Skip to main content

Full text of "The Northern California District of the Communist Party, structure, objectives, leadership. Hearings"

See other formats


< ;! 








Structure — Objectives — Leadership 


(J. ^ 






JUNE 10, 1960, WASfflNGTON, D.C. 

Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities 

(Including Index) , 



ilAii \o\vq\ 

56597 O WASHINGTON : 1960 

United States House of Representatives 

FRANCIS E. WALTER, Pennsylvania, Chairman 




Richard Arens, Staff Director 



[Documents ' appearing in this Appendix were introduced during the proceedings 
printed in Parts 1 and 3 of the hearings entitled, The Northern California 
District of the Communist Party: Structure — Objectives — Leadership, held 
May 12-14, 1960, San Francisco, Calif^ and June 10, 1960, Washington, D.C.] 

Committee Exhibits: page No. 

No. 1. Let Us Set Our Sights To The Future, by Gus Hall. (Keynote 
speech to the 17th National Convention, Communist Party 

of the U.S.A., December 10, 1959.) 2205 

No. 2. Introduction 2212 

No. 3. General Principles 2216 

No. 4. Peaceful Co-Existence 2219 

No. 5. Competition Between the Two Systems 2222 

No. 6. The Current Struggle and the Socialist Aim 2224 

No. 7. Defense and Extension of Democracy 2228 

No. 8. Curbing the Monopoly Power 2231 

No. 9. Class and Strategic Alliances 2240 

No. 10. Independent Political Action 2243 

No. 11. The Problem of Class Collaboration 2248 

No. 12. The Communist Party 2252 

No. 13. Draft Declaration of Aims and Tasks 2256 

No. 14. Resolution on Cuba 2264 

No. 15. The Worker 2266 

No. 16. Farm Resolution 2268 

No. 17. Resolution on the Work and Status of Women 2270 

No. 18. Resolution on the Youth Question 2272 

No. 19. Resolution on the Negro Question in the United States 2276 

No. 20. Resolution on the 1960 Elections 2286 

No. 2 1 . Draft Resolution on Trade Union Problems 2290 

No. 22. Resolution on Puerto Rican Work in the United States 2300 

No. 23. Draft Resolution on Party Organization 2302 

No. 24. Disarmament and the American Economy (Report of Hyman 
Lumer, National Education Director, to 17th National 

Convention) 2308 

No. 25. Preconvention Discussion 2316 

No. 26. Report of Constitution Committee — Proposed Changes to 

Party Constitution 2335 

No. 27. Some Comments on the Draft Resolution by Pettis Perry 

(Oct. 25, 1959) 2338 

No. 28. For the Information of the Party 2350 

(Appeal from the AFL Section Committee, Communist 
Party of San Francisco, to National Committee, CPUSA, 
prepared November 1959 and submitted to National Con- 
vention December 1959 with following attachments:) 

The AFL Section: Its Work, and an Answer to an 
Attack (Report by Section Organizer Vernon 
Bown delivered at meeting in 1959 of AFL Sec- 
tion, Communist Party of San Francisco.) 
Leaflet on the Steel Strike issued by AFL Section 
Committee of the Communist Party of Saii 
The AFL Section and the Ideological Crisis (Report 
by Section Organizer Leibel Bergman delivered 
in 1958, at meeting of AFL Section, Communist 
Party of San Francisco.) 

^ The Communist documents designated as Committee Exhibits 1 through 27 and Exhibit 
29 In the Appendix were in packets passed out to all delegates to the Communist Party's 
17th National Convention in New Yorlc City, December 10-13, 1959. Although many are 
self-explanatory, it should be made clear that Exhibits 2-2.S consist of policy statements 
proposed for adoption by the convention. A comparison with resolutions finally adopted 
and subsequently publicly released shows that some of the proposed policy statements were 
substantially revised while others were subject only to minor changes in language. 



, . ^ J Exhibit 

Committee Exhibits — Continued page No. 

No. 29. On the Jewish Question by A. Waterman from Marxism Today, 

April 1959, London 2379 

No. 30. List of Delegates to the 17th National Convention of the Com- 
munist Party from the Northern District of the Communist 
Party of California 2383 

No. 31. The National Committee of the Communist Party consisting 
of 60 people, 25 elected as delegates- at-large and 35 from 

specific districts 2384 

Prussion Exhibits: 

No. 1. Initial Report on Basic Program (Report of James S. Allen 
for the Initiating Committee on Program to the NEC 
(National Executive Committee of the Communist Party) 
May 9, 1958 2385 

No. 3. Press Conference, October 27th and 28th, 1956 (Abridged 
version of report on the Communist Party's West Coast 
newspaper, the "People's World,"- by Al Richmond, on be- 
half of State Board and the management committee) 2401 

Index i 

Public Law 601, 79th Congress 

The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities operates is Pubhc Law 601, 79th Congress [1946]; 60 Stat. 
812, which provides: 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of 
America in Congress assembled, * * * 


Rule X 

^1 ***** * 

17. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine MemberB. 

Rule XI 


(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities. 

( k) Un-American activities. 

(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcom- 
mittee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent, 
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks 
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and 
(iii) all other questions in relation thereto that w^ould aid Congress in any necessary 
remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such 
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, 
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 

Rule XII 


Sec. 136. To assist the Congress in appraising the administration of the laws 
and in developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem neces- 
sary, each standing committee of the Senate and the House of Representatives 
shall exercise continuous watchfulness of the execution by the administrative 
agencies concerned of any laws, the subject matter of which is within the juris- 
diction of such committee; and, for that purpose, shall study all pertinent reports 
.ind data submitted to the Congress by the agencies in the executive branch of 
the Government. 


House Resolution 7, January 7, 1959 

41 * * 4> * » * 

Rule X 


1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Congress, 
* 4i * * * * * 

(q) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 

Rule XI 



18. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcom- 
mittee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (1) the extent, 
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 

(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks 
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and 

(3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any necessary 
remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subconunittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such 
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, 
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 


26. To assist the House in appraising the administration of the laws and in 
developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem necessary, 
each standing committee of the House shall exercise continuous watchfulness of 
the execution by the administrative agencies concerned of any laws, the subject 
matter of which is within the jurisdiction of such committee; and, for that pur- 
pose, shall study all pertinent reports and data submitted to the House by the 
agencies in the executive branch of the Government. 



By: Gus Hall 

(Keynote speech to the 17th National Convention, Communist Party 
of the U.S.A., December 10, 1959.) 


These are turbulent times. V/e are living in a period when events move with 
great opeed— when decades are at times telescoped into weeks. Nor is the turbulence 
merely on the surface of things. The movement of events today is profoundly reshap- 
ing the world. It is basically altering the relationship of forces and is creating 
a constant succession of new, unprecedented situations. And the pace of these 
changes grows faster as time goes on. 

It is in the midst of these developments that our 17th Convention meets. 
During the next four days we will undertake, dispassionately and realistically, to 
appraise the state of affairs in the world and in our own country, and to chart our 
course for the momentous period which lies ahead of us. This is a difficult task, 
but it is also an exciting and enthusing task — and a rewarding one. 


The scope and speed of events is dramatized with special force by the con- 
trast between the atmosphere, surrounding circumstances and outlook of this con- 
vention and the corresponding features of the I6th Convention. That convention took 
place in the midst of confuflion and bewilderment resulting from the revelations of 
the 20th Congress of the CPSU concerning the weaknesses and mistakes of the Stalin 
era. It took place amid the disorientation and questioning created by the Polish 
and Hungarian revolts. 

That was a period when world tensions were on the upgrade, and when the 
Dulles policies of "brinkmanship" and "massive retaliation" were in the ascendency. 
It was the period of the Suez invasion. 

It was a time when the Pbrty was in the depths of a crisis in which its very 
life or death was a subject of intense debate. It was a time of the gathering of 
the right opportunist and llquidationist forces for their assault on the Party, an 
assault reflecting the world-wide revisionist swing jrfiich developed under the 
pressures of bourgeois ideology and as a reaction to the "Left" sectarian, dogmatic 
practices of the past. 

Finally, the convention took place when the Party was just emerging from the 
disruption created by the attacks on it under the Smith Act and other repressive 
neasures of the period iriien UcCarthyism was at its heists. 

Looking back on the situation of those days, it must be said that the l6th 
Convention, in spite of all its weaknesses, was a positive achievement. 

That convention had before it two central problems: l) Whether or not there 
was a place for a Cominunist Party in the U.S., and; 2) whether such a Party, under 
American conditions, could be a Marxist-Leninist Barty. Despite the difficulties of 
that period, the strxiggle and the resolutions gave affirmative answers to those 
questions and laid the basis for the re-consolidation of our Party. Those struggles 
were neccessary, and they prepared the Party to meet today's tasks. 

As is true in all phenomena, the elements of change—of the new—were then 
already discernable. The McCarthyite hysteria had already begun to subside. The 
Supreme Court decision had opened the doors to a new stage of the school desegregation 
fi^t. The peace movement was beginning to move forward, with the development of the 
campaign against nuclear tests. And the painful reexamination and correction of the 
20th Congress contined within themselves the seeds of a new clarity and cleansing, and 
of a new upsurge of the world Marxist-Leninist movement. All these developments, 
however,, were then present in embryo or in their initial stages. 

How radically and unalterably different are the circumstances in which our 
17th Convention meetsi Our Party enters this convention victorious over the elements 



of liquidationisB and revisionism, and having in the main eradicated their twin 
evils~"I'eft" sectarianism and dogmatism. 

This is a convention which ends all holding operations and set our sights 
to the future. It is a convention of advance, of progress. This is the first con- 
vention to take place in the era when the socialist forces of the world have 
attained dominance, and when the world peace forces, for the first time in history, 
are the most powerful voice and movement on the world scene. This convention is 
being held at a time when the portals of opportunity have been opened to a new era 
of mankind, free of the scourge of war. 

And it is being held at a time when the decline in our own ranks has been 
halted, when the morale and fighting spirit of our membership is on the upgrade, 
reflecting these new developments in the world. The factionalism which caused such 
tremendous damage and threatened the very existence of the Party has been defeated, 
though remnants of it still exist. 

In view of all this, the goals and aims of this convention must be far 
hi^er, far in advance of those of the l6th Convention. The heart of the I6th 
Convention was the struggle against those who maintained that there was no place for 
a Communist Party. Today this question does not even exist. Rather the central 
question of this convention i£« Bhat is the role of the Party in this entirely new 
situation? How can it now move out into the broad stream of the peoples movement; 
how can it break the bonds of its isolation and become more and more effectively a 
factor in the life of our nation — in the growing movement for peace, in the struggle 
of the workers, the Negro people, the youth and other sections of the people. 


Dialectics teaches us that everything is in a process of endless change, a 
process in which there is a constant conflict between the old and the new. As 
Marxists, as fighters for progress, we therefore at all times seek out what is new. 

But not everything that is new is important. Hence we have to single out 
that wnich is not only new but significant— that which indicates the future direction 
of development. To do that, we must thoroughly study the history of the development 
of the new and its emergence from the past. 

W« must ever be on the alert for the signs of the new, but at the same time 
we must not make the mistake of acting as if it were already here full-blown. Uhen 
wa see the first green shoots of grass, we do not say, "Let's make hay." Instead, 
we do what is necessary to bring it to the point where it is full-grown. Then , when 
the sun shines, we are ready to make hay. 

It is in such a light that we should examine what is new in the world of to- 
day. And there is plenty. This is the beginning of a new era in the life of our 
nation, our people and our Farty. And we must not only see but must clearly define 
the features of this new era. 

These were born and matured in the era that is ended — the era to which Henry 
Luce gave the name "The Aaerican Century." That was the era of the unquestioned 
dominance of the American monopolies in the capitalist world, of continuous expansion 
and growth vrith apparently no serious challenge from any source. It was an era in 
which American capitalism reached unprecedented heights, in which the rest of the 
capitalist world, prostrated by the war, lay at the feet of American big business. 
It was the era of "positions of strength," of dictation to other countries and 
iofringsnent on their sovereignty. 

It was an era that produced such bombastic, arrogant "carrot and club" 
policies as "containment" and "rollback" of the socialist world, and of trade embar- 
goes intended to strangle its economic development. It was an era when American 
military bases mushroomed all wer the face of the earth, and when the coffers of the 
American trusts were swelled with the profits extracted from the peoples of latin 
America, Asia and Africa. Truly, the "American Century" seemed quite real and 

This was the America which molded and left its imprint on our living standards 
our culture, our thinking and our attitude toward the rest of the world. This is the 
America we must understand if we are to grasp the developing new features of the 
America which is succeeding it. 


Let us now take a closer look at the new and developing. First we must 
look at the position our nation occupies in the world. 

The outstanding world phenomenon of taday is the fact that the balance of 
strength is tipping decidely in the direction of the socialist world. This is a 
development of profound importance to every capitalist country, but ita impact on 
the leading capitalist stronghold, the bastion of world capitalism, is a virtually 
explosive one. 

The roots of these new relationships lie in the emergence after World War 
II of not one but a group of socialist countries — a socialist sector of the world 
embracing fully one-third of its people. These countries, bursting onto the scen» 
of history, have imdergone a meteoric growth, and are today moving at a terrific 
pace in their industrial, scientific, social and cultural development. Within a 
matter of a relatively few years, these socialist countries, so recently looked 
upon as backward, bid to become the dominant economic force in the world, produc- 
ing more than half of its total industrial output. 

This is a fundamental change, whose ramifications basically affect all 
parts of the world. But it is not the only challenge which has developed to the 
position of American capitalism. 

Thus, it conincides with the beginning of the end of the era of Imperialism. 
One colonial country after another is breaking out of its bonda^ and setting forth 
on the parth of independence and national freedom. Beginning in Asia and the Near 
East, this development is sweeping across Africa, and is now challenging the 
dominance of the United States in what has been its own preserve, Latin America. 
The revolutionary development in Cuba, and their courageous resistence to American 
imperialist intervention, is an inspiration to the people's forces throughout this 
hemisphere. This bloc of newly liberated countries, represents a powerful new 
force on the world scene. 

These developments have narrowed the sphere of colonial exploitation and 
have shut off, one after another,, the pipelines of imperialist superprofits from 
these dources. The independence of these countries today is not nominal but genuine. 
What makes it genuine is the existence of the socialist world — a world on which they 
oan re]y for the assistance they need, and which imp>erialism has so long denied them. 
Certainly the very lives of the new regimes in Egypt, Iraq and Cuba would have been 
cut short, were it not for the firm position for non-intervention taken by the peace 
forces of the world, with the Soviet Union, People's China and other Socialist 
nations in the foreftont, k further dramatic example was the Soviet Union's 
economic assistance in the construction of the Aswan Dam in Egypt after the United 
States had refused. Herein lies the basis at the policy of neutrality adopted by 
these nations, and of their generally friendly attitude toward the socialist countries. 

A third major development of this era is the economic revival of the other 
capitalist countries, ihese have repaired the ravages of the war, and have gone 
throu^ an extended period of expansion and modernization of their productive 
facilities. Today they are able to compete with American capitalist in field after 
field in which American products once reigned supreme. The share of the United 
States in world capitalist production, once over 50$, is now closer to UO, And the 
dominance which previously seemed so unquestioned is increasingly being challenged. 

Growing competition from abroad has greatly narrowed the trade surplus en- 
joyed by this country for a number of years, and this has contributed to a huge jump 
in the deficit in the balance of j)ay™ents with other countries. This deficit first 
appeared in 1950, and for the next several years it averaged about a billion dollars 
a year. But for the past two years, it has totalled more than $7^ billion. And 

this has created a threat to the stability of the dollar which is causing American 

big business no small alarm. 

At the recent National Foreign Trade Convention in New York, the new factors 
in the world situation were recognized by more than one of the speakers. Thus, one 
saidi "American industry must accept the concept that today's customers may be 
tomorrow's competitors." Another spoke of the need "to face the central issue of 
how to have both cooperation and competition," Such positions are a far cry from 
the old policies in foreign trade. 


The distinction iB also Ulurtrated by the fact that half a dozen years 
ago the Western European countries were appealing to the Dnited States to let 
down its trade bars, under the slogan of "trade, not aid," But today it is 
Undersecretary of State Dillon who travels to Europe to ask for more markets 
for American goods from these very same countries. 

Today, too, it is President Eisenhower who travels across half the world, 
on a trip representing an attempt to meet with concrete actions the challenges 
from all three major sources. 

World War II, with the growth of the socialist world and the developnent 
of the colonial liberation moveuient, ushered in a new and deeper stage of the 
general crisis of capitalism. The developments since then have given rise to 
yet another, still deeper, stage of the general crisis. 

This Is the new world in which our country must make a place for itself. 
In a true sense of the word, the problem our people face is that of finding the 
least painful transition from the "American Century" to the new era of challenge, 
of peaceful coexistence. 


The central expression of the "American Century" concept has been the cold 
war. But with the fading of this concept, the cold-war policies of "positions 
of strength" and brinkmanship have proven themselves increasingly bankrupt. In 
this, a major factor has been also the peace policies of the Soviet Union. 

As a result, American big business has been compelled to begin a painful 
reexamination of its policies — in the words of Dulles himself, an "agonizing 
reappraisal" — and to take a more realistic approach to the situation in which 
it finds itself. 

In this lie the reasons for the proposal by Eisenhower for an exchange of 
visltT with Khrushchev, leading to the historic visit of Khrushchev to this 
country and its momentous consequences. Among these were the Camp David agree- 
ment that "all outstanding International questions should be settled not by the 
application of force but by peaceful means through negotiations," laying the 
basis for summit discussions, as well as for direct meetings between heeds of 
states. Among them, too, are a number of Immediate gains — the conclusion of an 
agreement for expanded cultural exchange, agreements for cooperation in nuclear 
research and for joint medical research projects, and of great significance, the 
agreement between the nations regarding the Antartlc continent. 

This represents a break In the direction of American foreign policy- How 
fast or how far it ttIH move in this new direction depends on the American people 
and on the pressure they exert. 

It Is not by any means the end of the cold war. The Eisenhower Adminis- 
tration has not yet shown in practice either the will or the actions to giiarantee 
that this is the direction our country will follow. It has recognized the need 
for a change, but there is no indication as to how far reaching, or complete that 
change will be. And the die-hard cold war forces, who are very powerful, have 
already launched a counteroffensive designed to regain the ground they have lost 
and to wipe out whatever advances toward peace have been won. This Is something 
which must be taken very seriously. 

But the key thing Is that the public admission of the bankruptcy of the old 
policies and the need for a change has opened the flood gates of discussion as to 
what the new policies should be. Peace therefore emerges more than ever as the 
central issue of our day. It is to this that we must apply oiu-selves with all the 
energy, skill and Ingenuity at our command. It is to this that our work in all 
other fields must be related. 

In this connection, T;e must see clearly the distinctive features of the 
fight for peace in the present period. In pest years, we organized, conducted 
and lei a campaign for peace. Including the notable Stoclcholm Peace Appeal. We 
did sc in the context of the fundamentally correct analysis that a danger of war 
existed, exemplified by Korea and later by Indo-China. Today we are again taking 


part in a campaign for peace, but in the context of a ner analysis — again funda- 
mentally correct— that lasting peace, total disarmament and peaceful coexistence 
are in the cards j that they are realizable goals. 

Both are campaigns for peace, but under much different conditions. Are we 
not called upon, then to think about specific tactics to meet the specific condi- 
tions that flow out of the difference in the specific situations surrounding them? 
The past drive was based on a negative development; this one is based on a positive 
development. The past drive took place in a situation in v; hich the peace forces 
were growing but not yet dominaut; this one takes place in a situation in which 
the peace forces are already the stronger. The past drive occurred in an atmos- 
phere of jingoism and national chauvinism; this one is unfolding in an atmosphere 
in which the whole nation is discussing the banning of nuclear tests, total disar- 
mament and peaceful coexistence. These factors should indicate to us the need for 
new, fresh, concrete thinking. 


The sentiment for peace is general and over-all in scope. This sentiment 
has grown in intensity as the weapons of war have increased in destructiveness. 
And as the balance of world forces has shifted, so have the moods and thinking 
of the mass of Americans shifted toward peace. It is this over-all yearning and 
concern for peace thaf forms the foundation for a concerted mass crusade for 
survival. This crusade is, of course, of utmost importance, and we must devote 
our best energies and forces to it. Hov;ever, this is not enough. Such a general 
crusade will not by itself secure lasting peace. 

The fight for peace must be developed in more specific forms. Its mooring 
lines must be tied to the specific self-interest of specific sections of the 
people. The campaign for peace is directed to7;ard savir\g our lives and our 
civilization from destruction. But it also brings with it certain immediate 
benerits for the people and — yes — for the industrialists immediate profits. It is 
in relation to this that vre must develop the slogans and the campaign for total 

Cutting down on armaments is the only possible road to cutting down the 
ever-mounting burden of taxes. Only if we have a cut in arms production will we 
have a cut in prices. The building of the schools, roads, hospitals, parks, 
houses and other things the people so badly need, is blocked by the spending of 
huge sums for the stockpiling of instruments of destruction. Surely the problem 
of the huge farm surpluses, T.lth the resulting impoverishment in many agricultural 
areas, is bound up with the opening of world-wide markets in a world free from 
armament burdens. These and mary more are the mooring lines to which the fight 
for peace must be secured. 

A generation of the American people have grovtn up in and made a livelihood 
from an economy that iu large measure has been supported and souped up by war 
orders.' '.Var economy has been accepted as a normal and necessary part of our 
economic system. This stands as a roadblock to a full mobilization of the forces 
for peace. As Comrade Lumer's report will show concretely, this is a false con- 
ception. '.Ve have the task of removing this roadblock. 

During these same years of the arms economy, a body of thought has developed 
to the effect that the Negro people can break down the bars of discrimination in 
industry, housing and education only v;hen our nation is either at war or preparing 
for war. Unfortunately, there has been an element of truth in this. But we must 
show clearly how disarmament and peace can be conducive to an atmosphere in which 
this struggle can more readily be won. Wars and war tensions bring with them a 
growth of chauvinism and jingoism, while peace is conducive to an atmosphere of 
brotherhood and understanding. We must understand these special roadblocks to the 
movement for peace among the Negro people. 

Many Negro workers ^re at the bottom of the seniority list. Therefore any 
cutback in production me^is unemployment for them. This is a definite challenge 
to us in working out a sulDstitute for military production. 

Similarly, we need to deal with other specific problems affecting the young 
people, women, the handicapped and the older workers. Generalities will not do. 


Hence, while we take part in the general crusade for peace, we must laider- 
stand that specific groups, because of specific interests, will start from and 
rally around narrower issues involved in the fight for peace. With some, un- 
restricted trade with the socialist countries will be the starting point, with 
others it will be the dangers of fallout. For still others, disarmament will be 
the point of greatest interest. 

He must see the fight for peace realistically in all its many-sided aspects. 
At this point, the need is not for starting a peace movement from scratch. Such a 
movement is here. It expresses Itself in a thousand ways and at a variety of 
levels. At this stage, it is above all expressed throu^ the existing mass organi- 
zations of the people. 

In a nation like ours, where almost everyone belongs to one or more mass 
organization, this is a firm and certainly a broad base. Here is where we should 
be working to help build and elevate the peace movement. T/hile doing so, we should 
also have our sights on more concerted and united movements, conferences and actions 
of various kinds on local, state and national levels. If the central issue of 
peace is to give rise to the greatest, most persistent crusade of our times, what 
is needed is not one but a number of national centers to guide, prod and organize 
it. Not only is this necessary with respect to specific issues but in addition, 
it seems to me, the youth, T/omen, farmers, veterans and other groups need such 
special centers of direction. 


As in all phenomena, there is a close relationship between v/orld developments 
and those on the domestic scene. 

What is it that best describes our domestic situation as we enter the c'ecade 
of the sixties? Is it tranquility, stability? Are we moving on the path of un- 
ending growth and expansion? In spite of the present hijh level of production, 
this does not fit the realities of life in our country. Rather, the state of 
affairs in our nation is better described as one of instability, uneasiness and 
hesitation. What best describes the United States of the sixties is the growing 
catalog of serious problems, steadily becoming more aggravated, which nra seeking 

What gives these developments such importance and seriousness is that they 
occur simultaneously with the developments on the world scene which we have described 

An outstanding new feature on the home scene is the development of automation, 
whose many ramifications and effects are now reaching into all aspects of our 
national life. Strictly speaking, automation is still an infant. But it is already 
throwing its weight around like a full-grown heavyv;eight. 

A most striking evidence of its effects is the rise in unemployment in the 
successive postwar boom periods. In the peak boom year of 1953, following the 19^8- 
^9 slump, 2.9? of the labor force was unemployed. In 1956, the year of peak economic 
activity following the 1953-5A slump, the figure was A. 2?. In the present period, 
which follows the depression of 1957-58, unemployment has remained well above 5fo of 
the labor force. In October, 1959 it stood at 6%. Speaking on this question Sen. 
Eugene McCarthy of Minnesota had the folloring to sayj 

"This is far too high for a dynamic economy, but its effect could be 
managed it it were spread evenly throughout the economy. The fact 
is that unemployment has reached disaster proportions in certain 
regions and for certain age, racial and educational groups." 

IVhat these figures show is a re-emergence since the -ar of the industrial reserve 
army on a growing scale. And in this, the displacement of workers through automa- 
tion is playing a constantly growing part. 

Automation, and the determination of the nonopolies to clear the way for more 
rapid automation, is also largely at the bottom of the current drive to undermine 
working conditions in steel, on the railroads, on the waterfront, and in many ofher 
industries. It serves also as an instrument used by big business for the destruction 
of its small competitors and increased concentration of o\"7nership and control. The 
slogan of big business has become "Automate or Die." And in the process, many do die. 


Other reports will go further Into the problems arising from automation. 
Here I want only to point out how different are its consequences under socialism. 
In a socialist society all technological advances are welcome. The fruits of 
science and technology are no problem, but rather the foundation on which the 
econony will rapidly be built to new heights, the basis of the goal of surpassing 
our own standard of living. The rapid development of automation in the Socialist 
Kation will serve to prod the development of automation here; but the benefits from 
automation to the workers in the Socialist Countries will also serve to Inspire our 
workers, helping them to see the need for Socialism, and to struggle for the bene- 
fits of automation here. 

We must work out definite plans and demands with the aim that at least part 
of the fruits of this technological advance will go to benefit the working people of 
our land. A proper examination of the questions growing out of automation is also 
the key to understanding the present big bxislness drive against organized labor 

A second major feature of the home scene is the growing financial Instability 
of the country, Oui* national debt is higher than it was at the end of the war, and 
is still rising. The taxpayers are saddled with a burden of Interest now well over 
$9 billion a year and still going up. State and local debts have been going up by 
leaps and bounds and are at an all-time hi^. Private debt has multiplied several 
times during the postwar years. The burden of taxes has grown to impossible levels, 
yet government debts continue to rise. Prices have risen greatly since the end of 
the war and the value of the dollar has been steadily shrinking. The federal govern- 
ment is experiencing Increasing difficulty in financing the national debt and borrow- 
ing more money. As oqb observer has remarked, the credit of the United States 
government, once considered the soundest In the world, is now becoming shaky. And 
because of this country's world role, these developments are having world-wide 

A third important feature is the chronic agricultural crisis. Farmers are 
being increasingly squeezed between shrinking farm prices and mounting production 
costs. Farm income is steadily declining, and is now at its lowest point in seven- 
teen ynars. Our storage facilities are being choked by the growing mountain of un- 
saleable surpluses of farm products. There are growing areas of desolation in 
marginal farmlands, ?rith farmers driven out in rising numbers thanks to the develop- 
ment of modem, mechanized farming in the more productive areas. All in all, 
America's farmers are in serious difficulties, irtiich are having an effect on the 
entire country. 

To these features, we may add the failure of our society to provide adequate 
housing, education and health facilities, whose lack grows more acute from year to 
year. There is also the growing stench of corruption and moral decay, which is 
penetrating every corner of American life. As one person expressed it, "Everybody is 
on the gravy train of peiyola these days— except the working people," 

Affected by all these things in the sharpest measure are in the first place 
the 18 million Negro people, as well as the 5 million Mexican-American and the 
million or more Puerto Rlcems in the United States. The slum housing and the 
ghettoes to which they are confined are becoming not better but steadily worse. They 
are the most severely affected by the unfair system of taxation, by rising prices, by 
unemployment and by the farm crisis. 

This the America we see as we enter the decade of the sixties. These are the 
realities of life on the home front, corresponding to those in the world situation. 
It is these realities of life to which this convention must apply Itself, and with 
which the Party must deal. 

U| a;T7Hr. TWF. r.H/> ,T.T™nR 

How does America react to these developments? What are the different currents 
which are emerging? In what direction are the different groups moving? In short, 
how is America meeting the challenge? 

American monopoly capital is reacting to the world situation with attempts to 
readj\i3t, reassess and make changes in its foreign policy, to accomodate itself to 
present-day realities. This is most dramatically demonstrated by the proposal for 
the Eisenhower-Khrushchev exchange of visits. And this has been one of the basic 
factors in opening up the new possibilities which now exist In the fight for peace. 





As vre approach the decade of the sixties, nanlclnd stands at the 
threshold of a nen era. For the flrat tine In human history the possib- 
ility now exists for the elimination of the scource of VTar, and the re- 
lease of the full productive potential of the human race for the solu- 
tion of the age-old problems of poverty, disease and icnorance. 

