetic Writing," XXI (1926-1927), 90-94. 
"The Southern Tradition," CCXXIV (1928), 309-315. 

(15) The North American Student (New York) 

"Recent Movements among the Negro People," III (1917), 

(16) The Opportunity Magazine (New York) 
"The Writing of Essays," IV (1926), 284-287. 
"Edmund T. Jinkins," IV (1926), 383-385. 

(17) The Reviewer (Chapel Hill) 

"A Southern Boyhood," V (1925), 1-8. 

"The Lower Rungs of the Ladder," V (1925), 78-86. 

"On Re-Reading Browning," V (1925), 60-63. 

(18) Sewanee Review (Sewanee) 

"English Hymnody and Romanticism," XXIV (1916) 476- 


"Richard Le Gaillienne and the Tradition of Beauty," XXVI 

(1918), 47-60. 

(19) The South Atlantic Quarterly (Durham) 
"Pre-Raphaelitism and Its Literary Relations," XV (1916), 

(20) The Southern Workman (Hampton) 
"Our Debts," XLIV (1915), 622-626. 

"The Negro Genius," XLIV (1915), 305-308. 

"The Course in English in the Secondary School," XLV 

(1916), 495-498. 
"A Great Missionary," XLI (1916), 675-677. 
"Meta Warrick Fuller," XLVII (1918), 25-32. 
"William Stanley Braithwaite," XLVII (1918), 269-272. 
"Significant Verse," XLVIII (1919), 31-32. 
"Liberia Today," XLIX (1920), 181-183. 
"The Outlook in Negro Education," XLIX (1920), 208-213. 
"Significant Days in Negro History," LII (1923), 86-90. 

174 The North Carolina Historical Review 

"A History of the High School," LIII (1924), 545-549. 

"On the Teaching of English/' LIII (1924), 298-304. 

"Not in Textbooks," LIV (1925), 34-37. 

"The Teacher Faces the Student," LV (1926), 320-325. 

"Negro Literary Renaissance," LVI (1927), 177-184. 

"The Profession of the Teacher," LVII (1928), 481-486. 

"Dinner at Talfourd's," LVIII (1929), 10-14. 

"Citizen of the World," LIX (1930), 387-393. 

"The Dilemma for Educators," LIX (1930), 206-208. 

"Dunbar Thirty Years After," LIX (1930), 189-191. 

"Ironsides: The Bordentown School," LXI (1931), 410-416. 

"Plea for Tory," LX (1931), 297-301. 

"Art Is Not Enough," LXI (1932), 488-494. 

"Hamlet and the Negro," LXI (1932), 442-448. 

"Whom Living We Salute," LXI (1932), 401-403. 

"A Composer of Fourteen Operas," LXII (1933), 43-44. 

"Armstrong and the Eternal Verities," LXIII (1934) , 80-87. 

"The Singing of Spirituals," LXIII (1934), 209-213. 

(21) The Southivestern Christian Advocate (New Orleans) 
"Shakespeare's Place in the Literature of the World," XLV 

(1916), 3-11. 

(22) The Springfield Republican (Springfield) 
"David Lloyd George," X (1923), 8. 

(23) The Voice of the Negro (Atlanta) 
"Phillis Wheatley," II (1906), 55-59. 

Booklets of Verse Privately Issued 

A Prayer, with a foreword by President George Sale. Atlanta: 
Atlanta Baptist College Press, 1899. Set to music by A. H. 
Ryder, Boston, Massachusetts. Appeared first in The Athe- 
naeum, II (1899), 10. 

A Toast to Love and Death, Atlanta: The Atlanta Baptist Col- 
lege Press, 1902. Dedicated to the memory of two school chums 
who died before their time. 

The Dawn and Other Poems, Washington, D. C, 1911. Appeared 
first as "The Dawn" (single poem) in The Voice of the Negro, 
I (1904), 185. 

The Problem and Other Poems, Atlanta: The Atlanta Baptist 
College Press, 1905. Appeared as "The Problem" in The Voice 
of the Negro, II (1905), 663. 

The Desire of the Moth for the Star, Atlanta : The Atlanta Bap- 
tist College Press, 1906. Six poems no one of which is so 

The Seven Sleepers of Ephesus, Atlanta: Atlanta Baptist Col- 
lege Press, 1917. 

Writings of Benjamin G. Brawley 175 

Book Reviews in Periodicals 

(1) The Crisis 

W. E. B. DuBois, The Gift of Black Folk (Chicago, 1903), 

II (1924), 377-378. 

(2) The Home Mission College Review 

Jerome Dowd, The Negro in American Life (New York, 

1926), I (1927), 41. 
Countee Cullen, Copper Sun (New York, 1927), I (1927), 49. 
Edward B. Reuter, The American Race Problem (New York, 

1929), I (1927), 59. 
James Weldon Johnson, God's Trombones (New York, 

1927), I (1927), 1. 
Julia Peterkin, Black April (New York, 1927) , I (1927) , 44. 
Addison Hibbard, The Lyric South (New York, 1928), II 

(1928), 39. 
James Rubinstein, Great English Plays (New York, 1928), 

III (1929), 46. 

Jessie Fauset, Plum Bun (New York, no date), III (1929), 

Heusre W. Marrow, The Splendor of God (New York, 1929) 

III (1929), 54. 

Robert R. Moton, What the Negro Thinks (New York, 

1929), III (1929), 41. 
Lorenzo D. Turner, Anti-Slavery Sentiment in American 

Literature (Washington, D. C, 1929), IV (1930), 41. 
V. F. Calverton, Anthology of Negro Literature (New York, 

1932), III (1930), 45-56. 

(3) The Journal of Negro Education 

Edwin Embree and others, Island India Goes to School 

(Chicago, 1934), III (1934), 631-632. 
Anson Phelps Stokes, Dr. Stokes in Africa (New York, 

1934), III (1934), 630. 
Diedrich Westerman, The Africa of Today (Oxford, 1934), 

IV (1935), 121-123. 

Charles W. Wesley, Richard Allen: Apostle of Freedom 
(Washington, D. C, 1935), V (1936), 131-132. 

John Dillingham, Making Religious Education Effective 
(New York, 1932), V (1936), 133. 

W. T. Couch, Culture in the South (Chapel Hill, 1934), V 
(1936), 263-265. 

(4) The Journal of Negro History 

James Weldon Johnson, Fifty Years and Other Poems (Bos- 
ton, 1917), III (1918), 202-203. 

(5) The Southern Workman 

W. T. Carmichael, From the Heart of a Folk (Boston, 1918) , 
XLVIII (1919), 38. 

176 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Editorials in Periodicals 

(1) The Athenaeum (Atlanta) 
"Poverty Flat," III (1900), 6. 

"The Anniversary— and Beyond," XIX (1917), 1. 

(2) The Home Mission College Review (Hampton) 
"Above the Battle," I (1927), 2. 
"Editorial," I (1927), 3. 

"Greetings and Felicitations," I (1927), 6-7. 

"A New Survey of Colleges," I (1827), 54. 

"The Question of Ethics," I (1927), 3. 

"Scholarship," I (1927), 3. 

"United Campaign for Home Mission Colleges," I (1927), 5. 

"What Would Jesus Do?" I (1927), 5. 

"Affiliation of Colleges," II (1928), 2. 

"The Greatest Problem in the Negro College," II (1928), 5. 

"The Honor System," II (1928), 2. 

"Professionalism in Athletics," II (1928), 4. 

"A Sacred Trust," II (1928), 4. 

"Travelling," II (1928), 7-8. 

"Y.W.C.A.," II (1928), 6. 

"Dillard University," III (1929), 45. 

"Gambling," III (1929), 4. 

"Student Contributions," III (1929), 5. 

"The Study of the Bible in Our Colleges," III (1929), 3. 

"Suggestions to Negro Singers," III (1929), 3. 

"Sunday School Excursions," III (1929), 9. 

"Three Incidents," III (1929), 4. 

"Truth Eternal," III (1929), 4. 

"The Gift of Myrrh," III (1929), 18. 

"The Present Plight of Negro Literature," IV (1930), 5. 

(3) The Opportunity Magazine (New York) 
"Nigger: Term of Contempt," IV (1926), 1. 
"Declining the Harmon Award," VI (1928), 56. 
"Editorial," VI (1928), 56. 

Poems in Periodicals 

(1) The Athenaeum (Atlanta) 

"At Home and Abroad," II (1899), 7. 

"Hiawatha," II (1899), 2. 

"Imperfection," II (1899), 4. 

"The Light of Life," II (1899), 5. 

"The Light of the World," II (1899), 5. Reprint in The 

Christian Advocate, (Chicago), XI (1920), 37. 
"Race Prejudice," II (1899), 9. 
"Bedtime," III (1900), 7. 

Writings of Benjamin G. Brawley 177 




'Revocation," III (1900), 4. 
"Samuel Memba," III (1900), 2. 
T. W.," Ill (1900), 8. 
'As I Gaze into the Night," IV (1901), 5. 
"The First of a Hundred Years," (Class Song), IV (1901), 

"Poems," IV (1901), 7 and 9. 
'After the Rain," VI (1903), 7. 
'America," VI (1903), 2. 
"The Peon's Child," VII (1904), 6. 
"My Hero," XVII (1914), 7. Reprint in The Home Mission 

College Review, (Raleigh), I (1928), 30. 
"Shakespeare," XVIII (1916), 14. Reprint in The Home 

Mission College Review, (Raleigh), II (1928), 26. 

(2) The Christian Advocate (Chicago) 

"I Shall Go Forth in the Morning," XIII (1922) , 18. 

(3) Citizen (Los Angeles) 

"Ballade of One That Died Before His Time," IX (1915) , 27. 

(4) Crisis (New York) 

"The Freedom of the Free," XX (1913), 32. 

(5) The Harvard Monthly (Cambridge) 
"Chaucer," XLV (1908), 184. 

(6) Lippincott's Magazine (Philadelphia) 
"Crossroads," LXXIV (1905), 731. 

(7) Survey (New York) 
"Battleground," XL (1918), 608. 

(8) The Voice of the Negro (Atlanta) 
'Christopher Marlowe," I (1904), 65. 
The Plan," I (1904), 524. 
The Education," II (1905), 319. 
'First Sight," III (1906), 409. 

"To One Untrue," III (1906), 341. 
"Paul Laurence Dunbar," III (1906), 265. 

Short Stories in Periodicals 

The Athenaeum (Atlanta) 

"An Incident," II (1889), 3. 

"The Pilgrims and the Wisdom Range," IV (1901), 16. 

"A Day at Welatka," V (1902), 2. 

Songs : Collections and Individual Songs 

(1) Song Collection 

Howard University Sings (edited) , Washington, D. C, 1912. 
Pp. 10. Brawley wrote three of the eleven songs in the 




178 The North Carolina Historical Review 

(2) Individual Songs 

"Anniversary Hymn," Atlanta: Atlanta Baptist College 
Press, 1917. Written in response to the Fiftieth Anniver- 
sary of Morehouse College, Atlanta, Georgia. Set to music 
by Kemper Harreld. 

"Anniversary Hymn," Raleigh, 1929. Written on the oc- 
casion of the Sixty-Third Annual Founder's Day Cele- 
bration at Shaw University, Raleigh. 




DECEMBER 7, 1956 


In accordance with custom, the papers presented at the 
annual meeting in December of the State Literary and His- 
torical Association are published in this magazine the follow- 
ing April. The papers of the fifty-sixth annual meeting are 
printed in full in the pages that follow. 

From the morning session we have "Dare County Belles- 
Lettres," by Richard Walser of Raleigh; "Roanoke Colonists 
and Explorers: An Attempt at Identification," by William 
S. Powell of Chapel Hill; and a review of North Carolina 
fiction of the year (the works entered in the Sir Walter 
Raleigh competition), by C. Hugh Holman of Chapel Hill, 
a member of the board of award. From the luncheon session 
we have a review of North Carolina non-fiction of the year 
(works entered in the Mayflower competition) by H. Broadus 
Jones of Winston-Salem, a member of the board of award. 
From the dinner session there is printed "Literature and 
Life," the presidential address of Gilbert T. Stephenson of 
Pendleton. Finally, from the evening session comes "One 
Hundred Years Ago," an address by Roy F. Nichols of Phila- 
delphia. These seem to constitute an unusually fine set of 
papers, and it is believed that they will be of interest to our 



By Richard Walser 

A recent unpublished survey indicates that North Carolina, 
beginning in 1734 and coming down to the present year, has 
provided character and setting for over seven hundred works 
of prose fiction. Outside the mountain areas, the greatest 
attraction for the imaginative writer has been the history and 
legend, the people and geography of Dare County. The 
reasons are fairly obvious: the seemingly endless possibilities 
of romanticizing the Sir Walter Raleigh colonies, to say 
nothing of the fascination provided by "quaint Bankers" and 
Coast Guard heroes. Indeed since 1840, thirty authors have 
written books of drama, poetry, and fiction 1 based on Dare 
County subjects or having their origins in Dare County 
legend— an impressive record which it is well to investigate. 

Of the thirty titles, twenty-four were inspired by Raleigh's 
settlers at Roanoke Island. A sentence or two of simple fact 
will refresh our minds of just what happened there. In 1584 
Captains Amadas and Barlowe explored the region for Sir 
Walter. In 1585 Sir Richard Grenville and Ralph Lane set 
up a colony of men who returned to England with Sir Francis 
Drake a year later. In 1587 John White stayed with a second 
colony only a month. When he searched for them three years 
afterwards, he found no trace of their survival. 

Since Paul Green's The Lost Colony 2 is the most familiar 
work concerning this period, it provides an appropriate start- 
ing point for our hasty review of the thirty works. Its sixteen 
seasons of production on Roanoke Island enacted on the site 
of some of its scenes have witnessed sixteen varying versions, 
for Paul Green's perennial habits of rewriting are well known. 
Even so, his basic plan has remained unchanged. The dram- 
atist switches from England to Roanoke, suggesting the 
historical events without concentrating on them. Actual per- 

1 This paper does not include a discussion of short stories, of lyric 
poetry, of legends not cast in story form, or of one-act plays; nor does 
it take into account any unpublished material. Excluded also is any fiction 
revolving about Theodosia Burr or the Wright brothers. The thirty titles 
are separate publications, though a few are quite brief. 

2 Paul Green, The Lost Colony: A Symphonic Drama of American His- 
tory (Chapel Hill. The University of North Carolina Press, 1954. 70 pp.). 

[180 1 

Dare County Belle-Lettres 181 

sonages from Sir Walter to the infant Virginia Dare have 
roles; and the climax of the play shows the 1587 colonists 
retreating to the interior when Spanish vessels threaten their 
stockade. Green's explanation of the mysterious disappear- 
ance is plausible and dramatically effective. Yet this is no 
historical pageant, but a play. The most rounded character 
and the one who carries the playwright's message is Old Tom 
Harris, beggar and outcast, who becomes in the New World 
a man of honor and trust. Thus the promise of America, 
immanent even in defeat, has a transcendency beyond the 
actual events. While Paul Green's drama does not tamper 
with history, it goes beyond it in providing human meaning 
for its occurrences. The Lost Colony has remained Dare 
County's only published full-length play and, indubitably, 
its most distinguished literary by-product. 

Of the four titles in poetry, three of them narrative, the 
first is Sallie Southall Cotten's The White Doe: The Fate of 
Virginia Dare. 3 In this telling of the now-familiar legend, the 
beautiful maiden, renamed Wi-no-na, is magically trans- 
formed into a white doe by a rejected suitor. Following her 
disappearance, mother Eleanor dies. The enchanted deer 
roams Roanoke Island till a noble suitor, the young chieftain 

Linked the going of the maiden 
With the coming of the White Doe 4 

and prepares a counter-charm, a "Mussel-pearl arrow" which, 
shot into the heart of the doe, will release her. Meanwhile, 
with a silver arrow given him by Queen Elizabeth, the evil 
Wan-ches-e also goes hunting the deer. Then at the identical 
moment, Wi-no-na is wounded by both pearl and silver 
arrows. Though changed back into a maiden, she is dying. 
O-kis-ko takes the silver arrow to a fountain of living youth 
on the island, hoping this action will restore the girl; but 
upon his placing it within the spring, 

8 Sallie Southall Cotton, The White Doe: The Fate of Virginia Dare. 
(An Indian Legend) (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, printed for the Author, 
1901. i-xx, 5-89 pp.), hereinafter cited as Cotton, The White Doe. 

4 Cotton, The White Doe, 57. 

182 The North Carolina Historical Review 

All the sparkling water vanished; 
Dry became the magic fountain, 
Leaving bare the silver arrow. 5 

From the silver arrow a tiny green shoot springs up— a shoot 
which years later becomes a scuppernong vine with red, 
instead of white, grapes— symbolizing the blood of Virginia 
Dare. In her Preface, Mrs. Cotten writes: "A familiar knowl- 
edge of the history of one's own country increases patriotism 
and stimulates valor. For this reason the study of written 
records called history should be supplemented by research 
into myths, folk-lore, and legends." Traditions, she continues, 
bear "the seed-germs of truth," and eventually they are "em- 
bodied in romance and song." Then "they assume a perma- 
nent form called legend and become the heritage of a 
people." 6 Mrs. Cotten's poem of the legend of Virginia Dare 
and the scuppernong vine was once widely read in our State 
and has assumed a permanent spot in our literature. It is 
composed in the lilting trochaic tetrameter of Hiawatha and, 
though it reads as well as Longfellow's poem, provides too 
brief treatment to be forceful narrative. 

Three years after the publication of Mrs. Cotton's book, 
William Henry Moore of Pittsboro issued Virginia Dare: A 
Story of Colonial Days. 7 This narrative poem fabricates the 
aftermath of the Lost Colonists when famine and disease 
drive them inland to Lake Mattamuskeet. Though Manteo's 
son Laska woos and wins the fair Virginia, the poet has a 
difficult time with the problem of interracial marriage. As 
Virginia's father dies, he contemplates the mating of his 

The father's heart 'gainst racial instinct strove, 
But love, at last, had won, and winning wove 
The fabric which should bind their tribes in one, 
Enduring as the bright and changeless sun. 8 

e Cotton, The White Doe, 74. 
6 Cotton, The White Doe, 5. 

'William Henry Moore, Virginia Dare: A Story of Colonial Days (Ra- 
leigh: Edwards & Broughton, 1904. 67 pp.), hereinafter cited as Moore, 
Virginia Dare. 

8 Moore, Virginia Dare, 36. 

Dare County Belle-Lettres 183 

This, of course, is in keeping with the race feelings in 1901, 
when Moore published his poem, rather than with those of 
the sixteenth century. Even so, after overcoming his am- 
bitious opponent Granganimeo in mortal combat, Laska with 
his wife Virginia rules over the tribe with great wisdom. In 
the poem the author takes, as he says, "the liberty of changing 
the name of Ananias Dare to that of David, as being more 
poetical and euphonious; and of his wife from Eleanor to 
Jennie, the diminutive of Virginia." ° The shift is pointless, 
since no character is satisfactorily developed in this rambling 
narrative written in generally unfortunate rhymed couplets. 

"Mark Bennett on Boanoke," 10 by Professor Harry K. 
Bussell of the Department of English at Chapel Hill, is one 
of the few attempts to use the Boanoke story for other than 
relating history and legend. Though rather diffusely episodic, 
the story, in six sections of very loose sprung meter, takes up 
the emotional problems of Mark Bennett, an actual name of 
a colonist about whom we know nothing. Fictionally, the 
poet Bennett has been nauseated by the sensual atmosphere 
of London and is trying to find in the New World a freshness 
to satisfy his spirit. At first reluctant to accept the love of the 
beautiful Indian girl Amosens, he eventually succumbs to her 
attractions and realizes that in her he has identified his need. 
Meanwhile, events at the stockade are lively. After forays 
with the tribe of Wanchese, Ananias Dare is in the process of 
removing the colonists to Manteo's Croatan Isicl in the 
autumn of 1588 when Wanchese attacks again and all the 
English, including Ananias and Eleanor Dare, are killed 
except Henry Berry, 11 Mark Bennett, and Virginia. Manteo's 
beast-keen nephew Uwaara rescues Virginia, whom he had 
foretold "the Spirit / Chad! Called ... to our people." 12 Her 
subsequent story is not followed up. This deeply felt poem 
ends when Mark Bennett and Amosens slip away into the 

9 Moore, Virginia Dare, 8. 

10 Harry K. Russell, "Mark Bennett on Roanoke," Poet Lore, XLVII 
(Spring, 1942), 3-46, hereinafter cited as Russell, "Mark Bennett on 

11 Probably to account for the legend that he was the ancestor of the 
Robeson County tribe of Indians. 

" Russell, "Mark Bennett on Roanoke," 21. 


184 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The title of Albert Q. Bell's Actors in the Colony 13 is taken 
from Thomas Hariot's report on Roanoke published in 1588. 
The pamphlet contains short prose biographies of the prin- 
cipal "actors" in the venture, and in between are poems on 
Amadas and Barlowe, Elizabeth and Raleigh, Eleanor Dare, 
Old Tom, and so on. Never intended as polished verse, Mr. 
Bell's lines are of particular interest to us because their author 
has been so closely associated with the success of Paul Green s 
The Lost Colony at Fort Raleigh, near which he makes his 

The first of nine adult novels concerning Sir Walter's 
settlers is the brief, highly romantic "Virginia Dare: or, The 
Colony of Roanoke" 14 by Cornelia L. Tuthill of Connecticut, 
who in 1840 after reading from Bancroft's History of the 
United States began to wonder why no one had paid a tribute 
to the first English child born in America. In this curious bit 
of fiction, Virginia is the daughter of George [sic] Dare and 
the granddaughter of Philip [sic] White. Her departure from 
Roanoke Island, along with her mother, Manteo, and the 
clergyman Dr. Carson, is due to famine and the hostility of 
the cruel Ocracoke Indians. Soon they take up with Chief 
Arcana in the vale of Mehezim at the foot of the mountains. 
The chief's "Hatteras tribe, naturally mild and gentle, lived 
in a state of Arcadian simplicity." 15 Eighteen years later, after 
rejecting the suit of Arcana, Virginia marries a dissolute aris- 
tocrat, Henry Johnston, who has strayed from the Jamestown 
colony founded only a year before. In this novel, typical of 
sentimental mid-nineteenth-century fiction, Dr. Carson is 
busy converting the Indians to Christianity. (History, of 
course, does not record a preacher among the colonists.) 
Virginia, beloved of the natives, is called the White Angel 
of Mercy. And with delightful anachronistic skill, the author 
has our heroine in the midst of the wilderness reading with 
excruciating pleasure those still unpublished Shakespearian 
masterpieces Hamlet and King Lear. This first fiction of Dare 

"Albert Q. Bell, Actors in the Colony (No place, no publisher, 1946. 
50 pp.). 

14 Cornelia L. Tuthill, "Virginia Dare: or, The Colony of Roanoke," 
Southern Literary Messenger (Richmond, Va.), VI (September, 1840), 
585-595, hereinafter cited as Tuthill, "Virginia Dare." 

35 Tuthill, "Virginia Dare," 591. 

Dare County Belle-Lettres 185 

County would not be half so charming if it were less ridicu- 

Sixty-one years after this first novel, historian Bancroft 
again served as source for William Farquhar Payson's John 
Vytal™ which ventures "to explain the oblivion of the 
colony's end in a way which," as the author writes, "I believe 
has not yet been suggested." 17 But his solution is not very 
startling. Moreover, the characters are wooden, the style so 
stilted and spiritless that the volume is a dull adventure. 
Furthermore, there are no cliffs and rocky terrain on Roanoke 
Island, to say nothing of an Indian tribe called the Winginas. 
Briefly, the story tells about the love of the courageous soldier 
John Vytal for Eleanor Dare, already married to a drunken 
Ananias. Enemies of our hero are an English renegade in 
league with the Spanish at St. Augustine, and a wily offspring 
of Leicester and Queen Elizabeth. Friend of Vytal is none 
other than the famed Renaissance dramatist Christopher 
Marlowe, about whom we are told in a footnote: "As there 
is absolutely no reliable record of Marlowe's personal life 
and dwelling-place at this time, I have felt justified in attrib- 
uting his generally acknowledged absence from London to a 
Virginia voyage." 18 Before John White's departure for Eng- 
land, a most unhistoric battle is fought off Roanoke Island 
between the Spanish and the colonists, the invaders losing. 
Years later, they return and, with the help of the hostile 
Winginas, slay all but seven of the English. Virginia Dare, 
now called White Doe, and Manteo's son Dark Eyes, along 
with Eleanor and Vytal and the others, turn towards the 
mainland forests with Manteo and the Hatteras tribe. Eleanor 
says: "Future generations will find here a perfect security . . . 
because we, the first, have suffered . . . and yet won." 19 Mar- 
lowe, we are glad to report, returned to England alone 
aboard a Breton fishing shallop in time to write those great 
tragedies Tamburlaine and Dr. Faustus. 

One of two novels published in 1908 is Dora Greenwell 

16 William Farquhar Payson, John Vytal: A Tale of the Lost Colony (New 
York: Harper, 1901. 319 pp.), hereinafter cited as Payson, John Vytal. 

17 Payson, John Vytal, [vi]. 

18 Payson, John Vytal, 44. 
"Payson, John Vytal, [319]. 

186 The North Carolina Historical Review 

McChesney 's The Wounds of a Friend, 20 neatly plotted and 
executed but again carelessly unhistorical. This romantic 
story tells of Captain Robert Tremayne's compelling dream 
of English dominion in the New World, of another man's 
revenge, and of a woman's faithfulness. Tremayne, com- 
mander of the English forces against the Indians, strikes 
down his great friend in the forest when he weighs the 
decision of one man's life "against the safety of Roanoke." 
Though he sails for England in the autumn of 1587, his one 
passion is to return to Roanoke to strengthen the small colony 
there. He is thwarted by the Queen's capriciousness, the 
disillusionment of John White, the patience of Raleigh to 
await royal pleasure, and the duplicity of his former friend 
who has meanwhile betrayed the colony to the Spanish dur- 
ing an imprisonment in St. Augustine. Despite Elizabeth's 
command, he secretly sets sail with the beloved but wedded 
Honora. To his "dream of England enthroned over-seas," he 
admits having sacrificed "all things, Queen's favour, man's 
friendship, love of woman." 22 At Roanoke in the spring [of 
1589], he finds desolation, ruin, and hopelessness among the 
English survivors of a Spanish attack. Turning toward the 
forest with what few supporters he can muster, he says, 
"Whether our friends and fellow countrymen follow on our 
track to find us, whether the woodlands whelm us in a life 
and death unknown, who shall say? But we go to take pos- 
session for England. Methinks we may wander beyond our 
ken, but others will press on where we have trodden." 23 The 
ubiquitous Virginia and Eleanor Dare apparently have van- 
ished from sight during all this activity. 

A second novel of 1908 is the highly colored but weak 
romance by William Thomas Wilson, For the Love of Lady 
Margaret: A Romance of the Lost Colony 24 " its subtitle em- 
barrassingly misleading. Two-thirds of the book covers the 
career of Sir Thomas Winchester, an Elizabethan courtier 
who is spirited away to a pirate hangout in the West Indies 

20 Dora Greenwell McChesney, The Wounds of a Friend (London: Smith, 
Elder, 1908. 306 pp.), hereinafter cited as McChesney, The Wounds of a 

21 McChesney, The Wounds of a Friend, 258. 

22 McChesney, The Wounds of a Friend, 255. 

23 McChesney, The Wounds of a Friend, 302. 

"William Thomas Wilson, For the Love of Lady Margaret: A Romance 
of the Lost Colony (Charlotte: Stone and Barringer, 1908. 305 pp.). 

Dare County Belle-Lettres 187 

because he is in the way of several other lovers of the beau- 
teous Lady Margaret Carroll. No gentlemen was ever so 
maligned and ill-treated. Though a hero in the defeat of the 
Armada, he is sent with White in 1590 on his mission to find 
the Lost Colonists. Instead, arriving at Roanoke, he pursues 
Lady Margaret, now for some unaccountable reason trouping 
the forests in the clutches of two love-mad creatures, one a 
pirate and the other a contemptible English lord. After res- 
cuing the lady and slaying his rivals, he returns to England 
with White, who has had no luck in finding his colony and 
seems not to be overly perturbed about it. The Lost-Colony 
angle is of no importance in the plot. Chronology is mangled, 
geography is neglected, and historical facts are switched 
about. For instance, Manteo is the hero's best friend on his 
trip to Roanoke in 1590. The forests are bewilderingly 
jammed with Indians: one, really, behind almost every tree. 
According to a notice in the book, the novel attracted much 
attention when it ran as a serial in the Charlotte Observer. 
Fifteen years after the publication of these two books ap- 
peared the respected though listless Croatan 25 by Virginia's 
famed novelist Mary Johnston. Her story takes up the history 
of the colonists after they are attacked by five hundred Indian 
warriors. Among those killed are Manteo and Virginia Dare's 
parents. The remaining threescore English retreat westward 
to a town just below the mountains where they thrive, living 
primitively but preserving their English customs and tradi- 
tions. When the eighteen-year-old Virginia is captured, two 
of her suitors go on a seven-year search for her, bringing her 
back to Croatan Town, where "the white Cherokees were 
built forever into the nation." 26 This ending is unsatisfactory: 
if the colonists had so successfully held on to their English 
heritage for twenty-five years, there would have been some 
trace of them when traders penetrated the hill country before 
the century was passed. The historical interest is slight, for 
most of this commonplace story takes place after the colon- 
ists have left Roanoke. A Longfellow influence is evident in 
such cognomens as Bright Dawn, Golden Hawk, Eagle 
Feather, and Young Thunder. There is an insipid attempt 

26 Mary Johnston, Croatan (Boston: Little, Brown, 1923. 298 pp.), here- 
inafter cited as Johnston, Croatan. 
M Johnston, Croatan, 291. 

188 The North Carolina Historical Review 

at a poetic prose style. This novel surely must be one of Miss 
Johnston's most unimpressive efforts. 

These five early attempts to Actionize the Raleigh Colonies 
were finally climaxed in 1948 with Inglis Fletcher's Roanoke 
Hundred, 27 the first of the group to achieve unqualified suc- 
cess. When Mrs. Fletcher was urged to write a novel on the 
Lost Colony, she immediately declined any invitation to com- 
pete with Paul Green's currently popular outdoor drama. 
She was, however, interested in North Carolina's Elizabethan 
background and, unlike the novelists who had preceded her, 
chose to focus on the Grenville-Lane expedition of 1585-86. 
The Lost Colonists play no part in Roanoke Hundred. For 
plot Mrs. Fletcher invents a natural son of Sir Richard Gren- 
ville, the manly herdsman Colin, in love with his master's 
ward, the sprightly witch-girl from Tintagel. As Grenville's 
right-hand man on the voyage to the New World, Colin grows 
into maturity and later claims his reward. Mrs. Fletcher's 
novel, of which only the mid-section takes place in North 
Carolina, centers on the career of the noble Grenville, whose 
wisdom she opposes to the disastrous policies of Ralph Lane. 
She introduces many other historical characters— Elizabeth, 
Raleigh, Sidney, Hakluyt, Hariot, White, and Drake— and 
stays close to historical fact in dealing with historical events. 
Instead of the second-hand Bancroft, she depends on first- 
hand accounts in Hakluyt's Voyages. With a lively story, a 
circle of fascinating heroes, and completely permissible over- 
laying of fiction onto fact, Roanoke Hundred far outstrips 
its predecessors and, incidentally, its successors, too, among 
the novels of the Roanoke years. And this is not to say there 
is any lessening of imaginative creativeness. Even so, some 
readers may quarrel with Inglis Fletcher's interpretation of 
Grenville's role as opposed to Lane's. A number of historians 
have not been so kind to Sir Richard's handling of the expe- 
dition. Nevertheless, Roanoke Hundred remains an excellent 
example of the historical novel; and I, for one, consider it 
Mrs. Fletcher's finest work. 

'"Inglis Fletcher, Roanoke Hundred (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1948. 
492 pp.). 

Dare County Belle-Lettres 189 

In 1953 appeared F. van Wyck Mason's Golden Admiral, 28 
a novel about Sir Francis Drake. The third section of this 
book concerns Drake's visit to the First Colonists in 1586, 
when he finds about seventy discouraged and disunited men 
on a "bleak-appearing" island. A storm disperses the two 
supply ships he is planning to leave with the colonists, and 
the men vote to return with Drake to England. Mason dis- 
turbs geography, invents native tribes and conjures up a wild 
tale about the theft of an idol Oke; but at least he has the 
Naturals, as he calls the Indians, dressed properly in "finely 
tanned skins that fell apron-like before and behind" 29 instead 
of like Hiawatha or James Fenimore Cooper's the Last of the 
Mohicans. A domineering Grenville, though making no ap- 
pearance, comes in for a severe drubbing by the author; and 
Lane is pictured a weak man unable to govern the colony. 
Mason's notion is that this first attempt at colonization "was 
a colony in name only, and was in fact, merely a military 
expedition accompanied by a few deluded scientists and 
artisans." 30 

Alexander Mathis' weak but harmless novel The Lost 
Citadel 31 is straight narrative involving the Barlowe-Amadas 
expedition as well as the Lane and White colonies. To pro- 
vide some semblance of fictional movement, the author has 
given Manteo, the only continuous character besides Wan- 
chese, a dominant role in the plot— if plot the novel can be 
said to have. There is no love story, no leading fictitious 
hero or heroine. For the most part, Mathis depends on his- 
torical accounts, documenting his sources in footnotes when 
he thinks the reader will judge the action has departed too 
broadly from fact. The Conquest of Virginia by Conway 
Whittle Sams is named most often. Much is made of the 
1584 expedition, with Thomas Hariot allowed an unhistorical 
berth in order that he may begin tutoring Manteo and Wan- 
chese. For the failure of the First Colony, Mathis blames 

28 P. van Wyck Mason, Golden Admiral (Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 
1953. 435 pp.), hereinafter cited as Mason, Golden Admiral. 

29 Mason, Golden Admiral, 278. 
80 Mason, Golden Admiral, 265. 

31 Alexander Mathis, The Lost Citadel (New York: Pageant Press, 1954. 
273 pp.). 

]/90 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Grenville, whose loiterings among the Spanish in the West 
Indies delay the planting of crops at Roanoke, and whose 
burning of the Indian village of Agoscogoc over a lost silver 
cup irreparably alienates the previously warm-hearted na- 
tives. Lane is portrayed as a just and wise governor never 
able to recover from the errors of the arrogant Sir Richard. 
As reasons for the departure of the Lost Colonists from 
Roanoke, Mathis lists hunger and Indian animosity. First, 
Manteo leads the English to the sands of Croatoan, then 
later to friendly, more fertile country along the rivers, where 
they prosper for a while until they are almost completely 
wiped out by a sudden hostile Indian attack. Eleanor Dare 
soon dies and, as the story ends, Manteo is undertaking the 
education of eight-year-old Virginia. 

Don Tracy's spicy Roanoke Renegade, 32 covering all three 
of the Raleigh expeditions to Roanoke Island, follows the 
adventures of fictitious Dion Harvie, whom Raleigh rescues 
from the Queen's wrath by sending him away from London 
with Amadas. Though Tracy interprets the Hakluyt docu- 
ments with a rather careless freedom, his principal surprise 
is a general shifting of heroes. Elizabeth suffers from a wishy- 
washy pride which denies her any awareness of the historic 
nature of the Roanoke ventures; Grenville is capable, but 
irresponsible, arrogant, and insufferably brutal; Lane is a 
cowardly incompetent, an irascible and loud-mouthed brag- 
gart; Manteo emerges as an effeminate turncoat and traitor 
to his race; and even John White and Eleanor Dare are drawn 
as unsavory little people indifferent to the welfare of those 
whom they consider beneath them. On the other hand, Simon 
Ferdinando is clever, truthful, and capable of loyalty and 
patience in friendship; Wanchese is a man of his people, fair 
in his dealings with the English but unwilling to bend a 
servile knee like the contemptuous Manteo. Only Raleigh is 
conventionally drawn. The author makes his characteriza- 
tions entirely believable. The theme of the book is the matu- 
ration of Dion Harvie. At first Dion reacts to all situations 
with the scornful superiority of the aristocrat. Gradually, 

82 Don Tracy, Roanoke Renegade (New York: Dial Press, 1954. 369 pp.), 
hereinafter cited as Tracy, Roanoke Renegade. 

Dare County Belle-Lettres 191 

however, the practical exigencies of life in the New World 
give him a tolerance and perception fresh as the land in 
which he must make his way. He comes to admire the savages 
for their knowledge of the earth, their naive confidence, their 
lack of guile, and to compare them disadvantageously with 
the overbearing and treacherous English. Grenville, Lane, 
and White are pompous commanders whose mismanagement 
and misdeeds are directly responsible for the failure of the 
colonies. Eventually Harvie's "loathing for all civilized white 
men" 33 consumes him, and in the end he is ready to retreat 
from civilization, to go away with the Roanoke tribe, and to 
become a part of their life. The novelist presents a believable 
explanation for the disappearance of the 1587 colonists. Cit- 
ing the indolence and indifference of the Spanish when the 
English made contact with them in the West Indies, Tracy 
thus discounts any possibility of further interference from 
that quarter. Rather, he tells us that the Roanokes, worn out 
with the white men's duplicity, raided the settlement and 
killed all there except some half dozen. These, including 
Eleanor Dare, become slaves of the lowly Croatans and are 
at length dispersed to the south and west. Roanoke Renegade, 
well paced and full of action, is mainly remarkable in its 
willingness to put full blame for the Roanoke Island fiascos 
upon the shoulders of those who assuredly ought to be held 
to strict account. His characterizations explain many of the 
inexplicables in the original documents. While until recently 
his point of view could never have been a popular one, this 
version of the events urges a startling credulity. But even 
now, it seems doubtful that the savages were quite as noble 
and guileless as Tracy depicts them. 

So much for North Carolina's nine adult novels covering 
her sixteenth-century history. The first of six juvenile works 
is Miss E. A. B. Shackelford's Virginia Dare, M a simple moral 
story issued from a religious publishing house. In this charm- 
ingly ludicrous tale, Manteo's son Iosco, after the English 

83 Tracy, Roanoke Renegade, 234. 

34 Virginia Dare: A Romance of the Sixteenth Century, by E.A.B.S. (New 
York: Thomas Whittaker, 1892. 207 pp.), hereinafter cited as [Shackel- 
ford] , Virginia Dare. 

192 The North Carolina Historical Review 

have treacherously slaughtered his benevolent father, leads 
them away from danger of tribal reprisals by going with 
them to Powhatan's country. This he does in the spirit of 
Christian forgiveness. Virginia, now nineteen years old [the 
year is 1606] makes friends with Powhatan's two daughters, 
Pocahontas and Cleopatra! The English get in trouble there, 
too, and soon return to Croatoan, bringing along a James- 
town preacher who had been picked up in the woods. Iosco 
and Virginia (now called Owaissa) are married, and all 
survivors decide they love their Indian protectors and will 
stay with them forever. The preacher dies, but not before he 
has Christianized all the Croatans. The Indians in this book 
are straight out of Longfellow. They have papooses, speak 
of "pale faces," smoke peace pipes, and practice scalping. 
When little Iosco tells Virginia the legend of Hiawatha and 
Minnehaha, she counters with Bible stories. But nothing is 
surprising in a novel in which Virginia's baptizing takes 
place in a "little log chapel" with "two Puritan maidens" in 
attendance. 35 

In Eliza F. Pollard's The Old Moat Farm,™ the Roanoke 
and Jamestown colonies are ingenuously telescoped, thus 
straining history to its breaking point. Derward, the nephew 
of Lady Jane Grey, escapes Queen Elizabeth's displeasure 
by journeying with Amidas [sic] and Barlowe to Roanoke, 
where his best friend is none other than John Rolfe. After 
disturbances over Grenville's stolen cup, the two boys go to 
Powhattan's [sic! country and are about to be slain when 
10-year-old Pocahontas (this is about 1585, though Poca- 
hontas was not to be born for a decade ) falls on Rolf e's body 
and a footnote explains. "This incident happened, as de- 
scribed, to Captain John Smith." 37 Soon the boys go with 
Manteo to Croatan Isicli, "not far up the James River" 38 
(though James I was not to rule England for seventeen 
years ) . The boys do not join the succeeding Roanoke colony, 

85 [Shackelford], Virginia Dare, 15. 

86 Eliza F. Pollard, The Old Moat Farm (London: Blackie, [1905]. 238 
pp.), hereinafter cited as Pollard, The Old Moat Farm. There is a copy of 
this rare book in the Boston Public Library. 

87 Pollard, The Old Moat Farm, 145. 

88 Pollard, The Old Moat Farm, 147. 

Dare County Belle-Lettres 193 

nor— and historical confusion is raging by this time!— John 
Smith's settlers who have arrived. The author writes of "Car- 
olina," though there was no such geographical designation 
for decades. The boys— men now, past thirty— go back to 
England; but Derward returns to govern the New Land, and 
the book closes with a paean praising the strength and power 
of Old England and Young England! In spite of its plain and 
not uninteresting narrative, this book offends by drastic 
trifling with history such as no modern novelist would dare. 
Of course, and the expected should be added, a copy of 
Shakespeare's Plays is being perused by one of the characters 
years before the earliest date of the great dramatist's first 
possible play. 

A third juvenile is Grace I. Whitman's Basil the Page™ in 
which our hero saves the life of Mary Queen of Scots by risk- 
ing his own life. This brave deed introduces him to a new 
and friendlier master, who is soon taken prisoner by Mary's 
enemies and shipped off to Virginia to work as a servant. The 
story tells how young Basil follows him to Virginia, there 
rescuing him and helping to punish their mutual enemies. 
Sir Francis Drake, Sir Walter Raleigh, and the Spanish 
Armada all have a place in this extremely fanciful and histori- 
cally most inaccurate tale. 

Edith Heal's The Topaz Seal* an exceedingly dull juvenile 
for ages 10-14, is not set on Roanoke Island. Its interest to us 
here concerns a fair-haired boy named Dale, who wanders 
into the Jamestown settlement in 1610. He relates that he is 
the son of survivors of the Lost Colony. From his father and 
mother, now dead, he had learned their fate. When food 
became scarce, "many died and at last the few that remained 
chose certain of their number to return to England for help. 
Those who remained at Roanoke waited until their food was 
gone and many of their people were dead. Then there came 

89 Grace I. Whitham, Basil the Page (London: Wells Gardner, Darton & 
Co., 1908. 211 pp.). I have not read this book. William S. Powell of Chapel 
Hill located a copy in the British Museum, London, in the summer of 1956 
and graciously provided me with the comments for this paper. 

40 Edith Heal, The Topaz Seal: A Mystery Romance of the Jamestown 
Colony (Chicago: Albert Whitman, 1936. 291 pp.), hereinafter cited as 
Heal, The Topaz Seal. 

194 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to them a tribe of Indians called the Hatteras who said if the 
English women would become the wives of the redmen, all 
the Colony would be saved. My father and mother," he says, 
"refused to go with the Hatteras, wishing rather to die than 
to give each other up. They escaped to the woods. . . ," 41 

In 1952 a Williamsburg publisher issued The Story of the 
Lost Colony of Roanoke, 42 with a simple but accurate text, 
and large black-and-white drawings for the "very young" 
reader to color with his crayons. The publishers suppressed 
whatever longing they may have had to romanticize or exag- 
gerate. Many of the drawings are based on John White's 

Jean Bothwell's Lost Colony 43 startles any reader immedi- 
ately by proclaiming that since Paul Green's play provides a 
denouement "geographically" impossible, we are now to 
learn the true mystery of the settlers. This historically ac- 
curate novel for ages 10-14 follows a year in the life of 
Humphrey Hall, a noble-born youngster who runs away to 
join Raleigh's last expedition. Eleanor Dare encourages him, 
for she knows that in the New World he will find land for the 
plantation of which he dreams. Humphrey helps to spoil the 
plans of the villainous Simon Ferdinando by plotting with his 
good friend Manteo against the deceitful Portuguese navi- 
gator. On Roanoke, Humphrey fights the treacherous Indians, 
helps defend the fort against the attacking Spaniards, and 
lays plans to make his dreams of a plantation come true. As 
to the solution of the mystery, the reader is left rather dis- 
enchanted, for the book closes with the colonists hale and 
hearty. This happy ending may be a good way to conclude 
a juvenile book, but it certainly clears up no mystery. Yet to 
be written is the completely satisfying juvenile novel about 
the Raleigh colonists. 

At this point we must give brief consideration to four 
novels which, though not dealing directly with the events 

41 Heal, The Topaz Seal, 26-27. 

42 Helen Campbell, The Story of the Lost Colony of Roanoke (Williams- 
burg: R. M. Usry, 1952. Unpaged). 

43 Jean Bothwell, Lost Colony: The Mystery of Roanoke Island (Philadel- 
phia: Winston, 1953. 191 pp.). 

Dare County Belle-Lettres 195 

of the 1850's on Roanoke Island, are nevertheless consequent 
of those times. They indicate what magic the Lost Colony 
holds for imaginative writers, what dreams novelists have 
which tell them that there was a continuation of life beyond 
the "lost." 

The first of the four is True 4i by George Parsons Lathrop, 
the son-in-law of Nathaniel Hawthorne. By way of prelude, 
we learn that in 1587 in Surrey, England, the beautiful Ger- 
trude Wylde sets sail with Governor White, leaving her be- 
loved Guy Wharton who plans to follow as soon as family 
affairs will allow. But fate intervenes, and Guy and Gertrude 
are never to be reunited. The rest of the novel, which turns 
on this ancient love affair, takes place years later on the 
mainland of Carteret County when an enterprising young 
Northerner, descendant of Guy Wharton, visits aristocratic 
Colonel Floyd, descendant of the sister of Gertrude. Nearby, 
in rude surroundings, lives the handsome, talented, but un- 
lettered Adela Reefe, dark-complexioned and grey-eyed. The 
smart young man suspects that the girl may be descended 
from Gertrude Wylde herself and begins to study the old 
histories. Adela recalls the family tradition of the legendary 
maiden who waited for a loved one from across the sea. 
The relationship is proved when the words of a motto still 
preserved in Adela's family is found to be the same as those 
engraved on the walls of Wharton Hall in Surrey. Moreover, 
Adela admits that she has Indian ancestors who "lived in the 
region of Croatan" 45 before crossing Pamlico Sound and 
settling in Carteret. While the novel is far more complicated 
than these sentences indicate, suffice it to say that at last the 
broken love of their ancestors finds fulfillment in Adela and 
our young hero. Of more interest to the reader than the mys- 
tery of Adela Reefe is the mystery of how Hawthorne's son- 
in-law, who apparently never came to North Carolina, hap- 
pened to write this novel of rural Carteret. 

44 George Parsons Lathrop, True and Other Stories (New York: Funk & 
Wagnalls, 1884. 270 pp.), hereinafter cited as Lathrop, True. 

45 Lathrop, True, 121. 

196 The North Carolina Historical Review 

In Mary Virginia Wall's The Daughter of Virginia Dare* Q 
we are told that illness, starvation, and Indian warfare soon 
decimate all the colonists except Virginia, who grows up as 
the Water Lily of the Catawbas. Then Powhatan comes 
down, takes her captive, and weds her, but the unhappy 
"Water Lily folded her petals and sank to sleep, leaving to 
Powhatan a little daughter" 47 named Pocahontas. The major 
portion of this book is the familiar story of John Smith and 
the Jamestown settlers. Though the novel is ingenuous 
throughout, its principal offense is that Pocahontas' birth 
about 1595 would make Virginia Dare a mother at the age 
of eight! But whatever, the novelette certainly presents a 
felicitous possibility for speculation. While no fiction has yet 
suggested that Virginia and Pocahontas may have been the 
same person, I believe such a fantastic notion is more plaus- 
ible than the mother-daughter presumption. 

The most incredible yarn of the entire series is The 
Daughter of the Blood 48 by Herbert Bouldin Hawes, with its 
fairy-tale and Indian-legend coloring. In this vastly hypo- 
thetical tale of 1607, Virginia is now called Nonya. Her hero 
is Skah, son of Sir Richard Grenville, who has saved her when 
the other Lost Colonists were slaughtered by the Indians. 
Skah has brought her up, educated her, and made her and 
himself powerful among the superstitious Indians; but he has 
never forgotten his promise to her mother that she have a free 
choice of husband. At Jamestown she is wooed by all and 
sundry, including John Smith, whom she helps the child 
Pocahontas to save. But eventually she is sure of her love for 
Skah, and the two slip away into the forest, safe from the 
records of history. A plethora of confusing legend, the super- 
excellence of Skah, the impossible perfection of Nonya, and a 
stilted style make much of this story unreadable. 

* e Mary Virginia Wall, The Daughter of Virginia Dare (New York: 
Neale Publishing Company, 1908. 194 pp.) , hereinafter cited as Wall, The 
Daughter of Virginia Dare. 

47 Wall, The Daughter of Virginia Dare, 33. 

^Herbert Bouldin Hawes, The Daughter of the Blood (Boston: Four 
Seas, 1930. 427 pp.). 

Dare County Belle-Lettres 197 

The novel Manteo 49 by Clifford Wayne Hartridge is a dis- 
appointing production. The time is 1732, the setting, Georgia. 
Its hero is dark young Manteo Cerdic, son of a proud Saxon 
family in Kent and descendant of one of Raleigh's colonists 
and Wenona, the sister of Chief Manteo. Attendant of Ogle- 
thorpe on his initial voyage, Cerdic meets and wins the In- 
dian princess Manteona, whose ancestors are the Roanoke 
chieftain and his English wife. The couple return to England, 
where Cerdic takes charge of his extensive family estate. The 
first section of this poorly plotted story is set in London, 
where Chesterfield and Hogarth are Cerdic's associates. 

We have now mentioned one drama, four books of poetry, 
and nineteen novels which are products by creative writers 
either partially or completely under the enchanting sorcery 
of our sixteenth-century history. Weak in some instances, they 
include near masterpieces in others. If some are absurd to the 
point of laughter, others are so historically sound that they 
may be said almost to supplement fact. If we but knew, per- 
haps in one of them is the key to the mystery of our Lost 
Colonists. If we but knew! But the sand dunes and the blue 
waters and the pine forests of Dare have added to North 
Carolina literature more than these twenty-four works. At 
least six novels have been written about more recent times in 
the Dare County country. 

The first of this group is Calvin Henderson Wiley's Roa- 
noke, 50 a historical novel of Revolutionary days in North 
Carolina. Its opening chapters are set at Nag's Head in 1775. 
Captain Richard Ricketts, known locally as "Old Wrecks," is 
a land-pirate who has become the richest man on the Banks. 
By tying a lantern to a horse's head, he lures vessels to their 
destruction on the sands and confiscates the spoils. As the 
story opens, "Old Wrecks" has just purchased a wife: for 
though polygamy is not allowed, swapping or buying wives 

49 Clifford Wayne Hartridge, Manteo (New York: Frederick G. Osberg, 
1935.350 pp.). 

60 Calvin Henderson Wiley, Roanoke, or, "Where Is Utopia?" (Philadel- 
phia: T. B. Peterson, [1866]. 156 pp.) The first appearance of this novel 
was in Sartain's Union Magazine in 1849, where it was issued serially. See 
Richard Walser (ed.), "Letters of a Young Novelist: Calvin Henderson 
Wiley," North Carolina Historical Review, XXXI (July, October, 1954), 
410-421, 550-575. 

198 The North Carolina Historical Review 

is an accepted custom among the Bankers, or Arabs as they 
are called because of the sandhills near which they live. The 
young hero of the tale is Walter Tucker of Roanoke Island, 
son of Pocosin Dan Tucker, a renowned fiddler and friend of a 
musical competitor, Old Zip Coon of Virginia. During a shoot- 
ing match on the Banks, conducted not unlike the mediaeval 
tournaments in Europe, Walter performs the feat of the day 
by riding a horse to the top of a dune, an exploit previously 
considered impossible. His prize, a wreath of flowers, is pre- 
sented to the girl Utopia, who is thus crowned Queen of Love 
and Beauty. Soon the complicated narrative moves to New 
Bern and Moore's Creek Bridge, but I am happy to report 
that Walter, our plebeian hero, turns out to be the descendant 
of both Sir Walter Raleigh and Lord Manteo of Roanoke. 
Though the book admittedly covers more ground than an 
experienced writer would deem advisable, this work is im- 
portant as an early depository of many legends and customs 
and characters which have come to be the heritage of our 

The second title of this group is George Higby Throop's 
Nags Head, 51 a loosely put-together story of a Northern 
schoolmaster vacationing at the beach with a wealthy eastern 
Carolina family in mid-nineteenth century. Throop describes 
the voyage from the mainland on a schooner, as the planter 
moves his household and all their effects across the sound. 
There are paragraphs about the cottages, the hotel, the resort 
diversions, the expeditions to Jockey's Ridge, to the fresh- 
water ponds, and to Roanoke Island. The reader is furnished 
with much of the lore, traditions, and history of the area, 
but he learns little of the lives of the Bankers. This pleasant 
century-old novel is a mine of source material about the sum- 
mer activities of the ante-bellum vacationists on the Dare 
County beaches. It deserves reprinting, for it would find more 
than adequate market among the present-day Nags Head 

61 [George Higby Throop], Nag's Head, or Two Months Among "The 
Bankers" by Gregory Seaworthy (Philadelphia: A. Hart, 1850. 180 pp.) 
See Richard Walser, "The Mysterious Case of George Higby Throop, 1818- 
1896; Or, The Search for the Author of the Novels Nag's Head, Bertie, 
and Lynde Weiss," North Carolina Historical Review, XXXIII (January, 
1956), 12-44. 

Dare County Belle-Lettres 199 

enthusiasts who would enjoy reading of their counterparts 
one hundred years ago. 

In a survey like this, the researcher is always hopeful of 
making a literary rediscovery. He prays he may find among 
his thirty volumes at least one book, not already familiar to 
him, which will excite from sheer diversity and surprise. Such 
a one, for me, was a novel by an Elizabeth City lawyer Frank 
Vaughan titled Kate Weathers. 52 I shall never forget the 
evening I turned to the first of its many close-printed pages 
and began to read. In spite of obvious aesthetic sins, it was 
the book I had prayed for. Romantic one moment, realistic 
the next, and often fantastic, it nevertheless plunged me 
delightfully back to the autumn of 1789 at the height of the 
wrecker-pirates' activities at Nagshead [sicl. The involved 
action moves evenly along Dare County's banks, mainland, 
and Roanoke Island. First we have a shipwreck. The rapacious 
Bankers raise lights on Jockey's Ridge to entice a ship to its 
doom. As the vessel is foundering, the land-pirates unexpect- 
edly have a change of heart and emulate their Coast Guard 
descendants of later generations by risking their lives in the 
violent surf to save the passengers. Once ashore, however, the 
destitute survivors must flee their wicked rescuers. Eventually 
they arrive at an inland lake [probably the expanse formed 
by Milltail Creek on the Dare County mainland] and live 
an idyllic existence in the manner of the Swiss Family Robin- 
son. There they are protected by the lone residents of the 
lake— an old man and his two young associates— whose true 
nobility of spirit is apparent in certain wild animals' relation- 
ship with them. The girl's best friends are a flock of cranes, 
and the boy's, several sociable bears. Basil, as the Rousseauis- 
tic old gentleman is called, presently goes to Roanoke Island 
to ascertain how practicable is the liberation of his ship- 
wrecked companions. There a loquacious madman, living 
at the house of an illiterate and superstitious island couple, 
takes him to be the dead, but now resurrected, Doctor Skye- 
lake of Raleigh's 1584 expedition. The fluctuating style of 
the book can be gathered from these few hints. The tone 

62 Frank Vaughan, Kate Weathers, or, Scattered by the Tempest (Phila- 
delphia: Lippincott, 1878. 437 pp.). 

200 The North Carolina Historical Review 

moves from local color to the ultra-romantic to the pseudo- 
scientific. But, withal, I find Kate Weathers, a highly enter- 
taining book. Its principal disappointment is an uncompli- 
mentary representation of the Bankers as a generally preda- 
tory, corrupt, and degraded species. 

Bijou, by Albert Plympton Southwick, must be mentioned 
on account of its captivating subtitle: The Foundling of 
Nags Head. 53 The pretty eighteen-year-old title-heroine of 
this uncommonly worthless bit of literature was, we are told, 
rescued from a Banker wreck, but she is now living with some 
friends in a town which, from descriptions, closely resembles 
Elizabeth City. Not only is this story trifling in plot and 
composition; it condemns itself irreparably by tiresomely 
labeling North Carolina people and environs as "coarse," 
"plain," and "vulgar." I should add briefly, and then say no 
more, that the author had the misfortune to be born in Massa- 
chusetts! Requiescat in pace. 

The first of two contemporary juvenile novels, Stephen W. 
Meader's The Sea Snake, 5 * opens three miles from the Kitty 
Hawk Coast Guard Station at a beach Volunteer Lookout 
Post of the Army Fighter Command. On duty is the boy 
Barney Cannon, son of a Banker fisherman. The German 
submarine menace of early World War II is at its height. 
Barney suspects the wealthy German-speaking foreigners on 
nearby Caldee Island of supplying the enemy, and on a recon- 
naissance visit to the island he is captured and put aboard the 
U-432, the Sea Snake. There he collects valuable information 
which is turned over to the authorities on his escape. Most 
of the book takes up Barney's experiences aboard the sub- 
marine, and the pages dealing with life on the banks do not 
emphasize the local color; but it cannot be denied that The 
Sea Snake is an exciting, well-constructed tale for younger 

Colonel S. P. Meek's Surf man 55 is set at the Cape Hatteras 
Lifeboat Station. The author, after visiting Hatteras Island 

53 Albert Plympton Southwick, Bijou: The Foundling of Nag's Head (New 
York: American News Company, 1887. 186 pp.). 

54 Stephen W. Meader, The Sea Snake (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 
1943.255 pp.). 

55 S. P. Meek, Surf man: The Adventures of a Coast Guard Dog (New 
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1950. 267 pp.). 

Dare County Belle-Lettres 201 

in 1949, decided to use the Outer Banks for his setting, but 
in the Preface he admits that many of the incidents are based 
on material gathered from other Coast Guard stations. He 
begins the story by telling of young Curley Graham's coming 
from Cape Cod to report for duty at Hatteras. Graham wishes 
to clear up a mystery connected with the disappearance of 
his father, who many years ago was stationed there. By the 
end of the book the mystery is solved, but not before young 
Graham is involved in a number of exciting adventures with 
his Chesapeake retriever, Surf man. The story is particularly 
rewarding for its authentic background, its detailed day-by- 
day picture of life at a lonely Outer Banks lifeboat station. 
Though the volume carries the usual notice that all the char- 
acters are fictitious, at least two of the prominent figures in 
the book are carefully drawn pen portraits of actual persons : 
Chief Boatswain's Mate Fennel A. Tillett and the well-known 
journalist Ben Dixon McNeill of Buxton. One of the wrecked 
LSTs now on the beach at Salvo is, with poetic license, moved 
down the coast to Hatteras, 50 where the stirring climax is 
played out during a hurricane in February! 

At this point, my survey is ended. What, if any, conclu- 
sions can be drawn? First, the Raleigh colonies have attracted 
far more writers of belletristic literature than one would think 
off-hand. In this regard, Roanoke can be said to be a rival of 
Jamestown and Plymouth. Second, the treatments have been 
widely divergent, with different estimates of historical char- 
acters and events. Third, the mystery of the Lost Colony and 
the fate of Virginia Dare have fascinated imaginative writers 
for over a century. Fourth, the Dare County banks, within 
a similar length of time, have provided setting and character 
for many writers. One novel, Throop's Nags Head, is of suf- 
ficient interest to warrant reprinting. Finally, all thirty titles, 
with varying degrees of success, have recorded social history, 
interpreted the ancient documents, or preserved the legends 
which are the common heritage of North Carolinians every- 

68 See Ben Dixon MacNeill, "Coast Guardsmen Like Roles in Volume," 
The News and Observer (Raleigh), July 24, 1950. 


By William S. Powell 

If I tell you how I first came to be interested in this prob- 
lem I hope I will not be thought guilty of revealing state 
secrets. The very early years of American history have always 
held a special fascination for me, but this particular effort to 
identify the Roanoke colonists and explorers as individuals 
came about in a rather unusual way. Back in 1949 when I 
was a member of the staff of the State Department of Archives 
and History Dr. Christopher Crittenden (Director) had to 
go to Washington on business for a couple of days. For some 
reason— I suppose he just didn't want to drive up alone- 
he asked me if I had any "official" business in Washington 
or any research of an official nature which I could do while 
there. My title at that time was Researcher so I assumed 
that almost any research in the field of North Carolina history 
which might add to our store of knowledge would be legiti- 
mate business. I had several days to find a topic so I gave the 
matter a bit more than just fleeting consideration. For some 
reason the idea came to me to see if I could find any new 
material in printed English records concerning the Lost 
Colonists. In particular, I had in mind examining the exten- 
sive lists of students and biographical volumes on the grad- 
uates of the universities at Oxford and Cambridge. I prompt- 
ly set about arranging the names of these colonists in alpha- 
betical order and also indicating those men who probably 
were married, as suggested by the surnames of the women 
and children among the colonists. These 116 names were 
listed on rather large sheets of paper and after them I made 
three columns headed "Oxford," "Cambridge," and "Other." 
The latter was to be used to record any miscellaneous infor- 
mation or possible sources of information I might find. 

Dr. Crittenden considered my plan a sound one so I got to 
go to Washington. In the Library of Congress I set to work 

[202 ] 

Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 203 

with the Cambridge lists compiled by the Coopers and the 
Verms, and Foster's and Wood's volumes on Oxford. 1 From 
time to time I found references in these massive volumes 
which led me to other sources. After a few days of this we re- 
turned to Raleigh, but the columns on my pages had more X's 
(for no reference found) than checks (which meant a pos- 
sible university graduate among the colonists). Of course all 
I had to work with was names so I was careful to make a 
check on my page only if the English reference made no men- 
tion of a graduate's career after 1587, the date of the Lost 
Colony. And, too, I paid careful attention to birth dates and 
worked under the assumption that a colonist probably would 
have been between, say, 18 and 35 years of age. 

Well, I wasn't exactly enthusiastic about what I found. I 
had somehow hoped to discover that among the colonists 
there was a doctor, a lawyer, a clergyman, a metallurgist, and 
perhaps even specialists in other fields. Among the possible 
colonists-graduates— and there were only thirteen with some 
likely names being checked in both the Oxford and Cam- 
bridge columns— I did find one who held a degree in civil 
law from Oxford and one who held a degree in medicine from 
Cambridge. However, there were intriguing references to 
other sources, mostly manuscript or printed in volumes not 
readily available here, which tempted me. Therefore, from 
time to time for the next several years, I added to my file of 
notes and gradually began to feel that it might really be 
worthwhile to give more serious thought to the problem. I 
decided to go about the research in a more business-like 

On fairly heavy-weight, 5 by 8 note cards I entered the 
name (one to a card) of each colonist or explorer of whom 
I was able to find any mention. This also included officers and 

1 Joseph Foster, Alumni Oxonienses: The Members of the University of 
Oxford, 1500-1714, Their Parentage, Birthplace and Year of Birth, with a 
Record of Their Degrees (Oxford: Parker, 4 volumes, 1892), hereinafter 
cited as Foster, Alumni Oxonienses; Anthony a Wood, Athenae Oxonienses 
(London: Rivington, 5 volumes, 1813-1820) ; Charles H. Cooper and Thomas 
Cooper, Athenae Cantabrigienses, 1500-1611 (Cambridge: Deighton, 3 vol- 
umes, 1858-1861; Bowes, 1913); John Venn and J. A. Venn, Alumni Can- 
tabrigienses, Part I, From the Earliest Times to 1751 (Cambridge: Uni- 
versity Press, 4 volumes, 1922-1927), hereinafter cited as Venn and Venn, 
Alumni Cantabrigienses. 

204 The North Carolina Historical Review 

seamen of the ships which visited our coast between 1584 
and 1590. On each card I indicated the date or dates of their 
visit. In the case of the Lost Colonists I also added "L.C." 
in red and colored the top of the note card with red ink. This 
was to call my immediate attention to it and warn me in my 
research to eliminate from consideration any person of the 
same name about whom anything was known after 1587. 
After Professor Quinn's recent two-volume set on the Roa- 
noke Voyages 2 appeared I was able to add a number of new 
names to my list which previously had been drawn principally 
from Hakluyt. To the file of cards I transferred my notes, 
which heretofore had been kept in more or less haphazard 
fashion, and I combed the Quinn volumes for additional 

The problem had already begun to take shape in my mind. 
I was trying to discover anything I could about the life of the 
colonists and explorers in England or wherever they lived 
before they came to Roanoke; anything concerning their 
relationship with other colonists and explorers; and anything 
about their life at home again after their return, if they did, 
in fact, return. 

A very rapid and brief review of the explorations and at- 
tempts at settlement on our coast between 1584 and 1590 
will set the stage. 3 

On March 25, 1584, Walter Raleigh obtained from Queen 
Elizabeth a patent to "discover, search, finde out, and view" 
any lands "not actually possessed of any Christian prince, 
nor inhabited by Christian people." The patent was authori- 
zation to "goe or travaile thither to inhabite or remaine, there 
to build and fortifie" for a period of six years. 