The neT7 possibilities to realize q vrorld free fran the horror of 
nuclear rrarfare have been created by profound and Irreversible changes 
In favor of the camp of peace, freedom and social procress. 

TTorld Imperialism, headed by Wall Street monopoly capltallon, is no 
longer the sole or dcmlnant force determining the destiny of manlrlnd. 
Socialism, embracinc one-third of the earth's population, has emerged 
as an invincible world system, spearheading the cause of peace and peace- 
ful coexistence. The victorious upsurge of the national liberation move- 
ments in Asia, Africa, and Latin America has undermined imperialist colon- 
ialism and kindled the flame of national Independence among all oppressed 
peoples. The mounting peace movement in our country, and throughout the 
capitalist rzorld, has gained new strength and momentum. Thus, even the 
new forms by which U. S. imperialiam hopes to continue its drive for world 
power and Influence la now confronted by the powerful challenge of superior 
world forces determined to win a durable and lasting peace. 

The dcmlnant world position of the United States, long uncontested, 
is now being increasingly otollonged on all sides by its capitalist ccmpet- 
itors, by the expanding group of newly liberated countrias, and most of 
all, by the socialist world, which now bids to surpass the achievements 
of U. S. capitalism in all areas of human endeavor. 

Our capitalist society is plagued by a mounting accumulation of un- 
solved problems. Its economy displays a growing shakiness and instability. 
Automation and other technological advances ci-eate growing insecurity, 
chronic unemployment and fear of the future. Unsaleable farm surpluses 
rise from year to year while farm incomes are declining. The national 
debt, alread,y overburdening, continues to mount, and the difficulty of 
financing the war econcEy increases. The burden of interest and taxes 
became ever mora intolerable. Rising prices have becctne a persistent 

Though the posaibillties of peace are enhanced, and Important sectors 
of business and government are canpolled to move array from the rigid 
war policy, the reactionary offensive on the danestic front has been ac- 
celerated. In placo of the growth of freedoa, there is continued re- 
pression and denial of elementary liberties. The Infamous Landnon -Griff in 
bill has been passed, fastening new and more powerful shackles on organ- 
ized labor than did the Taft-Hartley Act. The steel conpanies are spear- 
heading a drive of all the great monopolies aimed against the llvir.g stand- 
ards and working conditions, Ilonopoly unites In an effort to resolve Its 
problems at the expense of the working class. 

Despite certain advances in the struggle for Ilegro rights, the system 
of Jim Crow oppression remains essentially' unshaken, Unreatrictod suffrage 
and Ilegro representation In the South, and the eradication of racist dis- 
crimination and segregation in national life, remain a central democratic 
task still to be achieved. 

Our educational 3ys.,,m is in a state of deepening crisis. Juvenile 
delinquency grows steadily worse. Slums and overcrowding is the lot of 
the low Income groups In all cities of the country. In every aspect of 
American life, the problems and difficulties becane not lees but greater. 

It is the all-powerful monopoly capitalist groups, with their striv- 
ing to preserve their outworn system of "free enterprise, " which stand as 
the central obstacle to progress. It is monopoly' capital which blocks 
the fulfillment of the great praniso which the future holds, and which 
breeds the menace to peace, and fosters insecurity and repression. It Is 
monopoly capital and its agents which which must be opposed by the Ameri- 
can working class, the Negro people and all peace-loving and democratic 
forces to realize the potential of a new era of peace, democracy and secur- 



The docade ahead can tie the decade In v/hlch mankind le lltorated fraa 
the peril of the cold war and threat of catastrophic nuclear tarfare. 

It can 'be the decade In Trhloh fatal blows can te Inflicted on the 
opprosBlon of the Nogto people which has defiled our land for more than 
three centurlee. 

It can be the decade In which the offensive to depress the otandarda 
of living of the worklnc class and to destroy labor's rights can be de- 
feated by a united labor movement and a revitalized alliance of labor and 
the Negro people. 

It can be the decade In which the American people, united In a c^oat 
people's alliance conslstlnc of labor, the Negro people, the famors, small 
businessmen and all those threatened by the big monopolies can take major 
strides toward the attainment of a government of the people, by the people 
and for the people. 

The Camminlet Party, the Party of the American working class, faces this 
new decade with supreme confidence that these goals can be won, and to this 
we American Caamunlsts shall dedicate- all our efforts and energies. 


Peace Is the urgent objective, the ccsamon need and catnmon hope of peo- 
ple everywhere. Heretofore this has been a dre'^n deferred, an Illusive 
aspiration, passed down frcm generation to generation. Now the conditions 
have matured for transforming this dream Into reality, Into a way of life 
for all the nations of the world. For peace has becane a necessary condi- 
tion for the very existence and further development of human society, Just 
as war with modem methods of annihilation has becane unthinkable. The peace- 
ful coexistence of nations with differing econanlc and social systems, 
and ccnpetltlon between tham for peaceful pursuits. Is the sole alterna- 
tive to an atcalo catastrophe. 

Everything In the needs, hopes and aspirations of our people finds Its 
relationship to this central Issue of our times — the struggle for peace 
and peaceful coexistence. 

The fate of world peace today depends In the first place upon the im- 
proveBnent of relations between the United States end the Soviet Union, the 
two most powerful countries with immense econanlc, technological, and mili- 
tary potential. If the relations between our country and the Soviet Union 
are normalized, If they cooperate In the maintenance of peace, then the 
peace of the world can be kept Inviolate, 

That is why the extraordinary visit of Premier Khrushchev to our coun- 
try and the projected visit of President Elsenlicrvrer to the Soviet Union, 
the significant talks at Camp David and the agreement "that all outstanding 
international questions should be settled not by the application of force 
but by peaceful means through negotiations" inspired the people of our coun- 
try and the irtiole world with the highest hopes for peace. 

These events mark the first salient break fraa the disastrous and dis- 
credited policy of Dulles, of atonic threats and "brinkmanship," signalizing 
an important change in the Improvement of U.S. -Soviet relations. They have 
brought about a thaw in the intemational climate. Understanding lias been 
reached on direct meetings between the hea^^ of government, as well as dis- 
cussions at the summit, as the method to be pursued In the search for agree- 
ment on outstanding disputed international questions. The resolution of 
such grave problems as the signing of a peace treaty with the two German 
states and normalizing the situation in Berlin can now proceed in a vastly 
Improved international atmosphere. 

Host significant for the struggle to realize peaceful coexistence have 
been the proposals for universal and total disarmament, placed before the 
United Nations by Premier Khrushchev. This has now becane the key Issue 
and main subject of debate in every country of the world. For universal and 
total disarmament, depriving all countries of the means of waging war, is 
In the long run the only true guarantee for an enduring peace. A peace- 
time oconaay as an alternative to arms production and the threat of an atanic 
war, an ecomany providing greatly expanded social welfare benefits and 
higher living standards is regarded as a realistic hope by ever greater num- 
iifera of Americans. 


The Khrushchev visit has already produced Important Imaedlato results 
In a nunber of aroaa: the conclusion of a tiro-year acreement for an exr«nrt- 
ed cultural e::clianGe procran; tho Joint acreenent for cooperation In nu- 
clear research and the exchance of scientists and research Information; 
the acreement for the study of the detection of undei-sround nuclear explo- 
sions; the acreement for Joint medical research projects; the treaty to 
keep Antarctica a scientific preserve; the more favorable conditions crea- 
ted for reaohlnc an acreement on the bannlnc of nuclear testlnc, and for 
the abolition of the artificially-Imposed restrictions on trade with tho 
Soviet Union and other socialist lands. 

Above all, these developments create new opportunities for the peace 
forces to Impose further shifts In forelcn policy, which will lead In the 
direction of realizing more fully the cx^at potential Inherent In the present 
situation. Important business and Government circles have been conpelled 
to realize the epochal changes In the existing world relationship of forces 

and tho need to adopt a more realistic forelcn policy. This does not 
slcnify, however, that the Eisenliower administration has yet embarked on a 
flm course to end the cold war, nor that peaceful coexistence has been 
achieved and secured. 

7he thaw in the cold war has begun, but the cold war la far frcm ended. 
The proponents of the cold war are still powerful and strive to ret 'm to 
the bankrupt policy of "positions of strength" and to the frozen pattern 
of the past. Its advocates are to be found within the Administration, 
and in both major political parties (as symbolized by the Republican Bocke- 
feller and the Democrat Achescn), They are in control of the Pentacon, of 
the huge armament industries and other giant financial trusts who continue 
to exert maximum pressure to maintain and heat up the cold war. And it 
must not be forgotten, that the top offlcialdcn of the labor movement re- 
main largely tied to the bankrupt cold war policy and advocate a crash pro- 
gram to expand armament production under the guise of providing Jobs for 
the workers. 

Already a counter-offensive has been launched to undo all that has 
been accanplished. There Is the renewed demands on the part of the top 
brass and leading statesmen for Increased war expenditures to meet what they 
falsely refer to as the "Soviet challenge" or "Soviet acgreBBion." Opposi- 
tion to expansion of U,S. -Soviet trade, voiced by the billionaire Rockefel- 
ler, is followed by the cancellation of a huge steel order to the Soviet 
Union. The Insensate hostility to People's China is fostered by continuous 
incitement acalnst China in India, Laos, Tibet and Korea. The provocative 
insistence on the discussion of Hungary by the United Nations was designed 
to further Inflame the cold war attitudes. The nuclear rearmament of Uest 
Germany, aimed to transform it into V7all Street's main arsenal In Europe, 
flaunts the will of the people and international agreements. The shame- 
ful interference In the internal affairs of Cuba and the threat of economic 
strangulation by manipulating sugar q^uotae is aimed not only against the 
Cuban revolution but against the ant l- Imperial 1st freedom struggle in all of 
latin America, 

The bellicose cold TTar advocates are determined to halt the trend toward 
peaceful coexistence and peaceful competition, and, even as events force 
them to drastically alter their past cold war policies, they attempt to con- 
tinue their drive for new forms of world daalnation. 

The replacement of the cold war policy by a policy of peaceful coexis- 
tence and cooperation between the United States and the Soviet Union for 
peace, denands the defeat of these cold war advocates, these most rabid 
and aggressive sections of Big Business and their agents in government. 

Despite their efforts to head off a far-reaching policy of peaceful 
co-existence and ccmpetltion, the very fact that they are confronted with the 
compulsion of carryinc through a shift in their foreign policy, opens tho 
way for a tremendous upsurge in the strength of tho forces working for 
peace , 

Above all, the times demand a persistent and unrelenting struggle on 
tho part of all eoctlons of the people who desire peace, in the first place 
the organized labor movement. labor will assume its rightful place of 
leadership in the people's Interests only when it takes the lead in tho 
fight for peace. It is a welcome sign of the changes taking place, that 


repi^eentatlve Joumala and Individual loaders amonc; labor, deoplto the adamant 
antl-Sovlet lino of the top officlaldan, ai-o stepplnc out on their own end 
calllnc for dlsannamont, for a peace-tine economy, for the oxchanco of tteloca- 
tlona, for an end to nuclear testing and the outlaw of atonic Tzeapons. T>®se 
becinnlncB have to permeate the ron'ra of the entire labor movement, so that 
labor can help to broaden and extend the united nass otruccles of all peace- 
lovinG forces in determined unison to Impose the people's Trill for peace upon 
our Government. 

The chanclnc moods and temper of the people ofour country point to new 
possibilities for unfoldlnc broad mass actions around everj'' specific issue re- 
lated to the struccl® for peace. Just as the ruling class yesterday was suc- 
cessful in convincinc the people to accept the heavy burden of the cold v;ar 
as a "deterrent" to "Soviet acgression, " so today a breakdovm In this artificial- 
ly created Tiar hysteria can help to unleash the full potential of the paople'e 
flGhting capacity to demand an end to the cold war. 

The Khrushchev visit, and the ensuinc easing of v/orld tensions, has, of 
course, not dissipated all the prejudices and misconceptions about the Soviet 
Union. Vr.iat must bo underscored, however, is that a new spirit of friendship 
for the Soviet Union, a nerr admiration for its scientific and technoloo'Scal 
achievements, a new understandinc that we can live tocether, is spreadinc amonc 
men and women in all walks of life. To the extent that this understandlas 
is heightened, to that extent will the movement for peace c^in Greater pur- 
posefulness. Greater unity and G2:"eater determination to win the battle for 

Life, not death! Production for peace and not for destruction! Peace and 
friendship amonc notions! An end to international mlstruatj An end to the 
cold war! For a policy of peace and peaceful existence! These demand a fi^ht 
acainst the resumption of nuclear testlnc, for a ban on the use and manufae- 
ture of atcElc weapons. These demand a ficht for the recocnitlon of People's 
China and its rlchtful membership in the United Nations. These demand a fight 
for e::^nded Saat-^Test trade. These demand the flcht acainst U.S. Intervention 
in Cuba or anyrzhere else in Latin Ar.erlca. Above all, these demand a ficht 
for disarmament, the scrappinc of all Instruments of warfare and shift in^j the 
econcj^y frcsa armaments to peace. These demand peaceful competition betv/een na- 
tions in expandinc world production to Ixiprove the llvinc standards of the 
world's peoples. 

The issue of peace is the paramount issue in American political life. It 
is the central test of all parties, mass orcanizations and civic leaders. On 
the resolution of this issue rests the future of our nation. 

The eyes and hopes of all peoples are focused on the United States, Upon 
the outccce of the now unfoldlnc struCGl^ for a policy of peace in our land 
may hince the fate of mankind. 



World devBlopnent has conflrmad the baelc analysis of capitalism and laperl- 
allsm by Marx and Lsnln, and their predict Ion that the essence of our era Is tt» 
transition to socialism. Socialist society exists today In countries with one- 
thlrd the world's population. The soaring progress of the Soviet Union, China 
aad other sooiallst countries In Europe and Asia reveals the tremendous potential 
of socialist society. Socialism has leaped over the age-old barriers to social 
progress, eoid released the pent-up creative energy of hundreds of millions who 
have been oppressed by capitalism and landlordism. It has begun the evolution to 
a olaaslees society, in which abundance will be freely avallabLs to all, eq»»llty 
will be a natural condition of life, and mankind will explore presently unpredict- 
able new frontiers of society and culture. 

These aebiev«aBntB with ttaelr limitless potentials for progress car be the 
common poasesBlon of all bunenlty. They need not belong exclusively to any single 
nation or group of nations. Fortunate are those peoples who have pioneered •ocial- 
let society, even at great sacrifice and risk In a hostile capitalist world, for 
they are the BBSters of their own destiny, and today set the pace of history and 
shape the future. They revive and fortify confidence In progress everywhere, 
even In the midst of the stagnation and demoralization of capitalist society. 
Their successes inspire people In BSoy lands to overcome obstacles and open the 
path of progress for themselvvs. 

Conmaists believe that In the Obited States also socialism will perform 
wonders, beyond the dreams of most Americans. In a country such as ours — irlth 
Its great wealth of human skills and material resources, ths national ability to 
translate sclenes Into tectelcal advance, a deeply rooted love of democracy and 
pecuse, and an hlstorlccdly fomsd confidence In progress --with these traits of 
our national history, providing peace can be gained and assured, socialism when 
•stabllsbed will surely achieve new heights for all mankind. 

It is peoullar to our situation that the Onlted States Is the most powerful 
oapitallsm in the world. In an era in history when socialist achievement arouses 
enthusiasm and confidence in the future among the vast majority of the people of 
tbe earth, it is due to this oircumstance , and not to sons innate national qual- 
ity of Americans, that in the present-day world U.S. capitalism upholds the old 
order of things, syoboliees the past rather than the future, and on a global 
Boene plays the role of modem Toryism. This is a truth not readily accepted by 
Anarioans, who have been aooustooBd to think of their country as the paragon of 
progress, freedom and peace. Tet, this is the actual position in which the 
Obited States has been placed by ths course of our own developnent and by world 

In the new order of world affairs, with basic shifts In the weight of nations. 
It ased not nsoessarily follow that the American people become helpless victims 
of the decay of our social system, while the rest of the world builds a new 
sooiety, outpaces us, and leaves us behind. The United States is not exempt 
from the laws of social developsent and from the social feraant that leads to 
progress . 

This country exeni>llf las in the extreme the domination of monopoly as the 
decisive factor of capitalism in its present. Imperialist stage. But the system 
of monopoly capitalism is Intrinsically Incapable of employing to the full our 
great productive capacity and our labor, and of realltlng the remarkable new 
potentials of science for the good of the people. The Immsnse aggregates of 
private economic pcwer, ruling sooiety and government, act as a drag on the 
nation, ntardlng its economic and cultural growth, and crippling democracy. 
nevertheless, in the period before uB>.the American people have an alternative 
to stagnation, with ite threatening privation, moral corruption, and cultural 
degeneracy. They oan take up the striiggle for progress leading to a new demo- 
cratic and cultural revlal, with socialism as the goal. Far from being a threat 
to the nation, the successes of world socialism and of colonial liberation pro- 
vide a breathing spell and an opportunity for the American people to set their 
«ra country on the road of progress. 

Socialism is the aim of the Communist Party of the United States. The sup- 
eriority of socialism over capitalism as a system of sooiety Is historically 
established. A system based on the social ownership of the means of production 
and their planned utilization for the material and cultural needs of the whole 
of society is far superior to the system of capitalism which is founded on pri- 
vate ownership and class exploitation for the enrlctoent of the few. 


Sool&llsn vlll prove neccsaary for our country also, because only euch a rad- 
ical traneformatlon of the economic baee of eoolety can eradicate the evils 
resulting from capitalism and can assure the full utllleatlon for the people 
of the great scientific revolution of our ago. Along this path the American 
people, nov ovBnrhelmlngly a nation of wage-eamera, can assure permanently 
for themselves and the vorld an era of peace, democracy, universal vell-belog 
and social progress. 

The Comnunlst Party bases Itself upon the theories of Marx, Lenin and 
their followers. It seeks to Improve Its understanding of the living theory 
of Marxism, a« It Is enriched constantly by nav experiences of the class strtig- 
gle and social progress everywhere. The Party attempts critically to assimilate 
this living theory, learn from Its own experiences and mistakes, and use the 
theory constructively and creatively in our own country. 

In accordance with Its techlngs, the Comnunlst Party views Itself as a 
pioneering, vanguard pexty In the same historical sense that the Abolitionists 
were the vangtiard of Enanclpatlon. In this view, the working cla88--the vast 
exploited BBjorlty of our society— In the course of striving for a better life 
must transform Itself Into the leader of the nation, becoming the driving force 
for progress and socialism. As part of the class, the Communist Party sees It- 
self as vanguard because It seeks to enhance the class consciousness, the polit- 
ical understanding and the socialist awareness of the workers so that they can 
in fact become the leaders of the nation. It wants to Include among Its mem- 
bere the most advanced workers, so that In Its dally actlvltyGSe part of the 
popular moveaents and In Its teachings the Party can express the present and 
the future Interests, the aspirations and historic alrne of the working class, 
in actions and In terms most widely understood. 

Marxism, the theory of scientific socialism. Is universal; socialist 
society has a conmon foundation In all countries. As with all aajor historical 
changes. In the United States also the path to the socialist transition and the 
resulting socialist society will be Influenced by world experience, by Inter- 
action and Interplay €Laong nations, and by the examplee and lessons of advanced 
socialist countries. 

Tet, recent history has demonstrated that the specific road taken by each 
country to socialism Is distinctively the product of its own history, as it la 
shaped by the conditions and movenBnta prevailing In that country. Socialism 
In this country will therefore have the distinctive features of American devel- 
opment — the product of our own history as It Is nBde by the efforts of the Amer- 
ican people to solve the acute problems of our society In Its present highly 
developed stage of monopoly capitalism and Imperialism. 8ocleJ.lem will be bom 
out of our national striving for progress, with Its own distinctive contribution 
to the future of the world. 

In the United States, the actml transition to socialism lies In the future. 
We still have to pass through an epoch of struggles that will define the path 
to the transition and its character. Yet, even now, the Isaus of socialism 
does present Itself in a special way to the American people. Nor Is It, as 
before, only a natter of general principle or perepectlve, which for the past 
century always Illuminated the path ahead for advanced workers. In these times 
of new weapons of mutual annihilation, the avoidance of war has become a ques- 
tion of national survival. Competition between capitalist and socialist count- 
rles--and especially between the two most powerful, the United States and the 
Soviet Unlcn-must be actively restricted to peaceful processes If ther« Is to 
be any progress at all. The first requirement of any policy aimed at growth 
and progress Is the fight for a national policy of peaceful co-existence with 
the socialist nations. 

But an active policy of peaceful coexistence with socialism necessarily 
implies a recognition and understanding of the principles of socialist society. 
And the conditions of the world are such that tBls must be acquired by the 
American people In the midst of a growing, lively and all -pervading competition 
between the two world systems. 

Accordingly, In the minds of the Ansrloan people a conflict Is taking 
place between the Ideas of capitalism and those of socialism. It touches upon 
every nejor aspect of our social life, and calls Into question many precepts 
which were long taken for granted. This constant reappraisal is prodded by the 
rapid progress of the socialist countries and by the decline of Imperlallan, 
with the overturn of long -established colonial hegemonies and the strivings of 
new nations for social progress. In which the eoclallbt alternative presents 
itself strongly. 


Tbe ocnpatltlon betvesn Boclallon and eapltallsa proceeds amidst a crisis 
of ths monopoly capitalist aystcB Itself. In tlae, from their owtj experleocea, 
coafclned vlth the linpaot of world events, the Aoerloan people will cone to see 
that soolallam can provide a better way of life than capltallen. They will 
cooB to fl^ht for socialism as a national necessity, as the only solution of 
the crisis of the system. 

Tbe CooDunlst Party is therefore indispensable to tbe present and to tbe 
future of Aoerloa. In Ita propa^tlon of socialist ideas it presents a confi- 
dent long-tera perspective for tbe current struggles of the American people, 
pertinent to our caodltions and to tbe direction in which we mist seek a solu- 
tion. As an integral part of tbe labor anvensnt, despite tbe bane and proscrlp- 
tioQS preeently at work, in closest association with tbe daily strivings for a 
better life, incorruptible and indestructible, the Comnunlst Party seeks to 
assure tbe future of our country in tbe struggles of the present day. 

Tbs advance toward socialisa is an outgrowth of the struggles for peace, 
denocraoy and social inngress, through whatever stages the struggle my have 
to pass. In the following sections, an attempt is mde to define the Coanunlst 
nDderatcuidIng of tbe road to aoclalleB in tbe Ohlted States. 



2. PoacBful Co-gxlBt«nc« 

The course of devBloptwnt within the country and recent revolutionary ohangaa 
In the world have affected the global position of the United States in a funda- 
mental way. Internally, ae a consequence of World War II, monopoly greatly ex- 
tended Its power over the economy and In government. Outwai-dly, into the Western 
Hemisphere and overseas, U.S. monopoly embartod on the greatest erpanslonlst 
drive In Its history. Within world Imperlallsjn Itself, ae a restilt of the weak- 
ening of other leading capitalist countries by war and by colonial revolutions 
while the United States expanded economically, the United States became by far 
the dominant aod decisive power. 

These developments havw placed In bold relief the critical Internal contra- 
dictions of our own society and the antagonism between U.S. monopoly capital 
and the rest of the world. 

Obscured for a time by relatively high economic activity, the Internal con- 
tradictions have nevertheless come to the surface. They are seen In the Instab- 
ility of the economy, permanent unemployment, and growing Insecurity of Job. The 
contrast between our great capacity to produce and the Incapacity of American so- 
ciety to absorb the products of Industry has beooKB more pronounced. In the pre- 
sence of a new scientific revolution, vlth Its unparalleled potential for a better 
life, our high monopoly economy Is showing Itself unable to translate new scient- 
ific and technical advances into social progress, either at home or abroad. 

Over ft long period — since tl» l890's--the leaders of Big Business have seen 
economic expansion abroad as the means of overcoming Internal difficulties, and 
at the some time Increasing both their rate and volume of profit. The extension 
of the U.S. monopoly frontiers Into other countries by direct capital investment, 
with the aim of gaining control of raw materials at their source, exploiting lew- 
wage labor, emi creating protected martets for surplxis capital and products of 
ths U.S. economy, is the very essence of imperialism. To support and encourage 
monopoly expansion abroad becans the core of long-range U.S. foreign policy, 
despite variations in nstbods aad tactics at different tines. 

The building of a vast U.S. monopoly empire— first in Latin Amsrica and then 
overseas Into Africa, Asia and the Middle East (together with direct extensions 
of the U.S. corporate structure into Canada and Western Europe) — did not take the 
usual colonial fonn, although some colonies and semi -colonial strategic outposts 
were also acquired. The characteristic form of U.S. Imperialist expansion is 
direct monopoly investiDBnt into Its own historically established spheres of in- 
fluence (like the Western Hemisphere) or into the colonial and dependent areas of 
rival ImperiallsTBB. "Free Access" or the "open door" became the earmark of U.S. 
world policy, sustained particularly in the recent postwar period by super-arnft- 
ment, n&sslve foreign military aid, regional military blocs, and a farf^ung net- 
work of strategic bases on all continents. 

Despite pretensions to democracy and progress, the dominant trend of U.S. 
Big Business interests is to ally themselves with the most reactionary forces 
abroad In order to protect their investments and to obstruct and retard democrat- 
ic revolutions «U3d national develoiSMnt, while at home the consequent" increase of 
monopoly power encourages reaction and undermines democracy. Ant 1 -colonialism is 
utilized up to a certain point by U.S. monopoly to break into the preserves of 
rival Imperialisms. But when confronted with the revolutionary upsurge against 
colonialism, especially In tl» recent period, the United States either Itself 
Intervened militarily or, somstimes under cover of neutrality, used its influence 
and power in an effort to sustain the underlying imperialist relationship when 
changes In the old colonial structure could no longer be avoided. 

Pecent fundaoental changes in the world have created a crisis for the tradi- 
tional expansionist policy, with profound repercussions upon the internal life of 
the country. The freedom of action of imperialism In general and of American Im- 
perialism in particular is severely circumscribed by these changes. "Free access" 
to large areas of the world has been shut off by socialism and It is being cut 
down by revolutionary nationalism. 

The United States has become the leading power of world capitalism when the 
orbit of capitalism itself Is curtailed drastically by the progress of socialism. 
It has become the aBlnstay of world imperialism when imperialism Itself is dis- 
integrating and Is no longer dominant with respect to the greater part of mnkind. 
It seeks to domli»te other capitalist countries when capitalism Itself is in a new 
acute phase of general crisis, and each power, having recovered from the war, 
seeks to save its system from collapse at the expense of other powers. This is 
the essence of the central contradiction In the world position of U.S. monopoly 
capitalism In this period. 


The baalo quoatlon of world politics In our epoch Is to prevent an ofTort to 
reeolTe thle contradiction by seane of a devastating nuclear var. In the Coimun- 
let view, the danger of war le rooted In the very nature and operation of monopoly 
and Imperlallea. The cold war ae It developed In the period after World War II 
is the specific product of the expansionist drive of U.S. monopoly for control of 
the world. It rests essentially on the actual use or the threat to use overwhelm- 
ing military and economic power to contain and subvert soclallam and the colonial 
revolutions, while seeking to subordinate to Ansrlcan Big Business all other lead- 
ing capitalist countries, as well as the new nations striving for Industrial and 
social developnent. Its motivating force le the drive for naxlmun profits, which 
is the very law of monopoly. Progressive social change wherever it nay occur Is 
opposed by monopoly ae a threat to ita prlvHeges, which are grounded in the old 
social order everywhere. 

The cold var policy can lead only to disaster, because it Is based on the 
supposition that Imperialism still rules the world as of old, whereas In fact 
loperlallsm is no longer dominant in the world. If pursued, the cold war policy 
can lead to the isolation of the tTnlted States. Even worse, it can carry us 
into a nuclear war in which this country ae well as all other belligerents could 
be devaatated by the new weapons of total destruction. The only alternative Is 
a policy of peaceful coexistence eusong all nations, Irrespective of the nature of 
their social systems and level of national developnsnt . 

Such a change of course requires a political struggle in the Dnlted States 
for a long-range peace policy based on the realities of the new world structure. 
Socialism is here to stay in all the countries where it has already been estab- 
lished, and it is a thriving and growing system. The era of colonialism and of 
other forms of imperialist domination is coming to an end — in Latin America, as 
well as in Africa, the Middle East and Asia. The rapid progress of socialism In 
the Soviet Dnion, China and the other people's democracies has became the new 
focus of World developcent . These are the realities which require, as a matter 
of national oecesslty, which is peace, a turn from the cold war to a national 
policy of peaceful coexistence with the Soviet Onion, the leading power of the 
Socialist world. Cooperation for peace between the Onited States and the Soviet 
Dnion is the pivot of peace in the present-day world. It can become the determin- 
ing factor that will bring all countries — capitalist, socialist and newly devel- 
oping nations -- within the orbit of a world peace dlplonecy. 

To replace the cold war policy with a national diplomacy of peaceful co- 
existence requires an all-sided struggle directed at curbing the power of monopoly 
at hone, farcing it into necessary conceBsions and adaptations to a policy of 
negotiations, mutual dlBan»mBnt, abolition of nuclear weapons, military disen- 
gagements, non-intervention in domestic affairs of other nations, and other pol- 
icies essential to peace. This is a realizable and workable alternative to the 
cold war in the present world structure. 