Within a month and two days Raleigh had dispatched a 
small fleet of two ships commanded by Captains Philip 

2 David B. Quinn, The Roanoke Voyages, 158^-1590 (London: The Hak- 
luyt Society, 2 volumes, 1955), hereinafter cited as Quinn, Roanoke Voy- 

3 Contemporary accounts appeared in Richard Hakluyt's The Principall 
Navigations, Voiages and Discoveries of the English Nation published in 
1589 and in The Principal Navigations, Voyages Traffiques & Discoveries 
of the English Nation (3 volumes) in 1598-1600. More readily available 
today, however, is the Everyman's Library edition of Hakluyt published in 
this country by E. P. Dutton & Co. in 1926. 

Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 205 

Amadas and Arthur Barlowe. They sailed from London on 
the 27th of April by the southern route through the West 
Indies and sighted land off our coast on the 4th of July, 1584. 
It was here that they "smelt so sweet, and so strong a smel, 
as if we had bene in the midst of some delicate garden 
abounding with all kinde of odoriferous flowers," their jour- 
nal reports. Amadas and Barlowe entered Pamlico Sound at 
present Ocracoke Inlet and a few days later Barlowe and 
eight of his men reached Roanoke Island. From early July 
until mid-September this small band of men explored the 
region as best they could, traded with the Indians, and ob- 
served such things as the plants and trees, the soil, the ani- 
mals, and above all, they seem to have recorded everything 
they could learn about the Indians and their way of life. We 
have the names of only eight men "of the companie" in ad- 
dition to Amadas and Barlowe. Simon Fernandez, the pilot, 
was one of these. It was on the return voyage that the Indians, 
Wanchese and Manteo, were taken to England. 

The following spring, on April 9, 1585, the first English 
colony for the New World set sail from Plymouth, in the 
southwest of England not far from the homes of Raleigh, 
Grenville, and Drake. This time a fleet of seven ships, well- 
supplied and manned, sailed under the command of Richard 
Grenville. Ralph Lane was present as "lieutenant governor" 
and Philip Amadas as "Admiral of the country." The colony 
consisted of 108 men, all of whose names are known to us— 
the artist, John White, and the scientist, Thomas Hariot, be- 
ing among them. On June 23 this initial colony arrived off 
Cape Fear (now Cape Lookout) and a few days later entered 
Pamlico Sound. For a whole year this colony occupied itself 
largely with exploratory voyages on the mainland but its 
base was Fort Raleigh on Roanoke Island. One of Lane's 
parties penetrated the wilderness for approximately 130 
miles to the west and northwest, following the Roanoke 
River certainly as far as the present Northampton County. 

In late July and early August, 1585, Grenville, who had 
brought this colony over, returned to Plymouth. Lane and 
his men expected to receive supplies and perhaps reinforce- 

206 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ments early the following spring. Their expectations of early 
relief, however, were not met and on June 1, 1586, Sir Francis 
Drake stopped by Roanoke after an expedition against the 
Spanish in the West Indies. He intended merely to pay a visit, 
but, seeing Lane's plight, he agreed to leave supplies and a 
ship for use in further explorations. Lane was inclined to 
accept this offer and continue to wait for more substantial 
relief from home. A severe storm, however, drove some of 
Drake's ships to sea and the colony decided not to risk their 
lives further. They accepted the opportunity to return home 
with Drake. 

Within a month after the colony's departure the expected 
relief arrived in the form of a fleet of three ships commanded 
by Grenville. Failing to find the colony, Grenville left fifteen 
or eighteen men "furnished plentifully with all manner of 
provisions for two years" and returned home. We have evi- 
dence suggesting the names of only two of these men whose 
fate, like that of the Lost Colony, is not known. 

The next visit to our shores by Englishmen is perhaps too 
well known to require more than passing mention. It was to 
deposit the Lost Colony at Roanoke. The colonists sailed 
from Portsmouth on April 26, 1587, travelled by the southern 
route, and arrived on July 16. Among them were 91 men, 17 
women, and 9 "boys and children." Governor John White, 
much against his better judgment, returned to England with 
the fleet on August 27. Two children were born to the colon- 
ists between July 16 and August 27, bringing the total to 119 
persons plus the governor. Here again, however, for several 
reasons it is impossible to be absolutely certain of the total. 
White says his list is of those "which safely arrived in Vir- 
ginia, and remained to inhabite there." Included, however, 
are White himself, Fernandez the pilot, George How who 
was killed by Indians before White sailed, and Thomas 
Smith who is recorded in White's journal as having died en 
route to England. The name of Thomas Harris occurs twice 
and we do not know whether there were actually two persons 
of the same name or whether White made an error and re- 
corded it twice. 

Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 207 

The final English visit to Roanoke direct from the mother 
country came three years later when White at last was able 
to return to search for his friends and relatives. This, too, is 
now a well known part of North Carolina history and needs 
no elaboration here. 

I think it might be well to tell you now about a problem 
which plagued me not only in the initial phase of my re- 
search, but is one which is still not solved. That is one of 
names. Surnames had descended somewhat regularly from 
father to son for less than two hundred and fifty years and, 
indeed, English records on into the eighteenth-century con- 
tain instances of men without surnames or merely indi- 
vidual descriptive names. A middle name was excessively 
rare indeed. In fact the very earliest instance I have been 
able to discover of the use of a middle name occurred just 
ten years before the Lost Colony. 4 

Spelling, of course, was not standardized. We all have 
heard of the numerous ways Sir Walter, himself, spelled 

There was not a great variety of surnames among the 
Roanoke colonists and explorers, and there were even fewer 
Christian names. Several men and one woman are identified 
by only one name— Captain Aubrey, Captain Boniten, Chap- 
man, Coffar, and so on, which are surnames. But some are 
recorded only as Daniel and Robert, for example. Forty- two 
family names among all the known colonists and explorers, 
1584-1590, are borne by from two to four individuals. I think 
this is an unusually large number in view of the fact that we 
have the names of some 278 Roanokers. 

Inadequate identification in the records can be blamed for 
some of the confusion over names. For example, among the 
men who remained a year with Ralph Lane was a Master 
Allen; later one Morris Allen was a Lost Colonist. Were they 
the same person? Haunce Walters was another of Lane's 
men; four years afterwards John White tells us that Haunce, 

4 George B. Millet, The First Book of the Parish Registers of Madron in 
the County of Cornwall (Penzance: Beare and Son, 1877), 29. Marriages: 
Jan. 19, 1577/8 "Richard, the sonne of Sampson John Richard, and Grace 

208 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the Surgion, was with him searching for the Lost Colonists. 
Was this the same person? There are other cases of possible 
confusion of names which make it impossible to draw up a 
list and say, without reservation, just who was who. 

Well, I plugged away at the problems and, in the mean- 
time, with the encouragement of Paul Green (who first sug- 
gested it to me), Inglis Fletcher, Hugh Lefler, and several 
others, including, of course, Dr. Crittenden, I applied for a 
Guggenheim Fellowship to pursue the project to what I 
trusted would be a conclusion. In due course the news I had 
been hoping for did come and early last spring I sailed for 

Before going into the detail as to what I found you might 
be interested to know where I worked. The British Museum 
in London kept me busy all day long for the better part of 
two months, while the Public Record Office, the London 
Guild Hall, the Westminster Guild Hall, and the University 
of London Library were all useful for special searches. Somer- 
set House where ancient wills, inventories of estates, and 
other legal records, dating back literally hundreds of years, 
are kept proved exceedingly fascinating and worthwhile as a 
place for research. The Institute of Historical Research, 
housed at the University of London, however, proved to be 
the most convenient historical reference library I have ever 
encountered. So far as I could tell from my limited experi- 
ence, they have everything in the way of printed source 
material which is essential for research in English and early 
American history. It is nothing short of a treasure house for 
the researcher and I especially enjoyed it because attendants 
are present only to help when called upon. Each researcher 
gets his own books, uses them where he pleases in the build- 
ing, and the Institute is open from early morning until late 
at night. 

Several names among the Roanokers looked Scottish so I 
made a brief visit to Edinburgh for a look at some of the 
records there. However, I found nothing which seemed to 
indicate that I was on the right trail so I gave up that pursuit. 

Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 209 

Incidentally, I'd like to comment that I find historical re- 
search somewhat like hunting in the woods. When you start 
out you never know what you'll see. Perhaps there are tracks 
to follow but they may lead into a deep gulley or into a 
thicket. Some tracks may lead you to others, often trails cross, 
but sooner or later, if you're lucky, you find your game. It 
may not be the deer you were seeking, but a rabbit or a 
squirrel is game! 

This is by way of saying that I didn't go about this research 
in a pre-planned way. I just followed where the trail led. As 
has been suspected all along, most of the Roanoke colonists 
seem to have come either from London or from the west of 
England— Devon and Cornwall, principally. The public li- 
brary of Exeter in Devon proved to be a most fruitful place 
for research. I was particularly delighted with a marvelous 
manuscript index which is now there. 5 It is made on 3 x 5 slips 
and filed in something over 300 standard library file drawers. 
Included are persons, places, things, and events of southwest 
England. The amazing sources indexed are impossible for 
me to list. Among them, however, are manuscripts in the 
British Museum and the Public Record Office; various parish 
registers; files of newspapers and periodicals located all over 
England; collections of various sorts owned by local and 
regional libraries, historical organizations, municipal corpora- 
tions, churches, and even individuals. The entry cards even 
contain tempting bits of information extracted from the 
sources so they really amount to more than just an index. I 
must say I never heard of such a wonderful guide to this type 
material in this country and doubt that there is another any- 
where. Harvard University has microfilmed sections of the 
index which are of interest to certain scholars there. This 
index is largely the work of one man who devoted a lifetime 
to it prior to his death in the early 1940's. Since then, and 
occasionally before, other interested individuals have con- 
tributed slips to it, however. Sometimes I found clippings 
from newspapers pasted on the slips and in a few instances 

5 This is known officially as the Burnett-Morris Index. 

210 The North Carolina Historical Review 

there were even whole articles from magazines folded up to 
fit the file and inserted in the proper alphabetical place. 

Really, it's impossible for me to sing the praises of this 
index too highly. Suffice it to say I spent numerous delightful 
days filling my note cards from it! 

The Devon and Exeter Institution, also in Exeter, proved 
to be an inspiring place to visit. In appearance it is more like 
a private club than a library or historical society, but when 
I explained my purpose I was welcomed to its collections. 

I was distressed in Exeter to discover that Nazi bombs had 
destroyed practically all of the early records formerly in the 
Devonshire Records Office. I felt the loss all the more keenly 
because in London I had discovered a calendar of the Devon- 
shire manuscripts and among them were numerous choice- 
looking documents which I hoped would give me more infor- 
mation on the Roanokers. This was undoubtedly the most 
serious loss of records, so far as my own research was con- 
cerned, that I encountered. 

In Plymouth the superb local history collection in the 
public library was quite useful. The library has recently 
moved into new quarters since its old building was burned 
out in the blitz. I also took advantage of my stay in Plymouth 
to use the files of the Western Morning News newspaper in 
its office there to follow up some "leads" from the index in 

From both Exeter and Plymouth I visited small outlying 
towns to examine parish registers or to visit houses which I 
think, with a reasonable degree of certainty, were the homes 
of Roanoke colonists. From Plymouth I also went out into 
the county of Cornwall where, in Truro, I used manuscripts 
in the Cornwall Records Office. I might add in passing that 
in England there are many counties with outstanding archives 
offices. The one at Truro was just being re-established in new 
quarters after being moved from Bodmin. Those in which I 
worked were staffed by intelligent and eager young people 
who, without exception, proved to be most helpful. They all 
seemed genuinely interested in my research and when I ex- 
plained that I once worked in our State Archives they were 

Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 211 

extremely eager to "talk shop." I suppose it is only to be 
expected in England that these people can read with facility 
the curious and strange ( at least it still seems so to me ) hand- 
writing of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Passages 
in manuscripts which seemed extremely difficult to me and 
over which I might have to puzzle for hours in transcribing, 
they nearly always were able to read right off as easily as the 
morning's newspaper. 

While still in London I undertook to establish contact with 
likely sources of information throughout England which I 
might investigate more carefully when I was touring around 
researching. From current books of the Who's Who type, 
particularly Burke's Landed Gentry, I noted the names and 
addresses of living members of families whose names were 
represented among the Roanoke colonists and explorers and 
whose genealogies, as best I could determine, were known 
back to that time. To these people, and there were simply 
hundreds of them, I wrote brief letters explaining my project 
and telling them about the colonists whose surnames they 
bore. Almost without exception I received prompt replies. 
I must admit that most of them had never heard of Roanoke 
Island, but they were very much intrigued with the idea that 
an ancestor might have been such an early American colonist. 
I was pleasantly surprised at the number of these people- 
there must have been at least twenty-five— who sent me manu- 
script family records, some of them dating from the early 
1600's, with the request that I use them as long as desired 
and then return them when I had finished. In one case a lady 
on the coast of Cornwall replied for her husband who was 
then at sea. She did not know for certain whether the family 
was descended from David Williams, who had remained 
with Ralph Lane for a year, but she did know about the 
Roanoke settlements. A nephew of hers who now lives in 
Greensboro, she told me, was graduated from the University 
of North Carolina a few years ago. I have not pursued this 
lead to its end, but the idea that a descendant of one of Lane's 
men might now be living in North Carolina certainly fasci- 

212 The North Carolina Historical Review 

nates me. Sometimes I'm tempted to drop this clue for fear 
I will learn that this Tar Heel is not a descendant. 

After I had been working in London for several months 
I began to see something of a regional pattern in so far as the 
location of families was concerned. Frequently, in the six- 
teenth century, persons bearing a specific family name seemed 
to be concentrated in a small area rather than scattered 
througout the country as later. This fact suggested the pos- 
sible value of another batch of letters. By using Crockford's 
Clerical Directory 6 I determined the present-day names of 
the Church of England parishes in which these families had 
been centered. A letter to the local vicar explaining my work 
and asking for information from his parish records almost 
without fail brought me interesting information. In many 
cases either the vicar or his wife very kindly searched the 
registers for me and gave me the information I was seeking. 
In others I was told that there was no entry for the name or 
names I was seeking or that the registers for that period did 
not exist. Sometimes I was told that the registers were avail- 
able, but that the search would be too time-consuming to be 
undertaken just then. In these cases it was necessary for me 
either to see the records myself, engage someone locally to 
make a careful search, or accept the nearly-always-offered 
suggestion that a search would be made later as time per- 
mitted. When I found it necessary to accept the latter course, 
I gave my Chapel Hill address and now, many months later, 
I receive an occasional report from a faithful parish priest or 
his clerk. 

During the time I was in England I was so busy searching, 
following fresh leads, and making notes (to say nothing of 
writing letters!) that I seldom stopped to take stock of just 
what I was finding. I felt like I imagine a cow must feel when 
let into a new pasture in the spring. I was busy eating all 
the grass I could hold, expecting later to lie down and digest 
it at leisure. 

That's what I've been doing the past few weeks and I'd 
like to share with you some of my findings. By no means are 

Crockford's Clerical Directory (Oxford: University Press, 1956). 

Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 213 

they all conclusive. I still have much more work to do in dig- 
ging up material, and more decisions to make on the basis of 
what I have found and perhaps will still find. 

Among the nearly 280 colonists and explorers who came 
to Roanoke and vicinity during the six years, it seems that 
twenty-two were not English-born. Three others have foreign- 
sounding names, but I have been unable to establish them as 
being foreign. These are Shaberdge, Skevelabs, and Smolkin. 
Nine nationalities are represented by the twenty-two: Ger- 
man, Spanish, Portuguese, French, Irish, Scottish, Danish, 
Flemish, and Welsh. The Germans seem to have been mining 
specialists who had worked in the tin mines of Cornwall and 
elsewhere in England. The Spanish and Portuguese repre- 
sentatives were pilots; the Dane, Martin Laurentson, was a 
member of Grenville's expedition in 1585. A letter from 
Frederik II of Denmark to Queen Elizabeth tells us that 
Laurentson "intends to devote his attention to the art of naval 
warfare" and Frederik requested that he be put in the charge 
of a skilled naval officer for that purpose. Except for the Irish, 
Welsh, and Scotsmen, the other foreign-born elements ap- 
pear to have been residents of England for at least several 
years. These people were about evenly divided among the 
various expeditions. 7 

Of the whole number of people coming to Roanoke, only 
fourteen made the voyage over more than once, so far as the 
records show. 8 As has been stated already, however, we do 
not have complete lists of all the colonists and explorers and 

7 R. E. G. Kirk and Ernest F. Kirk, Returns of Aliens Dwelling in the 
City and Suburbs of London from the Reign of Henry VIII to that of 
James I (Aberdeen: The Huguenot Society of London, 4 volumes, 1900- 
1908), passim, hereinafter cited as Kirk and Kirk, Aliens; Quinn, Roa- 
noke Voyages, passim; Israel Abrahams, "Joachim Gaunse: A Mining 
Incident in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth," The Jewish Historical Society 
of England, Transactions (1899-1901), IV, 83-103; A. L. Rowse, Tudor 
Cornwall, Portrait of a Society (London: Jonathan Cape, 1941), 55; 
George Grant-Francis, The Smelting of Copper in the Swansea District 
(London: Henry Sotheran & Co., 1881), 40-57; William Page (ed.), Let- 
ters of Denization and Acts of Naturalization for Aliens in England, 1509- 
1603 (Lymington: The Huguenot Society of London, 1893), 89, 116, and 

8 Philip Amadas, Arthur Facy, John Facy, Simon Fernandez, William 
Irish, Edward Kelly, James Lacy, Roger Large, Edward Spicer, Edward 
Stafford, John Taylor, Hance Walter (assuming that he and Haunce the 
Surgeon were the same person) , John White, John Wright. 

214 The North Carolina Historical Review 

it is entirely possible that this figure is too low. John White 
came the maximum number of times— five. Simon Fernandez 
came three times, and Philip Amadas came twice. Only two 
of the Lost Colonists, however, had been to Roanoke before. 
Seven of the men who spent a year with Ralph Lane returned 
for a second time. In 1590 when John White returned to 
relieve, and as it turned out, to search for the colony he had 
left three years before, he had with him six other men who 
had been to Roanoke before. 

There isn't time for me to go into much detail concerning 
the information I found of a more or less personal nature con- 
cerning the 278 colonists and explorers. In a large number of 
cases, however, I was able to find in parish registers such 
information as dates of christenings, marriages, and burials 
for persons of the same names and at about the right time, 
but as yet I cannot say that I have actually identified them as 
Roanokers. The Lost Colonists, I suspect, are of more general 
interest so I will try to include more of them in my examples 
which follow in rough alphabetical order. 

Marke Bennet and William Berde both Lost Colonists, are 
described in contemporary records as a husbandman 9 and a 
yoeman, 10 respectively. Richard Berry, a member of the same 
group, was described as a "gentleman" and was a muster 
captain in 1572. 11 

Logically enough among Lane's men who stayed a year 
there was a shoemaker— John Brocke. 12 Francis Brooke, treas- 
urer of the 1585 expedition, seems later to have been a naval 
captain who commanded several privateer vessels. 13 And 
John Fever was a basket-maker 14 — a useful occupation in the 
colony, no doubt, with corn to be carried and fish weirs to be 

9 Essex Records Office Q/SR 201/68; Q/SR 296/41. 

10 Joseph Foster, London Marriage Licences, 1521-1869 (London: B. 
Quaritch, 1887), col. 132, hereinafter cited as Foster, London Marriage 

u Burnett-Morris Index extracting information from H. Walrond, 
Militia, 11. 

12 Kirk and Kirk, Aliens, III, 361. 

13 Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, II, 742 ; I, 190. 

14 Kirk and Kirk, Aliens, II, 73. 

Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 215 

William Brown is a common name, but one of that name 
was a London goldsmith prior to 1587 when the name appears 
on the roll of the Lost Colony. 15 Anthony Cage, another 1587 
colonist, had been sheriff of Huntington in 1585. 16 Two other 
Lost Colonists, James Hynde and William Clement, accord- 
ing to contemporary manuscripts now in the Essex Records 
Office, 17 had been in prison together in Colchester Castle 
near London, a general jail, for stealing. Perhaps to be de- 
scribed as "at the other end of the ladder," was Thomas Ellis, 
of the Lost Colony, also. Before leaving his home in Exeter 
he had been a member of the vestry of his parish church, St. 
Petrock, which still stands on the main business street of 
Exeter. 18 

Henry Greene, a member of the very first expedition, the 
one headed by Amadas and Barlowe, was a graduate of 
Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, and it has been suggested 
that he is of the same family as the ancestors of General 
Nathanael Greene of Revolutionary War, and especially Guil- 
ford Court House, fame. 19 

One of Lane's men, Rowland Griffin, was convicted and 
sent to prison in 1594 for robbery. 20 On the other hand, John 
Harris, a member of the same expedition, was knighted in 
1603 at the coronation of James I. 21 

There seem to have been at least two college professors 
among the Roanokers. Thomas Luddington, one of Lane's 
men, was a fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford ( and, incident- 
ally, afterwards Preacher to the City of Lincoln) 22 while 
Thomas Harris, a Lost Colonist, was a fellow of Corpus 

15 Foster, London Marriages Licences, col. 203. 

"Robert Lemon (ed.), Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, of the Reign 
of Elizabeth, 1581-1590 (London: Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts, 
and Green, 1865), 274, hereinafter cited as Calendar of State Papers. 

17 ASS 35/24/T/6; ASS 35/24/T/4. 

18 Burnett-Morris Index extracting information from R. Dymond, His- 
tory, 68. 

19 Venn and Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses, II, 255. Robert Halstead, 
Succinct Proofs of the House of Greene that Were Lords of Drayton (No 
place: Printed for Private Distribution, 1896), [v]. 

20 Essex Records Office ASS 35/36/T/21; ASS 35/37/H/39. 

21 William A. Shaw, Knights of England (London: Sherratt and Hughes, 
2 volumes, 1906), II, 114, hereinafter cited as Shaw, Knights. 

22 Historical Manuscripts Commission, lUth Report, Appendix, Part VIII, 
the Manuscripts of Lincoln . . . Corporation. (London: Her Majesty's 
Stationery Office, 1895), 75, 78, 79. 

216 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Christi College, Cambridge, from 1579 to 1586. He held the 
master's degree from the same college. 23 

Thomas Hewet may have been the Lost Colonists' lawyer. 
At any rate he held the degree of Bachelor of Civil Law from 
Oxford. 24 Robert Holecroft, "of Westminster, co. Middlesex, 
gentleman," may have held a similar post in Lane's colony. 
He later appeared in court representing several Thames 
watermen, as dock and river workers were called. 25 

It is also possible that one of Lane's men did a bit of re- 
cruiting for his alma mater. Both William White and Richard 
Wildye were graduates of Brasenose College, Oxford, and we 
find that young Thomas Hulme, a member of the same expe- 
dition, entered the same college the year following his return 
home. Hulme later studied law. Another young man in the 
same group, Richard Ireland, entered Christ Church, Oxford, 
two years later and eventually was Headmaster of West- 
minster School. 20 

There probably was some reason for Lane to bring along a 
customs official, but off hand I haven't discovered it. Anyway, 
Christopher Marshall is described as "one of the Waiters in 
the port of London," and Waiter in those days meant customs 
official. 27 

Lost Colonist William Nicholes may have been a tailor. A 
"clothworker" of that name was married in London in 1580 
and in 1590 we find the grant of a license to someone else "to 
occupy the trade of a clothier during the minority of George 
Nicholles, son of Wm. Nicholles." 28 

George Raymond, who came over in 1585, was a captain in 
the Royal Navy at the time of the Spanish Armada threat. In 
1591 when he sailed on an expedition to the West Indies he 
was described as a "gentleman captain and privateer pro- 
moter." 29 

23 Venn and Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses, II, 313. 

24 Foster, Alumni Oxonienses, II, 700. 

25 Essex Records Office Q/SR 134/22, 24. 
28 Foster, Alumni Oxonienses, passim. 

27 Calendar of State Papers, 43. 

28 Foster, London Marriage Licences, col. 974. Calendar of State Papers, 

29 Julian S. Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy (London: Longmans, 
Green and Co., 2 volumes, 1899), II, 150, hereinafter cited as Corbett, 

Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 217 

Anthony Rowse, another member of Lane's expedition, had 
been a member of Parliament the previous year and after- 
wards was sheriff of Cornwall for several years. He was 
knighted in 1603 and, at the death of Drake, was executor of 
his estate. 30 Here again another extreme may be cited. Rich- 
ard Sare, of the same expedition, is described in contemporary 
records simply as a laborer. 31 (I have my own personal 
opinion as to which man was more valuable in the wilds of 
the New World. ) 

John Spendlove, later a Lost Colonist, was described on a 
1585 muster list as a "gentleman" and reported present with 
his horse. 32 

John Stukely who came over in 1585 was Grenville's broth- 
er-in-law and the father of Sir Lewis Stukely who had an ugly 
part in the final downfall and death of Sir Walter Raleigh. 33 

John Twyt, one of Lane's men, appears as a London 
apothecary in 1580. 34 

Both Benjamin and John Wood who came in 1584 with 
Amadas and Barlowe later enjoyed high positions. Benjamin 
had an interesting career at sea and was a noted navigator 
and captain. He has a place in the annals of British naval 
history for his attempt to reach China. He is known to have 
arrived at the Malay Peninsula but was later lost at sea. 35 
John had already been a muster captain and after returning 
home became one of the "Jurates" of the town and port of 

Drake and the Tudor Navy; Kenneth R. Andrews, "The Economic Aspects 
of Elizabethan Privateering" (unpublished Ph. D. thesis, University of 
London, 1951), 262, hereinafter cited as Andrews, "Privateering." 
/°Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 119, 123, 194; John L. Vivian, The Visita- 
tions of Cornwall, Comprising the Heralds* Visitations of 1530, 1573 & 1620 
(Exeter: W. Pollard & Co., 1887), 412-413; Hazel Matthews, "Personnel 
of the Parliament, 1584-1585" (unpublished masters thesis, University of 
London, 1948), 194. 
81 Essex Records Office, Q/SR 185/72. 

83 Historical Manuscripts Commission, The Manuscripts of the Earl 
Cowper, K. G., Preserved at Melbourne Hall (London: Printed for Her 
Majesty's Stationery Office, 3 volumes, 1888-1889), Appendix, Part I, 6. 

88 A. L. Rowse, Sir Richard Grenville of the Revenge (London: Jonathan 
Cape, 1949), 270. 

84 Foster, London Marriage Licences, col. 1372. 

35 William Foster, England's Quest of Eastern Trade (London: A. & C. 
Black, Ltd., 1933), 138-142; Kenneth R. Andrews, "New Light on Hakluyt," 
The Mariner's Mirror, XXXVII (1951), 305, hereinafter cited as Andrews, 
"New Light on Hakluyt." 

218 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Sandwich. He was knighted in 1603 at the coronation of 
James I. 36 

Several of the Roanokers are "famous" enough to be re- 
corded in standard biographical works, especially the Dic- 
tionary of American Biography and the Dictionary of Nation- 
al Biography. Amadas and Barlowe are examples of this and 
we need not make further mention of them. 

Thomas Cavendish is nearly always given special mention 
in accounts of the Roanoke colonists and it is generally im- 
plied that he is famous and widely known. Perhaps so, but 
I had to "read up" on him to get the facts. His chief claim to 
fame is based on the fact that he sailed around the world 
in 1586, the year after he visited Roanoke. For Grenville's 
voyage to Roanoke in 1585 he supplied and commanded a 
ship, perhaps as a sort of training period for his circumnavi- 
gation. In 1591 he sailed again on what was to have been 
a second voyage around the world, but he died at sea in 
June of the following year. 37 

Marmaduke Constable, a member of Lane's expedition of 
1585-1586, might be said to have been famous on a local 
scale. I cite him here merely as an example, of which there 
are others, of representatives of prominent families who came 
to Roanoke. Marmaduke entered Caius College, Cambridge, 
in 1581, so he must have joined Lane when he was fresh out 
of college. He is described as a "gentleman" and eventually 
succeeded his father as local squire, married a neighbor's 
daughter, and left descendants who still live at the same 
place. Our Marmaduke is buried in York Minster, one of 
the "must" cathedrals on all lists for tourists of England 
to visit. 38 

Next in alphabetical order comes Sir Francis Drake. He, 
too, is well known and is still one of England's greatest 

38 Burnett-Morris Index extracting information from H. Walrond, Militia, 
11; W. Bruce Bannerman, The Visitations of Kent (London: Harleian So- 
ciety, 1924), Part 2, 59; Shaw, Knights, II, 109. 

87 Leslie Stephen and Sidney Lee (eds.), The Dictionary of National 
Biography (Oxford: University Press, 21 volumes, 1949-1950), III, 1267- 
1272, hereinafter cited as Dictionary of National Biography. 

88 Venn and Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses, I, 380; John Venn, Bio- 
graphical History of Gonville and Caius College (Cambridge: University 
Press, 3 volumes, 1897-1901), I, 110. His will is in the York Registry, vol- 
ume 30, fol. 597. 

Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 219 

heroes. His home is now a museum and his famous drum, 
on display there, is said to be heard at any time when 
England is in danger. The famous bowl with which he is 
said to have been playing on the Hoe at Plymouth when 
the Spanish Armada approached is also there. Incidentally, 
his home, Buckland Abbey near Plymouth, had earlier be- 
longed to the Grenville family and it is believed to have 
been the birthplace of Sir Richard. 39 

Edward Gorges was a cousin of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
Lord Proprietor of the Colony of Maine, and his mother and 
Sir Walter Raleigh were first cousins. Edward was a graduate 
of Magdalen College, Oxford, and came to Roanoke in 1585 
with Grenville. He later was employed by Queen Elizabeth 
as a personal messenger to Henry IV of France, and he was 
knighted by her successor, James I. He is buried in St. 
Margaret's Church, Westminster, not far from Sir Walter 
Raleigh. 40 

Thomas Hariot, mathematician and astronomer, is too well 
known for his scientific report on the newfound land of 
Virginia to require further identification. It is worth noting, 
however, that a mathematical study of his embodies inven- 
tions which gave algebra its modern form and that he used 
telescopes simultaneously with Galileo. Dean John W. Shirley 
of State College is writing a biography of Hariot which un- 
doubtedly will contain much to delight and surprise all who 
are interested in this period of history. 

Sir Richard Grenville, another famous Englishman who 
is remembered for a brilliant career at sea, was also a mem- 
ber of Parliament before visiting Roanoke. He and Raleigh 
were cousins, and like Cavendish he died at sea. 

Abraham Kendall, who remained a year with Lane's col- 
ony, was a veteran navigator and renowned mathematician. 
He commanded a ship in 1578 in Frobisher's fleet, and 1594- 
1595 was in the West Indies. Several recent studies have 
been made of his contributions to navigation and now, as in 

89 Crispin Gill, Buckland Abbey (Plymouth: Underhill, Ltd., 1956), 

40 Raymond Gorges, The Story of a Family Through Eleven Centuries 
(Boston: Privately printed, 1944), 79-95. 

220 The North Carolina Historical Review 

his lifetime, he is "extolled for his mathematical skill." Sir 
Robert Dudley, for whom Kendall once worked, considered 
him one of the most expert mariners produced by England. 
He is buried in Central America. 41 

Ralph Lane has been frequently "written up" but is still 
not clearly understood. His temper seems to have been the 
cause of his near-downfall on more than one occasion, and 
it appears that he was not able to get along with his fellow- 
men. He is believed to have served in Parliament in 1558 
and again in 1562. It is definitely known that he was sheriff 
of Kerry in Ireland just prior to sailing with Grenville and 
that he was knighted in 1593. He was occupied with various 
military and naval assignments throughout most of his adult 
life. In 1603 he died in Dublin where he is buried. 42 

Jacob Whiddon, who was with Grenville in 1585 when 
he brought over Ralph Lane and his colony, was a trusted 
servant and follower of Sir Walter Raleigh. Raleigh spoke 
of him as "a man most valiant and honest." Whiddon was 
sent out by Raleigh to explore the Orinoco River and he was 
with Raleigh on his voyage to South America in 1595. He 
died and was buried on the Island of Trinidad in the West 
Indies. 43 

David Williams, who remained a year with Lane's colony, 
was a young Welsh lawyer recently called to the bar and 
later an outstanding London lawyer and judge. He served 
in Parliament for one year immediately prior to coming over 

41 Andrews, "New Light on Hakluyt," 307; Eva G. R. Taylor, "Instruc- 
tions to a Colonial Surveyor in 1582," The Mariner's Mirror, XXXVII 
(1951), 62; Alexander Brown, The Genesis of the United States (Boston: 
Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 2 volumes, 1890), II, 934. 

42 Historical Manuscripts Commission, The Manuscripts of the Right 
Honourable F. J. Savile Foljambe, of Osberton (London: Her Majesty's 
Stationery Office, 1897), 29, 34, 47, 51-53; Corbett, Drake and the Tudor 
Navy, II, 301, 302, 329, 353; Historical Manuscripts Commission, Calendar 
of the Manuscripts of the Most Honourable the Marquis of Salisbury 
. . . (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 16 volumes, 1883-1933), 
II, 68; VII, 310-313. 

43 Andrews, "Privateering," 343 ; Dictionary of National Biography, XXI, 
4-5. There are a number of interesting references to Whiddon in the 
Burnett-Morris Index. In 1588, for example, he was captain of Raleigh's 
ship, the "Roebuck," and may have taken part in the abortive effort by 
John White to relieve the 1587 colony. 

Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 221 

and for three more years after he returned. In 1603 he was 
knighted. 44 

I have my doubts about the identification of John Jones 
of the Lost Colony with Dr. John Jones, an outstanding 
Welsh physician, but I'd like to tell you one point in favor 
of it. The Welshman was a most prolific writer of medical 
books but his last known place of residence was in 1573 
although he published a book in 1579. Might not such an 
intellectually curious physician have been anxious to visit 
the New World? 45 

Now, before approaching the Lost Colonists as individuals, 
let's consider some figures concerning them. There were 
eighty single men (or at least men without wives along). 
There were eleven families consisting of husband and wife 
alone and two families with one child each. There were 
apparently four men who brought their sons, or perhaps 
they were younger brothers. There were six single women 
and three children with no apparent relatives among the 
other colonists. Incidentally, all the children were boys and, 
judging from a remark made by John White, one of the 
children with his mother was so young that he was still 
nursing at her breast. 46 Two children were born in August, 
1587, after the colonists reached Roanoke— Virginia Dare 
and a Harvey child. 

I think it shows remarkable courage or else extreme ignor- 
ance and indifference that such a group should have done 
what they did. Imagine sailing on a ship of 120 tons or less 
( the "Queen Elizabeth" today is 83,000 tons ) with nine chil- 
dren, at least one of whom was an infant, and two pregnant 


Dictionary of National Biography, XXI, 389-390; Shaw, Knights, II, 
114. A portrait of Williams was in storage when I was in England since 
the home of its owner was being repaired. It is expected that it will be 
available for photographing sometime in 1957. 

45 Venn and Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses, II, 485. 

* e On June 22, 1587, according to White's account, "at an Island called 
Santa Cruz, . . . some of our women and men, by eating a small fruit 
like greene Apples, were f earefull troubled with a sudden burning in their 
mouthes .... Also a child by sucking one of the womens breasts, had at 
that instant his mouth set on such aburning, that it was strange to see how 
the infant was tormented." Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, 
Voyages, Traffiques & Discoveries of the English Nation (New York: E. P. 
Dutton & Co., 1926), VI, 197. 

222 The North Carolina Historical Review 

women. The voyage lasted just ten days short of three 

There's probably nothing to be gained from trying to guess 
why these people came over. I've found evidence that many 
of them, not only among the Lost Colonists but among the 
other colonists and explorers, were apparently related by 
marriage. Some were undoubtedly friends or acquaintances 
because they were near neighbors. Edward Kelly and Thomas 
Wise, for instance, both members of Lane's colony, lived 
about 2?2 miles from each other in Devon. 47 Some were 
employed by the same person— Atkinson, Fernandez, and 
Russell, for example, are all spoken of as being in the service 
of Sir Francis Walsingham. 48 Four others are known to have 
served in the same military unit, and, as previously cited, 
two were in jail together. Quinn sets forth a number of them 
who were from London, particularly a group working on 
the Thames River. 

The single women who came with the Lost Colony, how- 
ever, pose something of a problem. Two women have sur- 
names almost identical with those of two of the single men 
and I suspect that they actually were husbands and wives 
with the discrepancy in spelling explained by the fact that 
names were often spelled in various ways, as I have already 
suggested. Audry T-a-p-p-a-n and Thomas T-o-p-a-n, and 
Joan Warren and Thomas Warner, they are. As further 
evidence in the latter case I have found that one Thomas 
Warner married a Johanna Barnes in 1584 and that he was 
a mariner. 49 A certain controversial event in North Carolina 
history rests on slimmer documentary evidence than this! 

Let's look at some of the other and more obviously single 
women, however. 

47 Charles Worthy, Devonshire Wills: A Collection of Annotated Testa- 
mentary Abstracts (London: Bemrose & Sons, Ltd., 1896), 410; W. G. 
Hoskins, Devon (London: Collins, 1954), 433. The Wise home since 1937 
has been used as a school. In that year "the contents of the house, the 
accumulation of more than 300 years of uninterrupted ownership, were 
sold and dispersed." 

43 Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 170 ; James A. Williamson, Age of Drake 
(London: Adam and Charles Black, 1952), 230. 

49 Foster, London Marriage Licences, col. 1416. 

Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 223 

Agnes Wood. In 1549 one Robert Woode of St. Bride's 
Church, London, to which at least one other member of the 
colony also belonged, married Johanna Toppam. Was our 
Agnes their daughter and therefore related to the Tappans? 50 
Or was she perhaps the Agnes Traver who married John 
Wood in London in 1577? 51 John Wood had come to Roanoke 
in 1584. There may have been some reason for his wife to 

Jane Pierce. In Ireland Henry Piers, who died in 1623, 
had been married to Jane Jones. 52 Could Jane Pierce have 
been their daughter and related to Griffin, Jane, and John 
Jones who were also among the Lost Colonists? Another 
interesting possibility also exists. In 1568 one Jone Pierse, a 
Portuguese, registered as an alien in London. She was the 
sister ' of Simon and Fornando and a tenant of Frauncis 
White's. 53 Simon, Fornando, and White all sound familiar 
when spoken in connection with the Roanokers. 
Jane Mannering. All I can find is that Jane was a 
common given name in the Mainwaring family of Peover and 
Newton and that the grandmother of Humfrey Newton, an- 
other of the Lost Colonists, was named Katherine Main- 
waring. 54 Were Jane and Humfrey related? 

As to the other single women I haven't even a far-fetched 
clue. Maybe they were looking for husbands either among 
their unmarried fellow-colonists or perhaps they already had 
husbands among the 15 to 18 men left at Roanoke by Gren- 
ville the year before and they were coming to join them. 

Why would there have been three boys with no apparent 
relatives among the Lost Colonists? I have two clues and a 

Thomas Humfrey. There was a Richard Humfrey 
among Lane's colonists who stayed a year. Perhaps young 

60 Foster, London Marriage Licences, col. 1500. 

a Foster, London Marriage Licences, col. 1498. 

62 Dictionary of National Biography, XV, 1155. 

M Kirk and Kirk, Aliens, III, 385. 

64 R. Mainwaring Finley, A Short History of the Mainwaring Family 
(London: Griffith Farran Okeden & Welsh, 1890), 53; J. P. Rylands, The 
Visitations of Cheshire in the Year 1580 (London: Harleian Society, 
1882), passim; J. P. Earwaker, East Cheshire: Past and Present (London: 
Printed for the Author, 2 volumes, 1877-1880), I, 127. 

224 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Thomas was his son or brother who liked what he heard 
from the earlier colonist. 

Thomas Smart. There had been a colonist with the 
very same name with Lane. The obvious conclusion is to say 
that this boy was his son. But why did he come? Did he 
think his father might still be here? 

William Wythers. There were two members of the 
Taylor family among the Lost Colonists and two others had 
been here with Lane. One of the latter returned in 1590 
with White. In 1592 in London one Robert Taylor married 
Elizabeth Wythers. 55 There may have been some prior con- 
nection or at least acquaintance among the members of the 
two families. 

We have always been disappointed, of course, that John 
White was unable to prolong his search for the Lost Colony 
when he returned in 1590. This feeling becomes even stronger 
when we realize that he had with him three men whose 
surnames were the same as members of the Lost Colony. 
There must have been real grief in their hearts when they 
had to turn away with doubt still clouding their minds. 
Robert Coleman was with White and among the colonists 
were Thomas Colman and his wife; Henry Millett undoubt- 
edly hoped to find Michael Myllet; and John Taylor, who 
surely knew the country well from his stay of a year with 
Lane, must have been deeply moved to have to turn away 
without finding Clement and Hugh Taylor, and perhaps the 
boy, William Wythers, who might also have been a relative. 

If we had relatives at a lonely outpost, say near the South 
Pole, and the sending of supplies to them depended upon the 
speedy defeat of an enemy who threatened to invade our 
shores, I dare say we'd buy War Bonds till our last penny 
was gone. In England there survives a list of persons who 
subscribed towards the defense of the country at the time 
of the threatened attack by the Spanish Armada. 56 I have 
checked this list against the list of family names among the 

65 Foster, London Marriage Licences, col. 1320. 

58 T. C. Noble, The Names of Those Persons Who Subscribed Towards 
the Defence of this Country at the Time of the Spanish Armada, 1588, and 
the Amounts Each Contributed (London: Alfred Russell Smith, 1886). 

Roanoke Colonists and Explorers 225 

Roanokers and believe I have come across some interesting 

Thirty-eight men and one woman with the same family 
names as the colonists contributed from £25 to £100 each. 
This represents an enormous sum of money. Of these names 
only nine were represented among the colonists and explorers 
before 1587. But twenty-nine contributors had the same 
family names as Lost Colonists and fifteen had the very same 
first name as well, making me think that in these fifteen cases, 
at least, it was the father of a colonist who contributed so 

After working with the names of these early colonists for 
several years I've begun to imagine what some of them looked 
like. There are portraits or engravings of Raleigh, Drake, 
Cavendish, Grenville, and perhaps a few of the others who 
are fairly well known. I also discovered that portraits of 
Edward Gorges and David Williams exist and that a portrait 
at Trinity College, Oxford, may be of Thomas Hariot. 57 

One phase of my study which I have yet had only an op- 
portunity to think about is to consider any possible relation- 
ships which may have existed between the Roanokers and 
the settlers at Jamestown twenty years or so later. One in- 
stance of a possibility, I will cite, however. John Pory, sec- 
retary of the Virginia colony, came down into what is now 
Gates County in 1622. I had often wondered just why he 
made the journey and I have now discovered that his sister 
was married to a man named Ellis and that Thomas and 
Robert Ellis, the latter a boy, were among the Lost Colonists. 
I'd like to establish that a relationship existed between the 
various Ellises concerned. 

Finally, I think my most exciting find was that Virginia 
Dare had a brother— at least a half-brother. His name was 
John Dare. He was an illegitimate son of Ananias Dare and 

67 The Gorges portrait recently was sold by a descendant and I have as 
yet been unable to locate it. For a statement on the Williams portrait see 
note 44, above. The Hariot portrait was published in Stefan Lorant, The 
New World (New York: Duell, Sloan & Pearce, 1946), 154, and accepted 
without question. For a report on the possible identification of this portrait 
as Hariot, see Jean Robertson, "Some Additional Poems by George Chap- 
man," The Library, XXII (September-December, 1941), 172-176. 

226 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the name of his mother appears not to be recorded. He was, 
nevertheless, acknowledged by his father and bore the name 
Dare. Under English law, an unaccounted for absence of 
seven years is necessary for a ruling of presumed death. A 
relative of young John Dare's, therefore, in 1594 petitioned 
that John be given his father's property. Ananias, the records 
show, was a member of St. Bride's Church, Fleet Street, 
London, which still exists, near and almost in the shadow 
of St. Paul's Cathedral. In 1597 young Dare's petition was 
granted. At that time it is obvious that he was over ten years 
of age. 58 1 attempted to leave no stone unturned to trace him, 
but the only John Dare I could find was one mentioned in a 
manuscript of 1622 in the Essex Records Office relating to 
one John Dare who then was a surveyor. If this was Ananias's 
son, at that time he would have been around 36 years of age. 
A nineteenth-century Dare family lived in Essex but the 
records of it now in the county archives threw no light on 
my problem. 

As I have intimated, my research is not completed and 
many of my decisions are tentative. I intend to continue 
searching for the answers to the many questions which have 
been asked for a long time about the Roanoke colonists and 

68 Records of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, Administrations, 
April, 1594, and June, 1597, in Somerset House, London. 



By C. Hugh Holman 

I have been asked to talk about the books of fiction, drama, 
and poetry which were entered in the competitions this year 
for the Sir Walter Raleigh Award for fiction (including the 
drama), the Roanoke-Chowan Cup for poetry, and the 
AAUW Award in juvenile literature. I stand before you a 
mixture of pride and humility— of pride that I have been 
asked to talk to you about these books and of humility be- 
cause I feel keenly my inadequacy to judge them properly. 
This sense of my inadequacy will prevent my attempting to 
make any final critical judgments of these books. 

My approach to literature is in the tradition of a compara- 
tively remote examination, and this tradition of essentially 
historical judgment has two advantages both of which are 
lost to me today: One is that dead writers are much less 
restive than living ones; the other is that that most destruc- 
tive and authoritative of critics, Time, winnows out the 
chaff from the true wheat if we wait long enough. To be 
confronted with a living body of writing, still warm from 
the minting mind of its creators, and to be confronted with 
it in such protean aspects is a sobering (and, I may add, a 
very pleasant) experience. Without acceding to the some- 
times snide remarks of writers and readers about critics and 
teachers, I am still very much aware of the danger that I 
may lay the dead hand of historical scholarship upon the 
living body of these books, and this I certainly do not wish 
to do. I shall, therefore, confine most of my remarks to some 
facts that I think interesting and some tendencies that I think 
I detect in North Carolina writing. 

Twenty-one volumes were entered in these competitions. 
Three are collections of short stories, six are novels, two 
are plays, eight are poetry, and two are juveniles. These 
twenty-one books were written by twenty authors, all but 


228 The North Carolina Historical Review 

two of whom are residents of North Carolina at the present 
time. Three of the books came from Chapel Hill, and two 
each came from Asheville, Durham, and Greensboro; the 
others originated at widely scattered points over the State. 

Seven of the books were published by "old-line" trade 
publishers with national reputations— such companies as 
Dodd, Mead and Company, Houghton Mifflin Company, and 
the Vanguard Press. The University of North Carolina Press 
published one entry, a volume of short stories. Jonathan 
Williams, of Asheville, published two of the volumes, pro- 
ducing in them interesting and remarkably attractive exam- 
ples of modern book design. Four were published locally 
by their authors, and the remaining seven books were the 
products of smaller publishers outside the State. 

The short story collections represent so well the variety 
and richness of the year's offerings in fiction that I shall say 
a little more about them than I shall have time to say about 
the other books. Mrs. Frances Gray Patton's collection, A 
Piece of Luck, continues her urbane and charming way of 
making high comedy of the routine elements of life, of wittily 
playing with the raw materials of middle-class Durham, and 
of investing them, as the best comedy always does, with 
unique perceptions of serious truth. She writes in one of the 
great traditions of the South, although in this day of Gothic 
symbolism, time-eaten Doric columns, and unnatural family 
relationships in the Southern novel, we tend to forget it. 
This is the tradition of ironic comedy, of witty realism, a 
tradition in which, as that glorious exemplifier of it, Ellen 
Glasgow, said, ". . . the creative writer . . . resort [si to 
imagination rather than ... be overwhelmed by emotion." \ 

The collection of short stories by the late William T. Polk, 
The Fallen Angel, is drawn largely from that other body of 
material, the folkways and the folk humor of the essentially 
frontier Southern culture, a tradition sharply opposed to the 

1 Ellen Glasgow, A Certain Measure (New York, 1943), 150, hereinafter 
cited Glasgow, A Certain Measure. 

N. C. Fiction, Drama, and Poetry 229 

basically Tidewater art which Mrs. Patton practices. Mr. 
Polk's stories and sketches preserve excellently the homely 
and rich sense of place and people and patois which was his, 
and record with loving artistry his sympathetic vision of a 
ribald and extravagant people. 

In one sense both Mrs. Patton and Mr. Polk are profession- 
al writers— professional in the sense of dedication to a craft, 
of accomplishment in it, and of recognition for that accomp- 
lishment. Theirs is the sure control and the happy ease of the 
professional. The third book of short stories is by a different 
type of writer, and a type more widely represented in these 
twenty-one books than is the professional. The Story of Six 
Loves is by an amateur, Richard Carroll Johnson. He is an 
amateur in the sense that this volume is his first published 
work, that he is very young, and in the truest meaning of 
the word, he is clearly a lover of the craft he is beginning to 
practice in these six thematically related stories. 

Of the six novels the one which has received the greatest 
amount of attention outside the state is Green Pond by Evan 
Brandon of Gastonia. This book is large in theme, in plot, 
in concept, and in treatment. It sweeps the reader through 
the history of a North Carolina town from the Civil War 
to the present and, through a series of dramatic exchanges 
among Gawd, Gabriel, Satan, and Beelzebub on the action 
of the story, it makes explicit Mr. Brandon's intention that 
we should view the loves, hates, passions, despairs, and tri- 
umphs of Green Pond's citizens as elements in a thematic 
assertion of the prevailing goodness in the world. Mr. Bran- 
don writes in a poetically rhetorical style that sometimes 
reminds us of Thomas Wolfe, but the social scope and the 
objectivity of his novel free it from any sense of major in- 
debtedness. Even with its cosmic action and its universal 
theme, it remains a striking piece of social realism. 

In Mij Lord Monleigh Jan Cox Speas of Greensboro takes 
us out of North Carolina and into Scotland in 1745. Then, 
in a sense, she brings us home again by giving us in fine 
swashbuckling style a historical novel about the Rebellion 
that sent many Highlanders to this State. 

230 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Paul C. Metcalf in Will West has produced the most frank- 
ly experimental of the year's fictional works. A richly imagina- 
tive symbolic record of the land, told in a series of poetic 
interior monologues of a Cherokee Indian, Will West, this 
novel's action suggestively traces backward the long, violent 
history of our southern earth. Although lacking in the firm- 
ness of fully realized dramatic action, Will West is a power- 
ful piece of writing by a man of sensibility and power. 

Two novels are concerned with medicine. Agnes Lucas 
Phillips in One Clear Call has written a narrative about a 
nurse from the beginning of her career through her course of 
training. Dr. J. Allen Hunter in Dear Doctor Dick has pro- 
duced a character sketch of a small-town physician and inter- 
larded it with popular poems which the physician loved. 

Julia Canaday's Big End of the Horn is an account of her 
early life and an evocative picture of North Carolina around 
the turn of this century. It presents a "full dress" portrait, 
done in love and reverence, of her father, James P. Canaday. 

In a sense the two books entered in the AAUW Juvenile 
competition can properly be mentioned along with the novels, 
for both of them are long fictional narratives, surpassing in 
scope and seriousness some of the fiction aimed more directly 
at adults. Manly Wade Wellman in To Unknown Lands takes 
his young readers back in time to the fifteenth century and 
across ocean and jungle to Yucatan and the romantic mys- 
teries of Aztec civilization. Julia Montgomery Street in 
Fiddlers Fancy invites her youthful readers to the warm and 
folksy charm of our western mountains in a delightful piece 
of local color writing. 

Both the dramatic offerings are historical. Lucy M. Cobb's 
A Gift for Penelope is a one-act vignette of Blackbeard's 
swaggering cruelty. Paul Green's Wilderness Road employs 
the devices of the symphonic drama to present an account 
of a young idealist striving against ignorance, superstition, 
and prejudice in a Kentucky community just before and 
during the Civil War. Mr. Green has called his drama "a 
parable for modern times," and certainly its hero and the 

N. C. Fiction, Drama, and Poetry 231 

pathetic action which bodies forth his idealism speak oblique- 
ly but clearly of many current problems in the South. 

Of the eight authors who contributed this year's poetry, 
two present their works from the vantage point of established 
national reputations— Helen Bevington, of Duke University, 
and Charles Olson, of Black Mountain College. The re- 
maining six from vantage points of lesser renown present 
their poetic records of experience. Poetry, after all, is just 
that— a peculiar language— the language of imagery caught 
in the tensions of form— used to express uniquely personal 
visions of experience. The bulk of these poems reflect the 
visions of experience which are their basis with sincerity 
and directness and usually with what William Dean Howells 
has called "that indefinable charm which comes from good 
amateur work in whatever art." 2 There is in much of this 
verse a tendency toward moralizing, a willingness to say 
again what has been often thought and often expressed, a 
reluctance to submit the poet's vision to the test of new or 
varying forms. These are, perhaps, serious objections; and 
yet I am reminded of Stevenson's words, "... a poet has 
died young in the breast of the most stolid," 3 and it is good 
to have this evidence that among these neighbors of ours 
the poet neither died nor lapsed into inarticulateness. 

Each of these poets has, with varying degrees of success, 
imprisoned his vision of experience in the loving bondage of 
form. John Mahoney has sung his Catholic vision in meta- 
physical verse. Ruth Hash Williams has sung her evangelical 
vision in traditional hymn measures. Julia Montgomery Street 
has used blank verse to make solemn music on a Salem 
Christmas Eve. Edith Deaderick Erskine in a mixture of 
dramatic poems and epigrammatic quatrains has sung of 
people and human actions. Lena Mearle Shull has made 
music from our mountain speech, customs, and wisdom. 
Marjorie Craig has used various standard forms to give her 

2 William Dean Howells, A Hazard of New Fortunes (New York: Every- 
man's Library Ed., 1952), 212. 

8 Robert Louis Stevenson, "The Lantern-Bearers," Across the Plains with 
other Memories and Essays, The Works of Robert Louis Stevenson (New 
York: The Thistle Edition, 1924), XV, 241. 

232 The North Carolina Historical Review 

view of her world, and, although she is most consistently 
good in the sonnet form, I would share with you one of her 

By the smoke-tree's nest loud screams the Jay. 

Below a lean cat prowls for prey. 

I cry, 

"0 Fate, be kind !" 

And Fate, without an eyebrow's twitch, 


"To which?" 

Charles Olson's Anecdotes of the Late War, sl poetic broad- 
side, is the most experimental of the offerings. In free verse 
patterns, it employs irony as its major weapon. Its conclu- 
sion displays its method well: 

What he said was, in that instance 
I got there first 
with the most men 

Grant didn't hurry. 
He just had the most. 

More of the latter died. 

In charming contrast is the disciplined wit of Helen 
Bevington, whose A Change of Sky makes serious fun of 
foreign travel, our North Carolina, books, poetry, and authors. 
From the insouciance of her quatrain: 

"Marriage is a great improver," 
Wrote Miss Jane Austen, who was moved 
By the connubial bliss about her 
To stay forever unimproved, 

to her wry observations on North Carolina: 

It's a debatable land. The winds are variable, 
Especially winds of doctrine — though the one 
Prevailing breeze is mild, we say, and southerly. 
We have a good deal of sun .... 

N. C. Fiction, Drama, and Poetry 233 

And nobody says, of the region down by Ellenton, 
That winds are gathering there, or that, on the whole, 
They threaten ill. Yet, in the imagination, 
Fear is another shoal, 

she sings her thoughts with gallant grace. And in turning 
from this cursory glance at these books, I would quote Mrs. 
Bevington again, as she defends the value of the poetical: 

. . . Surely you and I 
Have known its rectitude, its guileless air, 
Its light and lovely virtue, known lifelong 
But unlamenting. — Od's Life! Must one swear, 
Inquires the poet, to the truth of song ? 

In looking at these twenty-one books by North Carolinians 
certain observations about the literature of our State have 
occurred to me, which I wish to pass on to you. 

The first is that North Carolina writing, if these books 
are representative, has a healthy regionalism. Most of these 
books are firmly grounded in a sharply realized sense of 
place. The people, the customs, the speech of North Carolina 
predominantly constitute the raw materials of these stories, 
plays, and poems; and even when, as is the case with Paul 
Green's play, the locale is not North Carolina, the problems 
discussed and the attitudes taken are distinctly ours. 

I call this a healthy regionalism, because it seems to me 
in the main to escape that use of the quaint and eccentric 
that is characteristic of local color writing, that unhappy 
school of the uncommon common man with his carefully 
misspelled dialect and his folksy charm, a form of writing 
unkindly but justly called the "I swan" school. Most other 
southern writers who have chosen the calmer, homelier 
themes which seem to be characteristic of North Carolina 
fiction (at least last year) have fallen into the trap of such 
local color writing. But, as Marjorie Kinnan Rawlings once 
said, ". . . many of the greatest books of all time are regional 
books, in which the author has used, for his own artistic pur- 
pose, a background that he loved and deeply understood. . . . 

234 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The best writing is implicit with a profound harmony be- 
tween the writer and his material. . . ." 4 And it is this use 
of material, not because it is local or southern, but because 
it is imaginatively available and artistically negotiable to the 
writer which seems to me, very happily, to characterize a 
good deal of the writing in this State. 

My other observation is that, with the certain exception of 
Paul Metcalf s Will West, the probable exception of John 
Mahoney's Parousia, and the possible exception of Charles 
Olson's Anecdotes of the Late War, (all North Carolina 
writers by adoption rather than by birth) these are hopeful 
and optimistic books. In some cases this optimism is the prod- 
uct of the comic spirit, as it is with Mrs. Patton and Mrs. 
Bevington. In some cases, it is apparently the expression of a 
religious confidence, as it is in much of the poetry. In some 
cases, it finds expression through oblique reformist social 
themes, as it does in Paul Green's "parable for modern times." 
In some cases, it is the product of a philosophical position, as 
it is in Evan Brandon's Green Fond, which concludes with 
Gawd asserting: "I never created any badness. Only good- 
ness. It's certain that the chillun all comes into the ole world 
alack and they all goes out alack. I make em that way in the 

This optimistic attitude is noteworthy because it runs 
counter to the main currents of American writing today and 
particularly because it runs counter to the main currents of 
the best southern writing of our generation. As Ellen Glasgow 
observed a few years ago, "... it is significant that, for the 
first time in its history, the South is producing ... a literature 
of revolt. Consciously or unconsciously, the aesthetic sense 
[of the South] ... is rejecting the standards of utility in art 
and of fundamentalism in ideas." 5 But the pessimism implicit 
in such a literature as she describes and explicit in many 
of the leading writers of the South is hardly present at all 

* Marjorie Kinnan Rawlings, "Regional Literature of the South," College 
English, I (February, 1940), 385. See, too, Donald Davidson's "Regionalism 
in American Literature," American Review, V (April, 1935), 48-61. 

5 Glasgow, A Certain Measure, 147. 

N. C. Fiction, Drama, and Poetry 235 

in these books. A similar contrary motion in much the same 
terms was characteristic, too, of Thomas Wolfe, and led mis- 
taken northern critics to declare of this "Yea-sayer" that he 
was southern only by accident of birth. I think we may safely 
conclude that this optimistic attitude is significantly char- 
acteristic of North Carolina writing. There is, I believe, his- 
torical reason for the fact. 

The development of a serious literary culture in North 
Carolina came late. It is, in fact, almost a twentieth-century 
phenomenon. At the time when the Tidewater regions of 
the South were formulating the Plantation Tradition in litera- 
ture, with its tragic backward looking, North Carolinians 
were engaging to no marked degree in literary expression of 
any sort; they were, in fact, living and thinking largely out- 
side the complex of ideas and attitudes that made the creation 
of the Plantation Tradition possible; they were celebrating 
the Populist Movement and the ideal of public education. 
Furthermore, this State has accepted from its beginnings the 
basic assumptions of the industrial New South idea, a view 
of man and society which rests on the confident belief in 
social perfectibility and progress and which denies, some- 
times tacitly and often openly and directly, as Mr. Green's 
Wilderness Road does, the assumptions of that other militant 
southern view, doctrinaire Agrarianism. Robert B. Heilman 
has provocatively suggested that the tragic strength of much 
contemporary southern writing results from the fact that 
"the South ... is the only section of the United States which 
knows through poignant experience that defeat is possible/' 
This quality, which he calls "the Southerner's discipline of 
tragedy/' accounts for the dark visions of writers like Robert 
Penn Warren and William Faulkner. 6 And it is this quality 
which seems most lacking in North Carolina thinking and 
writing. Here, and almost nowhere else in the South, has 
the New South movement with its sociological attitudes and 
its perfectibilitarian inclinations found expression in literature 

•Robert B. Heilman, "The Southern Temper," in Southern Renascence: 
The Literature of the Modern South, edited by Louis D. Rubin, Jr., and 
Robert D. Jacobs (Baltimore, 1953), 3-13. 

236 The North Carolina Historical Review 

as well as in law and statistical tables and social deeds. And 
this has been true of North Carolina literature largely, I be- 
lieve, because the acceptance of the New South assumptions 
has been more pervasive and complete in this State than it has 
in our neighboring states. At its worst this tendency has given 
our writing a too easy optimism and a surface cheerfulness; it 
has made us too uncritical of the machine age and too com- 
placent about our values. At its best it has made us intolerant 
of social evils, impatient with the status quo, and it has given 
us warm and cogent books that assert a deeply humanitarian 
view of human society. 

I have presented these tentative judgments and opinions 
in the uncomfortable knowledge that good art more accurate- 
ly measures its critics than its critics measure it. If my judg- 
ments seem to you, as well they may, perversely wrong and 
strangely blind to the light, then I would like to leave you a 
weapon to use against me in the witty words of Mrs. Bev- 
ington : 

Fanny Burney told her son, 

"Never, my child, call anyone 

A fool." — The boy replied the more 

Amazed : "Then, what's the word made for?" 


By H. Broadus Jones 

"Some books are to be tasted, others swallowed, and some 
few chewed and digested." Applying the Baconian dictum, 
as a member of the Mayflower Board of Award I have been 
feasting for several months at the Mayflower table d'hote, 
tasting ad libitum, swallowing without ill consequences, and 
digesting at leisure. Altogether there were thirty-eight dishes 
provided, dainty enough for the most finicky appetite and 
substantial enough for the most exacting gourmand. 

Four weeks ago, after I had written a note to the manage- 
ment expressing my appreciation of the cuisine and my 
opinion as to some of the best of many good dishes, I got a 
request from Raleigh: "Tell us more about what you had for 
dinner and how you liked it." Actually the request was to 
make a talk of twenty-five or thirty minutes in this luncheon 
session concerning the volumes that have been considered 
for the Mayflower Award. 

Now that I am here to comply with this invitation while 
you relax as comfortably as possible, I am like the Old Woman 
who lived in a shoe: I have so many books I don't know what 
to do. Three things I must not do: make the Old Woman's 
horrible mistake; give you any hint as to the winner (a secret 
that is quite safe with me, because I have not yet heard who 
has won the award); attempt to render critical evaluations 
of thirty-eight volumes at the bomber speed of forty-one 
seconds per volume. 

My function on this occasion is like that of the person who 
displays a baker's products in a show window. There they 
are beyond the glass— an intriguing array of pies, some with 
and some without meringue; cakes of various kinds, colors, 
shapes, and sizes, so enticing that they might easily start a 
stampede from the street through the plate glass; loaves, rolls, 
doughnuts, all fresh from the oven with that savory odor 
that comes straight through the glass. 

[237 ] 

238 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Here are the books—thirty-eight non-fiction volumes by 
North Carolina writers, crowding one another on this three- 
foot shelf, which I hope you are able to see in imagination- 
books which probably represent more than threescore and 
ten years of labor. Most of them are substantial volumes, 
ranging all the way from the 600 pages by a distinguished 
scholar and author well past the threescore and ten to that 
little volume of forty-six pages by a college sophomore. 

Viewed from the distance of a few feet, it is a colorful and 
attractive shelf. The jackets provide the external color, all 
within the bounds of good taste, each distinctly individual 
and appropriate to the purpose and contents of the volume. 
The variety of colors within the covers, I assure you, is even 
more attractive than the external display. 

Glancing along this row of books, you see the names of such 
presses as Rinehart, Crowell, Doubleday, Bobbs-Merrill, 
Cornell, Louisiana State University, Abingdon, Vantage, 
Broadman, Morrow, Edwards and Broughton of Raleigh, 
Blair of Winston-Salem, and other publishers here at home, 
with the names University of North Carolina and Duke Uni- 
versity appearing most frequently. 