Communists believe that such a turn is nade possible by the conjuncture of 
world and domestic forces, which raises realistic prospects in the period before 
us of drastically restricting and frustrating the world expansionism of monopoly. 
On a global scale, socialist progress and other revolutionary changes within the 
outmoded imperialist structure, as well as the mounting strength of the labor and 
democratic movements in many countries, create confidence that the forces of peace 
are strong enough to prevent aggression leading to war. 

Furthermore, the prospect that the socialist countries within a decade will 
exceed the economic level of the capitalist world, with corresponding social and 
democratic advances, means that we will be approaching a situation in which it 
will be possible to eliminate the very danger of war, even while the United States 
and other countries remain capitalist. Therefore, the possibility exists in the 
real relation of forces, and in the course of actual world development, of turning 
aside those drives of reaction and monoixsly which generate the war danger. This 
can be achieved by a parallel or combined struggle of all those within the coun- 
try who see the necessity for ending the cold war and all world forces that stand 
for peace. 

These promising prospects should not obscure the very real war dangers that 
still exist In the propensity of die-hard Imperialiats to obstruct, contain and 
subvert all progressive social and nationalist movements. Kor can the danger be 
overlooked that political developments in the United States Itself nay proceed in 
the reactionary direction, should dominant monopoly sectors be left free to pur- 
stie a fascist course. In response to the internal and world crisis of the system, 
thus creating new war tensions. Therefore, the struggle by the people for a dem- 
ocratic way out of the growing social crisis in the United States in the period 
loBBdiately ahead can prove declelv<s with respect to peace. 


ConBtmlsts do not view tbo flgbt for peace as a taotlc or n&neuver, aljosd at 
•ecurlng exclusive advantages for the aoclallat world, or any povar tn It. Nor do 
they consider It a oeane of advancing their own party Interests In the United 
States. They consider peace realizable In the present world otruot/uro, Thoy do 
not hide their view that socialism as a system of society Is superior to capitalism 
and that accordingly, as a result of the historical process, soolallem will win In 
the competition of the two eyeteme. With this firm confidence In progress, and 
with their conviction that the peace forces the world over are strong enough to 
prevent war. It would be sheer nadnese for CoBounlets to count on socialism arising 
froB nuclear devastation and death. 

In the CoBBunist ai>proach, peace Is a basic aln, like social progress and aoc- 
lallms Itself. It Is mistaken to plAce the problem as If peace were reallzAble 
only through soclaliam. It Is true that socialist society Intrinsically generates 
peace, while oapltalloin gives birth to the war danger. Btit In this era of social- 
ist pix>gre8S and Imperialist disintegration, when extended peace-ful coexistence 
betwtMo the •ysteiis Is possible of aohleveasnt and has become a necessity of the 
▼ery life of nations, the sljogan of "peace through socialism" Ignore* the actuality 
that aaiBBs poaoe tx>«albl0 In our tins. 

lor la the opposite view -- "soolallem through peace" -- an aocurato reflec- 
tion of the real situation. Soclallsn, or social progress In general, does not 
•utoaatlc&Uy follow from peace; the flgbt for paaoe and the struggle for social 
progress are Inseparable. 

Bsace and destooraoy, peace and full enployment, peace and social progress -- 
this Is the way Coasamlsts see tt» problem. The cause of peace and the cause of 
social progress are Interwoven in all phases. Full enployosnt In a peace economy 
is the only ^nA of full eaiployBent worth fighting for. Full employnent in a war 
eooacoy asans death. A democretlc and cultural revival in the land is ineonceiv- 
abls without the end of the cold war and a constant struggle to assure peace. 
Greater security of Job and of life itself is today the product of economic and 
teaDoratle struggles of the great nasses of people. 

If Comunists considered the fight for pesos msrely a tactic, they could hav« 
shad it to avoid ostracism cmd persecution at all levels of connunity and public 
Ufa, InaludiBg prison and loss of Jobs, and constant slander as foreign agents and 
traitors. Because they considered peace fundamental to the security and progress 
of the Aasrloaa people, during the hei^t of the cold war and the antl •Communist 
crusade, and despite the bass and expulsions in the trade unions, the Comsunlsts 
constantly opposed the self-defeating foreign policy and its accompaniments of re- 
action in doBBStio affairs. Together with other like-minded Amerloans, they fought 
for peaceful coexistence for they believad this was the way to uphold the genuine 
oatlooal interests of the ttalted States. 

In the past aad today, the Connunist opposition to the oold war policy of 
thslr eovemasnt arises froa real concern for the future of the coimtry. Communists 
support the psaoa dipIooBcy of the Soviet Ukiion and other socialist countries not 
baoaosa they are asnits of these governments, or because they fsel cogmltted in ad- 
vaooe to anything socialist states nay propose. The fact is that the Soviet Union 
and other socialist countrlss have followed consistently a policy of peaceful co- 
existence, as Is recognised by many non-Connunlsts as well. Such a policy has be- 
ooae a national Bseessity for all countries. It is the recognition of this neces- 
sity by their own gova m aent that Aasrioan CoaBunlsts consider the principal task 
in ths flsld of foreign policy. They support all staps or aspects of policy which 
W079 la that direction. 

Obviously, the advocates of peace in the TDbltad States by far outnumber those 
vho recognize monopoly aad imperialisB as the source of the war danger. Although 
Coaanmists expound their cwn Tievs on the matter, the question of responsibility 
for the cold war oaonot be parmitted to stand in the way of a united democratic 
struggle for peace on the broadest ootBoon grounds. The CoBBtunists thsrefore adopt 
as a tactical orientation the policy of comnon action and united front with all 
•Xsaents — no matter of what class or political ideology -- that agree on initial 
staps to end the cold war and on the necessity of a new long-rangs national policy 
of peaceful coexistence. 

Together with others in the labor movemsnt, the Ccnmunists have opposed the 
policy of the dominant trade uni(» leadership in support of the cold war and nuc- 
lear ants lace, as deti^ineatal alito to the interests of labor and of the nation. 
They will cootinus to fight tn labor's ranks for a policy of peace based on inter- 
national labor solidarity, total dlsamBoent, curbing monopoly's drive for maximum 
profits at hone and abroad, full employment In a demilitarized peace economy, and 
recognition of the principles of non-interference in the domestic affairs of other 
nations, national Independence against Imperialism, and co-operation for peace with 
the socialist countries. 



3. Competition Batwean tha Two Syetema 

Competition" between the two world eyBtemB of capitalism and Boclallam la the 
earmark of our era. The outcone of thla competition deterralaee tf» course of 
^hT^'' ^°^°^ ^° *^l8 period. Communlete believe that under the new condltlone 
the Inter-Byetem competition can and should be actively kept within peaceful 
bounds, In the common Interest of all huaanlty and In the national Intereat of 
every nation, rurthermore, they believe that there can and ahould be positive 
cooperation betwean capitalist and socialist countries to settle world disputes 
by negotiations, to achieve total dlsaraBjaent, and to increaee trade and cultural- 
scientific Interchange among them. 

Such cooperation can prove to be mutually advantageous. Under conditions of 
active peaceful coexistence, present-day socialist society can proceed mom otr^ct- 
Ively and more swiftly to create the economic level at which communism can begin 
to emerge. In a communist society, as Marx said, together with the all -sided de- 
velopment of the Individual, the production forces also will grow, and all the 
sources of social wealth will flow more abundantly. On this basis society will 
be able to Inscribe on Its banner: "From each according to his ability, to each 
according to his need." All steps to eliminate Intervention and hostile pressures 
from the capitalist world wlU enhance among the socialist countries ttemselves 
the process of cooperation according to the principles of ttelr society. Togeth- 
er, they will develop, more fully and freely, planned proportional development, 
realized through mutual help and fraternal cooperation In the form of an Interna- 
tional socialist division of labor, specialization and coordination of production. 
Accordingly, they will better be able to realize the proclalmsd aim of entering 
Into the higher phase of communist society more or less simultaneously. 

Cooperation to assure peace and the extension of trade and cultural -scient- 
ific Interchange wlU also serve the beat Interests of tl» American people. Under 
present-day conditions, and In view of the trend of world developnent, peace la a 
national Interest of the United States, the recognition of which by all sections 
of the population and all classes has become a matter of national necessity. In 
addition to this overriding Interest, such cooperation leading to total disarma- 
ment offers an effective means of relieving the burden of unemployment, taxes and 
inflation, of developing our science and technology for peaceful rather than de- 
structive purposes, and of reducing the Influence In our national life of milit- 
arism and other reactionary forces which are nourished by a war psychosis. 

Cooperation for peace and related aims develops within the framework of a 
fundamental competition between capitalist and socialist societies, the basic 
principles of which are diametrically opposed. Active peaceful co-«xi8tence pro- 
vides the opportunity for the fullest, freest and non -violent working out of this 
historic competition, in its many aspects and ptnees. Active peaceful co-exist- 
ence cannot help but have an important influence upon the national policies of 
both capitalist and socialist nations, and even upon certain aspects of internal 
development. But each social system, essentially, will continue to develop In 
accordance with its objective laws, and each nation, moreover, along the lines of 
its peculiar historical background and structure. 

It would, therefore, be erroneous to consider peaceful competition as para- 
mount to the suspension of social conflicts, to the muting of the class struggle, 
and to the freezing of world relations. On the contrary, inter-system competi- 
tion Is a dynamic condition. Itself the outcome of the conflict of forces at home 
emd on a world scale, and In turn leading to further changes In the world struct- 
ure. There Is no ground for the supposition that competition between the systems 
implies in any manner the stabilization of capitalism. The status of capltallem 
Is determined essentially by its own contradictions, which operate In the direc- 
tion of the eventual replacement of capitalism by socialism. The present trend 
of world development leads to deeper contradictions within the capitalist system 
and toward a still more acute phase of the general crisis of the system. 

At he present time in the United States, there is beginning to take shape 
two principal and opposing views with respect to the competition of systems. On 
the one side, there are powerful monopoly and reactionary forces which present 
competition from the socialist world as a threat to the United States, and attempt 
to use this alleged throat as a pr«tense for an all-round attack upon the living 
standards, democratic liberties and peaceful aspirations of the great najorlty of 
the American people. These forces would continue the oold war, and to that end 
they obstruct and oppose all stomps towards a national policy of peaceful co- 
existence. On the other side, there la the view that competition between the 
eyatems should be turned to the advantage of the American people for the purpose 
of gaining new ground to improve the conditions of the people, preserve democracy 
and further the cause of peace. Communists share this view. 


Ae much as the Comnunlet Party would lltos to eee the United States cone out 
the victor In the peaceful competition of eystems, this cannot be realized ae 
long as the United States ren»lns capitalist. Due to the economic lead held by 
the United States, it will be able to reimla ahead of the Soviet Union, the lead- 
ing socialist nation, for some years. In the longer run, however — and this may 
well be within a decade or so -- a capitalist United States will lose the compet- 
ition, as the USSR energes as the leading world economic power, with the highest 
level of the economy and with the greater production per person, resulting In 
higher standards of living, culture, education, science, and of the Individual's 
personal security and freedom. This is because socialism Is proving Itself able 
to exceed Uuj American rate of economic growth by three or four times, to mate 
much more rational use of Its production and of science, and to plan Its develop- 
ment along balanced lines. 

But the mere fact that In the long run capitalism will lose the competition 
with socialism, and la already beginning to lose It in some essential respects, 
does not mean that the road to progress Is closed for the United States. In truth, 
If monopoly Is permitted by the American people to erplolt the competition of 
systems for Its own exclusive narrow Interests not only will the conditions of 
life In the country deteriorate In every respect, but peace Itself will be endang- 
ered. Thus the very possibility of kseplng inter-eystem competition within peace- 
ful bounds depends, to a decisive degree, upon the regeneration of those forces of 
democracy and progress In the United States that can limit and Impede the free 
play of monopoly in our economy and in government. The present world structure, 
and the direction of world events, are favorable to such a revival. 

Communists tahe the view that the wide gap in the rates of growth as between 
capitalism and socialism can be narrowed, to the benefit of the American people 
and to world peace, as the result of the regeneration of the democratic mass move- 
ment. Monopoly capital creates Its own obstacles to economic growth, which are 
built into the system, and moreover, mere economic growth under capitalism Is not 
necessarily translated Into social progress, as under socialism. To counter-act 
the retarding Influence of monopoly and to assure benefits to the people from new 
economic advances, an all-round struggle against monopoly Is necessary to curb its 
power In the econony and in government, to impede the drive for maximum profits, 
and to obtain the naxlmum economic growth possible under present-day capitalism. 
This means a struggle of all our democratic forces, and especially labor, for a 
full -employment peac« economy, for defense and extension of democracy, and for 
structural reforms that will limit the power of monopoly and Increase the power 
of the popular forc*>e to intervene in the direction of the economy and of govern- 
ment • 

In our society, an accelerated rate of growth can be achieved only, in spite 
of monopoly and In the fight against it. When big business can operate at a 
profit at less than half capacity, and when it can gather In an increasing share 
of the vurplus produced in the entire economy, monopoly has no Incentive to raise 
the tempo of Industrial growth. If the economy lags at a stagnant level, using 
only a part of existing capacity, this is not due to faulty economic policies; It 
arises from the very nature of monopoly capitalism. If the economy la to approach 
a condition of full production and full employment under conditions of peace, there 
win have to be much more radical Interference with the prerogatives and privi- 
leges of monopoly than most reform progreuna envision. Monopoly will have to be 
fought, counter -acted, Ita mode of control and operation severely restricted -- 
all of which can result only from great struggles of the people. 

American monopoly attempts to meet the competition of world socialism at the 
expense of the American people. Coamunlsts believe, and attempt to convince every- 
one concerned, that the American labor and democratic movement must come to under- 
stand the relation between the frustration of imperialism in the world and the 
curbing of monopoly at home, If they are going to overcome the stagnation emd de- 
cay arising from monopoly, and thus open the road to the rapid growth of which our 
country is capable. 



^. The Current StrugRle and the Soclallat Aim 

CommmlstB have always held, and believe today, that the decisive qusatlon 
of the struggle for soclallem 1b the transfer of state power to the working class 
and Its allies. This has taton place In different ways, according to the specific 
clrc^tances of the country and the tlnee. The Soviet form of the dictatorship 
of the proletariat was the product of the revolutionary struggle against tearlsm 
and capltallam In Russia. After World War II, the working class and Its allies 
oane to power In Eastern Europe and then In China and other Asian lands as the 
result of a struggle and under conditions radically different from those of tte 
Socialist Bsvolutlon of 1917 In Russia. The states of people's democracy which 
came Into existence took on the function of the proletarian dlotatorehlp and ful- 
fill that role today. 

In the present period. In the new world relation of forces, many new varia- 
tions nay emerge along the road to the transfer of power to the working class and 
Its allies, as well as in the ensuing form of proletarian rule. Already early in 
the postwar period, the U.S. Conmnmlst Party — as well as the British, French, 
Italian and others — saw in the new world situation tl»n emerging tl» possibil- 
ities of a peaceful democratic struggle for soolallsn. With the furtter growth 
of the forces of peace, democracy and socialism, the XXth Congress (1956) and the 
12-Party declaration (1957) expressed prevailing world Communist opinion wl»n they 
emphaaUed the prospects for a great multiplicity of forms, Including tl» possib- 
ility In a nuatoer of countries of a parllanentary transition to socialism, without 
olTll war. 

These new prospects of advance to socialism are Inseparable from the struggle 
to prevent another global war. In connection with the Seven-Year Plan of the Sov- 
iet Union, the XXIst Congress (1959) raised the bold prospect of not only prevent- 
ing war In the period ahead but, going beyond this, the ellalnatlon of the war 
danger, even while part of the world reimlns capitalist. Tl» very str\iggle by 
the peace forces the world ov«r to realize such possibilities stlaulates social 
progress; further successes in the fight for peace would greatly favor the forces 
of democracy and socialism. 

As countries recently freed from colonialism or fighting Its rennants take 
the socialist path nany new features will be revealed. Certainly, still other 
new features will be displayed as countries of highly developed capitalism and a 
democratic polltlcid. structure advance toward socialism. 

Whatever new features and forms appear, the only new stage of society poss- 
ible in the United States is socialism. The recent history of American capitalism 
fully doacnstrates Lftnln'e basic' conclusion that Imperialism or monopoly capital- 
ism le a stage of capitalism, the highest or last stage. Monopoly Is not a super- 
structure built upon free -competition capitalism; It Is the very stnicture of 
present-day capitalism In the United States, although still retaining many ele- 
ments of the earlier free -competition stage. Monopoly grew out of free competi- 
tion, Increasingly replaced and subordinated It, and transformsd the structure of 
the economy. It Is therefore Impossible to go back to a free -competition, non- 
monopoly stage of capltallam by removing monopoly from capitalism. The "removal" 
of monopoly can result only In the nert stage of society, socialism. 

The highest level of productive forces possible under capitalism Is reached 
In Its monopolj' stage, and the United States demonstrates the very high level to 
which they can be developed. But by the same process, the concentration of mon- 
opoly power Is also pushed to the extreme, thereby building up the actual and 
potential tendency of monopoly to restrict the development of the productive 
forces. Thus Is accentuated In a particularly martod form the basic contradic- 
tion between the ever growing potential of the forces of production «md the re- 
strictive role of the capitalist relations of production. This contradiction can 
be resolved decisively only by freeing the productive forces from monopoly capital, 
so that they can be utilized fully for human betterment and social progress. And 
this must of necessity entail a fundamental social transformation which abollshss 
the capitalist relations of production, founded on private ownership of the basic 
economy and on the exploitation of labor, and establishes socialist relations of 
production, based on public ownership and the abolition of class exploitation. 

Accordingly, there can arise no Intermediate stage of American society In 
between present-day capitalism and socialism. Therefore, the new forma and feat- 
ures that any arise on the road to working-class rule In this country would not 
be associated with some new Intermsdlate form of society, as seen by reformism 


or r»Tl8lonIaia--8uch as a crlole-froa and iDonopoly-free "new oapltallBm" In the 
form of a perfected "Welfare State," or Boae mixed eoolety vhlob la oBltber cap- 
italist nor Boclallat. 

However, the fterxlet view that Intermediate etagee of society are impooolbXe 
In the United States establishes only the long-range perspective. Marxists must 
recognize the need for stages or levels In the developoent of the n&ss movement 
during the entire period before socialism which ai?e related to the concirete econ- 
omic, social and political issues for which the people fight In present-day soci- 
ety. They should also fully appreciate the role of actual and developing strug- 
gles for social and structural reform by the working class and the popular forces 
as they seek to secure peace, defend and extend democracy, achieve Negro fwedom 
and safeguard living conditions. 

Accordingly, a distinction must be made between the Innnedlate program, which 
pertains to the entire period of struggle against monopoly, and the long-range 
program, which relates to the future transition to socialism. No wall exists 
between the two, elth»r In theory or In life. A definite relationship exists not 
only In time (immediate and long-range), but Integrally. The way in which the 
struggle against monopoly proceeds, the role of the working class emd Its success 
In forging and leeullng strategic alliances, the political form In which the anti- 
monopoly coalition or united front against monopoly is expressed — all this affects 
the particular approach toward working-class rule as well as the nfinner and the 
shape of the socialist solution. The way in which this country embraces soclallem 
will be decided not only by the particular social crisis In the future from which 
soclallem will emerge and by the world situation at the time, but also, and per- 
haps decisively, by the progress of the struggle for peace and democracy, and the 
political form this assumes, In the period now before us. 

The central objective of the ImnBdlate progroai of the Communists Is related 
both to the Ifflmedlate struggles and to the long-range goal. It arises from an 
outstanding characteristic of the American development. This Is the historic lag 
In the class, ^lltlcal and socialist consciousness of the working class as com- 
pared with tlfc very high level of material readiness of the country for socialism 
(the high jroductlvlty of the economy combined with the complex social Integration 
of labop). The overcoming of this lag Is a process, and It would be entirely shem- 
atle to see It as a series of stages culminating In the final stage of socialist 
ewareness. The level of maturity of the working class Is a product of diverse 
factors acting simultaneously: changes In the objective situation at home and 
In the world, the Initiative of monopoly, the struggles of the workers and popular 
forces against offensives of reaction, the Influence upon them of socialist pro- 
gress and national liberation In the world, the strength and the capacity for 
leadership of the working class party. The unity of the working class and Its 
emergence as an Independent force are achieved In struggle. In the course of which 
the workers get rid of various Illusions about capitalism, overcome opportunism 
In the labor movenent, mature their political vanguard party, and move Into lead- 
ership of the entire nation. But this cannot take place all at once. It is more 
or lees a lengthy process, and Is necessarily closely linked with the tasks and 
Issues of the period. 

The tasks and issues of tl» preeent period revolve around the questions of 
peace, democracy, Negro rights and economic security, with peace as central to 
all- others. T>»8e tasks are democratic In content because the struggle for their 
realization Involves as a common denominator the defense and extension of democ- 
racy and can result In significant social progress under present-day conditions. 
Such advances can be ii»de, providing the working class leads the struggle. Join- 
ing In action and alliance with the Negro people, the nssB of farmers, and the 
urban middle strata. In the Conmunlst view, the Interaction and merging of such 
struggles move In the direction of a united front against monopoly, which Is the 
DBln barrier to peace and social progress, and the prime source of reaction and 
the war danger. Such a united front Is necessary, for monopoly can and will be 
curbed and Its strength undermined only if It Is confronted with a powerful united 
front movenent deeply rooted In the working class, which Is the leading social 
force. Such a democratic united front against monopoly, the Communists believe, 
wojild have to act politically, and It needs a party new In substance. Independent 
of monopoly. Such a people's party, embodying the leading role of labor and glvlns 
political expression and direction to the common anti-monopoly struggle, would 
strive to win political power and move toward a people's government. Such Is the 
comprehensive objective of the ImnBdlate program of the Communists, corresponding 
to the democratic tasks of the period. 


The obJeotlT* of an antl-nonopoly peopls's goTeronent certainly Bums up the 
fundanontal movement for peace, democracy and social advance In the i»rlod ahead. 
Its achlevenent would amount to a radical shift In class relations favorable to 
the working people and to the realization of their democratic and economic alms. 
At. the same time, It could open the way to the basic shift of state power to the 
Working class, as leader of the nation, and to the aetabllshigBat of soolallet 

In the sclBntlflo Marxist sense, the ultlmte strategic aim of the working 
class Is historically determined by the Inevitability of socialism and by the 
role of the working class In Its achievement. New features and forms will no 
doubt arise In the course of the hard sti-uggle against monopoly, and may be of 
utmost Importance In determining the manner and shape of the basic transfer of 
political power. However, the substance of such a change Is that the working 
class In the end must emerge as leader of the nation -- that Is, It must become 
the rullpg class In order to establish socialism. At one or another phase of 
social advance and In such forma as will be created by the struggle Itself, the 
working class will be faced with the necessity of leading the nation In the estab- 
lishment of a Socialist government In order to defend and consolidate the people's 
gains. Thus, the advance toward a people's antl -monopoly govommsnt and the soc- 
ialist goal are Interlinked In their development. Just as the democratic tasks, 
broAJouaj aafl •jitouiled vlth the progress of the struggle, flow Into the soolallsfc 

Seen In this hlgtorlo perspective, the process of ant 1 -monopoly struggle In 
the period ahead and the forms of alliance and political action produced by It, 
Including the advance toward a people's government, prepare the way for the basic 
shift In class relations which will permit the working class, together with Its 
allies, to solve pemenently the general crisis of capitalism. In relation to 
this long-range objective, the struggle to curb the monopoly power and the de- 
mands raised with respect to this Immediate aim are of a transitional character. 
They are transitional because the curbing of monopoly to be effective and lasting 
must lead to the elimination of monopoly. As experience hasr shown, even signif- 
icant social reforms and advances cannot be considered as permanent gains as long 
as monopoly retains Its power. Such gains under certain clrcumatances nay even 
serve to safeguard the outmoded social system against more fundamental change. 
Even If monopoly Is momentarily restrained politically. It seeks to regain what- 
ever economic positions It noy have lost and full political power at the expense 
of democracy and peace. Therefore, In the end monopoly will have to be removed 
frcm both its economic and political positions, thus opening the way to some, 
form of working class nile and the socialist transformation of society. 

Such an approach to the relation between the anti-monopoly struggle emdthe 
socialist aim Is basic to the position of tl» Communist Party, as the party of 
socialism, as the party which stands for the fundamsntal tranflformatlon of soc- 
iety. It provides the perspective for a successful struggle against monopoly 
under present-day conditions, as distinguished from the old middle class dream 
of a return to free competition or the reformist Utopia of collaboration with 
monopoly to remake capitalism, both of which must end In futility. 

In the period before us, the democratic transitional densnds are uppermost 
and decisive, and the struggle for them can lead to significant social advance. 
In this period, the fundamental task of the working class Is to build the demo- 
cratic united front against monopoly, that will fight for peaceful coexistence and 
will oppose U.S. Imperialist Intervention abroad, apply and defend the Bill of 
Bights In all Its aspects, strengthen and enrich the representative Institutions 
within the Constitutional system, put an end to Jim Crow, restore and strengthen 
full trade union rights. Such a democratic front, sparked by the labor movement, 
would fight for full employment In a peace economy, defend the positions of the 
small and medium farmers and urban middle classes, and seek the extension of 
social legislation In all fields. It would seek basic structural reform aimed at 
completing the democratic revolution In the South and at subjecting large private 
Industrial and financial monopolies to the democratic controls of the i»ople . It 
would have to rely upon the large nnss organizations of labor, the Negro people, 
the farmers, the youth and all working people, and must win the allegiance of all 
middle sectors by defending their Interests against monopoly. It will have to 
be a movement around which working men and woman, all the underprivileged and 
victims of discrimination can rally with confidence. 


Certainly, the poeelblllty for a dynamic demooratlc revival and for progres- 
siva olMLQges oan be realized by ouob a tmlted front of the popular forcea. Such 
dencoratlo atrugglea for social and polltioal reform vlll oaturs the claea forces 
and alllanoes oapabls of defending the people's gains and of carrying the movsnent 

Coonunlsts seek to participate In all struggles, united actions, and coall- 
tloos vhioh s0«)c to curb the monopoly power. Bix>ad sectors of the people, Includ- 
ing labor, nny for some time retain faith In capitalism as a system, from vbich 
they dlvoroe monopoly, although they correctly see it as the mln enemy. As lab- 
or begins to lead the united stn^gle against monopoly. Joining forces with the 
Negro people,farDBre and urban middle strata, the forces and alliances are built 
that la their developaent tend politically to isolate monopoly from the nation. 
This dovelopnent oan create a new relation of class forces In which the working 
class emorges In Its Independent and leading role. 

The ConnrinlPts seek to place the deocxsrstlo denands for curbing monopoly In 
such a fashion, and fight for them In such a way, bm will advance the unity of 
the workers and their leading role in the united front a^lnst monopoly. This Is 
the prerequisite for a suooesaful struggle for tbe iimedlate comaon progi^m of 
peace, deoooi«oy aod econonlo security. 



5. Defenee and Brteneloo of Democrticy 

The Consaunist Party advocates a democratic road to soclallnn througb tbe pol- 
itical and economic struggles of the American people within the dw«loplne «u>d re- 
vitalized constitutional procees. 

Capitalism cannot bo refomod Into socialism, the transition from one to the 
other being a social revolution — that Is, a basic change from capitalist to eoo- 
lallst relations of production. The Communist Party fights for conditions that 
will lead to a peaceful transition to socialism because this Is the preferable 
and the least painful method of basic social tranefometlon, and because It be- 
lieves that a peaceful road to eoclallea can be opened by tl* struggles of the 
people under the new conditions that have emerged In tl» world. 

The possibility of realizing such a road to eoclallem depends upon a complex 
of Inter-related ftwtors, domestic and International. The most Important, at this 
time, In creating the conditions for peaceful transition Is the stnoggls for the 
defense and extension of democracy. Communists see this as the cmclal theme of 
the period before us. The progress of this struggle affects most lanBdlately and 
directly the prospects for peace and for economic well-being, and It can be the 
basic factor In establishing and defending the oondltlone for a peaceful tztmsl- 
tlon to socialism In the future. 

The reactionary tendencies which have come forward In the United States since 
the end of World War II are a warning that once again powerful monopoly circles 
seek a fasclet-typo solution. The Cold War has led to tl» rapid militarization of 
the state, marked by an almost total fusion of very top monopoly with government 
administration and of high military circles with the big corporations. An almost 
Imperceptible change In the Inner functioning of the state Is occurring, expressed 
principally In the mushrooming of power In the executive branch, where peak mon- 
opoly Is firmly entrenched, and moreover with ever mounting secrecy on government 
operations under pretect of "defense," In this protected domain, there is a pro- 
liferation of new groups and agencies >Aich are subject to very little congression- 
al control and more and more take over the governing of the country. Far from 
challenging this wholesale usurpation of Its powers, particularly In the crucial 
decisions affecting war or peace. Congress Itself launched assaults upon the demo- 
cratic liberties guaranteed by the Constitution. This trend, sustained by contin- 
uing concentration of monopoly power In the economy and In govemmsnt, threatens 
by the gradual process of undermining and encroachment to deprive the represent- 
ative Institutions and the Constitutional process Itself of any real democratic 
content . 

Defense of bourgeois democracy Is Itself becoming the Issue leading to great 
social and political struggles. Democratic legality Is under attack from the 
Right — sometimes hidden, sometimes open — and this attack has to be repulsed 
and the trend toward a fascist-type state ha* to be blocked If the democratic 
roeuJ to social progress Is to be kept open In the United States. 

Thus, It Is Incorrect to view the fight for democracy merely as a taotlc, 
and this was never the Marxist view. It Is true that democracy Is limited under 
capitalism, because bourgeois democracy Is based on class exploitation which 
severely restricts the democratic rights of the workers, the Negro people, and 
other unpropertled or oppressed groups. It Is also trus that the complete and 
nanlfold realization of democracy can come only with the abolition of class ex- 
ploitation and the establishment of real majority rule under eoclalism, while 
universal equality will be established only when all classes disappear under 
communism, the higher stage of socialism. But this does not mean that Coomnmlsts 
have a negative or neutral view with respect to democracy or the form of state 
under capitalism. Our form of bourgeois democracy and of republlccui govemmsnt 
has provided a particularly free and wide basis for the class struggle. In the 
course of which the people have been able to win significant social gainst against 
the resistance of entrpnched wealth and reaction. Honopoly domination of the 
state now threatens to choke off these freer forms of struggle, by replacing ths 
democratic content of the-system with an authoritarian content, while retaining 
only the outward shell of tl» democratic Institutions. Comnunlsts consider the 
struggle against this entire reactionary trend and the need for the revival and 
extension of democracy, as an Integral part of their Imnedlate program for peace 
and better living coalltlone, as well as for socialism In the Utalted States. 

The stniggle for the democratic way Is a multi-class question, requiring an 
all-sided, vigorous opposition to the authoritarian trend. lAbor Is thrust into 
the very heart of the struggle by the monopoly attv:k upon Its rights and condl- 


tlons , whll« tho Kegro people In their battle for rlghtB granted by the Gon- • 
stltutlon. IrjpQrt a powerful otlmulua to the fight for aomocracy in genorol. The 
leading social forces in the fight to preeerve and broaden the doTDocratlo road 
are the working ola^e, the working fannBre, and the Negro people -- their tend- 
ency 1b to fight for denocraoy without limit because they need It to obtain 
economic security and freedom. But as the monopoly power grows It seeks to 
convert the state ncre and more Into Its own exclusive domain, from an organ of 
the bourgeoisie as a whole Into a total monopoly state. The fanners, the urban 
middle strata and otl»r non-monopoly sectors of the capitalist class, are thus 
shut off Increasingly from significant participation In government, and with an 
effective united front struggle by labor many of these sectors will also fight 
for democratic advances. 

In the Communist view, the fight to preserve and enrich the democratic way 
in the present society has a direct bearing upon the form and functioning of the 
socialist state that will follow. It lo Irrelevant to take as a model for ock:1»1- 
1st democracy in the United States the experiences of the dictatorship of the 
proletariat In tl» Soviet Union during Its first decades, when surrounded by a 
hostile capitalist world It had to Industrialize from a very low economic level 
or die. The United States will go socialist under different conditions. The 
remarkable progress nfide by the USSH, despite the unfavorable circumstances dem- 
onstrates the strength and vitality of socialism. But the advances to be made 
by the Soviet Union In the decade ahead, when Its nBterlal conditions and stand- 
ard of living will approach and then exceed those now prevailing In the United 
States, will provide a more comparable situation. Certainly, the full flowering 
of socialist democracy upon a high economic level should Indicate more directly 
the real potential of socialism In the United States as well. 

Whether this country, which has been so unusually well favored by historical 
circumstances over a long period, will be as fortunate in the future, depends 
essentially upon the ability of the working people, the great mass of the nation, 
to preserve emd carry forward our rich democratic tradition, giving it a new rev- 
olutionary content and perspective . 

In the past, Marxists thought that the forms of the bourgeois state and of 
bourgeois democracy would have to be discarded by a socialist state. But recent 
experience has shown that many of these forms, with appropriate structural change, 
can be taken over by the socialist state, and imbued with a new class content. It 
is therefore entirely possible that the American Constitution and the government- 
al system baaed on it, if these are preserved, improved, and enriched with greater 
democratic content by the struggles of the people, will provide the form of the 
American socialist state, once power has passed into the hemds of the working 
class and Its allies. In fact, the separation of powers and the Federal struct- 
ure, once they are made completely responsive to the popular will, may be very 
well suited to the needs of majority rule, direct democracy, and encouragement 
of popular initiative, side by side with Federal planning under socialiem. The 
checks and balances provided by our Constitutional form and Federal-state rela- 
tionship, thoroughly democratized by socialism, nay provide an effective neane of 
preventing bureaucratic abuses and overcentrallzatlon of powers. 

In the period ahead, the fight for democracy can well lead to Important 
structural reforms In the govemfflental system. Originally, the triangular system 
of checks and balances was devised prlnBrlly to pirevent the capture of government 
by popular majorities. As a rule, the system worked, except In times of crisis 
and popular upheaval when a combination of the President and a pojrular Congress 
registered important democratic and social advances -- as in the years of Jeffer- 
son, Jackson, and Lincoln, and also for a brief tjme at the beginning of the 
second New Deal of F. D. Poosevelt. At certain times the Supreme Court, at others 
Congress, and sometimes the President played the major role in stemming the popu- 
lar tide . As a day-to-day tactic the popular forces must perforce oppose the 
policies of one or another of the three branches, depending upon which at the time 
is obstructing progress. But a more fimdamental perspective Is required if labor 
and the people are to revive the democratic content of the Constitutional form 
and aeike It serve their needs. 

Certain etnictural reforms in the governmental system which have been pro- 
posed before are still valid, such as the popular election of all Judges, elim- 
ination of the electoral college in favor of the direct election of the President, 
and possibly the abolition of the Senate or at best depriving this presently un- 
representative body of the power of veto over the House. Other measures which 
would strengthen the democratic procedures Include proportional representation, 
the referendum and the power of recall, reform of the committee and seniority 
system and democratization of the rules in both Houses. In the Federal relation- 
ship, the States should be deprived of the power to nullify national social leg- 


lalatlon and ConBtltltulonal rights (auch ae deaegregatlon of the echoole, tl» 
right to vote, social eocurtty, rights of labor to organize), and th© powers of 
the Federal govemnent should be enlarged to establish mlnlnium national require - 
nents in such fields. These and other much-needed structural jjolltlcal reforms, 
however, can be brought about only by a resurgent popular democratic movenant. 

The main orientation of labor, the Ifegro people and all people's forces 
should be upon revitalizing and strengthening the representative legislative 
bodies — Federal, State, and local — as the most direct channel for popular 
pressure upon the other two branches of govomnBnt and as the means of obtaining 
the nazlfflum popular rule possible under the present system. In the present Con- 
stitutional franawork, the Legislature can be nade to serve as the people's "check 
and balance" against monopoly, which is most deeply entrenched In the greatly ex- 
tended Fxscutlve branch, and to open the way for placing the government administ- 
ration, as well as the Judiciary, beyond the control and grasp of the monopoly 
oligarchy. Congress — and the State and local representative bodies -- must be 
transfomed Into really popular Institutions, leat monopoly and reaction destroy 
their democratic potential, leaving them a withered shell, while the people lose 
confidence In democratic government because It falls to satisfy their denende and 
needs, thus providing the soil upon which fascist movemsnts can thrive. This Is 
the course of political struggle for the pressing needs of the people, for the 
safeguarding of their gains and of peace, which will keep the democratic way open 
for social progress. The ociss novemsnt needs democracy to extend broadly the so- 
cial legislation and labor gains already won and to gain new social reforms. 

A decisive basic social refom which can Impart a powerful stimulus to pro- 
greas Is the ccmpletlon of the deoiocratlo revolution In the South. Notwithstand- 
ing an entire period of capitalist development In this region, and the migration 
of BllllonB of Negro tollere from the land to the cities North and South, the 
democratic tasks which the Civil War and Reconstruction loft unfinished Impera- 
tively dennnd eolutlon today. The reimants of slavery --the plantation, segrega- 
tion, and racism — still provide the principal source for Dljclecrat reaction 
irtiich, allied politically and otherwise with monopoly, has kept the South a back- 
ward region, opposed and obstructed all steps toward Negro freedom, and barred 
advanced legislation and action nationally. 

A general democratic tranafomation of the South will restore full civil 
rights aod libertiea for all, establish representative governmsnt throughout the 
political atinicture — from the community to the Federal regime — and enforce 
desegregation in the schools and in all other public Institutions, housing and 
services. Revolutionary in content la the struggle for the Negro right to vote 
and for full representation and participation in govermnsnt because It means a 
radical change in the political structure of the South, which will have progres- 
sive Impact throughout the nation. Integral to such a change is b basic agrarian 
reform that will eradicate the last remnants of the plantatlon-sharecropplng sys- 
tem and its offshoots into the rest of Southern economy, and radically change the 
class relations on the countryside where parasitic landlords still keep large 
Negro najorlties in a form of semi -feudal dependence. The rapid growth during 
recent years of the Negro working claes as part of the U.S. working class as a 
whole provides a new and solid base for carrying through tha democratic revolution 
in the South, 



6. Curbing the Monopoly Power 

RefonuB that would curb the economic as well as the political pcfwer of mon- 
opoly wore sought by all the popular anti-trust movements of the past, which 
were largely under radical farm and middle-class leadership. The old trust- 
busting program, beginning with the Populist revolts, sought to halt or reverse 
the rise of monopoly from free competition. The New Deal reforms of the 1930' ■ 
recognized that monopoly was here to stay but sought, by goverranent regulation, 
to prevent abuse of economic power. Both series of reforms were absorbed by mon- 
opoly capitalism and turned to Its own advantage. The anti-trust laws, In fewt, 
operated In such a way as to sustain the giant corporation as the distinctive 
form of American Industrial and financial monopoly, rather than the cartel-type 
combination characteristic of other countries. The regulatory moaeuros became 
functions of state monopoly capitalism -- the means by which the corporations 
regulated themselves through state administrative agencies, also facilitating 
the merger of government and corporate personnel. Both series of reforms had 
the effect of stemming the popular anti-monopoly movements of the time, and 
diverting them from attempts at more fundamental structural reforms -- lite 
nationalization of the railroads in the earlier peirlod and nationalization of 
the banks In the New Deal era. 

In the present period, when labor's needs and demands Impart a decisive con- 
tent and direction to the antl -monopoly movement, a common program for curbing 
monopoly power must rest on different principles. These are determined primarily 
by the fact that under present-day conditions the technological revolution, on 
top of the intrinsic Instability of the economy, is creating a new layer of perm- 
anent unemployed as the typical form of impoverishment In a high-level monopoly 
society, with serious threats to the conditions of all workers. Thus Is shown 
that big Inveetmenta in new technology, expanded production and a higher national 
income do not in themselves lead to progress. In order to have social progress, 
these have to be translated Into the elimination of unemployment and poverty, and 
Into the great improvement in mass living conditions made possible by the new 
techniques of jn-oductlon In agriculture and industry. 

Technical progress and greater productivity are utilized by monopoly to 
realize maximum profits through more concentration, decreasing the number of 
workers In production. Intensified speed-up, undermining the conditions and 
status of the workers, and weakening the unions. labor Is not opposed to new 
technology and greater productivity, for these are essential to progress, but It 
Is opposed to technical progress at the expense of the workers. Only the class 
struggle can transform technical progress into social progress. Under present 
conditions, the struggle for full employment In a peace economy becomes the dynam- 
ic force of economic and democratic progress. It was only under special circum- 
stances — as during war, post-war booms and extraordinary military spending in 
peacetime -- that capitalism was able to provide anything approximating a condi- 
tion of full employment. 

To achieve a condition of full employment without war or the threat of war 
should be the aim of all economic and democratic struggles against monopoly. 

Advances In this direction entail mc^"e radical interference with the opera- 
tions of monopoly than is involved In remedial social legislation, although this 
too has to be fought for constantly, and if pressed to the full can also lead to 
basic changes. Actually, all struggles for economic and democratic advance must 
collide with and set up obstacles to the drive of monopoly for maximum profit, 
which in our society has the force of the central law determining the very exist- 
ence and operations of monopoly. The struggles of the working people and the 
strength of the labor movement have prevented the unhampered sway of this law from 
driving living standards down to subsistence levels for large sections of the 
people. The further strengthening of the trade unions and the development of the 
people's struggles on a broad front can save large nimibers of workers from perm- 
anent unemployment and obtain better living conditions. If the inherent tendency 
of monopoly to permanent unemployment, economic crises, authoritarian rule and 
aggressive expansionism is to be impeded, the economic and democratic struggles of 
the workers and all people's forces must seek to curb monopoly by encroaching on 
Its powers, weakening and undermining Its economic and political positions, and 
move in the direction of its elimination, 

A labor and people's anti-monopoly protram should seek to curb monopoly prin- 
cipally and simultaneously along three lines, (l) It must seek to force greater 
concessions from monopoly through the state in the form of remedial legislation 
and social welfare, hand in hand with fringe benefits won by contract negotiations. 
(2) It should aim at blocking and impeding the free play of monopoly competition, 

56597 O^60^-<pt. 4 ,3 


rather than restoring the old form of free competition, as was the case with 
earlier programs. (3) It must recognize that govemmBnt economic activities 
are a permanent feature of present-day capitalism which the n»ss movement must 
attempt to utilize for the purpose of wresting more basic concessions from 
monopoly, Including structural reform In the corporate -state system that will 
weaken the positions of monopoly In the economy and in government. 


Labor has always fought for a greater share of the social product at the 
expense of profits through the shorter work week and higher wages. A new ad- 
vance along these lines Is made Imperative by productivity unemployment and 
Increasing Job Insecurity as a result of the new technical revolution and the 
instability of the economy. At the same time, labor and the progressives have 
always fought for fringe benefits and social legislation that would offset the 
social evils arising from capitalism. E^ry major advance on this front has 
been achieved only as the result of great mass struggles. Today, also, deneinds 
such as the shorter work week, compensation for the full period of unemployment 
and an extensive public works program. If they are to be won require great mass 
struggles. Because of the enormity of the problem of economic security In pres- 
ent-day capitalism, legislative action must reach into a broad field -- basic 
tax reform in favor of the people, higher minimum-wage and other pro-labor laws, 
enlargement of the social security system, all -sided and enforceable anti- 
diecrimination provisions, establishment of a public health system, greatly in- 
creased public housing for low-income families, adequate youth and education 
facilities, and other necessary welfare msasures. The fight for this kind of 
reform has been traditional with the labor movement for many decades. But in 
the recent period, after the legislative victories of the New Deal era, labor 
has concerned itself with winning new social benefits largely through contract 
negotiations, which affect only the organized workers and leave the nejority with- 
out these benefits. New conditions require that in addition to defending exist- 
ing labor legislation and besides the struggle for fringe benefits, the^abor 
unions assume energetic leadership in the fight for broader social legislation 
as well. 

While supporting every possible social welfare measure and every improvement 
in the conditions of the workers that can be obtained, Marxists believe that 
these cannot be considered as the final aim of the working class movement. Gen- 
erally, such reforms deal only with the symptoms and the evils of capitalism and 
fail to challenge the basic causes of unemployment and inequality. The broad 
masses fight for such reforms in the hope that they will lead to country to gen- 
eral conditions of democracy and economic equality. While it is true that vic- 
tories won by such struggles can lead to an era of progressive reform, and to 
real improvements, they do not add up to a new social order. Social and remedial 
legislation, although legimiinate alms of the working class movement, do not alter 
the ownership of the means of production nor do they affect the sources of income, 
even if concessions may Involve something of a redistribution of income. Such re- 
forms, accordingly, cannot be considered stejie to socialism, which Involves a 
basic transformation of society. Nor can they be viewed as creating a "welfare 
state" devoted to social well-being capable of overcoming crises and inequality. 

The myth of the welfare state in the era of monopoly and imperialism arose 
from the need of the modem state in all advanced capitalist countries to extend 
the field of social legislation under pressure from mass movements, and In view 
of the successes of the socialist world, in order to preserve the system in the 
midst of general crisis. The so-called welfare ^ate is still a monopoly state, 
and it functions to preserve monopoly capitalism. The social benefits it was 
forced to concede have become as necessary to its continuation as the other 
economic activities characteristic of the modem state. Even when monopoly is 
forced to grant social benefits against its will, it tries to delay them as long 
as possible, to keep them to the minl-num, to pare them down later, and to nake 
the workers pay for them through taxes and other charges against wages, so that 
a constant struggle is required even to retain concessions that have been won 
and to reduce the wage -earners ' share of the cost. While granting benefits 
sparingly and grudgingly, nonopoly and its supporters try to turn the necessity 
of making concessions into a virtue by claiming that capitalism has become a 
welfare society. They exploit what was forced upon them by the mass movement in 
the first place in order to divert that movement from more fundamental demands. 
There are also other reasons why the modem state needs certain social legisla- 
tion, such as minimum sanitation, health and educational standards to assure 
efficient labor. And at times monopoly will prefer state social benefits rather 
than wage Increases or fringe benefits because they need not come out of profits. 
But the main significance of welfare benefits to the monopoly state is that they 
serve as Insurance against basic social change. 


Social benefits are a form of ransom which monopoly must pay to nfilntaln Its 
power, but the difficulties of the system, the strength of the modem labor un- 
ions and the ever new successes of the socialist world tend to Increase the mag- 
nitude of the ransom. And the trade unions -- because by nature they can do no 
more than fight the symptoms, while seeking a more favorable share for wages out 
of the surplus produced by labor -- must continue to press for an extension of 
the welfare functions of the monopoly state. This characterizes the present 
course of the anti-monopoly movement. Communists participate In and support all 
economic and democratic struggles aimed at enlarging the area of social benefits. 
But even at a high level, this movement can end In frustration and Its victories 
can be absorbed by monopoly capitalism, unless the working class presses for more 
radical measures of reform that are directed at the very causes of unemployment 
and Inequality. The main distinction between reformists and Marxists Is that 
while the former believe that capitalism can be remade Into a welfare society, the 
latter see the struggle for reform not only as a means of Improving the Immediate 
lot of the people. The struggle for reform Is also the means by which the workers 
and broad masses of the people come to see the limitations of capitalism and the 
necessity of socialism, and at the same time build up their strength and allianc- 
es for bringing about a basic change that will remove the need for concessions 
froJB monopoly because the working people will become the rulers of society. But 
the entire labor movement will have to go through education In struggle. In the 
form In which it presents Itself here, to arrive at the position where the move- 
ment for remedial measures will be transformed Into a movement to change the 
basis of society, 


High level unemployment appears side by side with large capital Investment 
In new machinery, extensive unused capacity, and rising prices. These seemingly 
contradictory phenomena arise from the monopoly structure of the economy, and 
more specifically, from the monopoly form of competition. While superseding free 
competition, monopoly does not exclude competition between the big corporations, 
but only changes Its form. At the very high level of inonopoly In the United 
States, this new form of competition has given rise to particularly sharp antag- 
onisms within the dominant monopoly sector of the economy, and between It and the 
non-monopoly sector that still tries to operate on the old competitive basis, 
which Is considerably restricted and distorted by the all-ervadlng Influence of 
monopoly In the economy as a whole. 

The central motive force of monopoly competition Is the drive for naxlmum 
profits, rather than the lower average rate of profit determined by the free 
nBrket of pre -monopoly capitalism. By virtue of their dominant position In key 
sectors of the economy, a few big corporations are able to peg prices for given 
comnodltles at levels high above value, and sustain them even Into periods of re- 
cession. Because of the essentially anarchic, planless nature of the capitalist 
economy and Its cyclical character, monopoly cannot have absolute control over 
prices, and therefore administrative price setting will not always be effective, 
particularly In a deep and general crisis. But monopoly has the effect of minim- 
izing sharp price fluctuations, keeping them as a more or less rigid framework 
within which the race for profit proceeds among the giants. In this form of 
competition, maximum profits are sought primarily by reducing unit costs within 
a high price structure, and this is achieved by increasing productivity and the 
exploitation of labor, and also by driving down the cost of raw materials sup- 
plied by the non-monojwlized sector at home and colonial areas abroad. 

It Is this form of competition, together with the accumulation of huge re- 
serves, that essentially accounts for considerable technical progress In the 
poet-war years, contrary to the expectation that monopoly under all circumstances 
would lead to stagnation in technique. This view was always mistaken. As Lenin 
showed, even during a period of world capitalist decadence, uneven development 
might result in the progress of capitalist production in one or another country 
while it declines in otl»rs. And it is his analysis of monopoly competition 
which explains why, in the special postwar circumstances, monopoly was compelled 
to undertake technical innovations in production in practically all leading capit- 
alist countries, even if unevenly and chaotically, and even If they are not de- 
veloped to the fullest extent. 

But technical progrees under monopoly has serious consequences for the 
people. In the past, a, reserve arrny of unemployed was needed by capitalism for 
the expansion of production. This was supplied in this country by immigration 
from Europe and later by the migration of Negro workers from the plantations of 
the South, by the importation of Mexican and Puerto Bican labor, by the neseive 
dlsplaceBBnt of farmers from agriculture, by the recruitment of women into the 
labor force and from the various middle strata displaced by monopoly. Under the 


new technical conditions, expansion of output can bo provided to a much greater 
extent than before by the widespread use of the new technique rather than from a 
labor force which has now grown toenormous proportions. A high level of unem- 
ployment, with no prospect of Jobs within the present monopoly structure. Is 
becoming a permanent characteristic of American society, whatever the level of 
economic activity. 

So drastic a change cannot take place without arousing the opposition of 
workers who have become surplus and of the employed workers who face a similar 
fate, particularly those who do not enjoy the advantages of seniority or hold 
marginal Jobs, like the Negro workers (among whom unemploynent la at least twice 
as severe as among other categories), the women and the youth. But It Is also 
characteristic of this situation that the semi-skilled and skilled workers In 
Industry are being downgraded or rendered surplus by new nechinery and the re- 
allocation of Industry. The will to struggle for the right to work Is mounting, 
with great pressures upon trade union leadership for action. The labor movensnt 
will have to develop a comprehensive struggle on a broad front to translate the 
great Increase In productivity resulting from the new technique Into tf» shorter 
work week and into Increases In wages and reduction In prices which are nede pos- 
sible by the drop In production coats. 

While greater efforts will have to be made to win wage -hour denands, fringe 
benefits and now social legislation whenever possible, this will no longer auffico. 
The labor movement should never lose sight of the immediate economic demands of 
the workers, and always extend the struggle fcr them, but It is also necessary 
to have a labor program that simultaneously will seek to interfere directly wlrh 
monopoly competition in order to counteract its disastrous operation. By contract 
negotiations as well as legislative action, labor needs to press for direct part- 
icipation in decisions involving the Investment aiid production policies of manage- 
ment, as they affect introduction of new techniques, working norms «md pace of 
Work, labor costs and the work week. 

This will be necessary not only to assure adequate procedures for the re- 
classlflcatlon, retraining and reallocation of displaced workers. For this 
problem will become unnfinageable unless at the saone time democratic controls are 
established over production norms and the rate of Introduction of new machinery, 
including the construction of new plants and the reallocation of production which 
are used by the employers to evade contract provisions by placing automated fact- 
ories in unorganized and low-wage areas. Beductlons in the work week without cuts 
in weekly wages should be fought for in direct relation to control of automation, 
so that a reduction neither in the work force nor in real income should result. 
To achieve these ends and to protect the status, conditions and health of the 
workers, particularly from the effects of speedup, labor will also have to fight 
for workers' participation in the management of production at the Job and plant 

A program for labor's intervention in the inevestment policies of monopoly 
and for workers' participation in control of production has nothing in common 
with the idea of People's Capitalism, which is fostered by monopoly to mollify 
the class struggle and to offset the influence among the workers of the socialist 
countries, where technical progress of a very high order is expressed In social 
progress. People's Capitalism, the "new capitalism," or "capitalism without 
capitalists" and similar ideas attempt to found themselves on the alleged "man- 
agerial revolution," the "income revolution," and the "welfare state." Actually, 
whatever share the managers of industry have been able to get in ownership has 
not altered to any significant degree the functioning of monopoly capitalism or 
Its drive for maxlaum profits. All the claima to wider stock-ownership, even the 
extensive participation of the middle strata in the frenzied stocknarket specula- 
tions, and the most subtle scheme for employee stock-sharing, cannot hide the ea- 
sential reality of monopoly control and the further concentration of ownership. 
Nor do they change the fact that in the recent period of extended boom the total 
income of the lowest three -tenths of U.S. income receivers has actually declined, 
while the share of wages in national income haa grown only allghtly if at all, 
despite the greater strength of the unions. Instead of illusory stock-sharing 
schemes, which do not change the realities of class exploitation a whit, labor 
must seek through class struggle an increasing share of profit in the form of 
wages under conditions of full employmsnt in peacetime. And this requires direct 
labor interference in the operations of monopoly. Including encroachments upon 
Ite property rights and privileges. 

Such encroachments must Include also labor's intervention In the fixing of 
prices, in Its own Intereat and in the interest of the broadest sectors of the 


peopl*. Through the pricing mochanlem, monopoly rotrlevea a part of wages, In- 
cluding tl* coBt of fringe benefits, and talces an Increasing share of surplus 
value and earnings produced In the non -monopoly sector, while trying to convince 
the public that high wages and social expenditures by govemment are responsible 
for Inflation. Actually, the rise In the price level is a long-term trend of 
monopoly capitalism, and has been constant since World War II. Huge military 
expendutres, which exceed by many times govemment spending for social benefits, 
and certain monetary and fiscal menlpulatlons accentuate this trend, and at times 
can even be the prime causes for a new price inflation. And conversely, even If 
military spending reneilns high, the use of monetary and fiscal measures to fight 
Inflation might help bring on a depression. 

As a matter of fact, monopoly competition within a high price system is a 
prime factor making for crisis because it increases unemployment, hampers higher 
production levels since it can assure large monopoly profits even when operating 
much below capacity, and reduces purchasing power. Such wage increases as labor 
is able to win lag behind its rise in productivity, with the result that monopoly 
is able to realize higher profits, since the decline in unit costs even at low 
production levels more than offsets the wage rise. Instead of passing on to the 
consumer its share of the benefits of greater productivity, monopoly uses wage 
raises as a pretext for raising prices, and by blaming labor seeks to create 
antagonism between the unions in monopolized industries and the rest of the pop- 

To counteract the disastrous effects of monopoly competition as well as the 
antl -labor propaganda of big business, labor should use its strength to Impede 
the upward price trend, with its threat to the real wages of all workers and its 
crisis -provoking effects. Since prices in the monopoly sector have become pri- 
marily an administrative matter, the strong unions in this sector are in a posi- 
tion to press for a lower price policy through contract negotiations, together 
with control of automation, the shorter work week, higher wages and other benefits. 
But since prices affect society as a whoe, labor should seek united action with 
other people's forces for the establishment of a system of democratic controls 
over prices through govemment action. 

Such regulatory and financial agencies which already exist and are charged 
with controlling public utility, transport and other rates in the public Inter- 
est, but which have in practice followed the monopoly high-price policy, should 
be reconstituted to assure the direct participation of labor and people's organ- 
izations. At the same time, new govemment measures should be sought to permit 
democratic controls over monopoly prices, not as a means of freezing wages, but 
hand in hand with controls over the rate of introduction of labor-saving mach- 
inery with the aim of preventing the permanent displacement of workers from pro- 

Technical progress, expanding production, full employment, lower prices 
and a general all-round improvement of living and social conditions — so often 
proclaimed as the aim of welfare capitalism -- cannot- be provided in the present 
society. Only socialist society can provide them simultaneously and permanently, 
as inherent laws of its development. A powerful working class movement, leading 
a broad coalition against monopoly, can prevent deterioration of living conditions 
and gain concessions for the people by Impeding the free play of the economic laws 
of monopoly capitalism. To raise the level of the struggle from one of "imped- 
ing" and of "gaining concessions" requires the advance to the struggle for soc- 


An antl -monopoly program that seeks to win the right tq work for all en- 
tails struggles on a wide front for structural reform In govemment as well as 
In Industry. An all-sided political struggle, sparked by labor, will have to 
be developed to counteract monopoly domination of the state and to shut off 
vital areas of government from moiopoly control. But such a program must take 
into account the nature of the modem state and Its actual function. 

The major extension of state economic activities has occurred In this 
country since the great crisis of the 1930's. This represents a crucial advance 
of monopoly control over the state and not, as various reformists interpret It, 
the emergence of the state ab an Independent Intermediary power which is supposed 
to Impartially regulate the economy and to transform capitalism Into a welfare 
eo«lety. State Intervention In the economy has become a necessary function of 
monopoly capitalism, which cannot get along without It. But this does not mean 


that the dlaaetroua reactionary consequences of monopoly domination ovar the 
state cannot be averted by the united struggles of the people, through pressure 
upon the state and. through Independent political action. 