Let us see now what we can do to get the books out of this 
comfortable order, or disorder, observing some of the prin- 
ciples applied by a hostess in seating her guests at the dinner 

Well, here they are in the new arrangement— the best that 
I can do, since authors are notoriously careless about writing 
according to types. With a good deal of shoving and straining 
I have got them into four groups, arranged from the highest 
to the lowest according to the number of inches occupied on 
the shelf, the measurements made with precision according 
to the best traditions of scholarship, as follows: 

I. History— 15 volumes, 17 inches of shelf. 

I. Biography, travel, and sketches— 10 volumes, 9 inches. 

III. Christianity— r7 volumes, 5% inches. 

IV. Miscellaneous— 6 volumes, 4Va inches. 

N. C. Non-Fiction Books 239 

Taking the last group first, we find three volumes concerned 
with matters of law and government. The Government and 
Administration of North Carolina, by Robert S. Rankin, Pro- 
fessor of Political Science and Chairman of the Department, 
Duke University, devotes more than four hundred pages to 
"governmental machinery of the State of North Carolina and 
the manner in which that machinery functions." It is a valu- 
able book for everyone interested in American state govern- 
ment, especially for "government officials and voters, editors 
and writers, teachers and students, taxpayers' groups and 
chambers of commerce." Laic and the Press, a revision of the 
1954 edition, by William C. Lassiter, is an invaluable volume 
for the newspaperman or woman in North Carolina. Military 
Justice in the Armed Forces of the United States, by Robinson 
O. Everett, former Commissioner of the United States Court 
of Military Appeals, is considered "an important contribution 
to the criminal law of the military establishment," useful to 
both the military and the civilian lawyer, and valuable as a 
textbook for students. 

Other People's Lives, by Rosalie Massengale, is a compact 
brochure of study outlines, one of the series of Library Ex- 
tension Publications of the University of North Carolina. 
Raymond J. Jeffreys, author of Must They Sell Apples Again? 
describes his book as "a compilation of facts, figures and in- 
formation, presenting the justice and need of a Service Pen- 
sion, based on age alone, for the veterans of World War I." 
Harry L. Golden, in his volume, Jewish Roots in the Caro- 
linas, concludes that "this most Gentile' section of America 
has provided the most favorable 'atmosphere' the Jewish 
people have ever known in the modern world." 

In the next group, under the head of "Christianity," I have 
placed seven volumes: The Secret of Happiness, by Billy 
Graham, this being an exposition of the Beatitudes in ten 
brief chapters; Come Unto Me, by Julian Butler, Jr., a college 
sophomore from Laurinburg, a little book of thirty-one de- 
votions intended for the use of young people; Paths of Shin- 
ing Light, by Vera Idol, Professor of English, High Point 
College, a beautiful little volume of nineteen inspirational 

240 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and devotional talks or meditations, beginning with "Roads" 
and concluding with "God's World," with illustrative photo- 
graphs interspersed; Thinking About God, by Robert Lee 
Middleton, twenty-five "devotional meditations entreating 
you to 'draw night to God, and he will draw night to you' "; 
The Prayers of Jesus, with Meditations and Verse for Devo- 
tional Use, by Ralph Spaulding Cushman of Raleigh; Chris- 
tian Eschatology and Social Thought, by Ray C. Petry, Pro- 
fessor of Church History, Duke University; The Pastor s 
Hospital Ministry, by Richard K. Young, Director of Pastoral 
Care, North Carolina Baptist Hospital, in charge of training 
students and pastors in counseling at Bowman Gray School of 
Medicine of Wake Forest College, and also Associate Pro- 
fessor of Pastoral Care at Southeastern Theological Seminary. 
The first five of these volumes, ranging from about 45 to 125 
pages, are devotional and inspirational. 

Dr. Petry's book could be placed also in the category of 
history, as indicated by the sub-title: "A historical essay on 
the social implications of some selected aspects in Christian 
eschatology to A. D. 1500." As a study in Christianity it is a 
work of mature scholarship, embodying the best standards of 
research, organization, and style. Dr. Young's book is especi- 
ally valuable for professional guidance in a limited area of 
pastoral responsibility and interesting for general readers. 

The nine volumes grouped under the heading "Biography, 
Travel, and Sketches," run the range from Daniel Boone in 
North Carolina, by George H. Maurice (the smallest volume 
of the thirty-eight, consisting of nineteen interesting pages 
of text, maps, and photographs ) to George W. Cable, A Biog- 
raphy, by Arlin Turner (the largest of the volumes in this 
group, consisting of about 400 pages, including fifteen pages 
of bibliography and nineteen pages of index ) . 

Dr. Turner, who is Professor of American Literature at 
Duke University and managing editor of the quarterly, 
American Literature, presents vividly, interestingly, and thor- 
oughly one of the most striking figures on the American 
literary scene, thus fulfilling a need that has long been recog- 
nized. The volume satisfies the rigid requirements of scholar- 

N. C. Non-Fiction Books 241 

ship and yet keeps within the range of appeal to the average 

Next is a volume entitled Charles E. Maddry, An Auto- 
biography, which the author tells us was an undertaking of 
ten years, completed in the midst of a busy and crowded life. 
This book is of interest not only because it gives the story of 
Dr. Maddry's rich and active career over a period of eighty 
years, but also because it is a valuable cross section of church 
history, particularly of Southern Baptist mission work. In 
the volume appear many notable persons whom the reader 
may claim or recall as valued friends, among them the late 
Dr. R. T. Vann. 

A book that has received much attention from reviewers 
and has become nationally known is My Brother Adlai, by 
Elizabeth Stevenson Ives, assisted by Hildegarde Dolson, a 
professional writer. This is a biography of much charm, 
simply and clearly written— a good portrait by a devoted sister 
of a brilliant man. 

We turn now to the volumes of travel and sketches in this 
group. If you are in the holiday mood, you may take off with 
Ali-Mat in Ali-Mat Takes Off, by Mrs. Alice Clarke Mathew- 
son, for a 152-page adventure to Europe, Africa, Alaska, the 
Gulf Stream for a Christmas cruise, and South of the Border, 
concluding with "Characters You Meet on a Sightseeing Bus 
Across the Continent." After this interesting but strenuous 
adventure, if you have a hankering for the "good old days" 
of pioneer life, you can taper off and calm down by turning 
back time to the year 1912-1913 for a 94-page visit with A 
Country Doctor in the South Mountains, the author and the 
doctor being Benjamin Earle Washburn of Rutherfordton, 
who will entertain you with twenty-two stories and sketches 
of his own adventures as a young physician, of the people, of 
diseases and local remedies, moonshine liquor, and the dawn 
of better days. 

While your appetite is whetted for unusual experiences, 
you should go on over to Wilkes and neighboring counties 
for a visit with The Parson of the Hills, who is Charles A. 
Keys, known as the "Boy Preacher" from the age of four or 

242 The North Carolina Historical Review 

five and later as "Sledgehammer Charlie" when he tangled 
with moonshiners, whose respect he won and retained while 
he thundered against their sinful ways. You will leave the 
Parson with increased respect and enthusiasm for home mis- 
sions, perhaps reflecting that Dr. Washburn was also engaged 
in the same work whether he knew it or not. 

Since we are already in the highlands and on the prowl, 
let's get into the shadow of Old Smoky at Sylva to begin 
Roaming the Mountains with John Parris. After attaining 
distinction as a newspaper man at home and abroad, the 
author ( John Parris ) has been living in his native town, and 
since February of 1955 he has been writing for the Citizen- 
Times his popular and widely-read column, "Roaming the 
Mountains," from which this volume of 246 pages and some 
seventy selected stories and sketches is made. The volume 
provides good entertainment, affecting with compelling nos- 
talgia one who is "native here and to the manner born" and 
giving others an urge to strike out for the highlands. 

Back down from the mountains in time for the meeting of 
the State Literary and Historical Association, we find as- 
sembled Tar Heel Writers I Have Known, thirty-five of them 
presented by Bernadette Hoyle of Smithfield with her facile 
pen and handy camera in an attractive volume of 215 pages 
—interviews which previously appeared in The News and 
Observer. "More," said Oliver Twist on one occasion, and 
so say I. 

Coming up last in this group is one whose ancestors did 
not come over in the Mayflower, Tecumseh, Vision of Glory, 
by Glenn Tucker, who has followed Tecumseh's trail with all 
the skill and cunning of one of James Fenimore Cooper's 
Indians. As a biography this book portrays vividly and con- 
vincingly a man of great talent and noble aims, of iron will 
and dauntless courage, of great firmness but not without 
mercy. The book is also history— a valuable contribution to 
American history, presenting vividly and in clear perspective 
the climactic conflict between the Indians and the newcomers. 
In fact, in my first sketch I placed this volume in the history 
group, having as much trouble about putting Tecumseh in 

N. C. Non-Fiction Books 243 

his place as his enemies had nearly a century and a half ago. 
Anyhow, how can one separate history and the biography 
of a great leader of his people? 

Of the fifteen books grouped under the head of history, 
eight are devoted to local history: Greensboro, North Caro- 
lina, by Ethel Stevens Arnett "under the direction of Walter 
Clinton Jackson"; Colonial Bath, by Herbert R. Paschal; 
"Zeb's Black Baby': Vance County, by Samuel Thomas 
Peace; Here Will I Dwell, The Story of Caldwell County, 
by Nancy Alexander; They Passed This Way, A Personal 
Narrative of Harnett County, by Malcolm Fowler; A History 
of Moore County, 1747-1847, by Blackwell P. Robinson; The 
Living Past of Cleveland County, by Lee B. Weathers; and 
Buncombe to Mecklenburg— Speculation Lands, by Sadie 
Smathers Patton (a publication of the Western North Caro- 
lina Historical Association ) . 

These volumes vary greatly in purpose, scope, and method, 
but all are important in capturing and preserving local history 
for interested citizens and for the future historian. The first 
one in this list entitled Greensboro, a volume of nearly 500 
pages, is a record of important events and movements for 
more than two hundred years, particularly since 1807, when 
a legislative act was passed creating Greensboro. It is a well- 
made and well-written volume, extensively illuminated with 
photographs. The Living Past of Cleveland County is the 
work of a veteran newspaper man who has been editor and 
publisher of The Shelby Daily Star for forty-five years. He has, 
of course, seen the history evolving, has recorded it day by 
day through the years, and in the development of his own 
town and county has had a great part. The history of the 
county becomes state history and in a way extends beyond 
state lines because of some of the persons here portrayed. 

Turning from the local histories, we come next to Agri- 
cultural Developments in North Carolina, 1783-1860, by 
Cornelius Oliver Cathey of the University of North Carolina, 
this being Volume 38 in the James Sprunt Studies in History 
and Political Science, published under the direction of the 
Departments of History and Political Science of the Univer- 

244 The North Carolina Historical Review 

sity of North Carolina. One does not have to be engaged in 
agricultural work in order to read with interest this valuable 
contribution to history and in order to understand why the 
author arrives at the conclusion "that nothing significant oc- 
curred in American agriculture during the time which was 
not reflected in parallel or corresponding developments in 
North Carolina," and that North Carolina had a significant 
part in revolutionary changes. 

The Religious Press in the South Atlantic States, 1802-1865: 
An Annotated Bibliography with Historical Introduction and 
Notes, by Henry Smith Stroupe, Professor of History, Wake 
Forest College, appears as Series XXXII of Historical Papers 
of Trinity College Historical Society, Duke University. As 
stated in the Preface, "The portion of this book entitled His- 
torical Introduction' narrates briefly the founding of the lead- 
ing periodicals, explains why they were started, and analyzes 
their problems, their objectives, and their relations with each 
other. The attitude of the press toward several notable events 
is described." A carefully annotated bibliography, for which 
future investigators will be grateful, occupies about one 
hundred pages of the volume. 

History of North Carolina Baptists, Volume II, by the late 
George Washington Paschal, is a continuation of the work 
which Dr. Paschal began many years ago under the authori- 
zation of the Baptist State Convention of North Carolina, 
Volume I (1633-1805) having been published in 1930. Like 
the other publications by Dr. Paschal, including the three- 
volume history of Wake Forest College, this work is based 
upon thorough investigation, and the presentation is quite 
full, with adequate annotation. Among other values, it is a 
source book for any future writers of the Baptist history of 
the same time and area. 

Providence of Wit in the English Letter Writers, by Wil- 
liam Henry Irving of Duke University, who is the author of 
John Gay's London and of John Gay: Favorite of the Wits, 
"reviews the history of the Familiar Letter as an art form in 
seventeenth- and eighteenth-century England," giving a 

N. C. Non-Fiction Books 245 

"view of the whole art of letter- writing as a phase in the 
history of English literature." 

The University in the Kingdom of Guatemala, by John 
Lanning of Duke University, is a most thorough work of 
specialized scholarship, pursued with support from the Gug- 
genheim Foundation and the backing of the Duke University 
Council on Research, the American Council of Learned So- 
cieties, and the Social Science Research Council. 

Gray Fox: Robert E. Lee and the Civil War, by Burke 
Davis of Greensboro Daily Netos, author of several books, 
including They Called Him Stonewall, narrates with dramatic 
and climactic effect the role of "one of the great tragic figures 
of American history" through the tragic era. The national 
recognition which this book has received is well deserved. 

Ben Franklins Privateers, A Naval Epic of the American 
Revolution, by William Bell Clark of Brevard, makes its time- 
ly appearance in connection with the commemoration of the 
250th anniversary of the birth of Franklin. The author, who 
has written five other books on maritime affairs, dating from 
1929 to 1953, tells a captivating story in which Franklin ap- 
pears "as a much-harrassed Minister Plenipotentiary, a persis- 
tent humanitarian, an unwilling judge of the admiralty, and a 
frequently exasperated gentleman." 

There you have it— the display of North Carolina non- 
fiction books of the past year, figuratively seen through a 
glass, perhaps darkly— an interesting and valuable collection 
in which we can take great pride— a collection in which it is 
easy to find volumes worthy of the Mayflower Award and 
capable of bringing honor to the tradition. 

It is such an attractive shelf that I should like to keep the 
books just as they are, as a memorial of a notable year of 
literary work in North Carolina, just as I should like to be 
able to see somewhere in a shelf the products of each year 
from 1905 when the first Patterson cup was awarded to John 
Charles McNeill down to the present. But I suppose we shall 
have to classify in library style and then distribute, perhaps 
lose in the stacks, these volumes which are really most con- 
genial and sociable. 

246 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Let me conclude with a quotation from the address "To the 
Great Variety of Readers" which stands as the preface to the 
first folio of Shakespeare's plays, 1623, over the signatures of 
John Heminge and Henrie Condell, fellow actors of Shakes- 

"Well! It is now publique, and you wil stand for your privi- 
ledges wee know: to read and censure. Do so, but buy it first. 
That doth best commend the Booke, the Stationer saies. Then, 
how odde soever your braines be, or your wisdomes, make your 
license the same, and spare not. . . . But whatever you do, Buy!" 
At least, let me add, read ! 


By Gilbert T. Stephenson 

Returning to North Carolina in 1950, after an absence of 
twenty-one years, I have been impressed ever since by the 
cultural progress of our State during that interval. It is mani- 
fest in every field of culture: in the extraordinary enlarge- 
ment and development of our institutions of higher educa- 
tion; in the wealth of creative literature flowing from the pens 
of our writers; in the works of our artists, such as those 
recently on exhibit in Plymouth and Winston-Salem; in the 
composition of our dramatists and musicians and in the an- 
nual concert tour of our North Carolina Symphony Orchestra; 
in the accomplishments of the ten cultural societies in session 
here this week; and, lastly, in the opening of our State Art 
Museum, with its paintings by Rubens and Rembrant, and 
other masterpieces of art. 

On this background of cultural progress and this occasion 
of emphasis upon literature, I should like to speak on Litera- 
ture and Life with special reference to North Carolina. 
Furthermore, I hope that it will not be amiss for me to draw 
most of my illustrations from the northeastern section of our 
State with whose literature and life I am, by nativity and 
residence, the most familiar. 

Literature is the body of imaginative and interpretive 
writing expressed in drama, essay, fiction, history, and poetry, 
as distinct from business, economic, instructional, profes- 
sional, scientific, and technical writing. However, I should 
hope to find a good deal of literary merit in the latter group 
of writings. 

Life includes all that Jesus included when he said, "I came 
that they may have life, and have it abundantly/' He must 
have meant infinitely more than physical existence and length 
of days on earth. He must have included emotional, mental, 
sentimental, social, and spiritual life as well, for all of these 
elements are essential to abundant life. 


248 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Of literature and life in North Carolina so defined I shall 
try to make only two points. 

The first point is that in every section of our State there 
is literary material awaiting appropriation and literary talent 
awaiting development. 

Almost every day, for example, The News and Observer 
publishes on its editorial page "Today's N. C. Poem." These 
poems come from the farms as well as the towns and cities of 
our State. 

One morning last spring the day's poem, entitled "Around 
My Back Door," was by one of my neighbors, a farmer's wife. 
In part it went as follows: 

Around my back door are memories so dear 
How children played and there was no fear 
From childhood to youth they ran in and out 
With laughter and joy and a merry shout. 

As years have passed to adults they have grown 
From around my back door they all have gone 
To seek fame and fortune in this big, wide world 
With families of their own, both boys and girls. 

Well, listen, here they come from far and near, 
'Tis grandchildren's voices now I hear; 
"Hi, Grandma," they are calling with merry glee, 
"Know you're surprised this group to see." 

Again there are children with laughter so gay 
So around my back door I want them to stay. 

Not being a poet, I cannot evaluate these lines as poetry. 
But, being a grandfather whose grandchildren recently played 
where our children played only a few years ago, I fully share 
my neighbor's sentiment. What is poetry but sentiment 

A few weeks ago, for another example, Roy Parker, Jr., 
Editor, The Bertie Ledger- Advance, began a column, "Things 
cultural seem to pop from the strangest places in Roanoke- 
Chowan, . . ." and then went on to describe an eighty-three- 
year-old artist he had discovered near Lewiston in Bertie 

Life and Literature 249 

County and to predict that he might make authentic additions 
in the field of art in which Grandma Moses is the acknowl- 
edged leader. 

Material for literature as well as art is to be found in every 
nook and cranny of our State— in fact, wherever there is life. 
Life comes before literature and supplies the material for 
the writer. 

Of the thirty-five Tar Heel Writers I Know in Bernadette 
Hoyle's recent volume by. that title, note how many of them 
found their material at or near their own door-steps. Mebane 
Holoman Burgwyn has found hers in her native county of 
Northampton and much of it in that part of the county known 
as Occoneechee Neck on the Roanoke River. Inglis Fletcher 
has found the material for her historical novels in the Albe- 
marle and Cape Fear sections of our State. Bernice Kelly 
Harris has found hers in her native county of Wake and her 
adopted county of Northampton. Ovid Williams Pierce and 
William T. Polk each found his in his native countv, one 
Halifax and the other Warren. 

When I think of the wealth of literary material at our 
door-steps I am reminded of the Jules Verne story of the ship 
at sea signalling another ship, "Water, water, we die of thirst," 
only to receive the answer, "Cast down your buckets where 
you are." The distressed vessel was in fresh water at the 
mouth of the Amazon but did not know it. To the aspiring 
young writer anywhere in our State in search of material, I 
would say "Cast down your bucket where you are." 

With all this literary material and literary talent all around 
us, I think that it would be well for the members of our 
Association to encourage and aid in the organization of re- 
gional literary groups for rural areas as well as for towns and 

Typical of the kind of organization I have in mind is the 
Roanoke-Chowan group. It began nine years ago as an in- 
formal organization of artists, musicians, writers, and other 
persons on either side of the Roanoke and Chowan rivers 
who, although not artists, nor musicians, nor writers them- 

250 The North Carolina Historical Review 

selves, were genuinely interested in creative work in cultural 

Every year since then the group has met in one after 
another member's home. One year the emphasis has been 
upon art; the next, upon literature; and some year in the near 
future, we hope, it will be upon music. At our 1956 meeting 
the emphasis was upon art; at our 1957 meeting, with the 
Roy Parkers (Senior and Junior) for hosts, it will be upon 

The interest of the members, instead of fagging after the 
first flush of enthusiasm, has increased year by year. Our 
1956 meeting was in the home of Frith and Mrs. Winslow of 
Plymouth. After an appropriate address on "Art" by Robert 
Lee Humber, Mr. Winslow, himself an artist of distinction, 
gave an exhibit of paintings by local artists that would have 
done credit to any group of artists anywhere. Among the 
paintings were those by Francis Speight, a native of Bertie, 
now an artist of national reputation, connected with the Phil- 
adelphia Academy of Fine Arts. Every year he returns to 
attend and participate in our meetings. 

The aim of our group is not only to promote fraternity 
among our local artists, musicians, and writers who already 
have achieved recognition and, some of them, distinction in 
their respective fields but also to discover and encourage 
young people in our section who have manifested interest, 
talent, and aspiration in one or another of these fields. In- 
deed, we are active talent-scouts. This year we discovered 
a talented young artist now studying under Francis Speight 
in Philadelphia. Another year we may discover a young writer 
who some day may rank alongside Wake County's Lucy 

Would it not be worth while for the members of our 
Association, coming as they do from every section of our 
State, to take the initiative in encouraging and aiding in the 
organization of literary groups similar in purpose to the 
Roanoke-Chowan group? In our towns and cities it is not dif- 
ficult to reach these talented young people, and in several 
towns and cities over the State they already are members of 

Life and Literature 251 

creative- writers' groups. The young people about whom I am 
concerned are those in our rural areas. I hope that it never 
can be said of any spot in our State: 

Perhaps in this neglected spot is laid 
Some heart once pregnant with celestial fire; 
Hands that the rod of empire might have swayed, 
Or waked to ecstasy the living lyre. 

The other point that I wish to make about literature and 
life in North Carolina is that our writers are under a social 
obligation to present and interpret our life as a whole rather 
than certain facts about us. 

One day in a classroom a bright young student asked Alfred 
North Whitehead, "What is reality?" Perhaps he asked the 
question in the same bantering spirit in which Pilate asked 
Jesus, "What is truth?" Professor Whitehead's prompt and 
crisp answer was, "Whatever counts and has consequences." 
By this definition there is reality in literature in that it does 
count and it does have consequences. 

In literature there is basic difference between being true 
to life as a whole and being true to only given facts of life. 
Life is more than the sum of its parts. 

Go with me to Warren Place, our home in Northampton 
County. Let me show you the charred and rotting remains 
of a century-old oak which had been the pride of our place 
until the fall of 1954 when it fell, a victim of Hurricane Hazel. 
Describe this object of death and decay with perfect fidelity. 
You will be true to that tragic fact, but you will not be true to 
Warren Place, for life and growth predominate there. Already 
the remains of the old oak are almost hidden by vegetation 
climbing up and over them. 

On Highway 95 between Lawrence and Leggett in Edge- 
combe County there is the most dilapidated mule-stable I 
ever saw. It is a masterpiece of dilapidation. I pass it at least 
four times a month. Every time I think how a critic of the 
South might make capital for his purpose by photographing, 
describing, and publicizing this stable. If he did so, he would 
be true to that one ugly fact, but how untrue he would be to 
that prosperous and generally well-kept section. 

252 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Not long ago I went into a neighbor's garden to see his 

The roses red upon my neighbor's vine 

Are owned by him, but they are also mine, 

His was the cost, and his the labor, too, 

But mine as well as his the joy, their loveliness to view. 

Near the entrance there was a gorgeous red rose in full bloom. 
I counted forty-five sharp, ugly thorns beneath the rose 
reaching all the way down the stem almost to the ground. 
If I were to describe the thorns onlv, I would be true to one 
fact, but how untrue I would be to my neighbor's garden. 
That rose and its companions dominated the scene, hid the 
thorns, and made the garden a place of beauty. 

Photography at its best in true to fact; portraiture, to life. 
In a single portrait an artist catches and portrays the char- 
acter and spirit of his subject as a photographer cannot in 
a thousand photographs. Art is the expression of human per- 
sonality; photography, the capture of physical likeness. 

The news columns of our papers aspire to be true to fact, 
self -restrained onlv by The New York Times standard, "All 
the News That's Fit to Print." The editorial columns aim to 
be true to life. 

Go out among our neighbors. Look for their imperfections 
only and describe them faithfully. We shall be true to certain 
facts about them, but not true to them. Their goodness far 
exceeds their badness. "There is so much bad in the best of us 
and so much good in the worst of us that it ill behooves any 
of us to talk about the rest of us." 

Even in a writer's conscientious aim to be true to life as 
well as fact it is possible for him to be one-sided in his presen- 
tation and interpretation. 

There are writers of fiction and history, including biography 
and autobiography even, who call themselves and who wish 
to be known as realists. Realism in. literature is defined as 
fidelity to nature or to real life, representation without ideal- 
ization, and adherence to actual fact. These writers seem to 
think that to be realistic they must describe only the bad and 

Life and Literature 253 

the ugly. There are columnists of whom it has been said that 
they are so accustomed to calling attention to and playing 
up the bad side of life that, even when they find something 
they like, they describe it, not as being good, but only as not 
being bad. Instead of acclaiming the presence of goodness, 
they only admit the absence of badness. 

Some people who postively dislike this kind of literature 
call these writers by ugly names, such as "muckrakers," and 
some of the writers nonchantly call themselves "debunkers." 
Name-calling never makes converts. These writers, many of 
whom have distinguished literary talent, should, in some 
kindly and convincing way, be made to understand that 
authentic realism includes the good and the beautiful as well 
as the bad and the ugly, the rose as well as the thorns. 

There is no better field from which to draw an illustration 
of the social obligation of writers than that of current inter- 
racial relations. 

In our State we are in the midst of readjustment of inter- 
racial relationships with regard to public education that is 
comparable with the readjustment with regard to suffrage of 
about a half -century ago. Upon the maintenance throughout 
this whole current period of good interracial relations will 
depend, in large measure, the ultimate and proper readjust- 
ment of interracial relationships. By relations I mean how 
the two races feel towards each other; by relationships, how 
they deal with each other. 

Basically, the relations between the races in North Caro- 
lina, certainly in my part of the State wherein the colored 
people outnumber the white by nearly three to one, are good. 
Interracial antagonisms are not normal nor typical anywhere 
in our State. When or if they ever should degenerate into 
violence or threats of violence, such an unfortunate event 
would be legitimate news because it would be abnormal and 
atypical. In that case all that we could ask of our newsmen 
would be that they restrict their reports to "news that's fit to 

But we have the right to expect of our columnists, our edi- 
tors, our essayists, and our novelists that, in the discharge 

254 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of their obligations to society, they strive at all times to be 
true to interracial relations as a whole. It would be well for 
each of them, after he had drafted his column, his editorial, 
his essay, or his novel, to read it back and ask himself, "Is 
this true to life as a whole or true only of particular facts?", 
and not publish it until he had brought the two fidelities into 

The point that I am making now is well expressed in this 
sentence which has appeared repeatedly in The Progressive 
Farmer as lately as October, 1956, "If each person of each 
race each day would now say some kind thing or do some kind 
act to some person of the other race, it will help to preserve 
a spirit of peace and friendship in which all problems may be 
gradually worked out." 

Spare us one-sided, and that the ugly-sided, realism in the 
literature of interracial relations. We need Negro writers, as 
well as white ones, with literary talent, such as that possessed 
by J. Saunders Redding, winner of the Mayflower Cup in 
1943, to present the better, not the worse, side of interracial 
relations. From our Negro writers there should come counter- 
parts of Mebane Burgwyn's Lucky Mischief and Moonflower 
and Bernice Harris's Janey Jeems. Such writers, regardless 
of race, help to maintain the climate of friendliness in which 
alone interracial relationships ever can be adjusted or read- 
justed onto a permanently sound basis. 

In the discharge of this and of all its other obligations to 
society, literature always must be in close partnership with 
life. Life supplies the material for creative writing; literature, 
the inspiration of abundant living. 

By Roy F. Nichols 

The world today is tremendously complex. So much is 
happening in so many places which affects the vital interests 
and even the survival of so many people that mankind must 
keep up with events and understand their significance if it 
is to have wisdom enough to keep civilization from destruc- 
tion. Therefore communication of accurate knowledge is of 
greatest importance. For this purpose we have the press, the 
radio, and television. Headlines, commentators, and colum- 
nists have tremendous influence. So much of life seems to be 
easily condensed into slogans or crisp newsflashes, which in 
today's hurry control thought and opinion. But such means 
also control the thinking of people elsewhere and often to the 
injury of the United States. 

A few such headlines chosen at random are as follows : 

Isthmus Route Closed 
England and France Humiliated 
Russian Menace in Near East 
Cuban Danger 
Chinese Belligerence 

These headlines, however, are not, as it might appear, 
taken from today's press or broadcasts. They are such as 
appeared in the American press one hundred years ago. They 
are chosen as reminders, in the first place of the fact that 
conditions long ago bore some resemblance to those of this 
day and generation and more particularly to serve as a re- 
minder of significant failure of a century ago, a failure of 
communication which can teach a significant lesson today. 

A century ago, the people living in the eighteen-fifties, 
like those of this generation, were dwelling in the shadow 
of wars, for in fact, there were three that were just past, 
pending, or impending: the Mexican War, the Crimean War, 
and the war between the Union and the Confederacv which 
was to come as the disastrous climax of these ten years. 

[255 ] 

256 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The decade had begun with such promise. California had 
been acquired, gold had been discovered, and a new world 
had been opened to the United States in the Pacific. This 
promise had of course produced problems. The fact of the 
nation's acquisition, California, meant that ways had to be 
discovered to get there. Also, the extension of interest to the 
Pacific meant that trade facilities were ripe to be developed 
to enable the republic to promote its new advantage. The 
question of travel to California involved such matters as the 
status of Cuba, proper transportation routes over the several 
isthmuses, and the building of a transcontinental railroad. 
Operation in any of these fields invited private enterprise, 
government, and diplomacy. 

In the beginning of the decade, the Government's partici- 
pation in these matters was in significant part directed by a 
distinguished son of North Carolina, William A. Graham. 
A native of Lincoln County, Graham became a member of 
the Class of 1824 of the University of North Carolina. As a 
law student of the distinguished jurist, Thomas Ruffin, he had 
established himself at Hillsboro in practice, and within a 
short time became a Whig politician who served as United 
States Senator and Governor. In 1850, when President Fill- 
more organized his new administration, he invited Governor 
Graham to serve as Secretary of the Navy. As such, he was 
much concerned in advancing communication and in enlarg- 
ing American commercial interests. He played a significant 
part in developing the coast survey, in exploring the Amazon, 
and in opening up Japan. He glimpsed the possibilities of 
his office almost immediately for he had been only a few 
days in office when he wrote his wife that he was concerned 
with "war steamers, mail steamers, squadrons in the East 
Indies, and on the coast of Africa, with the wonderful changes 
produced by the addition of our Pacific possessions in the 
commerce of the world." 

The Government was also concerned with building com- 
munication routes across the isthmuses of Panama, Nicaragua, 
and Tehuantepec in Mexico. Some American capitalists 
joined with British associates in developing Panama. The 

One Hundred Years Ago 257 

redoubtable Commodore Vanderbilt undertook to establish a 
route over Nicaragua and rival American enterprises fought 
lobby and diplomatic battles for the privilege of developing 

While all this was going on, it became necessary for the 
nation to participate in the election of 1852. Over this event 
more shadows of the Mexican War were cast. One of the inci- 
dents of that conflict had been the propensity of the generals 
to fight more among themselves than with the Mexicans. The 
war was conducted under the Democratic administration of 
President James K. Polk (another North Carolinian), who 
to his chagrin realized that the commanders of his victorious 
armies were Whigs. In order to redress the balance and per- 
haps to retrieve some of the glory for his own party, he sup- 
plied these Whig generals, Scott and Taylor, with a large 
number of Democratic associates as major and brigadier 
generals. In the lofty altitudes of the Mexican plateau, these 
generals did not forget politics. In fact, the altitude may have 
stimulated their arguments. At any rate, Scott succeeded in 
quarreling with a number of his associates who eventually 
returned to the lowlands with at least one firm idea, and that 
was that any political ambitions which Scott might have 
should be scotched. As 1852 approached, however, it became 
increasingly likely that Scott would be the Whig nominee. 
Four years before, the party had won with Taylor, and there 
seemed every indication that they might wish to try it again. 

The possibility of Scott's nomination aroused several of 
the Democratic generals who joined forces with political 
allies and eventually nominated a Mexican War brigadier 
general, Franklin Pierce of New Hampshire. The campaign 
which followed resulted in the defeat of Scott and Secretary 
of the Navy Graham, who had been nominated for Vice 
President, by Pierce and his running-mate. This opened the 
way for Pierce and a group of associates to try and duplicate 
the success of the Polk administration. 

On the eve of his inauguration, Pierce's morale was shat- 
tered by the horrible death of his little son before his eyes in 
a railroad accident. When he came to take office, he leaned 

258 The North Carolina Historical Review 

particularly upon Mexican War associates and certain ex- 
uberant publicists known as "Young America." He and his 
associates were determined to advance American interests, 
acquire new territory, develop transportation and trade, open 
new vistas in the Pacific, and defy British interference in 
American activities. He called to his side another son of 
North Carolina, James Cochran Dobbin. 

Dobbin, a lawyer from Fayetteville, University of North 
Carolina, 1832, had been a delegate to the Democratic Na- 
tional Convention of 1852. At a crucial moment in the con- 
vention, he had let loose a burst of eloquence which had 
swept the convention off its feet and impelled the nomination 
of Pierce. Dobbin now became Secretary of the Navy, as had 
Graham before him. He joined wholeheartedly in the an- 
nouncement which Pierce made in his inaugural that "Amer- 
ican citizens shall realize that upon every sea and on every 
soil where our enterprise may rightfully seek the protection 
of our flag, American citizenship is an inviolable panoply 
for the security of American rights." Pierce set out promptly 
to protect Vanderbilt against the British in Nicaragua, to 
secure from Mexico a further cession of land to enable a 
southern Pacific railroad to be built to California, to promote 
the accession of Cuba, and to develop American interests 
more extensively in the Pacific. 

It was one thing, however, to have such grandiloquent 
plans. It was quite another to put them into effect. Pierce had 
constructed his administration as a coalition of all factions in 
his party. This meant a variety of views and methods of 
operation. To manage the whole series of projects, he had 
placed the veteran William L. Marcy at the head of the State 
Department. But he probably took as much advice from 
Caleb Cushing, his Attorney-General, who was much more 
expansive and flag-waving in his approach. Cushing had been 
down in Mexico as a political general and his attitudes were 
not diplomatic in the fashion of Marcy's— guided by the 
veteran State Department clerks, well versed in protocol. 
Jefferson Davis, the Secretary of War 7 likewise was a Mexican 

One Hundred Years Ago 259 

War veteran and expansive. He too, was Pierce's close con- 

In appointing the diplomats, Cushing and Davis had more 
to say about who was to represent the United States probably 
than Marcy did. And what a group of flag wavers received 
letters of credence. Caution's veteran, James Buchanan, it 
was true, was to represent the United States at London, but 
he was to be accompanied by Dan Sickles as Secretary of 
Legation and George N. Sanders as Consul at London, two 
boisterous spokesmen of Young America. Pierre Soule, former 
French radical, was to go to the reactionary court of Spain. 
There he was to seek opportunity to advance our interest in 
Cuba— perhaps to the extent of intrigue in Spanish financial 
and political circles, even to the point of revolution. Across 
the sea in Cuba itself, American filibusters such as General 
Quitman might be given the nod to aid in the "liberation" 
of the Island. Soule, the bizarre "statesman," was a guest at 
the White House several times in the spring of 1853, and his 
personality and deportment led a discerning kinswoman of 
Mrs. Pierce to record in her diary, "I think he will be Minister 
to Spain but fear Pierce and his cabinet will have reason to 
regret it." She was right. Solon J. Borland of Arkansas was 
sent down to Nicaragua to be on the watch to protect trans- 
isthmus transit interests, particularly Vanderbilt's line, against 
the hostile "free-city" of Greytown where British antagonists 
were believed to be operating. A warship under the redoubt- 
able Captain Hollins was to be within call instructed by 
Dobbin to look after the Commodore's property. James Gads- 
den, a South Carolina railroad man, was commissioned to 
Mexico to secure the territory needed to build a southern 
transcontinental railroad and to look after American Tehuan- 
tepec trans-isthmus concessions. William L. Cazneau, and of 
course with him, the irrepressible Mrs. Jane McManus Storms 
Cazneau, was sent to Santo Domingo to be on the lookout for 
a coaling station in the West Indies. 

Advantage in the Pacific was likewise part of the Pierce 
doctrine. The Hawaiian Islands, China, and Japan were 
points of focus. In the fair islands of the mid-Pacific, the 

260 The North Carolina Historical Review 

reigning Kamehameha had been nervous about his independ- 
ence and feared French motives. Of late years he had been 
looking to British or United States aid, even annexation. Also 
certain American maritime operators were eager to secure 
the islands. This appealed to Pierce and a lookout was to be 
maintained for opportunity. China at this time was torn by 
civil war on the eve of the scheduled date for the revision of 
the treaty of 1844. Evidently this would be an opportune time 
for securing important new concessions from the Manchu 
goverment harassed by the Taiping forces. An outstanding 
statesman must be sent out, and Polk's Secretary of the 
Treasury, Robert J. Walker, was selected to be the man. But 
he was hard to get. Finally after much persuasion he accepted 
and even went so far as to draw his "outfit" (which cost the 
sum of $9,000 ) which was supplied diplomats to enable them 
to readjust their affairs in anticipation of departure for distant 
shores. Then at long last his wife's health caused him to de- 
cline. Robert McLane, next chosen, did not arrive in China 
until the dawn of 1854. His efficient efforts were slow to bear 
fruit. In the meantime word was awaited of the naval expe- 
dition to Japan organized by Secretary Graham. 

Pierce's foreign policy was not to be quite as flamboyant 
as the character of many of these ministers might suggest 
because, after all, Marcy and his clerks were to write the 
instructions. They were phrased in the proper words of diplo- 
matic caution and not always as the envoys wished. Soule 
was probably not in sympathy with the colorless phrases 
directing him to caution, and Buchanan almost stayed home 
because of the limits set upon him. When approached by 
Pierce to take the British mission, Buchanan had requested 
that the full control of British negotiations, including both 
Central American limits, United States interest in Canada, 
and the fisheries, be entrusted to him at London. This Pierce 
readily promised. However, such was not in accordance with 
Marcy's judgement, for he believed the time was ripe to 
settle Canadian affairs in Washington. Buchanan to his dis- 
appointment learned that he was to be entrusted only with 
Central America. He had to yield but with some bitterness. 

One Hundred Years Ago 261 

Thus after a summer of toil the foreign policy was some- 
what equivocally projected with radical envoys and con- 
servative instructions representing the curious coalition think- 
ing of the Administration. At first there was some slight 
success, strangely enough in Mexico. Marcy had sent a South 
Carolina railroad promoter down there, primarily to buy land 
suitable for an overland railroad line to the Pacific in what 
are now Arizona and New Mexico. Gadsden was instructed 
to show no partiality to two promoters of a transit route over 
the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, each of whom claimed a grant 
of a right of way. P. A. Hargous and A. G. Sloo, each had 
negotiated with Mexico. The latter seemingly had won out 
as the Mexicans had repudiated Hargous in Sloo's favor, and 
the Fillmore Administration had secured an acknowledgment 
of his claim in a treaty. But Hargous had friends who were 
potent and Pierce and Marcy did not wish to favor either. 
Senator Benjamin was backing the Hargous claim, while 
Senator Slidell was agent for Sloo. Gadsden was to be neutral. 

The new minister found upon his arrival in Mexico that 
what the United States wanted could be had for money, so 
he asked for authorization to spend. Pierce immediately sent 
down a confidential messenger with authorization to ne- 
gotiate for purchase. Quite in line with the peculiar notions 
of propriety then obtaining, Pierce chose C. L. Ward, an 
officer of the Hargous interests, to carry the confidential in- 
structions. Upon arrival he worked hard to secure an ac- 
knowledgment of Hargous' demand for indemnity, and after 
complicating things for Gadsden, succeeded in inserting such 
a clause in Gadsden's treaty of purchase. 

When this treaty arrived in January, 1854, Pierce and his 
advisors were disappointed in the small acquisition, and the 
President was indignant at the inclusion of the Hargous 
interest. So the Hargous claim was taken out, then the Senate 
put it back. However, this was no answer for the Senators 
then rejected the treaty. Slidell and Senator Rusk of Texas, 
supporters of the Sloo claim, returned to the fray, got their 
pet project inserted in the treaty, whereupon the Senate 
accepted it. Pierce, still exercised that his diplomacy was 

262 The North Carolina Historical Review 

made the football of interests, was nevertheless prevailed 
upon to accept the document, and it was to be the law of the 
land. This slight success, however, was all for the present as 
lowering war clouds were about to let loose their floods and 
the Crimean War broke out in Europe. 

Russia then, as now, was seeking to expand in the Near 
East and toward a warm water port. Her movements seemed 
to endanger Turkey and British interests in India. Russia also 
found the accession of Napoleon III to the revived imperial 
throne in France not to her liking, and the parvenu Napoleon 
III sensed in the Czar a formidable enemy. Consequently, 
it was only a matter of time before conflict broke out, and in 
1854, two years after the final accession of Napoleon III, the 
conflict came. Before long it involved Great Britain, France, 
Turkey, Italy, and Russia. Such a general European war was 
immediately seized upon by the Pierce administration as 
offering an unusual opportunity. The American diplomats had 
felt for some time that British and French interests were 
united in frustrating American interests in all parts of the 
world. Now these allies were engaged in a war, which, for 
the time being at least, seemed to command their undivided 
attention and resources. So therefore, the President and his 
Secretary of State redoubled their efforts, diplomats were 
instructed to proceed to negotiate more vigorously for Cuba, 
for Hawaii, and now for Alaska. Filibusters were even en- 
couraged to operate in Cuba and in Nicaragua. 

Events in America seemed to be marching in step to en- 
courage aggressive action. The Spanish authorities in Cuba 
outraged an American vessel, the "Black Warrior." Quitman 
sought to press forward with his filibustery expedition to aid 
the Cubans to liberate themselves. Captain Hollins failing 
to get satisfaction for "British" abuse to Vanderbilt's agents 
and the destruction of his property, blew Greytown off the 
map. Then a Texas promoter, Col. Kinney, began to plan to 
enlist American "agricultural emigrants" to settle on some 
land he had "bought" in Nicaragua. Some near to Pierce were 
not unfriendly. Likewise, another American adventurer, Wil- 
liam Walker, with some help from Vanderbilt's associates, 

One Hundred Years Ago 26 


undertook to go to Nicaragua at the invitation of a political 
faction to restore a peace which would probably be advan- 
tageous to the transit transportation over Nicaragua in com- 
petition with Panama. 

It was at this point that a third son of North Carolina 
played a role. Dobbin had a political friend, John H. Wheeler, 
born in Hertford County but educated in Washington, D. C. 
Wheeler divided his time between his birthplace and the Na- 
tional Capital. He took part in State politics and wrote North 
Carolina history. Now Dobbin and he agreed that he should 
have a political office and pressed Pierce to make him a judge 
in Kansas. That post, however, went to another and Wheeler's 
disappointment was solaced by his designation as Minister 
to Nicaragua. For Borland had returned home permanently 
disfigured by a scar on his face made by a broken bottle 
heaved at him while he was endeavoring to save an American 
whom the Nicaraguans claimed to be a murderer. Wheeler 
went down literally in the wake of Hollins' bombardment of 
Greytown. First he must take testimony regarding the damage 
which Hollins had inflicted on local property. This situation 
was not auspicious for the local population was unfriendly 
and menacing. As he reported it, he spent "two terrible 
months, never safe for an hour," even beset by a snake in his 

When he got to the capital, for a time, things were easier, 
but Kinney and William Walker soon made diplomacy more 
difficult. When the latter arrived in September, 1855, he 
quickly overshadowed Kinney and became the grey-eyed 
man of destiny. He soon stirred up greater civil strife and 
Wheeler shortly found himself embroiled on Walker's side, 
then he attempted some political refereeing which brought 
him humiliation. By Christmas he received a decided rebuke 
from Marcy for favoring Walker and when the Nicaraguan- 
Walker government learned that they were not recognized 
by the United States, they refused to deal with Wheeler any 
longer. He then undertook some difficult travel and on the 
journey his son was accidentally shot and almost killed. Mean- 
while, the republic was invaded by its neighbors and as the 

264 The North Carolina Historical Review 

fortunes of war fluctuated, those of Wheeler got worse. His 
health suffered and finally there was a tragedy that was al- 
most fatal. He was lying sick unto death as the city was being 
ravaged by the invaders. A number of women had fled to his 
legation for safety, the enemy was firing on his house and 
banging on the door. The women were screaming in his sick 
room and preparing for suicide rather than fall into the hands 
of the lusting soldiers. However, just at this dreadful moment, 
Walker rescued the city, the women were saved, and Wheeler 
pulled through. However, he had had enough. So had the 
State Department, for he had ceased to represent Marcy's 
policy but followed that of Walker, even defending him for 
depriving Vanderbilt of his franchise. Had it not been for 
Dobbin's protection, he probably would have been dismissed. 
At it was, he was allowed to come home and at length resign. 
Wheeler's unfortunate experience was one of the accumulat- 
ing evidences that all of the spread eagle diplomacy might in 
the end come to naught. 

As Pierce and his associates saw the structure of their hopes 
tumbling down about them, they sought to discover the 
reason. It was not difficult for them to reach the conclusion 
that their efforts were being frustrated by a co-ordinated plan 
devised by Great Britain and France to curb their prospects 
in the West Indies, in the Isthmuses, and even in Hawaii. 
Despite the fact that these powers were engaged in a des- 
perate European conflict, they were believed to have time and 
energy sufficient to spare so that they could circumvent the 
United States in its efforts to spread enlightenment and 

Marcy became convinced that his major problem was to 
bring Great Britain to terms. He first sought to settle the 
Canadian fisheries dispute by entering into a shrewd horse- 
trading venture which resulted in a package treaty involving 
both fisheries and Canadian trade on a reciprocity basis. In 
this he succeeded. But the second problem, that of Anglo- 
American spheres of influence in the Isthmus region, was 
made more difficult and much complicated by the destruction 

One Hundred Years Ago 265 

of Greytown by Dobbin's naval officer and the ventures of 
Kinney and William Walker. 

Then came a break. The British Minister at Washington 
was caught violating our neutrality laws in his efforts to 
recruit volunteers for the British Army during the Crimean 
War. This was an opportunity which Marcy sought to use to 
greatest advantage to force Great Britain to accept American 
definition of the limits of her interests in the Isthmus region. 
But if this advantage were to be pressed, American hands 
must be clean. So the Pierce Administration must enforce 
its neutrality laws against its own citizens too. Therefore, 
these filibustery expeditions could no longer be worked. The 
task forces to Nicaragua and Cuba must be stopped. Col. 
Kinney must be dropped, Quitman persuaded to remain at 
home, and Walker ignored and denied recognition, even 
though Wheeler must be rebuked and at length recalled. 

Then everything seemed to go wrong. Civil war so rocked 
Nicaragua that Walker got into even deeper trouble and the 
Nicaragua transit route was closed, it developed, indefinitely. 
Soule's efforts in the direction of Cuba, even when enforced 
at Ostend by our Ministers at London and Paris, resulted in 
the sorry fiasco of the Ostend Manifesto, which left us even 
further away from Cuba and which poured oil on the fire of 
American politics, to the violent discomfiture of Pierce. 

Our negotiations for a coaling station in the West Indies 
failed. A riot on the Isthmus of Panama resulted in the de- 
struction of property of the Panama railroad and revealed a 
hatred of Americans by the people and government of New 
Grenada, which was disillusioning and humiliating. Our ef- 
forts to acquire Hawaii and Alaska failed. Continued civil 
war in China was endangering hoped for concessions there. 
The one success in the Far East, the opening of Japan, had 
been the result of the planning of Fillmore and Secretary 

The Pierce Administration itself had but one triumph in 
the Pacific, and this a most peculiar one. The destruction of 
soil fertility particularly in some parts of the South called for 
fertilizer. The most popular type was guano from the various 

266 The North Carolina Historical Review 

bird rookeries on barren islets in the Caribbean and the 
Pacific. American interests had been trying to get some con- 
cessions to purchase at the British operated Lobos Islands 
off the shores of Peru, but with little success. Then Senator 
Benjamin came to Marcy with a "discovery/' There was much 
guano on the Galapagos Islands, far off the shores of Ecuador. 
So instructions were sent off in care of Benjamin to the Amer- 
ican Minister in Ecuador to get the concession. A treaty was 
achieved whereby such privileges were granted in return for 
a generous loan— and then it turned out the whole "discovery" 
was a hoax; there was no guano on the Galapagos. Other 
efforts were made in the Caribbean, but this only got us into 
difficulties with Venezuela and rival American enterprises cut 
each others throats. 

It was at this point that American guano operators be- 
thought themselves of islets in distant Polynesia. So Dobbin 
agreeably sent out the Navy to establish discoverer's rights 
and Congress passed the Guano Act which Pierce signed in 
August, 1856, providing machinery for American operators 
to establish claims which the United States would be able to 
protect. The United States has some of those islets yet, 
notably Howland, Baker, and Jarvis. 

Little had been accomplished. The Gadsden Purchase had 
been achieved. At long last Britain did make some conces- 
sions under the pressure of our indignation at the violation of 
our neutrality. But the resulting Dallas-Clarendon agreement 
eventually failed of ratification. The acquisition of new areas 
dedicated to liberty by the United States had made an almost 
infinitesimal beginning, slight recompense for four years of 
ardent toil and constant frustration. The decade that had 
started out so gloriously had bogged down by 1857, at least 
as far as diplomatic success was concerned, and might be 
termed a rather dismal failure. 

Today the historian from the vantage point of a hundred 
year's perspective asks the question: Why this failure? What 
were the causes of this frustration? The contemporary idea 
was of course to blame it upon Great Britain. Britain and 
France were in a combination to frustrate the free United 

One Hundred Years Ago 267 

States. It is apparent now, of course, that a good part of this 
failure came from the shadow of the third war— the war 
which was to come. American government was confused by 
the growing sectional tension. Most of the advances which 
Pierce wished to make would have been advantageous to the 
South, and consequently the enemies of the South opposed 
them. However, there is a more subtle and less apparent 
cause which, in the light of present day situations, it may 
be profitable to stress. And that was the reputation which 
the United States then had in the eyes of some people, and 
of which citizens of the United States and their government 
seem to have been utterly oblivious. 

The chief minister of Queen Victoria, Palmerston, put it as 
follows in a letter which he wrote to his colleague Clarendon: 
"These Yankees are most disagreeable fellows to have to do 
with about any American question. They are on the spot, 
strong, deeply interested in the matter, totally unscrupulous 
and dishonest, and determined somehow or other to carry 
their point . . . [they] are such Rogues and such ingenious 
Rogues . . . [that even if the present question were settled! 
some new cavils would be found or . . . by the indirect agency 
of such men as Walker and his followers some independent 
State would ... be established in Central America ... in 
short, Texas over again." 

These words, had they been read by any American, would 
undoubtedly have been shocking. Pierce and his associates 
and probably most of the citizens of the republic thought of 
themselves as high-minded and progressive men who were 
earnest in their efforts to improve the lot of mankind by 
advancing the ideals of democracy, and by proclaiming lib- 
erty. Yet here was the head of probably the most powerful 
government in the world who had the benefit of the best 
secret service and intelligence forces then existent, who un- 
equivocally declared that we, particularly our government, 
were "rogues." Seemingly we had failed completely in our 
effort to communicate our high idealism and our lofty pur- 
pose together with our concern for the welfare of mankind. 
We were completely misunderstood. 

268 The North Carolina Historical Review 

It was but one of the failures of those bitter ten years. The 
decade of the 1850's which began so auspiciously with great 
opportunity and with the demonstration of the nation's great 
capacity to avoid danger by compromise, indeed, as we know, 
proved to be the decade of the nation's greatest failure. It 
ended in the disastrous conflict between the Union and the 
Confederacy. But this great failure is not of immediate con- 
cern in this discussion, rather that other failure of this decade, 
which in view of the nation's present international situation 
should be of great moment to all. This failure is the failure 
to communicate, illustrated by Palmerston's attitude just 

Palmerston's opinion illustrates so clearly that in the 1850's 
the United States failed to communicate its message of hope 
and idealism. Today there is too much evidence that the 
nation is again failing to communicate the message of democ- 
racy to the nations. In the 1850's we were younger, less ma- 
ture, but vigorous in our faith in the righteousness of our 
purpose, in our manifest destiny to offer hope and freedom to 
those who were living under the rule of government which 
in most part was repressive and decadent. Even enlightened 
England, more nearly like the republic in spirit than the other 
more despotic governments, could not seemingly compre- 
hend. Now, a hundred years later, we still have the message. 
We still believe in it intensely. Furthermore, we have reached 
maturity and should possess wisdom. The world needs this 
message probably more than it did a century ago. But again, 
the nation is not getting its message across. Why? 

In the first place, the United States is now facing not a 
declining monarchial system but a younger ideation, enthusi- 
astic and on the march. The United States, on the other hand, 
is showing signs of too great self-satisfaction, a pride in its 
achievements which is justified by their magnitude but never- 
theless blinding and enervating. The people are not suffici- 
ently alert— just as a hundred years ago they were not percep- 
tive, neither are they now. Those of other ideations are more 
ingenious, have greater enthusiasm and drive. They perceive 
the nation's weakness and capitalize it. They know the United 

One Hundred Years Ago 269 

States thinks it can do anything with its money and therefore 
neglects to go out into the missionary field preaching the 
gospel of example. The United States buys tractors— it is not 
skillful in distributing tracts or in preaching by example. 

To improve the nation's capacity to communicate the mes- 
sage of democracy, at least two things are needed. The people 
of the United States and those who bear rule over them need 
more critical knowledge of the current situation and greater 
perception of the significance of their knowledge. Too many 
attitudes and opinions are acquired by the easy means of 
listening to or reading the views of only one program, one 
commentator, one columnist, one newspaper or one periodi- 
cal. It is essential to listen to or read a greater variety of 
reports. It is only in this way that the people will be able to 
find out and to perceive the opinions which other people have 
about the United States, to learn how hostile in many cases 
they really are, how based upon misunderstanding of national 
motives. By this knowledge and perception can the nation 
correct these views and avoid making the mistakes which 
serve to re-enforce them among those who might otherwise 
be our friends. 

Liberty, freedom, democracy— the things we believe in so 
thoroughly— should be contagious. The nation should be pro- 
claiming them so vigorously that their great power would be 
compelling. But this can be done not so much by spending 
money, which to man) 7 today seems to be the answer to 
every problem, but by ministering to the spiritual needs of 
mankind, by preaching by example, by sharing friendship 
and understanding, and the powerful example of sincere and 
consistent operation of uncorrupted democracy. 


By William S. Powell 

Bibliography and Libraries 

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1956. 36 p. $.50 pa. 

Clark, Thomas D., ed. Travels in the South, a bibliography. Vol. 
I, 1527-1783, Vol. II, 1750-1825. Norman, University of Okla- 
homa Press, 1956. $20.00. 

Crandall, Marjorie Lyle. Confederate imprints, a check list 
based principally on the collection of the Boston Athenaeum. 
Boston, Boston Athenaeum, 1955. 2 vols. $15.00. 

Downs, Robert Bingham. Books that changed the world. Chi- 
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Pullen, William Russell. A check list of legislative journals 
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Philosophy and Religion 

Butler, Julian, Jr. "Come unto Me" . . . devotions for youth. 
Clinton, S. C, Jacobs Brothers, 1956. 56 p. $1.50. 

Cox, Daisy Kelly. A history of the Methodist Church, Jones- 
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1955. 109 p. il. 

Cushman, Ralph Spaulding. The prayers of Jesus, with medi- 
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Eaton, William Richard. History of the Raleigh Baptist As- 

1 Books dealing with North Carolina or by North Carolinians published 
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Graham, William Franklin. The secret of happiness, Jesus' 
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Henderlite, Rachel. A call to faith. Richmond, John Knox 
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Idol, Vera. Paths of shining light. New York, Abingdon Press, 
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Paschal, George Washington. History of North Carolina Bap- 
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Sill, James B. Historical sketches of churches in the Diocese of 
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Economics and Sociology 

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Debnam, Waldemar Eros. Then my old Kentucky home, good 
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Hassell, Allene B. Personal analysis and future planning. 
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Howell, Almonte Charles. The Kenan professorships. Chapel 
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Jeffreys, Raymond John. Life will begin at 100. Columbus, 
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McLeod, John Angus. From these stones : Mars Hill College, the 
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McMahon, John Alexander. Public school budget law in North 
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Guidebook series, February, 1956) 60 p. $1.50. 

New South (Atlanta). Changing patterns in the New South, 
a unique record of the growth of democracy in the South in 
the last decade, from the pages of the Southern Regional 
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North Carolina. Council of Civil Defense. Natural disaster 
relief plan. Raleigh, 1955. 49 p. pa. 

North Carolina. University. Committee on per Capita In- 
come in North Carolina. Studies of per capital income in 
North Carolina. No place, 1956. Various paging, pa. 

North Carolina. University. Educational Research Bureau. 
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Reddick, De Witt Carter. Church and campus, Presbyterians 
look to the future from their historic role in Christian higher 
education. Richmond, John Knox Press, 1956. 178 p. il. $1.00 
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Robinson, Blackwell Pierce. The history of escheats. Chapel 
Hill, University of North Carolina, 1955. 62 p. pa. 

Rutland, Robert Allen. The birth of the Bill of Rights, 1776- 
1791. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1955. 
vi, 243 p. $5.00. 

Spurlock, Clark. Education and the Supreme Court. Urbana, 
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Swanson, Ernst Werner. Public education in the South today 
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Carson, Rachel Louise. The edge of the sea. Boston, Houghton 

Mifflin, 1955. 276 p. il. $3.95. 
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coral. New York, Hart Book Co., 1955. 127 p. il. $2.95. 
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or variable. [Chapel Hill?], The Author, 1955. 100 p. $3.50. 
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Carolina Long-range Hurricane Rehabilitation Project. Ra- 
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Barnes & Noble, 1956. 275 p. il. $1.95. 
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North Carolina. Washington, U. S. Government Printing Office, 

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Applied Science and Useful Arts 

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ginner. New York, Dutton, 1956. 93 p. il. $2.75. 

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Fine Arts 

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English-speaking world. New York, Viking Press, 1956. xxxv, 
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274 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Logan, William A. Road to Heaven, twenty-eight Negro spirit- 
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Bay Leaves no. 3: Prize poems, Poetry Day contests . . . 1954- 

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1956. 28 p. Order from C. A. Shull, Box 6252, Asheville, N. C. 
$1.00 pa. 

Bevington, Helen Smith. A change of sky, and other poems. 2 

Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 1956. 144 p. $3.50. 
Craig, Marjorie. The known way. Francestown, N. H., Golden 

Quill Press, 1955. 80 p. $2.50. 
Eaton, Charles Edward. The greenhouse in the garden. New 

York, Twayne Publishers, 1955. 64 p. $2.75. 
Hewitt, Andrew. Pickapot, and other poems. Charlotte, Peak 

& Pine Press, 1956. unpaged, il. $2.50. 
Holmes, Edison Parker. Nothin' ain't no good. Winston-Salem, 

Clay Printing Co., 1955. 123 p. il. 
Huffman, Minna R. Come into my garden, and other poems, 

with monthly garden reminders. Durham, Religion & Health 

Press, 1955. 58 p. $1.00 pa. 
Hutchins, James Hill. My native town. New Bern, New Bern 

Historical Society Foundation, 1955. unpaged, il. pa. 
Morris, Robert. Hurricane. Chapel Hill, Old Well Publishers, 

1956. 13 p. $1.00 pa. 
Mullis, Nellie Hughes. Wings of Gold. Dallas, Story Book 

Press, 1956. [copyright 1955] 48 p. $2.50. 
Sieber, Herman Alexander. Something the West will remem- 
ber. Chapel Hill, Old Well Publishers, 1956. 18 p. $1.00 pa. 
Weaver, Guy. Rime thoughts and jingle smiles. Asheville, Bilt- 

more Press, 1955. 70 p. 


Blythe LeGette. Voice in the wilderness. A play with music, 
song, dance and pantomime. Staged in commemoration of the 
200th anniversary of the establishment of Presbyterianism in 
the region of Old Mecklenburg. Charlotte, William Loftin, 
1955. 87 p. il. $1.90. 

Winner of the Roanoke-Chowan Awarcl for poetry, 1956. 

North Carolina Bibliography 275 

Green, Paul Eliot. Wilderness Road, a symphonic outdoor 
drama. New York, French, 1956. 166 p. il. $3.00. 

Walser, Richard Gaither, ed. North Carolina drama, with 
plays by William Norment Cox [and others] and two comedies 
by Paul Green. Richmond, Garrett & Massie, 1956. 229 p. 

Literature, Other Than Poetry, Drama or Fiction 

Duffey, Frank M. The Early Cuadro de Costumbres in Colom- 
bia. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1956. 
(University of North Carolina Studies in the Romance Lan- 
guages and Literatures, no. 26) 116 p. $2.50 pa. 

Hogan, Helen B. Books as windows to your world. Chapel Hill, 
University of North Carolina Library, 1956. (Library exten- 
sion publication, vol. 21, no. 3) 30 p. $.50 pa. 

Morrah, Dave. Heinrich Schnibble, and even more tales mein 
Grossfader told. New York, Rinehart, 1955. Ill p. il. $1.50. 

Sillynyms. New York, Rinehart, 1956. 93 p. il. $1.50. 

Fiction 3 

Angell, Polly. Andy Jackson : long journey to the White House. 
New York, Aladdin Books, 1956. 192 p. il. $1.75. Juvenile. 

Brandon, Evan. Green Pond. New York, Vanguard Press, 1955. 
506 p. $4.75. 

Brucker, Margaretta. A doctor for Barbara by Margaret Howe 
[pseud.] New York, Avalon Books, 1956. 224 p. $2.50. 

Creole, Ellis. Big doin's on Razorback Ridge. New York, Nelson, 
1956. 125 p. $2.75. Juvenile. 

FORBUS, Ina B. The magic pin. New York, Viking Press, 1956. 
138 p. il. $2.50. Juvenile. 

Hargrove, Marion. The girl he left behind ; or, All quiet in the 
Third Platoon. New York, Viking Press, 1956. 191 p. $2.95. 

Hunter, Joshua Allen. Dear Doctor Dick, the story of a small- 
town physician. New York, Exposition Press, 1955. 53 p. $2.50. 

Johnson, Richard Carroll. A story of six loves. New York, 
Pageant Press, 1955. 52 p. $2.00. 

Koch, Dorothy Clarke. Gone is my goose. New York, Holiday 
House, 1956. unpaged, il. $2.25. Juvenile. 

Kroll, Harry Harrison. Summer gold. Philadelphia, Westmin- 
ster Press, 1955. 176 p. $2.75. Juvenile. 

Martin, Frances Gardiner. Pirate Island. New York, Harper, 
1955. 215 p. il. $2.75. Juvenile. 

Miller, Helen Topping. Her Christmas at the Hermitage. New 
York, Longmans, Green, 1955. 89 p. $2.50. 

By a North Carolinian or with the scene laid in North Carolina. 

276 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Slow dies the thunder. Indianapolis, Bobbs-Merrill, 

1955. 310 p. $3.50. 
Moore, Bertha B. Summer on Breezy Hill, by Betsy McCurry 

[pseud.]. Grand Rapids, Zondervan Publishing House, 1955. 

57 p. il. $1.00. 
Mozingo, Edgar. Mama's little rascal. New York, Exposition 

Press, 1955. 104 p. $3.00. 
Patton, Frances Gray. A piece of luck. 4 New York, Dodd, 

Mead, 1955. 248 p. $3.00. 
Phillips, Agnes Lucas. One clear call, a novel about nursing. 

New York, Exposition Press, 1955. 120 p. $3.00. 
Polk, William Tannahill. The fallen angel, and other stories. 

Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1956. 180 p. 

Slaughter, Frank Gill. The scarlet cord, a novel of the woman 

of Jericho. Garden City, Doubleday, 1956. 352 p. $3.95. 
Speas, Jan Cox. My Lord Monleigh. Indianapolis, Bobbs-Merrill, 

1956. 309 p. $3.75. 

Street, Julia Montgomery. Fiddler's fancy. 5 Chicago, Follett, 

1955. 157 p. $2.50. Juvenile. 
Turner, Orren Jack. Lightly lies the earth. New York, Vantage 

Press, 1955. 304 p. $3.50. 
Wellman, Manly Wade. Flag on the levee. New York, I. 

Washburn, 1955. 209 p. il. $2.75. 
— To unknown lands. New York, Holiday House, 1956. 

202 p. il. $2.75. Juvenile. 

Young Squire Morgan. New York, I. Washburn, 1956. 

172 p. il. $2.75. Juvenile. 


Allison, Charles Walter. Reverend John Tillett family histo- 
ry. Charlotte, Observer Printing House, 1955. 194, 64, 171 p. 
il. $15.00. 

Bass, Ivan Ernest. Bass family history: Esau Bass (Revolu- 
tionary soldier) his brother, Jonathan Bass, and their de- 
scendants. Washington, 1955. 449 p. il. $10.00. 

Craig, Marjorie. Family records of Henrietta Alberta Ratliffe 
and Jasper Newton Craig. Reidsville, The Author, 1955. un- 

Davidson, Chalmers Gaston. Gaston of Chester. Based chiefly 
on the notes and records preserved by Judge Arthur Lee 
Gaston. [Davidson? N. C, 1956]. 146 p. il. 

* Winner of the Sir Walter Raleigh Award for fiction, 1956. 
D Winner of the AAUW Award to juvenile literature, 1956. 

North Carolina Bibliography 277 

Getzendaner, Georgia Belle, comp. George Washington Pat- 
terson family history. West Hartford, Conn., Chedwato Serv- 
ice, 1956. 73 p. $2.25 pa. 

McKoy, Henry Bacon. The McKoy family of North Carolina 
and other ancestors including Ancrum, Berry, Hailing, Hasell, 
Usher. Greenville, S. C, 1955. 198 p. il. 

McNair, James Birtley. McNair, McNear, and McNeir genealo- 
gies. Supplement, 1955. Los Angeles, The Author, 1955. 457 p. 

Morris, Whitmore. A Morris family of Mecklenburg County, 
North Carolina. [San Antonio? 1956]. 128 p. $4.00. 

Shaw, Jessie Owen. The Johnsons and their kin of Randolph. 
Washington, 1955. 214 p. il. $10.00. 

Stone, Dolly Mary. Samuel Stone and his wife Mary Ann 
Chunn. San Antonio, Naylor Co., 1955. 87 p. $5.00. 

Wyatt, Lillian Reeves. The Reeves, Mercer, Newkirk families. 
[Jacksonville? Fla., 1956]. 374 p. il. $5.00. 

History and Travel 

Alexander, Nancy. Here will I dwell. (The story of Caldwell 
County.) Lenoir, Nancy Alexander, 1956. 230 p. il. $5.00. 

Bridgers, Emily. Africa: South of the Sahara. Chapel Hill, 
University of North Carolina Library, 1955. (Library exten- 
sion publication, vol. 21, no. 1) 44 p. $.50 pa. 

Cathey, Cornelius Oliver. Agricultural developments in North 
Carolina, 1783-1860. Chapel Hill, University of North Caro- 
lina Press, 1956. (The James Sprunt studies in history and 
political science, v. 38) 229 p. $2.50 pa. 

Curtis, Robert S. The history of livestock in North Carolina. 
Raleigh, Agricultural Experiment Station, N. C. State College, 
1956. (Its Bulletin 401) 116 p. il. pa. 

Dill, Alonzo Thomas. Governor Tryon and his palace. Chapel 
Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1955. xiii, 304 p. il. 

Ferguson, Thomas Wiley. Home on the Yadkin. Winston-Salem, 
Clay Printing Co., 1956. 242 p. il. 

Fowler, Malcolm. They passed this way: a personal narrative 
of Harnett County history. No place, Harnett County Centen- 
nial, Inc., 1955. 167 p. il. $2.00 pa. 

Isbell, Robert Lee. The world of my childhood. Lenoir, News- 
Topic, 1955. 208 p. il. $2.25. 

Jeffreys, Raymond J. Must they sell apples again? Columbus, 
Capitol College Press, 1956. 101 p. il. 

Knight, Ken, ed. North Carolina travelbook. Winston-Salem, 
Collins Co., 1956. 105 p. il. pa. 

278 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Lefler, Hugh Talmage. History of North Carolina. New York, 
Lewis Historical Publishing Co., 1956. 4 vols. il. $87.00. 

Mathewson, Alice Clarke. Ali-Mat takes off. Raleigh, Forest 
Hills Distributors, [1956?]. 152 p. $2.75. 

Parris, John A. Roaming the mountains with John Parris. 
Asheville, Citizen-Times Publishing Co., 1955. 246 p. $2.50. 

Paschal, Herbert Richard, Jr. A history of colonial Bath. 
Raleigh, Edwards & Broughton Co., 1955. 69 p. il. $2.50. 

Patton, Sadie Smathers. Buncombe to Mecklenburg — specula- 
tion lands. Forest City, Western North Carolina Historical 
Association, 1955. vi, 47 p. $2.00 pa. 

Peace, Samuel Thomas. "Zeb's black baby," Vance County, 
North Carolina, a short history. Henderson, 1955. 457 p. il. 

Robinson, Blackwell Pierce. A history of Moore County, 
North Carolina, 1747-1847. 6 Southern Pines, Moore County 
Historical Association, 1956. viii, 270 p. il. $7.50. 

Quattlebaum, Paul. The land called Chicora, the Carolinas 
under Spanish rule, with French intrusions, 1520-1670. 
Gainesville, University of Florida Press, 1956. 153 p. il. $3.75. 

Quinn, David Beers. The Roanoke voyages, 1584-1590, docu- 
ments to illustrate the English voyages to North America 
under the patent granted to Walter Raleigh in 1584. London, 
Hakluyt Society, 1955. 2 vols. il. $22.00. 

Roberts, Elliott. One river — seven states, TVA-State relations 
in the development of the Tennessee River. Knoxville, Bureau 
of Public Administration, University of Tennessee, 1955. (The 
University of Tennessee record. Extension series, vol. 31, no. 
1) vii, 100 p. $1.50 pa. 

Savage, Henry. River of the Carolinas : the Santee. New York, 
Rinehart, 1956. 435 p. il. $5.00. 

Snell, John Leslie, Jr. The meaning of Yalta, Big Three diplo- 
macy and the new balance of power. Baton Rouge, Louisiana 
State University Press, 1956. xiii, 239 p. il. $3.75. 

Stephenson, Wendell Holmes. The South lives in history, 
Southern historians and their legacy. Baton Rouge, Louisiana 
State University Press, 1955. 163 p. $3.50. 

Territory of the United States, South of the River Ohio. 
Governor, 1790-1796. The Blount journal, 1790-1796, the 
proceedings of government over the Territory of the United 
States of America, South of the River Ohio, William Blount, 
esquire, in his executive department as governor. Nashville, 
Benson Printing Co., 1955. vii, 157 p. $3.00. 

a Winner of an Award of Merit from the American Association for State 
and Local History, 1956. 

North Carolina Bibliography 279 

Tucker, Glenn. Tecumseh, vision of glory. 7 Indianapolis, 

Bobbs-Merrill, 1956. 399 p. $5.00. 
Washburn, Benjamin Earle. A country doctor in the South 

Mountains. Asheville, Stephens Press, 1955. 94 p. il. $2.00. 
Weathers, Lee Beam. The living past of Cleveland County, a 

history. Shelby, Star Publishing Co., 1956. 269 p. il. $4.00. 

Autobiography and Biography 

Burnham, George. Billy Graham, a mission accomplished. 

Westwood, N. J., Revell, 1955. 158 p. $2.00. 
Chambers, William Nisbet. Old Bullion Benton, Senator from 

the new West : Thomas Hart Benton, 1782-1858. Boston, Little 

Brown, 1956. 517 p. il. $6.00. 
Coe, Jeffrey. The picture story of Daniel Boone. New York, 

Wonder Books, Inc., 1956. 64 p. il. $.25 pa. Juvenile. 
Davis, Burke. Gray Fox, Robert E. Lee and the Civil War. New 

York, Rinehart, 1956. 466 p. il. $6.00. 
Hedden, Worth Tuttle. Two and three make one, by Winifred 

Woodley [pseud.] New York, Crown Publishers, 1956. 167 p. 

High, Stanley. Billy Graham, the personal story of the man, 

his message, and his mission. New York, McGraw-Hill, 1956. 

274 p. il. $3.95. 
Hayward, Arthur Lawrence. The book of pirates. New York, 

Roy Publishers, [1956?]. 239 p. il. $2.75. 
Hoyle, Bernadette. Tar Heel writers I know. Winston-Salem, 

John F. Blair, Publisher, 1956. viii, 215 p. il. $4.00. 
Ives, Elizabeth Stevenson. My brother Adlai, by Elizabeth 

Stevenson Ives and Hildegarde Dolson. New York, Morrow, 

1956. 308 p. il. $4.00 
Lemmon, Kathleen. House in the Woods, a biographical sketch 

of Juliette and Crosby Adams. Asheville, Inland Press, 1956. 

89 p. $2.75. 
McBride, Robert Martin. Portrait of an American loyalist, 

James Cotton of Anson County, North Carolina. Nashville, 

Tenn., 1954. 64 p. pa. 
Massengale, Rosalie. Other people's lives. Chapel Hill, Univer- 
sity of North Carolina Library, 1956. (Library extension pub- 
lication, vol. 21, no. 2) 42 p. $.50 pa. 
Maurice, George H. On the trail of Daniel Boone in North 

Carolina. Eagle Springs, N. C, The Author, 1955. 19 p. il. 

North Carolina Federation of Music Clubs. North Carolina 

Musicians, a selective handbook. Chapel Hill, University of 

7 Winner of the Mayflower Award, 1956. 

280 The North Carolina Historical Review 

North Carolina library, 1956. (Library extension publication, 
vol. 21, no. 4) 82 p. $1.50 pa., $3.00 cloth. 

Peele, Herbert. Mr. Albemarle, some quotations from Herbert 
Peele's editorials and Peelings, compiled by his wife, Kate. 
Winston-Salem, Collins Co., 1955. 205 p. il. $5.00. 

Shackford, James Atkins. David Crockett, the man and the 
legend. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1956. 
xiv, 338 p. $6.00. 

Smathers, Frank. The last pioneer of Western North Caro- 
lina. Coral Gables, Fla., Glade House, 1956. 42 p. il. 

Wolfe, Thomas. Letters, Collected and edited, with an intro- 
duction and explanatory text, by Elizabeth Nowell. New York, 
Scribner, 1956. xviii, 797 p. $10.00. 

New Editions and Reprints 

Duncan, Norvin C. People, places, things. [Asheville? 1955]. 

96 p. il. pa. 
Jarrell, Randall. Poetry and the age. London, Faber and 

Faber, 1955. 240 p. $2.52. 
Jones, Hugh. The present state of Virginia, from whence is 

inferred a short view of Maryland and North Carolina. Edited 

with an introduction by Richard L. Morton. Chapel Hill, 

University of North Carolina Press, 1956. xiv, 295 p. il. $5.00. 
Kincaid, Robert Lee. The Wilderness road. Harrogate, Tenn., 

Lincoln Memorial University Press, 1955. 392 p. il. $4.00. 
Lassiter, William Carroll. Law and press, the legal aspects of 

news reporting, editing and publishing in North Carolina. 

Raleigh, Edwards & Broughton, 1956. xvi, 262 p. $7.50. 
Myren, Richard Albert. Investigation of arson, and other 

unlawful burnings. Chapel Hill, Institute of Government, 1956. 

(Its Guidebook series, May, 1956) 90, 14 p. $1.50 pa. 
Newman, William S. The pianist's problems . . . New York, 

Harper, 1956. xiv, 168 p. il. $3.00. 
North Carolina. University. Institute of Government. 

Notary public guidebook. Chapel Hill, Institute of Govern- 
ment, 1956. (Its Guidebook series, May, 1956) 82 p. il. $2.00 

Patton, Frances Gray. Good morning, Miss Dove. New York, 

Pocket Books, Inc., 1956. 165 p. $.25 pa. 
London, Victor Gollancz, Ltd., 1956. 217 p. 

il. $1.50. 
Pierce, Ovid Williams. La plantation. Roman traduit de Tamer- 

icain par Hubert Audigier. Paris, Librairie Plon, 1955. 254 p. 
Richardson, Ethel Park. American mountain songs. New 

York, Greenberg, 1956 [copyright 1955] 120 p. il. $3.50. 

North Carolina Bibliography 281 

Sieber, Herman Alexander. In this the Marian year. Chapel 

Hill, Old Well Publishers, 1956. 27 p. il. $1.75 pa., $3.00 cloth. 
Slaughter, Frank Gill. The song of Ruth, a love story from 

the Old Testament. New York, Permabooks, 1955. 288 p. 

$.35 pa. 
Street, James Howell. Drengen og Lady. Copenhagen, Thor- 

kild Becks Forlag, 1955. 219 p. 
Tracy, Don. Roanoke renegade. New York, Pocket Books, Inc., 

1955. 346 p. $.35 pa. 
Wolfe, Thomas. La ragnatela e la roccia. Verona, Mondadori, 

1955. 707 p. 


The Papers of Willie Person Mangum. Edited by Henry Thomas 
Shanks. Volume V, 1847-1894. (Raleigh: State Department of 
Archives and History. 1956. Pp. xxxvii, 812. Illustrations, 
errata, and index. $3.00.) 

This is the final volume of the Mangum papers. About half 
of the volume is taken up by letters to Mangum and members 
of his family, written previous to Mangum's death in 1861. 
His wife and two daughters resided during these years at 
Walnut Hall, established on the Mangum ancestral estate in 
Orange (now Durham) County; another daughter was mar- 
ried and lived on a plantation in Randolph County; while his 
only son, William Preston Mangum, divided his time amongst 
the home, two academies, a short stay in Washington with 
his father, attendance at the University of North Carolina, 
and service in the Confederate army prior to his death from 
a wound received in the First Battle of Manassas. Six years 
of the period constituted Mangum's final term as Senator in 
his thirty year span of almost unbroken service in the United 
States Congress. He lapsed into bad health following a severe 
fall in 1851, retired from the Senate in 1853, and spent his 
declining years at Walnut Hall. 

The net result of the foregoing circumstances coupled with 
fortunate preservation and skillful editing is a series of in- 
teresting and historically useful documents. Mangum's finan- 
cial and professional interests in the law and the close attach- 
ment of the family to the soil meant that the usual family 
and personal greetings were interspersed with bits of infor- 
mation revealing much of the agrarian life of the period. He 
and members of his family were intellectually alert and alive 
to the educational currents of the day. These letters, there- 
fore, furnish an excellent cross section picture of social and 
economic conditions as well as some incidental facts con- 
erning Mangum's role as an elder Whig statesman. 

Most of the latter half of the volume is made up of several 
of Mangum's speeches in Congress. It is the humble opinion 


Book Reviews 283 

of this reviewer that these speeches are of questionable worth 
for publication as original historical sources. Most of them 
are already available in the Register of Debates and Con- 
gressional Globe, they contain numerous typographical errors 
and have been subjected to relatively little by way of edi- 
torial embellishment. Seventeen pages devoted to reminis- 
cences of Mangum's descendants furnish some interesting 
anecdotes that may, as the editor hopefully suggests (p. 
746 n ) , stimulate further research in the career of a significant 
figure in the politics of North Carolina and the nation. 

Paul Murray. 

East Carolina College, 


Agricultural Developments in North Carolina, 1783-1860. Vol- 
ume XXXVIII of the James Sprunt Studies in History and 
Political Science. By Cornelius Oliver Cathey. (Chapel Hill: 
The University of North Carolina Press. 1956. Pp. v, 229. 

Historians may add this volume to their shelf of state agri- 
cultural histories for, in spite of Professor Cathey's modest 
disclaimer that he has not attempted to record the history 
of North Carolina's agriculture in the ante-bellum period, he 
comes very close to doing just that. The volume fills a basic 
need in a field that is worthy of much careful study. Professor 
Cathey states that his interest was first drawn to the field by 
Professor Fletcher M. Green, of the University of North 
Carolina. Over the past several years, nearly every piece of 
historical research relating to the agricultural history of 
North Carolina has carried a similar acknowledgment. 

Professor Cathey compromises the historian's dilemma of 
a chronological or topical organization in his work by discus- 
sing colonial agricultural in his first chapter; post-Revolution- 
ary changes to 1820 in his second; land-holding, labor, and 
agricultural implements from 1783 to 1860 in his next two; 
agricultural reform from 1820 to 1860 in his fifth; and devel- 

284 The North Carolina Historical Review 

opments respecting major commodities from 1820 to 1860 in 
his next four. The concluding chapter is an excellent summary 
of agricultural progress from 1783 to 1860. 

The outstanding impression left by the volume is that 
North Carolina was, like other states, moving away from a 
partially self-sufficient agriculture towards a commercial agri- 
culture throughout the period studied. Not every farmer made 
immediate changes, yet every development that was chang- 
ing the nation's agriculture was paralleled in North Carolina. 
Leading agricultural reformers, for example, were emphasiz- 
ing intensive rather than extensive cultivation on both the 
national and state scene. The author states that because of 
the conservatism, superstition, and ignorance of many 
farmers, reform moved very slowly. It might also be noted 
that intensive agriculture carried on far from transportation 
facilities and markets was not economically feasible. With 
allowances for these inadequacies, it seems obvious from this 
study that North Carolina farmers were moving at about the 
same pace as those of other states. 

Professor Cathey concludes that by 1860 the foundations 
of a better agriculture had been firmly established in every 
community in the State. It may be hoped that the author will 
continue his researches and prepare a companion volume on 
the agriculture of North Carolina from 1860 to the present. 

Wayne D. Rasmussen. 

U. S. Department of Agriculture, 

Washington, D. C. 

Sherman's March through the Carolinas. By John G. Barrett. 
(Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 1956. 
Pp. viii, 325. $6.00.) 

Sherman always considered his march from Savannah to 
Coldsboro the greatest achievement of his military career, 
and was convinced that it had been "an important factor in 
. . . the glorious triumph of the Union cause." Americans 
since have argued about the need and responsibility for the 

Book Reviews 285 

damage inflicted by Sherman's "bummers," military critics 
have disagreed over the influence of the campaign on the 
outcome of the war, but not until the appearance of 
Shermans March through the Carolinas has anyone made a 
detailed study of this controversial chapter in the Civil War. 

It is not a pretty story. Correctly interpreting the campaign 
as an application of what today is called "total war" rather 
than a grandiose raid, Dr. Barrett does not gloss over 
Sherman's imperfections and the many incidents of brutality 
and indiscriminate destruction. Yet he does not join the Con- 
federate partisans. He understands Sherman, his intense con- 
viction that the South had to be taught it had acted in error, 
and his desire to bring the war to a quick end and just end; 
he admires him for his "refusal to be bound by orthodox 
strategy and stubborn military tradition." Above all, he ap- 
preciates the fact that, aside from the question whether 
Sherman's devastating march actually had an appreciable 
effect upon Lee's surrender (Dr. Barrett believes that it did 
not ) , Sherman's policies were not always in harmony with the 
goal he sought— "a more perfect peace." 

The author has attacked without fear or favor such per- 
plexing problems as the burning of Columbia, the battle of 
Bentonville, and the prolonged negotiations between Sherman 
and Johnston. His fully documented narrative is never with- 
out interest (readers will enjoy especially his account of 
Kilpatrick's frustrating experience at Monroe's Cross-Roads) 
and can be regarded as the best book on the subject. 

Jay Luvaas. 
Duke University, 

A History of Atlantic Christian College: Culture in Coastal 
Carolina. By Charles Crossfield Ware. (Wilson: Atlantic 
Christian College. 1956. Pp. 248. Appendices, bibliography, 
index, and illustrations. $4.00.) 

A History of Atlantic Christian College is more than the 
title indicates, for Dr. Ware not only gives the history of this 

286 The North Carolina Historical Review 

four-year, coeducational college, founded in Wilson in 1902 
by the Disciples of Christ, but gives in the first chapter a 
brief history of early education in the State, beginning in 
1708 when North Carolina had its first professional teacher 
of record, Charles Griffin, of the "Parish of Pascotank," a 
"reader" and ad interim minister. Co-incidentally, the author 
has given much of the history of the Disciples of Christ 
church, which he is ably qualified to do, since for nearly 
forty years he has been gathering the Carolina Discipliana 
Library, now housed at the college at Wilson. 

Dr. Ware says in the Foreword: "... the administration of 
Atlantic Christian College wanted me to write a factual his- 
tory of the institution— to give an authentic story of its back- 
ground and its fifty-four years of activity." This book could 
easily have been just that and no more, but, in addition, it is 
a gripping and scholarly story. The struggle of this college, 
faced at all times with financial difficulties and uncertainties, 
affected by wars and depression, to survive and carry out its 
object, "the dissemination of knowledge, religious, scientific, 
and practical ... to meet the requirements of advancing 
Christian civilization and enlightenment" becomes very real 
and important to the reader. The book contains a number of 
illustrations, some of documents prior and relating to the 
founding, some of the presidents, trustees, and college groups 
and buildings. There is an appendix giving a roster of the 
presidents, faculty, and trustees. 

Dr. Ware, a native of Kentucky and a graduate of Tran- 
sylvania College, has been a resident of North Carolina since 
1910 and has served as Executive Secretary of the Tar Heel 
Disciples for nearly forty years. He is at present Curator of 
the Carolina Discipliana Library, composed of 10,000 vol- 
umes, providing a splendid historical research center for 
eastern North Carolina. His experience and associations have 
eminently prepared him for this splendid job which is well 

Dr. Ware's previously published works include: "A History 
of the Disciples of Christ in North Carolina," 1927; "Barton 

Book Reviews 287 

Warren Stone— Pathfinder of Christian Union," 1932; "Tar 
Heel Disciples," 1942; "Christians Reveille" (play), 1944; 
and "Rountree Chronicles," 1947. 

J. D. Messick. 

East Carolina College, 


Stories Old and New of the Cape Fear Region. By Louis Toomer 
Moore. (Wilmington: Privately published. 1956. Pp. xv, 261. 

For a pleasant evening or two of entertaining reading 
there is much in this book to be recommended. If spread out 
over a longer period, perhaps kept near at hand and read 
from occasionally, it might be even more enjoyable since 
there is a certain amount of repetition, perhaps unavoidable 
in a book of this type. It is a book of stories— tales and tradi- 
tions—and must be accepted as such rather than as a local 
history in spite of the author's use of such a phrase as "glam- 
orous tradition of fact" in support of many of his statements. 

In narrative form the author gives us much history of the 
Lower Cape Fear region, however. In addition to fact there 
are fancy, humor, and at times tragedy to characterize the 
nearly sixty sketches which make up the book. For the most 
part they deal with the colonial period (which the author 
on page 134 has taken the liberty to extend to about 1806) 
and the era of the Civil War although a few bring us up to 
fairly recent times. Some of the stories will be familiar to 
readers of the Sunday feature sections of many Tar Heel 
newspapers — "Sacred Painting Found on Pirate Ship," 
"Moore's Creek Battle— Mary Slocum's Ride," and "Governor 
Dudley's Remark to Governor Butler" among them. 

The sketches are of uneven quality and appeal and often 
are marked by verbose sentences. The author is a good story- 
teller, nevertheless, and has added much to our understand- 

288 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ing of the local scene by keeping alive these traditional tales 
of the past. 

William S. Powell. 

University of North Carolina, 
Chapel Hill. 

Ocracoke. By Carl Goerch. (Raleigh: Privately printed. 1956. 
Pp. 223. Pen drawings. $3.00.) 

The highly loquacious and literarily prolific Carl Goerch 
has produced another chatty, informal volume about the 
State. In this work on Ocracoke the genial Mr. Goerch covers 
the island from north to south and inside out. His fascination, 
lasting over a quarter of a century, is obvious. Starting with 
its location, he delves into every phase of life— animal, vege- 
table and human— on the island. He reaches back into history 
to tell the story Edward Teach, of memorable storms and 
famous wrecks, and the island's part in wars and early settle- 
ment. He comments on the latest developments— the coming 
of paved roads and the advent of the federal government in 
form of the National Park Service now that Ocracoke is part 
of a national seashore recreational area. 

Subjects encompassed by Mr. Goerch' s nimble pen include 
romance (including advice to single young girls), a square 
dance, a funeral and the island's burial association, the re- 
nowned wild ponies, the only Negro family, the pronuncia- 
tion of "I" (known far and wide as "Oi"). In matters of 
speech he falls into the general error of other publicists who 
imagine that certain localisms exist only in the area under 
their inspection. Undoubtedly there is a distinctive flavor 
about Ocracokers' lingo, but some of the expressions Mr. 
Goerch believes native to the island are found generally in 
North Carolina— "I don't fault you," "ain't fittin'," "cam" for 
calm, and slick tor calm. 

Following the free-wheeling style which resembles his 
famed radio delivery, Mr. Goerch gives Ocracoke the "once 
over lightly" treatment. He has produced no definitive study, 
weighted down with sociological gobbledygook and statisti- 

Book Reviews 289 

cal tables. ( He is invariably entertaining if not deeply pene- 
trating. One wonders, for example, if there is not more drama 
than he suspects in the only Negro family on Ocracoke.) 
Mr. Goerch's Ocracoke is personal, direct, appealing— and 
successful in that he creates a burning desire in the reader 
to visit and see for himself this interesting "oiland." 

Holley Mack Bell. 

Stub Entries to Indents Issued in Payment of Claims Against 
South Carolina Growing Out of the Revolution. Book K. 
Edited by Wylma Anne Wates. (Columbia: South Carolina 
Archives Department. 1956. Pp. viii, 60. $2.50.) 

Another in the series of volumes of indent stub entries 
being published by the South Carolina Archives Department, 
Book K is similar in format and general content to Book G-H 
reviewed by this writer in The North Carolina Historical 
Review, XXXIII (April, 1956), 261-262. It achieves the 
objectives announced by the editor for the series and main- 
tains the standard set by the preceding volume. The 293 
entries are for the period from August, 1784, to January, 
1785. They encompass a variety of items that the reader 
would expect to find in such a collection. Of passing interest 
are payments for such goods and services as: "two duffill 
Blankets impressed" (No. 1); "1183 lb . Indico supplied" (No. 
14); "making swords" (Nos. 135 and 141); "Medicine and 
attendance paid doct. Maryan by said Joshua Jones when 
[he] was wounded by the Enemy in riding Express to Gov- 
ernor Rutledge" (No. 53); "the Valuation of the ship James 
her tackle and apparrell— she having been sunk to Obstruct 
the passage into Cooper River by Order of His Excellency 
Governor Rutledge" (Nos. 59-61); and "twenty days Service 
on board the Hibernia as Flag-Master to negotiate an Ex- 
change of prisoners in Charlestown" (No. 90). 

Lawrence F. Brewster. 

East Carolina College, 


290 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania (1612) by 
William Strachey, gent. Edited by Louis B. Wright and 
Virginia Freund. (London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society 
by Robert Maclehose and Co., Ltd. The University Press, 
Glasgow. 1953. Pp. xxxii, 221. Introduction, maps, appendices, 
and index. $7.50.) 

William Strachey was the secretary for the Jamestown 
Colony and spent three years, 1609-1612, in the New World. 
The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania (1612) repre- 
sents a draft from his notes and includes excerpts from 
Hakluyt, Gosnold, John Smith, and others. It was first pub- 
lished by the Hakluyt society in 1849. The present edition is 
intended to be an exact transcript of a manuscript at Prince- 
ton University. 

In the introduction the editors present a history of the 
existing manuscripts, and an account of Strachey and his 
work in relation to the attitudes and interests of his day. They 
point out the sections of Strachey's work that were borrowed 
from earlier writers. 

Strachey presents a justification for colonization and an 
argument for England's right to settle the New World. In 
their review in the introduction the editors say that the most 
original portions of the manuscript are those dealing with the 
Indians. Strachey gives the location of various Indian groups 
and discusses something of their trade relations with the 
colonists, and the economic, social, political, and religious 
aspects of Indian life, along with a list of the plants and 
animals utilized by them. It is in this respect that the re- 
viewer feels that the book will be of considerable interest 
to anthropologists and archaeologists who are interested in 
constructing a picture of Indian culture. 

The appendix contains a vocabulary of Indian words which 
would be of particular interest for anthropologists who are 
specialists in Algonquian linguistics. It also has a statement 
by Reverend James A. Geary, professor of Celtic languages 
and comparative linguistics at the Catholic University in 
Washington, D. C, 

Book Reviews 291 

Strachey's Historie is the most recent of several books 
edited by Louis B. Wright that are transcripts of early Amer- 
ican documents. In making this manuscript available to the 
anthropologists and students of early American history who 
otherwise could not have read it, the editors are to be con- 

Stanley South. 

State Department of Archives and History, 

Mt. Gilead. 

Auraria: The Story of a Georgia Gold-Mining Town. By E. 
Merton Coulter. (Athens: The University of Georgia Press. 
1956. Pp. x, 149. $3.00.) 

In 1829 gold was discovered in the Cherokee Nation of 
Georgia and thousands of miners flocked into the region. The 
Georgia state government extended its authority over the 
region and distributed the land by lottery in 1832. One center 
of the mining activity was given the name of Auraria. It be- 
came temporarily the seat of government of Lumpkin County 
and within a year had a population of above one thousand. 
Here were established several stores, taverns or hotels, and 
tailor shops, two churches, a bank, a tin shop, a newspaper, 
and a post office; and the mining town was connected by 
stage coach lines with the leading cities of Georgia and 
South Carolina. A rival mining center developed at Dah- 
lonega which became the permanent seat of county govern- 
ment. Lawyers, doctors, merchants, and business enterprises 
moved from Auraria to Dahlonega; and after a United States 
Mint was established in Dahlonega in 1838 Auraria lost its 
early importance. When the Georgia miners migrated to the 
California gold fields in 1849 Auraria became another of the 
dead towns of Georgia. 

Professor Coulter writes an interesting and worthwhile 
account of this Georgia mining town. After a brief account of 
the discovery of gold and the establishment of Auraria he 
devotes a chapter each to "Merchants, Bankers, Lawyers, 
Barbers, Doctors/' "Editor, Preachers, Schoolmasters," 

292 The North Carolina Historical Review 

"Crime/' "Social Life," "Government and Politics," "Auraria 
Versus Dahlonega," and "The Dissolution of Auraria." This is 
excellent social, local history, but it is broader than the de- 
scription implies. For instance the merchants of Auraria im- 
ported all sorts of fine goods from such faraway cities as 
Charleston, Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York. The 
book also treats of general problems, including frontier life, 
Indian removal, the nullification-state rights controversy, 
Georgia state politics, the Texas Revolution, and the contri- 
butions of Auraria miners to the California gold fields. 

I would offer one major criticism of the book: namely, 
Professor Coulter goes too far afield in his account of Auraria. 
For instance, much of his material on runaway slaves and 
education does not apply to Auraria. Again much of the de- 
scriptive matter on stray horses is trivial detail. One might 
also question the accuracy of Professor Coulter's statement 
(p. ix) that Auraria was the first gold-mining town in Amer- 
ica. Some of the gold-mining towns in North Carolina were 
established earlier and had a larger population than Auraria. 

Professor Coulter has discovered a complete file of the 
Western Herald, published in Auraria during 1833-1834. This 
newspaper is the main source for much of his story, and 
heretofore was not known to be extant. This reviewer cannot 
excuse Professor Coulter for not making known to his readers 
the location of this file so that they might make use of it in 
their researches. 

Fletcher M. Green. 
The University of North Carolina, 
Chapel Hill. 

John Filson of Kentucke. By John Walton. (Lexington : Univer- 
sity of Kentucky Press. 1956. Pp. xiv, 130. Illustrations, index, 
and pocket map. $4.00.) 

Although he tried desperately and in many ventures from 
the time of his youth in Pennsylvania until his death in Ohio, 
John Filson was a successful man, perhaps, in only two 

Book Reviews 293 

respects: his promotion of the settlement of Kentucky and his 
idealizing of Daniel Boone as a frontier American. His map 
of Kentucky and his book, The Discovery, Settlement and 
Present State of Kentucke, both printed in 1784, were classics 
and aided immeasurably in attracting settlers to Kentucky. 
In eulogizing Boone, Filson also helped create a national 
hero. As a farmer, as a school teacher, as a land speculator, 
the latter on a relatively small scale, Filson was a financial 
failure. Still, his life was very interesting and adventuresome. 
He was associated, although not too intimately, with intrepid 
men who were opening up a great continent; through his 
writings and his map he stirred men to move westward; he 
was a sort of press agent for Boone; accordingly, he made 
contributions unmatched by thousands of his contemporaries. 
He failed to make a "good living" perhaps, because he as- 
pired to the "grand manner." Seeking the grandiose, he lost 
the ordinary as well as his life. 

Professor Walton has written a little book which surveys 
and interprets the discoverable phases of Filson's life 
( 1753—? ) . Another biography on the subject is not necessary. 
Walton is both a genealogist and historian, one who knows 
where to leave off folklore and genealogy and turn to dis- 
cernable history. Most of his pages are written in a straight- 
forward style; some are filled with conjectures; others include 
charmingly penned interpretations about incidents and people 
associated with the Filson story, sometimes closely, some- 
times remotely and vaguely. Walton himself has indeed 
had an intriguing adventure in his research and writing of 
Filson's biography. Materials utilized in preparing the book 
were widely scattered, but he seems to have tracked down the 
existing materials on his subject. The result is an interesting 
and informative one. The reproduction of Filson's famous 
map of Kentucky, inserted in a cover pocket of Walton's book, 
is alone worth the price of the volume. 

Weymouth T. Jordan. 
Florida State University, 
Tallahassee, Florida. 

294 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Cherokees of the Old South. By Henry T. Malone. (Athens: The 
University of Georgia Press. 1956. Pp. xiii, 238. $4.50.) 

This study of Cherokee transition from "forest" people to 
agrarian nationhood relates the story of the rise and fall of 
the Cherokee Republic. In 1785 the United States declared 
its intention "to lead the Cherokees to a greater degree of 
civilization." As game disappears in the Cherokee nation, 
under Federal stimulus agriculture advances. Most of the 
tribesmen resist Jefferson's invitation to go west, and a strong 
leadership of mixed breed descendants of eighteenth-century 
traders takes over. 

These leaders achieved prosperity in lands, slaves, and 
goods. They opposed white encroachment and sought literacy 
for their children by encouraging the mission schools. They 
developed constitutional government, enfranchised all adult 
male Cherokees, and founded the planned capital city of 
New Echota. To counter hostile propaganda they established 
an English language newspaper which demonstrated Chero- 
kee cultural progress by printing articles in Sequoyah's 
Cherokee syllabary. Eventually the republic falls before the 
Georgia assault and the Jacksonian determination to force 
it out. 

Malone seeks and generally achieves scholarly impartiality. 
He recognizes that the Cherokees attained a "peculiarly 
mixed" red and white culture in which the missionary efforts 
failed to capture the core of Indian society. Though primarily 
concerned with the "progressives," Hicks and Ross and their 
associates, as pictured in the mission records, he indicates 
"nativist" distrust of this leadership. His views of the situation 
might have been enriched, however, had he consulted the 
Payne Papers, Newberry Library, Chicago. Most Cherokees 
lived in unfloored cabins in the woods without benefit of 
plows and spinning wheels. While the enlightened sought 
white doctors, in the country shamanism prevailed. Cere- 
monial dances continued, and in quiet places sacred fires 
burned all year. The ancient prestiges, the dark look, and 
ostracism as social and political weapons still held. Path- 

Book Reviews 295 

killer, the Fire King, was "broken" and Doublehead, the 
orator, assassinated by "progressives." 

Though some of these matters are relegated to notes in the 
excellent appendix, Professor Malone's well-documented pre- 
sentation redresses the partisanship of previous works and 
will not soon be superseded. 

D. H. Corkran. 

Roosevelt University, 

Chicago, Illinois. 

The Peculiar Institution : Slavery in the Ante-Bellum South. By 
Kenneth M. Stampp. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 1956. Pp. 
xi, 436. $5.75.) 

Insight into the character of this new study of American 
Negro slavery is afforded by the prefactory statement: -'. . . the 
historian's . . . knowledge of the present is clearly a key to his 
understanding of the past. Today we are learning much from 
the natural and social sciences about the Negro's potentiali- 
ties and the basic irrelevance of race, and we are slowly 
discovering the roots and meaning of human behavior. . . . 
I have assumed that the slaves were merely ordinary human 
beings, that innately Negroes are after all, only white men 
with black skins, nothing more, nothing less. This gives quite 
a new and different meaning to the bondage of black men." 

Thus does the author, a forty-four-year-old native of Wis- 
consin, professor of American history at the University of 
California and author of two books about the Civil War, 
declare himself an advocate and a practitioner of historical 
relativism. Most present day historians probably agree with 
him as to the appropriateness and value of each generation 
rewriting history in the light of its own knowledge and ex- 
perience. At least they would concur in the recent statement 
of a Harvard scholar that relativism is something that his- 
torians have decided they must live with. 

Ulrich B. Phillips, whose American Negro Slavery, pub- 
lished in 1918, first treated "the peculiar institution" with 

296 The North Carolina Historical Review 

scholarly comprehensiveness, approached the subject in an 
intellectual atmosphere heavily charged with Social Darwin- 
ism. The Social Darwinists preached the gospel of Anglo- 
Saxon supremacy and assumed the innate inferiority of color- 
ed peoples. They held, in the words of William Graham 
Sumner, that "nothing is more certain . . . than that inequality 
is a law of life. No two persons were ever born equal. They 
differ in physical characteristics and in mental capacity." 

The Peculiar Institution is revisionary not only with respect 
to basic assumptions about race, but also with regard to many 
other important points. Professor Stampp attempts more than 
any other general historian of slavery to explore the attitudes 
of Negroes toward their bondage. His findings indicate much 
less of contentment on the part of slaves than is suggested in 
the writings of Phillips, L. C. Gray, and their contemporaries. 

While admitting great diversity in different regions and 
among individual owners, in general he pictures slavery as a 
considerably less humane institution than previously repre- 
sented. Pie rejects the idea that slavery was by its very nature 
an unprofitable system. Rather, he holds, when properly ad- 
ministered, it was much less costly than free labor. The evi- 
dence that he marshals to show the ever-increasing profitable- 
ness and expansion of slavery, and the growing conviction 
of its usefulness as a mode of social control, casts serious 
doubt on the often repeated claim that, left alone, the insti- 
tution would have died a natural death. 

Using material much of which was not available to Phillips' 
generation, Stampp investigates with unprecedented thor- 
oughness slavery as it existed on levels below the plantation. 
Among the farmers, as among the planters, he finds great 
variation of practice, though he concludes that in general 
bondsmen who worked side by side with their owners ex- 
perienced less of cruelty than those who toiled under over- 
seers hired by absentee owners. 

The Peculiar Institution is based on a vast amount of re- 
search in both published and manuscript sources. Especially 
good use is made of Helen Catterali's monumental compila- 

Book Reviews 297 

tion, Judicial Cases Concerning American Slavery and the 

Professor Stampp evidences a desire to be scrupulously 
fair in his judgments. His organization is logical, his narrative 
lean, and his style appealing. 

The Peculiar Institution is a book of rare merit, bearing out 
fully the exceptional promise demonstrated by the author in 
his prior volumes. 

Bell I. Wiley. 
Emory University, 
Emory University, Ga. 

Rebel Brass, The Confederate Command System. By Frank E. 
Vandiver. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. 
1956. Pp. xvii, 143. $3.00.) 

Professor Frank E. Vandiver of Rice Institute has in a mere 
126 pages given a forceful and clear account of the failings 
of the Confederate command system. (Command is used here 
in the broadest sense to include both military and civil leader- 
ship.) The author has not attempted a definitive study 
of the subject. Some questions are left unanswered. It 
is his hope, however, that this incompleteness will stimulate 
historical criticism in a relatively untouched field of study. 

Throughout the Civil War the South was handicapped in 
its war effort by a "split personality." Founded on principles 
of state sovereignty, the Confederacy found it exceedingly 
difficult to wage a war which called for strong nationalism. 
Preparations for conflict were made in terms of the Mexican 
War, as Confederate leaders failed to realize that Fort Sum- 
ter marked the beginning of a total war which called for the 
abandonment of old techniques and concepts. Sorely needed 
but never created was a centralized agency to unify military 
operations and to co-ordinate the civil with the military ef- 
forts. What unity of program there was came from the Presi- 
dent and his Secretaries of War and Navy. 

The sketches of Davis and Secretary of War Randolph are 
especially revealing. The President is pictured as a constitu- 

298 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tionalist attempting to lead a revolution and the Secretary as 
a cabinet member of considerable ability not given his proper 
due by historians. The author points out that it was Randolph, 
almost alone, who was responsible for focusing Davis' atten- 
tion on the West and for this reason he deserves a high place 
in the southern political heirachy. 

Since Professor Vandiver is an acknowledged expert in the 
field of logistics, his conclusion demands the close attention, 
if not acceptance, of all serious students of the Civil War. He 
wrote, "With a solid unifying direction to whip all the erring 
elements of supply into line, Confederate logistics might well 
have been completely successful. And had all of the economic 
and human resources of the South been managed for a total 
war effort, the Rebels could have won the War." 

A select bibliography, index, and map showing the Con- 
federate military departments add to the value of this volume. 

John G. Barrett. 

Virginia Military Institute, 

Lexington, Virginia. 

A Guide to Early American Homes — South. By Dorothy and 
Richard Pratt. (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 
Inc. Trade Department. 1956. Pp. viii, 227. Preface, illustra- 
tions, and index. $6.95.) 

In 1950 Bichard Pratt, for twenty years architectural and 
garden editor of The Ladies Home Journal, and his wife, 
Dorothy, published A Treasury of Early American Homes 
and five years later issued a second volume with the same 
title. These books, beautifully illustrated with colored photo- 
graphs, are considered as classic examples of their kind by 
many authorities as well as garden club members and arm- 
chair travelers. Due to an irrestible mental comparison of the 
books, their newest, smaller in size ( as well as in price ) and 
minus the colored pictures, tends at first to disappoint the 
reader. This is, however, prior to a growing awareness of the 
meticulous care, the careful editing, and the wealth of infor- 

Book Reviews 299 

mation in these sometimes thumb-nail sketches in the newer 

Here in half and quarter-pages the following information 
is given: the name of the house, approximate date it was 
built, its relation or accessibility to the nearest town, seasons, 
days, and hours the houses are open, fees charged, present 
residents (many are privately owned), the historical or patri- 
otic organization sponsoring restoration, and individual out- 
standing features. In addition to nationally known shrines 
such as Mount Vernon, Monticello, and The Hermitage, 
hundreds of houses in Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, the 
District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, 
Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, South Caro- 
lina, Tennessee, Virginia, and West Virginia are featured. 

Each state has an introductory section describing the types 
of architecture, the furnishings of the homes, and other essen- 
tial information in sufficient detail to render annual pilgrim- 
ages or unplanned trips equally rewarding. The restoration 
projects at Old Salem and Tryon Palace will interest North 
Carolina readers as well as the observations about the varied 
types of architecture found in the State. The charms of old 
Natchez, New Orleans, and Charleston, the splendor of re- 
stored Williamsburg, and the uniqueness of the coquina- 
walled houses in Florida are vividly depicted in this well- 
written guide. 

This volume with its companion, A Guide to Early Ameri- 
can Homes— North, makes available descriptions of more than 
1,000 open houses and 700 private ones. The attractive format 
and entire book merit praise. It is the polished and authorita- 
tive result of expert craftsmen working enthusiastically as a 
team on an enjoyable project, and may be used as a source 
book by researchers with confidence. 

Elizabeth W. Wilborn. 
State Department of Archives and History, 

300 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Wilson: The New Freedom. By Arthur S. Link. (Princeton, 
N. J.: Princeton University Press. 1956. Pp. xiv, 504. Illus- 
trations. $7.50.) 

Professor Link's The Road to the White House, the first 
volume of his biography of Wilson, appeared in 1947. The 
Neiv Freedom is his second volume. In both books the 
scholarship is sound, the research meticulous, the writing 
objective, the narrative interesting. The author began his 
research on Wilson while a graduate student at Chapel Hill 
almost twenty years ago. Since that time he has spent all of 
his spare time on the Wilson Era. His books show that he 
has spent his time well. 

The Road to the White House dealt with Wilson from his 
birth in 1856 to his election to the Presidency in 1912. The 
New Freedom treats only two years of Wilson's career- 
November, 1912 to November, 1914. Little of significance 
has escaped Professor Link's watchful eye. In fact, the author 
mentions Wilson's love for his cousin in this volume (p. 25) 
but not at all in volume one, though the romance occurred in 

One reads that Wilson's "Seven Sisters," were enacted by 
the New Jersey legislature to control big business and prevent 
monopolies, but soons learns that the laws were temporary 
remedies, not permanent reforms. Moreover, Wilson, as the 
author states, was decisively defeated on the constitutional 
convention issue and the jury reform question. Wilson en- 
deavored to hold the reigns of control in New Jersey long 
after he left Trenton for Washington. Eventually conditions 
on the national stage forced him to accept the bosses in New 

For this reviewer, Mr. Link is at his best in characterization. 
His chapter, "The President of the United States," is one of 
the most penetrating sketches of Wilson ever written. The 
treatment of the Wilson circle is very good. The author usu- 
ally has a brief sentence or phrase that he uses as the key 
to the personality being presented. Many will be interested 
to learn that Colonel House and Mrs. Wilson decided in 1916 
to eliminate Secretary Josephus Daniels and Joe Tumulty 

Book Reviews 301 

from the inner circle; Mrs. Wilson was to oust the latter while 
House would force Daniels out. 

Wilson controlled Congress so well from 1913 to 1917 that 
it was necessary for him to appeal to the people over the heads 
of the members of Congress only once. There were several 
important issues stubbornly contested in the halls of Congress 
during these years— the tariff, the currency, and the trust 
issues. In the Federal Reserve Act, Wilson gave the American 
people the best type of responsible leadership. 

In foreign affairs the writer contends, and accurately so, 
that the New Freedom was "marked more by contradiction 
and failure than by consistency and success." Although Wil- 
son had visions of the New World republics living in peace 
there were contradictions between his professions and his 
practices. The novice, Wilson, who was ignorant of the intri- 
cacies of diplomacy, certainly forced England to accept his 
conclusions in regard to Huerta. Candid with England, Wil- 
son was not as frank with the Amerian people as he might 
have been. 

Many books have been written about Wilson and down 
through the years others will be added to the list. Certainly 
foremost among those written in this generation will be Pro- 
fessor Link's. It will place Mr. Link among the best bio- 
graphical writers of his time. 

George C. Osborn. 
University of Florida, 
Gainesville, Florida. 


Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Director of the State Depart- 
ment of Archives and History, spoke on January 8 to the 
provisional members of the Junior League of Raleigh on 
"The History of Raleigh." On January 10 Dr. Crittenden and 
Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Superintendent, attended 
the meeting of the Charles B. Ay cock Birthplace Commis- 
sion in Goldsboro at which time reports were made on the 
present status of the project and it was voted to seek an 
additional appropriation from the General Assembly. On 
January 11 Dr. Crittenden talked to the Caswell-Nash Chap- 
ter of the Daughters of the American Revolution on "The 
History of Raleigh." On January 23 he and Mr. Tarlton met 
in the Johnston County Courthouse with a large group of 
citizens representing Johnston, Sampson, and Harnett coun- 
ties to discuss the preservation of Bentonville Battleground. 
This group, which was later incorporated as The Bentonville 
Battleground Association, Inc., decided to launch a movement 
to purchase and preserve a portion of the Battleground, scene 
of the largest battle ever fought on North Carolina soil. Dr. 
Crittenden attended a meeting of the Council of the American 
Association of Museums in New York on January 25. He at- 
tended a meeting of the Executive Committee of the Tryon 
Palace Commission in New Bern on January 29 and a joint 
meeting of the Executive Committee and the Garden Com- 
mittee on the following day. He gave an illustrated talk on 
"Historic Houses in North Carolina" to the Colonel Robert 
Rowan Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution 
which met on February 12 in the Fayetteville Woman's Club. 
Dr. Crittenden attended a meeting of the Long-Range Plan- 
ning Committee of the National Trust for Historic Preserva- 
tion in Washington on February 21. He and Mr. Tarlton met 
with The Bentonville Battleground Association, Inc., at the 
Bentonville Community House on March 1 where plans for 
future work were discussed and reports on pledges were 

[302 ] 

Historical News 303 

Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Superintendent, Mr. 
Norman C. Larson, Historic Site Specialist, and Mrs. Dorothy 
R. Phillips of the staff of the Hall of History made a trip to 
Bentonville Battleground on January 2 to photograph the 
battlefield. On January 11 Mr. Tarlton made a survey of 
the Town of Bath in order to recommend a program for the 
preservation of various historic structures there. He was inter- 
viewed by Mr. Sam Beard of Radio Station WPTF on NBC's 
"Monitor" program on January 18 in a discussion of Ocracoke 
Island. On January 22 he visited Morrow Mountain State 
Park with Mr. Thomas W. Morse to inspect the Kron House 
and to make recommendations concerning its restoration. Mr. 
Tarlton attended a meeting on January 25 of a group repre- 
senting the Bertie County Historical Association and partici- 
pated in a discussion of ways and means to preserve "Hope," 
birthplace of Governor David Stone. On February 1 Mr. 
Tarlton presented a slide-lecture program, "Historic Houses 
of North Carolina," at the annual meeting of the American 
Institute of Architects held in Chapel Hill. This group is cele- 
brating the one-hundreth anniversary of their organization. 
Mr. Tarlton talked on February 25 to the Beaufort County 
Historical Society and Colonial Bath, Inc., on preserving 
historic houses in Bath. 

Mr. Stanley South, Historic Site Specialist of the Town 
Creek Indian Mound, and Mr. Joffre Coe, Professor of Archae- 
ology at the University of North Carolina, appeared on Feb- 
ruary 14 on Channel 4, WUNC-TV, in a 30-minute program 
about the Town Creek Indian Mound. 

On January 9 and 10 Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museum Ad- 
ministrator of the Department of Archives and History and 
Miss Barbara McKeithan of the staff of the Hall of History, 
made a trip to New Bern to make recommendations concern- 
ing the disposal of artifacts which were excavated on the 
site of Tryon Palace. On January 17-18 Mrs. Jordan attended 
the council meeting of the Southeastern Museums Conference 
which was held in Gainesville, Florida. On January 22 she 
made a talk on "North Carolina Quilt Patterns" to the Junior 

304 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Committee of the Caswell-Nash Chapter of the Daughters 
of the American Revolution; and on March 1 she repeated 
the talk to the members of the Caswell-Nash Chapter. 

Mrs. Fannie Memory Blackwelder, Records Center Super- 
visor of the Division of Archives and Manuscripts, has com- 
pleted her 237-page typewritten "Records in North Carolina/' 
a compilation of North Carolina public laws relating to rec- 
ords. Thus for the first time the Department has in concise 
form the laws regarding the records of state and local govern- 
ment units. Although the compilation is not available for dis- 
tribution, interested persons may consult the office copies 
at the Department. On January 28 Mrs. Blackwelder led a 
discussion on domestic relations courts at the Institute of 
Religion held at the United Church in Raleigh. 

Mrs. Rachel R. Robinson began temporary leave on March 
1 and is being replaced by Miss Ruth Haines, a winter history 
graduate of Meredith College. Mrs. Suzanne G. Bell has been 
employed temporarily in the Records Center to replace Mrs. 
Betty W. Hunter who resigned in February. 

Among the more important accessions by the Division of 
Archives and Manuscripts during the past quarter were the 
following: map of Albemarle River by James Lancaster, 1679, 
positive photocopy from the original in the John Carter Brown 
Library; Charles M. Hines Papers, ten feet of microfilm from 
the original papers, mostly deeds from Dobbs and Lenoir 
counties; "Palatine Settlers on the Neuse and Trent Rivers, 
1710/' typewritten article by Mrs. Lillian F. Wood of New 
Bern; general correspondence and other official papers of 
Governor Luther H. Hodges, November, 1954, through De- 
cember, 1955; "A Plan of the Town of Haywoodsborough," 
drawn by Jonathan Lindy, 1799, photocopy courtesy of Mrs. 
E. M. Chappell of Durham; and microfilm copy of 1890 
special census schedule of Union veterans and widows in 
North Carolina. 

Mrs. Elizabeth House Hughey, State Librarian, was the 
speaker at a staff meeting held in the Assembly Room of the 

Historical News 305 

Department of Archives and History in January. A film, "Your 
National Archives," was presented at a similar meeting in 

Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Director, and Mr. H. G. Jones, 
State Archivist, appeared before the General Assembly's 
Joint Appropriations Committee on February 28 and re- 
quested funds for four additional employees for the Archives 
Division. The recommendations of the Advisory Budget Com- 
mission had included no increase in funds for the manuscripts 
section. Dr. Crittenden and Mr. Jones pointed out that no 
new employees had been added to the Archives staff in the 
past ten years, whereas services during the past twenty years, 
1936-1956, had increased per biennium as follows: visitors 
2,999 to 5,398; mail research 3,000 to 5,500; photocopies and 
microfilm prints to 6,789; microfilm to 3,042 feet; and 
lamination to 12,946 pages. 

The Department of Archives and History has collaborated 
with WRAL-TV in its "Our Heritage" series of monthly tele- 
casts with the following programs: January, "Settlements in 
North Carolina"; February, "Social Life and Amusements"; 
and March, "Education in North Carolina." On April 21 the 
final program of this series will be telecast and will describe 
various phases of the practice of medicine in North Carolina, 
emphasizing the early methods. 

On March 20 the Department presented a program of 
North Carolina Folklore to the Sir Walter Cabinet. The pro- 
gram consisted of a discussion of native folklore, the singing 
of folk songs, the telling of folk tales, and a demonstration 
of "play-party" games. Mr. Norman Larson acted as narrator, 
Mr. Douglas Franklin sang, the dancers were Misses Jean 
Denny, Ann Kilby, Barbara McKeithan, and Mary Whitaker, 
and Mesdames Betsy Moss and Bessie Bowling. Hostesses 
for the occasion were Mrs. Fannie Memory Blackwelder and 
Mrs. Grace B. Mahler. Following the program a coffee hour 
was held. 

306 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Department held an exhibit opening in the Hall of 
History as the first ceremony of the two-day inaugural pro- 
gram of Governor Luther H. Hodges. Featured were the 
gowns of ten wives of former governors, from Richard Cas- 
well, first governor of the State of North Carolina, 1776-1780, 
and again 1784-1787, through William B. Umstead, 1953- 
1954. Present for the occasion were governor's wives Mrs. 
O. Max Gardner, Mrs. J. C. B. Ehringhaus, Mrs. J. M. 
Broughton, and Mrs. Luther H. Hodges, together with a large 
number of members of the Sir Walter Cabinet. 

On Washington's Birthday, February 22, a state-wide 
meeting of the Sons of the American Revolution ended with 
a banquet at the Woman's Club in Raleigh held in combina- 
tion with the Colonel Polk and Caswell-Nash chapters of the 
Daughters of the American Revolution. Mr. J. A. Kellen- 
berger, Treasurer of the Tryon Palace Commission, spoke on 
the reconstruction of Tryon Palace. The local chapter of the 
Sons of the American Revolution presented Distinguished 
Citizens Awards to Mrs. J. A. Kellenberger of Greensboro, 
President of the Tryon Palace Commission; Mr. John Sprunt 
Hill of Durham ( accepted by Mr. Watts Hill in the absence 
of his grandfather); and Mr. H. Smith Richardson of Greens- 

Dr. Fletcher M. Green, Chairman of the Department of 
History at the University of North Carolina, announces the 
following news items: Dr. James L. Godfrey has been elected 
Vice-President of the Society for French Historical Studies. 
On February 26 he gave a lecture to the Charlotte League of 
Women Voters on "Suez: Oil and Water." He read papers 
at the Duke Commonwealth-Study Center Seminar on Feb- 
ruary 18 and April 1, on the following topics: "The Labor 
Government and the Commonwealth, 1945-1951," and "Politi- 
cal and Constitutional Developments in the Gold Coast." Dr. 
Hugh T. Lefler spoke to the New Comers Club of Chapel Hill 
on February 13 on "Historic Places in North Carolina." Dr. 
George V. Taylor read a paper before the Society for French 
Historical Studies in New York on February 1 on "Social 

Historical News 307 

Classification of French Businessmen in the Eighteenth Cen- 
tury." Mr. Leon Helguera, doctoral candidate in history, is an 
Instructor in Social Science at North Carolina State College 
for the Spring Semester, 1957. Dr. Green gave two lectures in 
Milledgeville, Georgia, on February 26. He gave an address 
to the Assembly of the Georgia State College for Women on 
"The Incidence of Greatness in Georgia," and addressed the 
Old Capital Historical Society on 'J ames Habersham, Co- 
lonial Builder of Georgia." 

The Trinity College Historical Society met on February 12 
at the Union Building at Duke University with Dr. Frontis 
W. Johnston, Professor of History at Davidson College, as 
principal speaker. Dr. Johnston spoke on "The Politics of 
Zebulon B. Vance." 

Dr. Philip Africa, Head of the History Department of 
Salem College, announces an addition to the faculty there: 
Miss Mildred I. Byers of Greensboro, who is presently com- 
pleting her work for the Ph.D. degree at Radcliffe, will begin 
her teaching duties in September. 

Mr. Robert O. Conway, formerly of Waynesville, has joined 
the staff of Old Salem, Inc., as director of publicity. Mr. 
Conway, a native of Ashland, Ky., has also worked in Ohio 
and Virginia. Old Salem, a Moravian congregation town, 
settled in 1766, is now being restored and preserved in pres- 
ent-day Winston-Salem. 

The Moravian Music Foundation, Inc., of which Mr. 
Donald M. McCorkle is Executive Director, announces the 
fourth Early American Moravian Music Festival and Seminar 
(under the auspices of the Moravian Church in America, 
Northern Province) to be held at the Moravian College, 
Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, from June 23 to June 30. Dr. Trior 
Johnson, Music Director of the Cincinnati Symphony Or- 
chestra, will be Director of the annual event. 

Dr. Charles Crossfield Ware, Curator of the Carolina Dis- 
cipliana Library at Atlantic Christian College in Wilson, is 
the editor of a pamphlet, "Onslow's Oldest Church," which 

308 The North Carolina Historical Review 

was released in December, 1956. The history of a number of 
the earlier churches is briefly given, as well as lists of minis- 
ters including biographical sketches of the Mulkey preachers. 
This family had four successive generations of ministers. This 
pamphlet is another in a series being issued by the Historical 
Commission of the North Carolina Disciples of Christ. 

Dr. J. E. Hodges, Maiden, President of the North Carolina 
Society of County and Local Historians, presided at a busi- 
ness meeting of that group in Chapel Hill on February 3. The 
principal business discussed was the planning of tours to 
historic sites to be sponsored in 1957. 

The Department of Archives and History has received a 
copy of an article, "Origin, Early History and Revival: His- 
torical Society of North Carolina," which appeared in the 
Salisbury Sunday Post, October 21, 1956. This article, which 
was prepared by Dr. Archibald Henderson of Chapel Hill, was 
originally delivered by Dr. Henderson at a meeting of the 
society at Duke University. 

The quarterly meeting of the Carteret County Historical 
Society was held in Morehead City on January 19 with the 
President, Mr. Thomas Respess, presiding. Principal speaker 
for the evening was Miss Amy Muse whose paper, "Crime and 
Punishment in Carteret County," covered records beginning 
in 1835. Officers elected for the year include Mr. Respess who 
was re-elected President; Mrs. T. T. Potter, Secretary; Miss 
Amy Muse, Curator; and Mr. F. C. Salisbury, Treasurer. The 
April meeting of the society will be held at the home of 
Misses Mary and Georgia Whitehurst. 

The annual meeting of the Reaufort County Historical 
Society was held February 25 at the Glebe House in Rath. 
This organization which was begun in 1955 has at present 
85 members. Officers are: Mr. Edmund H. Harding, Presi- 
dent; Miss Adeline Mayo, Secretary; and Mr. Fred Mallison, 
Historian. The meeting was held jointly with Colonial Rath, 
Inc., in order that all persons interested in the restoration of 
the Town of Rath might attend. 

Historical News 309 

The Journal-Patriot ( North Wilkesboro ) carried in its issue 
for February 4 a brief history of the Wilkes County Historical 
Association. Organized in 1954, this group has as its officers 
for the year: Mr. T. E. Story, President; Mr. Fred Gilreath, 
Vice-President; Mrs. Winnie Duncan, Secretary-Treasurer; 
Mrs. Lawrence Critcher, Curator; and Mrs. W. R. Absher, 
Mr. Thomas Ferguson, Mr. Roland Potter, Mr. R. O. Poplin, 
and Mrs. W. M. Barber as Directors. One of the aims of the 
society is to acquire and present information on subjects 
relative to Wilkes County. The article written by Mr. Story 
listed a number of subjects available for study. 

Mrs. W. B. Beasley, Secretary of the Johnston County His- 
torical Society, is the author of an article on the Mitchener 
family of Johnston County which was published in The 
Smithfield Herald, January 11. The article presents a brief 
sketch of this prominent family from its emigration from 
Pennsylvania to North Carolina down to the present day. 

The Gaston County Historical Bulletin, official organ of 
the county historical society, carried the following articles in 
its fall issue: history of early Gaston County, Hoffman gene- 
alogy, list of the members of the county historical society, 
and a story of relics of interest in the John C. Pasour home 
near Dallas. 

Dr. W. H. Plemmons, President of Appalachian State 
Teachers College, and Miss Ora Blackmun, retired Asheville 
teacher, presented the program to the members of the 
Western North Carolina Historical Association at the winter 
meeting held at the Biltmore School on January 26. Dr. Plem- 
mons read a paper, "Asheville as a Health Resort," and Miss 
Blackmun gave a paper, "Along the Trading Paths, 1700- 
1743." Mr. George Jar vis, principal of the Biltmore School, 
extended a welcome and Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton of 
Hendersonville presided at the meeting. A nominating com- 
mittee composed of Mr. Alfred McLean, Mrs. Mary Jane 
McCrary, and Miss Ruth Greenlee was appointed and re- 
quested to report at the April meeting when officers for 1957- 

310 The North Carolina Historical Review 

1958 will be elected. Miss Cordelia Camp gave a report, Mr. 
Bruce C. Harding of St. Paul, Minn., spoke briefly, and Mr. 
George W. McCoy introduced the speakers. 

The Forest History Foundation, Inc., 2706 West 7th Blvd., 
St. Paul 16, Minnesota, desires information on the location 
of materials on forest history. Persons knowing of any records, 
diaries, correspondence, photographs, and the like that are 
not in suitable depositories are asked to notify the Founda- 
tion. Mr. Bruce C. Harding of the Foundation states that the 
Foundation is not a collecting agency itself, but that it does 
help in placing materials in local or regional depositories 
which will process and make the information available to 

The University of North Carolina Press has released the 
information that Dr. Michihiko Hachiya, Director of the 
Hiroshima Communications Hospital and author of Hiroshima 
Diary, and Dr. Warner Wells, Assistant Professor of Surgery 
at the University of North Carolina Medical School in Chapel 
Hill, and translator of the bestseller, have donated their 
royalties from the sale of the book to establish the Hiroshima 
Yurin Scholarship Foundation. The book, published by the 
University Press in August, 1955, was the first eye-witness 
account of the bombing of Hiroshima and the aftermath. The 
fund, which will be used by orphans to attend Japanese high 
schools, has been accepted by the Japanese nation and has 
received world-wide publicity. 

The Albert J. Beveridge Award in American History, es- 
tablished by the American Historical Association, announces 
its annual competition with May 1 as the dead line for the 
acceptance of manuscripts. Manuscripts in the field of Ameri- 
can history (United States, Latin America, and Canada), 
may be written covering any period from 1492 to the present. 
Dr. John Hope Franklin is Chairman and applications may 
be filed with him at the Department of History, Brooklyn 
College, Brooklyn 10, New York. 

Historical News 311 

Books received during the last quarter include: Joseph 
Charles, The Origins of the American Party System 
(Williamsburg, Virginia: The Institute of Early American 
History and Culture, 1956); Robert A. Lively, Fiction 
Fights the Civil War— An Unfinished Chapter in the Literary 
History of the American People (Chapel Hill: The University 
of North Carolina Press, 1957); LeGette Blythe, James W. 
Davis: North Carolina Surgeon (Charlotte: William Loftin 
Publishers, 1957); Bernhard A. Uhlendorf, Revolution in 
America. Confidential Letters and Journals, 1776-1784, of 
Adjutant General Major Baurmeister of the Hessian Forces 
(New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 
1957); Louis B. Wright, The Cultural Life of the American 
Colonies, 1607-1763 (New York: Harper and Brothers, Pub- 
lishers, 1957); Thomas W. Ferguson, Home on the Yadkin 
(Winston-Salem: Clay Printing Company, 1956); Harry R. 
Stevens, The Early Jackson Party in Ohio (Durham: Duke 
University Press, 1957 ) ; James A. Servies, A Bibliography of 
John Marshall (Washington, D. C: United States Commis- 
sion for the Celebration of the Two Hundreth Anniversary of 
the Birth of John Marshall, 1956); Paul Quattlebaum, The 
Land Called Chicora. The Carolinas Under Spanish Rule 
with French Intrusions, 1520-1670 (Gainesville: University 
of Florida Press, 1956); Clement Eaton, Henry Clay and the 
Art of American Politics (Boston and Toronto: Little, Brown 
and Company, 1957 [The Library of American Biography, 
edited by Oscar Handlinl ) ; Worth S. Ray, Index and Digest 
to Hathaway s North Carolina Historical and Genealogical 
Register, with Genealogical Notes and Annotations. Part I, 
The Lost Tribes of North Carolina and Worth S. Ray, 
Colonial Granville County and Its People. Part II, The Lost 
Tribes of North Carolina, An Index to Names (Baltimore, 
Maryland: Southern Book Company, 1956, Reprints); Francis 
B. Dedmond, Lengthened Shadows: A History of Gardner- 
Webb College, 1907-1956 (Boiling Springs: Gardner- Webb 
College, 1957 ) ; J. Carlyle Sitterson, Studies in Southern His- 
tory. In Memory of Mbert Ray Newsome, 1894-1951. By His 
Former Students (Chapel Hill: The University of North 

312 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Carolina Press, 1957. Volume 39. The James Sprunt Studies 
in History and Political Science); Warren W. Hassler, Jr., 
General George B. McClellan: Shield of the Union (Baton 
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1957); Charles 
Grier Sellers, Jr., James K. Polk, Jacksonian, 1795-1843 
(Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1957); 
and George F. Scheer and Hugh F. Rankin, Rebels and Red- 
coats (Cleveland [Ohio] and New York: The World Pub- 
lishing Company, 1957). 