Actually, the state haa very little control -over production, even less here 
than In other capitalist countries. The major growth of state economic activity 
has been at the financial level. In the form of huge state expenditures which are 
associated with the expansion of all government operations and with a huge bureau- 
cracy, but especially with the militarization of the country. The expansion of 
all forms of government spending, and particularly tl» gigantic military outlay, 
arises not only from the International contradictions faced by Imperialism -- 
which U. 3. monopoly tries to solve from "positions of strength" -- but also from 
the Internal contradictions and especially from the efforts of monopoly to prevent 
another crisis like that of 1929, of which it Is In mortal fear. 

An anti-monopoly program should aim at safeguarding the people from the con- 
sequences both of the arms build-up emd of a threatening economic crisis. Heavy 
arms spending, by stimulating capital Investment, served to sustain and prolong 
the high level of postwar economic activity and was the principal factor In pre- 
venting the recessions of this period from deepening Into severe crisis, although 
It was not the only factor. Aside from Its role In serving world expansionist 
alma, monopoly prefers military spending, rather than social welfare expenditures, 
because of the huge guaranteed profits In government war contracts and the stimul- 
us provided by this form of spending to greater concentration of econoznlc power 
and to firmer monopoly control of the state. 

But amamsnt outlays by government, with their cold war pressures and war 
dangers, and conatant Inflationary effecta,l8 not the only way to stimulate capit- 
al Investment and economic growth. Government spending devoted to constructive 
economic dewloposnt and to social welfare can also serve to counteract crisis 
aynptoms and to hold off a severe depression. This becomes Imperative because 
permanent militarization carries with it the danger of war and of fascist-type 
developnent within the country. Furthermore, the shift to the new weapons Is 
having effects within the war sector of the economy similar to automation. Mis- 
siles and similar weapons require huge capital Investosnte In Instnanentatlon, 
without the ness production and large numbera of workers needed for conventional 
arms. While placing a heavier tax burden on the people, the new arms production 
la displacing workers from war Industry and does not have the sase antl-crlels 
effect aa the old war production. 

A people's anti-monopoly program ahould aeek to shift the weight of govern- 
ment spending to constructive social purposes, that will have the effect of count- 
eracting crisis symptoms while reducing the heavy burden and the dangers of arms 
spending. Labor and a broad democratic front ought to fight for government spend- 
ing policies that are directed to such constructive purposes as the solution of 
the unemployment problem, economic developnent of the South and other underdevel- 
oped and marginal areas, housing and metropolitan development, education, science, 
and other pressing peacetine tasks. 

The frustration or curbing of monopoly expansion abroad by the progress of 
Bociallam and of national liberation, and the emerging possibility of averting 
war within the new world structure, present new opportunities to the anti-monopoly 
forces within the country for effective struggles to shift the emphasis from mili- 
tarization of the economy to its peacetime developnent. Hand in hand with the 
atrugglfl for a policy of peaceful negotiations to end the cold war, there has to 
bo a struggle for an alternate domestic policy of jeacetine economic development 
and of trade with all countries. Under conditions of economic competition between 
the two world systems, the terms of that competition can be turned to the advant- 
age of the American people by a united and growing struggle against monopoly which 
seeks to curb ita power and to Impede its freedom of action against the people. 
Peaceful economic competition between the two syetema will not of Itself change 
the motivation and operation of monopoly capitalism. But socialist progress and 
policies by the force of example generate ijreseures upon the domestic policies of 
monopoly, which the labor and democratic forces should exploit to exact greater 
concessions from monopoly and to advance toward basic social changes. 

PiX)posalB for structural changes in the corporate network and In go^Wunsnt 
eoononlc functions which have aa their aim the curbing of monopoly should be di- 
rected principally at dismantling the peak financial interest groups -- like the 
Bockefeller, Moi^n,du Pont and Mellon empires. Their control cuts across indus- 
trial, financial and commercial lines, without regard to the actual function of 
their Investments In production and distribution. Command of vast accumulations 
of capital (whether in the big banka and insurance companies or in the industrial 
corporationa) permits those peak monopoly groups to dictate policies with respect 


to Invostment, production, labor, prices, credit, and foreign aid, through govem- 
msnt and through their ovm Inetltutlone. It Is this conatandlng position In the 
economy that gives the top monopoly groups power over the nation and servos as 
thoir base for aggressive expansion abroad, vlth the consequent dangers of war. 

Thie area of top monopoly control should be the principal target of the 
struggle to decentralize and dlSTuantle the centers of corporate power, rather 
than the big and Integrated production units themselves. Large-scale production, 
with its advanced technology and efficient organization of all the elen»nts of 
production, represents a high level of social labor, which la a permanent achleve- 
i!»nt. Monopoly now uses It to obtain maximum profits through the exploitation and 
robbery of the people; under socialism, large-scale production would be taken over 
by the nation and used for the maximum benefit of the people. In this historic 
sense, monopoly control Is temporary and technical progress is peraftnent, and 
therefore the former, despite Its great present power. Is subject to structural 
change by the action and pressure of the people. 

However, thia does not mean that a fetish should be nade out of preserving 
large-scale production In all Instances. In order to eidvance the freedom of the 
Negro people and democratic development of the South, for example, the large 
eeml-feudal plantation units should be broken up and divided among the croppers 
and tenants. Or, in order to save masses of farmers from eviction, an anti- 
monopoly program might seek to limit the size of landownings and restrict the 
scale of Integration and contract farming. Similarly, restrictions may be sought 
upon the merger of industrial operations when It leads to the elimination of small 
and medium enterprise and the further concentration of monopoly control in the 
peak groups. In defense of democracy and public morality, considerations of ef- 
ficiency should not stand In tlie way of breaking up monopolies in all means of 
mass culture -- like the newsprint Industry, newspaper chains, television and 
radio networks, and movies. Nor will the people worry about efficiency when a 
peace policy requires the dismantling or complete reconversion of armament Ind- 
ustries . 

The participation of labor, community and people's organizations in old and 
new regulatory agencies and basic reform of the tax system would be important 
steps towards establishing democratic controls over monopoly operations. But 
these would not amount to structural reform of the state -corporate system unless 
they lead in the direction of Important nationalizations. The previous signific- 
ant structural change was the emergence on a wide scale of government intervention 
in the economy during th^ 1930 's, which monopoly at first opposed but then turned 
to its own advantage. The next significant series of structural reforms is In 
the realm of nationalization, which labor and the people must seek to turn to 
their advantage. 

The public services -- such as electric and gas utilities, railroads and 
airlines, and telecommunicationa -- are not only particularly profitable means 
of mulcting the public but have also become centers of high financial control 
which are used by monopoly to extend its sway over branches of the economy depend- 
ent upon these services. While fighting for a system of democratic controls over 
rates in the interests of the people and the non-monopoly consumers, a people's 
united front should press for government ownership when this is required to re- 
organize and improve these services while reducing rates. When they are locally 
controlled they should be transferred to the states or to the municipalities. 

The entire field of housing and the interrelated problems of city and sub- 
urban planning, schools and cultural facilities, highways, metropolitan transport, 
and the location of industry now require urgent solution and can no longer be left 
to the localities. Their solution requires a high level of government planning -- 
Federal and State -- if the necessary resources are to be gathered and if public 
necessity Is to rule over the private real estate Interests and bankers. But 
government planning will serve primarily these same Interests unless labor and 
the people's community organizations Intervene energetically. Insisting upon their 
participation in the public boards, agencies and owning authorHlss set up for 
these purposes . 

The resources of the Federal Government should be used to bring about a 
structural reform of Southern agriculture by dividing the semi-feudal plantations 
into farms for the former croppers and tenants, while encouraging the all-around 
industrialization of this underdeveloped region and building adequate school, 
health, and housing facilities. Basic reform of the tax system, in addition to 
shifting tte burden from the low-income families -^nd medium business to the rich 
and the big corporations, should provide for the use of the taxing power to in- 


duce new Induatrlal growth in the South, as well ae In the depreaeed areas. If 
the big employers can now use the tax system to make the people pay for their 
new equipment and plant, an antl -monopoly united front should seek to use the 
tax system to make the corporations redirect their Investment In such a fashion 
as to reduce unemployment and aselet regional development. 

An effective antl -monopoly program should favor government ownership of new 
Industries resulting from scientific Inventions which have been developed under 
public aueplcea, like atomic energy and outer-space missiles. Efforts to de- 
nationalize the section of the atomic energy Industry now under government owner- 
ship by turning over atomic power development to jirlvate corporations should be 
stopped. Instead, the entire Industry — from raw materials to the finished 
product- -should be nationalized and developed as a government -operated enterprise 
for i)eaceful purposes. Industries that depend primarily upon government contracts 
— like airplane and missile manufacture -- should be taken over and operated by 
the government. 

Giveaways of national resources should be halted. Public lands and the rich- 
es cortalned therein — oil, other minerals, forests, water power — should re- 
main in Federal government ownership and be developed In the public Interest by 
government enterprise. The development of water power, navigation, rural elect- 
rification and irrigation, as well as soil and timber conservation and other 
associated activities should be pursued on the TVA model, but with direct labor 
and comnunity participation on the management boards. 

Mergers and analgaiLations which would result in further concentration of 
economic power in top finance -capitalist groups should be prohibited. Big firms 
being forced Into bankruptcy or merger should be taken over by the government, 
while the position of small and medium enterprise on the land, in industry and 
In commerce should be defended by government -backed measures providing equal ac- 
cess to credit, raw nBterials, patents, cheap motive power, as well as marketing 
aide and other measures that would defend and Improve the position of the non- 
monopoly sector In illation to monopoly in any industry. Government controls 
should be established over monopoly foreign investment and trade to prevent its 
Interference with the sovereignty of other nations, while foreign trade channels 
should be opened to small and medium enterprise, which, unlike the monopolies, 
do not seek strategic control of foreign resources and exclusive domination of 
markets and spheres of influence. 

These and other anti-monopoly measures should move In the direction of the 
nationalization of monopoly property, with compensation only for the non-monopoly 
stockholders, whenever monopoly obstructs the immediate objectives felt by the 
people as necessary to their welfare. Confiscation of property in the public 
welfare has taken place in this country before. When the Tories obstructed In- 
dependence their property was confiscated. When the counter-revolution of the 
slavemasters was defeated their property In slaves was confiscated, and the 
country is still suffering from the failure to confiscate their landed property 
as well. Wlien monopoly obstructs social well-being and peace, its property 
rights should also be subject to forfeiture. This revolutionary doctrine is 
deeply rooted in our history; it has historical, social, moral and also Consti- 
tutional Justification, and a social necessity of its own for the present period. 

Nationalization by the bourgeois state does not of itself mean socialism. 
Only when power has passed to the working class and Its allies does nationalized 
property become common ownership by the people, and only then Is It possible to 
transform state economic measures into real social planning for the people's wel- 
fare. Nationalization under capitalist conditions represents Important basic 
changes In structure, reflecting and accentuating the contradiction between the 
very high level of social labor arising from the extreme complexity of modem 
Industrial society, on the one hand, and the restrictive, outmoded form of pri- 
vate ownership, especially in monopoly property, on the other. The level of 
nationalization In a highly developed monopoly society Is indicative of the de- 
gree to which society is becoming unable to operate in the old way, but It does 
not yet signify that the basic crisis of transformation into a new society has 
been solved. Nor do measures of nationalization in themselves necessarily repre- 
sent an advance to socialism, a sort of step-by-etop evolution. In one sense 
can they be considered an aid to socialism: Capitalist state economic interven- 
tion, including nationalization of production, make the transition to socialism 


eaaler -- once power Is transferred to the working class. That le why capital- 
ists have a mixed approach to all extensions of state economic activity, welcom- 
ing such measures when they are needed to serve their Interests and at ttte same 
tine fearing them as omens of the future. 

The actual role that bourgeois nationalization plays In given clrcumetancee 
Is determined by the level of Independent development of the working class and 
people's forces, the class composition of the government, and the world frame- 
work. When monopoly la In complete command of the government, and the opposing 
class and people's forces are Insufficiently developed, nationalization can be 
iMide prlfflarlly to serve reactionary purposes -- politically, In strengthening 
the monopoly state apparatus and choking democracy;economlcally. In accelerating 
the concentration of monopoly power; In world affairs, In heightening the danger 
of war. On the other hand, state economic Intervention and nationalization can 
also be made to serve the interests of the people If by their economic and demo- 
cratic struggles and their independent political activity, building up a power- 
ful united front and popular coalitions, they are able to Intrude into government, 
curb monopoly power within the state itself, and wrest from it fundamental con- 
cessions. Under conditions of a resurgent mass democratic movement, a jjowerful 
conjblnatlon of working class and people's forces with a nejorlty in Congress and 
control over the Administrative branch can advance toward transforming all state 
economic activity Into socially progroesivo measures by ellnlnatlng monopoly from 
the economic and political life of the nation. 



7. Class and Strategic Alliances 

Becent swift changes In the class composition of the AjDerlcan people broaden 
the potential scope of the united front against monopoly, ani alao present new 
problema with respect to class and social alliances. 

Within a few decades, and at an Increasing tempo since World War II, the 
American people have become a nation overwhelmingly of wage-earners. Techno- 
logical change hand In hand with the growth of monopoly has accelerated tlte 
polarization of classes throughout American society. Far from creating a 
"new middle class," as believers In the "new capitalism" contend, only 15 per 
cent of all those gainfully employed today are farmers, capitalists, businessmen 
and self-employed professionals. The rest are wage -earners, although with widely 
differentiated strata among them--from the extremely exploited farm laborers to 
the high salaried scientists and technicians. Employmsnt in all categories Is 
now also more concentrated within the orbit of the big corporations, whose de- 
cisions on economic and social policy affect directly the conditions of tlte major- 
ity of wage-earners and set the pattern for the rest. 

These changes have enhanced the potential role of tte working class as the 
leading force for social progress. But this role cannot be realized unless the 
labor moveirent seriously begins to solve the problems arising from these changes, 
and particularly from the radical shifts In the composition of the working class 
Itself. Tl«se shifts arise both from the nature of the technical revolution in 
production and from the vast expansion of all functions connected with distribu- 
tion, marketing, financing and servicing of consumers' goods, as well as the 
expanding operations of government and of corporation management. V^hile the 
number of manual workers engaged in production tends to reiteln constant, even 
as output rises, the non-manual and white collar sectors, especially the trained 
technical personnel, tend to rise rapidly. These new sectors of unorganized wage- 
earners, in addition to the older fields long neglected by the trade unions, are 
to a considerable extent capable of organization, the largest numbers being con- 
centrated in the trustified branches and in the government structure. 

The defense of th* Interests of the key sectors of the production workers 
and the advance of the trade unions require a new leap forward in the organiza- 
tion of the unorganized, of a scope and a sweep comparable to the labor upsurge 
of the 1930' s which won for industrial unionism the decisive positions In the 
trustified mass production Industries. Some of the old neglected t3oke--unlon- 
Ization of the factory farms, of the expanding low -wage Industries of the South 
and of the clerical occupations --now acquire a new urgency if the employers. In 
their effort to place the burden of automation upon the manual production work- 
ers, are to be prevented from playing off against each other various categories 
of the Workers in diverse branches of the economy. Nor can the unions continue 
to neglect the special problems of the Negro workers, of the women and of the 
youth leaving school to enter the labor force. The manifold and complex changes 
involved in the technical revolution and in the extension of monopoly and gov- 
ernment operations into the far reaches of the economy demand a similar exten- 
sion of the organization and functions of organized labor, if it is to spark 
and lead a united froni of the people against monopoly. Consolidating the 
decisive positions in the mass production Industries where labor directly 
confronts peak monopoly, extending outward to Include other Important sectors 
of the workers in production, the unions will have to press forward to organize 
the vast body of non -blue -collar wage-earners. 

To meet the challenge of automation, It Is Imperative for the unions to 
solve the new problems of organization arlslrg from the rapid growth (more 
rapid than any other labor sector) of the force of technicians and scientists 
whose role In production has Increased with the technological advance. Large 
numbers of clerical workers are also directly Involved In the operation of the 
new techn'^logy. Misnamed the "slariod middle class" by bourgeois sociologists, 
the engineers, scientists and other specialists are essentially wage-earners, 
directly connected with production. Highly paid, they tend in the majority to 
resist trade union organization, being corporate -minded and strongly middle- 
class In their ideology. Their sense of privilege is heightened by the fact 
thot they h^ve becone the new aristocrats of production, enjoying Incomparably 
setter conditions than workers on the line and greater Job security. The inper- 
ative organization of this unorganized sector requires a trade union initiative of 
the first order, with a special, many-sided apprcach--ideological and political 
as well as organizational, and reaching into the educational system itself. For 
the institutions of higher learning have really become Industrial vocational 
schools for the new technclogy. 


In the strategy of the class struggle against monopoly, the alliance 
between the labor inoven«nt and the Negro liberation struggle occupies the central 
rule. This is an outcone of the specific features of American historical develop- 
ment, which has organically linked the struggle for Negro freedom, Including the 
democratic revolution In the South, with the striving of all working people for 
democratic and social progress. The very structure of American society and 
politics today, with its historically evolved features, has provided monopoly 
with Its chief ally--the Dlxlecrat reaction, rooted In the i^mnante of the slave 
past. Thus, for the advancement of each and In their mutual Interest, the labor 
movement and the Negro freedom movement are compelled to combine In united action 
against the monopoly -Dlxlecrat reaction. Since the Abolitionist movement, the 
fight for Negro freedom has been a central theme, at times the dynamo, of demo- 
cratic progress In the country. This Is a permanent characteristic of social 
prngrese, reaching into the socialist future. Under present-day conditions, with 
the surge forward of the Negro In America for his full rights in every sphere and 
with the inspiring successes of the colonial liberation abroad, the Labor-Negro 
alliance is again the touchstone of democracy and social progress in the United 
States . 

Becent changes have greatly strengthened and broadened the base for this 
alliance. The weakening of the plantation econoiny of the South by capitalist 
attrition over many years, and especially In the postwar period, improves the 
prospects for Its final eradication by the mass movenent and for the elimination 
of Dlxeicratism as a power, both In the South and in national political life. 
By the same process of internal capitalist expansion which weakened the old plant- 
ation system, large sectors of the Negro peasantry have become workers, and they 
now comprise the majority of the Negro people. This has altered radically the 
class relations among the Negro people and has also strengthened the common class 
bond between labor and the Negro people as a whole . 

The effects of these changes are far-reaching. Within the working class, 
broader ground now exists for the process of integration and Negro-white unity, 
although here too a constant struggle has to be waged against race bias and for 
the recognition of the special demands of the Negro workers arising from their 
underprivileged position. Nevertheless, the rapid growth of the Negro component 
of the working class is bound to give a new powerful impulse to the integration- 
1st process, and is raising the possibility for the solution of the Negro national 
question along integrationist rather than separatist lines. This is favored also 
by the Increased weight of the working class within the Negro liberation movement 
itself, offsetting the wavering middle -class leadership and pronlslng to give the 
movement as a whole a more militant and consistent direction. The Negro-white 
working class provides tee possibility of firm cohesion between the labor move- 
ment and tJ"e Negro freedom movement, for a broad alliance which will encompass 
the entire Negro people and embody the combination of democratic and working-class 
objectives which mean social progress for the country as a whole. It remains for 
the organized labor movement to overcorae Its serious lag with respect to the 
struggle for Negro rights, if it is to realize the great potential of the Labor- 
Negro alliance . 

Placing the Labor-Negro alliance in this central way should not lead to an 
underestimation of the role of the small and medium-sized farmers in the anti- 
monopoly united front. It is incorrect to think that mechanization together with 
monopoly concentration in agriculture Is solving the farm problem. While the rel- 
ative role of agriculture, and particularly small farming. In the economy as a 
whole has declined further, the contradictions on the countryside have been ac- 
centuated. Classes among the farcers have been polarized to the extreme. The 
role of the factory farm, employing large numbers of wage -workers on a seasonal 
basis, has grown rapidly. During recent years, the "revolution" in agriculture 
has thrown millions of farmers off the land, among them many Negro croppers and 
tenants who have migrated away from the plantation. Half of the remaining till- 
ers of the soil have been reduced to part-time or subsistence farming, while the 
family-sized commercial farmers, unable to compete with Big Business agriculture, 
are insecure in income and tenure. With the spread of vertical integration, many 
of the medium farms have become appendages to the big farm enterprises, and all 
of them are victimized by the processing, farm machinery and banking corporations. 
Whatever relief may be momentarily supplied by government subsidies and price sup- 
port, which make a premium out of reduced production and are of greatest benefit 
to the big growers, these measures cannot solve the crisis of American agriculture. 

Accordingly, the mass of farmers are among the most anti-monopoly conscious 
forces in the country, with a rich background of third -party revolt against big 
business. Despite the fact that recent changes have reduced the relative weight 


of tbe fanners In national politics, In Important farm regions they continue to 
play a toy role In State politics and In Labor-Farmer coalitions. Since many 
famsrs now work both on the land and In Industry, the Labor-Farmer alliance has 
a closer organic bond than previously and favors the organization of the agric- 
ultural laborers on the factory farms. In the South, the struggle for basic 
agrarian reform is of direct interest to the white as well as Negro farmers, for 
it is directed against those forma of tenancy and farm financing which have also 
increased the dependence of the poor white farmers on the large landowners, and 
a democratic transformation would be in their interests. Because of their role 
In production and the insecurity to which they are exposed, the mass of farmers 
throughout the country can be powerful allies of the working class In the strug- 
gle against monopoly. ' 

Also as a consequence of recent economic and social changes, a further dif- 
ferentiation has taken place within the bourgeoisie. As a tiny minority of super- 
capitalists preempted wider sectors of the economy, the pressures upon the small 
capitalists and businessmen increased. Many were displaced entirely, especially 
smftll business by the expansion of the giant chain-stores. Others were absorbed 
by the bigger corporations or themselves merged to meet monopoly competition. 
Still others are brought into dependence upon big capital as suppliers of parts 
to large industrial enterprises, or through agency networks for marketing heavy 
consumsrs goods, or by big business control over raw n»terlale, capital resources 
and markets. Together with this, many self-employed professionals have been ab- 
sorbed as wage -earners within the corporate structure. The growing pressure upon 
the middle strata of industry and conanerce may have been obscured by tl» specula- 
tive frenzy in which these sectors participated during the high prosperity years. 
But the old trend, which continued late into the imperialist era, of the constant 
recreation of small and medium enterprise is now on the ebb. While there are 
still neny exceptions, the overriding trend is toward the further displacenent or 
subordination of the middle strata, with mounting antagonisms between monopoly 
and the non-monopoly sectors of the bourgeoisie. 

If the full potential of the united front against monopoly is to be devel- 
oped, the positions of the middle strata should be defended against Big Business. 
The small emd medium capitalists. In the non -monopoly sector, some of whom employ 
hundreds of workers in relatively big enterprises, tend to be as much anti-labor 
as ant 1 -monopoly. By supporting their concrete denands against Big Business, 
labor can, at least in part and on important Issues, win them as allies, or neut- 
ralize important sectors. As labor already does in soma industries, the tactic 
can be further evolved of directing the naln burden of the class struggle against 
monopoly. With such an approach it will be possible to build both the united 
front against monojjoly and the trade unions throughout the economy. 

It la characteristic of the middle strata that generally they are afraid 
of basic social change, and especially of socialism. But the situation is such 
in this country, that a united front against monopoly in the period ahead also 
carries with it certain assurances for the future, as far as the middle strata 
are concerned. For in this country, the elimination of monopoly by socialist 
nationalization would immediately provide an extensive and adequate base for 
Socialism at a high economic level. Under such circumstances, snail and medium 
enterprise on a private ownership basis could continue for some time within the 
overall framework of socialist development and planning. While monopoly offers 
the middle strata the prospect at any moment of sudden obliteration, socialism 
can provide a long period of adjustment and gradual eociallst transformation, 
on a voluntary basis, in the course of which they can play a constructive role. 

With recent advances in technology, the scientists and other technical 
professionals have come to play a more important role in production. Together 
with this, the educators and Intellectuals generally have been made to serve 
the new needs of monopoly, not only in the preparation of the young generation 
but also in the complex superstructure of marketing and salesmanship which be- 
came necessary to big business. The misuse of the wonderful scientific discov- 
eries for destructive purposes, the gigantic waste Inherent in the forced sale 
of anything that will net high profits, the Insult to common Intelligence and 
the moral decay inherent in high-powered and omnipotent Madison Avenue crusades, 
and the general vulgarization of all cultural values by big business civilization 
are creating a profound crisis In the nation's Intellectual life. The Corpora- 
tion Man, sold body and soul to monopoly, is the symbol of stagnation and decay, 
A -developing anti-monopoly united front, sparked by a resurgent mass movement 
and Initiating a democratic and cultural revival in the land, will exert a pow- 
erful attraction upon all categories of Intellectual workers. They have a 
particularly Important role to play in social progress, and the labor and pro- 
gressive movement needs to create an atmosphere In which they will feel at home. 


8. Independent Political Action 

In the Communist view, tlie next major advance of Independent political ac- 
tion vlll lead to the formation of a labor-led people's party. Llka meaningful 
advances of the past. It will be a product of sweeping economic and democratic 
mass struggles. It Is Impossible to foretell th^ exact form of such a party, 
or the issues which will prove decisive In Its fonnatlon. But Its general direc- 
tion and content may be Indicated. If such a party Is to serve effectively as 
the political expression of a broad democratic front of the people against monopoly. 
Its emergence would Involve a mass break-away from the traditional two-party system. 
It would have to be based firmly on the trade unions, have at Its core a solid 
Labor-Negro alliance, and win the adherence of the mass of fanners and of the city 
middle strata. 

Since the end of the last century, the history of popular political action 
can be divided roughly into two periods, each with a characteristic form. Until 
the 1920'8, Independent political efforts by the people took the form predominantly 
of national and state farmer-labor parties. Beginning with the Populists, these 
movements were led by radical fann and middle -class forces. Although workers also 
participated, the main trade union leadership generally confined their political 
activities within the two-party system, following a primitive pressure policy of 
"reward your friends and punish your enemies." While the popular political revolts 
were directed against the entrenched money or monopoly power, Gompo^s and other 
early A F of L leaders set a pattern of class collaboration that was to plague the 
labor movement for decades to come. It was not until 1921*, In the presidential 
campaign for LaFollette by the Progressive Party, that the trade unions officially 
endorsed an independent third party. This represented an important transition 
from political revolt of the Populist type to third -party action of the labor type. 
Despite a high national vote (17^ of the total) and significant regional successes, 
economic stabilization and the withdrawal of official trade union endorsement 
resulted in the rapid demise of the national party. 

These earlier movements were the jjroduct of mass protest against monojioly 
power In the econony and in government during the period of the rise and consol- 
idation of Big Business. Their programs Included planks for government ownership 
of railroads, banks and enterprises engaged in the processing of farm products, 
as well as reforms Intended to break up the trusts and to protect the democratic 
rights of the people. While they also Included various socialist tendencies, the 
onlj mass political movement which proclaimed socialism as the aim was that of 
the Socialist Party, with Eugene Debs as standard-bearer, In the years immediately 
preceding World War I. 

During the great mass upheaval of the crisis decade of the 1930's, popular 
political action was focused within the two-party framework, principally in the 
Democratic Party, However, it represented a higher form of political action than 
the narrow pressure policy of the old craft unions. With the formation of the CIO, 
industrial unionism in the key mass production industries provided a more powerful 
base. In place of the old hlt-or-miee action of labor, a more or less coherent 
and united labor vote made Itself felt in national and local politics. Within the 
Democratic Party, labor's political action committees operated as an organized so- 
cial force, providing the staunchest support to New Deal reform, and with consid- 
erable influence at times and in some places on choice of candidates. 

Although labor was not accorded a place in the official leadership of the 
Democratic Party nor among prominent candidates for public office. It was a force 
to be reckoned with. labor operated within the party through an alliance between 
the unions -- specifically the Progressive wing, supported by the Left -- and the 
liberal wing of the Democratic Party, The alliance was directed mainly against 
the Dixiecrats and the city bosses. Where labor took an active part in politics, 
with wide rank and file participation, the old party machines were defeated or 
severely curbed. To an uneven degree, and with wide lapses, labor also began to 
develop its own political blocs with the Negro people and the farmers. In both 
respects, however, it lagged far behind the real possibilities, and left those 
alliances largely to the liberals. 

Side by side with and supplementing labor political action within the Democrat- 
ic Party (in some regions In the Bepubllcan Party also), a number of state ^^^e- 
pendent parties and political federations were formed or were revitalized at the 
height of the n»ss upsurge. Most significant among them were the American Labor 
Party of New Tork, the Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party, the Michigan Commonwealth 
Federation, and the Washington (State) Commonwealth Federation, Their role may be 
considered Intermediate as between the trade union political action committees and 


genuinely Independent labor parties. The Federations In effect becam special 
forms of the political action conmlttees, while the labor parties constituted a 
more Independent form of alliance with tt» liberal wings of the major parties. 
The American Labor Party was of special significance because at its height It 
represented a gathering of unions with strong socialist tendencies and various 
currents, Including Social -Democrats, liberals, left-wingers and Communists. 
Some sentiment for the formation of a national labor party also existed, but 
this was not generally accepted In view of the danger from the Right and the 
functioning alliance with the Roosevelt Democrats, who opposed steps In that di- 
rection. In any case, the advent of Worl War II put an end to any Inherent 
tendency of this kind which nay have developed. 