Dr. Richard W. Griffin is Associate Professor of History 
and Director of Manuscript Collection at Athens College, 
Athens, Alabama. 

Mr. Diffee W. Standard is Research Assistant at the Insti- 
tute for Research in Social Science, and a graduate student, 
at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. 

Dr. John W. Parker is Chairman of the Department of 
English at Fayette ville State Teachers College, Fayetteville. 

Mr. Richard Walser is Associate Professor of English at 
North Carolina State College, Raleigh. 

Mr. William Stevens Powell is Assistant Librarian, North 
Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina Library, 
Chapel Hill. 

Dr. C. Hugh Hohnan is Professor of English at the Uni- 
versity of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. 

Dr. PI. Broadus Jones is Professor of English and Head 
of the Department at Wake Forest College, Winston-Salem. 

Dr. Gilbert T. Stephenson is retired Director, Trust Re- 
search Department, Graduate School of Banking, American 
Bankers Association, and resides at Warren Place, Pendleton. 

Dr. Roy F. Nichols is Vice-Provost and Dean of the Grad- 
uate School of Arts and Sciences, University of Pennsylvania, 



Volume XXXIV 

JULY 1957 

Number 3 

Published Quarterly By 
State Department of Archives and History 

Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets 
Raleigh, N. C. 


Published by the State Department of Archives and History 

Raleigh, N. C. 

Christopher Crittenden, Editor 
David LeRoy Corbitt, Managing Editor 

Walter Clinton Jackson Hugh Talmage Lefler 

Frontis Withers Johnston George Myers Stephens 



McDaniel Lewis, Chairman 

Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne 

Fletcher M. Green William Thomas Laprade 

Clarence W. Griffin H. V. Rose 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 

This review ivas established in January, 192)+, as a medium of publica- 
tion and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other 
institutions by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. 
The regular price is $3.00 per year. Members of the State Literary and 
Historical Association, for which the annual dues are $5.00, receive this 
publication without further payment. Back numbers may be procured at 
the regular price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number. 

COVER — Biltmore House, near Asheville, was designed by 
Richard Morris Hunt and landscaped by Frederic Law Olmsted, 
Sr. and was completed in 1895 for George W. Vanderbilt. In 
1892 Vanderbilt appointed Gifford Pinchot superintendent of 
the Biltmore Forest where Pinchot instituted the first large-scale 
reforestation project in the United States. See pages 346-357. 

The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXIV July, 1957 Number 3 




Percy G. Adams 


Henry W. Lewis 


Harold T. Pinkett 

THE SOUTH, 1870-1900 358 

Herbert Collins 


LITERATURE, 1825-1845 393 

John C. Guilds 


Edited by William S. Powell 


Ferguson's Home on the Yadkin — By H. G. Jones ; 
Blythe's James W. Davis: North Carolina Surgeon — By 
Clarence E. Gardner, Jr.; Ray's Index and Digest to 
Hathaway' 's North Carolina Historical and Genealog- 
ical Register and Colonial Granville County and Its 
People — By H. G. Jones ; Horn's The Decisive Battle of 
Nashville — By William T. Alderson; Vanstory's Geor- 
gia's Land of the Golden Isles — By Sarah McCulloh 
Lemmon ; Wiley's The Road to Appomattox — By Frank 

Entered as second class matter September 29, 1928, at the Post Office at 
Raleigh, North Carolina, under the act of March 3, 1879. 


E. Vandiver; Rowse's True Discourse of the Present 
State of Virginia — By William S. Powell; Hassler's 
General George B. McClelland. Shield of the Union — By 
John G. Barrett ; Stevens's The Early Jackson Party in 
Ohio — By William S. Hoffmann ; Wright's The Cultural 
Life of the American Colonies, 1607-1763 — By Richard 
Walser; Charles's The Origins of the American Party 
System — By V. 0. Key, Jr.; and Franklin's From 
Slavery to Freedom: A History of American Negroes 
— By William S. Hoffmann. 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXIV July, 1957 Number 3 


By Percy G. Adams 

Eighteenth-century commentators on America were, of 
course, notorious for plagiarizing each other, but one of the 
strangest and most successful literary thefts committed by 
any of them was that perpetrated by Dr. John Brickell in 
1737 when he published The Natural History of North 
Carolina. The case has been a strange one because it was so 
flagrant and the victim so well known. It has been successful 
because for over two hundred years Dr. Brickeirs book has 
been an important source of information about early America, 
and that in spite of a warning published early in the nine- 
teenth century. Perhaps the warning should be restated. 

Little is known of Dr. Brickell except that in the 1730\s 
he resided for several years on the coast of North Carolina 
before returning to live in England and publish his Natural 
History. 1 Of the book, more is known. Although the Journal 
des Sciences in Paris carried a notice of it in April, 1739, an- 
nouncing that it was written "Par M. Jean Bricknell lsic\, 
Docteur en Medecine," the London periodicals seemed to 
ignore it, even though its list of subscribers included the 
name of one who at the time was reviewing such books for 
The Gentleman's Magazine — Samuel Johnson. However, 
by the end of the century, The Natural History of North 
Carolina had gradually attained popularity. For example, ten 
years after its publication it was not used by Emanuel Bowen 
in his A Complete System of Geography, which depended on 

1 Some biographical information is to be found in the preface to the 1911 
Raleigh edition, edited by J. Bryan Grimes, hereinafter cited as Grimes, 
BriekelVs Natural History. All references in this paper will be to this 1911 


314 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Harriss, Purry, and Archdale for information on Carolina; 
but in 1771 it was an important source for A New System of 
Geography, compiled by D. Fenning and J. Colly er. 2 

The early nineteenth century provides three interesting 
references to Dr. Brickell's book. Andre Michaux, the 
younger, in his description of the trees of the United States, 
used it twice, but both times with some reluctance. 3 Jacob 
Bigelow in the North American Review, in an article entitled 
''Botany of the United States," said of it, "the most complete 
work of this kind is Brickell's Natural History of North 
Carolina.'' 4 But shortly after these two writers had enhanced 
the reputation of the book, Jared Sparks attempted to annihi- 
late it. In 1826, in an article on "Materials for American 
History," Sparks, after a two-page discussion of John 
Lawson's History of Carolina, had this to say in a footnote: 

A book was published in Dublin in the year 1737, entitled 
Natural History of North Carolina, by John Brickell, M.D., 
which is remarkable for being an almost exact verbal transcript 
of Lawson's History, without any acknowledgment on the part 
of the author or even a hint that it is not original. Periods and 
paragraphs are transposed; parts are occasionally omitted, and 
words and sentences here and there interpolated ; but, as a whole, 
a more daring piece of plagiarism was never executed. The fact 
that the volume was published by subscription only 19 years 
after Lawson's History is presumptive evidence, perhaps, that 
this latter work, for reasons now unknown, had become so rare, 
as to render a detection of the plagiarism improbable. 5 

Such an accusation, made by such a noted scholar, would 
ordinarily be enough to cause students and historians to be 

2 Published in London in two volumes. In the treatment of Virginia, 
Carolina, Georgia, and Florida, references to and quotations from Brickell 
are often used. 

3 Michaux's work was translated into English as The North American 
Sylva (Philadelphia, 1817), in three volumes, and went through many 
editions. For the use of Brickell, see I, 157, and II, 222. 

4 North American Review, New Series, IV (July, 1821), 102. 

5 North American Review, New Series, XIV (October, 1826), 288-289. 
Sparks was incorrect in his opinion that Lawson's book was a rare item. It 
was first published as A New Voyage to Carolina, in John Stevens' A New 
Collection of Voyages and Travels (London, 1708, 1711), republished sep- 
arately in 1709, and as The History of Carolina, in 1714 and 1718 ; trans- 
lated into German in 1712, it was reissued in that language in 1722. The 
latest edition, that of Frances Latham Harriss, is called Lawson's History 
of North Carolina (Richmond: Garrett and Massie, 1937, Second Printing, 
1952). In the present paper all references to Lawson are made to the 1937 
edition and are hereinafter cited as Harriss, Lawson's History. 

Lawson's Alter-Ego 315 

very careful in using The Natural History; and, in fact, for 
nearly a century it was almost completely avoided. But Jared 
Sparks was not permanently successful in his attack, perhaps 
for two reasons. First, he put his accusation in a footnote, 
apparently believing it unimportant because he knew of so 
many such examples of plagiarism. And second, he provided 
no specific evidence. 

But whatever the reason, he was unsuccessful, for in 1911 
Dr. John Brickell's Natural History of North Carolina was 
republished in Raleigh with a preface that defended Brick- 
ell, calling his book the "Most interesting of early histories 
of the state." Here is the defense almost in full: 

Dr. Brickell's history is the best description we have of the 
natural, social, and economic conditions in the Colony of North 
Carolina, but its merits have been obscured and its value largely 
depreciated by careless and unjust reviewers. 

Jared Sparks and others charged him with plagiarizing Law- 
son. Of this Dr. Stephen B. Weeks says : 

"These statements are only partially correct and do grave in- 
justice to Brickell. He acknowledges in his preface that his work 
is a 'compendious collection of most things yet known in that 
part of the world.' But it is a good deal more than a slavish re- 
print of Lawson. It is further increased almost one-half in 
bulk . . . his 'Journal of a thousand Miles Travel' ... is not 
used by Brickell. 

"Brickell took the book of Lawson, reworked it in his own 
fashion, extended or curtailed, and brought it to his time. The 
effect of his professional training is seen everywhere, for there 
is hardly a description of a plant or animal which does not have 
some medical use attached to it. His work is fuller, more syste- 
matic, and seems more like that of a student; Lawson's work 
seems more like that of a traveler and observer. There is, besides, 
much more relating to the social conditions of the Colony in 
Brickell, who has a section on 'The religion, houses, raiment, 
diet, liquors, firing, diversions, commodities, languages, diseases, 
curiosities, cattle, etc.,' while Lawson sticks close to the natural, 
economic, and Indian history of the Province." 

As more evidence that The Natural History was original, the 
twentieth-century editor pointed to that part which tells of a 
trip Brickell claimed to have made among the Indians: "His 
description of this journey is most interesting, and though 
overdrawn, is a distinct contribution to our history of the 
habits of the North Carolina Indians." 

316 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Apparently this defense in the prefatory note to the 1911 
edition succeeded in restoring Brickeirs reputation. At least, 
the book was now more easily available and became a pop- 
ular source work. One noted writer, while describing Lawson 
as "the first historian of North Carolina," echoed the state- 
ment that The Natural History was "by no means a slavish 
reproduction"; and in 1937 a history of North Carolina, while 
making only limited use of Lawson, referred frequently to 
Brickell. 6 A year later, in his Reference Guide to the Litera- 
ture of Travel, G. E. Cox repeated Sparks' charge, saying, 
but without the evidence, that Brickell's material was "stolen" 
from Lawson. 7 Nevertheless, in 1946 an article called "Travel- 
ler's Tales of Colonial Natural History" 8 depended heavily 
upon Brickell but made no mention whatever of Lawson. 
An important collection of early documents reprinted in 1948, 
entitled North Carolina History Told hy Contemporaries, 
prefaced its selection from Brickell with this statement: 

One of the most interesting accounts of the social and economic 
life of the colony is found in The Natural History of North 
Carolina, written by Dr. John Brickell of Edenton about 1731 
and published in Dublin in 1743. Although he copied much from 
Lawson's A New Voyage to Carolina, he went far beyond that 
writer and gave detailed descriptions of many things not even 
mentioned by Lawson. 9 

And in 1954 the latest history of North Carolina made ex- 
tensive use of the Doctor but included no comment on his 
connection with Lawson. 10 But perhaps the best evidence for 
the success of the 1911 apology is to be found in the pages of 
The North Carolina Historical Review, where at least six 
articles published since 1926 contain important references 

a C. M. Andrews, The Colonial Period of American History (New York, 
1934), III, 258; and Guion G. Johnson, Ante-Bellum North Carolina 
(Chapel Hill, 1937), 48, 97, 738-739, 747, 753, hereinafter cited Johnson, 
Ante-Bellum North Carolina. 

7 G. E. Cox, Reference Guide to the Literature of Travel (Seattle, 1935- 
1938), II, 103. 

8 James R. Masterson, in Journal of American Folklore, LIX (January- 
March, April-June, 1946), 51-67, 174-188. 

8 Hugh T. Lefler (ed.), North Carolina History Told by Contemporaries 
(Chapel Hill, 1948), 61-65. 

10 Hugh T. Lefler and Albert R. Newsome, North Carolina, The History 
of a Southern State (Chapel Hill, 1954), hereinafter cited as Lefler and 
Newsome, North Carolina. 

Lawson's Alter-Ego 317 

to The Natural History. 11 Of all these twentieth-century books 
and articles that used Brickell, only one mentioned Jared 
Sparks' charge, and the author of that one, 12 having no access 
to a copy of Lawson, was unable to compare the two books 
in question. 

But they must be compared in order to show how easy it 
is to give John Brickell credit for something which he did not 
originate. It is best, perhaps, to begin with the 1911 defense, 
which can be reduced to three points: 1) Because of his 
"professional" training, Dr. BrickelFs Natural History is more 
"systematic" than Lawson's History and more replete with 
information about the medical properties of the flora and 
fauna described; 2) His work is bigger than Lawson's by 
one-half, containing, for example, "much more" on social 
conditions in North Carolina; and 3) The account of his trip 
to the Indians "is a distinct contribution." 

As for the first defense, Dr. Brickeli's "system" was hardly 
original. Lawson, after a preface and an introduction, began 
with his 'J ourna l °f a thousand miles travel among the 
Indians from South to North Carolina," a section which 
Brickell omitted— for the time being. But if we start on page 
61 of Lawson's History and page 1 of The Natural History, 
we find that the two books follow almost exactly the same 
order, even to the sub-sections. There are two differences: 
Brickell added the essay entitled "The Religion, Houses, 
Raiment, ... of North Carolina" and waited until the big 
final section on the red man to include the account of his 

u W. Neil Franklin, "Agriculture in Colonial North Carolina," The North 
Carolina Historical Review, III (October, 1926), 539-575, hereinafter cited 
as Franklin, "Agriculture in Colonial North Carolina"; Charles Christopher 
Crittenden, "Inland Navigation in North Carolina," The North Carolina 
Historical Review, VIII (April, 1931), 145-155, hereinafter cited as 
Crittenden, "Inland Navigation"; Douglas L. Rights, "The Buffalo in North 
Carolina," The North Carolina Historical Review, IX (July, 1932), 242-250; 
Julia Cherry Spruill, "Virginia and Carolina Homes before the Revolu- 
tion," The North Carolina Historical Review, XII (October, 1935), 320- 
341, and "Southern Housewives before the Revolution," XIII (January, 
1936), 25-47, hereinafter cited Spruill, "Southern Housewives before the 
Revolution"; Alonzo Thomas Dill, "History of Eighteenth Century New 
Bern," The North Carolina Historical Review, XXII-XXIII (January, 
1945— October, 1946), in eight parts, 1-21, 152-175, 293-319, 460-489, 47-78, 
142-171, 325-359, 495-535, hereinafter cited as Dill, "Eighteenth Century 
New Bern"; and Wendell H. Stephenson, "John Spencer Bassett as a 
Historian of the South," The North Carolina Historical Review, XXV 
(July, 1948), 289-318, hereinafter cited Stephenson, "Bassett as a His- 

"Franklin, "Agriculture in Colonial North Carolina," 539-575. 


The North Carolina Historical Review 

thousand miles travel among the Indians. Here are the two 
tables of contents, with the page numbers: 

Journal of a thousand 

miles (1-61) 

A Description of 

North Carolina . . . (61-75) 
A Description of the 

Corn of Carolina . . (75-80) 
The Present State 

of Carolina (80-90) 

Of the Vegetables 

of Carolina (90-118) 

The Beasts 

of Carolina (118-140) 

Birds of Carolina . (140-159) 

The Fish (159-172) 

The Present State 

of Carolina (172-179) 

An Account of the 

Indians of North 

Carolina , (179-260) 


(No title in Brickell, but the 
contents fit the corresponding 

title in Lawson.) (1-14) 

The Corn of North 

Carolina (14-27) 

The Present State of 

North Carolina . . . (27-35) 
The Vegetables of 

North Carolina . . (57-107) 

Of the Beasts (107-171) 

Of the Birds (171-215) 

Of the Fish of 

North Carolina . (215-251) 
Further Observations 

on the Present 

State of North 

Carolina (251-277) 

An Account of the 

Indians of North 

Carolina (277-409) 

Although his table of contents was not original, Dr. Brick- 
ell did include more medical lore than is to be found in 
Lawson, as the 1911 apology claimed. However, he often 
reported old wives tales, as when he said of ". . . Black- 
mackred flies . . . The powder of these insects and their Juice 
cures Baldness. " And of the Moth, ". . . An Oil made of them 
is said to cure Deafness, Warts, and the Leprosy. . . ." 13 Many 
more such examples could be given, especially from the 
section on animal life. The original and worthwhile medical 
information is found in such paragraphs as that on the "Ipe- 
cacuana" 14 and in a four-page sub-section on the diseases of 
North Carolina— from the ague to stomach ache to whooping 
cough— all of which the Doctor told about in some detail, and 
for which he prescribed either his favorite remedy or that 

13 Grimes, Brickell' s Natural History, 160. 

14 Grimes, BrickelVs Natural History, 21. This plant, not mentioned by 
Lawson, was apparently one of the many North American substitutes for 
the tropical Ipecacuanha. 

Lawson's Alter-Ego 


of the colonists. 15 But usually he was not original, invariably 
transcribing the many medical uses furnished by his prede- 
cessor, as the following quotations will show: 

. . . The Vertues of Sassafras 
are well known in Europe. 
This Wood sometimes grows 
to be above two Foot over, 
and is very durable and last- 
ing, used for Bowls, Timbers, 
Post for Houses, and other 
Things that require standing 
in the Ground. 'Tis very light, 
It bears a white Flower, which 
is very cleansing eaten in the 
Spring with other Sallating. 
The Berry, when ripe, is 
black; 'tis very oily, Carmin- 
ative and extremely prevalent 
in Clysters for the Colick. The 
Bark of the Root is a Specific 
to those afflicted with the 
Gripes. The same in Powder, 
and a Lotion made thereof, is 
much used by the Savages to 
mundify old Ulcers, and for 
several other Uses, being high- 
ly esteemed among them. 

The Sassafras is very com- 
mon, and grows large, its 
Wood being sometimes above 
two Feet over, 'tis durable and 
lasting for Bowls, Timber 
Posts for Houses, and other 
things that require standing 
in the Ground, notwithstand- 
ing it is very brittle and light, 
it hath a pleasant smell. The 
Leaves are of two sorts, some 
long and smooth, the others 
indented about the edges (es- 
pecially those growing at the 
top of the Branches) some- 
times like those of the Fig- 
tree, it bears a small white 
flower, which is cleansing to 
the Blood, if eaten in the 
Spring with other Salating; 
it likewise bears a small Ber- 
ry, which when ripe, is black 
and very oily, Carminative, 
and extremely prevalent in 
Coughs: The Bark and Root 
help most Diseases proceeding 
from Obstructions, and of sin- 
gular use in Diets for the 
French Pox, it strengthens 
the whole Body, cures Barren- 
ness, and is a Specifick to 
those afflicted with the Gripes, 
or defluctions of Rheum; the 
same in Powder, and strong 
lotions being made thereof, is 
much used by the Savage In- 
dians, to mundify old Ulcers, 
and several other uses ; it is a 
beautiful and odoriferous 
Ever-green, makes a delight- 
ful and fragrant Fire, but 
very sparkling. 16 

15 Grimes, BrickelVs Natural History, 46-50. 

"Harriss, Lawson's History, 96; Grimes, BrickelVs Natural History, 76. 

320 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Natural History is almost entirely unoriginal in its 
order and seldom original in its medical lore, but it would 
seem to contain a great deal of new matter of some sort; for 
—to consider the second defense of the 1911 preface— it is 
over half again as long as Lawson's History. But on inspec- 
tion one discovers that Brickeli's additions are largely embel- 
lishment. The material on the sassafras, quoted above, offers 
a key to the problem. There, by furnishing new facts about 
the shape of the leaves, about the kind of fire made by the 
wood, and about how the plant cured the French Pox and 
barrenness, the Doctor was able to make twenty lines out of 
eleven. Throughout his book he was usually content with 
Lawson's words or with some sort of embellishment, supply- 
ing only two original sections of any length. The first of these, 
the part called "Of the Religion, Houses, , . ." is twenty-two 
pages long and contains the "much more" material on social 
conditions. But even here almost one-fourth is based on 
Lawson. 17 Another original section, about the same length, 
is that which contains information on insects. Whereas Law- 
son had dismissed them in a few words, Brickell went into 
detail on such creatures as bees, butterflies, wasps, grass- 
hoppers, crickets, fire-flies, ants, spiders, weevils, and mos- 
quitoes, 18 all of which, it should be noted, could be found in 
Europe as well as in America. In addition to these some 
thirty-five pages which can not be attributed to Lawson, 
Brickell provided a few facts in other parts of his book. For 
example, he increased Lawson's one page on whales to five, 
found four kinds of owls not listed by his predecessor, 
changed four varieties of woodpeckers to five, and told of 
seeing twenty-four runaway Negroes hanged in Virginia. 19 
By a rough but generous estimate, all of the additions amount 
to no more than sixty pages out of a total of 409. 

But after we have discovered these parts not taken from 
Lawson, we have still another problem to deal with in con- 
sidering the length of the two books: Since Lawson's trip 

17 After reading Grimes, Brickeli's Natural History, 35-56, compare with 
Harries, Lawson's History, 14, 82-90. 

u Grimes, Brickeli's Natural History, 153-171 ; Harriss, Lawson's History, 

*• Grimes, Brickeli's Natural History, 178, 187-188, 215-220, 357; Harriss, 
Lawson's History, 149-150, 162-163. 

Lawson's Alter-Ego 321 

among the Indians was recounted in a sixty-page Journal 
and Brickell's journey required only six in the telling, what 
happened to the other fifty-four pages? The answer is that 
the later writer did make use of his predecessor's journal by 
taking from it much of the information about Indian life- 
tribes, burial customs, foods, sex, etc.— and putting it in his 
last chapter, the "Account of the Indians of North Carolina," 
which is considerably longer than Lawson's chapter with the 
same title. For example, in order to describe the feast of the 
"Waxsaw" Indians at the Harvest of Corn and to give the 
names and locations of the Sapona Indians, the "Toteras," 
and the "Keyawees," Brickell had to glean his facts from the 
journal of Lawson, who had actually traveled among those 
tribes. 20 

The third defense advanced by the 1911 preface is that 
the "journal" of Dr. Brickell's trip among the Indians, made, 
it is said, in 1730, is a "distinct contribution" to history. The 
six pages of this account tell how ten white men and two 
Indian guides made a remarkably easy journey, saw beauti- 
ful scenery, found abundant game, and had a delightful time. 
To give an idea of their idyllic existence, the author told of a 
typical night's "camp out" and then added, "It would not be 
proper to trouble the Reader with the Adventures of each 
Day. . . . Let it suffice to inform them, that after fifteen Days 
Journey, we arrived at the foot of the Mountains, having 
met with no Human Specie all the way." 21 Lawson, it must 
be noted, had traveled in the same direction thirty years be- 
fore and had encountered numerous Indian tribes and vil- 
lages. On arriving at the "Mountains," Brickell's party was 
discovered by "Iroquois" scouts, whose "King" sent an "Am- 
bassador . . . painted as red as Vermillion" to find out if the 
party was for peace or for war. Lawson, in similar fashion, 
had told how, while he was visiting with the 'Waxsaws," the 
King of the Saponas had sent an "Ambassador . . . painted 
with Vermillion all over his Face. . . ." 22 The Iroquois King 
entertained his visitors in the "State House," just as Lawson's 
Waxhaw King had done. Both Brickell and Lawson slept on 

" Grimes, Brickell's Natural History, 332 ff ., 343 ; Harriss Lawson's His- 
tory, 34 ff., 44-45. 
21 Grimes, Brickell's Natural History, 387-393. 
29 Grimes, Brickell's Natural History, 389 ; Harriss, Lawson's History, 32. 

322 The North Carolina Historical Review 

"benches" covered with animal skins, and both were privi- 
leged to see dances performed and games played in their 
honor. 23 The only original fact supplied by Brickell is his 
insistence on having given copious supplies of rum to the 
Indians. Perhaps the best bit of evidence against his having 
made a trip is the claim that the Indians he visited were 
Iroquois, who, he said, were ". . . very powerful, and continu- 
ally at War, wandering all over the Continent betwixt the 
two Bays of Mexico and St. Lawrence." 2 * The Iroquois were 
not known to go so far south, although their relatives, the 
Tuscaroras had— years before this supposed trip— been moved 
north to increase the Five Nations to Six. It would seem then 
that Dr. Brickell's journey among the Indians was as spurious 
as were many others of the seventeenth and eighteenth cen- 
turies—one by John Lederer in the same territory, others by 
Lahontan and Hennepin in the Mississippi region, and an- 
other by Chateaubriand in the Gulf Coast country. 23 

Since invented trips were so common among early travel 
writers, perhaps Dr. Brickell may be forgiven for borrowing 
his journey from John Lawson. And a very lenient reader 
might agree with him that his book is a "compendious col- 
lection" of facts about North Carolina, even though six- 
sevenths of the compendium is collected from John Lawson. 
But probably the most partial of readers should hesitate to 
approve of Dr. Brickell's being so unimaginative as to adopt 
some of John Lawson's own experiences, narrating them 
almost word for word, even to the use of the first person pro- 
noun. Here are two examples: 

Yet I knew an European Man I knew an European Man 

that had a Child or two by one that lived many Years 

of these Indian Women, and amongst the Indians, and had 

afterwards married a Chris- a Child by one of their Wom- 

28 Grimes, Brickell's Natural History, 391 ; Harriss, Lawson's History, 
30, 34-36. 

21 Grimes, Brickell's Natural History, 389. 

86 For Lederer's second journey, the last part of which he took alone and 
the stories of which contain his "prettiest fable," see, for one discussion, 
J. B. Brebner, Explorers of North America (New York, 1933), 274-275; 
for Lahontan and Hennepin, see any one of a number of historians, such 
as Jared Sparks, Parkman, and Father Delanglez; and for Chateaubriand, 
see Gilbert Chinard, L'Exotisme americain dan I'oeuvre de Chateaubriand 
(Paris, 1918). These four men actually travelled in North America but all 
of them pretended to have done more than they actually did. 

Lawson's Alter-Ego 


tian, after which he came to 
pass away a Night with his 
Indian Mistress ; but she made 
Answer that she then had for- 
got she ever knew him, and 
that she never lay with an- 
other Woman's Husband, so 
fell a crying and took up the 
Child she had by him, and 
went out of the Cabin (away 
from him) in great Disorder. 

en, having bought her as they 
do their Wives, and after- 
wards married a Christian. 
Sometimes after he came to 
the Indian Town, not only to 
buy Deer-Skins, but likewise 
to pass away a Night with his 
former Mistress as usual, but 
she made answer, That she 
then had forgot that she ever 
knew him, and that she never 
lay with another Woman's 
Husband; so fell a crying, 
took up the Child she had by 
him, and went out of the Cab- 
in in great Disorder, although 
he used all possible means to 
pacifie her, by offering her 
presents of several Toys and 
Rum, but all to no purpose, 
for she would never see him 
afterwards, or be reconciled. 26 

. . . two Families of the Ma- 
chapunga Indians, use the 
Jewish Custom of Circumcis- 
ion, and the rest do not, nei- 
ther did I ever know any 
others amongst the Indians 
that practiced any such 
things, and perhaps, if you ask 
them, what is the Reason they 
do so, they will make you no 
manner of Answer; which is 
as much as to say, I will not 
tell you. Many other Customs 
they have, for which they will 
render no Reason or Account. 

There are some few of them 
that use the Jewish Custom of 
Circumcision, though this 
kind of Practice is but seldom 
used amongst them; I never 
knew but two Families in all 
the Nations of Indians I have 
conversed with, that were so; 
the Reason whereof I could 
never learn, notwithstanding 
I was very intimate with 
them, and have often urged 
them to give me an account 
on that Head, but could get no 
manner of Answer, which 
with them is as much as to 
say, / will not tell you. They 
have many other strange Cus- 
toms amongst them, that they 
will render no Reason for, or 
give any Account of to the 
Europeans. 27 

28 Harriss, Lawson's History, 199 ; Grimes, BrickelVs Natural History, 299. 
87 Harriss, Lawson's History, 223 ; Grimes, BrickelVs Natural History, 368. 

324 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The point is that Brickell made use of almost everything in 
Lawson, sometimes attempting to cover his theft by a slight 
rearrangement of words or by shifting some bit of informa- 
tion from one part of the book to another; but very often— 
as in these two instances— he was so bold as to use his source 
without any pretense at hiding his tracks. Furthermore, the 
quotations demonstrate clearly how one book can be half 
again as long as the other, for Lawson's 160 words were in- 
creased to 260 by the later writer. 

However, Dr. Brickell's lack of originality is not our pri- 
mary concern; what is important is that his plagiarizing has 
caused scholars to give him credit for much that was the work 
of another man. One article, "Agriculture in Colonial North 
Carolina," quoted Brickell many times; but almost every time 
the reference should have been to Lawson. 28 Another, "Inland 
Navigation in North Carolina, 1763- 1789," gave credit to 
both Lawson and Brickell for information about the periauger 
and the cypress tree, when the information was originated 
by Lawson, and gave credit only to Brickell for the statement 
—first made by Lawson— that in North Carolina both sexes 
were adept at handling the canoe. 29 One full-length history, 
while referring on two occasions to something original in 
Brickell— on Negro slaves and on the excessive drinking of 
the white settlers— sometimes attributed to Brickell facts 
that had been taken from Lawson, as in the description of the 
"Yaws"— Lawson's "Pox"— or when telling of Indian super- 
stitions and Indian magic. 30 Another book includes a four- 
page selection from Brickell, a little over half of which is 
from one of the two original sections in The Natural History. 
However, the rest is found in Lawson, for example, this para- 
graph on exports, which was stolen almost word for word. 

'"Franklin, "Agriculture in Colonial North Carolina," 561, and then 
compare Grimes, Brickell's Natural History, 16-17, with Harriss, Lawson's 
History, 277; see Franklin, "Agriculture in Colonial North Carolina," 357, 
and then compare with Grimes, Brickell's Natural History, 15, and with 
Harriss, LawsorCs History, 76. 

28 See Crittenden, "Inland Navigation," 148 ff., and then compare, 
Grimes, Brickell's Natural History, 32, with Harriss, Lawson's History, 86. 

80 See Johnson, Ante-Bellum North Carolina, 14, 48, 738-739 ; then com- 
pare Grimes, Brickell's Natural History, 10, 48, 370, with Harriss, Lawson's 
History, 14, 19-20, and 88-89. 

Lawson's Alter-Ego 


Our Produce for Exportation 
to Europe and the Islands in 
America, are Beef, Pork, Tal- 
low, Hides, Deer-Skins, Furs, 
Pitch, Tar, Wheat, Indian- 
Corn, Peas, Masts, Staves, 
Heading, Boards and all sorts 
of Timber and Lumber for 
Madera and the West-Indies, 
Rozin, Turpentine and sever- 
al sorts of Gums and Tears, 
with some medicinal Drugs, 
are here produced; Besides 
Rice and several other foreign 
Grains, which thrive very 
well. Good Bricks and Tiles 
are made and several sorts of 
useful Earths, as Bole, Ful- 
ler's-Earth, Oaker and Tobac- 
co-pipe-Clay, . . . 

The produce of this Country 
for Exportation to Europe 
and the Islands, are Beef, 
Porke, Tallow, Hides, Deer- 
Skins, Furs, Wheat, Indian- 
Corn, Pease, Potatoes, Rice, 
Honey, Bees-wax, Myrtle-wax, 
Tobacco, snake-root, Turpen- 
tine, Tar, Pitch, Masts for 
Ships, Staves, Planks and 
Boards of most sorts of Tim- 
ber, Cotton, and several sorts 
of Gifms, Tears, with some 
medicinal Drugs; Bricks and 
Tile are made here, likewise 
several useful Earths, such as 
Bole, Fullers-Earth, Tobacco 
Pipe Clay. . . .^ 

And finally, the latest and best history of North Carolina, 
while it prefers Lawson's information on Indians and, from 
Brickell, obtains original facts about slaves, sometimes gives 
perhaps too much credit to the Doctor. Here, for example, 
is its account of early North Carolina birds: 

The whole Carolina region was teeming with birds and wild 
fowl especially turkeys "in flocks of 500 or more," pheasants, 
quail, wild geese, ducks, and wild pigeons so numerous that, 
according to Dr. John Brickell, they would fly "one flock after 
another for above a quarter of an Hour together." . . , 32 

Now, compare the following passages on wild turkeys and 
wild pigeons, which show that Lawson, and not Brickell, 
originated the information: 

I have seen about five hun- 
dred in a Flock. . . . 

You shall see fiwe hundred or 
more of them in a flock to- 
gether. . . , 33 

"Harriss, Lawson* s History, 83; Grimes, Brickell' s Natural History, 65 

Letter and Newsome, North Carolina, 71. 
" Harriss, Lawson's History, 156; Grimes, BrickelVs Natural History 181. 

326 The North Carolina Historical Review 

These Pigeons, about Sun- After Sunrise I have seen 
Rise, when we were preparing them fly, one Flock after an- 
to march on our Journey other, for above a quarter of 
would fly by us in such vast an Hour together. 34 
Flocks that they would be 
near a Quarter of an Hour be- 
fore they were all passed by. 

Elsewhere in the same history we find this statement: "Law- 
son and Brickell, contemporary writers, observed that "Mar- 
riages were early and frequent, most houses being full of 
little ones/ f " Here is what the two sources say: 

The Women are very fruitful, The Women are very fruitful, 
most Houses being full of Lit- most Houses being full of Lit- 
tle Ones. tie Ones. . . , 35 

Is it a matter of an agreement between two authors? Or is it 
a matter of a literary theft? 36 

The warning of Jared Sparks, repeated brief y by G. E. Cox, 
should be stated again, perhaps in this way: Although his- 
torians need not stop using Dr. John Brickell entirely, they 
should be very careful in giving him credit for anything, since 
six-sevenths of his material was taken from John Lawson, a 
first-rate narrator and observer whose reputation would be 
even greater if it had not suffered because of the over-long 
life of his alter-ego. 

"Harriss, Lawson's History, 148; Grimes, BrickelVs Natural History, 186. 

35 Harriss, Lawson's History, 85; Grimes, BrickelVs Natural History, 31. 

80 There are other examples of what would seem to be an overrating of 
Dr. Brickell: Stephenson, "Bassett as a Historian," listing Brickell and 
Lawson side by side as providing "substantial contemporary evidence" of 
early North Carolina, 305; Dill, "Eighteenth Century New Bern," speaking 
of "The naturalist Brickell," 462, 468; and Spruill, "Southern Housewives 
before the Revolution," 27, quoting Grimes, BrickelVs Natural History, 10, 
30, on the hospitality of southern women when she should be have quoted 
Harriss, Lawson's History, 63. 


By Henry W. Lewis 

In the earliest decades of the [nineteenth] century and onward 
to its middle "the duello" was the recognized custom of the best 
people from New York to the utmost limits of the then Union. 
. . . The death of Gen. Hamilton at the hands of Burr was the 
first blow severe enough to change public opinion so far as to 
make it not absolute social and political ruin to refuse to fight. 1 

With these words Warner Lewis, signing himself as "Mon- 
itor," 2 introduced his story of the duel between Daniel 
Dugger and George C. Dromgoole to the readers of the 
Brunswick Gazette of Lawrenceville, Virginia, on January 19, 
1893. The account is sufficiently interesting to be made gen- 
erally available, and its authenticity in detail has been so 
generally attested by later research that it can be relied upon 
as an accurate record. 

The action took place in 1837 in the middle Roanoke River 
Valley— in Brunswick County, Virginia, and its neighboring 
county of Northampton in North Carolina. It was here that 
the seeds of Methodism had found such favorable soil. One 
of the earliest circuit riders assigned to the territory was 
Edward Dromgoole, an Irish convert, who came into the area 
about 1775 as a bachelor but soon married a Virginia girl, 

1 [Joseph] Warner Lewis, "Dugger-Dromgoole Duel ; A Local Incident of 
Fifty Years Ago," Brunswick Gazette (Lawrenceville, Virginia), January 
19, 1893. Unless otherwise identified, all quotations in this paper are taken 
from this newspaper article which Lewis signed with the pen name 

2 Lewis (1833-1900) was the son of Dr. Henry Lewis (1792-1879) and 
Frances Gibbons (Stuart) Lewis (1801-1861) of Lawrenceville, Virginia. 
See John Bennett Boddie (ed.), Southside Virginia Families (Redwood 
City, California: Pacific Coast Publishers, 1955), 317, and Alumni Di- 
rectory, University of North Carolina (Durham, North Carolina: Seeman 
Printery, 1954), 530, hereinafter cited as Alumni Directory. In the Confed- 
erate Army Lewis attained the rank of captain. Later he lived in his home 
town as a bachelor newspaperman, and according to tradition, served as 
good companion for hunters, good company for the ladies, and raconteur 
par excellence. He edited the weekly Brunswick Advocate (Lawrenceville, 
Virginia) for its entire life, 1874-1879. See Lester J. Cappon, Virginia 
Newspapers, 1821-1935 (New York: University of Virginia Institute of 
Research in the Social Sciences, Monograph Number 22, 1936), 110, herein- 
after cited as Cappon, Virginia Newspapers. 

[ 327 ] 

328 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Rebecca Walton. 3 With a good education, a powerful voice, 
and a great zeal, the Rev. Mr. Dromgoole preached through- 
out the Roanoke River country. His home plantation called 
"Canaan" lay in the midst of his flock in southern Brunswick 
County. 4 His youngest child was George Coke Dromgoole, 
one of the principals in the celebrated duel. 

George C. Dromgoole was born in Brunswick County, 
May 15, 1797. He attended the University of North Carolina 
(1813-1814) and William and Mary College (1817-1818; 
1819-1820), and he studied law. In 1823 he was elected to 
the Virginia House of Delegates from Brunswick, and with 
one brief interlude he continued to hold legislative positions 
until his death. From 1823 through 1826 he was a member of 
the House of Delegates; from 1826 until 1835 he served in 
the Virginia Senate. It is worth noting that in 1829 Dromgoole 
was a delegate to the Virginia Constitutional Convention, and 
that in 1832 his fellow senators picked him to preside over 
their deliberations. On March 4, 1835, Dromgoole began his 
first term as a Democratic member of Congress, the position 
he occupied when the present narrative begins. 5 

These are the biographical facts about the man of whom 
Monitor wrote: 

No man born within the limits of Brunswick County ever 
filled so large a place in the estimation of its people as George C. 
Dromgoole. Indeed there was but one in the Congressional Dis- 
trict he so long represented who in any way ranked as his peer, 

3 Jane Morris, Adam Symes and His Descendants (Philadelphia: Dor- 
rance and Company, 1938), 175, hereinafter cited as Morris, Adam Symes. 

4 Within a few miles of the Dromgoole plantation stood the Thomas 
Eaton place near the ferry of that name. Several members of the Harrison, 
Mason, Robinson, and Beasley families lived on nearby plantations. Down 
the Roanoke from the Eaton place (but in Northampton County) stood 
"Mt. Rekcut," home of Thomas Goode Tucker; still lower down the river 
near Gaston stood "Belmont," home of William Wyche Wilkins and his 
sons, Edmund and William Webb Wilkins. Most of these families played 
some part in the story. 

5 Biographical Directory of the American Congress 1774-194,9 (Washing- 
ton: United States Government Printing Office, 1950), 1104, hereinafter 
cited as Biographical Directory. See also A Provisional List of Alumni, 
Grammar School Students, Members of the Faculty, and Members of the 
Board of Visitors of the College of William and Mary in Virginia, from 
1693 to 1888 (Richmond: Division of Purchase and Printing, 1941), 16; 
and Alumni Directory, 242. 

The Dugger-Dromgoole Duel 329 

and he [Judge James H. Gholson], did not approach very near 
to those gifts and attainments that go to make up a mighty 
tribune of the people. . . . 6 

In the year 1837 an entertainment was given at the hotel in 
Lawrenceville. The intelligence and character of the county were 
present. It was purely a social gathering. Politics was tacitly 
forbid; for political feeling was running high, and strange to 
say, though the issues were then of a sentimental character com- 
pared to subsequent periods, the bitterness was as intense as 
when the interests of nearly half the country were at stake. 7 

Gen. Dromgoole was among those present at the entertain- 
ment. The hotel was under the management of Daniel Dugger, 
Esq., both its proprietor and keeper. Mr. Dugger was an unam- 
bitious man, of fine character and average ability, and many 
lovable traits. He had been a rich young man and was still of 
fair fortune, but was embarrassed as many young men of that 
day were by his connection with and love of the "turf," and was 
at the time of which we write, the owner and breeder of the 
celebrated race horse Wagner. 8 

On this special evening [Mr. Dugger] was at the head of his 
table and carving a fowl. Some ill-advised guest addressed to 
him a political question. The decanter had circulated rapidly, 
and Gen. Dromgoole who sat immediately at Mr. Dugger's right 

6 "The exception that we note was [General Dromgoole's] sometime rival 
for popular favor, Judge James Harvey Gholson, also a native of Bruns- 
wick County, and who while wanting in the accurate parliamentary acumen 
and political information, superb command of language and resonant 
voice, was more than [Dromgoole's] equal in purely personal attractions, 
and elegance of deportment, exquisite culture in the highest branches of 
English and classical literature, and those lighter graces which so adorn 
and beautify social life." Gholson (1798-1848) served in the Virginia House 
of Delegates (1827-1831) and in the 22, 23, and 24 Congresses. Later he 
served as circuit court judge for Brunswick County. Although Monitor 
gives his middle name as "Harvey" other authorities show it as "Herbert." 
See Biographical Directory, 1205. 

"In forming an estimate now, from what we remember of the past, we 
would say that had Gen. Dromgoole lived to attain his full stature he 
would have been 'primus inter pares' in an arena with Calhoun, Webster, 
Clay and Benton, and that Judge Gholson as a representative of his county 
would have graced any court of any age. Both died before they had reached 
the zenith of their promised fame. The one a martyr to conjugal duty and 
the other a victim to the public sentiment of the times — for we hold that 
though he lived [for ten] years afterwards, that the perfect fruition of a 
matured manhood was marred by the incident and its consequences . . . 
in the career of Geo. C. Dromgoole we propose to narrate." 

7 Here Monitor wrote as a Confederate veteran. 

8 Presumably Monitor based his statement about Dugger's ownership of 
Wagner on local information that he believed to be correct. When Dugger's 
personal property was inventoried shortly after his death in 1837 no men- 
tion was made of this horse, although the inventory lists other horses, 
Brunswick County (Virginia) Will Book 13, 561-567. This does not mean 
that Monitor's information was incorrect, but it probably indicates that 
Dugger had disposed of this particular horse prior to the duel. 

330 The North Carolina Historical Review 

hand and who had drunk freely, said (before Mr. Dugger could 
reply) in a loud voice, showing complete intoxication — 

"Dugger, Damn Dugger as a political mentor! Why he is 
below infamy and beneath contempt!" 

These words had scarcely passed [General Dromgoole's] lips 
when Mr. Dugger struck him fiercely across the face with his 
open right hand, knocking him from his chair and half across 
the room, and then threw at him the carving fork as he tried to 
rise. 9 Their friends intervened and raised Gen. Dromgoole to 
his feet. He seemed dazed and unconscious of what had occurred, 
and asked for his spectacles which had fallen from his face. He 
was very near sighted and wore glasses always. The matter was 
easily adjusted by their friends, and the next morning they 
drank together a glass of wine. The matter was supposed to be 
ended, and as "inter pocula," to be forgotten — such then was the 
custom among fierce convivialists of the day. The rising sun 
dispelled the deeds and darkness of the wine cup and the night. 

Departing from Monitor's account, it is pertinent to notice 
a portion of Chapter VIII of the duellists' Code of Honor: 10 

5. Intoxication is not a full excuse for insult, but it will 
greatly palliate. If it was a full excuse, it might well be counter- 
feited, to wound feelings or destroy character. 

Dromgoole's fondness for the bottle seems to have been a 
matter of general knowledge and of considerable concern to 
those interested in his career. When elected to preside over 
the Virginia Senate some five years before the incident at 
Bugger's hotel, Dromgoole's friend and contemporary, John 

9 The Scaevola (Tarboro), for November 17, 1837 (hereinafter cited as 
Scaevola), reported, "We have not been informed what cause led them to 
resort to this expedient form but expect it grew out of some political mis- 
understanding which could not be adjusted otherwise." This supposition 
was closer to the facts than Stephen B. Weeks' statement that "This duel 
arose from a supposed insult given by Dugger in the presence of ladies." 
See Weeks, "The Code in North Carolina," Magazine of American History, 
XXVI (December, 1891), 453, hereinafter cited as Weeks, "The Code in 
North Carolina." 

10 John Lynde Wilson, The Code of Honor; or Rules for the Government 
of Principals and Seconds in Personal Difficulties (Charleston, South Caro- 
lina, 1838), 17; reprinted in The Code of Honor; Its Rationale and Uses 
(Charleston, South Carolina, 1878), a pamphlet bound in Volume 14 of the 
"Dawson Pamphlets" in the Library of the University of North Carolina, 
44. Hereinafter these two publications will be cited as Wilson, Code of 
Honor and Dawson Pamphlet. 

The Dugger-Dromgoole Duel 331 

Y. Mason, 11 then serving his first term in Congress, wrote 
the General from Washington: 

I compliment you on the high compliment which our brethren 
of that most excellent body, the Senate, have paid you, in placing 
you in the Chair. Permit [me] , my dear friend, to ask you to be 
somewhat more circumspect in your convivial enjoyments than 
you have been. 

A Destiny, of which any man may justly be proud, awaits you 
if you will temper your social feelings with discretion — You 
will excuse this Lecture and attribute the suggestions to that 
pure, disinterested friendship, which I bear you — 12 

In a few weeks the campaign for [election to the 26th] Con- 
gress opened. It was conducted with great bitterness. The Whig 
party had no champion able to cope with the "Brunswick Lion," 
as Gen. Dromgoole was then called, before the people. 

The party papers seized hold of the unfortunate private broil 
with Mr. Dugger, and used it unsparingly. The "Brunswick 
Lion" after all was but a poltroon and a craven. "He had been 
bearded in his den, and had his jaws slapped, and was wanting 
in manhood to resent an insult so great and so infamous. Could 
a man who would tamely submit to such an indignity be en- 
trusted to protect the rights of a brave and proud people ? If he 
would not protect his own rights would he protect theirs?" were 
some of the things said, besides many more of a kindred kind. 

The Whig party became exultant and vaunting, the Democrats, 
snarling and sour, and bets were made and taken that Dromgoole 
would not fight, and if he did, that Dugger would kill him. 

Gen. Dromgoole was then in command of one of the militia 
brigades of the State. In a few weeks several of his staff officers 
sent in their resignations and wrote significant letters. Some- 
thing had to be done. He at once addressed a polite note to Mr. 
Dugger telling him that the partisan press was taking unfair 
advantage, and making use of an unfortunate private and per- 
sonal difficulty to injure him politically, and asking Mr. Dugger 
to publish a card putting the matter in its proper light. 

Under the advice of his friends Mr. Dugger sent no formal 
reply. Such an opportunity to get rid of so able an advocate of 

"Mason (1799-1859) had at that time served in the Virginia House of 
Delegates (1823-1827) and in the Virginia Senate (1827-1831), and, when 
he wrote the letter quoted, was a member of the Twenty-Second Congress. 
Dumas Malone (ed.K Dictionary of American Biography (New York, 21 
volumes, 1933—), XII, 369-370; Biographical Directory, 1511. 

12 Letter, John Y[oung] Mason to George C. Dromgoole, December 24, 
1832, Edward Dromgoole Papers, Southern Historical Collection, Univer- 
sity of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill, hereinafter cited as Edward 
Dromgoole Papers. 

332 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the Democracy was not to be foregone. In an unfortunate hour 
he harkened to their counsel. Mr. Dugger, however, stated infor- 
mally to the bearer of the note, "that he was not the curator of 
Gen. Dromgoole's reputation, or the guardian of his honor. That 
a wanton insult had been offered him at his own table. At the 
moment he had shown all proper resentment. Farther satisfac- 
tion he had foregone for reasons well known to Gen. Dromgoole. 
That while he did not desire to disguise any of the incidents of 
the occasion, and would make private explanations when asked, 
he still less desired [that] their disgraceful broil should become 
any more public than it already was, and that he declined to 
make any statement about it for public use. That Gen. Dromgoole 
could make any statement he pleased, and he was ready even 
before hand to accept it as a verity, and would vouch for the 
truth of anything he would say. That he presumed that Gen. 
Dromgoole was amply able to settle with anyone who might 
question any statement made. That he was content as matters 
stood, and that Gen. Dromgoole must right any wrong that 
others had or might do him." 13 

A peremptory demand that [Dugger] comply followed. This 
was treated with contemptuous silence. A challenge then fol- 
lowed at once. It was promptly accepted. 

The 1838 Code of Honor, in general, outlines with some 
precision most of the steps Monitor described. Among other 
directions, it provides in Chapter III: 

2. Upon the acceptance of the challenge, the seconds make the 
necessary arrangements for the meeting in which each party is 
entitled to a perfect equality. . . , 14 

This seems to have been the case in the Dugger-Dromgoole 
affair. Monitor wrote: 

Mr. [Hiram] Haines, the editor of a Democratic paper in 
Petersburg, 15 acted for Gen. Dromgoole. W. H. E. Merritt was 

13 Commenting on this course of conduct, Monitor wrote : "That Mr. Dug- 
ger had the right to act in this way, few will deny; but was it generous 
to a former friend? The conclusion proved that [Dugger] was lending 
himself against his better nature, to his friends for a partisan purpose. 
That purpose was to ruin the political standing of Geo. C. Dromgoole. 
From this standpoint is Mr. Dugger an object of sympathy? We trow not." 

"Wilson, Code of Honor, 11; Dawson Pamphlet, 39. 

w The Scaevola identified Haines as "late editor of The Constellation" 
intending presumably to point out that his paper was inactive at the 
moment. Cappon identifies the paper as The American Constellation, a tri- 
weekly Democratic paper established May 24, 1834, by Haines in Peters- 
burg, Virginia, and states that the last known issue was dated December 21, 
1838. Only random issues of the paper have survived. For a short time in 
1839 Haines edited another Petersburg paper called Peep o'Day. See 
Cappon, Virginia Newspapers, 148, 151. 

The Dugger-Dromgoole Duel 333 

the advising friend, and T. Goode Tucker, a young lawyer who 
had [until that year] resided in Lawrenceville, represented Mr. 
Dugger as a field second. 

Under the Code, once the seconds had been selected, they 
took over all negotiations. The principals were required to 
remain strictly aloof. It is with this understanding that one 
should examine the letter Haines wrote to Dromgoole, his 
principal, on October 12, a day or two after the challenge 
had been accepted. Writing from Petersburg to the General 
who by that time had returned to his Congressional duties in 
Washington, Haines said: 

My Dear Friend. 

I this day received a note from Mr. T. Goode Tucker relative 
to the arrangements for the final meeting between his friend 
Mr. Daniel Dugger and my friend Geo. C. Dromgoole, some time 
called "General." Mr. Tucker proposes that the meeting shall 
take place near Gaston, No. Ca. 16 Agreed to. He proposes that 
the usual weapons (pistols of course) shall be used. Agreed to. 
He proposes further, that Mr. D. wanting some further time to 
settle his worldly affairs desires until the 1st of November to 
arrange them. Agreed to— inasmuch as I had given Mr. Dugger 
a verbal assurance that such time should be given. . . , 17 

What were these "worldly affairs" Mr. Dugger had to attend 
to? They take on a somewhat less solemn air in Monitor's 

Mr. Dugger availed himself of his right under the "Code of 
Honor," and postponed the meeting for three weeks. He was on 
the eve of starting to New York to attend the celebrated contest 
between the horses Henry and Eclipse. 18 

16 The plantation ("Canaan") General Dromgoole inherited from his 
father was located within eight miles of Gaston, Morris, Adam Symes, 

"Letter, H[iram] Haines to George C. Dromgoole, October 12, 1837, 
Edward Dromgoole Papers. 

18 Here Monitor made the kind of error that would have embarrassed him. 
Henry and Eclipse ran at the Union Course on Long Island on May 27, 
1823. The race Dugger probably attended was the one at Camden, New 
Jersey, on October 26, 1837, in which Boston beat Betsy, Andrew, and 
Tipton. See Henry William Herbert, Frank Forester's Horse and Horse- 
manship of the United States and British Provinces of North America 
(New York: Stringer and Townsend, 1857), I, 183, 277. 

334 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Monitor next recounted that, "Mr. Tucker acting for Mr. 
Dugger demanded all his rights under the 'Code,' and drew 
up the cartel." This seems to be a reference to what an anno- 
tated edition of the Code calls the "Terms of Meeting." 19 
If Monitor is correct on the point, there is evidence that these 
Virginia duellists were somewhat behind the times in their 
procedures, for the 1838 Code says: 

The old notion that the party challenged was authorized to name 
the time, place, distance and weapon, has been long since ex- 
ploded, nor would a man of chivalric honor use such a right if 
he possessed it. . . . 20 

Just what provisions this cartel contained is not entirely clear. 
Haines wrote Dromgoole: 

On Saturday morning I expect to leave for Gaston on a visit 
to Mr. T[ucker], to arrange definitively day, hour & ground. 

• • • 

It must have been during this visit that Mr. Tucker presented 
the cartel to Haines. 

The third article of this agreement was that they should fire 
until one or the other should be "killed, mortally wounded or so 
disabled as to be unable to fire." 

Mr. Haines on behalf of Gen. Dromgoole protested against 
these terms as unusual and murderous. His protest was without 
effect, for there was a latent opinion among Mr. Dugger's friends 
that Gen. Dromgoole was wanting in spirit. It was a most unfor- 
tunate opinion. 

Notice another portion of Haines' letter to his principal: 

So soon as Congress adjourns repair to Petersburg (notifying 
me of the night of your arrival) and I will meet and conduct you 
to my 

"snug fire-side and a jorum." 

I wish to initiate you a little in the mysteries of a "prelim- 
inary," which your adversary and his friend must attend to for 
themselves. 22 

19 Dawson Pamphlet, 39. 

20 Wilson, Code of Honor, 12; Dawson Pamphlet, 40. 

21 Letter, Haines to Dromgoole, October 12, 1837. 

22 Letter, Haines to Dromgoole, October 12, 1837. 

The Dugger-Dromgoole Duel 335 

On its face this part of Haines' letter conveys very little 
meaning. But Monitor's next statement may be illuminating: 

Haines availed himself of the long interval to teach his friend 
the use of his weapon. He became very expert, 23 for the bloody 
terms of his antagonist left that the only way out of the diffi- 
culty. He desired to disable, not to kill his former friend, if 

Mr. Dugger never seemed to realize and appreciate the respon- 
sibility of the event he was to face, or else he was one of those 
quiet but determined men who are careless of danger. . . . 

The meeting was arranged to take place on the border of North 
Carolina, at a place two miles west of Gaston, and about half a 
mile from Mr. Tucker's residence. 

Although Monitor often visited this neighborhood he is 
wrong in his statement of distances. No spot can be both two 
miles from the site of old Gaston and half a mile from Tuck- 
er's plantation. "Mount Rekcut," as Tucker called his place, 
lies in Northampton some four miles below Eaton's Ferry 
and about five or six miles above Gaston by water. Stephen 
B. Weeks' account more accurately says the meeting place 
was six miles from Gaston. 24 The evidence is undisputed 
about the duel having taken place on Tucker's property. 

Selection of a site in North Carolina is not to be explained 
by its having had less stringent laws against duelling than 
did Virginia. 25 Convenience for the principals and the rela- 
tive remoteness from general curiosity must have been the 
controlling factors in the choice of the Roanoke River site. 

23 Shortly after the duel one of Dromgoole's political advisers in Bruns- 
wick County wrote him as follows: "Myself alone, as far as I have heard, 
is the only one who think you should not have met your assailant in fair or 
equal combat. The disparity was too wide — and he only was urged to the 
field by a party who cared not a groat for him, but wished only to use him 
to destroy you. . . ." Letter, R. R. Brown to George C. Dromgoole. Decem- 
ber 2, [mistakenly written "Novr" in the letter] 1837, Edward Dromgoole 
Papers. Just what was this wide disparity? Was Dugger an older man? 
Probably not. A poorer shot? Monitor seems to take a contrary view. Or 
was this a reference to Dromgoole's acquired proficiency with smooth bore 
and hair-trigger pistols? 

24 Weeks, "The Code in North Carolina," 453. 

25 North Carolina had first enacted anti-duelling laws after Richard 
Dobbs Speight was killed in 1802. The North Carolina Code of 1837 re- 
enacted the prohibition, Weeks, "The Code in North Carolina," 443-444. 
See Guion Griffis Johnson, Ante Bellum North Carolina (Chapel Hill, 
North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 1937), 43-45. 

336 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The day selected for the meeting was Monday, November 
6. 26 ". . . Mr. Dugger reached Mr. Tucker's about two days 
before the appointed time, coming direct from New York. 
He brought neither surgeon nor weapons." 

On the eve of the appointed day, Dr. W. W. Wilkins, 27 a 
physician residing near Gaston, received a note from Dr. F. W. 
Harrison, 28 asking him to put aside all engagements and meet 
him at Mr. Alex. Harrison's. He did so, and on reaching the place 
found Gen. Dromgoole, Mr. Haines and Dr. Harrison. Dr. 
Harrison took him aside and told him why he sent for him: 
That Mr. Dugger was at Mr. Tucker's and that he knew Dr. 
Wilkins to be a personal friend of both parties, and a political 
compatriot [Whig] of Mr. Dugger; that unaided the responsi- 
bility was too much for him to bear, and asked his professional 
assistance, as Mr. Dugger had brought no surgeon with him. 
Dr. Wilkins made some inquiries looking to peace, but found 
matters had gone too far to be stopped. 

The next morning the three gentlemen [Dromgoole, Haines, 
and Dr. Harrison] in a carriage, and Dr. Wilkins in his gig, 
repaired to the designated place. In a few minutes Messrs. 
Dugger and Tucker came on the ground with a wagon in which 
there was a bed, for either party that might require it. 

The place selected was a level plateau on the banks of the 
Roanoke River, as smooth as a carpet and covered with a green 

Mr. Haines was in the ballroom dress of the period — lace 
ruffles at his bosom and at his hands, silk stockings and pumps. 

The parties greeted each other with a stern and polite civility. 
Messrs. Haines and Tucker conferred together for a few minutes 
and agreed upon the ground and stuck up the pegs. The distance 
was ten paces, 29 which they stepped off together. They then, 
in the presence of each other, loaded the pistols, two pairs of 
which Mr. Haines and Gen. Dromgoole had brought. Mr. Dugger 

^Scaevola, November 17, 1837. 

27 See footnote 39, below. 

28 Frederick William Harrison of Eastville, Virginia (a post office in 
either Brunswick or Greensville county), received an A.B. degree from the 
University of North Carolina in 1825, a M.A. in 1832, Alumni Directory, 377. 

"Chapter III of the Code states: "5. The usual distance is from ten to 
twenty paces, as may be agreed upon, and the seconds in measuring the 
ground usually step three feet." A footnote in the annotated edition reports 
that "Tape line is used," Wilson, Code of Honor, 12; Dawson Pamphlet, 40. 
Weeks' statement that "the parties stood four paces apart" can hardly be 
credited, Weeks, "The Code in North Carolina," 453. 

The Dugger-Dromgoole Duel 337 

came unprovided. A coin was tossed for word and position. 30 
Mr. Tucker won the word and Mr. Haines the position. 

The combatants took their positions and the seconds handed 
each a pistol. Mr. Tucker placed himself midway between the 
combatants and some yards out of the line of fire. Mr. Haines 
advanced to the remaining case of loaded pistols, and taking 
one in each hand placed himself in a similar position and oppo- 
site to Mr. Tucker, and announced how the word would be given, 
in a clear and distinct voice. 31 

"Gentlemen, are you ready? If prepared, keep silence. If not, 
speak. Fire !-one-two-three. Stop! with an interval of about a 
second between words." This explanation he followed with the 
declaration — 

"Should either of you fire before the word 'fire,' or after the 
word 'stop/ he falls by my hand." 32 

Both men were as cool as a summer's morn. Mr. Tucker gave 
the word. There was but one report as heard by those present. 
There was a commingled report as heard by those at a little 
distance, and who suspected what was taking place. Who fired 
the first shot is not known. 

As the smoke lifted Mr. Dugger was seen to stoop forward, 
and then pitch heavily face foremost to the ground. The two 
surgeons advanced and turned him over. His face was colorless 
and his lips blue. Gen. Dromgoole had tried to shatter his pistol 
hand or break his arm. The charge of powder was probably not 
sufficient as the bullet was two inches too low, hitting him in the 
arm pit, 33 and, from subsequent developments, not making the 
usual penetration from such perfect weapons. 34 

30 "After all the arrangements are made, the seconds determine the giving 
of the word and the position by lot, and he who gains has the choice of the 
one or the other, and selects whether it be the word or position, but cannot 
have both." Wilson, Code of Honor, 12; Dawson Pamphlet, 40. 

31 "When the principals are posted, the second giving the word, must 
tell them to stand firm until he repeats the giving of the word, in the 
manner it will be given when the parties are at liberty to fire." Wilson, 
Code of Honor, 13; Dawson Pamphlet, 41. 

32 "Each second has a loaded pistol, in order to enforce a fair combat 
according to the rules agreed on; and if a principal fires before the word 
or time agreed on, he [the second] is at liberty to fire at him, and if such 
second's principal fall, it is his duty to do so." Wilson, Code of Honor, 13; 
Dawson Pamphlet, 41. Here it will be observed that the participants in the 
Dugger-Dromgoole affair departed from the procedure prescribed by Wilson. 
Only one of the seconds held a weapon during the meeting, and that second 
held two loaded pistols. 

"^ Accounts of the wound are in general agreement. The contemporary 
newspaper report said, "Mr. Dugger received the ball of his antagonist in 
the axilla of his right side." Scaevola, November 17, 1837. Weeks wrote 
"Dugger received the ball in his side about three inches below the arm-pit," 
"The Code in North Carolina," 453. 

34 Of the weapons Monitor wrote : "I saw these pistols many years after. 
They were the most beautiful weapons I ever saw. They belonged to Gen. 
Whittaker of North Carolina and were mounted with gold. I suppose they 
must have cost several hundred dollars. They had two sets of barrels, one 
carrying an oz., and the other an V2 oz. ball." 

338 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Mr. Haines stepped up in front of Gen. Dromgoole, folded his 
arms and stood in a position to shield him from a view of his 
dying adversary, for Mr. Dugger had been mortally wounded. 

Mr. Tucker assisted by the surgeons started to remove Mr. 
Dugger to the wagon and bed. When about midway, General 
Dromgoole gently put away Mr. Haines and called to Dr. Wilkins, 
"Is he badly hurt?" 

Dr. Wilkins replied — "I fear he is, sir. I do not think he will 
live to get to the house." 

Upon receiving this information, Gen. Dromgoole exclaimed 
in his deep and resonant voice — "I regret it exceedingly! I 
regret it exceedingly!" 

Gen. Dromgoole and Mr. Haines then left the field. 

Under the code to which the parties had resorted, and the 
cartel of the challenged party, Mr. Tucker should have notified 
Mr. Haines of his principal's [Dugger's] condition. By failing to 
do so, he left the quarrel open for renewal upon the original 
cause. 35 Had [Mr. Tucker kept Mr. Haines informed], even had 
Mr. Dugger survived, it would have been a finality, the terms 
would have been complied with. (Mr. Dugger lived twenty-one 
days, 36 and there were hopeful periods. During one of these he 
sent to ask some concessions from Gen. Dromgoole. Gen. Drom- 
goole did not comply and was notified that should he, Dugger, 
survive, the fight would be renewed.) 37 

Haines complained bitterly that Tucker did not inform him of 
Dugger's condition, charging him with a violation of his own 
compact. A quarrel ensued. Haines challenged Tucker, who 
declined to meet him on the grounds that he was not his social 
equal. Even his friends regarded the position as untenable. 
[Tucker] had waived all such rights when he consented to act 
with [Haines] as Gen. Dromgoole's second and peer. A paper 
warfare followed. It was severe and sarcastic, but not scurrilous 
or abusive. The following from the pen of the journalist [Haines] 
is about the severest thing said: "All good and honorable men 
cannot but regret the death of so pure a gentleman and so gallant 
a man as Daniel Dugger. He was all that a man could or ought 
to be — most cruelly, he had been made the victim of false friends 

35 This seems to be a legalistic interpretation of the Code's provisions. 
It is possible, however, that the "Terms of Meeting" agreed to by the 
parties contained more specific language on the point than did the subse- 
quently printed Code. 