Pre-war political action by labor was a distinct advance over previous at- 
titudes In the trade unions. Although restricted within the old party framework 
and held within bounds by the alliance with the llberftls, labor did exert Indep- 
endent political pressure as a cohesive social force and with a degree of polit- 
ical class consciousness, which attained greater quality in the Independent state 
parties. Significant legislative victories and reforms were won by labor during 
this period, amounting to a leap forward in social welfare. 

At the same time, on the negative side, the great mass upheaval was safely 
channelized within the Democratic Party, which, under the strains of a profound 
crisis, a^ln fulfilled its well established function in the two-party system. 
As the reform party under firm capitalist leadership, it gave concessions to 
labor in order to preserve the system, and carried through necessary changes In 
the state -corporation structure which enabled monopoly to weather the storm and 
gain a new lease of power. It is certainly true that labor's role during this 
period assured the defeat of reaction, contributed decisively to a progresslv© 
rather than a fascist outcome from the crisis, and prepared the way for wartime 
national unity to defeat the Axis powers. However, labor failed to develop its 
independent role in politics and in government to the extent necessary to oppose 
the growing power of monopoly. During the war, monopoly greatly extended its 
positions in the economy and in the state, and prepared the ground for the shift 
to the cold war and to reaction which followed World War II. 

Generally speaking, in the first cold war decade labor was rendered polit- 
ically immobile by the policy of the dominant trade union leadership. Together 
with the liberals, the labor leadership threw its upport to the cold war and the 
arms race, succumbed to the anti -Communist crusade at great costs to labor's 
rights and civil liberties, and pursued a full-blown class collaborationist 
policy. An effort was made by the Progressives and by the left wing in the 
labor movement to Initiate a break-away from both old parties in the Wallace 
campaign of I9U8. While effectively raising the peace Issue in the midst of 
the cold war, the movenent failed to rally substantial support. The main body 
of the labor movement continued to support the Democratic Party, which managed 
to put up a liberal front on domestic Issues while pursuing a rampant cold war 
policy. Within a few years the remnants of the independent state parties col- 
lapsed or merged Into the old parties. 

Labor continued to function politically largely within the Democratic Party, 
through the action committees which had been established in the previous period 
of advance. This was carried forward by the merged AFL-CIO. Calls for a labor 
party were heard rarely within the trade unions, and then mostly as a form of 
pressure upon the Democratic Party leadership to obtain concessions. Even so, 
this form of pressure Indicated in what direction labor might be pressing in the 
next stage of political advance. 

By 1958, as economic and social issues which had been submerged or postponed 
in the era of cold war "prosperity" again came sharply forward, the working class 
bfegan to stir politically. The elections of that year showed that when In an 
economic decline labor's rights are directly threatened, it can put up an organ- 
ized and effective political struggle against Big Business. While operating with- 
in the established pattern of political action, labor organized its own campaign, 
against the state "right-to-work" laws, in some instances quite independently of 
the Democratic Party machine and leadership, with a consequent stimulation of 
extensive rank and file activity. In labor's campaign there was also a tendency 
to operate along a wider front together with the Negro people, the farmers and 
community forces, and to break out of the restrictive bounds set by the so- 
called moderates in the Democratic Party and in the labor leadership. Greater 
emphasis upon labor candidates was also apparent. Where labor political action 
was more aggressive it sought, in combination with the liberals, to take over 
the lower organizations of the Democratic Party, while also displaying consid- 
erable initiative toward the independent voters. 


Although eooB promising tandonclee appeared In thia Initial political react- 
Ivliatlon of labor, the new Congress with its continuing anti-labor, anti-demo- 
cratic and cold war policies, and particularly Its failure to meet the problem of 
unemployment, emphasized that labor would be handicapped as long as it failed to 
go beyond narrow coalition policies confined to the old parties. The Issues of 
UDemployment , democracy and peace are of such neignltude and depth that under fire 
of concerted Big Business attack labor will be Impelled to seek more effective 
political means than those provided by the old parties to curb the monopoly power 
and win basic reform. 

Becent social and economic changes In the country and In the relationship of 
the United States to the rest of the world affect profoundly the course and the 
form of the next political advance by labor and the broad mass movement. These 
dev«lopB>ents are changing the grounds upon which monopoly was enabled over a long 
period -- principally because of Its favored world position combined with great 
Internal resources -- to keep labor and popular dissatisfaction within the bounds 
of the two-party system. 

Throughout the era of monopoly and imperialism, wars or war Incitement 
played an extraordinary role In repelling and diverting Into safe channels pop- 
ular political movements In opposition to monopoly. Four of the five nBjor pol- 
itical i^volts were headed off In this fashion -- the Popullste by the first 
wave of Imperialist expansion culminating In the Spanish-American War; the Social- 
ist and the Progressive reform movements of 1912-16 by World War I; the promise 
of expanding independent labor action during the New Deal period by World War II; 
the Wallace Progressive movement by the cold war, and its remnants by the Korean 
War. In each case, the Democratic Party took over enough of the reform program 
from the political radicals to appease the revolt while becoming the government 
party during war or intensified war preparations. 

In the present period, as a consequence of the new world structure, U.S. monopoly 
no longer has its former freedom of action on a global scale. The progress of the 
soclaliet world and of colonial revolution, aide by side with the crisis of world 
imperialiem, create new poBBlbllities for averting war, and thus for depriving 
monopoly of the opportunity to use war as a means of blocking and containing a 
new mass breakaway from the najor parties. The contradictions of world capitalism, 
so to speak, are being centered in the United States. The conflicts arising from 
them, as monopoly seeks to place an ever greater burden upon the people, will tend 
to be fought out more and more within the country. The class struggle will grow 
sharper. As the true issues of competition between the two world social systems 
become clearer the workere will also become more radical, capitalism will not 
seem so rosy, and the old capitalist parties will be seen as a hindrance to social 

Internally, the relation of the people's forces is more favorable to the emer- 
gence of an independent labor-led people's party than during previous periods of 
mass struggle. The unions are far stronger and better entrenched in the key sect- 
ors of the econony. They are in a better position to express the demands of the 
broad wage-earning population and to lead a people's anti-monopoly movement in a 
now wave of Independent political action. As an established political force with- 
in the present two-party system -- with the beginnings of coalition with the Negro 
people, the fanners and dissident liberal elements -- labor is in a strong position 
to load a breakaway from the monopoly-controlled parties, as the process of polit- 
ical realignment leads to the disintegration of the outmoded party system. The 
IIA88 displacement of famere, which is countenanced and sustained by national pol- 
icy, has for son» time been rekindling the spirit of farm revolt, which under 
present conditions can find a positive outcome only in combination with the labor 
movensnt. As the city middle strata face th© prospect of a deep financial crisis, 
on top of their increasing subordination to monopoly, they too would tend toward 
such a combination. 

During recent years another social force of great dynamic potential has come 
forward, and will play a decisive role In th© alignment of people's forces. The 
Negro freedom movement is developing a strong political consciousness. In some 
respects, it is pressing more persistently than the labor movement for political 
action Independent of both major parties. It tends toward independent local pol- 
itical action, on the basis of its own organized forces, to elect Negroes to pub- 
lic office, and to press for full civil rights. The Negro people are more con- 
scious than other sectors of the limitations and Inadequacies of the old parties. 
They are inspired by tte successes of the colonial revolutions, by the freedom 
victories of the colored peoples, and are kBonly aware of the concessions that can 
be won in this country as a consequence of world pressures upon American Imperial- 


ism. In the developing economic and democratic struggles of this period, the fight 
for democrocy In the South -- Including unionization and basic agrarian and polit- 
ical reform -- will play a key role, with profound repercussions on the traditional 
party system, as In national politics as a whole. 

The Negro freedom movement has a capacity of its own for Independent political 
action, but it needs a sound and firm alliance with labor to be fully effective. 
It remains for labor to grasp this outstretched hand firmly in order to overcome its 
own political lag and to advance the interests of labor as a class. The combination 
of these two great social forces into a political coalition can initiate the next 
major political advance of the people. 

Even under conditions of a new mass upsurge there may be strong pressures 
within the labor, Negro, farmers and people's movements to continue to operate 
politically within the Democratic Party as long as sone ImmBdiate objectives can 
be obtained in this fashion. But this will be possible only up to a certain point, 
and then only if labor and other popular social forces are able to subordinate or 
si'.bdue the Dixiecrats,city bosses and other reactionary elements. But tfte very 
process by which this is done will accentuate the decentralizing and disintegrating 
influences within the Democratic Party, and hasten the realignment of political 
forces. The direction of this realignment, if it Is to represent a permanent and 
real advance, must be toward breaking out of the limitations of the monopoly -con- 
trolled parties In order to create a party which labor can call its own and to 
which all popular and anti-monopoly forces will adhere. 

An orientation of working within the Democratic Party with the objective of 

transforming It into a liberal -labor party could well play into the hands of mon- 
opoly. The latter sees the Democratic Party as the alternate reform Instrument 
to the Bepubllcan Party, which is the preferred party of Big Business and conserv- 
atism. If a labor party is to arise, monopoly would like to see it nede safe for 
capitalism. The Democratic Party, under conditions of a new upsurge, may well make 
room for labor candidates if this is the way to stem a major breakaway and the 
rise of genuine working class politics. A narrow coalition policy, confined to 
Work within the Democratic Party together with the tradeunlon top bureaucracy and 
the liberals, amounts to looking backward and can be an obstacle to forward polit- 
ical action that will lead to a labor-led people's party. This advance will not 
be accomplished by missionary work at the top levels of the Democratic Party. The 
spade work will have to be done by the Left and Progressive forces down below -- 
in the labor movement, in the Negro freedom movement, among the farmers and in the 

Whether the advance comes as a leap forward or as a slower process, a new 
labor-led party is likely to emerge as a many-sided development. It will be com- 
posed of varied currents and elements locally and on a national scale, seeking 
common ground In opposition to monopoly and reaction. These might well encompass 
labor and Negro political action committees, minority movements within the old 
parties including community clubs and entire local organizations, electoral blocs 
and coalitions of the labor-Negro and labor-farmer type, community united fronts, 
regional Independent parties, various socialist and liberal tendencies and group- 
ings, and other new forms of political action that may arise. Political action 
committees of labor may operate on a broader scale than within the old parties, 
seeking to combine and lead independent political forces toward specific legislat- 
ive and electoral objectives. There may arise again various intermediate forms 
between the existing labor political action committees and fully Independent 
parties, such as appeared in the New Deal days. Left and progressive elements in 
the labor and people's movements might seek to forcus these varied elements and 
currents upon the objective of a new labor-led party. The decisive turn in that 
direction would have to be made by the trade unions, as the central organized base 
for the new party. 

While such a movement will Include various socialist currents, it la not 
likely to subscribe to socialist alms, nor does it now seem likely that a party 
eierglng from it will adopt a socialist program, at least in its formative and 
early stages. Essentially, It might be a labor radical reform party, with a dem- 
ocratic anti-monopoly and peace program. It would Include people and organizations 
with different views on social questions, but ready to unite and work together for 
a common program of immediate demands. No one should be excluded because of their 
social philosophy, nor should such a party attempt to Impose a single philosophy 
upon Its members and supporters. 


Communists should co-operate with all forces seeking to accelerate the process 
of political alignment leading to the mass breakaway from the monopoly-dominated 
parties and the formation of the labor-led people's party. They would erpect to 
become an accepted component of such a party, according to the form decided upon 
for all, with the same privileges as other groups to advocate specific views, gen- 
uine working class politics and socialism.. 

The fonnatlon of a new labor-led mass party would constitute a great political 
advance and could win real victories for the people. Whatever limitations might 
In time appear In such a party, would have to be overcome democratically, and would 
no doubt Involve further advances. It Is not inevitable that the Amarlcan working 
class. In the process of attaining maturity as a political and social force, would 
follow the pattern or the policies of the lAbor Party of Great Britain. The Brit- 
ish Labor Party has shown that labor reformism, defending capitalism and becoming 
dependent upon It, is Incapable of leading the nation out of a deep crisis. Com- 
munists strive to assure a more effective labor-led people's party in the United 
States by fighting within the labor movement for Independent working class politics, 
and for a party grounded on working class unity and pursuing a policy directed 
against monopoly. 

56597 O— fiO— pt. 4- 


9. The Problan of Class CollBboratlon 

The neln o'betaole vlthln the trade union novement to econoQlc and daniocx*atic 
adVBCOe la the class oollalioratlonlst policy vhlch is prevalent In the leader- 
ship. This policy rests primarily upon the opportunisn arising fron the relative- 
ly hl^ standard of living for irrportant oectlons of the vorkers as a result of 
the oontlnulng eoonomlo ezpanaion of the United States late into the Irnperlalict 
en. However, Intemelly and on a vorld scale, the objective bese for this posi- 
tion la changing. 

The pattern of class oollaboratlon established by the AFL at the davn of the 
Imperialist era lasted until the great oriais of the 1930'b, despite formidable 
cballen^e from Left end ranJc and file movoaents. It took the form of collaboretion 
between the craft unions and monopoly, at the expense of the vorkers in the mass 
production industriea. This pattern vas broken by the CIO, in the greet leap 
forvard vhloh brought the vorkers as an organized force face to face vlth top 
monopoly in the mess production industries. 

During the period of eoonanio expansion vhloh began vlth World Var II, a 
policy of BO-called class partnership became prevalent in the leadership of the 
IndUBtrlal unions. This new pattern of class collaboration vas based prlmarilj' 
upon the long-term Interest of monopoly to stabilize labor conditions in the 
dsolslve brsnohes of production, so that it could take greatest advantage of the 
opportunities for maximum profit during the var and cold var parioda. Significant 
oonoeeelona vera made to the unions on vages and benefits, vhlle monopoly relied 
ohelfly upon labor-aaving machinery and speed-up to keeplabor costs down and 
DBZlmlza profits undar conditions of rising prices. 

Althou^ the unions grew in meoibershlp during this period, the "class part- 
nemhlp" policy subordinated labor's interests to the principal eoonomlo and 
poUtioal alms of monopoly. The consequences are extremely serious. The most 
daolalTe sectors of the organized vorkers vere kept vlthln the confines imposed 
by the prervalent policy. The unions vere in danger of becoming a oompoBent pert 
of th© elaborate systen of economic coordination set up by monopoly through the 
state. They are hamstrung by long-term union contracts and by the elaborate 
OBohinery of gov amnent -becked or supervised management -lab or relations. The 
oapaolty for Indapsndant eoonomlo end political action by labor is greatly ham- 
pared, Kie grcwth of buslneas unionism and all forms of corruption vlthln the 
la'bar movament stifles trade union democracy and restrains rank and file activity, 
Tha eetabllalmant over a period of more or less stable contractual relations be- 
t««an monopoly end the major unions tended to discourage drives to organize nev 
branohes of industry or unorganized regions, especially the South, vlth the result 
also that unlona failed to pay proper attention to Negro and other underprivileged 

Most serioue has been the support by the dominant labor leadership for the 
noolaer arms race and the cold var, vhloh la at the heart of class collaboration 
ae It has dafveloped during this period. 

The hold of labor opportunism depends directly upon the vlllingness and the 
ahlllty of monpply to grant oonoeasions. Without them, the "class pertnerjhip" 
policy vould be unworkable vlthln the framework of the traditional democratic state. 
Tho rich heme base of U.S. monopoly accounts to a large degree for its ability 
to grant oonoession vhen confronted vlth e powerful labor movement. But this 
maneuverability also arises from the favored vorld position of the Wilted States 
throughout the Imperlallat era. Particularly in the period since V/orld War II, 
vheai U,S, monopoly became by far the dominant paver in vorld capitalism, the 
global position of the United States came to exert an extraordinary Influence upon 
internal development. 

with respect to the granting of concesalons to deolslve sectors of the vorkers, 
tha norld position of U.S. monopoly is felt in a number of veys. The central role 
of av^er-^ofite from colonial exploitation in creating a base for labor opportun- 
l«n In Britain vas already pointed out by Merx end Engels, and lenin developed 
thla explanation more completely fur the period of matured imperialism. This vas 
moat pronounoed vlth respect to the older imperialisms, vlth extensive colonial 
en^plrea. In the new imperialism of the Ifalted States, characterized primarily by 
monopoly eoonomlo penetration abroad rather than outright colonialism, the role 
of super-jproflts of the Imparialist type vas somewhet disguised because they did 
not take the olaaalcal colonial form. Nevertheless, they came to play a very im- 
portant role in providing an Imperlallat base for labor opportunism, especially in 
the more raoent period. 


Slnoo World Wor II, American capital liwoatmente abroad roeohod urtpracedented 
lovela, B8 U.S. monopoly extended Ita holdlDga and oontrolfl throughout the world 
oapltaliat and colonial atructure. Profits from foreign Inreetment came to account 
for at leoet 15 to 20 par cant of the total profit of all U. S. corporations. But 
90 par cent of these foreign profits are held by the 200 lergestoorporatlona, and , 
probably represent about one-fourth of their total profits, and in the case of oil 
and other mlnarola, veil over half. This helps account fundamentally for the oppor- 
tunism prevalent In the labor movement, particularly during the height of the cold 
var vhloh vas alao the period of the moat extensive and agepreoolTo economic expan- 
sion by U.S. monopoly abroad. 

The connection between Imperialism and labor opportunism In the United States 
was established over a long period during which monopoly took advantage of the 
geoGi-ophlc security of the country in two devastatlnc 'world wars to expand at hone 
and abroad at the expense of rival powers weakened by war end by colonial revolu- 
tions. 2xclu8lve U. S. Imperialist control of latin America and the extenalon of 
the U, 3. monopoly structure Into Canada (both also remote from the theaters of 
world war) gave American Big Business command over the rich natural resources of 
the entire Western Hemisphere. The relatively high wage structure of the United 
States rests to a large extent upon the super-exploitation of latin American labor 
over a long period, and the coomand of Canadian resources, to which have been cdded 
In recent years new extensions of monopoly penetration -- in the Middle jSast, Afrin, 
and Southeeat Aela. 

Obscured, but nonetheless reel, are the additional huge super-profits obtained 
indirectly from the greatly expended Wall St. investments in leading corporatlorib 
of other Imperialist powers (as in iiigland, V.'eat Germany, Japan, etc.). An impor- 
tant role was also played in U. S. economic growth by the accumulation in this 
country of superior technology resulting frcm world scientific research and also 
of scientists, and technicians and skilled workers from abroad, when these could 
not be utilized in the lands of their origin because of certain local factors or 
deterioration as well ao war. 

These world factors, together with the rich home base, "cave U, S. aonopoly 
a wide range of maneuver with respect to labor, in terms of concessions on wacea 
and conditions. In return, the dominant labor leadership — the conservative as 
well as the liberal wing, each in its own way — gave support to the cold war 
policies and to the splitting role of anlt -Communism within the labor movement at 
hone, as well as in the world trade union movement. The AFL has a long record in 
this respect. But the CIO, which had played a positive world role, together with 
the British trade unions led the walk-out from the './or Id Federation of Trade 
Iftilona at the time when U.S. monopoly, through the Marshall Plan, was charting 
its course of aggressive expansionism. Simultaneously, the CIO initiated its own 
expulsion policy against Left-led unions in the lW.ted State, and took the lead 
in splitting the new Latln-iAnerloan trade union movement, which It had previously 
helped unify. Both wings of the labor leadership have operated through the labor 
movement abroad to support Right-wing social-democracy s^lnst the peace forces 
and a^slnet the revolutionary colonial and danocratlc nationalist movement. 

Changee vhich are proceeding In the demBsbic eoonuny eta on o world scale are 
beginning to undermine the base for the present class collaooratlonist policy in the 
labor novnent. The relative slowing down of economic expansion and the growth of 
permanent unemployment are beclnning to change the situation at home. The hardaninii 
of monopoly, on the one hand, and the re-«aergence of rank and file militancy, on 
the other, arecrearing a crisis for the "class-partnership" leadership. The unfold- 
ing of present trends will leaC to the growth of class struggle policies in the 
trade unions. 

The acute contradictions in the world position of U.S. monopoly plays a de- 
cisive role In this respect. This contradiction deepends, as it becomes more qnd 
more difficult to attempt to solve the historic competition between the two world 
syatana by war, as the national liberation movements place further restrictions 
upon monopoly expansion abroad, as labor and democratic movements in other cariital- 
ist countries defend their national sovereignty, and as inter-lmperiallst rivalries 
come forward more sharply. " j-cb 

T,«.io^"^°''^ ""^^^^ ""^ ^^ ^°''°^^ ^° ^^^ "« ««11« ^^ ««»• reapeot in an extended 
iZllt ^^'^^"^ co-eslxtence, essentially it seeks to recompense itself f^ 
at h^ «"^^«l««f °n a worU scale by stepping up Its offensive gainst the wooers 
Tion LLt :^ V"' 'f"^ conditions of the people as a whofe. In this si tl- 

tlon, greater mass struggles than in the pest will be required to force concessions 
from monopoly, to protect the key positions of the trade unions, and to c^t th^ 
«nf ^1^ ^'■°®^'" °^ fflonoply m general. The dominant labor leadership, under rank 
and file pressure, will be forced to seek new major concessions from monopol^. iT 


new oondltlona of struggle, labor reformleni may take other forms edepted to an ad- 
vancing vorklng class. But the key to progress vlll remain, es In the past, work- 
ing clflss militancy and unity, on the political as veil as on the econaalo front. 

The direction and temper of these struggles vlll be greatly Influenced by 
the factor of vorld socialism, particularly as the Soviet Union approaches Its ob- 
jectives of overtaking and surpassing American econcialo standards. There Is no 
prospect that any leading capitalist country can even approximate the econcciic 
level of the United States. But the new competitive factor of the socialist world, 
with Its well established potential for outproducing capitalism and. In the Soviet 
Union, surpes sing the American standard of living within a decade or so, puts an 
entirely different light on the position of the American worker. The new basis of 
comparison with a socialist country can have the effect of encouraging the social- 
ist conflolousness of the American worker and hie general class understanding. But 
as Important as this factor may become, it can play but a supplementary role. Tlie 
decisive role belongs to the American working class itself. 

Accordingly, if there are to be new trade union advances on the economic and 
political fronts In face of the monopoly offensive, these must be sparked by a 
rekindled progressive and radical force, based on a reactivated and militant rank 
and file. Even on a new wave of mass struggle, trade union advances will not tsUc 
place of themselves. What la required to give meaning and direction to a new l^boi 
upsurge Is the energenoe within the trade unions of a militant wing that will ad- 
vocate a line of policy directed against monopoly and that will strive to develop 
the Independent political role of labor as leader of a broad democratic front. 

In the past, such a militant wing was always sparked by left-wlngera with o 
socialist Ideology and with class struggle perspectives, who were spokesmen for 
the rank and file movanents. The greatest trade union progress was made when this 
leaven of radical workers in the mass movement led the fight for union democracy 
and working class unity, establishing common action with the middle and liberal 
forces acainst the old- line burocratlc forces. 

In the Communist view, such a combination of Left and Center forces on a 
common anti-monopoly program, weakening and isolating the Right In the labor move- 
ment, remains the key to trade union advance in the period ahead. 

The basic thing in the trade union movement Is the fight for higher wa^ec and 
inproved conditions. As the struggle sharpens on wages, hours, conditions, full 
employment and benefits it should be possible to make a much wider approach on the 
question of united action and unity. Militant workers pressing for these demands, 
and seeking agrement among the workers, can thus find the beat means to overcome 
the barrier of "class partnership" policies, and advance the Interests of the 
workers. Working class unity around the common needs of labor is the best ground 
on which class collaboration with monoply can be defeated and new progress made. 
The new tasks and problems require an all-inclusive class unity — Negro and white — 
employed and unemployed, skilled end unskilled. Industrial and craft. Of vital 
iDiportance Is cooperation and Jo lit action of various unions at the Job level in 
single enterprises, leading to greater organizational unity and the overcoming of 
Jurisdictional disputes, as well as an end to the expluslon policy, both of which 
can be fatal In the age of automation. 

The antl-Communlst banc In the trade unions, as well be any discrimination 
on account of Ideology or pclltical beliefs, can prove disastrous. The cold wai 
period at Its height showed how harmful to the lal»or movement was its retreat be- 
fore the antl'^ommunlst cru8ad9,whlch gave monopoly the opportunity to impose 
further legislative restrictions upon the unions, to broaden government Interferer.c. 
In their internal affairs under the pretext of fighting corruption and subversion, 
and in general to dampen the militancy of the workers. When progressives fight 
egainat the Communist bane in the unions they are fighting for the very health and 
unity of the trade unions. The promising prospects for peaceful co-existence and 
the new precsures for shift ■" g from arae spending to social welfare spending, 
coupled with the rekindling f a militant spirit among the workers, are creating 
a more favorable atmosphere for denying to monopoly the use of anti-Communist so 
a weapon against labor. The setting aside of the antl-Communlst bans in the union; 
le needed to release the full potential strength of the labor movement for the 
battles ahead. 

In the fight for a broad working class policy of struggle a^inst monopoly, 
it would be a serious mistake to lump together all class collaboratlonlBt elements, 
or for that matter to treat even the moat outspoken among them on a par with 
monopoly itself. The struggle against class collaborationist policies should be 


based on t^le united struggle for the ImiDedlate demands of the vorkers, remembering 
that monopoly le the main enemy, and should be carried on as a strictly Inner labor 
business. All Interference from the outside should be opposed, whether directly 
from monopoly or from government. Within labor's ranks, differentiation needs to 
be made between those elements least responsive to the pressures of the rank and 
file and therefore more amenable to the policy of monopoly at a given time, and 
those elements which tend to move Into opposition to monopoly policy under mass 
pressure. These positions are not given for all time. They tend to shift in re- 
sponse to the mass struggles, and cryetalllze for a given period under the Impact 
of these struggles. 

These positions are also affected by changes In jiroductlon Itself, due to new 
technology. Thus, the older differentiation between the craft and Industrial unions 
tends to get blurred, particularly In the mass production Industries, where the 
skilled craft workers are brought Into closer relation with the mess production pro- 
cess and with the semi -skilled. At the sane time, all are threatened by autonjatlon 
and unemployment, and new necessities are created for unity among all categories of 
workers, encompassing the new layer of technicians as well. Strong remnants of the 
old division remain, but the merged AFL-CIO basically reflects the process of change 
in the old craft unions, some of which are becoming semi-lndustrlal in form, and 
the organic ties which are being created by modem Industry among all layers of 
production workers. The tendency is for the further amalgamation of the craft and 
industrial form of organization, with the resulting capacity of labor to carry on 
its struggles on broader and all-inclualve industry fronts. This tendency should 
be speeded up by the action of the workers for amalgamation and unification, hand 
in hand with developing all forms and channels for effective rank and file partic- 
ipation in trade union affairs. 

In the Communist view, the full potential of xhe powerful trade union move- 
ment can be felt in the struggle against monopoly at home only as labor simultan- 
eously revives a firm spirit of international labor solidarity. As monopoly Is 
rebuffed abroad by the forces of peace, national liberation and democracy, it 
sharpens its atteick upon labor at home. By the same token, labor should learn 
that the strength of these world-wide forces provides an indirect but nonetheless 
extraordinary support to labor, the Negro people and all popular forces In their 
struggle against monopoly and reaction at home . As long as the labor movement 
does not cut itself loose from the aggi^selve expansionist foreign policies of 
monopoly, it will be caught in between the effective resistance to these policies 
abroad and the offensive of monopoly at home. But if labor learns to take full 
advantage of the opportunities for progress in the United States presented by the 
new world franework, and develops a policy of international solidarity with the 
forces of national liberation and social progress, it will be monopoly that Is 
caught in between, and the American people will gain. 

The Communists advocate international solidarity in the labor movement in order 
to advance the interests of the American working class, and to strengthen democracy 
and peace. They urge the reestabllehnent of a single world federation of labor to 
meet the common problems of workers everywhejre. They urge support to the national 
liberation movements in Asia, Africa and Latin America, on the basis of a common 
struggle against imperialism and monopoly, and especially against the Imperialist 
economic policlee of O.S. monopoly anywhere in the world. 

Particularly with respect to Latin Anerlca, U.S. labor has a great deal to 
gain from supporting the democratic, anti-imperialist advance taking place there. 
The combination of the struggles of the latin Amarican peoples against U.S. Imper- 
ialism with the struggle of the American working class against monopoly can be a 
powerful and Irresistible force for progress in the Western Hemisphere. 

Above all, the struggle for peace in its hone and world aspects calls for the 
curbing of monopoly power. For this the American working class needs to develop 
a deeper understanding of the role of international labor solidarity among the 
workers of all nations, which can be decisive in guaranteeing the elimination of 
war from world affairs. 



We t>«v« •nt«rad a period of aountlng and aggressive offenalva by tbe mooopollsta 
directed against the vast oajorlty of the Anerlcan people. At the aaae tins, the 
dynamic pover of the growing forces for peace and progress Is having an Incrsaslng 
Impact on the Aaierlcan scene . 

This opens up great nev opportunities and tasks for the working class, and this, 
as well as the developments of the past two years, confirm anew the Indispensable 
need of the Connunlst Party, which is the Marxlst-Lsnlnlst vanguard party of the 
American working class — the party of Socialism. 