36 On this point there is no reason to question Monitor's accuracy. The 
Scaevola on November 17 (eleven days after the duel) said, "The wound 
is desperate but not considered mortal." Weeks' statement that Dugger 
"lived until the next morning" is in error, "The Code in North Carolina," 

37 This seems unusual in the light of the Code's provision that, "If after 
a fire either party be touched, the duel is to end . . . ." Wilson, Code of 
Honor, 13; Dawson Pamphlet, 41. 

The Dugger-Dromgoole Duel 339 

for their own bad ends ; but for Tom Tucker, he reminds me of 
a grandiloquent magpie chattering over the torn plumage of a 
dead eagle." 

Having quoted Mr. Haines' newspaper communication, 
Monitor felt it wise to add: 

We would have omitted this as too severe upon an old and very 
dear friend, but he himself [Tucker], laughingly told it to us 
and suggested that at a suitable time we should have printed all 
the incidents he had related, and thus preserve one of the legends 
of our county. 

Of Mr. Haines we know very little, and of his subsequent his- 
tory nothing. He had formerly been the keeper of a "coffee 
house" in Petersburg. At the time of which we speak, he was 
the editor of a Democratic paper of that city. The position he 
filled towards Gen. Dromgoole, and his conduct in it, bespeak 
the gentleman, and a man of political prominence. Throughout 
he exhibited conduct and character. He has been described as a 
tall fine looking man, with a military bearing. In this hostile 
meeting his deportment was rigidly polite and formal. 

Haines and the General remained on close terms. Among 
the surviving Dromgoole papers can be found a number of 
letters written by Haines from Petersburg in the years follow- 
ing the duel. His newspaper, The Constellation, seemed con- 
stantly in difficulties of a financial nature. Even in his letter 
to Dromgoole about arrangements for the duel Haines could 
not resist telling the General about his own personal affairs: 

I am happy to say to you that my health is fine, my spirits light 
as a feather and my hopes high for a speedy and satisfactory 
adjustment of my pecuniary affairs — for the renovation of my 
paper and for the triumph of those principles it is our mutual 
pride and pleasure to advocate. 38 

"Of the other participants" in the affair on Roanoke River, 
Monitor wrote, "we know more. ..." 

The gentleman who was the involuntary witness, and present 
for humanity's sake, we knew from our childhood. Dr. W. W, 
Wilkins had been professionally educated in France, and subse- 

38 Letter, H[iram] Haines to George C. Dromgoole, October 12, 1837, 
Edward Dromgoole Papers. 

340 The North Carolina Historical Review 

quently studied the post-graduate's course in the schools of 
Paris. He was a most accomplished gentleman. . . , 39 

William Henry Embry Merritt, the Whig whom Monitor 
called "the advising friend" to Dugger, died in 1884, "and in 
the eighty-fourth year of his age. . . ." 


When more than eighty he said to [Monitor], that he had 
frequently canvassed with himself the advice he had given Mr. 
Dugger, and that he could find nothing in it for which to reproach 
himself. It was true that his friend had fallen. For that he 
sorrowed exceedingly ; but there were times in the lives of most 
men when sacrifices had to be made, and guided by the lights 
given, it was best to accept the lesser, when one of two evils 
was inevitable. . . . 41 

One of the most puzzling of the participants was Thomas 
Goode Tucker. At the University of Virginia he had been a 
college mate of Edgar Allan Poe. Later he wrote an account 
of Poe's college days that has been much relied on by the 

39 William Webb Wilkins (1803-1858), son of William Wyche Wilkins 
(1768-1840) and Elizabeth (Raines) Wilkins (1776-1811), before studying 
in Paris, attended the University of North Carolina (1817-1818), Yale 
(A.B., 1822), and the University of Pennsylvania (M.D., 1825). In 1829 he 
married Mary Ann Beasley. His second wife, to whom he was married in 
1841, was Monitor's older sister, Louisa Gray Lewis. "The life of a country 
physician proved distasteful to him, and he abandoned it early as he had 
ample means," wrote Monitor. "He died in Lawrenceville . . . although he 
then lived in Richmond. He is still remembered as a tall and handsome 
man, seclusive in his habits and tastes, perfect in his business dealings 
and relations with his fellows, somewhat reticent, but a very prince in 
politeness and a king at the dinner table." See Wilkins Papers, Southern 
Historical Collection, University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill, 
and Dr. Wilkins's medical fee book in the Manuscript Collection, Duke 
University Library, Durham. 

40 "He belonged to a type that has passed away. Educated when boys 
were made to study, he preserved his knowledge and taste for the classics. 
In the quietude of his own home he was oftener seen with a Latin or Greek 
author in his hand than some book of the period. The writer [Monitor] 
heard one of the principal men of the county, now long past the meridian 
of life, say that he had known him all his life and never saw him angry. 
. . . By those who knew him best, it was said, that the feeling of fear he 
never knew, and occasions that inspired terror in others left him placid 
and unruffled." In the Manuscript Collection of the Duke University 
Library there are a number of letters and papers concerning Merritt and 
his family. 

41 It hardly seems possible that such a man as Monitor describes Merritt 
to have been could have been the person of whom Dromgoole's political 
advisor, R. R. Brown, wrote: "[Dugger] only was urged to the field by a 
party who cared not a groat for him, but wished to use him to destroy you. 
There is a gang in & around Lawrenceville as I have said who would glory 
in your downfall . . . . " Letter, R. R. Brown to George C Dromgoole, 
December 2, 1837, Edward Dromgoole Papers. 

The Dugger-Dromgoole Duel 341 

poet's biographers. 42 Until shortly before the duel Tucker 
lived in Lawrenceville and practiced law, but by 1837, hav- 
ing come into some substantial property, he had moved to a 
new plantation on the Roanoke River in Northampton Coun- 

In the heat of the aftermath of the duel, when Haines had 
challenged Tucker and Tucker had refused to meet him, and 
Haines had lashed out at Tucker in the newspapers, Dr. 
Edward Dromgoole, the General's brother, reported to the 
absent congressman: 

On Monday week I attended Brunswick Court. Things so far as 
I could learn were peaceable, and it was thought by some of your 
friends that Mr. Haynes [sic] last communication would shut 
the mouth of the Magpie who had taken shelter under the plu- 
mage of a Dead Eagle. The Magpie I fear is no Gentleman (this 
between us). . . , 43 

Yet it is of this same "magpie," Mr. Tucker, that Monitor 

When fate endowed him with fortune, she deprived us of a 
lawyer, a statesman and, had opportunity served, a soldier, to 
make a perfect specimen of the country gentleman and literary 
voluptuary. At eighty, with every faculty as bright as at forty, 
he was ready to discuss any question of politics, science, litera- 
ture or law ; or at the blast of the horn in the morning, to mount 
"Lord Elgin," his thoroughbred stallion, and keep pace with his 
hounds, the pedigree of each known for twenty generations. The 
most pacific of men, he believed in the "Code" and was a terror 
to that monster, the neighborhood bully. A believer in caste, his 
hospitality was too strong for his prejudice, and [he] was a 
democrat in his home. In fact he was a mass of the most delight- 
ful anomalies and curious incongruities. While the green grass 
grows and the water runs and the sound of the horn is heard on 
the hill, let him be remembered by all men of kindred tastes and 
gentlemanly instincts. 

42 "Edgar Allan Poe while a Student at the University of Virginia," 
referred to by Hervey Allen in Israfel (New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 
single volume edition, 1934), 126-127, as being Mr. Tucker's "too complete 

43 Letter, Edward Dromgoole [Jr.] to George C. Dromgoole, March 6, 
1838, George C. Dromgoole Papers, Manuscript Collection, Duke Univer- 
sity Library. 

342 The North Carolina Historical Review 

"It was from these gentlemen," wrote Monitor, "that we 
learned the circumstances of the duel as narrated, and should 
they be printed, a promise will be fulfilled." 

But what of Daniel Dugger the victim? Monitor could 
only say, 

Mr. Dugger passed away before we were capable of a personal 
knowledge. But we have known many who knew him well. He 
was a quiet and unassuming man of excellent sense, and a very 
warm, lovable and loving disposition. He had the respect of all 
in every relation of life : In that of husband, parent, friend and 
citizen. His death begat a lifelong antagonism on the part of 
many former friends of Gen. Dromgoole. He left several sons, 
but what has become of his family generally, we do not know. 

It is odd that Monitor should have been ignorant on this 
point when, as matters happened, he was never far from 
Dugger's sons himself. On the day the duel was fought, No- 
vember 6, 1837, Dugger executed a holographic will in the 
form of a letter to his wife. ( It is interesting to speculate on 
why he waited until the day of the meeting before he did 
this. ) He spoke of the confusion of his business affairs, his af- 
fection for his family, and his eagerness to insure the security 
and education of his children. 44 Writing in 1891, Stephen B. 
Weeks stated that after Dugger's death General Dromgoole 
"supported the widow of Mr. Dugger and educated his two 
sons, the late Macon T. Dugger and the late Captain John E. 
Dugger of Warrenton. . . . " 45 

Whether or not the support came from Dromgoole, it is 
true that Captain John Edward Dugger was graduated from 
the University of North Carolina in 1857 and his brother, 
Macon Tucker Dugger, in 1858. It is also true that Captain 
Dugger taught school privately in Warrenton and died there 
in 1887. 46 

44 This letter was admitted to probate in January, 1838, as Dugger's 
will and is recorded in Brunswick County (Virginia) Will Book 13 at 
page 204. 

46 Weeks, "The Code in North Carolina," 453. 

46 Alumni Directory, 244. See also Lizzie Wilson Montgomery, Sketches 
of Old Warrenton (Raleigh, North Carolina: Edwards and Broughton, 
1924), 193, 240-241. 

The Dugger-Dromgoole Duel 343 

Now finally, what of the subsequent career of George C. 
Dromgoole himself? What effect did the duel produce on his 
political ambitions? 

As soon as possible after the duel it appears that General 
Dromgoole returned to his duties in Washington. Whether 
he resorted to the bottle is, of course, a matter of conjecture, 
but the letters he began to receive from the district make it 
clear that this possibility had not been overlooked by his con- 
stituents. One of his Democratic supporters living in Bruns- 
wick, R. R. Brown, spoke with a sharpness that rings with 
truth. Less than a month after the duel and only a few days 
after Dugger's death Brown wrote Dromgoole: 

Take care of yourself & your friends here will take care of you 
— There is a strong current against you & the Whigs will turn 
every thing growing out of your late unfortunate affair to your 
prejudice, especially those in and around Lawrenceville. No 
person can possibly blame you for your course, for all admit you 
were bound to do what you did do. Myself alone, as far as I 
have heard, is the only one who think you should not have met 
your assailant in fair or equal combat. The disparity was too 
wide — and he only was urged to the field by a party who cared 
not a groat for him, but wished only to use him to destroy you — 
There is a gang in & around Lawrenceville as I have said who 
would glory in your downfall, & they have already predicted 
you'l [sic] destroy yourself by intemperance. You must keep 
cool during this cession [sic] of Congress. You must take an ac- 
tive part in all important questions & you must make speeches. 
Then & not till then will the people here be satisfied with you as 
their representative. Take care of yourself while in Washington. 
For your indiscretions are sent back to the district. I write 
frankly but not more so than sincerely. Let me hear from you 
often. 47 

Dromgoole answered Brown's letter promptly, pledging 
himself to a course of personal conduct calculated to improve 

* 7 Beneath Brown's signature on this letter is written "Novr 2nd 1837" 
but the postmark was "White Plains, Va. 8 Dec. 1837." White Plains is 
a crossroads in southern Brunswick County. The "late unfortunate affair" 
was fought on November 6, 1837. Thus it seems plain that Brown made a 
common mistake in dating his letter. It should have been dated "December 
2." See letter, R. R. Brown to George C. Dromgoole, December 2, 1837, 
Edward Dromgoole Papers. 

344 The North Carolina Historical Review 

his political position. On December 29, Brown again ad- 
dressed the General: 

... I have nothing new to give you — farther than to impress 
upon you the necessity not only for yourself personally, but to 
give satisfaction & confidence in you to your party in the District 
that you strictly adhere to the advice in my letter to you which 
you acknowledged to have rec'd on the 18th Inst. If you adhere 
rigidly to the course laid down in your letter to me there will be 
a reaction in the district in your favor that no man will be able 
to contend with you. Your best friends had begun to dispair of 
you and it will depend wholly upon yourself this winter whether 
you continue to represent this district if you wish it. 48 

In the Congressional elections of 1838 Dromgoole was re- 
elected. This is fair testimony of his behavior and its effect 
in the district. In 1840 he declined to run, but he was re- 
elected in 1842, 1844, and 1846, despite some evidence that 
as late as 1843 he was still unable to withstand the lures of 
the bottle. (He is supposed to have taken the "Temperance 
Vow" that year at the instigation of the distinguished Thomas 
Ritchie, 49 but whether he was able to keep it remains unre- 
ported.) We know that he died on April 17, 1847, just a 
month short of his fiftieth birthday, 50 and we have Monitor's 
word for the fact that his fellow citizens felt "the perfect 
fruition" of General Dromgoole's "manhood was marred" by 
his duel with Dugger, that he was "a victim to the public 
sentiment of the times." 

"We boast of our civilization," wrote Monitor, "and speak 
of the 'duello' as suicide and murder. We dare not gainsay 
the saint as against the sinner, even if the day still be distant 

48 Letter, R. R. Brown to George C. Dromgoole, December 29, 1837, 
Edward Dromgoole Papers. 

"Letter, Thomas Ritchie to Edward Dromgoole, May 30, 1848, Edward 
Dromgoole Papers. Pertinent portions of this letter to General Dromgoole's 
nephew and administrator read as follows: ". . . may I ask the favor of 
you to look for a letter which I addressed to [General Dromgoole] in 
January or February of 1843 or '44, probably the former year. It relates 
to the delicate subject of his habits, and nothing but my profound respect 
for Gen. Dromgoole could have prompted me to write it. The General had 
the good sense to appreciate my motives — for within 10 or 14 days after 
I had written it, he informed me by letter that he had taken the Temperance 
Vow. . . ." 

50 See p. 328, n. 5 above. 

The Dugger-Dromgoole Duel 345 

when the lion will lie down with the lamb. A custom recog- 
nized by such men [as the participants in this affair] to keep 
the world pliant to the touch of honor cannot be all bad. . . ." 
Monitor would probably have agreed with the verdict of 
his South Carolina contemporary who wrote, 

. . . the duello was the aesthetic mode of settling all difficulties 
among gentlemen. The stringent laws of the present day have 
pretty well put an end to this mode of wiping out insults, and 
the Code can now only be bought in some old bookstore. The 
silver-mounted, smooth bore duelling pistols have given way to 
the rifled barreled revolvers, and quick snap shooting on the 
street [has] superseded the old fashioned ten paces : "fire — one, 
two, three, stop" ; and handshaking, if alive, and a champagne 
supper to cement the treaty of peace. The formality of a chal- 
lenge is now out of fashion and the hip-pocket is now inserted 
in every man's trousers. Both methods are barbarous, but I am 
inclined to think that the old time method was the least so, as 
it gave one time to make his will and hope for an apology. . . . 51 

51 Arney R. Childs (ed.), Rice Planter and Sportsman, The Recollections 
of J. Motte Alston, 1821-1909 (Columbia, South Carolina: University of 
South Carolina Press, 1953), 21. 


By Harold T. Pinkett 

The estate acquired and developed by George W. Vander- 
bilt at Biltmore in western North Carolina is a historic site in 
the annals of American forestry mainly because of the pio- 
neering work of two eminent foresters, Gifford Pinchot and 
Carl A. Schenck. The activities of Schenck, the first resident 
forester on the estate and founder of the first forest school in 
the United States, have been described recently in an in- 
formative and provocative book entitled The Biltmore Story. 1 
However, the work of Pinchot at Biltmore which blazed the 
trail for Schenck has been mentioned only briefly or errat- 
ically in accounts of American forestry and local history. His 
own accounts, though informative, lack some important de- 
tails. 2 

On February 2, 1892, Pinchot arrived at Biltmore to begin 
an urgent and unique experiment. In a contract with George 
W. Vanderbilt, providing an annual salary of $2,500, he had 
agreed to make a plan for th,e management of Biltmore For- 
est and to superintend the preparation of an exhibit of this 
forest for the World's Columbian Exposition to be held at 
Chicago. 3 He had been selected for this job apparently on 
the recommendation of Frederick Law Olmsted, the famous 
landscape architect, who was Vanderbilt's principal adviser 
in the planning of the Biltmore Estate. The preparation of a 
management plan for an American forest in 1892 was a task 
to be undertaken without any precedent and with little rele- 
vant information. Yet it was a project urgently needed to 
demonstrate the practicality of scientific forestry in the 

1 Carl A. Schenck, The Biltmore Story: Recollections of the Beginning 
of Forestry in the United States (American Forest History Foundation: 
St. Paul, Minnesota, 1955. Pp. 224). 

2 See Gifford Pinchot, Breaking New Ground (New York, 1947), 47-69, 
hereinafter cited as Pinchot, Breaking New Ground; and Biltmore Forest 
(Chicago, 1893. Pp. 49), hereinafter cited as Pinchot, Biltmore Forest. 

3 Agreement between Pinchot and Vanderbilt, January 25, 1892, Gifford 
Pinchot Manuscripts, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C, hereinafter 
cited as Pinchot Manuscripts. 



United States and to broaden the movement for the preser- 
vation of American forests. Fortunately, it was a task to 
which Pinchot could bring some unique training and valu- 
able experience. 

After graduating from Yale University in 1889 Pinchot 
became the first American to choose forestry as a profession. 
He did so despite the advice of government officials and edu- 
cators who considered scientific forest management in the 
United States as something beyond the realm of practical 
affairs. Since there was hardly any organized instruction in 
forestry in America he studied this subject in France, Ger- 
many, and Switzerland during 1889 and 1890. This European 
study was guided largely by Sir Dietrich Brandis, founder of 
forestry in British India and perhaps the greatest forester 
of his time. Sir Dietrich, who had obtained some familiarity 
with American forest conditions through correspondence and 
reports, was immediately impressed by Pinchot's earnestness 
and readily consented to show him the way to scientific 

Returning home in December, 1890, young Pinchot found 
his country without a single acre of public or private land 
under systematic forest management. He observed some 
public spirited citizens protesting against the ruthless de- 
struction of forests by lumbermen and other timber users. 
He admired their efforts to preserve a great natural resource 
but considered their protest virtually futile, since it often ap- 
peared directed toward stopping the essential practice of 
lumbering rather than regulating it and assuring its future. 
The job was not to stop the ax, as he saw it, but rather to 
control its use. 4 

The first opportunity to make practical use of his training 
came in January, 1891, when he was hired by the firm of 
Phelps, Dodge and Company to make a preliminary examina- 
tion of its white pine and hemlock lands in Pennsylvania 
and report on the possibility of practicing forestry on them. 
Shortly thereafter he accompanied B. E. Fernow, the Federal 
Government's chief forester, on a trip to examine timberlands 

* Pinchot, Breaking New Ground, 29. 

348 The North Carolina Historical Review 

in Mississippi and Arkansas. A few months later he was on 
another inspection trip for Phelps, Dodge and Company 
which carried him to the West Coast and Canada. Within 
six months after his return from Europe he had seen some- 
thing of forests in thirty-one states and Canada and had act- 
ually examined them in nine states. Such was his preparation 
for the task at Biltmore. 

When Pinchot arrived at the Biltmore Estate in 1892, the 
developing of this property, which was to make it one of 
America's most luxurious country residences, had already 
begun. Under the architectural direction of Richard M. Hunt 
the massive limestone walls of Biltmore House were rising 
as if to challenge the grandeur of nearby mountains. The 
estate lying southeast of Asheville stretched six miles along 
the banks of the French Broad River and covered more than 
7,000 acres. Through its northeast corner ran the Swannanoa 
River toward its junction with the French Broad. Broken, 
hilly land alternated with broad alluvial bottoms of the two 

By 1892 much forest land around the site selected for Bilt- 
more House had begun to be consolidated into a large holding 
as a result of Vanderbilt's purchases from a number of small 
landholders. These persons compelled by economic necessity 
to exploit fully their scantily productive lands had resorted 
to destructive practices. They had cut most of the trees which 
could be used or sold as fuel, fence wood, or saw logs. Thus 
the best species had been removed and the inferior ones 
had remained to seed the ground and perpetuate their kind. 
Moreover, in accordance with a long-established practice the 
small landholders had burned the woods each year under 
the belief that better pasturage was thus obtained the fol- 
lowing year. In this way much of the fertility of the soil had 
been destroyed. Young trees which grew up in many places 
had been cut back year after year by the grazing of cattle. 
Thus Pinchot on his arrival at Biltmore found the condition 
of a large part of the forest "deplorable in the extreme. " The 
timber stands that survived these destructive practices were 
dominated by varied species of oak, shortleaf pine, and chest- 


nut. Most of the stands were broken and irregular and varied 
greatly in size and age. 5 

Although he was given a free hand to inaugurate manage- 
ment of the Biltmore Estate's forest, subject only to Vander- 
bilt's control, Pinchot's work was affected inevitably by con- 
siderations of the general purpose of the estate as a country 
residence with its gardens, farms, deer park, and roads. His 
management was, therefore, subject to checks in instances 
where silvicultural measures were considered to conflict with 
landscape, farming, recreational, or other estate purposes. 
Despite these restrictions, the young forester began work 
at Biltmore with the hope and zeal of a missionary. His de- 
cision to undertake the work, he declared, was largely in- 
fluenced by the often expressed opinion of Sir Dietrich 
Brandis that forest management in the United States must 
begin through private enterprise and his own feeling that 
the Chicago exposition would present a good opportunity 
to make known the beginning of "practical forestry." 6 If for- 
est management could be made profitable at Biltmore, it 
could be made so in almost any part of the Southern Appa- 
lachians. Indeed his hope led him to assert: "The more I 
know of the conditions the more thoroughly satisfied I am 
that if Biltmore forest is a success, I need not fear to under- 
take the management of any piece of forest land that I have 
seen in the United States." 7 

Compilation of detailed data concerning forest conditions 
on the estate was Pinchot's first step. This was facilitated by 
an extensive topographical survey of the property which had 
already been made. The survey had divided the estate into 
squares of 500 feet. The squares were used as units of de- 
scription and pertinent silvicultural data were recorded in 
a card catalogue. Using this information Pinchot divided 
the forest area into ninety-two compartments, averaging 
about forty-two acres each and delimited by ridges, streams, 
hollows, or roads. For management purposes he grouped 

5 Pinchot, Biltmore Forest, 10-14. 

6 Pinchot to Sir Dietrich Brandis, February 2, 1892, Pinchot Manuscripts. 

7 Pinchot to Sir Dietrich Brandis, March 5, 1892, Pinchot Manuscripts. 

350 The North Carolina Historical Review 

these compartments into three blocks, one situated west of 
the French Broad River and two east of it. 8 

The general purposes of the pioneering forestry work at 
Biltmore were to promote the profitable production of timber, 
provide a nearly constant annual yield, and improve the con- 
dition of the forest. The effort to accomplish these purposes 
began with so-called "improvement cuttings" in parts of the 
forest where old trees were sufficiently numerous and the 
younger ones sufficiently vigorous to enable profitable lumb- 
ering. In these cuttings Pinchot had to instruct his forest as- 
sistants and woods crews to fell timber in such a manner 
that the least harm would come to the future forest. This 
point of view, which emphasized regard for future use as 
well as for immediate profit, was new in American lumber- 
ing. Demonstration and acceptance of the value of this new 
view were important for the successful introduction of scien- 
tific forestry into the United States and establishment of the 
idea that the fight for forest preservation in the 1890's was 
not necessarily incompatible with the profitable use of forests. 

Although Pinchot was convinced of the scientific propriety 
and educational value of careful timber cuttings, he was by 
no means certain that the timber produced by them could 
compete successfully with that provided by traditional lumb- 
ering methods. Early in his work he was disturbed by the 
doubtful outlook for immediate "money returns" from the 
forest. He stated: "There is so much good lumber in the 
mountains, it is comparatively so cheap and our own is so 
distinctly poor, that we shall certainly be unable to do more 
than supply a little inferior sawn lumber and some fire wood 
for the local market and engage in the wood-distilling in- 
dustry/' 9 Moreover, his hopes were not raised any higher 
by this gloomy opinion of the Federal Government's chief 
forester: "If you can make forestry profitable at Biltmore 
within the next ten years, I shall consider you the wisest 
forester and financier of the age.' 


8 Pinchot, Biltmore Forest, 22 ff . 

9 Pinchot to Sir Dietrich Brandis, February 25, 1892. Pinchot Manuscripts. 

10 B. E. Fernow to Pinchot, September 19, 1892, Records of the Forest 
Service, National Archives, Washington, D. C, hereinafter cited as Records 
of the Forest Service. 


During his first two years at Biltmore Pinchot was fortunate 
in finding a ready market for cordwood and sawed lumber 
on the estate itself where large quantities of wood were need- 
ed for the kilns of the brickworks, maintenance of a branch 
railroad running to Biltmore House, and various construc- 
tion projects. Because of this situation the forestry work by 
the end of 1893 showed a favorable financial balance. Dur- 
ing that year receipts for wood and lumber sold and the 
value of wood on hand amounted to $11,324.19. Expenses 
for the work (exclusive of his own salary) amounted to 
$10,103.63. n Thus Pinchot was able to announce "a balance 
of $1,220.56 on the side of practical Forestry— conservative 
lumbering that left a growing forest behind it." 12 These cut- 
tings were continued for several years thereafter and pro- 
duced annually about 3,000 cords of firewood. This wood was 
sold in competition with that taken by neighboring farmers 
from their lands with traditional lumbering methods and 
brought a fair margin of profit above the cost of cutting and 
hauling. Meanwhile, the general condition of the forest 
showed steady improvement. The good results of the cut- 
tings, however, were doubtless made possible to some extent 
by the exclusion of cattle from the forest land and the 
adoption of fire prevention methods. 13 

The forest experiment at Biltmore was first given consider- 
able publicity in an exhibit and pamphlet prepared by Pin- 
chot in connection with the World's Columbian Exposition 
at Chicago in 1893. The Biltmore Forest Exhibit at this af- 
fair appears to have been the first formal illustration of 
scientific forestry ever made in the United States. With the 
use of large photographs and maps it showed the nature of 
the woodland and its improvement under scientific manage- 
ment. With models of well-managed European forests, it 
showed plans of future work. The pamphlet described the 
physical characteristics of Biltmore Forest, forestry practices 

11 Report of Pinchot's forest assistant, C. L. Whitney, January 10, 1894, 
Pinchot Manuscripts. 

12 Pinchot, Breaking New Ground, 54. 

13 Overton W. Price, "Practical Forestry in the Southern Appalachians," 
Yearbook of the United States Department of Agriculture, 1900 (Washing- 
ton, 1901), 364. 

352 The North Carolina Historical Review 

inaugurated in it, and receipts and expenditures for the first 
year's work. The exhibit and pamphlet evoked much favor- 
able comment. Vanderbilt praised his young forester and 
authorized him to order and distribute 10,000 copies of the 
pamphlet "for the good of the [forestry] cause/' 14 An edi- 
torial in Garden and Forest, the most influential forest maga- 
zine in America during the 1890's, asserted that the Biltmore 
pamphlet marked "what must be considered a most important 
step in the progress of American civilization, as it records the 
results of the first attempt that has been made on a large scale 
in America to manage a piece of forest property on the 
scientific principles which prevail in France, Germany, and 
other European countries." 15 

The Chicago exposition of 1893 also gave America's first 
native-born forester an opportunity to publicize the forest 
resources of North Carolina and the need for their protec- 
tion. From the beginning of his work in this state Pinchot 
had been favorably impressed by these resources. He had 
told Sir Dietrich Brandis: 

North Carolina happens to be so situated that the Northern 
and Southern floras meet within the State. There is no other 
state in the union where so many of the valuable kinds of trees 
are found. 16 

A belt of poplar on lands of the Cherokee Indians near 
Waynesville was described as "the finest strip of deciduous 
forest" that he had seen. 17 Thus J. A. Holmes, State Geologist, 
and possibly other state officials had no difficulty in persuad- 
ing Pinchot to prepare a state forestry exhibit for the ex- 
position. The exhibit prepared made a good impression. 18 
From this work a lasting friendship developed between Pin- 
chot and Holmes which led to their important collaboration 

14 Vanderbilt to Pinchot, October 11, 1893. Pinchot Manuscripts. 

15 Garden and Forest, VII (February 21, 1894), 71. 

16 Pinchot to Sir Dietrich Brandis, February 25, 1892, Pinchot Manu- 

17 Pinchot to B. E. Fernow, February 14, 1893, Records of the Forest 

"J. A. Holmes to Pinchot, September 19, 1893. Pinchot Manuscripts. 


in the movement that eventually brought the establishment 
of national forests in the Southern Appalachians. 

So far the Biltmore forest work had been confined mainly 
to timber cutting operations. In the spring of 1895, however, 
Pinchot directed the planting near Biltmore House of seed- 
lings of yellow poplar, black cherry, tulip tree, black walnut, 
and a few other species. Due largely to unfavorable weather 
conditions this planting project was a failure. However, other 
species planted on the estate with similar methods in later 
years grew to maturity and definitely showed the practicality 
of large-scale reforestation by private forest owners. The re- 
sults of this work became the object of special study by the 
Appalachian Forest Experiment Station during 1921 and 
1922. 19 Meanwhile Pinchot collected seeds from many parts 
of the world for the Biltmore Arboretum which was planned 
"not merely to make a botanical collection, but to show the 
value of trees as elements both in scenery and in practical 
Forestry." 20 It was to include 300 acres of 100 of the most 
valuable and hardy forest species at Biltmore. In a few years 
the arboretum actually came to possess the most complete 
collection of forest flora in the southeastern United States 
and had more woody plants than the world famous Royal 
Botanical Gardens in London. Despite Pinchot's pleas for 
its continuance, however, Vanderbilt failed to make perman- 
ent provision for the arboretum. 

While Pinchot was experimenting with scientific forestry 
on the Biltmore Estate, he began to examine large forest 
tracts near the estate which his rich employer sought for use 
as a vast game preserve and camping ground. This work 
brought him to the Pink Beds, a great valley tract of unusual 
natural beauty covered by thickets of the laurel and rhodo- 
dendron whose pinkish blossoms gave the site its name. He 
was certain the area would be ideal for hunting and camping 
and with the exclusion of cattle and fire would offer promise 
for scientific forestry. There were virgin stands of yellow 

M See Ferdinand W. Haasis, Forest Plantations at Biltmore, North Caro- 
lina (U. S. Department of Agriculture Miscellaneous Publication No. 61. 
Washington, D. C, 1930. Pp. 30). 

20 Pinchot, Breaking New Ground, 55. 

354 The North Carolina Historical Review 

poplar, hemlock, hickory, black walnut, beech, and a good 
number of seed-bearing trees. In the spring of 1894 another 
survey trip carried him to a large mountainous tract north- 
east of the Pink Beds which was covered with a mature 
growth of chestnut, oak, and yellow poplar more beautiful 
than any he had seen in North Carolina. The reckless lum- 
berman's ax had never threatened its primeval splendor. 
Pinchot realized that here another fruitful field for forest 
management could be established and immediately made 
tentative plans for such an undertaking. Included in the 
plans were an estimate of readily removable timber, recom- 
mendation of a fence law against forest trespassers, employ- 
ment of forest guards, and the building of fire lines and trails. 
Most of these proposals, though new to American lumber- 
ing in 1894, in a few years were to become standard elements 
in American forest management plans. 

The tracts beyond the Biltmore Estate examined by Pin- 
chot were purchased early in 1895 and Vanderbilt consolidat- 
ed them to form the Pisgah Forest. This woodland began at 
the headwaters of the French Broad River and extended 
southward over some 100,000 acres. Close examination of 
its mature timber had convinced Pinchot that extensive cut- 
ting would facilitate natural reproduction of the trees. There- 
fore, he made a plan designed to enable the harvesting of 
the mature forest crop and at the same time to let in vital 
light for the growth of seedlings— the basis for future crops. 
Vanderbilt approved the plan and cutting was begun under 
it in October, 1895. Here was perhaps the first systematic 
attempt in American lumbering to secure the natural repro- 
duction of a forest area. Although it did not produce im- 
mediate financial profit, it pointed the way to more rational 
use and protection of forest resources. By 1914 the site of 
Pinchot's logging operations in Pisgah Forest was described 
as one having a silvicultural condition "unequaled elsewhere 
in the Southern Appalachians." A young growth of "remark- 
able density" had sprung up under the old trees. There was 
virtual restoration of primeval forest conditions. 21 By 1930 

* Overton W. Price, "George W. Vanderbilt, Pioneer in Forestry," 
American Forestry, XX (June, 1914), 422. 


a new forest crop was ready for commercial logging. Mean- 
while the hope of Pinchot, J. A. Holmes, and others had be- 
come a reality with the acquisition in 1916 of this great forest 
tract by the United States Government to form the Pisgah 
National Forest. In a letter offering the forest for Govern- 
ment purchase Mrs. George W. Vanderbilt aptly described 
its historic importance: "I wish earnestly to make such dis- 
position of Pisgah Forest as will maintain in the fullest and 
most permanent way its national value as an object lesson 
in forestry, as well as its wonderful beauty and charm." 22 

In general Pinchot doubtless enjoyed his experience at 
Biltmore and considered it highly profitable. This experience 
was not, however, without some disappointment and conflict. 
The scientific value of his work was not always fully appre- 
ciated by the owner of the Biltmore Estate. Thus early in 
1895 he complained: 

The scientific value of this place does not seem to appeal to Mr. 
Vanderbilt as much as it did, nor as far as I can see does he 
realize at all the ways in which a useful result in this direction 
is to be obtained. In a word, Biltmore is taking its position in his 
mind as his own pleasure ground and country seat with very 
secondary reference to its usefulness in other directions. 23 

This complaint contrasted sharply with his opinion of the 
owner of the estate in 1892: "Mr. Vanderbilt recognizes as 
fully as I do the educational value of the work and is disposed 
to do everything to give that side of it prominence and 
force." 24 Some of the later feeling probably grew from Vand- 
erbilt's lack of interest in expanding and continuing the ar- 
boretum project. The feeling was attributable, Pinchot 
thought, to some of Vanderbilt's advisers whom he considered 
"men incapable of appreciating the scientific point of view." 25 
One of the advisers he had in mind was probably Charles 
McNamee, general manager of the estate, with whom he had 

22 Edith S. Vanderbilt (Mrs. George W. Vanderbilt) to the Secretary of 
Agriculture, May 1, 1914, Records of the Forest Service. 

23 Pinchot to Sir Dietrich Brandis, January 24, 1895. Pinchot Manuscripts. 

24 Pinchot to Sir Dietrich Brandis, February 2, 1892. Pinchot Manuscrips. 

25 Pinchot to Sir Dietrich Brandis, January 24, 1895. Pinchot Manuscripts. 

356 The North Carolina Historical Review 

conflict in getting approval for forestry expenditures. More- 
over, in establishing management over Vanderbilt's vast for- 
est domain he sometimes had to challenge the trespassing 
of mountaineers who farmed, grazed cattle, hunted, fished, 
and "stilled" now and then within its boundaries. 

Pinchot's direct supervision of the forestry work in Bilt- 
more and Pisgah Forests ended in 1895. By that time he felt 
that the work had expanded to the extent of requiring the 
service of a full-time-resident forester. New ventures in 
other parts of the United States were claiming much of his 
time. He had been making examinations of extensive forest 
tracts in the Adirondack Mountains, maintaining an office in 
New York City as a "consulting forester," and furnishing ad- 
vice on New Jersey's forest problems. Thus on his recom- 
mendation Vanderbilt in the spring of 1895 hired a well- 
trained German forester, Carl A. Schenck, to have immediate 
supervision of the forestry work. Pinchot kept general di- 
rection of the work. Despite some differences of opinion 
concerning particular silvicultural methods best suited for 
American forests the two foresters co-operated in planning 
and directing the Biltmore and Pisgah operations. This co- 
operation, however, was replaced a few years later by distrust 
and hostility when Pinchot questioned the advisability of 
continuing the Biltmore Forest School founded by Schenck. 26 
Meanwhile Pinchot's service to Vanderbilt came to an end 
in 1898 with his appointment as Forester in the United States 
Department of Agriculture. 

By 1898 the Biltmore Estate had become widely known as 
a center of forestry. College graduates increasingly were 
seeking training and experience in its woodlands and forest 
school. It had become a mecca for advocates of scientific 
forestry and forest preservation. Bernhardt Ribbentrop, In- 
spector General of Forests of the Government of India, made 
a visit to Biltmore in 1895 and called Pinchot's work "a 
wonderful good operation— a perfect piece of work." 27 The 
following year Secretary of Agriculture Sterling J. Morton, 

26 Pinchot to Vanderbilt, July 20, 1903, Records of the Forest Service. 

27 Pinchot, Breaking New Ground, 67. 


the father of Arbor Day, took "great satisfaction in going over 
the Forestry work" on the estate. 28 During the same year R. 
H. Warder, Superintendent of Cincinnati's Park Department 
examined this work and lauded it as "a practical example to 
the whole country." 29 

Today the Biltmore Estate, owned by grandsons of George 
W. Vanderbilt, is still being managed as a forest holding. 
Successful reforestation and timber cutting are carried on 
under the direction of a full-time forester. This first and 
continuing American example of successful scientific forestry 
has helped to influence an increasing number of private for- 
est owners to adopt what Pinchot demonstrated at Biltmore 
to be practical and profitable— the management of forests 
for continuous timber crops. More significant is the fact that 
his work in the Biltmore and Pisgah forests was an important 
milestone in the march of progress toward a national program 
for the protection and rational use of American forests— a 
program that was destined to include all natural resources. 
Furthermore, his pioneering efforts in the woodlands of 
North Carolina heralded the leadership that he was to assume 
in the epochal conservation movement. 

28 Morton to R. W. Furnas, March 12, 1896, Records of the Office of the 
Secretary of Agriculture, National Archives, Washington, D. C. 

^Warder to Charles A. Keffer, September 12, 1896, Records of the 
Forest Service. 

IN THE SOUTH, 1870-1900 

By Herbert Collins 

In spirit, scope, and success the cotton mill movement that 
arose in the South after 1870 became a project in which all 
segments of the community eventually participated. Nothing 
like it had previously occurred on such a scale and in so short 
a time. It seemed at moments as though "every town or 
village of any size . . . had determined to have a cotton mill 
of its own." * A growing inventory of original ideas and 
schemes begged to be realized. The times were auspicious 
for business prosperity and industrial expansion. Politicians 
were warned not to distract business from its pursuits by 
appeals to agrarian, sectional, or partisan causes. There were 
many advocates of industry, but none put the matter more 
eloquently than did Henry W. Grady. "We have sowed 
towns and cities in the place of theories," he told the New 
England Society when he addressed them at Delmonico's 
in New York City on December 21, 1886, "and put business 
above politics. . . . We have established thrift in city and 
country. We have fallen in love with work." 2 But in the broad- 
est sense a new civilization was being made by individual 
men thinking out ideals and working up objectives which 
aimed at the progress of the whole community. These ideals 
and objectives were so related to the realities of life that they 
eventually were able to influence most effectively the cir- 
cumstances of the time. 

In 1870 an immigration convention meeting in Charleston 
resolved that "A new era is upon us. The policies attending 
the institutions of the past no longer control our actions." 3 
It was expected that henceforth agricultural exclusiveness 

1 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, LXXIII (September 7, 1901), 6. 

2 Joel C. Harris, Life of Henry W. Grady, Including His Writings and 
Speeches (New York, 1890), 88. . 

3 Proceedings of the Immigration Convention Held at the Academy of 
Music, Charleston, South Carolina, May 3 to 5, 1870 (Charleston, 1870), 
32-33, hereinafter cited as Proceedings of Immigration Convention. 


Cotton Textile Industry 359 

would be subordinated to manufacturing industries in which 
manual labor would be respected. Joseph B. Killebrew, a 
Commissioner for the Tennessee Bureau of Agriculture, de- 
clared that the doctrine of the association of labor and ser- 
vility had ceased to be taught by 1874 and suggested that 
labor is the true index of civilization. 4 The end of slavery, 
Daniel R. Goodloe, the North Carolina abolitionist and journ- 
alist, predicted would infuse "new elements into southern 
life and new ideas into individual enterprise/' 5 Those who 
shared this opinion also advocated the abandonment 
of old routines in order to diversify industry and de- 
velop natural resources. 6 A general spirit of improvement 
associated with a constantly growing demand and inquiry for 
improved breeds of stock, implements and machinery, and 
methods of farming came to prevail. Inducements to manu- 
facturers, investors, mineral prospectors, and immigrants were 
marshalled. In 1871 Governor Todd R. Caldwell of North 
Carolina proposed an internal improvement program with 
such features as a geological survey, capital accumulation 
and investment, and solicitations to immigrants. 7 "What 
North Carolina needs is people," P. F. Duffy wrote. His 
editorials in the Greensboro Patriot were consistently on the 
side of regional development, and he went on to claim that 
the rich lands, genial climate, and mineral resources "are 
things strangers know little about." 8 

4 Joseph B. Killebrew, Introduction to the Resources of Tennessee (Nash- 
ville, 1874), 391. 

5 Daniel R. Goodloe, Resources and Industrial Conditions of the Southern 
States. Extracts from the Report of the United States Commissioner of 
Agriculture for the Year 1865 (Washington, D. C, 1866), 103. 

a Edwin de Leon, "The New South", Harper's New Monthly Magazine, 
XLVIII (1874), 270; hereinafter cited as de Leon, "The New South"; 
Alexander H. H. Stuart, "Facts Worth Thinking About," The Virginias, 
II (1881), 51; Z. B. Vance, "All About It," The Land We Love, VI (1869), 
365; Cassius M. Clay cited in W. H. Gannon, The Land Owners of the 
South and the Industrial Classes of the North (Boston, 1882), 19; Atticus 
G. Haygood, The New South (Oxford, Ga., 1880), 14, hereinafter cited as 
Haygood, The New South. 

7 Greensboro Patriot, November 30, 1871, November 27, 1872, July 18, 
1877; North Carolina Board of Immigration, North Carolina: Its Resources 
and Progress and its Attractions and Advantages as a Home for Immi- 
grants (Raleigh, 1875), 32; North Carolina Handbook (Raleigh, 1879), 
159; The News and Observer, (Raleigh), April 23, 1881, hereinafter cited 
as The News and Observer; Donoho, Duncan and Co., An Appeal from the 
South to the North (Boston, n.d.), 11-12. 

8 Greensboro Patriot, January 12, 1871. Also see W. J. Barbee, The 
Cotton Question (New York, 1866), 249; J. B. Lyman, Cotton Culture 
(New York, 1868), 140-141. 

360 The North Carolina Historical Review 

As if a new Eldorado had been discovered, the South was 
lavishly described by residents and visitors who reiterated 
apocalyptically the promise of a "New South." A salubrious 
climate, year-round farming, railroad facilities, raw materials, 
and ubiquitous launching of new factory enterprises were 
catalogued with tourist enthusiasm. "The South is in a 
thorough and long transition/' a Georgian announced with 
the accompanying prediction that "industries, trade and man- 
ufactories are to be founded and everywhere multiplied." 9 
Always it was reported that Southerners were in love with 
their own plans. "No one is more loth," Edward King report- 
ed after his tour, "than the Southerner to admit the impossi- 
bility of its thorough redemption." 10 Any derogatory refer- 
ence to the past was less painful, Edward Atkinson observed, 
than "the expression of doubt as to the immediate capacity of 
the Southern people to do any kind of work in the manufac- 
turing or mechanic arts." u He spoke from experience, for his 
statements were frequently scrutinized for whatever encour- 
agement he had to offer or to dispute his doubts. And Henry 
W. Grady, who knew his people well enough to advertise their 
virtues, thought that nothing "so appeals to Southern pride 
as to urge the possibility that in time the manufacture" of 
the cotton crop "shall be a monopoly of the cotton belt." 12 
The regional optimism and great expectations of future de- 
velopment reported by Carl Schurz after his visit in 1885 
were confirmed the next year by another traveller who wrote 
that "The Southern ego brightens and the Southern face 
beams with hope, as the future of the South is discussed." 13 
Indeed, the prediction made in 1867 by Zebulon B. Vance, 
the wartime Governor of North Carolina, that "with progress 

9 John C. Reed, The Old and the New South (New York, 1876), 21, 24, 
hereinafter cited as Reed, Old and New South. 

10 Edward King, The Great South (Hartford, 1875), 792. 

11 Edward Atkinson, "Significant Aspects of the Cotton Exposition," 
Scribner's Magazine, XXIII (1882), 564. 

12 Henry W. Grady, "Cotton and Its Kingdom,'* Harper's New Monthly 
Magazine, LXIII (1881), 730, hereinafter cited as Grady, "Cotton and Its 

13 Frederic Bancroft (ed.), Speeches, Correspondence and Political Papers 
of Carl Schurz (New York, 6 vols., 1913), IV, 379, hereinafter cited as 
Bancroft, Carl Schurz; Alexander K. McClure, The South: Its Industrial, 
Financial and Political Condition (Philadelphia, 1886), 31, hereinafter 
cited as McClure, The South. 

Cotton Textile Industry 361 

in the arts and sciences, will come also a fantastic variety of 
philanthropy, religion, politics, and morals," 14 seemed on 
the verge of fulfillment. 

A writer for the Memphis Bulletin claimed in 1866 that 
southerners paid too much attention to politics, and too little 
to the improvement of their country. 15 Hinton Rowan Help- 
er's famous dictum that the South was dependent upon the 
North for a galaxy of commodities that could easily have 
been manufactured in the South was resuscitated. If the 
expenditures that went to pay for commodities manufactured 
in the North "were applied to the building of manufactures 
in our midst," an editor explained, "in a little while we would 
not only have a home supply but would be shipping abroad 
instead of purchasing at enormous prices to meet our own 
wants." 16 Eventually there were visions of not only a textile 
industry, but machine and tool, locomotive, carriage, furni- 
ture, and agricultural equipment industries. 17 

The succession of Rutherford B. Hayes to the Presidency of 
the United States propelled the discussion of the idea of man- 
ufacturing industries by inciting political protests as well as 
economic threats. One protestation began, 

Unwritten history will yet proclaim that disfranchisement of 
the people in the declaration that Mr. Rutherford B. Hayes was 
President for the next four years, was done in the days of our 
political degradation. . . . Our mines must be delved. Our water 
power must be improved. Our fields must be cultivated. . . . 
Labor must be made honorable, and our forests must be made to 
contribute their quota to our coming prosperity. . . . Railroads 
must be built; immigrants must be invited. . . . The hum of 
spindles, the ring of the anvil, the rattle of the loom must be 
heard. 18 

There was rejoicing in the fact that political frustrations were 
drawing attention to the importance of manufacturing enter- 
prise. Political discussions of economic affairs were often sil- 

14 Vance, "All About It," 367. 

15 Cited in De Bow's Review, n. s., II (1866), 642-644. 

16 Greensboro Patriot, May 14, 28, 1873. 

17 Daily Charlotte Observer, August 10, 1881, July 8. 1882. 

18 Daily Charlotte Observer, March 10, 1877. 


62 The North Carolina Historical Review 

enced on the grounds that every politician was the deadly 
enemy of business prosperity. Those who had suffered during 
the industrial and financial depression of 1873-1879 were re- 
assured that they could "rightfully demand that politics shall 
give way to peace and that politicians shall give way to the 
interests of business." 19 

The defeat of Winfield S. Hancock in the presidential elec- 
tion of 1880 set the critics of political action new conditions 
for insisting on economic development. Atticus G. Haygood 
sermonized that political success may enrich a few place- 
hunters, "but it will bring little reward to the masses of the 
people." 20 He prescribed work, self-denial, civil order, and 
the blessing of God for his people. The president of the 
Louisville and Nashville Railroad contended that politics had 
benefited the South but little. 21 The lesson of James A. Gar- 
field's victory meant more spindles, more banks, more people 
employed. To the editors of The News and Observer it meant 
forsaking national politics, building factories, and promoting 
industrial education. "We must make money— it is a power 
in this practical business age." 22 Political quiet, the New 
York Herald editorialized, had taken the place of political 
turmoil, and industrial activity was superceding industrial 
stagnation. 23 Southern editors vehemently supported this 
view. The Register (Columbia, S. C.) declared: "If we have 
lost the victory on the field of fight we can win it back in 
the workshop, in the factory, in an improved agriculture and 
horticulture, in our mines and in our school houses." 24 The 
New Orleans Times-Democrat predicted the commercial and 
manufacturing "New South . . . will control the political and 
material affairs of the South." 25 The almost universally ex- 
pressed conviction of southerners by 1882 was to leave na- 
tional politics to others so as to give, as one traveler reported 

M Observer (Raleigh), May 22, 1879, hereinafter cited Observer; Greens- 
boro Patriot, July 18, 1877. 

20 Haygood, The New South, 15. 

21 New York Herald, July 8, 1881. 

22 The News and Observer, November 9, 11, 1880. 

23 New York Herald, June 7, 1881. 

24 Cited in Broadus Mitchell, The Rise of Cotton Mills in the South 
(Baltimore, 1921), 90, hereinafter cited Mitchell, Rise of Cotton Mills. 

25 Mitchell, Rise of Cotton Mills, 91. 

Cotton Textile Industry 363 

it, "all their strength to work, education, the development 
of natural resources, and the improvement of the condition 
of the laboring classes." 26 

The election of Grover Cleveland closed an era. "The 
Solid South is back in the Union," the Daily Charlotte Ob- 
server declared. 27 The political battle appeared to have been 
won on the farms and in the factories, and, although the 
South's candidate won, there was to be no respite from busi- 
ness, work, factory construction, and resources development. 
In Carl Schurz's appraisal that "the public mind may hence- 
forth rest in the assurance that the period of the rebellion is 
indeed a thing of the past," 28 there was general concurrence. 
"Former political issues," a historian afterwards wrote, "were 
to be relegated to oblivion with former methods of manufac- 
ture, of transportation, of business. . . ," 29 These elections, 
however, were the critical occasions which enabled the cotton 
mill crusaders to reveal their catechism. The admission of the 
Boston Journal of Commerce that a new era had commenced 
"which may be properly denominated the new and prosper- 
ous South," 30 was not enough. There were other issues on 
which to make the North yield; such as, the establishment 
of a competitive textile industry in the South. 

"The discussion of advantages of one section of the country 
over another, in the manufacture of cotton goods," a publicist 
observed, "had had the effect of developing interesting and 
instructive facts, from which there is much to be expected 
in stimulating renewed and extended efforts towards building 
up manufacturing industry." 81 Even when De Bow's Com- 
mercial Review served the interests of southern economic dis- 
course, it was realized that the subject of cotton mills would 
require factual support. Subsequently it became a part of 
wisdom to learn how regional resources could be most profit- 

26 "Studies in the South," Atlantic Monthly, L (1882), 102. 

27 Daily Charlotte Observer, November 8, 13, 1884. 

28 Bancroft, Carl Schurz, IV, 399. 

29 Edwin E. Sparks, National Developments, 1877-1885 (New York, 1907), 

Cited in Daily Charlotte Observer, July 15, 1881. 
Daily Charlotte Observer, February 7, 1878. 



364 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ably utilized. 32 Quick to perceive that the campaign to estab- 
lish a textile industry was producing a permanently valuable 
regional inventory, the editors of the New York Commercial 
and Financial Chronicle remarked in 1876 that southerners 
were "accumulating ideas of economy, which, in the end, 
must inevitably not only lead to individual profit, but show 
to the world the wonderful capabilities of that richly favored 
section." 33 Writing in retrospect in 1896, Carroll D. Wright, 
whose administrative duties as statistician and labor econom- 
ist brought him into intimate contact with industrial develop- 
ments, recalled how the prospecting of the region had quietly 
led to the ascertainment of the stores of mineral wealth, and 
to the demonstration of the various openings for future com- 
mercial enterprise. 34 

What the cotton mill proposals lacked in documentary uni- 
ty, they retrieved in volubility which the newspapers diligent- 
ly fostered. The press urged industrialization upon those who 
had capital to invest. Economic surveys were sponsored, and 
every manufacturing project was joyfully hailed. Sometimes 
the editorial workers were praised for "working up a spirit 
of the enterprise which we long needed," as one admirer 
expressed his appreciation. 35 Frequently the press presented 
itself with accolades for participating promptly and eagerly 
in the vanguard of the cotton mill movement. 36 The editors 
liked to cast themselves in the role of inculcators of "not only 
the necessity, but the absolute duty we all owe to the State 
to encourage home enterprises. . . ." 3T The editor of the 
Raleigh News embodied in a letter to a mill owner in 1877 
what was to become the chief function of the press in nour- 
ishing the spirit of investigation and enterprise. The letter 

32 James D. B. De Bow, The Industrial Resources of the Southern and 
Western States (New Orleans, 3 vols., 1852), II, 114-115; The News and 
Observer, December 14, 1880; Daily Charlotte Observer, July 29, 1881. 

33 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, XXIII (1876), 270. 

34 Carroll D. Wright, "The New Industrial South," Scientific American 
Supplement, XLI (1896), 16918. 

35 Silas N. Martin, "Wilmington Cotton Mills," Our Living and Our 
Dead, III (1875), 644, hereinafter cited as Martin, "Wilmington Cotton 

38 Greensboro' Patriot, July 18, 1877; Daily Charlotte Observer, December 
1, 1881. 

"Greensboro Patriot, May 21, 1873. 

Cotton Textile Industry 365 

is a magnificent piece of the huckster's art before advertising 
became respectable. He proposed to insert in his newspaper 
a sketch of a factory. The information for such copy the hon- 
ored owner was expected to supply and finance. His object 
was "to show the world what we are doing . . . and to give 
some idea of the water power of the State." 38 

When Robert Somers, an English journalist, traveled 
through the South in 1871 he remarked that "A very general 
desire is evinced in all parts of the country for the establish- 
ment of cotton factories. " 39 He had before him concrete in- 
stances of enthusiasm translated into actual manufacturing 
enterprises. Although the number of cotton mills had fallen 
off between 1840 and 1870, capitalization had more than 
doubled, and totaled over eleven million dollars. Four years 
later one hundred and eighty-seven mills were operating 
over 480,000 spindles. By 1880 even the statistics seemed 
to effervesce; capitalization exceeded seventeen million dol- 
lars. The total number of spindles increased to over five- 
hundred thousand in spite of the total number of mills hav- 
ing declined. 40 The same census figures that first brought 
southern textile development to the attention of the nation 
persuaded the New York Herald that such progress suggested 
"the very important inquiry whether the South had not at 
last set out upon that course which in time must lead to the 
achievement of one of the great possibilities that nature put 
within its reach." 41 

As the paramont inducement to industrialization, the nat- 
ural resources of the South had perennially constituted the 
leading argument of cotton mill campaigners. The proximity 
of the cotton fiber, the power of the Piedmont waterpower 
sites, the availability of lumber and minerals, the rural coun- 
tryside with its inhabitants, and the climate were orchestrat- 

38 Johnstone Jones to Morgan-Malloy, May 11, 1877, Morgan-Malloy 
Correspondence, George Washington Flowers Collection, Duke University 
Library, Durham, hereinafter cited Morgan-Malloy Correspondence. 

39 Robert Somers, The Southern States Since the War, 1870-1871 (New 
York and London, 1871), 91, hereinafter cited as Somers, Southern States. 

*° Commercial and Financial Chronicle, XIX (1874), 515; Edward 
Stanwood, "Cotton Manufactures," Census Reports, ix, Twelfth Census of 
the United States, 1900 Manufactures, Part III (Washington, D. C, 1902), 
54-59, hereinafter cited as Stanwood, "Cotton Manufactures." 

a New York Herald, June 7, 1881. 

366 The North Carolina Historical Review 


ed over and over again for local and national audiences. 
Not only did local publicists and governmental boards and 
commissions scour the region for material inducements and 
statistical documentation, but northerners willingly partici- 
pated as did Alexander K. McClure when in 1886, after sur- 
veying the minerals, crops, climate, and water power of the 
Carolinas, he predicted "the momentous meaning of a New 
South, with sectional tranquility assured." 43 After 1880 in- 
quiries from the North as well as business trips to the South 
by New England manufacturers were avidly announced. In 
the absence of business bureaus and industrial site engineers, 
the railroads issued pamphlets promoting the water power, 
agricultural production, mineral deposits, timberlands, and 
the ever-present cotton mills. 44 

The desire for cotton mills that Robert Somers observed 
in 1871 never waned. Ten years later Henry W. Grady wrote 
that "each factory established is an argument for others." 45 
This happy contagion suggested to the editors of the Com- 
mercial and Financial Chronicle that if only a small percent- 
age of the cotton mills ever came to fruitation "there is an 
almost unlimited number of projects which . . . will largely 
swell the number of southern cotton mills within the next few 
years." 46 Accomplishments and recognition that accompan- 
ied them, however, could never truly indicate the effort and 
imagination that went into the South's adventure in indust- 
rialization. "We may perhaps be on the eve of great changes," 
the North Carolina Press Association was told in 1881, "for 
if we do not originate them, many causes combine to draw 

^Proceedings of Immigration Convention, 29; Daily Charlotte Observer, 
February 3, March 21, April 13, 1877; N. Dumont (ed.), Proceedings of 
the Convention of Northern Residents of the South (Charlotte, N. C, 1879), 
43-44, hereinafter cited as Dumont, Proceedings; Grady, "Cotton and Its 
Kingdom," 726-727, 731-732; G. F. Swain, "Report on the Water Power of 
the South Atlantic Watershed," Reports on the Water Power of the United 
States, Part I (Washington, D. C, 1885), passim; D. A. Tompkins, "Future 
of Cotton Manufacturing in the South," Transactions of the New England 
Cotton Manufacturers' Association, 60:242; Times-Democrat (New Orleans, 
La.), hereinafter cited as Times Democrat, September 1, 1885. 

43 McClure, The South, 37. 

44 The News and Observer, January 5, 1881 ; Daily Charlotte Observer, 
July 29, 1881, April 7, 1886; Manufacturers' Record, VI (1884), 296; 
XXIII (1893), 398. 

46 Grady, "Cotton and Its Kingdom," 730. 

"Commercial and Financial Chronicle, LXIX (September 9, 1899), 6. 

Cotton Textile Industry 367 

southward the interests of the northern manufacturers." 4T 
But the task of originating the great changes required much 
more than local patriotism. "I tell you plainly," a champion 
of industrialization declared from the rostrum, "that we may 
talk ourselves blind about our natural resources ... as long 
as we do not improve our opportunities ourselves." 48 

The awakening of the South to the possibilities of economic 
overhaul and innovation through industrialization eventuat- 
ed in the financing, constructing, and operating of cotton 
mills with a verve that only faith can import to a secular 
movement. A witness to the cotton mill movement recalled 
how conviction over-came the timidity that a frank canvass 
of economic facilities might have prompted. 49 In an analysis 
of the textile industry for the United States census, Edward 
Stanwood pointed out that "more mills have been erected 
which their projectors would not have erected had they stud- 
ied the matter carefully before entering upon the experi- 
ment." 50 It is not, however, the certainty of success, but its 
possibility, that maintains adventure. A meticulous inquiry 
would have dampened the enthusiasm of civic benefactors 
and businessmen. When the small cotton mill was financed 
and constructed with civic, welfare, and pecuniary considera- 
tions uppermost in the thoughts and plans of promoters ad- 
venture rather than rational planning were the order of the 
day. "The cotton mill was looked upon as a dynamo to effect 
changes in all departments of life in a community," 51 a 
participant reminisced. Those who sometimes had only cau- 
tion to offer actually came empty-handed. 

There was something irresistible about a cotton factory. 
In 1883 a representative of the Bibb Manufacturing Com- 
pany of Macon, Georgia, regarded the wildcat erection of 
cotton mills unfavorably. "Makeshift industrial organization 

"Daily Charlotte Observer, July 13, 1881. 

48 Daily Charlotte Observer, May 7, 1879. Also see the Observer, April 
13, 1879; Manufacturers' Record, XXXI (1897), 333. 

49 Mitchell, Rise of Cotton Mills, 129. 

60 Stanwood, "Cotton Manufactures," 29. 
51 Mitchell, Rise of Cotton Mills, 130. 

368 The North Carolina Historical Review 

predicated upon the advantages of the South over the North 
have cut profits and broken the spell of the advantages." 52 
But it was apparently too early to talk of breaking the spell, 
or of following advice to avoid building small mills in every 
local community. "This country is getting so full of mills," 
a manufacturer complained in 1892, "as to keep cotton be- 
yond any reasonable shipping price. " He charged that his 
competitors were foolishly reckless in " 'grabbing' all the cot- 
ton in sight," so that the cotton market ceased to be a cheap 
source for raw materials. 53 However, there was scarcely a 
town that could not accumulate $50,000 to $100,000 for a 
cotton factory. The association of farmers, merchants, bank- 
ers, and professional men with cotton mill projects lent an 
aura of confidence and prestige to speculative enterprises. 54 
The editor of the Laurinburg Exchange (N. C.) wrote to a 
textile manufacturer in 1891: 

We are making an earnest effort to get up a cotton factory 
here and want to get all good men into it we can. I know of no 
man I had rather would take some stock in it than yourself. 
Your experience enables you to know whether or not there's 
money in the business. Of course I have no idea a factory here 
would hurt your business, as there is room for more factories in 
this country. We want the benefit of your capacity and experi- 
ence, and let me hope to hear from you taking some stock in this 
attempted enterprise. 55 

After the turn of the century the realization that southern 
mills were competing against each other tended to restrain 
impetuosity, and mills were no longer constructed merely for 
the sake of having them. But before that was to happen the 
invention of financial plans became the necessary invocation 
for a successful enterprise. 

62 Daily Charlotte Observer, January 21, 1883. 

53 Schenck Letter Book, October 4, October 13, November 22, 1892, George 
Washington Flowers Collection, Duke University, hereinafter cited as 
Schenck Letter Book; Atlanta Constitution (Atlanta, Ga.), November 14, 
1881, hereinafter cited as Atlanta Constitution; Commercial and Financial 
Chronicle, XLI (1885), 293. 

51 Manufacturers' Record, XXVIII (1895), 36; Mitchell, Rise of Cotton 
Mills, 131; News and Courier (Charleston, S. C.), April 5, 1883, herein- 
after cited as News and Courier; Savannah Morning News (Georgia), 
cited in Daily Charlotte Observer, July 9, 1884. 

66 J. D. Bundy to Morgan-Malloy, April 16, 1891, Morgan-Malloy Cor- 

Cotton Textile Industry 369 

The heralding of cotton mill projects was accompanied by 
no lack of insistence on public support as instanced in pro- 
posals for tax exemption legislation to encourage the launch- 
ing of new industrial enterprises. 56 Legislative support was 
not, however, the only hinge on which the search for factory 
sites was considered to turn. Other inducements of a public 
nature were enlisted, especially the ability of a community 
to present itself attractively to prospective investors. The 
vicinity of Jamestown on the Deep River in North Carolina 
was advertised in 1871 as equipped with water power, rail- 
road facilities, cheap labor, salubrious climate, and a textile 
mill. Guilford County in the same state was described as 
"always remarkably free from infectious diseases" and al- 
ready attracting the attention of investors. 57 The criteria for 
selecting a factory site multiplied to the extent that a local 
railroad, an increasing population, natural resources, church- 
es and schools, and existing cotton mills became standard 
features in the publicity of rural communities bent on attract- 
ing industries. 58 

The boundaries of cotton mill construction were, neverthe- 
less, still remote in 1900. Joseph B. Killebrew, who was now 
an immigration agent for the Nashville, Chattanooga and St. 
Louis Railroad, requested at that time a book "that will give 
the most information to persons . . . who may desire to erect 
cotton factories." He wanted any book that Daniel A. Tomp- 
kins, who had acquired a reputation as an engineer and mill 
architect, had written which would help to answer industrial 
inquiries involving investments up to $500,000. 59 But the 
epitomy of such enthusiasm was reported by George Gunton, 
a labor editor and social economist, after he was mistaken 
for a prospective investor looking for a site on which to build 
a mill. The man in error insisted, Gunton reported, "I should 

58 Daily Charlotte Observer, October 10, 1873, June 29, 1879; Greensboro 
Patriot, January 31, 1877; Observer, February 16, 1879; The News and 
Observer, February 15, 1881; Manufacturers' Record, VI (1884), 106. 

57 Greensboro Patriot, August 24, 1871, July 2, 1873. 

68 Observer, July 26, September 12, 1877; Dumont, Proceedings, 83; 
Manufacturers' Record, IX (1886), 325; XVI (1889), 15. 

59 J. B. Killebrew to D. A. Tompkins, April 2, 1900, Daniel A. Tompkins 
Correspondence, folio 19, Southern Historical Collection, University of 
North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill. 