In the recent ptrlod, the Party has successfully fought and defeated tb» antl- 
Mkrxlst revlsloDlstr as well as a group of anti-Party dogmatists. Waging a datera- 
lD»d struggle a«aln«t f^tloaaliBa and for the unity of the Party, AefendlDg and 
applying the prlnoipUs of scleatlflc socialism, of MtrzlSB-LsnlalSB, In aooord with 
specific AoerloOB ooadltione and the bejt Interests of our working elAss and nation, 
our Party has begun again to unfold Its sass policies, to bring Its program to the 

It fought against those who would convert the Party Into a hopeless sect while 
at the <«ame time clarifying and disassociating Itself from the distortions of the 
concept of the United Party of Socialism by which the revisionists sought to convert 
our Party Into, or substitute for It, a party of a coalition type In which Marzlsm- 
Lanlnism would be but one tendency Instead of the flundansntal and basic policy of 
the entire organization. 

Our Party has begun to play a constructive role In some of the unemployment, 
Integration, peace, electoral and strike struggles of the people. As a result 
the Party's Influence, mass contacts and relationships are Increasing In a number 
of areas and fields of work. And there the Party Is being consolidated and revit- 

But these areas of positive activities and developosnts are the exception and 
do not reflect the general situation in our Party. A sober and objective estioa- 
tion of the status of our Party today would result in confirming its inadeqjcy to 
give Its most effective leadership and to make its full contribution to the great 
new tasks which confront the Amsrlcan people and its working class. 

The cardinal problem of Party renewal, of building the Party and of establish- 
ing broader united front relatione remain largely unsolved. Therefore the chief 
task before the Party still is to overcome Its isolation from decisivie sections of 
the labor movement, to strengthen the Party's mass base among the basic industrial 
Workers, Negro and white, and among the youth. Without this, the Party's capacity 
for helping transform Its policy into living reality will ronsin seriously impaired. 

The monopolists end Impeeialists are Impelled to place the burden of their 
economic and political problems onto the backs of the mass of people. To accomplish 
this, they will increasingly use every political, economic and social means to ac- 
complish their alms. 

It is clear that the American people do not intend to submit to this attack. 
They will Join the developing movement toward peace, co-existence and dissrmament 
with their struggle for political, economic and social security. 

The perspective for our Party, therefore, is to bring our science and indis- 
pensable role to these movements. We can bring our Cotjnunlst initiative, stead- 
faetnese and energy to help people in these struggles. We can find from among 
the moat devoted and class conscious elements emerging in these struggles a source 
for new members to revitalize and rebuild our organization. 

Certain weaknesses in the Party's work can be attributed to shortcomings in 
the work of the National leadership. Among these are a failure decisively to end 
factionalism, a lag in tackling important ideological problems, and insufficient 
vigorous fight for a united front policy, and Inadequateness in collective work 
and the application of criticism and self-criticism. 

But the main weakness of the Party leadership on a national and district level, 
has been the failure to corns abreast of the new developments with analysis, policy 
and program and tactical leadership to most effectively equip our Party so that it 
Bfty play its full role to influence and contribute to the mass developments shaping 
up today. Many of our leaders remain Isolated from our fa.rtj nembership and the 
!»•• aovevent. 



Party building and the further Implementation of the Party's mass political 
lino will proceed very slowly and uneatlafactorlly unless the entire Party and 
Ite leadership seriously raises organizational work to the high level It requires. 

It will be Idle for ue to Improve the political content of our work unless 
tl* entire leadership conducta a determined struggle to re-establlah t^ organ- 
izational status of our Party from top to bottom. The fight for the refvltallza- 
tlon of our Party needa to be aeen ae a two front task, each of which will be re- 
quired. Progreaa on each front will enhance the other and both are essential for 
t^ solution of the; key probleme for the most effective functioning and role of 
our Party. 

In this connection. It Is essential that the Party leadership at all levels 
Improve Its style of work, eiadlcate subjectivity and cultivate closer, and more 
comradely relationships. In which criticism and self-criticism will be construct- 
ive and mutually beneficial. Care m-ist be taken that criticism and self-criticism 
be of mistakes and directed towards overcoming them as well as errorsand weakneaa- 
ea of Party leaders, and not take the form of criticism of the Party ae such, 
undermining ita role, such ae took place In the recent paat period. And it Is 
especially urgent that the leadership wors at all times to reinforce the unity 
of the Party. 

It Is neceeaary to effect a marked improvement in the way in which the Party 
fulfllla Ita vanguard role, especially In Its ideological work. In extending its 
Independent mass activity, and in unfolding Its united front policies. Also, the 
readership and study of ISE WORKER, and POLITICAL AFFAIRS, and of Marxiot liter- 
ature of all kinds, must be greatly expanded. 

The exercise of its vanguard role requires, among other things, expanding to 
the maximum the organizational and political initiatives of the Party on all 
levels. Taking into account the deprivation of legal rights Imposed upqn the 
Party by Big Business reaction is violation of the Constitution, the Party's van- 
guard role must be exercised by ite members in such i way as safeguards the ab- 
ility of Communists to remain among the nssees, strengthen their ties wlfth them 
for the Party's mass policlea. At the same time, tl-e Party must boldly '■tillze 
all public channels for expression and activity, and intensify the fig*)t for re- 
establishment of its full constitutional rights as part of the general fight of 
th© working people to restore and defend the Bill of Rights. 

Effectively to caj-ry out the Party's mass political line, to accelerate 
labor unity and the development of the democratic front for peace, democracy 
and security, it is necessary to master and apply concretely and flexibly the 
Party's united front policy. In many respects, thje remains nur bijsgest unwon 
battle . Victory in this battle Is tce key to progress on all fronts, now and 
on the morrow. It xs a battle which must be waged by every Party leader, and 
member, in shop and community, in the unions and other mass organizations. 

The Party must search out what Is new and promising in the current and un- 
folding mass struggles. It must find the ways and means of establishing more 
extensive personal contacts and friendships, and wider formal and informal org- 
anized political relationships with other progressive workers on key issues. 
It must work to revitalize the Left and promote the broadest unity of action of 
the Left with the progressive or center forces and, on certain issues, with the 
conservative forces as well. 

The Party must give special consideration to tne prolileme and mass struggles 
of An^rlcan youth, it must give Its support to the building of a Marxist- 
oriented youth organization in this country. Attention to work among the nation- 
al groups must be restored. In this connection, it Is necessary to combat the 
erroneous Idea that these groups are disappearing as elgnif leant forces in the 
American scene . 

The Party must 41so strive to strengthen International working-class solid- 
arity. Above all, it mu6t strive to build ever^ closer ties with the working 
people of the Latin American countries, who labor under the oppression of Amer- 
ican imperialism. 

As never before, it Is important that the Party, from top to bottom, grasp 
more deeply and develop further the scientific principles of Marxism-Leninism, 
boldly grappling with the new problems confronting our working class and country, 
and learning from the experiences and views of the maaeee, as well as from world 
workingclass experience. 


It iB neMssary to etren^ben the Ifloologlcal oontent of our mass work day 
In and day out. Antl-Sovletlem and antl-Conanunlam mu8t be exposed as the chief 
veapon of the trusts to nask their robber plans of aggression and exploitation 
abroad and at home. Baclsm, antl-Semltlen, bourgeois natlonallam and chauvinism 
must be bared as a divisive hatchet dividing Negro and white, native and foreign 
bom at home, and "Juatlfying" U. S. Imperialist domination abroad. The "people's 
capitalism" and "velfapa state" panaceas must be unmasked as demagogic propaganda 
■prsad by the open apologists of Big Business as well ae by the revisionists In 
their efforts to confuse and disorient the working people, to prevent fhem from 
•truggllng effectively against monopoly and to diver them from the path to soclal- 


Revisionism Is an opportunist trend which has Its source In the Ideology of 
the Imperialist ruling class. Especially In periods of relative economic stab- 
ility social reformist and "class partnership" ideas and Illusions gain widespread 
support and these Influences flourish and spread in the labor and the middle 
olasses. Our foremost mass Ideological task la the constant struggle to expose 
Iti roots and Influences. Within our Party its penetration showed Itself In the 
variety of Lovestone, Browder, and Gates revisionist theories, resulting In 
stripping our fighting capacity and leadership ability and which threatened the 
TBiy existence of the Party. It attempts to replace our working class science 
with bourgeois Ideas and methods. Our leadership vas slow to recognize Its harm- 
ful affects In the period from mld-1956 to 1958, as well as In earlier periods. 

Much of our present veaknessas stem from the hangovers of revisionist think- 
ing and msthoda aeen In apathy, cynicism and continuing "holding action" concepts. 
These retard the rovltalleatlon of our Party and Its subsequent rebuilding. Our 
Party and especially its leadership needs to be strengthened In the philosophical 
■olenoe and method of dialectical naterlallsm In order to more effectively devel- 
op consistent working class theories and policies. 

Our oasB work and ideological responsibility demand that the most consistent 
struggle against revisionist tendencies be carried on simultaneously with the 
Boat vigorous opposition to dogmatic ideas and sectai-lan practices within our 
■uvenent. Equally with revisionism, these stem from rullng-claes Ideology. And 
they are equally a form of opportunism — In fact, they are but the other bide of 
thj coin of Right, revisionist opportunism. The Party must wage a perolstent 
struggle against deeply ingrained concepts, practices and Influences of dogmatic - 
sectarian opportunist tendencies seen in rejection and underestimation of the 
united front, and in naiTov, limited actions running ahead of the iiAsses and 
causing isolation from them, and which leads to frustration and apathy. Above 
all, the Party must conduct an uncompromising struggle to eradicate from Its 
ranks every vestige of the destructive evil of factlonallem. 

Itejor developoents today are forcing many basic questions Into the arena of 
public debate. Among these are questions which arise out of the developments 
toward peace and disamamBnt, as well as questions which arise out of the move 
toward peaceful competition. This has also given rise to a tremendous curiosity 
and interest in the Socialist world. Millions of people in our country today 
are beginning to weigh two social systems. 

This Interest is spuired by the tremendous developments of the Socialist 
world in the of science, education. Industry and agriculture, as well as 
the historic Soviet seven-year plan which promises such epoch mklng advances. 

The peace policy end initiatives of the Soviet Union and the recent proposal 
for total disarmament exert an even greater InfluencJ in world affaire, and has 
struck a responsive chord in the ness desire to avoid the holocaust of an atomic 

It is therefore timely and essential to demonstrate anew the- supeerlorlty 
of socialism over capitalism and the promise which Socialism holds of a happy and 
peaceful life for humanity. 

Especially now, therefore, in order to make our Marxist contribution to the 
general welfare, to multiply our mass Influence and build the party as a mass 
party, we Communists must expand our advocacy of socialism. We must explain how 
with the socialist reorganization of society our country, with its great working 
&lasB, resources and technology, can bring forth an age of economic, cultural, 
social, intellectual and democratic well-being far beyond the boldest dreams of 
any generation of Aiwricans. We must show that the Communist Party advocates 
and strives to help bring into existence this new social system by peaceful and 
democratic means, and we must show that in this new socialist society there will 


be life, liberty and happineae for all Amerlcane- Negro and white, under a 
govomroent led by the working claee. 

The decade of the sixties is a period In which the American neonle win 
take great strides forward. And It is a period In which^^ur PartTand Us 
influence can grow many tines over. In which it can become a mass party of the 
American working class, In the vanguard of the struggles of tS Am^Sn peoSe 

h^od'an'd'T^aLf'^^'rr '"' '"""""'"^ "^ ^^=°" Hghtl^ard an A^JL ^b^tSr- 
nood and peaceful labor— a socialist America. 




1. The Nature of the CommunlBt Party 

The Communlat Party of the United States la a party of the American working 
class. Its roots roach back over a century to the first Marxist and Communist 
groups formed In this country. Organized In 1919, midst the great upheavals and 
controversies of the time, the Comnunlst Party was founded by revolutionary Soc- 
ialists and oth-ir radical workers who had matured In these earlier movements. The 
Communist Par-y soeks to advance the strivings of the American working people for 
a better life, a fullsr and richer democracy, and peace. 

The Communist Party bases Its activity and outlook on the theories and 
teachings of Karl Mnrx and V. I. Lenin, I'irx emphasized that Communists have no 
Interests separate and apart from the working class as a whole; that they filffer 
only In that they see and urge the necessity of the working class taking political 
power Into Its own hands, and using that power to establish socialism -- the people's 
ownership and planned operation of banks, factories, mills, mines, utilities, public 
transportation, etc, In the Interests of the whole people. Lenin, building on the 
basic teachings of Mai-x, saw and taught the necessity for unity of action In the 
struggle for power by the working class, farmers, the colonial peoples, and all 
peoples oppressed or restricted by the large monopolies that now dominate our 
country, its economic and political life. Its domestic and foreign policies. 

Their basic teachings on the transformation of present-day society Into 
socialism have been confirmed by the momentous changes of recent years; one-third 
of mankind has taken the socialist road . These theories are enriched constantly 
by new experiences of the workers In their struggles against the capitalists 
everywhere. Communists seek to combine Marxist-Leninist theories with the spec- 
ific conditions of our own country. 

The Communist Party sees Itself as a pioneering force In the samB sense 
that the Abolitionists were the vanguard of the Enenclpatlon movement. The aim 
of the Communist Party is socialism, which will be established when the American 
working class, in the struggle for a better life, becomes the leader of tha nation. 
Communists attempt to the best of their ability to enhance the class unity, polit- 
ical understanding and socialist awareness of the workers, while. participating 
together with them In their economic and democratic struggles. 

Although a relatively small and constantly embattled group, the Communists 
over the years have made significant contributions to progress In the United States. 
Together with other socialist -minded and radical workers, they were the leaven In 
the mass movements which built Industrial unionism, won unemployment Insurance- and 
other social benefits, and established the right of collective bargaining. Com- 
munists always encouraged and supported Independent political action by labor. 

They pioneered In the struggle for Negro rights In our day, helped open the 
South to trade unionism, and fought racism and chauvinism as It affected all na- 
tional minorities and the forelgn-bom generally. They Joined In every defense of 
decocratic liberties and Institutions agalnot reaction, and supported all efforts to 
extend social legislation and democracy In our land. 

Communists always stood for labor solidarity with all peoples seeking free- 
dom from Imperialism and with all workers everywhere fighting for their rights. 
They opposed at all times aggressive imperialist policies of our government In 
Latin America and elsewJ^re. They were among the first In this country to uphold 
the principle of collective security against fascism and to urge friendship with 
the Soviet Union as a requirement of our own national security. They fought along- 
side the democratic forces of Spain against the fascists led by Franco, and during 
the Second World War exerted all their energies for victory, giving of their beet 

During the height of the cold war and of McCarthylsm, the Communists suf- 
fered many hardships. Including prison, loss of employment and general ostracism, 
whon they urged negotiations for peace, outlawing the atom bomb and the restoration 
of democracy. 

Whatever the persecution. Communists demonstrated their loyalty to prin- 
ciple, seeking to serve the best Interests of the American people and to keep aloft 
tne banner of democracy, peace and socialism. 

Endless agitation by reactionaries about an alleged Communist conspiracy cn- 
not bury the elementary truth that the Communist Party Is a socially necessary, 
American-rooted political party of the working class of the United States. It la 


an Inavltablo product of the profit eystem -- the response of the more advanced 
wortere to the extraction of profits from their labor which is characteristic of our 
society. Many millions of Americana will come to understand that such a party Is 
essential to them, for the present and for the future. 

The Communist Party Is the most democratic party In the country, despite 
every effort to label It a "consplratorltal sect." The freest exchange of opinion 
prevails in It, and complete freedom to Join or leave. The principle of unity of 
action and central leadership under democratic control, enables it to function as a 
united political party, geared for the struggles of the American workers. Commun- 
ists resist every effort to cut them off from the people. Their policies mean little 
unless laboring people know and understand them, and unless the Communists themselves 
know and share the common aspirations and experiences of the people. 

The Communists of the United States feel they have won the right to be 
heard by their fellow countrymen, without obstruction or distortion. They here set 
forth their guiding principles, alms and tasks. 

2. Peaceful Coexistence 

Peace is the central issue of our time. The only alternative to a nuclear war 
of mutual destruction is peaceful coexistence among all nations, capitalist and social- 
ist. The pivot of peace in the present-day world is cooperation between the United 
States and the Soviet Union, the leading powers, respectively, of the capitalist and 
socialist worlds. Cooperation between them for the settlement of outstanding dis- 
putes, for total disarmament, for trade and for scientific-cultural interchange can 
bring all countries -- the capitalist, socialist and newly liberated nations -- into 
a united effort to ntilntain world peace. 

Communists believe that monopoly capitalism is the source of the war danger. 
They believe that a socialist society, in which there are no capitalists, has no 
Incentive to war but generates peace. They hold that new conditions for winning and 
assuring world peace have been created by the global changes which have proceeded 
since World War II. The progress of socialism, the success of the colonial revolu- 
tions, and the growth of labor and democratic movements in many countries make it 
possible to avert war in the present world and, going beyond that, to eliminate the 
very danger of war even while capitalism continues to exist in a number of countries. 

In the Communist view, the competition of the capitalist and socialist sys- 
tems can be kept within peaceful bounds in the present world structure. They con- 
eider it their supreme duty to help realize these prospects. 

For the American Communists, the fight for peaceful coexistence is not a tac- 
tic or a maneuver, aimed at securing exclusive, advantages for the socialist world, 
or advancing special party Interests in the United States. They fight for peace be- 
cause it is a basic need of all mankind, especially in view of the utterly destruct- 
ive character of nuclear warfare. Communists support the peace policy of the Soviet 
Union and other socialist countries because they consider such a policy necessary and 
beneficial for our own country. 

The cold war policy has proven itself bankrupt. Its continuance only brings 
discredit in the eyes of the world. Capitalism and Imiierlallsm no longer dominate 
the world. Our country must recognize and accomodate Itself to the new world rela- 
tionships that have come Into being. Active cooperation for peace with the Soviet 
Union, China and the other socialist lands has becoire the overriding national inter- 
est of the United States. All sections of the population and all classes ought to 
recognize this truth. 

American Communists hold that the principal concern of national politics 
should be the firm establishment by our government of a long-range policy of peace- 
ful coexistence and friendly competition. They support all policies that move In 
that direction. They favor common action among all elements --no matter of what 
class or political view--that agree on initial steps to end the cold war, to reach 
total disarmament, and to arrange affairs with other nations along peaceful lines. 

To realize these objectives the American people will have to fight on many 
fronts to curb the propensity of die-hard monopoly and imperialist circles to keep 
the cold war alive. They will have to oppose intervention, direct or otherwise, 
against progressive social and national movements abroad. New war dangers will 
arise also if powerful reactionary circles are permitted to pursue these anti -labor 
and fascist-like course at home. The prospects for peace in the period ahead depend, 
to a decisive degree, upon the efforts of the American people to find a democratic 
way out of the growing crisis of our system. 


3. Progress in a Peacetime Econonty 

The crisis of our society le developing within the frajnework of world compet- 
ition between capitalism and soclallem. The competition of systems Is the halln«rk 
of our tines, and touches upon evBry Important question of our national life. 

Comnunlsta believe that the competition between the two systems should be 
turned to the advantage of the American people. It provides new ground for success- 
ful efforts to Improve living conditions, to nBke new democratic and cultural ad- 
»ances, and to strengthen peace. 

For their part, powerful big business and reactionary circles attempt to pic- 
ture competition from world socialism as a threat to the United States, In order to 
use this alleged threat as a pretext for an all-out attack upon the living standards, 
democratic liberties and peaceful aspirations of the people. If they have t>*lr 
way, not only will the conditions of life deteriorate in every respect, but peace 
itself can be lost. 

Socialism is proving Itself able to exceed the American rate of economic 
growth by at least three or four timss. It is able to make rational and constructive 
use of its production and science along balanced lines, and to spread resulting bene- 
fits widely among the people. However, it does not follow that the American people 
must resign themselves to becoming helpless victims of the decay, waste and corrup- 
tion of our social system, while other countries build a new society, outpace us, 
and leave us behind. The road to progress is not closed to the United States. 

Communists take the view that through the regeneration of the democratic mass 
movement in our country, it is possible to advance the economic welfare of the Amer- 
ican people and to further peaceful world development. 

An accelerated rate of growth, together with resulting social benefits, can 
be achieved only in spite of monopoly and in the fight against it. Monopoly capit- 
al creates its own obstacles to economic growth, obstacles which are built into the 
system. Furthermore, mere economic growth is not necessarily translated into social 
benefits under capitalism, as it is under socialism. Monopoly has no incentive to 
raise the rate of growth. On the contrary, It uses automation and other technical 
advances to accumulate maximum profits for Itself within a structure of high prices 
and restricted output at the expense of the workers and the people. 

Labor cannot be opposed to new technology and greater productivity, for these 
are essential to progress. But technical progress should be used to reduce the work 
week, lighten the burden of labor, and lower prices. Instead of reducing the number 
of workers in production. Intensifying speed-up, and raising prices. The new tech- 
niques should be used for the satisfaction of the needs of the people, and not to 
create a new layer of permanent unemployed -- a typical form of spreading distress 
in our high-level monopoly society. 

The challenge presented to the American people by the competition of capital- 
ist and socialist systems Is to achieve a condition of full employment and to en- 
large the area of social and cultural benefits without war or the threat of war. 
Only a revived labor and democratic mass movement can promote the struggle to achieve 
this aim. Only such a movement can create the political conditions that will enable 
this country to move in the direction of an abundant peacetime economy. 

A peacetime economy, utilizing for constructive and useful purposes the 
billions now spent on arms, can find ways of offsetting crisis dangers and holding 
off a severe depression. Heavy arms spending did not prevent three economic crises 
during the cold war period. It only temporarily stimulated capital Investment, and 
that at the price of Increasing cold war tensions and war dangers, laying a heavy tax 
burden on those least able to pay, and creating constant Inflationary pressures and 
rising prices. 

A new and healthy stimulus can be given to the economy ifthe military funds 
are diverted to the solution of the unemployment problem, to the reconstruction of 
the South and other underdeveloped regions, to equalization of the living standards 
of the Negro people, to housing, schools, health, science and the arte, metropolitan 
planning and other pressing peacetime needs. Unrestricted trade with all nations, 
the removal of barriers to trade with the Soviet Union, China and other socialist 
nations, and foreign aid for the peaceful development of underdeveloped and poverty- 
stricken countries can be of great benefit to our economic growth and stability. 

This is the way the American people should meet the challenge presented by 
the competition of systems. 


U. Dafanae of Democracy 

ConreunlBts see the battla to proaenre azd enrich demooracy ae cioiclal to 
peace and well-being. Our democratic and civil llbertlee and our representative 
Institutions are today under attack from reaction. Thi6 attack tee to be repulsed 
and the trend to authoritarian government has to be blocked to keep open the demo- 
cratic rx>ad to social progress under conditions of peace. 

The fight for democracy Is basic to the entire Communist perspective. Capit- 
alist democracy Is necessarily limited, since It Is based on the domination of the 
capitalist class, which eevorely restricts the freedom of the workero, the Negro 
people, and other sections of the American people. Complete and manifold realiza- 
tion of democracy will be made possible only by the abolition of antagonistic 
classes and the rise of real n»Jorlty rule under socialism, Conmunlsts, however, 
fight to achlevB the highest level of democracy possible under capitalism. 

Within the limitations of capitalist society, our form of political democ- 
racy and of republican govemmBnt has traditionally provided comparatively free and 
broad basis for the class and social struggles of the people. As a result, over the 
years, the people have been able to make nnny economic and democratic gains against 
the resistance of entrenched wealth and privilege. However, growing monopoly dom- 
ination of the government now threatens to choke off these freer forms of struggle 
by replacing the democratic content of our political system with an authoritarian 
content, retaining only the outward shell of the democratic Institutions. 

This trend has been especially pronounced since the war. Immenee power has 
been gathered in the Executive, where a great mushrooming of appointed agencies con- 
stantly Invade and undermine the powers of Congress. A combination of big business 
and the military, to which science and administration have been subordinated, com- 
Tiand the vast network of agencies. Congress itself, under pressure from the Right, 
tends to surrender its responsibilities as a representative body. It has passed 
an array of anti-labor and ant i -democratic laws in violation of the Bill of Rights 
and has conducted investigative procedures which cannot be condoned under our Con- 
stitution. These trends have permeated into local and state govemnents. 

The battle to defend our democracy from reaction Is today a powerful stimulus 
to social progress and peace. Unless Congress and other representative bodies are 
revitalized as popular Institutions, erpressing the demands and needs of the people, 
confidence In democratic government will wither and an atmosphere will arise In 
which fascist movements may thrive. 

In the Conmunlst view, the representative legislative bodies are the most 
direct means for the expression of the popular will under our political system. 
Relnvlgorated and restored to their proper function, they can provide the means 
for bringing effective popular pressure upon the other two branches of government, 
and for obtaining the maximum popular rule possible iHjder capitalism. 

Democracy should be strengthened by popular election of Judges, direct ballot 
for President, proportional representation, universal referendum and recall, liber- 
alization of the committee structure and rules in both Houses with elimination of 
the seniority system which has so greatly enhanced the power of the Dixiecrata. It 
should also be strengthened by doing away with the host of rostrlctlons which now 
exist on access to the ballot by minority parties and Independent candidates. The 
powers of the Federal Government should be enlarged to establish minimum national 
requirements In the fields of social legislation and Constitutional rights. The 
states should be deprived of the power to nullify such national legislation. 

The democratic transfomeitlon of the South, with fully proportional Negro 
representation at all levels of government, can once and for all remove from our 
national life the scourge of DIxIecratlsm. 

The leading social forces In the fight for democracy are the working class, 
the laboring farmers and the Negro people. Their tendency Is to fight for unre- 
stricted democracy because they need It for economic security and freedom. Labor 
and the working farmers are thrust I4to the very heart of the struggle by the mon- 
opoly attack upon their conditions of life and their rights. In their battle for 
Constitutional rights, the Negro people Impart a powerful Impetus to the fight for 
democracy In general. 

With these social forces taking the Initiative, large sections of the middle 
classes, professionals, technicians and Intellectuals will also enter the common 
struggle for democracy. These have suffered from economic concentration and are 
being shut off from significant participation In government by the trend to a state 
totally dominated by the monopolies . 


In thia array of people's forces, alliance between the labor unions andthe 
Negro rights moveiBBnt plays the central role In the democratic struggle against the 
moat aggressive sectors of big business and against Dlrleerat reaction. This Is an 
outcome of our cwn history, In which the stmggle for Negro rights has played so 
crucial a part. The organic link between the fight for Negro freedom and the striv- 
ing of all working people for a better life la a permanent characteristic of social 
progress In our country. 

By their struggles to safeguard the permanent gains of democracy under our 
system and to preserve the representative Institutions, the American people can 
enrich denccracy, preserve peace, and open the way to in-ogresBlve change. 

5. The American Road to Socialism 

The superiority of socialism over capitalism as a system of society Is 
firmly established. A system based on the social ownership of the means of pro- 
duction and their planned use for the material and cultural needs of the whole of 
society Is far superior to the system of capitalism, which is founded on private 
ownership of the basic economy and exploitation of the great majority for the en- 
richment of the few. 

American Communists believe that socialism will prove necessary for the 
United States, because only such a radical transfomfitlon can solve the crucial 
problems of our present-day society. 

All socialist CO ntrles have basic features In common. Yet, as recent 
history has demonstrated, each country takes Its own road to socialism. Socialism 
In this country also will have the specific features of American development. It 
will be the product of our own history, as It Is made by the efforts of the American 
people to solve the acute problems of our society In its present highly developed 
stage of monopoly capitalism. Socialism will be bom out of our national striving 
for progress, with its own distinctive contributions to the future of the world. 

The Communist Party advocates a democratic road to socialism through the 
political and economic struggles of the people within the developing and revitalized 
Constitutional process. Capitalism cannot simply be reformed into socialism. The 
transition from one to the other is a social reveolution requiring a transfer of 
political power to the hands of the workers, who would use it to replace capitalist 
with socIallBt relations of production. 

American Communists fight for conditions that will lead to a peaceful social- 
ist revolution. They do so because this is the preferable and the least painful 
method of basic change. Further, they think that a peaceful road to socialism can 
be opened by the struggles of the people under the new conditions that have emerged 
in the World. 

Through experience gained in a many-phased struggle, the American working 
class will attain the unity, political maturity and socialist consciousness to 
acquire political power as the leader of the entire nation. With the competition 
of social systems developing peacefully, conditions will be conducive to the Con- 
stitutional transfer of power, without civil violence, and to the subsequent es- 
tablishment of socialism. The American Communists seek to realize such possibil- 
ities In the United States. 

The way in which thia country embraces socialism will be decided not only 
by the particular social and political struggles of the future, and by the world 
situation at the time. The road will be determined also, and perhaps decisively, 
by the struggle for peace, democracy and economic security, and the political form 
this assumes, in the period now before us. 

In the Communist view, the road to socialism In thie country will be shaped 
by the economic and democratic struggles of the workers and people's forces to 
curb the power of monopoly. The inherent tendencies in our society to aggressive 
expansionism, permanent unemployment, economic crises, authoritarian rule, cultural 
decay and moral corruption can be impeded only by a powerful mass movement deeply 
rooted in the working class, and encompassing the broad population. To achieve 
thia a united people's movement will have to curb the power of monopoly over the 
economy and the political system. Such Cemocratic curbs will lay the basis for 
eliminating monopoly from our society entirely. 