370 The North Carolina Historical Review 

go to his town and he would raise fifty thousand dollars and 
the town would give ten years exemption from taxes, and if 
need be the land to build the factory on. . . ." 60 

Sometimes the initiative was taken by individuals or small 
groups of investors. The Pacolet Manufacturing Company in 
South Carolina was organized in 1883 with a Spartanburg 
businessman, a millowner, and a Rhode Island textile special- 
ist associated in the initial capital subscription which the 
community was urged to regard as safe for lesser investors. 61 
The Newberry Cotton Manufacturing Company grew out of 
a canvass of the local community, a subscription to the capi- 
tal stock by a northern investor, credit for the purchase of 
machinery extended by a northern manufacturer, and the 
promise of additional machinery from a neighboring cotton 
mill in exchange for capital stock in the new enterprise. 62 Oc- 
casionally the organizers hailed the launching of their own 
enterprises as was the case when J. M. Odell and J. W. Can- 
non issued the laconic message announcing the founding of 
the Cannon Manufacturing Company: "Capital stock is $75,- 
000, with the privilege of increasing same to $400,000. We 
will manufacture cotton warps. Capacity 4,000 spindles, and 
will commence work on building at once." 63 Anxious to have 
a cotton factory built in their vicinity, the citizens of San- 
ford, North Carolina, agreed to subscribe as much as $125,- 
000 if they could get "a man or set of men that understand 
the business to furnish the balance of capital and run the 
business." 64 

The financial convenience and the popular connotations 
derived from bringing the local citizenry into a cotton mill 
project had been detected in 1873 by an alert editor who 
saw in charitable orders, trade unions, the Patrons of Hus- 
bandry, and similar voluntary associations the analogy and 
principle for organizing cotton mills. "No scheme can be 
successfully inaugurated and carried through without organi- 

80 George Gunton, "Factory Conditions in the South," Lecture Bulletin 
of the Institute of Social Economics, III (1900), 345-346. 
61 News and Courier, April 5, 1883. 
82 News and Courier, May 1, 1883. 
"Manufacturers' Record, XII (1887), 192. 
"Manufacturers' Record, XII (1887), 426. 

Cotton Textile Industry 371 

zation of some sort," he wrote, and then proceeded to wonder 
why organizations could not be established for the purpose 
of encouraging and building up local industries. 65 "One thing 
that retards the development of the manufacturing interests 
of many places," the Savannah Morning News reasoned, "is 
a want of appreciation of the value and power of cooperation 
and the inauguration of manufacturing enterprises by many 
small stockholders/' 66 Although the varieties of organizing 
strategy were numerous, 67 in so many cases they embraced 
the conviction that cotton mills constituted engines of pro- 
gress and virtue. A letter to a textile manufacturer stated, 

Your presence here is earnestly solicited on Saturday next to 
confer with our people who are making a strong effort to estab- 
lish a Cotton Mill at this place. . . . Our people are in earnest 
and are subscribing liberally. And we hope to organize as soon 
as a good number of shares is subscribed. Come over and you can 
do us a great amount of good. Your views as a practical man 
are earnestly solicited. 68 

The rallying of the small investors through installment pur- 
chase of mill securities conferred on the corporation the 
badge of civic virtue. This came about as the idea spread that 
investments in cotton mills could be paid for in small weekly 
or monthly installments. "Heretofore small investors," the 
prospectus for a Virginia cotton mill claimed, "have not gen- 
erally been able to share in the large profits made by cotton 
mills." 69 In addition to encouraging habits of thrift and the 
accumulation of investment capital, "The money of the oper- 
ative," an editor virtuously observed, "is thus by indirection 
invested in the very industry which offered the work to the 
laboring classes." 70 No one was unqualified to enter the ranks 
of the business community. Next to commercial integrity 

65 Greensboro Patriot, May 28, 1873. 

66 Cited in Daily Charlotte Observer, July 9, 1885. 

6T See Daily Charlotte Observer, May 1, 2, 6, 1877; Carolina Watchman 
(Salisbury), December 10, 1885, hereinafter cited as Carolina Watchman; 
The News and Observer, December 17, 1880, January 5, 1881; Manufac- 
turers' Record, V (1884), 315. 

68 H. M. Millan to Mark Malloy, October 26, 1892, Morgan-Malloy Cor- 

68 Manufacturers' Record, XXVIII (1895), 22. 

70 The News and Observer, May 13, 1881; C. B. Spahr, "The New Fac- 
tory Towns of the South," Outlook, LXI (1899), 516. 

372 The North Carolina Historical Review 

mutual support and co-operation were considered vital to the 
development of a community. Whatever plan a community 
decided to select, the principle behind the effort usually ac- 
quired the respectability co-operation and association could 
impart. The method of paying for subscriptions through small 
assessments secured the building of cotton mills at locations 
where they could not otherwise, from lack of capital, have 
been started. The novelty of the savings technique, the wide 
base of ownership, and the opportunity for partial operations 
until the subscription was fully taken, recommended the co- 
operative savings plans. Yet, the most worthy recommenda- 
tion resided in the belief that capital could be amassed with- 
out dispatching a committee to the North to beg for sub- 
scriptions. 71 

The task of launching a factory enterprise almost immedi- 
ately acquired a redemptionary justification. The fusion of 
community welfare and associative effort became a rallying 
point for the boosters of industrialization who could, in addi- 
tion to natural resources, freight savings, labor supply, and 
climate, point to a congenial citizenry. "Home people are 
better off," Daniel A. Tompkins argued, "for being put into a 
position of proprietors. " 72 He transformed the gospel of eco- 
nomic independence and industrial development into an 
immediately attainable goal by popularizing the idea of com- 
munity savings. Between 1892 and 1896 he elaborated a plan 
to demonstrate the fact that any ordinary town had within 
itself the resources to establish a cotton factory. 73 Where 
accumulated capital is scanty, he believed, outside capital 
will be reluctant to enter. Only systematic savings could 
create a precedent for industrialization. "The South is full of 
towns in which the subject of manufacturing is being agitated 
where the only idea is to get somebody from somewhere else 

71 Manufacturers' Record, XXVIII (1895), 22; XXIX (1896), 105; Com- 
mercial and Financial Chronicle, LXXI (September 8, 1900), 6-7. 

72 Manufacturers' Record, XXIX (February 7, 1896), 21. 

178 D. A. Tompkins, "Capital for New Cotton Factories," Manufacturers' 
Record, XXI (1892), 8; "Easy Way to Build a Cotton Factory", Manufac- 
turers' Record, XXII (1892), 254; A Plan to Raise Capital for Manufactur- 
ing (New York, 1894), hereinafter cited as Tompkins, A Plan to Raise 
Capital; "Cooperative Cotton Mills," Manufacturers' Record, XXVII 
(1895), 51. 

Cotton Textile Industry 373 

to come to the town to build a factory," he complained. 74 
Tompkins had heard too much about climate which was no 
substitute for capital, knowledge, and adventure. It remained 
for local people to establish the conditions that would beckon 
to more substantial capital resources and to more experienced 
management. The double idea of spreading industrial pro- 
prietorship widely through the community and creating capi- 
tal resources at home through savings plans was the message 
he brought to inspired communities. Others relayed compar- 
able messages far and wide. From Mississippi in 1897 came 
the promise that "If citizens of every community that desires 
a factory would get together and effect a proper organization 
. . . they could easily succeed." 75 This was repeatedly pro- 
claimed, and no one ever seemed to tire of hearing it again. 

The straw men of the cotton mill crusaders were the "out- 
siders," the "Northern Capitalists," and the "New England 
Manufacturers." At times they were viewed as indispensable 
to industrialization; at other times they were discouraged 
from venturing their capital. No inspirational idea, however, 
was ever nurtured in an environment uncomplicated by con- 
tradictions. The believers, at least, liked to imagine that they 
were doing the job themselves, as in many cases they did. 
But one of the firmest articles of faith was to get the investor 
to want to risk his money before anyone formally solicited 
him. Once the profitableness of manufacturing cotton textiles 
was discovered, the imminent transfer of the New England 
textile industry was alternately predicted and demanded. 76 
Yet, long before southerners recognized that in the sources 
of investment capital resided one of the chief means of indus- 
trial development, northern tourists had expressed similar 

"The southern masses cannot but be stimulated," William 
E. Dodge prophesied in 1865, "by contact with the enterprise 
of the East and North which now will naturally be attracted 

74 Tompkins, A Plan to Raise Capital, 3. 

75 Manufacturers' Record, XXXI (1897), 333. 


Manufacturers' Record, V (1884), 683; XXVII (1895), 54; Greensboro 
Patriot, May 28, September 17, 1873; Daily Charlotte Observer, December 
16, 1881. 

374 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to the South. 77 The following year, before a Philadelphia 
audience, William D. Kelley, the Pennsylvania abolitionist, 
politician and lecturer, prescribed subsoil ploughs, steam 
engines, and manufacturing machinery for the regeneration 
of the South. 78 Whitelaw Reid believed that the openings 
which the South presented for northern capital and industry 
were unsurpassed. 79 Not only was the South ripe for new 
business enterprises, but Sidney Andrews reported to northern 
newspapers from the scene that he had heard "much expres- 
sion of a desire for an influx of Northern energy and Northern 
capital," 80 which John T. Trowbridge confirmed after his 
tour. 81 In 1876 John C. Reed, a southerner, gave credence to 
tourist opinion by reiterating earlier claims that northern 
investors constituted "the most powerful agency in introduc- 
ing the much-needed higher type of industrial organiza- 
tion." 82 But these predictions failed to materialize. The final 
estimate of the situation, however, came from Rutherford B. 
Hayes. He wrote in his Acceptance Letter to the Republican 
National Convention, 

The welfare of the South depends upon the attractions it can 
offer to labor and immigration and to capital, but laborers will 
not go and capital will not be invested when the constitution and 
the laws are set in defiance, and distraction, apprehension and 
alarm take the place of peace-loving and law-abiding social 
life. 83 

Ironically it was the very success of his candidacy that im- 
pelled so many to undertake the industrial development of 
the South themselves. 

77 William E. Dodge, The Influence of the War on Our National Pros- 
perity (New York, 1865), 29. 

n William D. Kelley, Speeches, Addresses and Letters on Industrial and 
Financial Questions (Philadelphia, 1872), 182, hereinafter cited as Kelley, 
Speeches and Addresses. 

79 Whitelaw Reid, After the War: A Southern Tour (Cincinnati, 1866), 

80 Sidney Andrews, The South Since the War (Boston, 1866), 320. 

81 John T. Trowbridge, The South: A Tour of Its Battlefields and Ruined 
Cities, A Journey Through the Desolated States and Talks with the People 
(Hartford, Conn., 1866), 583. 

82 Reed, Old and New South, 21. 

83 Daily Times (Columbus, Ga.), July 13, 1876. 

Cotton Textile Industry 375 

Occasionally a cautious invitation was issued to northern 
capitalists, as in 1869 when the Alabama Commission of 
Industrial Resources, after reviewing the inducements for 
industries, pointed to the influx of investment capital as a 
worthy objective in any manufacturing campaign. 84 A New 
England manufacturer, who had joined a South Carolina 
mill, observed in 1880 that if "Northern capitalists only thor- 
oughly understood the condition of affairs here, a great deal 
of capital would be invested in this State." 85 The Georgia 
Commissioner of Land and Immigration, without extending 
a persuasive invitation, identified the lack of capital as the 
major obstacle to the utilization of the inducements for a 
local factory economy. 86 The local publicists and the tourists 
often vied with each other to advertise the South as an in- 
vestors paradise or to announce that outside capital was 
already appearing. When Carl Schurz returned from his tour 
he confirmed the lively desire to excite interest in industrial 
development and to attract northern capital, enterprise, and 
immigration. 87 

But the prophesy that the surplus capital and industry of 
the North would become inseparably interwoven with the 
"New South" grew stale. The managers of industrialization 
had already discovered local means of capital accumulation 
and investment. Although northern capital did eventually 
find its way into southern industries through the participation 
in financial schemes of commission merchants, machinery 
manufacturers, and New England cotton mill owners, the 
very availability of local funds served the propagandistic 
tactics of the cotton mill publicists. Enthusiasm is not, how- 
ever, a statistical phenomenon. The idea of a cotton textile 
industry was just as strong an incentive to industrialization 
as the precise source of the investment capital. The patience 
and stamina of the campaigners, nevertheless, seemed inex- 

84 Alabama Commissioner of Industrial Resources, A Few Remarks About 
Her Resources, and the Advantages She Possesses as Inducements to 
Immigration (Montgomery, 1869), 8-9. 

85 J. K. Blackman, The Cotton Mills of South Carolina, Their Names, 
Locations, Capacity and History (Charleston, 1880), 14, hereinafter cited 
as Blackman, Cotton Mills. 

sa New York Tribune, June 13, 1881. 
87 Bancroft, Carl Schurz, IV, 379. 

376 The North Carolina Historical Review 

haustible. As inquiries with a view to locating factories were 
recorded, it remained necessary to believe "that capital will 
come South at no distant day to seek investment." 88 

Another article of faith was to anathematize northern 
capital. In 1873 the Daily Sun (Columbus, Ga.) reported 
how the capital for a local factory was raised in the immediate 
vicinity and how local money and brains were restoring the 
ruins of the war. 89 Several years later another editor charged: 
"We have gotten on without the confidence and capital of 
the North until we almost know how to live without it." 90 A 
chamber of commerce orator warned his audience that "With 
all our natural advantages, we shall continue to be the over- 
seers and agents of others" as long as factories languish for 
want of capital which will be long in coming "unless we first 
begin by helping ourselves." 91 The weighing of the advisabil- 
ity of inviting outside capital was less a sign of hesitancy 
than a monologue on who should perform the feat of indus- 
trial development first. The promoters of manufacturing 
industries did not disparage northern capital. They merely 
wanted to demonstrate that cotton mills could be successfully 
organized and managed by home folks. "We simply want to 
advertize to the world," the Atlanta Constitution editorialized, 
"that Atlantans have the fullest confidence in Atlanta, and 
that we ask no man to put his money where we have been 
afraid to risk our own." 92 The gyrations of local patriotism 
seemed never to become uncoiled, for in 1897 one could still 
hear that "If the Southern people want factories among them, 
the quickest and surest way to get them is to go to work and 
build them ourselves, and show to the world that we are not 
dependent on anybody for anything." 93 

The response of New Englanders had been anticipated as 
something delicious. The Boston Journal of Commerce bowed 
gracefully to the fact "that there is no better field today for 
the investment of capital than is offered by cotton mills in 

88 Daily Charlotte Observer, June 9, 1881, April 7, 1884. 

89 Cited in Greensboro Patriot, September 12, 1873. 

90 Observer, February 9, 1878. 

01 Daily Charlotte Observer, April 6, 1879. 

92 Cited in Daily Charlotte Observer, March 7, 1882. 

93 Manufacturers' Record, XXXI (1897), 333. 

Cotton Textile Industry 377 

the South." 94 Chiming in, the Commercial and Financial 
Chronicle reported that during several years preceding 1896 
"A feature of the development of cotton manufacturing in 
the South . . . has been the prominence therein of New Eng- 
land millowners." 95 The movement of investment capital into 
southern mills further stimulated the local promoters to a 
greater realization that the opportunities in their vicinity 
would eventually turn the pending competition with the New 
England textile industry into a rout. 

"It is the North which the South has always in view when 
it sighs for more and more cotton factories," 96 an English 
traveler remarked after a sojourn in Georgia during 1870. 
Adulation for thrift, work, and enterprise often reminded the 
advocates of industry of the happy side of New England 
civilization. But, if advice were ever to mean anything, the 
terms laid down by William D. Kelley that "the South must 
be regenerated, and we of the North must do it," 97 were very 
unlikely to win approval. The factories, schools, and busi- 
nesses of New England suggested instead models southerners 
were implored not to feel ashamed to imitate. Benjamin H. 
Hill idealized the Puritan virtues and advised his people, in 
defense of his Athens speech, to do the many things "which 
these very derided Northern people have done." 98 For the 
editor of The News and Observer, the maxim "Learn from 
the enemy," justified the study of New England savings banks. 
In a more humorous mood, Henry Watterson wrote: 

If proselytism be the supremest joy of mankind, New England 
ought to be supremely happy. It is at length the aim of the 
Southron to out- Yankee the Yankee, to cut all the edges, and 
repair his losses by the successful emulation of Yankee thrift. " 

94 Cited in Manufacturers' Record, XXVIII (1895), 166. 

95 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, LXIII (1896), 935-936. 

96 Somers, Southern States, 91. 

97 Kelley, Speeches and Addresses, 183. 

98 B. J. Hill, Jr., Senator Benjamin H. Hill of Georgia: His Life, 
Speeches, and Writings (Atlanta, 1893), 333, 343. 

99 The News and Observer, January 5, 1881 ; Henry Watterson, "Oddities 
of Southern Life," Scribner's Magazine, XXIII (1882), 895. 

378 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Against the voices of moderation, however, were arrayed the 
excited voices of hostility. They spoke of dictating to the 
markets of the world, and forever terminating contributions 
"to the enrichment of hostile sections." 10 ° 

Future industrial prominence was measured in 1870 by the 
extent to which New England manufacturers dismantled their 
mills and either migrated or engaged in other branches of 
manufacturing. The report of the Saluda Cotton Mills in 
South Carolina enumerated the proximity of cotton, tractable 
labor, and a local demand for yarns and sheeting as detri- 
mental to established manufacturers in the North. To this was 
added the claim that wage rates, living costs, a shorter work- 
ing year, and the expense of shipping raw cotton to New 
England were depressing northern mills rather than any 
contraction in the flow of risk capital following the Panic of 
1873. 101 The South was also described as a refuge from "those 
disruptions of social order which unfortunately threaten to be 
a source of perpetual danger" in New England. 102 And the 
prospectus for a cotton mill in Wilmington, North Carolina, 
suggested that the absence of "society combinations" such as 
breed discontent and turbulence among millhands, would 
transform distant competitors into collaborators in industrial 
development. 103 Lay-offs, reduced production, wage cuts, and 
the threats of strikes in Fall River in 1878 contributed addi- 
tional ammunition to fire in the industrial competition be- 
tween the sections. A survey of American industrial develop- 
ment expressed at the time the folly of ignoring the anxiety 
felt on the subject of the possible dismantlement of factories 
manufacturing coarse cotton goods in New England. 104 The 
fact that New England mills were mature, commercially 
experienced, securely financed, but nevertheless plagued by 
large inventories, falling prices, and restless operatives, 

100 Greensboro Patriot, September 17, 1873. 

101 Greensboro Patriot, February 26, 1873, October 28, 1874, January 6, 
1875; North Carolina Handbook (Raleigh, 1879), 157. 

102 "It will be many years before the discouraging elements that have 
reached such ascendancy in the North obtain any potency in the South." 
Daily Charlotte Observer, February 24, 1885; North Carolina Handbook, 

103 Martin, "Wilmington Cotton Mills," 644. 

104 New York Herald, May 12, 1878. 

Cotton Textile Industry 379 

further documented the case for the South eclipsing all com- 
petitors. Textile analysts, nevertheless, warned against a 
premature belief in the industrial growth of the South imme- 
diately contributing to decadence elsewhere. The future 
eminence of the southern textile industry was not doubted, 
but it was difficult to imagine the New England mills becom- 
ing branch offices. 105 

The yearly tabulation of new mills became a difficult chore. 
There were periodic resumptions of building projects, expan- 
sions of established mills, and the starting up of mills that 
seemed to be dead. But always there was a net increase in 
the number of mills in operation. By the end of the century 
there were over four-hundred mills housing more than four 
million spindles and over one-hundred thousand looms. 106 
Edward Atkinson, who certainly was never indifferent about 
southern industrialization, came quite close in his review of 
the Census of 1880 to making a correct prediction about the 
course of industrial development. His appraisal revealed the 
prevailing outlook of his time which may not have accounted 
for what happened, but which certainly justified men believ- 
ing in what they were doing. "If the future changes in popu- 
lation, wealth, and conditions of the different sections of the 
country/' he wrote, "shall in the future cause the increase of 
spindles ... it will simply be the greater evidence that 
natural laws are paramount." 107 There was never any hesi- 
tancy about appropriating the doctrine of the laws of nature 
which were then being extended to account for biological 
and social evolution. 108 But the logic of such reasoning re- 
quired someone to qualify for extinction, and the unfit vehe- 
mently protested against their candidacy. The Rhode Island 
Judiciary Committee listened in 1885 to a complaint that 

105 Observer, May 21, 1879; Daily Charlotte Observer, January 6, 1884; 
Commercial and Financial Chronicle, XXXIX (1884), 284: XLI (1885) 

106 Stanwood, "Cotton Manufactures," 54-59 ; Commercial and Financial 
Chronicle, LXXI (September 8, 1900), 7. 

107 Edward Atkinson, "Report on the Cotton Manufactures of the United 
States," Report on the Manufactures of the United States at the Tenth 
Census (Washington, D. C, 1883), 12. 

108 " . . . natural immutable laws seem to have forever fixed the Piedmont 
belt as the one pre-eminently fit section for the manufacture of cotton 
goods." Albert Phenis in Manufacturers' Record, XXXI (1897), 5. 

380 The North Carolina Historical Review 

"The number of spindles has been greatly increased during 
the past two years— especially in the South, with only one 
object ... to beat the Northern mills." 109 Some northern 
manufacturers thought it might be prudent for southerners 
to begin with the manufacture of shoes or some other com- 
modity. At one time Edward Atkinson proposed the advis- 
ability of establishing a marmalade industry as preferable to 
textiles. 110 

On numerous occasions between 1879 and 1898 Edward 
Atkinson insisted that it would be more to the advantage of 
the South to improve the handling of cotton than to engage 
in the manufacture of textiles. He was convinced that the 
South lacked the capital, machinery, and trained labor nec- 
essary for an industry in which mechanization is worth more 
than tractable labor, depression a test of management, and 
the margin of profit small in comparison with the initial 
investment. 111 In 1880 he proposed an exhibition devoted to 
tools, methods, products, and processes related to the produc- 
tion and use of cotton. His proposal materialized in the 
Atlanta International Cotton Exposition, the first of a series 
in southern industrial showmanship, which had already been 
proposed by the Mississippi Valley Cotton Planter's Associa- 
tion. As far as Atkinson was concerned, the primary objective 
of the Exposition was to bring into common knowledge and 
use the various machines and tools for the cultivation and 
preparation of cotton prior to its being sold or spun. 112 But 
the Exposition involved the much larger idea of wiping out, 
as its Director claimed, "all the remains of sectionalism, and 
in opening up a knowledge of the South to capital, labor, 
invention, and commerce." 113 The Exposition turned out to 

109 Manufacturers' Record, VII (1885), 105. 

110 "Studies in the South," Atlantic Monthly, XLIX (1882), 746; E. 
Atkinson, "Future Situs of the Cotton Manufacture of the United States," 
Popular Science Monthly, XXXVI (1890), 306. 

1X1 Atlanta Constitution, November 4, 1881; New York Tribune, May 30, 

112 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, XXXI (1880), 25; New York 
Herald, August 18, 1880; H. I. Kimball, International Cotton Exposition. 
Report of the Director-General (New York, 1882), 227-228, hereinafter 
cited as Kimball, International Cotton Exposition; E. Atkinson to H. B. 
Loring, August 6, 1881, New York Herald, August 13, 1881. 

m Kimball, International Cotton Exposition, 139. 

Cotton Textile Industry 381 

be a preview of the industrial potentialities of the South. It 
drew from every part of the country thousands of visitors. 
They were already indoctrinated with the idea that agricul- 
tural specimens and machinery were glamorous spectacles to 
behold in the midst of fountains and ferns. In spite of the 
general applause and the rich prognostications in favor of the 
South, Atkinson adhered to his first thoughts. In 1893 he 
wrote that the South needed fewer cotton mill booms and 
the planting of more legumes. 114 

The New England Cotton Manufacturers' Committee was 
fully aware of everything the Exposition symbolized, but in 
the use of agricultural, mineral, and timber resources they 
found the promise of a vastly greater number of customers 
for their industrial output than they expected to find com- 
petitors in textile manufacturing. 115 Carroll D. Wright stated 
the matter quite frankly before the Norfolk Club. He foresaw 
New England industries becoming the beneficiaries of a rapid 
industrial development in the South. But before New England 
could profitably participate in the exploitation of southern 
economic wealth some modifications in the quality of textile 
production would need to occur in factories with antiquated 
machinery. 116 Edward Atkinson thought that the steady en- 
largement of spinning and weaving facilities in New England 
should dispel the belief that there was any fear of upstarts 
elsewhere. 117 Nevertheless, the eventual supremacy of the 
South in coarse yarns and fabrics was already being granted 
by observers and being seized by investors. "New England is 
now being forced to witness," the Chicago Independent 
World admitted, "the not very encouraging spectacle pre- 
sented by her migrating factories." 118 Industrial prospecting 
commenced quite actively after 1880 with the result that 
many visitors negotiated to transfer production. The Southern 
Cotton Manufacturers' Association announced in 1883 that 
cotton mills were so well established that the region con- 

^ Manufacturers' Record, XXIII (1893), 337. 
^Kimball, International Cotton Exposition, 183. 
116 Boston Daily Advertiser, January 25, 1886. 

117 New York Tribune, May 30, 1881; H. F. Williamson, Edward Atkinson: 
The Biography of an American Liberal (Boston, 1934), 172-173. 
"* Cited in Greensboro Patriot, April 6, 1883. 

382 The North Carolina Historical Review < 

trolled the market for coarse cotton goods and regulated 
prices even in New England. Not only did the publicists talk 
themselves into believing in their own pre-eminence, but 
they were always warning their rivals that the New England 
textile industry would momentarily move to the South. 119 
"New England mills will be forced," the New York Herald 
observed, "to surrender to the South the manufacture of 
coarse cotton goods . . . and bend their attention to fine 
fabrics which require more skilled labor. 120 And a southern 
periodical, as if to make the triumph complete, announced 
the impending transfer not only of textile, but iron, wood, 
and leather industries too. 121 

Richard H. Edmonds, who has served as editor and speaker 
in the cause of southern industrialization with distinction, 
tried to persuade the New England Cotton Manufacturers' 
Association in 1895 that it would be far better to foster the 
migration of the textile industry than to remain where they 
were as unequal competitors. 122 It was believed that what 
was just a skirmish over coarse cotton goods would become 
a rout whenever the New England competitors could be 
forced to shift the regional base of their operations. The 
Boston Manufacturers' Gazette was willing to comply. It 
proposed abandoning the coarse goods trade, replacing obso- 
lete machinery with improved equipment suitable to making 
fabrics not influenced by southern competition, and export- 
ing the cast-off machinery to the South. "This building of 
cotton mills in the South", the commentator wrote, "by exist- 
ing corporations in this State is a movement of relief from 
Southern competition. . . ," 123 By the end of the century all 
the early predictions were exceeded. The textile industry in 

119 Daily Charlotte Observer, December 23, 1881, October 31, 1883, Novem- 
ber 17, 1883, January 11, 1885; Observer, May 17, 1878; The News and 
Observer, January 5, 1881; Commercial and Financial Chronicle, LX (1895), 

120 New York Herald, March 28, 1883. 

121 Industrial South cited in Greensboro Patriot, April 6, 1883. 

122 R. H. Edmonds, "Cotton Manufacturing Interests of the South," 
Transactions of the New England Cotton Manufacturers' Association, 
Vol. 59:196-197. 

123 Cited in Manufacturers' Record, XXVII (1895), 23. "Our own opinion 
has been and is that Northern manufacturers stay at home because they 
are free from Southern competition. . . ." Observer, April 13, 1879. 

Cotton Textile Industry 383 

the United States witnessed a shift in regional location, a 
mechanical overhaul, a heavy influx of investment capital, a 
widening of domestic and foreign markets, and rapid alter- 
ations in consumer fashions. The alarm felt in the North that 
southern competition would become so strong and assertive 
as to endanger the stability and future prospects of the cotton 
industry in that section was protracted and made tantalizing 
as the rivalry was periodically intensified by business de- 

The languishing of the New England cotton mills in 1870 
was interpreted to mean the possible immunity of the same 
industry in the South to depression. 124 But the textile industry 
was largely an idea then and negligible in the economy of 
cotton manufacturing in the United States. Nevertheless, 
between 1870 and 1873 the consumption of baled cotton 
increased almost twenty-five million pounds, and it was re- 
ported that cotton manufacturing had passed beyond the 
point of experiment. 125 When financial derangements else- 
where were producing a decrease in the consumption of 
cotton many mills in the South were making profits. "In the 
South," the annual review of the Commercial and Financial 
Chronicle for 1876-1877 pointed out, "manufacturing busi- 
ness has . . . been rather more satisfactory than in the 
North. . . . That section just now presents a more hopeful 
condition than any other portion of the country." 126 At the 
Atlanta Cotton Exposition the fact that the South came 
through the Panic of 1873 and its aftermath unscathed 
seemed proper information to disseminate among inquisitive 
visitors. 127 

The chief disturbance to industrial stability in the South 
came from a redundancy of cotton mills, flimsily financed, 
amateurishly staffed, and competing with each other. When 
factories temporarily suspended production there were 
doubts about the possibility of recuperation and renewed 

^Proceedings of hnmigration Convention, 30. 

125 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, UN 11 (1873), 346; XIX (1874), 

139 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, XXV (1877), 251. 
127 Kimball, International Cotton Exposition, 222. 

384 The North Carolina Historical Review 

growth. But the doubters were often the very ones who had 
been taken in by extravagant statements to suppose that no 
depression however severe could ever affect the South. The 
shock of business contraction impressed upon some prospec- 
tive investors the desirability of a good site, adequate machin- 
ery, and careful management. Unrestricted cotton mill build- 
ing intermittently tended to break, the spell of local advan- 
tages. Involved in this predicament were uninitiated man- 
agers overburdened with initial expenditures viewing busi- 
ness circumstances as favorable when no basis for such 
estimates existed. 128 In Atlanta depression was viewed as a 
blessing by producing a precarious situation which only a 
rationalization of production and management could sur- 
mount. 129 This relationship between depression and indus- 
trialization in an undeveloped region had been noticed by a 
manufacturer as early as 1873. He wrote: 

This will be a close year on Manufactures unless well man- 
aged . . . the eastern factorys are stopped or running on short 
time which will reduce the stock of goods on the market & cause 
a greater demand. ... I have no hesitation in saying . . . that 
the present is a favorable time for manufacturers who have the 
means to run. 130 

The interplay of fluctuating cotton prices and southern 
competition kept the New England industry jittery. When 
cotton prices rose, the mills could not afford to produce at 
prevailing yarn and cloth prices; when the price of cotton 
fell, the southern manufacturers flooded the markets with 
finished goods. When many northern manufacturers were 
curtailing production in a state bordering on despair, stocks 
in the South were neither auctioned nor limited by produc- 

™ Manufacturers' Record, VI (1884), 263; XXIII (1893), 197; Commer- 
cial and Financial Chronicle, XXXIX (1884), 284; Daily Charlotte Ob- 
server, February 2, 1883 (statement by H. P. Hammett) ; January 21, 
1883 (statement by J. F. Hanson) ; Mitchell, Rise of Cotton Mills, 154. 

126 Manufacturers' Record, VI (1885), 779. 

"° E. M. Holt to J. W. White, October 27, October 30, 1873, James W. 
White Correspondence, George Washington Flowers Collection, Duke Uni- 
versity. Also see, M. F. Foster, "Southern Cotton Manufacturing," Trans- 
actions of the New England Cotton Manufacturers' Association, Vol. 68: 
168-169; Commercial and Financial Chronicle, XLI (1885), 293; XLV 
(1887), 326. 

Cotton Textile Industry 385 

tion curtailments, but sold at handsome profits. The depres- 
sion shock absorbers were believed to be the panoply of 
advantages that had always been hawked as well as the 
inability of New England mills to abandon coarse cotton 
goods fast enough. 131 The vitality of the New England branch 
of the industry was never permanently diverted by contrac- 
tions in business. Yet the old belief was supported once again 
in 1899 by the Commercial and Financial Chronicle when it 
noted that southern "Growth during the time of business 
depression has been marvelous, and it is still at the full tide 
of development.' 


So very much was expected of cotton mills. They were 
even expected to work a moral and material revolution in the 
lives of people who had not yet been introduced into the 
complexities of urban and industrial life. A cotton factory 
became "that long hoped for enterprise," as one promoter 
eulogized, "to which those who have at heart the welfare of 
the community so anxiously look forward." 133 The builders 
of cotton mills were sometimes characterized as public bene- 
factors. The cotton mills were likened to a panacea for the 
rural poor. An employer reasoned: 

When by education the minds of the laboring people have been 
so trained that they can do a day's work in ten hours then it 
would be well to make a ten hours a day, but at present there 
are so many poor people living on farms or who, in other occu- 
pations, lead a very precarious life, it is time they ought to be 
allowed employment on any terms. 134 

There is a degree of exaggeration in the explanation that 
southern industrial pioneers carried their traditional planta- 
tion relations with labor into the cotton mills, and took for 

m Manufacturers* Record, XVI (1889), 15-16; Commercial and Financial 
Chronicle, XLVII (1888), 308; XLIX (1889), 326; LI (1890), 327-328. 
133 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, LXIX (September 9, 1899), 6. 

133 Daily Charlotte Observer, May 29, 1879. 

134 Seventh Annual Report of the North Carolina Bureau of Labor Sta- 
tistics (Raleigh, 1893), 67-68. 

386 The North Carolina Historical Review 


granted, the old dependent and subservient status of labor. 
It was a tenet of industrial psychology at the time that an 
employer was responsible for more than the means of sub- 
sistence of those he employed. "He holds," as Carroll D. 
Wright expressed the theory, "their moral well-being in his 
keeping." 136 Millowners were encouraged to provide mental 
and religious instruction on the grounds that "an investment 
in the affections of those employed is always as good as any 
money put in machinery. . . ," 137 At one factory in North 
Carolina workers who earned between forty and fifty cents 
a day sometimes were fined fifteen cents for "carelessness on 
work" or ten cents for "bad conduct." 138 Cotton mills were 
also expected to furnish, in addition to employment, the 
facilities for physical, mental and moral training. One mill 
superintendent thought that "Southern people peculiarly 
need the employment afforded by cotton manufacture," and 
another meliorist described mill work as beneficial for the 
intelligence of operatives who would always be "subject to 
elevating social influences" in a factory environment. 139 In- 
stead of considering factories as economic organizations, the 
guardians of the millhands portrayed the factories as the 
shelters of a moral rescue society. The novelty of factories 
and the efforts to make factory employment genteel called 
for a benignancy that was not without precedence in the 
textile industry. Edwin de Leon's description of the life of 

135 See Elliott D. Smith, Technology and Labor (New Haven, 1939), 195; 
A. Berglund, and Others, Labor in the Industrial South (Charlottesville, 
Va., 1930), 19-20. There is a marked difference between plantation pater- 
nalism and industrial paternalism. Any perusal of the literature on indus- 
trial recruiting in the South during this period [See for example A. Kohn, 
The Cotton Mills of South Carolina (Columbia, S. C, 1907), 22-23] will 
suggest that entrepreneurs were inventing industrial labor practices that 
anticipated in so many ways (although the motivation was not the same) 
the job security and welfare benefits incorporated in subsequent principles 
of management. 

338 Carroll D. Wright, Some Ethical Phases of the Labor Question (Bos- 
ton, 1903), 152. 

137 First Annual Report of the North Carolina Bureau of Labor Statis- 
tics (Raleigh, 1887), 140. 

138 Morgan-Malloy Cotton Mill, "Time Book, 1889-1890," George Wash- 
ington Flowers Collection, Duke University. 

138 Carolina Watchmen, November 9, 1876; Henry V. Meigs quoted in 
de Leon, "The New South," 413; Henry V. Meigs to Editor, New York 
Herald, December 6, 1880; Blackman, Cotton Mills, 22-23. 

Cotton Textile Industry 387 

cotton millhands revealed the meliorists' assumptions when 
he wrote: 

Their hours are usually from 7 a.m. to 6 p.m., with an interval 
at mid-day of half an hour for dinner. Attached to some of the 
mills are residences for the operatives, but a majority of the 
instances they board themselves, thus avoiding some of the sup- 
posed demoralizing effects of colonization. Thus far it is certain 
that no moral miasma has been generated in the South by the 
introduction of this species of labor. 140 

Since the industry was introduced into an agrarian society 
at a time when farmers were hard pressed, cotton mill con- 
ditions were often considered better than those on the farms. 
"The hands we have are persons who failed to make a good 
living on the farm," was the simple story told by countless 
observers. 141 The decision to migrate to the factories was 
accompanied by numerous applications from families restive 
under the vicissitudes of farming. Their letters have all the 
poignancy of immigrant mail. 

I write you for to know if yould could give me a job. I have 
made by my mind to go to a cotton mill & would like to have a 
job with you as you have been recommended to me as a good 
place I am about 29 years old have a boy about 10 years old a 
girle that will soon be large enough to go in a mill. 142 

The South offered its population as the most treasured 
asset any people can possess in a cause so well intentioned. 
"Our operatives are admitted to be remarkably frugal, indus- 
trious, easily taught and controlled," an advertisement stated 
in 1870, "and we have an unemployed class of many thou- 
sands from which to draw in the future." 143 What recom- 
mended these people was that they worked for low wages, 
were tractable, never went on strike, and readily learned the 

140 de Leon, "The New South," 414. 

141 First Annual Report of North Carolina Bureau of Labor Statistics, 
91, 149; Fourth Annual Report of the North Carolina Bureau of Labor 
Statistics (Raleigh, 1890), 34; Fifth Annual Report of the North Carolina 
Bureau of Labor Statistics (Raleigh, 1891), 130, 171. 

142 Morgan-Malloy Correspondence, letter from George Wallace, Novem- 
ber 27, 1889. There are many comparable letters scattered abundantly 
through the collection during the next ten years. 

143 Proceedings of Immigration Convention, 29. 

388 The North Carolina Historical Review 

routine of factory work. Sometimes a traveler added to the 
advertisement that the "poor whites" make industrious and 
faithful operatives. After they entered the factories, they 
were considered capable of acquiring the highest skill re- 
quired in manufacturing cotton goods. 144 "They are docile," 
Richard H. Edmonds taunted a New England audience in 
the difficult year of 1895, "not given to strikes, and as a class 
are anxious to find work and willing to accept much lower 
wages than northern operatives." 145 Their backwardness in 
joining unions, demanding wage increases and reductions in 
hours, or supporting compulsory school attendance laws was 
viewed as a major source of advantage over older industrial 
sections as well as a leading target of criticism. 146 Textile 
circles charged that until labor conditions were equalized by 
regulatory legislation of child labor, hours, and working con- 
ditions, cotton manufacturing in the United States would be 
unbalanced in favor of the South. 147 This was corroborated 
by the reaction of a North Carolina manufacturer to the intro- 
duction of a Nine Hour Labor Law when he wrote: 

I guess the poor fellow wants to head off & stop northern capital 
which threatens to come south & build cotton mills in N. C. A 
sweet set these Solons of ours. 148 

It was the Southerners who were engrossed in the agitation 
for cotton mills; and outside attention, although periodically 
proffered, did not reach any significant peak until the last 

144 Report of the Saluda Cotton Mills, Greensboro Patriot, February 26, 
1873; Observer, February 6, 1878; Bancroft, Carl Schurz, IV, 377; Manu- 
facturers' Record, XXIII (1893), 197. 

145 Edmonds, "Cotton Manufacturing Interests of the South," 199-200. 
148 W. C. Lovering to Labor Committee of the Massachusetts General 

Court, Manufacturers' Record, XXIII (1893), 292; Boston Commercial 
Bulletin cited in Manufacturers' Record, XXVII (1895), 239. 

147 Statements by D. M. Thompson of Corliss Engine Co., Manufacturers' 
Record, XXVII (1895), 4; XXXI (1897), 219; Commercial and Financial 
Chronicle, LIII (1891), 350. 

148 Schenck Letter Book, January 28, 1895. During the month of Septem- 
ber, 1898, J. F. Schenck wrote the following in the Letter Book: "Provi- 
dence can bestow no greater blessing upon our factory community than is 
already bestowed than to forever deliver them from the influence of labor 
agitators, and from the influence of all other agitators whose main object 
is to stir up dissatisfaction and prejudice." Also see, Gunton's Magazine, 
XXI (1901), 50; American Federationist, IX (1902), 19-20. 

Cotton Textile Industry 389 

decade of the nineteenth century. A manufacturer reminisced 
in 1895: 

We felt no danger from the south until 1880. ... In that year I 
called the attention of my stockholders to . . . the South. Then 
the cloud was no bigger than a man's hand. ... In 1889 and 
again in 1891 I spoke of it to my stockholders ; but since 1891 it 
has been useless to point it out, for everyone could see it. 149 

What they saw was the emergence of a new competitor un- 
burdened with investments in out-moded machinery and 
uncommitted to friends and associates in non-automatic ma- 
chinery manufacture. Southern mills were already abandon- 
ing the practice of buying cast-off machinery and were begin- 
ning to install automatic equipment that did not need the 
attention of craft or industrial conscious workers. Further- 
more, they saw upstart competitors, unencumbered by regu- 
latory industrial labor practices sanctioned by custom and 
law, flaunting an industrial reserve army of docile, dutiful, 
and native workers. A scissors movement was occurring in 
which New England manufacturers felt that southern em- 
ployment practices and New England social legislation were 
cutting them to shreds. 150 

Investigating committees from legislatures, factories, trade 
associations, labor organizations, and social service societies 
agreed that climate, tax and freight rates, the proximity of 
cotton, coal and water resources, building costs, and a local 
labor supply all favored a vigorous textile industrialization. 

149 Statement by Jefferson Coolidge cited by E. Porritt, "The Cotton Mills 
of the South," New England Magazine, XII (1895), 578, hereinafter cited 
as Porritt, "The Cotton Mills of the South." A southern interpretation was 
expressed at the time by R. H. Edmonds: "So long as the cotton manu- 
facturing business of the South was handled exclusively by Southern peo- 
ple, it attracted only moderate attention throughout New England, but 
when several of the strongest cotton mill companies of Massachusetts 
decided that it was necessary to build large mills in the South in order to 
hold their trade, cotton mill investors throughout New England commenced 
to study the advantages of the South for this industry." Latham, Alexan- 
der and Co., Cotton Movements and Fluctuations, 1890-1895, XXII (1895), 
45. See above, note 123. 

150 Report on Southern tour of the Arkwright Club, Manufacturers' Rec- 
ord, XXVII (1895), 179-180; Transactions of the New England Cotton 
Manufacturers' Association, Vol. 63, 384-385; Report of the Committee on 
Southern Competition of the Arkwright Club (Boston, 1897), 3-5; Thomas 
T. Smith, The Cotton Textile Industry of Fall River, Massachusetts (New 
York, 1944), 86-103. 

390 The North Carolina Historical Review 

They also discovered that the new automatic machinery re- 
quired less experienced workers, who incidently worked 
longer hours in factories, where two and three shifts pre- 
vailed, for wages that were lower than prevailing rates in 
New England. Trade unions and the use of the strike had 
little precedent in the South and the occurrence of such 
practices was scanty and infrequent. Policies regulating 
hours, employment of women and children, night work, and 
school attendance, that were current in New England, were 
either absent or somewhere in the remote future. 151 

The calculated approval that came from the Arkwright 
Club and its member manufacturing concerns slighted the 
entire edifice upon which the textile industry had been built 
in the South. It was to the millhands and the legislatures of 
the South that the out-maneuvered manufacturers attributed 
their plight. At home they threatened to equalize conditions 
themselves in their own factories. They tried to persuade their 
legislatures to amend regulatory labor laws. Many petitioned 
legislatures for increases in capitalization with a view to 
opening branch plants in the South. They damned the trade 
unions, while their competitors prodded them on with the 
cry: "We have no labor agitators." So real did the exodus of 
cotton mills from New England become that the only escape 
seemed to lie in the encouragement of trade unions in the 
South or the enactment of national labor legislation in order 
to establish equality between the sections. 152 In the midst of 
all this furore perhaps Daniel E. Tompkins best represented 
southern reaction to the final triumph against the New Eng- 
land giants. He wrote: 

Southern towns that want mills should reflect upon the fact that 
the advantages of the South have been proven by Southern mills 
built with Southern money by Southern men ... I don't want 

151 Times-Democrat, September 1, 1885; Porritt, "The Cotton Mills of 
the South," 575-576; W. C. Lovering, "Report to the New England Textile 
Club," Manufacturers' Record, XXVI (1895), 392-393. 

162 Post (New York), cited in Manufacturers' Record, XXVII (1895), 
131; Daily Citizen (Lowell, Mass.) cited in Manufacturers' Record, XXIX 
(1896), 178; Arkwright Club Report, 5-6; Boston Advertiser cited in Manu- 
facturers' Record, XXVII (1895), 33; Congressional Record, (55 Cong., 2 
Sess.), XXI, pt. i, 806-807. 

Cotton Textile Industry 391 

to see any advantages that we have developed in our system of 
manufacture destroyed by the transplanting of New England 
mills, ideas, organizations, etc., bodily to the South. 153 

But in some quarters the process of mill building, spindle 
and loom installation, and labor recruitment was expected 
to precipitate a labor shortage and a rise in wage rates. It 
was also difficult to imagine the permanent postponement of 
unionization. The ascendance of social legislation throughout 
the nation was not expected to be indefinitely resisted in the 
South. With such assurances, the feeling prevailed in New 
England that, however immediately serious the southern 
contentions concerning its human resources appeared, or how 
vociferously local manufacturers rationalized the place of 
southern millhands in their liquidation, the peculiar sectional 
arrangements that made these human resources weapons in 
the hands of southern businessmen could never remain per- 
manent fixtures in the industry. 154 For some it was comforting 
to look forward to statutory hours of work, labor shortages, 
and trade unions, but as one Massachusetts manufacturer 
complained: "What do I care if between the time legislation 
reaches the southern mills and the present time, my business 
is ruined?" 155 

The cotton mill development movement and its consumma- 
tion left its critics aghast and shifted the center of textile 
production in the United States to the South. It was con- 
spicuously the product of individual initiative and community 
enthusiasm. Men trusted each other with somewhat more 
than they could, at the moment, do well. The situations they 
were inventing became, therefore, training grounds for free 
individuals. Cotton mills were something people wanted. Had 
they inquired into the long-run circumstances favoring their 
success they might never have noticed them; they might even 
have lost interest in the search. And having waited and not 

153 Manufacturers' Record, XXVII (1895), 34-35. 

154 Commercial and Financial Chronicle, LXVII (September 10, 1898), 
3-4; LXIX (September 9, 1899), 4-5; Boston Transcript cited in Manufac- 
turers' Record, XXXI (1897), 24. 

155 Cited in Porritt, "The Cotton Mills of the South," 578. 

392 The North Carolina Historical Review 

acted, the very conditions they would have been studying 
might have been denied the influence of their actions. This 
did not happen. Nerved by the vigor to adventure beyond the 
safeties of the past into the uncertainties of the future, the 
people of the South demonstrated that they knew something 
about how to act in the present. This was preceded and 
accompanied by endless talk which played no small part in 
preparing the ground for men of action. They talked and 
acted like Americans. 156 There was confidence, pride, boast- 
fulness, associated effort, and rivalry. It was not enough for 
the campaigners that their achievements and successes be 
measured; they had to be observed, recorded, applauded, 
and envied. 

168 See Ralph B. Perry, Characteristically American (New York, 1949), 
Ch. I, "The American Cast of Mind." 


LITERATURE, 1825-1845 

By John C. Guilds 

When did American literature become truly national? This 
question, answered variously by various scholars, can prob- 
ably never be answered to the satisfaction of all. Almost any 
decade in the nineteenth century could with some reason 
be said to mark the beginning of a distinctively American 
literature. Probably most scholarly opinion agrees with Pro- 
fessor Clarence. Gohdes that American literature did not 
become truly national until the advent of the local-color 
movement in the 1870's. 1 Acceptance of this theory is, in 
effect, to define national literature as the composite literature 
of all regions. 

National literature has not been, and is not, always so 
defined, however. As any student of American history knows, 
nationalism and sectionalism were explosive words in the 
literary, economic, and political North- South controversy 
leading up to the Civil War. The bitterness of this contro- 
versy—and the increasing confusion of the terms nationalism 
and sectionalism— is nowhere better revealed than in the 
magazines of the Old South. Almost without exception the 
editors of early southern literary journals proposed to pro- 
mote the literature of both their country and their section. 
By the 1840's, however, it seemed (particularly to northern- 
ers ) that most southern magazinists were advocating a "sec- 
tional" rather than a "national" literature; and the cry, "Pro- 
vincial!" was shouted at many a southern editor by many a 
northern critic. Needless to say, the southerners did not let 
the shouts go unanswered. 

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the problem of 
nationalism and sectionalism as it was met by an important 
magazine editor of the Old South, William Gilmore Simms, 
who put himself on record as both nationalist and sectionalist 

1 See "The Later Nineteenth Century," Arthur Hobson Quinn (ed.), The 
Literature of the American People (New York [1951]), 639 ff. 


394 The North Carolina Historical Review 

in literature and maintained that his position was not only 
logical, but inevitable. 

Simms ranks as the South's most tireless advocate of a 
distinctive American literature. Rising from an inauspicious 
beginning as a green, outspoken journalist to a position as a 
recognized spokesman of the South, he remained through- 
out his editorial career an ardent and faithful champion of 
"Americanism" in literature, though in time he became con- 
vinced that he could best serve American literature by en- 
couraging the development of letters in his own section. And 
if the South possessed anyone equipped to serve as its literary 
spokesman, Simms was that person. Although he sometimes 
thought that his efforts to promote the literature of his section 
( and of his country ) went unappreciated, probably his fame 
as the South's "most prominent novelist" and "most eminent 
author" 2 gave him a greater prestige— a greater influence— 
than that attained by any other magazine editor of the Old 
South. The one thing that Simms worked most faithfully for 
—the one thing above all else that he hoped to accomplish in 
his career as editor of literary journals— was the advancement 
of literature in the South. 

But if Simms was admittedly a sectionalism how then can 
he be termed a leading proponent of a distinctively American 
literature? Simms himself has given the clearest explanation; 
in dedicating The Wigwam and the Cabin (1845) to his 
father-in-law, he wrote: 

One word for the material of these legends. It is local, sec- 
tional — and to be national in literature, one must needs be sec- 
tional. No one mind can fully or fairly illustrate the character- 
istics of any great country ; and he who shall depict one section 
faithfully, has made his proper and sufficient contribution to the 
great work of national illustration. 3 

Thus, according to Simms, by helping the South to create its 
own literature, the southern man of letters was also contrib- 
uting to the establishment of a truly national literature, be- 
cause to be national a literature must represent all sections. 

2 Southern Literary Messenger (Richmond, Va.), IV (August, 1838), 
529, hereinafter cited as Southern Literary Messenger. 
8 Redfield edition (New York, 1856) , 4. 

Simms's Views on Literature 395 

The process by which Simms arrived at this conclusion, 
however, was gradual. Throughout his life he worked and 
fought for the growth of a distinctively American literature, 
but his struggle to achieve this end went through several 
stages. At first, though both the Album and the Southern 
Literary Gazette stated that their chief objective was the 
encouragement of local writers, Simms's concern was mainly 
with the status of American (rather than southern) letters: 
like Emerson he was dismayed at his country's enslavement 
to British traditions. Already he was convinced that one of 
the chief reasons for the absence of a worthy literature in 
America was the continued reliance upon England for 
models. He pointed out that America could never establish a 
literature of its own as long as its writers imitated the British; 
he praised the independence of American authors who dealt 
with native themes even when he could not speak highly of 
their genius, and, conversely, he called to task those who 
knowingly or unknowingly echoed the British even when 
he admitted their ability. He denounced the British for their 
want of discrimination in ridiculing or condemning every- 
thing American; he deplored American public taste, assert- 
ing that it had been perverted by English books and maga- 
zines, and complained that his countrymen ignored even 
the best American work until it had been praised by one 
of the British journals. As a means of ridding themselves of 
English influence, he suggested that American writers take 
up the study of the literature of Germany to see how that 
country had achieved intellectual independence. 4 

Simms, then, had early raised the cry that after 1837 was 
heard so frequently in the pages of the Democratic Review 
and other organs of the "Young America" critics in New 

4 All of these points were made by Simms in the Southern Literary 
Gazette (Charleston, S. C), 1828-1829, hereinafter cited as Southern 
Literary Gazette. 

5 John Stafford, The Literary Criticism of "Young America": A Study 
in the Relationship of Politics and Literature, 1837-1850 (Berkeley and Los 
Angeles, 1952), 84, calls the Young Americans "the most strenuous advo- 
cates in America" of a new and distinctive American literature. This 
reference hereinafter cited as Stafford, The Literary Criticism of "Young 

396 The North Carolina Historical Review 

York. 5 In his two early Charleston journals ( in the Album to 
a much lesser degree than in the Southern Literary Gazette ) 
he had given voice to the movement that a decade later such 
conservative periodicals as the North American Review, the 
American Quarterly, the New England Magazine, and the 
New York Review were to regard as the Democratic Review's 
"radical" idea— advocacy of a national literature free from 
slavish imitation of the British. 6 It was only natural, then, 
that at the first opportunity he should fall into line with the 
group of young New Yorkers— Evert A. Duyckinck, William 
A. Jones, John L. O'Sullivan, Parke Godwin, and Cornelius 
Mathews— the liberal-minded Young Americans who cham- 
pioned a movement in literature paralleled in politics by the 
trend culminating in Jacksonian democracy. 7 Simms, like the 
Young Americans, stressed democracy as an incentive to 
literature because, by giving free rein to individual expres- 
sion, it favors the general development of all intellect. Fur- 
thermore, he was convinced of the value of the competitive 
spirit; literary genius, he thought, was inspired by the reali- 
zation that recognition could be won through merit without 
the benefits of wealth or rank: 

It is a wondrous impulse to the individual, to his hope, his 
exertions and his final success, to be taught that there is nothing 
in his way, in the nature of the society in which he lives. That 
he is not to be denied because of his birth or poverty, because of 
his wealth or his family. That he stands fair with his comrades, 
with no social if no natural impediments — and the prize is 
always certain for the fleetest in the race. 8 

Simms was also politically allied with the Young Americans, 
almost all of whom were Locofoco Democrats; on August 15, 

8 Stafford, The Literary Criticism of "Young America" 5 and passim. 

7 Simms apparently did not make his first trip to New York until 1832, 
when he visited James Lawson. He perhaps met some of the Young Ameri- 
cans at that time, though he mentioned none of them in his correspondence 
of that year. He and Duyckinck, particularly, were later to become fast 

6 Southern and Western Monthly Magazine and Review, I (Charleston, 
S. C), January, 1845, 11-12, hereinafter cited Southern and Western 

Simms's Views on Literature 397 

1842, he wrote to George Frederick Holmes, "... I am an 
ultra- American, a born Southron, and a resolute loco-f oco." 9 
Simms never ceased to be chagrined with America's tend- 
ency to lean upon England for guidance in literary taste and 
standards; he regarded this bondage to "an unnatural mother 
& natural enemy" 10 as the chief threat to the growth of a 
literature that was characteristically American. In explaining 
his ill will toward the British to the English-born Holmes, 
Simms asserted: "Individually, I am no Anti- Anglican. I am 
only so in a purely national point of view, and in reference 
to national interests & questions." 11 The extent of his ani- 
mosity, however, is perhaps best revealed in a letter of July 
15, 1845, to Evert A. Duyckinck, in which he suggested that 
war with Great Britian was the surest and possibly the only 
way for America to gain its literary independence. 12 Several 
weeks earlier he had expressed a similar attitude toward the 
British in a letter to James Lawson: 

His [Edwin Forrest's] only error is in any attempt to win 
favor from the English. No American can hope for this. They 
must be made to fear us, and, it is through our scorn and our 

9 Mary C. Simms Oliphant, Alfred Taylor Odell, and T. C. Duncan 
Eaves (eds.), The Letters of William Gilmore Simms (Columbia, S. C, 5 
volumes, 1952-1956), I, 319, hereinafter cited as Oliphant, Odell, and Eaves, 
Simms Letters. John W. Higham, "The Changing Loyalties of William 
Gilmore Simms," Journal of Southern History, IX (May, 1943), 210-223, 
greatly over-simplifies his case in discussing Simms's changing social and 
political views. Higham (p. 213) states that in 1830 "Simms was utterly 
devoid of the sectional antagonism which was rising throughout South 
Carolina"; by 1845, however, according to Higham, Simms's early Unionism 
had been almost completely destroyed by strong sectional feelings. Higham 
attributes this change chiefly to Simms's marriage to Chevillette Eliza 
Roach, only child of a large landowner, in 1836, at which time the author 
supposedly shifted his allegiance from the mercantile class to the planter 
aristocracy. Higham overlooks the fact that Simms's views were characteris- 
tic of the thinking of many other southerners — whether living in the country 
or in town or whether planter or merchant — who had opposed Nullification 
but later became convinced that the federal government was hostile to the 
society in which they lived. Even Higham grants, however, that Simms's 
"literary Americanism" continued for a while after his "federal nationa- 
lism" disappeared; in 1845 Simms "was still agitating for a national 
literature, but antipathy toward the North was weakening his enthusiasm 
. . ." (p. 221). In 1845 as editor of the Southern and Western Simms still 
retained his objectivity in treating northern authors. 

10 Simms to G. F. Holmes, July 27, 1842, Oliphant, Odell, and Eaves, 
Simms Letters, I, 317. 

11 Letter of August 15, 1842, Oliphant, Odell, and Eaves, Simms Letters, 
I, 319. 

13 See Oliphant, Odell, and Eaves, Simms Letters, II, 90. 

398 The North Carolina Historical Review 

strength, not through our arts conciliatory that a people so 
bigoted in self will ever do justice to that other, which spring 
from their loins, & setting up for themselves, are so fast treading 
on their heels. 13 

As early as 1828 Simms the "born Southron" felt some 
antipathy toward the North even while Simms the "ultra- 
American" joined hands with northerners in combating the 
detrimental influence of England. Already political differences 
between North and South were making southerners aware of 
other distinctions between themselves and their northern 
neighbors. 14 Almost for the first time, perhaps, southerners 
were conscious of being a minority— and proud southerners 
rebelled at many northerners' air of superiority in everything 
from literature to morals. This growing southern animus 
toward the North is apparent in both of the literary journals 
founded in Charleston in 1828. In the prospectus of the 
Southern Review (1828-1832), its editors stated: 

It shall be among our first objects to vindicate the rights and 
privileges, the character of the Southern states, to arrest, if 
possible, that current which has been directed so steadily against 
our country generally, and the South in particular ; and to offer 
to our fellow citizens one Journal which they may read without 
finding themselves the objects of perpetual sarcasm, or of affect- 
ed commiseration. 15 

The Southern Literary Gazette 16 reveals Simms likewise as 
embittered by the North's condescending attitude toward 
his section. In the prospectus issued before the publication 
of the second volume of the Gazette, Simms spoke of the con- 
tempt and apathy with which his section's intellectual quali- 

13 Oliphant, Odell, and Eaves, Simms Letters, II, 83. The letter is dated 
June 27, 1845. 

14 For an excellent analysis of the growth of sectionalism in the South, 
see Charles S. Sydnor, The Development of Southern Sectionalism, 1819- 
1848 (Baton Rouge, La., 1948). For a briefer treatment with emphasis 
upon literary factors, see Jay B. Hubbell, "Literary Nationalism in the Old 
South," American Studies in Honor of William Kenneth Boyd (Durham, 
1940), 175-220, hereinafter cited as Hubbell, American Studies. 

16 Quoted in Linda Rhea, Hugh Swinton Legare (Chapel Hill, 1934), 237. 
I have not been able to find the original. 

18 The fact that a large portion of the magazines of the Old South carry 
the word Southern in their titles is indicative of sectional feelings. See 
Frank Luther Mott, A History of American Magazines, 1741-1850 (New 
York and London, 1930), 380. 

Simms's Views on Literature 399 

ties were regarded. Later he charged that southerners, 
"taunted by Englishmen and Northernmen," 1T would have to 
work hard to assure themselves of representation in the litera- 
ture of America; recognizing the dominance of northern pub- 
lishing, he stressed the importance of southern writers having 
their works published in the South. He praised Isaac Harby 
as a pioneer of a distinctively southern literature; and, per- 
haps most significant of all, so unaccustomed had the South 
become to consideration from the North, he thanked the 
New York Mirror for the "novel courtesy" of its fair treatment 
of southern literature and politics. 18 

Through the years Simms became more and more alarmed 
about the South's intellectual vassalage to the North. By the 
time he accepted the editorship of the Magnolia: or Southern 
Apalachian in June, 1842, political developments had wid- 
ened the gap between North and South. Like most other 
southern editors, 19 Simms directed his efforts toward weaning 
his section from its cultural dependence on the North. Where- 
as in the 1820 , s he had editorialized largely against American 
imitation of British literary style and taste, in the 1840's— as 
editor of the Magnolia and the Southern and Western Month- 
ly Magazine and Review—he was more concerned with free- 
ing the South from its literary bondage to the North. This 
generalization holds true despite the fact that in the 1820's 
Simms was already speaking against Northern domination of 
American literature and that in the 1840's he still battled 
vigorously for American freedom from intellectual servility 
to England. 

Perhaps what vexed southerners most was the assumption 
by some Northern critics that northern literature was the 
American literature and that the literature of the South was 
sectional rather than national in character. Early in 1842 
Simms pointed out that the "wise men of the East" who 
frantically shouted "Sectional literature!" at the South failed 

17 Southern Literary Gazette, n.s., I (June 1, 1829), 33-34. 

18 Southern Literary Gazette, n.s., I (August 1, 1829), 127. 
19 Perhaps the chief exception was English-born William C. Richards, editor 
of the Orion, who had little sympathy with sectional literature. See, for 
example, Orion (Penfield, Ga.), I (July, 1842), 248. 

400 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to realize that magazines published in New York or Boston 
were just as provincial as those published in Charleston or 
Savannah. In line with his similar views on national literature, 
he maintained that a truly national magazine must assert 
the character of its people— must, paradoxically, then, be 
sectional— because a magazine of one section could not pos- 
sibly fully represent the needs and wants of the people of 
another section. Therefore, a magazine editor failed to be 
national only when he ceased to represent faithfully his own 
section. 20 

Simms, then, clearly and definitely identified national with 
sectional literature even before he wrote the preface to The 
Wigwam and the Cabin— even before he became full editor 
of the "sectional" Magnolia; in fact, from this distance he 
appears to have remained remarkably level-headed amidst 
all the high ranting and small heckling over nationalism and 
sectionalism in the 1840 , s. Later, of course, the movement 
for "Americanism" and "Southernism" was reduced to ab- 
surdity by the uncritical demands of "superficial critics," to 
whom (as Timrod said) "it meant nothing more than that 
an author should confine himself in the choice of his subjects 
to the scenery, the history, and the traditions of his own 
country." 21 If Simms did not emphasize, as Timrod later did, 
that true nationalism and true originality depend upon the 
creation of an individual style, tone, and spirit 22 — or if he did 
not make a distinction, as Harris later did, between section- 

20 See Magnolia: or Southern Monthly (Savannah, Ga.), IV (April, 
1842), 251-252, hereinafter cited as Magnolia. In July, 1842, when the 
magazine was moved from Savannah, Ga., to Charleston, S. C., its title 
became the Magnolia: or Southern Apalachian and Simms, who had been 
a contributor and associate editor, became editor. 

21 "Literature in the South," Edd Winfield Parks (ed.), The Essays of 
Henry Timrod (Athens, Ga., 1942), 87, hereinafter cited as Parks, Henry 

22 Parks, Henry Timrod, 88. Timrod made it clear, however, that he was 
not opposing the idea that authors write of their own regions; he was 
"simply protesting against a narrow creed" which insisted upon nationalism 
and overlooked everything else. Timrod agreed that the poet or novelist 
who "shall associate his name with the South" in an original treatment of 
Southern scenery, society, or history "will have achieved a more enviable 
fame than any which has yet illustrated the literature of America" (Parks, 
Henry Timrod, 90-91). 

Simms's Views on Literature 401 

alism and localism 23 — his writings reveal his own understand- 
ing of these principles. 24 Almost before anyone else, he seems 
to have defined sectionalism as an integral part of nationalism 
—a definition with which both Timrod and Harris, despite 
their carefully stated qualifications, essentially agreed. Un- 
fortunately, however, Simms's critics (chiefly northerners) 
did not see eye-to-eye with him on this subject and much pur- 
poseless quibbling was the result, despite the fact that all 
concerned were working toward the same end. 

One may ask why Simms regarded the magazine as the 
best medium through which to further the cause of southern 
and, consequently, American literature. How could the maga- 
zine editor accomplish what the novelist and the poet could 
not? The South, Simms reasoned, posed a peculiar problem: 
in a "Letter to the Editor of Wheler's Magazine" he pointed 
out the particular reasons why magazines— a benefit to any 
section or country— were a necessity to the intellectual awak- 
ening of a sparsely settled agricultural region like the South: 

The very sparseness of our population, which renders it so 
difficult a matter to sustain the Periodical, is the very fact that 
renders its existence and maintenance so necessary. — The great 
secret of mental activity, in most countries, is the denseness of 
their settlements, — the size and frequency of their great cities, 
and the constant attrition of rival minds, which can take place 
nowhere so constantly as in the commercial and populous marts. 
Wanting in these fields of attrition and collision, the mind of 
the Southern gentleman, residing on his plantation and secluded 
from the crowd, is apt to sink into languor or indifference. Why 
should he indulge in studies which seem unnecessary to his situ- 
ation ? Why pore over volumes, upon the merits of which he has 
no one to provoke him to discussion? . . . 

23 "Literature in the South," Julia Collier Harris (ed.), Joel Chandler 
Harris, Editor and Essayist: Miscellaneous Literary, Political, and Social 
Writings (Chapel Hill, 1931), 45. Harris closely followed Simms in say- 
ing: "In literature, art and society, whatever is truly Southern is likewise 
truly American; and the same may be said of what is truly Northern. 
Literature that is Georgian or Southern is necessarily American, and in 
the broadest sense." 

24 Simms's Revolutionary romances, for instance, are no less national, no 
less American, than the Revolutionary historical novels of Cooper and 
Kennedy. Simms possesses a great deal of essentially "American" pride, 
optimism, and faith in democratic government. As a critic he was almost 
never guilty of praising an American (or southern) book simply because it 
dealt with native subject matter. 

402 The North Carolina Historical Review 

To persons, thus secluded by their modes of life, even where 
the taste for letters is innate, the very difficulty in procuring 
books, which cannot be transmitted by mail, opposes a barrier 
to that constant exercise which is necessary to keep up and to 
nourish the desire for literature. Periodicals, alone, appear cal- 
culated to supply these deficiencies to counteract these discour- 
aging influences, and to provide that gentle stimulus which 
keeps the mind true to its instincts and acquisitions, while fur- 
nishing new food for its progress. . . . 25 

Simms himself asserted many times that his section's cul- 
tural enslavement to the North should be a matter of shame 
to every patriotic southerner; yet he recognized that this 
literary dependency was based on practical, economic mat- 
ters: the North's near monopoly of the publication and distri- 
bution of books and magazines. As a result, since southern 
books were sometimes difficult to procure even in the South, 
the best-intentioned southerner often read easily accessible 
northern publications and remained almost wholly ignorant 
of the literature of his own region. Moreover, he argued, al- 
though the South was following the lead of the North, the 
North refused even the best works published in the South. 
In his opening address in the Southern and Western Monthly 
Magazine and Review Simms made this dilemma clear: 
". . . no periodical of the country, not published at one of 
the great cities of the North, could possibly hope for the 
countenance of the public in their vicinity. Our experience 
is conclusive on this head. The northern press claims to 
supply us in the South and West with all our Literature, and 
will take none of ours in return." 26 Later in the same year 
(1845) he commented: "We have it from good authority, 
that one of our Southern publishers, seeking to establish a 
Northern agency for his publication, was fairly told by the 
house to which he addressed himself, that the people of the 
North would not buy Southern periodicals." 2T 

Thus with some reason southerners complained that their 
literature was never given a fair hearing— and that their 

^Wheler's Magazine (Athens, Ga.), n.s., I (July, 1849), 1-2, hereinafter 
cited as Wheler's Magazine. 
28 Southern and Western Monthly, I (January, 1845), 67. 
"Southern and Western Monthly, I (May, 1845), 364. 

Simms's Views on Literature 403 

achievement in letters remained largely unknown in the 
North and only slightly less so at home. 28 It was in helping to 
correct this want that the southern magazine hoped to per- 
form one of its greatest services; because books were "scarce, 
and not to be had without great difficulty and expense" by 
the inhabitants of an "almost wholly agricultural" region, 
Simms repeatedly emphasized that 

. . . the periodical is at once the cheapest, the most eligible, and, 
perhaps, the most useful form, in which Literature may yield 
them its advantages. The mail brings it to the door of the farmer, 
to the cottage of the peasant, to the stately mansion, enbosomed 
in deep forests, of the lordly and secluded planter. It is, along 
with the newspaper, the chief mode by which he communicates 
with the distant world without. 29 

Literary journals, then, had to play the leading role in the 
kindling of literary interests in the South. These journals, 
moreover, must be southern— not northern or British— though 
the southern magazine must necessarily at first be inferior 
both in typography and in content. 30 But because this very 
inferiority was indicative of the mental apathy of the South 
—because a superior journal was a product of the intellectual 
stimulation ( as well as of the good publishing houses ) which 
the South lacked— the well-meaning and patriotic southerner 
owed it to his section to support the magazines that were 
attempting to rouse his people from their slumber. The maga- 
zines must promote the crusade, not the crusade the maga- 
zines—thriving magazines would be proof that the crusade 
had been successful. 31 

28 Of course, of even more importance to southerners was the fact that 
the North's monopoly of the book trade enabled northern publishers to 
accept only those southern books which were favorable to the North, and 
consequently the North remained ignorant of the "essential soundness of 
the Southern cause" in other matters. See Hubbell, American Studies, 198. 

"Wheler's Magazine, I (July, 1849), 3. 

30 In a letter to P. C. Pendleton published in the Magnolia for April, 1841, 
Simms spoke of the scarcity of good printers and the total absence of proof- 
readers in the South. See Magnolia, III, 190. Simms did not advocate that 
southerners read southern magazines to the exclusion of all others. In fact, 
he stressed the advantages of reading journals from other sections and 
countries. See Wheler's Magazine, I (July, 1849), 3-4. 

^Wheler's Magazine, I (July, 1849), 4-5. 

404 The North Carolina Historical Review 

But as Simms himself well knew, the southern magazine 
editor who wished to encourage the development of distinct- 
ly southern literary culture was often defeated by the very 
thing he hoped to overcome— his section's indifference to lit- 
erature. In 1841 in the first of his letters on "Southern Litera- 
ture" addressed to P. C. Pendleton, then editor of the 
Magnolia, Simms bluntly stated that the magazine was 
doomed to failure. Despite Pendleton's high hopes Simms 
pointed out that excellent contributors and capable editors 
did not ensure a magazine's success; other southern journals 
had possessed these and had failed. Before any southern 
magazine could succeed, Simms maintained, an "intellectual 
appetite among our people" was needed— that appetite, he 
added, was nowhere apparent. 32 

Simms was fully aware of the difficulties he faced in his 
later efforts to establish a permanent literary journal in the 
South: first-hand experience and years of observation had 
taught him much about running a southern magazine. Yet 
twice within a span of three years he assumed the editorship 
of Charleston magazines— the Magnolia in 1842 and the 
Southern and Western in 1845. That each of these journals 
collapsed after only one year of publication— that he was 
never able to found a permanent literary organ for his section 
—that he was vastly underpaid and sometimes not paid at all 
—none of these matters shook more than momentarily the 
courageous determination with which he struggled for the 
literature of his state, his section, and his country. Without 
resorting to the puffery he detested, he encouraged Southern 
writers in their efforts to create a distinctively southern litera- 
ture; he resolutely replied to northern charges against his 
section and at the same time demanded recognition in the 
North for southern authors; and through it all, he seems 
never to have lost sight of the fact that what he was really 
working for was the development of an American literature. 
Both the Magnolia and the Southern and Western won recog- 
nition as leading southern literary journals though never 
enough paying subscribers; without doubt they both attained 

82 Magnolia, III (January, 1841), 1-3. 

Simms's Views on Literature 405 

a standard of excellence above that of most of the monthly 
magazines of the period. Simms had fought his crusade 
and in one sense his defeat represented a victory: he had 
made his contribution to the cause of American letters by 
faithfully and accurately portraying the peculiar characteris- 
tics that distinguished his section. Exactly fifteen years after 
the last number of the Southern and Western had been issued, 
DeBows Review contained a comment on Simms that might 
well apply to his editorial work in the 1840V. 

He reflects . . . the spirit and temper of Southern civilization ; 
announces its opinions, illustrates its ideas, embodies its pas- 
sions and prejudices, and betrays those delicate shades of 
thought, feeling, and conduct, that go to form the character, 
and stamp the individuality of a people. 33 

Although in the early 1830's some southerners frowned 
upon Simms for his national views and in the 1840*8 north- 
erners generally upbraided him for his sectional views, he 
at all times considered himself a proponent of both national- 
ism and sectionalism because to his eyes the two forces were 
not opposed but, conversely, were too closely allied to be 
separated. Fundamentally his outlook remained surprisingly 
steadfast throughout the turbulent decades before the mid- 
century. His early emphasis on American literature and his 
later emphasis on southern literature represent changes in 
degree, not in position. 

38 Magnolia, XXIX (December, 1860), 708. 


Edited by William S. Powell 

A forty-four page manuscript letter written from Bruns- 
wick by Governor William Tryon on July 26, 1765, to his 
uncle, Sewallis Shirley, forms a part of the collection of 
North Caroliniana of the late Bruce Cotten, now in the North 
Carolina Collection of the University of North Carolina 
Library. This lengthy letter, which Tryon himself referred 
to as a "book," is bound in full calf and bears the bookplate 
of the Shirley seat, Ettington, Warwickshire, as well as the 
plate of Sir Evelyn Shirley. The letter remained at the seat 
of the Shirley family until about 1934 when it was sold to 
the Rosenbach Company in Philadelphia from which Major 
Cotten purchased it. 1 

Tryon reached North Carolina on October 11, 1764, to 
serve as lieutenant governor under the aging and ailing 
Arthur Dobbs. This letter, in an informal and chatty tone, 
tells us of the personal activities of Tryon from his arrival 
through the first nine months of his stay in the province. 
Perhaps the account of his tour with Mrs. Tryon from Wil- 
mington northward and westward to the Virginia line and 
Halifax will be counted the most interesting part of the letter. 
Not to be passed over, however, are descriptions of his house, 
news of his staff of servants, and remarks concerning his 
salary. All in all, Tryon has given us an interesting and valu- 
able glimpse of his personal life. Evidence of his wide and 
detailed knowledge of North Carolina after so short a time 
in the colony will perhaps be thought remarkable. 

The uncle to whom the letter is addressed, Sewallis Shirley 
( 1709-1765 ) , was the fourteenth son of the first Earl Ferrers 
and brother of Tryon's mother, the former Lady Mary Shirley. 
Shirley was a member of Parliament ( 1742-1761 ) and Comp- 
troller of the Household to Queen Charlotte. He died on 

1 Margaret de Bullet, "A Catalogue of the Tar-Heel Book-Shelves of Mr. 
Bruce Gotten." Unpublished manuscript in the North Carolina Collection, 
University of North Carolina Library, IV, 358. (Descriptive notes in the 
Catalogue are by Bruce Cotten.) 


Tryon's "Book" on North Carolina 407 

October 31, 1765, probably soon after receiving this letter 
from his nephew. 2 

North Carolina, 

Brunswick on Cape Fear River, 

July ye 26 th , 1765 

My Dear Sir: 

I most gratefully received the happiness you conferred on me 
the 5th Ins :* by your letter bearing date the 12th of Feby last, 
accompanied with a most acceptable present, a Gold Box with 
the Picture of an invariable friend, as well to my family, as my- 
self. You could not have sent me a more acceptable present ; and 
for which you have my most sincere acknowledgements. 

Your particular detail of your affectionate and steady conduct 
in adjusting the intricate state of the affairs of my Mother, and 
the agreement she has entered into with my Brother for the sale 
of my Hobby Horse Henbury, 3 gives me great satisfaction from 
the evident necessity of such a proceeding. Your good offices on 
this, and every other occasion claim as they merit, more than I am 
able to repay you. However, I shall ever retain a lively and affec- 
tionate regard for the author of them. 

I will now endeavour from memory to give you a rough sketch 
of my Proceedings in this Country since my arrival in it, you 
must not expect to have the unities preserved. My Landing 4 in 
this Province was on the 11th of Oct r last, soon after finding the 
Gover" determined to stay the Winter here. I repaired to Wil- 
mington, 15 Miles higher up the River than Brunswick. About 
the Middle of Dec 1 " I took with Mrs. Tryon and Mr. Elwin 5 her 
Cousin, a Tour through part of this Province. We kept the Sea 
Board Road for two hundred & 40 Miles, (that is never being 

2 Burke's Genealogical and Heraldic History of the Peerage, Baronet- 
age, and Knightage (London, 1949), 754; W. S. Lewis and Warren H. 
Smith, (eds.) Horace Walpole's Correspondence with Madame Du Deffand 
and Wiart (New Haven, 1939), V, 397; VI, 513; W. S. Lewis and Ralph 
S. Brown, Jr. (eds.), Horace Walpole's Correspondence with George Mon- 
tagu (New Haven, 1941), I, 113-114; The Gentleman's Magazine, XXXV 
(November, 1765), 539. 

3 A hobby horse was a small or middle-sized horse or a pony. James A. H. 
Murray (ed.), A New English Dictionary on Historical Principles (Oxford, 
1888-1928, 10 vols.), V, 316, hereinafter cited as Murray, A New English 

* For details of Tryon's arrival off the North Carolina coast and his 
landing in the Cape Fear see Alonzo T. Dill, Jr., Governor Tryon and His 
Palace (Chapel Hill, 1955), 79-80. 

5 Fountain Elwin was Tryon's private secretary. He returned to England 
in 1767. William L. Saunders (ed.), The Colonial Records of North Caro- 
lina (Raleigh, 1886-1890, Vols. 1-10), VII, 134, 547, hereinafter cited as 
Saunders, Colonial Records. 

408 The North Carolina Historical Review 

farther from the Sea than Sixty or eighty Miles) till I came to 
the Virginia Line which is in 36° 30' North Lat. This from Wil- 
mington kept me on a North and North East Course from the 
Virginia and Carolina dividing line (where we struck it, was 
forty Miles North of Edenton.) We took a West Course to Hali- 
fax 70 Miles to the Westward of Edenton and from thence, took 
a South and South West Course back to Wilmington where we 
arrived the Middle of Feby. This Journey was accomplished 
with more ease and better accommodations than I could possibly 
have expected to have experienced, and I found the Gentlemen 
very ready in giving the hospitality their Plantat [ions] afforded. 
The Tour was five Hundred Measured Miles and upwards. The 
whole of the Journey to the Virginia Line is Sandy, flat and for 
the most part covered with Pine Trees tho' to the Northward 
you go over some Oak Land, yet Sandy Soil. The Roads over the 
Swamps, called Pocosons, are all made, which Swamps are 
covered with tall Cypress Trees some of six feet in Diameter, 
and Seventy feet in height before they shoot a Branch, with Bay 
Trees and Red and White Cedar Trees ; with a variety of other 
Aquatilis which I am unacquainted with. These swamps when 
cleared and drained produce fine Rice or Indian Corn or 1 
believe Indigo, but this Province is not yet sufficiently inhabited, 
to have cleared any great quantity of these Pocosons. 

I saw no large parcel of Rich Land that laid dry, till I took 
the Course Westward from the Northward of this Province. 
Near Halifax there are fine Rich lands of clay and loamy texture 
and by the thickness of the Corn Stalks of the last Season, I 
could perceive the goodness of the Earth. About twenty Miles 
Westward of Halifax, I was carried to See a Situation called 
Mount Gallant 6 which was the first Hill I had seen that was high 
enough to over look the woods of this Wild Forest. The Soil 
here they told me was very good tho' in dry weather pulverises 
as light as snuff, and when wet will stick to your Shoes like 
Marie, it is of a Reddish Cast. Under this Hill is the first prin- 
cipal falls on the Roanoke River, they are wildly pleasing to the 
Eye, not from the height of the Falls, but from the appearance 
of a course of a River two Miles across interrupted irregularly 
with Rocky Stones so as to Stop the Navigation for any thing but 
Canoes, and those not safe unless under the conduct of a dex- 
terous Negroe. This and the Neighboring Hills were the only ones 
that have given me an opportunity of over looking in an Hori- 
zontal line the Woods. In our return from Halifax in less than 
twenty Miles we got again into Sandy Pine Land, and continued 

6 Mount Gallant is located on the northeast side of the Roanoke River, 
approximately twenty miles northwest of Halifax, on Henry Mouzon and 
others, An Accurate Map of North and South Carolina (London, 1775). 

Tryon's "Book" on North Carolina 409 

it to Wilmington the distance from which is 180 Miles. I re- 
mained quiet at Wilmington till March, when Lord Adam 
Gordon 7 came into this Province, a visit that gave me no small 
joy, as he was not only a particular friend, but had the addi- 
tional merit of being the first person I had seen, even of my 
personal acquaintance since I left London. I was accompanying 
him as far as Newburn in this Province, when My trusty servant 
George, who now lies dangerously ill of a Putrid fever and is 
in a Raving fit, at this instant, over took me with an account of 
Governor Dobbs's Death the 28 th of March last. I was then within 
Twenty Six Miles of Newbern and 74 from Wilmington. This 
Event obliged me to quit my friend, who proceeded through Vir- 
ginia to the Northern Colonies, and is to sail from New York in 
Oct r Next for Falmouth in the Packet. I reached Wilmington the 
30th of March and to my surprize found they had buried the 
Governor and for want of a Clergy, the Funeral Service was per- 
formed by a Majestrate of Peace. 8 The usual Steps on this Event 
being taken, I called an assembly at Newbern, the place in my 
opinion at present, the most convenient for holding the genl 
assembly. We met the 3 d of May. The Journals will be the History 
of our Works. 9 I was sore at the time, as you will hear by the 
letter I wrote Our worthy Friend at the Gov: but as I carried 
the Material Points ; particularly the Clergy Bill, 10 I shall forget 
what is over, and wait for more at our next meeting which is 
the 27 th of Nov: I left Newbern the End of May and got to 
Brunswick the 1 st of June to the House the late Gov r lived in 11 
the furniture 12 we brought from England, and for want of Room 
when we began to be very busy in opening and unpacking half 
we could not put up in our house at Wilmington. 

7 An officer of the Sixty-sixth Regiment of Foot stationed at this time 
in the West Indies. A journal of his tour in 1764 and 1765 in America and 
the West Indies is in Newton D. Mereness (ed.), Travels in the American 
Colonies (New York, 1916), 365-453. 

8 For a brief account of Dobbs' death and funeral based on a report in 
The South Carolina Gazette for April 27, 1765, see E. Lawrence Lee, Jr., 
"The History of Brunswick, North Carolina," unpublished masters thesis, 
University of North Carolina, 1951, 42, hereinafter cited as Lee, "The His- 
tory of Brunswick." 

9 This session lasted from May 3 through May 18. The journals are re- 
printed in Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 41-88. 

10 See Chapter I, "Laws of North Carolina, 1765," in Walter Clark (ed.), 
The State Records of North Carolina (Winston, 1895-1905, Vols. 11-26), 
XXIII, 660-662, hereinafter cited as Clark, State Records. 

11 Dobbs' house was the former residence of Captain John Russell and the 
fifty-five acre tract on which it was located, joining the northern boundary 
of the town of Brunswick, was called Russellborough. Dobbs had occupied 
the house since 1758. Lee, "The History of Brunswick," 40-41. 

12 An inventory of Tryon's furniture which was lost when fire destroyed 
his home in New York on December 29, 1773, will be found in New York 
History, XXVI (July, 1954), 300-309. Undoubtedly a large part of this 
furniture had been brought to North Carolina in 1764. 

410 The North Carolina Historical Review 

As you are acquainted with M rs Tryons Neatness you will not 
wonder that we have been pestered with scouring of Chambers 
White Washing of Cielings, Plaisterers Work, and Painting the 
House inside and out. Such is the Sickness and indolence of the 
Workmen in this Hot Climate that I shall not I am persuaded 
get rid of these nuisances this month. This House which has so 
many assistances is of an oblong Square Built of Wood. It meas- 
ures on the out Side Faces forty five feet by thirty five feet, and 
is Divided into two Stories, exclusive of the Cellars the Parlour 
Floor is about five feet above the Surface of the Earth. Each 
Story has four Rooms and three light Closets. The Parlour below 
& the drawing Room are 20 x 15 feet each; Ceilings low. 
There is a Piaza Runs Round the House both Stories of ten feet 
Wide with a Ballustrade of four feet high, which is a great 
Security for my little girl. 13 There is a good Stable and Coach 
Houses and some other Out Houses, if I continue in this House, 
which will depend on Capt. Dobbs" 14 Resolution in the manner 
he disposes of his Effects here, I shall & must build a good 
Kitchen, which I can do for forty Pounds Sterling of 30 f x 40 f — 
The garden has nothing to Boast of except Fruit Trees. Peaches, 
Nectr s Figgs and Plumbs are in perfection and of good Sorts. I 
cut a Musk Melon this week which weighed 17% Pounds. Apples 
grow extremely well here I have tasted excellent Cyder the Pro- 
duce of this Province. Most if not all kinds of garden greens and 
Pot herbs grow luxuriant with us. We are in want of nothing 
but Industry & skill, to bring every Vegetable to a greater 
perfection in this Province. 15 Indian Corn, Rice, and American 
Beans (Species of the Kidney Bean) are the grain that is Culti- 
vated within a hundred and fifty Miles of the Sea Board at which 
distance to the Westward you begin to perceive you are ap- 
proaching high ground, and fifty Miles farther you may get on 
tolerable high Hills. The Blue Mountains that Cross our Province 
I imagine lay three Hundred Miles from the Sea. Our Settle- 
ments are carried within one Hundred Miles of them. In less 
than twenty years or perhaps in half the time inhabitants may 
Settle at the foot of these Mountains. In the Back or Western 
Counties, more industry is observed than to the Eastward, the 
White People there to, are more numerous than the Negroes. 

13 Margaret Tryon (1761-1791). Marshall DeLancey Haywood, Governor 
William Tryon, and His Administration in the Province of North Carolina, 
1765-1771 (Raleigh, 1903), 201, 203. 

14 Tryon did not finally purchase Russellborough from Captain Edward 
Brice Dobbs, the late governor's son, until February 2, 1767. Lee, "The 
History of Brunswick," 43. 

15 In March Tryon had sent to the Moravian settlement "to get all kinds 
of seeds . . . for the plantation which [he] wishes to lay out." Adelaide L. 
Fries (ed.), Records of the Moravians in North Carolina (Raleigh, 1922), 
I, 301. 

Tryon's "Book" on North Carolina 411 

The Calculation of the Inhabitants in this Province is one hun- 
dred and twenty Thousand White & Black, of which there is a 
great Majority of White People. The Negroes are very numerous 
I suppose five to one White Person in the Maritime Counties, 
but as you penetrate into the Country few Blacks are employed, 
merely for this Simple reason, that the poorer Settlers coming 
from the Northward Colonies sat themselves down in the back 
Counties where the land is the best but who have not more than 
a sufficiency to erect a Log House for their families and procure 
a few Tools to get a little Corn into the ground. This Poverty 
prevents their purchasing of Slaves, and before they can get 
into Sufficient affluence to buy Negroes their own Children are 
often grown to an age to work in the Field, not but numbers of 
families in the back Counties have Slaves some from three to 
ten, Whereas in the Counties on the Sea Coast Planters have 
from fifty to 250 Slaves. A Plantation with Seventy Slaves on it, 
is esteemed a good property. When a man marries his Daughters 
he never talks of the fortune in Money but 20 30 or 40 Slaves is 
her Portion and possibly and agreement to deliver at stated 
Periods, a Certain Number of Tarr or Turpentine Barrels, which 
serves towards exonerating the charges of the Wedding which 
are not grievous here. 

I suppose you will expect to be informed what return is Made 
for the expence of Supporting such a Number of Slaves in the 
Province. Their chief employ is in the Woods & Fields, Sowing, 
and attending and gathering in the Corn. Making of Barrels, 
Hoops, Staves, Shingles, Rails, Posts and Pails, all which they 
do to admiration, Boxing of Pine Trees to draw off the Turpen- 
tine, Making of Tarr kills which is a good deal after our Manner 
of making a Charcoal Pitt, excepting they have a Subterran- 
eous passage to draw off the Tarr as the fire forces it from the 
Lightwood in the Kiln. Lightwood I understand to be as follows. 
When a Tree has been blown down or Cut. The Turpentine that 
is in the tree, in a few years retires to all the knotty parts of the 
said Tree. These they Cut up in small strips and will form a 
Tarkiln so large that when set on Fire, will run from 6, 7, 8 or 
1000 Barrels of Tar. These splinters are so loaded with Bitumen 
that they will burn like a Candle ; it is a usual thing to carry a 
Torch of Light Wood at night as you Europeans do flam beaus. 
The above are the articles we export Beside Deer Skins, Barrels 
of Pork, Beef, Bees Wax, Tallow &tc. Great Quantity of Lumber 
is Shipped to the West Indies. We have in the Creeks and 
Branches of this River of Cape Fear from 36 to 40 Saw 
mills, 16 each with two Saws, and upon an honest Medium, each 

"For a description of the saw mills on the Cape Fear at this time see 
Charles C. Crittenden, The Commerce of North Carolina, 1763-1789 (New 
Haven, 1936), 64-65. 

412 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Mill Saws two hundred Thousand feet of Timber. They could do 
a thousand more but most of them in the Summer Months are 
obliged to lay Still for want of Water. This Article would make a 
fine remittance to Great Britain if a Bounty was allowed on the 
importation. The Pine (as M r Hawks 17 the Master Builder I 
took over with me from England, and who is a very able Worthy 
man) says is Vastly Superior to the Norway the Norway [sic'} 
Pine, for the Decking of Ships, as it is more Solid and filled with 
Turpentine which makes it very durable. He is Positive that a 
Ship's Deck laid of the yellow Pine of this Province will last at 
least as long as two decks of the Norway Pine. The Shingles 
made for Exportation are made of Cypress, and are Sold the 
best at 9 s Sterling per Thousand. I shall now say no more at 
present of the Produce of this Country Its Naval Stores &tc. 
but return to some private occurences of my own family. As to 
Health M rs Tryon and the little girl have enjoyed a very happy 
share of it. As to Myself I cannot say so much, having been 
sharply disciplined with a Billeous disorder in my Stomach and 
Eruptions of the Rash kind, on my Legs, this I got over the 
latter end of April last. About a Month since I had a return tho' 
not so Violent, a Strong Emetic was administered which handled 
me very Severely, however it effected the cure, and I have Sup- 
ported the heats very well since. The Thermometer (made by 
Adams 18 ) was in June in a Cool passage at 88°=0' at the high- 
est, and this Month it has been from 79 to 87° — 0'. The day after 
I wrote my last letter of June to L d H 19 the glass in twenty hours 
sunk from 87°=0' to 71° — 30'. Which great change caused much 
Sickness in in [sic] the Province. If I was to Muster my family 
I should not be able to return many fit for Duty. The Lad we took 
from Norfolk, a sailor I have made my groom and a little French 
Boy I got here, is all the Male Servants, well, Le Blanc, Cuisinier ; 
& Turner, the Farmer, have both fevers and are taking the 
bark. 20 Georges Senses just returned with some favorable Symp- 
toms and lastly the girl we took from my Farm has been so ill 
that she has done an hours work these two months. I sent her 
last week to a Plantation on the Sea Side, for a change of Scene, 
and air, She is getting better. These are inconveniences I am 
told every newcomer must experience in this Colony they term 

17 John Hawks, subsequently the architect of "Tryon's Palace." Alonzo T. 
Dill, Jr., "Tryon's Palace," North Carolina Historical Review, XIX (April, 
1942), 122. 

18 George Adams, "mathematical instrument maker to George III." 
Dictionary of National Biography (London, 1885-1900, 63 vols.), I, 97. 

19 This could refer to Lord Halifax, Lord Hillsboro, or Lord Hyde, all of 
whom are later mentioned by name. 

20 Bark of the cinchona tree, from which quinine is procured, was for- 
merly ground into a powder and taken as a febrifuge. Murray A New 
English Dictionary, I, 672. 

Tryon's "Book" on North Carolina 413 

it a seasoning. Surely it has a little too much of the Kian Pepper 
in it. We have been drove to very short Commons, and the Cooks 
being sick deprived us of our Baker. We often sent to Brunswick 
Town (about 20 families in it) to beg our Bread, as there is none 
for Sale that can be eat nearer than Wilmington fifteen Miles 
off, either by Land or Water. I shall do better when I get my 
family on their Legs again. As I have purchased a yard full of 
fowls, have some good Hams and occasionally get a Bit of Mutton 
or Beef I reckon My Situation here is more out of the way for 
buying provisions than any Corner of the Province, but hold it 
to be as healthy as any in the Province, being within sight of 
one of the Sea Inlets at the distance of five Miles, tho' to the Bar 
of the River where the Vessels go over, is fifteen Miles, which 
makes us half way between the Bar and Wilmington. As I am 
desirous of not showing myself particularly partial to any par- 
ticular Spot of the Country or people, I have hired three other 
houses. One at Wilmington to be at when I hold the Land 
Office, 21 which is twice a year, One at Newbern, where I hold 
the Genl Assembly and the Courts of Chancery, 22 and a Small 
Villa within three Miles of Newbern, for the purpose of raising 
a little Stock and Poultry for use of the family. I imagine you 
will say Tryon will certainly ruin himself, but my good Friend 
Houses are not so convenient nor so high priced as in Britain. 
The Rent of these four Houses with Six Hundred and forty acres 
to the Newbern Villa amount to near 130 £ Ster g . I have Sixty 
acres of land belonging to this House all sand, except about 15 
acres of Salt Marsh, use less at present from neglect & Weeds. 
I must now confine myself to my particular Situation in a Po- 
litical View. I have been at great charges both of labor and ex- 
pence in getting my family into this Province, and after many 
tedious disappointments Collected them more together than ever 
they have been yet, and as I think there is a large Field for good 
offices, If the People are reasonable I am persuaded, I could 
render His Majesty as much Service in this Colony as in any 
other more settled. 

If the climate continues to agree with M rs Tryon and little one 
I shall be content to Act as the Political Physician, but if they 
will neither take my Pills, or follow my Prescriptions I shall 
desire another Doctor may be called in, and that Physician retire 
who will never give his attendance for the consideration of the 

21 As governor, Tryon was an official of the Land Office which was respon- 
sible for certifying and recording land grants in the colony. Charles Lee 
Raper, North Carolina, A Study in English Colonial Government (New 
York, 1904), 101-124, hereinafter cited as Raper, A Study in English 
Colonial Government. 

23 The governor, sitting in council with at least five members, could act 
as a Court of Chancery to hear and decide all cases in equity. Raper, A 
Study in English Colonial Government, 150-151. 

414 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Fee. As to the Emoluments for the Gov r they arise from Licences 
for Public Houses and Marriages if by License Special, 23 Fee for 
putting the Seal of the Province to letters Testimonial, letters 
of Administration Registers for Ships &tc. All which by the 
Estimate the Governor gave me some time before his Death 
amounts to about 400£ St s and the Fees on the Warrants for 
Surveying the Lands and Patents for granting them (which 
business is done in the Land Office) amount to between 3£ and 
400£ Ster g which last is a donation of the Crown to the Governor 
so that the Province gives the Gov r 400£ per Ann : Which he is 
obliged to Collect from at least forty or fifty different hands, in 
which Number there must be some deficiencies. The County 
Clerks account with the Gov r for most of these Fees. I do not 
See, or believe the Province in a Situation capable of adding 
any considerable addition to the Fees, and I am persuaded, their 
inclination is as slack as their ability is weak for such a step. 
Therefore, the Gov 1 * of this Province must live in a Mean and 
shabby Manner, if it was not for the Salary allowed from home 
to him. I hope you and my friends have been very busy in pro- 
curing My Commission as Governor, passing the Offices 24 as soon 
as possible. I was determined you see when I took pen in hand to 
say what I might have subdivided into Six letters. I have from 
the heat of the Weather found myself in such a State of Indo- 
lence, that I have been perpetualy moving from one room to the 
other, tho' motion makes us hotter, and never able to Settle to 
reading or any business. I have wrote this long letter yesterday 
Evening and this Morning. I was up at 4 o'clock. We ride most 
days, Morning or Evening. M rs Tryon fortunately has two horses 
which carry her very safely. 

Say Every thing for me to Lord Halifax 25 & L'Hillsborough 26 
that is proper and grateful; particularly make my very affec- 

23 A 1741 law regulating the issuance of marriage licenses was in force 
at this time. The governor's fee for each license amounted to twenty 
shillings. Clark, State Records, XXIII, 158-161. 

24 There were four methods of appointing colonial officials and all required 
that certain documents be recorded in one or more offices in England. 
Tryon's term "passing the offices" refers to this step. For details concern- 
ing the appointment of colonial officers see Charles M. Andrews, Guide to 
the Materials American History, to 1783 in the Public Record Office of 
Great Britain (Washington, 1912), I, 233-236. 

23 George Montagu Dunk, second Earl of Halifax, first lord of the admir- 
alty and (until he was dismissed in July 1765 — the very month in which 
this letter was written) high in the administration of George Grenville. 
Dictionary of National Biography, XVI, 199-201. 

26 Wills Hill, Earl of Hillsborough, a relative of Tryon's wife. As presi- 
dent of the board of trade and plantations he was influential in Tryon's 
appointment as lieutenant governor of North Carolina. He resigned this 
position in July, 1765 — again, the very month in which this letter was 
written. Dictionary of National Biography, LVII, 276; XXVI, 427-429. 

Tryon's "Book" on North Carolina 415 

tionate Compl ts to L d Hyde. 27 Communicate some contents to him 
of this book. He knows he is my Sheet Anchor. 28 I expect ample 
amends for the trouble I give you to read this Manuscript. I 
think you promised to send me the Monthly Gazetes, 29 I have 
received none. Pray remember us all to every body that inquires 
after us. I have received a handsome cheerful letter from My 
friend Hotham 30 and also from Leland both whom I regard. I 
shall be most happy if in your next letter you tell me you have 
recovered your appetite and in better health; a Circumstance I 
am very Solicitous about. M rs Tryon joins with me very Sincerely 
in our wishes for your health &tc. 

I am D r S r 

Most cordially yours, 
W Tryon 

27 Thomas Villiers, first Baron Hyde, a member of the privy council and 
joint postmaster-general. Dictionary of National Biography , LVIII, 352-353. 

28 "That on which one places one's reliance when everything; else has 
failed." A sheet-anchor, formerly always the largest of a ship's anchors, 
was used only in an emergency. Murray, A New English Dictionary, VIII, 

29 Tryon probably was referring to such popular monthly publications as 
The Gentleman's Magazine, British Magazine; or, Monthly Repository for 
Gentlemen and Ladies, Candid Review and Literary Repository, etc., of 
which there were many. See R. S. Crane and F. B. Kaye, A Census of 
British Newspapers and Periodicals, 1620-1800 (Chapel Hill, 1927). 

30 Perhaps Beaumont Hotham (1737-1814), a member of the bar then 
practicing in the chancery courts. Dictionary of National Biography, 
XXVII, 403-404. 


Home on the Yadkin. By Thomas W. Ferguson. (Winston- 
Salem: Clay Printing Company. 1956. Pp. 242. Illustrations.) 

This little book is too opinionated to be history, too factual 
to be fiction, too carelessly written and printed to be a work 
of art, and too localized in interest to be read widely. It is, 
nevertheless, what the author, in his own words, set out to 
write: ". . . while intended to be more for local interest with a 
description of The Valley, family histories, customs, habits 
and provincialisms of its people, the author also discusses 
at length, politics, governmental processes, schools, churches, 
religion, intoxicating beverages, prohibition, A.B.C. Stores, 
roads, conservation of natural resources, flood control, the 
Grange and Agriculture." 

Mr. Ferguson is a life-long resident of the upper Yadkin 
and his story concerns the valley from Wilkesboro toward 
Blowing Rock, with special attention to the area immediately 
around the community of Ferguson ( formerly known as Ken- 
dall and Yellow Hill). A farmer by occupation as well as 
conviction, he has written his reminiscences in a conversa- 
tional manner that often captures the excitement of an autumn 
'possum hunt, the youthful anticipation of calling up a doodle- 
bug, and the discomfort of a straw tick. The author's interest 
in the land and its people, his devotion to the New Deal and 
the Grange, and his opposition to alcohol, mosquitoes, Army 
engineers, and Republicans, figure prominently in the story. 
Mr. Ferguson's liberal political views do not include support 
for the proposed Yadkin flood control dam, a scheme which 
he feels would destroy "a goodly portion of both Wilkes and 
Caldwell [counties]." 

The reader may find some of the author's ideas more amus- 
ing than practical, but he will admire the courage of express- 
ing them. Mr. Ferguson suggests, for example, that the way 
to do away with the liquor problem is to abolish all prohibi- 
tions and taxation so that alcohol will cease to be a luxury. 
Result: both the psychological and economic attractions will 

[416 ] 

Book Reviews 417 

be eliminated, and it will become unprofitable to produce. 
Nor will there be common agreement that "ninety-five per 
cent of the world's progress has emanated from this minority 
[Christian] group. The other five per cent has no doubt been 
due to the association with Christian people and Christian 

Mr. Ferguson is at his best in describing local color inci- 
dents—as, for example, when Cousin Ben Ferguson wrote a 
recruiting officer in 1898 that he was "ready to go to Cuba, 
hell, or anywhere else." But perhaps the choicest gem is the 
author's assumption that "we on our little planet, the earth, 
have as much or more intelligence than any other planet in 
the universe, otherwise they would have communicated with 
us before this time." 

Home on the Yadkin will be a delightful reading experience 
for those who are more interested in life in the valley than in 
the literary or historical merits of the book. 

H. G. Jones. 

State Department of Archives and History, 


James W. Davis: North Carolina Surgeon. By LeGette Blythe. 
With a Foreword by Johnson J. Hayes. (Charlotte: William 
Loftin Publishers. 1957. Pp. ix, 227. Index.) 

This is the story of one of North Carolina's most colorful 
and successful contemporary surgeons. Drawing freely from 
correspondence, published tributes, documents, and the 
memories of many who knew him, LeGette Blythe has writ- 
ten an authoritative biography in the same interesting narra- 
tive style that has made his historical and biblical novels so 

It is the story of a man who dedicated his life to a purpose 
first expressed as a youth, "I'm going to be a doctor and have 
a hospital and operate on a lot of folks, and get rich, too!" 

It is the story of a surgeon who performed a prodigious 
number of operations and of a shrewd business man and 

418 The North Carolina Historical Review 

organizer who built, staffed, and equipped a 200-bed modern 
hospital and clinic in Statesville, without the aid of local or 
governmental subsidy. 

It is the story of a man of boundless energy and strong 
convictions who believed firmly in the virtues of self disci- 
pline, hard work, and individual enterprise. He hated idleness 
and waste. He expressed himself strongly on the evils of 
alcohol and cigarettes. And in national politics, he abhorred 
the practices of the New Deal and was a staunch and vocal 
Taft Republican in the center of Democratic North Carolina. 

Critics might have questioned the indications for some of 
his operations. Others who worked with him might have 
complained that the Chief took all the work and left nothing 
for the associate. Undoubtedly, in the relentless pursuit of 
his singleness of purpose and in the expression of his convic- 
tions, he trod on the toes of others. Yet they were few com- 
pared to the thousands who loved and respected him for a 
lifetime devoted to his profession. 

Clarence E. Gardner, Jr. 

School of Medicine, 

Duke University, 


Index and Digest to Hathaway' s North Carolina Historical and 
Genealogical Register. Compiled and edited by Worth S. Ray. 
(Baltimore: Southern Book Company. 1956. $10.00. [Re- 

Colonial Granville County and Its People. Compiled and edited 
by Worth S. Ray. (Baltimore: Southern Book Company. 1956. 
$7.50. [Reprint].) 

In 1947, Worth S. Ray published The Lost Tribes of North 
Carolina, a combination of four titles that were also printed 
separately. This work was an offset reproduction from type- 
script which, while bringing together a wealth of genealogi- 
cal data, at the same time taxed the patience and eyesight 
of readers. Some portions were unreadable, others almost so. 

Book Reviews 419 

The Southern Book Company, a specialist in genealogical 
works, has now reproduced the first two parts of the Ray 
volume — Index and Digest to Hathaway s North Carolina 
Historical and Genealogical Register and Colonial Granville 
County and Its People. Inasmuch as the reproduction is an 
offset from the 1947 edition, the same handicap accompanies 
the reprints. In fairness to the Southern Book Company, how- 
ever, it should be said that in general an excellent job of 
reproduction has been done, considering the quality of the 
original pages. 

Parts III and IV of The Lost Tribes, published separately 
in 1947, under the titles Mecklenburg Signers and Their 
Neighbors and Old Albemarle and Its Absentee Landlords, 
are still available in the original editions. 

In the preface to The Lost Tribes, Mr. Ray wrote, "The 
book contains many errors, as nearly all good books do, but 
I will never live long enough to re-write it, so I am sending it 
out into the world just as it is. Future writers may correct 
them later." The errors and omissions remain, but long- 
suffering genealogists will benefit from the new publication 
of the two parts under review. Hathaway's Register, pub- 
lished in 1900, 1901, and 1903, contains a vast accumulation 
of historical data gathered chiefly from the Albemarle coun- 
ties. Although Rays index to the Register omits many names, 
it nevertheless fills a need realized for almost half a century. 

Colonial Granville County does not purport to be a history 
of old Granville, but it nevertheless brings together informa- 
tion that cannot be found in any other published source. 
Family lines and biographical sketches are particularly valu- 
able. The reader should not assume, however, that Mr. Ray 
exhausted his sources. For instance, only about a hundred 
marriage bonds— a fraction of the total— are abstracted, and 
even fewer wills are included. Thus, while finding the little 
book useful, the researcher will still need to do most of his 
work in the manuscript records of the county. 

H. G. Jones. 

State Department of Archives and History, 

420 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Decisive Battle of Nashville. By Stanley F. Horn. (Baton 
Rouge : Louisiana State University Press. 1956. Pp. xviii, 181. 
Maps and illustrations. $3.00.) 

Of all the battles of the Civil War, the Battle of Nashville 
has been called the most perfect. It was a model in strategy 
and execution— a textbook battle— and it marked the end, for 
all practical purposes, of the Army of Tennessee. That army 
was a rugged fighting force that had been cursed with incred- 
ibly poor leadership through most of the war. It had its peak 
under General Joseph E. Johnston in the campaign to Atlanta, 
but Johnston was not sufficiently aggressive to satisfy 
Jefferson Davis, who replaced him with the less experienced 
and less able John B. Hood. Hood responded with the aggres- 
sive action that the Confederate President desired, but with- 
out success and with a loss in men that the Army of Tennessee 
could ill afford. Forced to surrender Atlanta, Hood led his 
army on a quick march back into Tennessee in a desperate 
attempt to capture Shermans bases of supply and menace 
Kentucky, Ohio, and points North. Failing in that, he planned 
to move through Cumberland Gap to the aid of Lee in 

Hood's planning was basically sound, but his execution 
was poor. He delayed too long in crossing the Tennessee 
River, blundered in allowing General Schofield to elude him 
at Spring Hill, and then in a pique of anger fought the use- 
less and costly Battle of Franklin. At this point he forgot, or 
decided to ignore, his original campaign alternative. Instead 
of trying to join Lee, he led his decimated army to the out- 
skirts of Nashville and entrenched. 

Behind the strong fortifications of the city General George 
H. Thomas, the "Rock of Chickamauga," slowly and method- 
ically built up his forces and planned his strategy for the 
forthcoming battle. Unhurried, despite threats and pleas from 
Lincoln and Grant, he finally moved out against the Confed- 
erates on December 15 with a great flanking movement that, 

Book Reviews 421 

by the following night, had crumpled the Army of Tennessee 
and sent it in flight for the safety of the Tennessee River. 

It is this battle that Mr. Horn describes, and no one can 
tell it better. Completely familiar with every part of the 
battlefield, Mr. Horn makes the battle come alive with his 
vivid descriptions of the action, and he makes it intelligible 
to the modern reader through his happy device of describing 
it in terms of present-day streets, houses, and subdivisions. 
The addition of several fine maps, pictures of Nashville's 
fortifications, and a dust cover on the inside of which is a 
map of the city showing the location of markers erected by 
the Tennessee Historical Commission to describe the battle, 
make the book a valuable addition to every Civil War library. 

Mr. Horn has produced the best and probably the defini- 
tive history of the Battle of Nashville. But he has tried to do 
still more. He has attempted to show that Nashville was 
"the decisive battle of the war"; and it is this interpretation 
that will draw most criticism of the book. If, as the author 
maintains, the decisive battle of a war is one in which the 
contrary event would have changed the future drama of the 
world, can Nashville claim the distinction over the bloodbath 
at Franklin, which many believe dictated the result of the 
Battle of Nashville— or over the repulse at Gettysburg of 
Lee's northern invasion— or over the surrender of Atlanta with 
its crucial boost of northern morale at a citical point— or over 
the Confederate defeat at Antietam when British recognition 
of the Southern nation apparently hung in the balance? 

Many readers will disagree with Mr. Horn's closely rea- 
soned argument for the decisiveness of the battle, but most 
will finish the book with a feeling that the author has done 
an incomparably fine job of describing a battle that was more 
important than it has generally been considered by historians 
of the Civil War. 

William T. Alderson. 

Tennessee State Library and Archives, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

422 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Georgia's Land of the Golden Isles. By Burnette Vanstory. 
Athens: University of Georgia Press. 1956. Pp. xi, 202. Illus- 
trations. $3.75.) 

In this pleasant little book, Mrs. Vanstory has recreated 
the atmosphere of leisurely plantation luxury on the famed 
Sea Islands of Georgia and the adjoining coast. After pre- 
senting an overview of the islands from Ossabaw to Cumber- 
land, she then describes each separately. Extensive research 
is evident in the descriptions of aboriginal life, early settlers, 
wars with the Spaniards, and events of both the Revolution- 
ary War and the War of 1812. The thread of her story con- 
tinues on to the present; and all the islands are once more 
considered in a concluding chapter. 

The style is warm and flowing, informal but not chatty, 
and spiced with family anecdotes and legends. The author 
has fortunately not succumbed to what must have been a 
great temptation to overburden her narrative with genealog- 
ical data. Although many family histories are given in some 
detail, this is almost essential inasmuch as most of the islands 
were owned by single families during the pre-Civil War 

The most interesting sections are those dealing with pre- 
Revolutionary history. One wishes Mrs. Vanstory had dwelt 
longer on this aspect. The book's gravest fault— although 
some might call it an asset— is its exteme romanticism. One 
becomes slightly wearied by the excessive number of moon- 
light boat rides, balls, faithful retainers, and an atmosphere 
drenched with the perfume of flowers and filled with the 
melodious song of birds. The twentieth-century houseparties 
of northern millionaires seem a travesty on the past, as well 
as dull. A more critical and realistic approach by the author 
would have provided a more substantial contribution to the 
literature of Georgia history. 

Sarah McCulloh Lemmon. 
Meredith College, 

Book Reviews 423 

The Road to Appomattox. By Bell Irvin Wiley. (Memphis, Tenn. : 
Memphis State College Press. 1956. Pp. x, 121. $4.00.) 

Few historians are as qualified as Professor Wiley to specu- 
late on the causes of Confederate defeat. His interest in the 
common soldier in gray and in the plain people behind the 
lines has given him a deep understanding of the wartime 
mind of the South. In these three lectures (originally pre- 
sented as the J. P. Young Lectures in American History at 
Memphis State College), he advances some theories about 
the things that beat the Confederates. 

The first lecture is devoted to Jefferson Davis. In a chari- 
table portrait of the Confederate President, Dr. Wiley de- 
fends him against many of the charges made by his contem- 
poraries and by later historians, but is forced to conclude 
that Davis' "record as President leaves more to condemn 
than to praise" (p. 42). In the second lecture, dealing with 
"the waning of the Southern will," the author draws on his 
knowledge of the little people to sketch the ups and downs 
of Confederate morale. High at the beginning, morale sagged 
in early 1862, revived later that year, plummeted with the 
disasters of July, 1863, and continued down to the nadir 
of 1865. Author Wiley's analysis of factors affecting morale is 
extremely good. Lecture three deals with "failures that were 
fatal," and here the author theorizes that disharmony among 
the people and leaders was one of the worst failures. An- 
other which hurt morale was the inadequate system of public 
information. No central propaganda agency kept the war 
aims before the people and soon they wondered why they 
were fighting. Rigid political and economic views fashioned 
another failure by making it difficult for the government to 
be flexible in formulating war policy. State rights and cotton 
dominance kept the South agricultural and local in the face 
of desperate need for centralization and industry. The last 
failure considered, and one which Dr. Wiley thinks vital, is 
that of Confederate judgment. Southerners misjudged for- 
eign attitudes on slavery and underestimated the dedication 
of the North to the Union. 

424 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Some of Dr. Wiley's "exploratory" and "tentative" views 
are bound to stir up some disagreement among his readers. 
Some will not agree with his evaluation of Davis, others will 
quarrel with certain conclusions on morale factors, and still 
others will wish to delete some things from his list of failures 
and to add many others. Whatever the opinion, though, the 
reader will be stimulated to reaction and will enjoy the book. 

Frank E. Vandiver. 

The Rice Institute, 

Houston, Texas. 

General George B. McClellan. Shield of the Union. By Warren 
W. Hassler, Jr. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University 
Press. 1956. Pp. xvi, 350. $6.00.) 

Shortly after the close of the Civil War Robert E. Lee was 
asked to name the ablest general he had faced during the 
conflict. Without hesitation he answered: "McClellan by 
all odds!" Professor Warren W. Hassler, Jr., in the present 
volume, Shield of the Union, presents considerable historical 
justification for Lee's statement. It is the author's contention 
that McClellan, contrary to the views of many writers, was 
more than just an "able organizer, drillmaster, and disciplin- 
arian." He was, in addition, "a soldier of superior strategic 
and tactical ability. . . ." 

With exceptional clarity Professor Hassler describes both 
the Peninsula and Antietam campaigns. The bloody fighting 
which marked these early stages of the war reveal McClellan 
as a far cry from the commander charged by his contem- 
poraries as being stupid, incompetent, and even disloyal. 

Equally clear and scholarly is the treatment of the political 
pressures of the day which had a direct bearing on military 
events. The author shows considerable skill in interweaving 
the political and military stories, thus giving the reader an 
intelligible and convincing picture of the tremendous handi- 
caps under which McClellan labored. "Political enmity 
toward him was largely his undoing." As a Democrat hated 

Book Reviews 425 

by the Radical Republicans and at odds with the adminis- 
tration, the General was destined for political sacrifices. 

Shield of the Union is an extremely fine piece of work in 
defense of McClellan and helps bring the controversial 
General into a truer focus. However, Professor Hassler is 
open to the criticism of riding his thesis a little too hard. 
There is no denying that McClellan was a talented officer 
l)ii t it must always be remembered that he failed before 
Richmond and gained no more than a debatable draw at 
Antietam. It is highly questionable whether "Little Mac" 
could have done Grant's job in 1864-1865. 

John G. Barrett. 

Virginia Military Institute, 

Lexington, Va. 

The Early Jackson Party in Ohio. By Harry R, Stevens. (Dur- 
ham: The Duke University Press. 1957. Pp. xi, 187. $4.50.) 

In this short book Dr. Harry Stevens, an Assistant Professor 
of History at Duke University, attempts to tell the story of 
the election of 1824 in Ohio. He begins with a biographical 
sketch of the Irish revolutionary and educator, Moses 
Dawson, and then jumps to a bitter congressional election 
between William Henry Harrison and James W. Gazlay. He 
then begins to cite letters in which prominent Ohioans dis- 
cuss the presidential prospects of the various candidates. 

Stevens' chief efforts are devoted to showing how this feel- 
ing for one candidate was actually transferred into a party 
organization. The advocates of DeWitt Clinton, led by Ethan 
Allen Brown, organized early but soon folded. Most of the 
Congressmen were active politicians and generally worked 
for Henry Clay. John McLean was active for John C. Calhoun, 
until Pennsylvania developments caused the South Carolin- 
ian's withdrawal. Certain politicians, professing to resent 
Southern domination, attempted to appeal to all opponents 

426 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of slavery to support John Quincy Adams. Little support 
came to Crawford, and as the Calhoun and Clinton cam- 
paigns failed, several editors and politicians began to praise 
Jackson. Moses Dawson, then an editor, was active for Jack- 
son, and Congressman Gazlay, in spite of great personal 
animosity toward Dawson, espoused the Jackson cause. 
Stevens constantly reminds us that there was little connection 
between state and local tickets and the national alignment. 

In monotonous detail in every county where local commit- 
tees were formed, Stevens tries to trace the actual formation 
of a party for each of the three main candidates. Although 
hundreds of names are listed as leaders of one of the candi- 
dates, the author fails to show any significance as to why 
they acted. The pattern shows editors announcing their sup- 
port of one candidate and of men holding meetings, passing 
resolutions, and sometimes selecting electors. On the whole 
there seemed little co-operation beyond county limits. In 
the election Clay's ticket received 19,255 votes, Jackson's 
ticket, 18,489, and Adams' ticket, 12,280. Jackson's strength 
was great where his county organizations existed, but the 
Hero of New Orleans had less of a state-wide organization 
than Clay. Stevens fails to find much reason why people 
favored individual candidates, and usually accepts at face 
value the assertions of politicians that they favored one can- 
didate because he was best for the country. He does believe 
that the Jacksonians were the most national of the parties, 
but he fails to find any economic cleavage between the 

The Ohio story may be interesting, but this reviewer looks 
in vain to find significant determinants in political divisions 
of the western state. Although the author has undoubtedly 
done much research, to one interested in the Jackson party 
the results of his labors prove disappointing. 

William S. Hoffmann. 

Appalachian State Teachers College, 


Book Reviews 427 

The Cultural Life of the American Colonies, 1607-1763. By Louis 
B. Wright. (New York: Harper & Brothers. 1957. Pp. xiv, 
292. $5.00.) 

Of the forty-odd volumes of the New American Nation 
Series launched by Harper, this is the seventh to appear. 
Dealing with various periods of history and frequently over- 
lapping each other intentionally, they will supplant the 
valuable but now passe old series. 

In this book Dr. Wright goes at it with might and main. 
Agriculture, trade, national origins, religion, education, libra- 
ries, literary productions, music and drama, architecture, 
science, and the press— all these eleven aspects of colonial 
times come off neatly packaged in eleven chapters. There is 
ample evidence of wide study and extensive reading. A useful 
bibliography at the end of the book attests the author's indus- 

If there is little here of which the earnest student of earlv 
American culture is not already aware, at least it is well to 
have it in such a convenient and concise arrangement. For 
the old boys, this compendium may serve as a handv refer- 
ence in spite of the inadequate and capricious index. For the 
college student, it will doubtless appear on many lists of 
parallel reading. 

With so many dates, names, facts, quotations, and conclu- 
sions, one might expect some new lights on our colonial fore- 
bears, but such is not the case. With humor Dr. Wright 
reminds us many times that the Puritans were interested 
in more than religion— an admonition which is hardly neces- 
sary anv longer. Following his predecessors, American his- 
tory still begins in 1607 (poor Roanoke!). Virginians and 
New Englanders still dominate the scene, though occasion- 
allv Pennsvlvanians and South Carolinians are allowed brief 
entrance. "Culture," when not in cities, is for the most part 
on vast plantations. 

On every occasion, University of North Carolina-trained 
Dr. Wright mentions North Carolina only in passing. The 

428 The North Carolina Historical Review 

colony was peopled by "simple folk" (p. 20 ) , "was the most 
backward of the colonies in matters of education" (p. 114), 
was called a "hell of a hole" by a preacher in 1721 (p. 115). 
William Byrd gets page after page after page, John Lawson 
twelve lines. Dr. Thomas Brav established libraries in Marv- 
land and South Carolina, but presumably none at Bath. A 
man named James Parker founded "the Constitutional Cour- 
ant in 1765 at Woodbridge, New Jersey" (!); there is not 
even the barest mention of James Davis and 1751 and New 

All this drives home one inescapable conclusion: Tar Heels 
are still delinquent in writing their own history. From the 
Colonial Records and the vast data in the Southern Historical 
Collection at Chapel Hill— from these two alone— a cultural 
history of colonial North Carolina could be spelled out which 
would astound even authorities like Dr. Wright. Meanwhile, 
novelist Inglis Fletcher has the field to herself. 

Richard Walser, 

North Carolina State College, 


The Origins of the American Party System. By Joseph Charles. 
(Williamsburg: The Institute of Early American History and 
Culture. 1956. Pp. viii, 147. $2.50.) 

This slight but meaty volume consists of three chapters from 
the author's doctoral dissertation on the party origins of Jefer- 
sonian democracy, a work characterized as a "brilliant piece 
of original analysis" by Frederick Merk in his brief foreword. 
This posthumous publication makes generally available parts 
of the thesis, which the author regarded as unfinished and 
hoped to be able sometime to refine and strengthen. The 
published essays deal with "Hamilton and Washington," 
"Adams and Jefferson," and "The Jay Treaty." 

Of necessity, the selected chapters do not build into a fully 
rounded exposition of the origins of the party system. Yet 

Book Reviews 429 

they contain insights most suggestive to the political scientist 
concerned with the theory of parties. Mr. Charles viewed 
deterministic explanations of party origins with reserve. Al- 
though well aware of economic and other such influences, 
his general view is that the political factor in the system may 
be to a substantial extent independent of the supposed de- 
terminants. Party cleavages were to a degree man-made. 
The management of the great issues of the 1790s plowed a 
furrow that set off one group of partisans against another; 
the managed impact of the issues, not latent and predetermin- 
ed cleavages, fixed the party division. Once built up the 
party groupings became entities with a life of their own to 
be understood by their own inner dynamics, not as puppets 
propelled by abstract, external forces. 

The speculative passages are worth pondering, but they 
do not make up the bulk of the essays which center on their 
subjects. From these pages Hamilton emerges not so much 
the saviour of the financial integrity of the country as a tire- 
less advocate of the propertied classes and of a powerful 
state who "seems never to have asked himself how powerful 
a state could be if it were not based on the loyalty, affections, 
and best interests of all of its citizens" (p. 36). In the de- 
velopment of the party system Washington, subject to man- 
agement by those around him, does not appear at his best. 
Adams' great contribution to the creation of parties came in 
his policy of resistance to those Federalist leaders not indis- 
posed toward war with France, a tactic that gave time for 
the formation of a new party and helped create circumstances 
favorable to its peaceful succession to power. The Republi- 
can party itself was not a creation of Jefferson. Rather, "a 
widespread popular movement recognized and claimed him 
as its leader." These and other such points, persuasively argu- 
ed, make the book of interest to historians of the period. 

V. O. Key, Jr. 

Harvard University, 
Cambridge, Mass. 

430 The North Carolina Historical Review 

From Slavery to Freedom : A History of American Negroes. By 
John Hope Franklin. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 1956. 
Second Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Pp. xv, 639. Illustra- 
tions, bibliographical notes, and index. $5.50 text, $7.50 trade.) 

This book could have been entitled History of the United 
States with Emphasis on Negroes. One may quarrel with 
Franklin over such points as his oversimplification of the 
Compromise of 1850 or his overemphasis on the organized 
underground railroad. Yet his book is about as accurate as 
one can expect in a general work. Most of the better known 
secondary studies are mentioned in the bibliographical notes, 
and there is nothing particularly startling in the interpreta- 
tions. Except for brief accounts of early Negro Kingdoms, 
Latin American bondmen, and an excellent chapter on the 
Negro in Canada, there is little new to the American his- 
torian. Yet it is the sort of book every instructor should rec- 
ommend to students. 

The book is a synthesis. Especially well done is the de- 
scription of plantation slavery. The status of the free Negro 
is adequately described. The philosophy of Booker T. Wash- 
ington is interestingly discussed. Reconstruction is explained 
as part of a national economic revolution. 

Dr. Franklin is a Negro. For the first three-quarters of 
the book one is impressed with his detachment and objectivi- 
ty. Yet when he reaches the Twentieth Century a note of 
bitterness is present. This part of the book reads like a 
special plea for justice, and one feels the Negro's outrage 
and determination to continue the fight for equal rights. 
Until a reader reaches the last chapter he senses that Frank- 
lin and Negroes in general were filled more with despair than 
with hope. But many significant things happened after 1947; 
segregation ended in many areas and the Supreme Court 
declared school segregation unconstitutional. Franklin him- 
self gained acclaim in the historical profession. In his last 
chapter, written in 1956, the author records these national 
developments, and, although realizing that the battle is not 
yet won, he expresses satisfaction. 

Book Reviews 431 

As in the case of most revised general works little has been 
added. It is, however, a worthwhile study. It shows that the 
high reputation which Franklin enjoys among the profession 
is not merely a sign of his colleagues' liberalism but is a well- 
deserved tribute to his scholarly work. 

William S. Hoffmann. 

Appalachian State Teachers College, 



The Executive Board of the Department of Archives and 
History met on May 8 with the following members present: 
Mr. McDaniel Lewis, Chairman, Miss Gertrude Carraway, 
Dr. Fletcher M. Green, Mr. Clarence W. Griffin, and Mr. 
Josh L. Home. Present also were Dr. Christopher Crittenden, 
Director of the Department; Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Head of the 
Division of Publications; Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museum Ad- 
ministrator; Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Superintend- 
ent; Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archivist; and Mrs. Fannie M. 
Blackwelder, Records Center Supervisor. The Board author- 
ized Dr. Crittenden to file a report with Governor Luther 
H. Hodges and the Council of State to instigate proceedings 
to acquire the Zebulon B. Vance Birthplace property. The 
Director and the division heads presented reports of the ac- 
tivities of the Department since the last meeting. A report 
was also made on Senate Bill 55 amending Chapter 371, 
Public Laws of North Carolina, relative to counties appro- 
priating non-tax revenues to local historical societies; and 
Senate Bill 56 amending the basic act of the Department of 
Archives and History, Chapter 121 of the General Statutes, 
and authorizing the setting up of a committee on the dis- 
posal of historical records that have no administrative or 
historical value or importance. 

On June 11 Governor Luther H. Hodges reappointed Mr. 
Clarence W. Griffin of Forest City to the Executive Board 
for a six-year term to expire March 31, 1963; and appointed 
Mr. H. V. Rose of Smithfield to succeed Mrs. Sadie Smathers 
Patton of Hendersonville, for a term of six years to expire 
the same date. 

Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Director of the Department 
of Archives and History, accompanied by Mrs. Joye E. 
Jordan, Museum Administrator, attended a meeting on 
March 7 of the Hillsboro Garden Club to aid in developing 
a plan for a historical museum there. The town of Hillsboro 
later voted the sum of $250 to be used for the proposed 


Historical News 433 

museum which is to be established in the old courtroom. On 
March 29 Dr. Crittenden attended a meeting of the Board of 
Trustees of the National Trust for Historic Preservation in 
Washington, D. C, at which time those present approved a 
long-range plan for the Trust which was presented by a 
special committee. On April 4 he was presented a "time cap- 
sule" for preservation in the Department by representatives 
of the National Education Association as a part of the centen- 
nial celebration of the group which was concluded by a re- 
ception held with the North Carolina Education Association 
which also celebrated its one-hundredth anniversarv this 
year. Dr. Crittenden attended the organizational meeting of 
the Wake County Historical Society on April 9, and on April 
19, accompanied by Mrs. Fannie Memory Blackwelder and 
Mr. H. G. Jones of the Division of Archives and Manuscripts, 
met with the Meredith College junior history majors and 
their faculty advisors to discuss the Department's internship 
course. This course, presented biennially, offers archival, mu- 
seum, publications, and historic sites training to juniors and 
seniors. Dr. Lillian Parker Wallace, Head of the History De- 
partment at Meredith, led the discussion. On April 23 Dr. 
Crittenden talked on the "History of Raleigh" to the Daugh- 
ters of the American Revolution, Junior Group, and on April 
26 attended the Historical Society of North Carolina meeting 
at Elon College. He and Mr. W. S. Tarlton met with the 
Governor Richard Caswell Memorial Commission on March 
29, at which time the group discussed the request for appro- 
priations and reached an agreement. With Mr. H. G. Jones, 
Mrs. Grace Mahler, and Mrs. Dorothy R. Phillips, Dr. Crit- 
tenden attended the May 10-11 regional meeting of the 
North Carolina Literary and Historical Association in Bertie 
County. Dr. Crittenden is Secretary of the association and on 
May 11 made a speech to the group on "The Historic Sites 
Program of North Carolina." 

Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museum Administrator, and Dr. 
Christopher Crittenden attended the twenty-fifth anniver- 
sary celebration of the Masonic Museum in Greensboro on 

434 The North Carolina Historical Review 

March 13 and on April 5 Mrs. Jordan went to Goldsboro to 
judge the Junior Historian Exhibits. On April 11 Mrs. Jordan 
went to Warrenton to attend the garden tour which empha- 
sized early kitchens and on April 16 assisted the Tar Heel 
Junior Historian Club of Josephus Daniels Junior High School 
( Raleigh ) at a reception for their parents which was held in 
the Portrait Gallery of the Hall of History. She went to Wil- 
liamsburg, Virginia, for a special showing of eighteenth- 
century textiles and wrought iron, May 1-2, and assisted as 
hostess at a meeting on May 16 of the Colonial Dames of the 
Seventeenth Century held in the Department of Archives and 
History Assembly Room. From May 22 to May 24 Mrs. Jordan 
attended the meetings of the American Association of Mu- 
seums in Lincoln, Nebraska, and she was in New Bern from 
May 27 to May 29 for the meetings of the Tryon Palace Com- 

Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Head of the Division of Publications, 
attended the meeting of the Historical Society of North Caro- 
lina which met on April 26 at Elon College, and the meeting 
of the Western North Carolina Historical Association in Ashe- 
ville on April 27 where he spoke on "Local Historical Socie- 
ties." On the evening of April 27 he attended the meeting of 
the Western North Carolina Press Association for Weekly