Communists belie-ve that In the course of the economic and political struggle 
by labor and Its allies, ever greater concessions can be won from monopoly. The 


people need a shorter work week, higher wages, adequate housing and schools, and 
extended social welfare legislation, Including a comprehensive system of public 
health Insurance, including a basic reform of the tax system In tholr favor, and 
strict controls over monopoly prices. Due to the disastrous social effect of 
automtlon and other technical Innovations In the hands of the monopolies, labor 
and Its allies will have to Intervene directly, through contract negotiations and 
political action, to denend a growing degree of control over the management and 
production policies of the big corporations. 

Extended government economic activities have become a permanent feature of 
our society. Monopoly now controls these activities in its own Interests. Popu- 
lar democratic movements In this donftin can set up controls over the monopolies and 
strengthen the power of the people to win govemiaent economic mBasuroa favorable 
to the labor and non-monopoly groups. 

This should In tlms Involve steps to nationalize certain industries to the 
advantage of the people. At the start, this might include the public services, 
tele-consmmlcatlons, operations connected with city planning, atomic energy and 
space missiles, as well as other industries resulting from publicly-financed 
scientific advances or from the exploitation of natural resources. 

Consnunlsts do not believe that capitalism can be remade into a "welfare 
society." Thus, nationalization can be utilized by monopoly capital for its own 
benefit, unless labor and the people are constantly on guard and fight for its 
establishmsnt under democratic controls. Substantial gains can be won by the 
people in such a struggle under capitalism. But ComnunistB also think that the 
people will come to understand the limitations of capitalism and the necessity of 
socialism if public welfare Is to become a permanent principle of society. The 
labor and democratic movement, learning from experience, will arrive at the posi- 
tion where the stniggle for mere reforms will be tranaformed into a movemsnt to 
change the basis of society. 

In the Communist view, the most important thing is to build the unity of 
the labor movement so that it can emerge as an Independent political force, able 
to lead a broad movement including the Negro people, the nass of farmers and the 
middle class and non-monopoly groups. The necessities of the mass struggle will 
require the workers to overcome opportunism in the Labor movement and the influence 
of capitalist corruption within it. Policies based on concepts of a common inter- 
est with monopoly will have to give way to policies based on constant struggle 
against monopoly, and a united front around such policies, if trade unionism Is to 
thrive and if labor is to step forward as the effective leader of the people's 
united democratic movement. 

The central task of Labor is to build, out of the people's struggles In 
many fields, a connon front against monopoly, and particularly against the most 
reactionary and aggressive monopoly circles that at a given tins and on parajnount 
issues obstruct the path to peace and democratic progress. 

In the Communist view, such a combination of people's forces will seek some 
form of political expression which would embody the specific as well as the common 
Interests of the various component anti-monopoly groups. Today there are many 
signs that a basic political shakeup Is in the making. Communists hold that the 
labor and democratic forces should move toward the creation of a new people's 
party independent of monopoly. Labor's present political activities should be 
orientei? in this direction. 

A people's party, embodying the leading role of labor and the coalition of 
anti-monopoly forces, would constitute a great political advance. Prospects would 
arise of a people's government, representing the program of the democratic coali- 
tion. The achievement of such a government, through whatever phases it may have 
to pass, would amount to a radical shift In class relations favorable to the work- 
ing people. It Is through such a democratic process that Communists see the pos- 
sibility of a people's government opening the way to working class political power 
and the subsequent establishment of socialism. 

This, In general terms, is how Communists see the American road to 
socialism. Such a road can be opened under our Constitutional system by the 
struggles of the people for permanent peace, a better life, and a richer 


6. Our Socialist Potential 

The eociallBt potential of the United States la Inunense . Many niar»el at the 
achievements of the socialist countries today, most of which starte'J from a dead 
level of poverty. Communists believe that in the United States aloo socialism will 
perform WDnders, beyond the dreams of most Americans today. 

Our great advantage -- providing the people succeed in preventing an H-bomb 
war -- Is ■t^ very high economic level at which we can enter the socialist era. We 
are not likely to confront the very severe hardships of the poverty-stricken count- 
ries which had to lay the economic foundations of socialism In the midst of a host- 
ile world. 

The nationalization of the monopolies by a socialist government would provide 
an adequate base In all decisive parts of the economy for rapid economic growth under 
comprehensive social planning. Socialism would Immediately eradicate economic cri- 
ses, unemployment, and the threat of war. The problem of want and insecurity could 
be solved quickly. With our wealth, great productive capacities and high labor pro- 
ductivity and skill in industry and agriculture, and with the initiative ofthe 
people fully awakened, we will have a state which truly serves ths needs of the 
people, providing total security from the cradle to th« grave. 

Without injustice to anyone, since work will be guaranteed to all, we should 
be able to realize quickly the principles of the first stage of socialism: "He who 
is able but does not work, neither shall he eat," and "From each according to his 
ability, to each according to his work." 

With the immense monopolies socialized at the start. It should be possible to 
transform gradually, along socialist lines, small and medium agriculture, industry, 
trade and finance. Proprietors in these branches would be enlisted in the common 
task of bringing their enterprises and themselves, voluntarily, on the basis of 
their own self-interest. Into the orbit of socialist planning, thus completing the 
abolition of class exploitation. 

We can learn much from the matured socialist societies, which will have 
solved many problems of social reconstruction and planning of the kind that would 
confront the United States. Our own progress would be greatly accelerated by the 
free and full interchange of science and technique. Using our social surplus to 
aid those countries which had been victimized by U.S. monopoly and imFBTlallem, our 
emergence as a socialist power could well inaugurate a new period of global progress. 

The substance of government power would be the leading role of tbe working 
class, ruling together with its people's allies. It would, in fact be a government 
of the people, by the people and for the people --the aspiration of the common folk 
from the very beginning of our nation. We would realize the essence of socialist 
democracy. In place of the wealthy and privileged, the working peoplewould take 
over the running of society, actively participating in the work of planning and 
administration at all levels of the economy and of government. The trade unions 
would participate directly in the management of Industry, in planning production, 
in setting the norms of work. In assuring proper weges, working conditions, housing 
and health-- in a word, in translating every advance in productivity Into batter 
conditions for the people. 

The ideology and practices of racism are totally Incompatible with socialism. 
Full and equal representation of the Negro people at all levels of government and 
economic management will guarantee that all forms of discrimination would be com- 
batted and eradicated. The lag in the conditions of the Negro people and other 
ethnic groups, inherited from capitalism, would be overcome, establishing equal 
economic conditions as the base for complete social and political equality. As a 
first principle, a socialist United States would eliminate exploitation or repres- 
sio9, in whatever form, of other natlons--a decisive blow at the ideas of n^ce or 
national superiority spread by imperialism. 

The form of the political system will be determined to a large measure by 
the struggles during the period preceding socialism and by the changes wrought in 
the process. There is nothing in socialist principles that would prevent the new 
order from taking over our traditional form of government and transforming it to 
serve the needs of socialist society. Our present Constitution, with appropriate 
amendments, may suffice; or the people may prefer to write a new Constitution. 

A socialist political system will take over those democratic guarantees 
that have proved their worth--iike Habeas Corpus, trial by Jury, the Bill of Rights, 
labor'srlght to organize and strike, freedom of religious conscience, and the prin- 
ciple of equality regardless of race, religion or sex. 


The tr«neltlon to eoclallsn will stlnulata a grsat Ideological and cultural 
revolution, arising from the needs of the new society and sustained by effective 
gov«miDent aid. Education, science, the arts will not have to go begging for sus- 
tenance. It will be possible for all, without exception, to educate their children, 
at state expense and with the aid of living allowances, from nursery to university. 
Adult education can make up for years of neglect and lack of opportunity. Movies, 
radio and television can In truth become the dabs media of culture and education. 
Enthused by the prospects opening before them, saved from the moral decay and stag- 
nation of capitalism, our youth will blossom In the new environment of growth, op- 
ening new frontiers of science and learning. 

With the Initial stage of socialism, we will have won the decisive ground 
for the greatest upsurge of our productive and creative forces. We will proceed 
to communism, the higher stage of socialism. Then, as Marx said, togehher with 
the all-round development of the individual, the productive forces also will grow, 
and all the sources of .social wealth will flow more abundantly, and such plenty 
will prevail that the United States will be able to inscribe on its banner: "From 
each according to his ability, to each according to hie need." 

Such Is the glowing socialist potential of our country. Present struggles 
of the people for peace, democracy and economic security will determine our road. 
The essential thing is to assure active peaceful coexistence during the entire 
period, and the best way to do so is to keep open the democratic way to progress 
and a better life. Thus will the American people themselves create their road to 


56597 O — 60 — pt. 4- 


RBSQUTrioir on oiba 

Cuba's military connander- In -chief warned hia people this voek, on Dec^ihber 7, 
that the nation nay be Invaded by the armed mBrceoarles of Dictator Trujlllo, of 
San Domingo, before January 1. The world hae already been told about the fire 
thousand cutthroats from the Nazi army and the Franco fascists, wh© were being 
trained to make the Invasion. Thus, Cuba — the country where tlte revolution 
against Imperialism In Latin An»rlco hao ro>iohnd t.ho highouii poiut lu h'tn-Kory -- 
Is In great and immediate danger. 

This poses an Immediate responsibility of utmost historic gi«vlty before the 
American people, and Its most decisive sectors, Labor, the Begro l8 million, all 
honest democrats and progressives who want to see a nation achieve sovereignty, 
independence, economic and political advance. The Issue le one that must be at 
the very top of the agenda for Communists In the United States. 

Not only Is revolutionary Cuba threatened by military Invastlon, It is subject 
today to the combined onslaught of powerful forces manipulated by American imperi- 
alist interests who dread the remarkable advances being laade by the new government. 
Capitalist newopopero, State Department officials, television, radio, the combined 
agents of ex-Dictator Batista as well as Dictator Trujlllo -- all have Joined force 
to defame, libel, snear, and injure in every conceivable way — economically, jwl- 
Itically, nllltarlly — that country whose advances are regarded as sacred by the 
200 million inhabitants of Latin America, as well as by the vast majority of the 
people of the world — in the colonial and eemi -colonial world, the socialist na- 
tions, and all enlightened mankind everywhere. 

Inperlallsn feare that the new Cuba will succeed. It sees that unity of all 
revolutionary forcee within Cuba has been strengthened this year since the hosts 
of freedom forced Batista to flee Just over a year ago the end of this month- 
December 31. Se and those he represents hope to make their comeback on the anniv- 
ersary. They want to make It before that unity -- which cements all genuine revo- 
lutionary forces in the l8land--r»kes such advances that the forcee of reaction 
can never again possibly win the day. 

Advances are being made, first of all, in the countryside. The land Reform 
is moving ahead at a nagnificent rate. Peasants are getting land. Farne appropri- 
ated by the government from Batista hirelings are being run as cooperatives. Farm- 
ers are mt only getting land from the new government, but also farm Inplenente, 
farm inctructlon, subetantlel credits. Cement homes are going up to replace the 
age-old, rickety bohioo, tl'ie at raw -thatched one-roon huts. Schools are being 
built everywhere to wipe ^ut the more than 50^ illiteracy. 

Similarly in the cities, among the working people. Bents have been cut by 
50 % everywhere. Electric rates have been reduced drastically by Inter^nlng In 
the enterprioee of the big Wall Street corporation. Electric Bond and Share; 
telephone rates, for example, were cut 50 ^ from a dine to a nickel. 

It Is Qloo necessary to note that trade -union democracy hae been strengthened 
greatly by ousting the labor-dictator Mujal who fled with Batista, even though he 
had had the beleslngs of ORIT, the Regional inter-Anerlccn workers organization. 
The State Dept. instrunent to work among the Latin American workers which never 
found it necessary to declare one w-rd of criticism against hig bestial acts, this 
Mujal wh-in Cuban labor calls the "chlvato" -- the etoolplgeon — because he turned 
over any unlonlot Batista wanted to the dictator's Gestapo for torture or death. 

The tenth Congress of the Cuban Labor Movement, the CTC, saw further labor 
advances when the moot powerful mujalista elensnts were ousted from office and 
influence; when the two million otr-^ng confederation voted to break ties with ORIT, 
which they branded as a tool of the State Department and reactionary leaders here 
in the USA. 

The pe->ple of the USA can learn much from Cuba's democracy. The new govern- 
ment. In enunciating its set of principles a year ago, placed the elimination of 
raclcn as one of the naj-^r innedlate objectives. The advances in this decisive 
field can be gauged by the fact that Cuba's head of the amy today le a Negro; the 
hoid of the alrforce is a Negro; the head of the military forces of Orienta, the 
prlncllal province, where a third of Cuba lives, is a Negro. Consider the advance 
'Tore in the USA the same c^uld be said of us. No wonder the preeo has clamped a 
conspiracy -'f silence upon such advances; and instead, has embarked on a siaear 
campaign of unprecedented proportions. 


Tbe Dnlted 8tat«s la th» aoat pcNwrful Imps^lallat o-tuntry In tbe vorU. 

The InperlQllet forcee that exploit and oppreee the Cuban people and the rest 
of the latin Aaerloan nations are the saoe nnnopollate that exploit the vorkere of 
the ITnlted Statea. 

Thle fact placee upon the workero and progresQlvB foixsea of the United Statea 
the reaponalblllty of devBloplng aolldarlty with and aid to the embattled people of 
Cuba and the other natlone of Latin Aoerloa. 

One hundred yoare of etru^le by the Cuban people agalnet Spanish and U.S. 
Inperlallsn resulted In vary little freedom for the Cuban nation until the demo- 
cratic-popular antl-lnperlQllst revolution led by Fidel Caetro and the 26th of July 
movement and supported by 95 percent of the Cuban people Including the Popular 
Socialist Party brought Into existence a genuine liberation movetaent for the first 
tine, free from corruption and determined not to compromise vlth the main eneqy of 
the Cuban nation: American Imperialism. That Is why American Imperlallen la force- 
fully resisting every atep taken by the Castro govemnent. 

Whether through diplomatic channels such as the recent State Deportnent state- 
ment protesting against Cuba's antl-Anerlcanlem, or by direct artaed attack from 
airplanes based In Miami, Florida, D.S. Imperialism Is using every means to under- 
mine Cuba's progreee toward complete freedom from U.S. Imperialism. 

The people of the U.S. and eepeclally the working class have much In common 
with the Cuban liberation movement. Cuba le fighting for her sovereignty and 
freedom from foreign intervention ae did the American people In the course of their 
revolution of 1776. 

Moreover, the working class of the U.S. today has a big stake in solidarity 
with the Cuban workers. The workers of Cuba harbor no Illusions as to who is their 
real enemy. When they cry "Down with Yankee Imperialism," they are resisting the 
aons monopollate who are the blttereat exploiters of Ansrlcon labor. 

Cubans emigrating to the U.S. have eet high standards of militancy and courage 
In trade union struggles, 


1. Mobilize U. S. public opinion and try to organize support, especially In the 
tnide unions, for the Cuban people. 

a. To answer the Ilea and slanders being spread by Imperialist circles 
about Cuba and Ito new government, through The Worker, leaflets, meet- 
ings, and forums, wherever possible. 

b. To encourage sending telegrams of greetings from trade unions to their 
opposite numbers In Cuba on appropriate occasions. 

c. To help orgcnlze assistance to Cuban workers' families — money, 
clothing , blood donations. 

d. To organize help for Cuba's school children -- contribute paper, 
pencils, recording machines, etc. 

• ^velop continuous activity, not Just sporadic actions. In support of Cuba. 
Keep supplying facts of background on the latest developments and outlook of Cuba, 

3. Build Friendship Organizations involving non-Cuban people with the specific 
and main slogan and actions of "Hands off Cuba." 

**. Send delegations to Cuba for trade union and cultural exctanges. 

5. Popularize Cuba as an Ideal vacation spot and thus help build up the tourist 
trade of a free Cuba. 

6. We shall strive to arouse our people to combat any reactionary move to wreck 
the Cuban sugar quota and other meaeuree directed to weakening Cuban economy. 

7. Wd call on progressive Americans to protest the unwarranted action of steam- 
ship companies trying to destroy Cuban tourist trade. 

For all these reasons, this convention must see a great emphasis put on the 
entire question of Cuba and Latin America, 




Ae favorable as are ti-e objective conditions for the eucceeeful realization 
of the decisions of the 17th Convention of the Communlet Party, these historic 
goals will not be reached without the building of The Worker Into a popular.iaass, 
Mirxlet-Ianlnlst press which has gained the confidence of tens of thousands of 
labor, the Negro people and other minority groups. 

The Editorial Board and Staff of The Worker are conscious of the need to 
strengthen. Improve The Worker politically. In coverage. In analysis, as well as 
to Bake Its style more popular. A recent all -day critical review of The Worksr 
In whioh Comrades Hathaway and Kushner participated with the Staff and reprea«irt* 
atlves of the National Committee and the New York State Conalttee, decided on a 
number of maasures towards this end. 

In this direction we also greet the agreement reached by The Worker and the 
Midwest comrades to publish a Midwest 'Edition beginning May 1, I960. 

The antl -monopoly movement, the peaoe forces of Aaerlca, the Negro Liberation 
noveoent, organized and unorganized labor, the national Bdnorltles of our country, 
those forces fighting for the peaceful co-*xlstence of countries with divergent 
social outlooks will find In The Worker a dedicated supporter of all for which 
they light and a press that lnteiT>rets events from a Marxlst-Lenlnlst position and 
In the Interests of a socialist society in the USA. 

The VJorker has been seriously affected In terms of Its circulation and Its 
financial supporters by the critical struggles through which the progressive forces 
of America fought against the intrigues and antl-Constltutlonal hysteria provoked 
by the McCarthyites and directed in the Tsaln against the Conanunlst Party. It has 
been seriously weakened by the Inner struggles of the Connunlst Party, 

But despite these blows, despite weaknesses associated with the i)roductlon of 
The Worker In Its content or management The Worker stands today as one of the 
ideological bulwarks against the attempts of the metropolitan press of monopoly 
to win the minds of the American people for Its war econony.. _; 

The building of The Worker is not for Communists Just another of Its several 
tasks. The building of The Worker, strengthening the financial base and support 
of The Worker, giving fundamental aid to those who seek to restore the Dally Worker 
becomes that task without the successful achievement of which the entabllshment 
of a powerful peace movement, an Invincible labor and Negro liberation movemsnt 
Is Impossible. 

Therefore, the 17th Convention of our Party Instructs the incomlnj National 
Committee to make the building of The Worker a responsibility to be assumad by 
the Party as a whole and by every individual member of the Party. 

In assuming this great responsibility this Convention believes that the 
National Committee should place a major political duty upon all Party leaders 
to give guidance and specific attention to the building of Worker circulation. 

The Worker can and must be carried to the American people. 

This Convention believes that promises and preparations should be made 
early for financial aid to Th© Worker's i960 financial ceunpaign. 

This Convention proposes to the Incoming National Committee to organize a 
financial campaign for support of The Worker for $75,000 or more which will begin 
on the 36th anniversary of The Worker, January 13, and end on or before the list 
of May. 

The present circulation of The Worker is between 13 and lU thousand. This 
Convention believes that that circulation can be successfully raised to 20,000 
within the year I960. 

It therefor© Instructs the incoming National Committee to create a standing 
Worker Builders Committee which will immediately formulate a circulation campaign 
to begin together with the financial campaign. 

It Is oVvious that conditions do not permit uniform reaponsibllltios . But 
this Convention believes that no District of the Party should be without a press 

We believe that the greatest possible coordination should exist between tho«e 
rvaponslble for the building of The Worker and those responsible for its produc- 


Everyvhoro efforts must b« n»de to help create Build the Preee Commltteee. 
or Volunteers for the Worker, or what have 70U. 

While The Worker Is not the official Voice of our Party, we hereby declare 
Its building Indispensable to the building of the Connunlet Party and the neny 
moTOments seeking to create a security and peaceful life to the American people. 





The political assault against the labor movensnt 1b paralleled by an attack on 
the existence and living standards of small and middle famers. These attaclcs also 
aim to split the natural alliance of labor and small and middle farmers and pit 
these two classes against each other. Farmers are fed the false propaganda that 
labor causes Inflation; while labor Is falsely told that farmers and their legis- 
lative programs cause high food prices. 

The cold war years distorted the channels of world trade and shut off Anerlcan 
farm products from sale abroad, and substituted the products of the armament fact- 
ories for the products of our harvests. 

Big agriculture pays; middle-size and small agriculture Is being dealt heavy 
blows. In the South the shift from cotton to livestock, and toward increased 
mechanization. Is creating an upheaval In the lives of large masses of Negro 
tillers . 

Middle farmers are being eliminated as well as the so-called "Inefficient" 
snail farmers. The hands of the banks, processing monopolies and feed trusts 
are taking a tighter grasp on agricultural production, especially through vertical 

During the past decade one million farm families and five million persons have 
been eliminated from agriculture. One -third of the farmers' Income Is from off- 
farm wages and salaries. And by the end of this year. It Is estimated, net farm 
Income will have fallen two billion dollars from what It was In 1958, and for next 
year an additional drop of one billion Is forecast by the Dept. of Agriculture. 

Meanwhile we continue to produce "surpluses" while millions of Americans are 
underfed and hundreds of millions throughout the world hunger. 

The Administration knows only one answer: cut the "surplus" by cutting out 
farmers. In this It has tlie support of the big farmers who hope to take over 
what the family farmers must sacrifice. 

As Communists our answer to the major problems outlined above must always 
have a class approach of favoring smaller farmers against their class enemy In 
the countryside -- the big farms; and Includes the following: 

1. A main advantage of big farmers Is the vast profits they sweat out of the 
terribly underpaid and exploited farm workers. The organization of effective 
unions among farm workers would be a major help to small and middle farmers. The 
initial steps already taken by the AFL-CIO deserve all-out support. 

2. The method of farm price protection must be changed to reduce the cost 
of farm programs and discourage all-out production by big farmers. Farm produce 
should sell on the open market, and prices under parity should be supplemented by 
deficiency payments on only that amount of production per farm that will sustain 
a family-size farmer. 

3. We oppose crop curtailment but where there Is reduction it must be Im- 
posed entirely on the big farmers, 

U. The Communist Party urges full participation of Its members In every 
stiniggle to maintain small and middle farmers on their farms, Including support 
of legislative programs for low-Interest credit, soil conservation, crop insur- 
ance. Federal aid to education and other demands of small farmers. 

5. We favor the enactment of a national food stamp plan that will supplement 
the starvation wages imposed on millions of Americans, and that will provide ade- 
quate food and clothing to the millions In depressed areas. Such a program would 
be of direct help to both labor and farmers. 

6. The world, too, needs a food stamp plan. Let us subsidize the shipment 
of food Instead of hardware for destruction. 

7. Agriculture in the South has special complex problems tied up with the 
fight for democracy in the South. Some of these special problems are dealt with 
in the Npgro resolution. 



Our neglect of the farm question 1b a serious veaknese In our practical act- 
iTlty, and represents a big gap in our efforts to apply Marzlsm-Leninlsm to tiie 
tasks abead. 

In particular, this defect In our theoretical understanding threatens serious 
consequences for our electoral activities for I960. An essential component of , 
the i960 electoral campal^ is the coordination of farmer, labor and Negro ef- 
forts, enlarging to the national arena the splendid 19^ state caapaigns against 
right to work lavs. 

The conBon interests of the famsrs, vorksra and Negroes requires an offens- 
ire against ths Dlziecrsts . It is the Diziecrats wh© are the gun runners for the 
offensive against the labor moveuent. It is the Diziecrats vbo block the demo- 
oratio advance of the Negro people. It is the Diziecrats who defend the inter- 
ests of big farasrs and plantation owners. 

T&riB state liberal Congressmsn ti«de with the Diziecrats to help pass farm 
legislation. Deals are nede whereby the Diziecrats trade their votes on farm 
laws for support of anti-union and anti-cirll rights positions. The Diziecrats 
■ust be isolated in national politics and then totally eliminated. This can 
only be dooe by a farm-labor-Negro coalition that understands and supports one 
another's basic needs; enxi develops urban support Id the North and West for ad- 
equate farm Is gi slat ion. 

The 17th Convention should spark serious turn toward implemsntlng the baslo 
Marxist-Leninist principle -- the alliance of farmers and workers. The first 
requisite for achieving this turn must take the form of every District leader- 
ship adopting oeasures to guarantee that especially the trade union cadre of our 
Party becooss consclotu of their responsibility to win the trade udIod movenent 
for a full understanding of the stake that labor has In lending the fullest sup- 
port to the pressing needs of the family fanera and in the labor-farm alliance. 

SecoDdljr: It ahouU taks the form toward the full participation of all fam 
oomrades In their fara orgaotations, seeking to direct the attention of their 
fallow farasrs toward aora consistent and purposeful activity to save the family 
farasrs froa extinction, to establish bonds with the city working class, and to 
advanoe the progian of the party on the peace, olvll rights, civil liberties, 
and trade talon fronts. 

Tile Party faTora the loaedlate preparation of pamphlets and literature which 
will (l) proTlde a survey of the existing farm situation to the broadest masses 
of farnrs, workers and middle class people, (2) make kncwn the party's position 
CD ths critical issues facing the farasrs, and on tta* nethods of their solution. 

The national ezaoutlve connittee should be directed to establish a function- 
ing farm comission to Include a member of the NBC, and to establish regional 
farm cosalsslons under the regional subcoonittees of the party. The political 
perspeotivasvhloh haw been outlined in our national draft resolution and in 
Coarade Hall's speech, and in this resolution, will only become effective if 
aerious organizational steps are undertaken. 





Ta order to aohiove the fuLfillment *f the goal and ideals aet for our I^rty 
■ad the people's movement - in this Convention - for peaoe» seourity, civil right*, 
the future of our youth, political voioa and the strength of our working claox party 
— wa must understand and seek the full participation of \7anen. 

TTomen are already in motion fighting back against exploitation and discrimina- 
tion in the home, in the shops, on the farms ....and against the bars from full par^ 
tiolpation in the economlo, social, cultural and political life of the country. 

Ninety percent of the iromen are housewives j 35^ of all women also hold jobs 
outside the home. Their unpaid labor as housenives and underjA id labor as vorkers 
•re the source of superprofits to b ig business. 

Of the 22 million wcmen who work, only 3 to l/2. million are organlred. Their 
averege uage is 60^ of men's wages. Xhey are forced into the lowest grade jobs, 
and hav e fevi opportunities for upgrading. Negro women workers are subject to extra 
exploitation. Their average wage is l/s that of white women; 6Z/i of their jobs are 
limited to domestic and service work. These degrading conditions and barriers to bet- 
Dorking oonditlona affeot the \7orklng standards of all workers. Unless the trade 
unions undertake a consistent campaign for the rights of women lorkers. 

Not only is it necessary to organize the unorganized and extend minimum wage 
benefits, but it is necessary to undertake a special campaign to nipe out the [ay 
differentials, upgrade wcmen vnrkers and open the doors of Job opportunities. 

Puerto Rioan and IJexioan-Amerioan women are also a t the lovrest rung of the Job 
and pay ladder in light manufacturing industries and agriculture. 

Uothers, wives and sweethearts, long the silent viotins of nar, are the voci- 
ferous fighters for peaoe. 

The family tax payments have gone to pay off the superprofits of big business 
in the war budget, at the expense of decent housing, schools, health, reoreational 
facilities, and a full program for our youth. 

The oold war has been the biggest thief in the lives of our children. Far 
psychology has put the stamp of approval on force and violence - war scares have 
made them unsure of their future. 

ITomen oaa take a war budget and turn it into a peaoe budget. 

Jennie Higgins, oomminity vorker, can help convert bombers into schools, 
houses and a decent life. 

Negro, Puerto Rican and liexican-iVraerican vcraen face the ^etto jroblems of 
smaller then average pay chsoka to meet exhorbitant prices and rents, the TCirst 
housing and sohool conditions, racist attacks upon t hemse Ives and their families ail 
are in constcuit battle 'ith the slum atmosphere of dirt, disease and deterioration. 

This is the spreading epidemio that infeots our whole society. "hite wmen 
and society as a whole, in their aem interest, must undertake concrete plans to 
eradioate it. 

A more effeotlve program for progress oan be carried out by encouraging and us- 
ing the power of woiasn as a political force in the 1960 elections. Ke must help 
bring into action the vote of the Negro and poor vhite wcmen in the South; the 
I\ierto Rioan and Uexi can-American wcoien's right to register in Spemish, and all 
women's right to political participation and representation. 

The main barrier to understanding the status and needs of wcmen is the concept 
of tfae"wealc-kneed, weak-minded, unstable Tioman.Z Big Business uses male supremacy 
as a means of carrying out this concept, in order to guarantee its super-profits 
from this whole group of underpaid workers. 

Wojnen in our country are highly organized in social, civic, church, religious, 
political, professional, business commxinlty, historical and auxiliary organiza- 
tions. Host of these organizations have programs for peaoe, civil rights, economlo 
seourity, civil liberties, youth problems and womens' rights. 

United actions among women's organizations on the above issues can be a porrer- 
ful force in support of the Amsrloeai working class «id the peoples movements.... 
an integral and necessary part of an anti-monopoly coalition. 

The Party has long reco^ized the special exploitation of women... their sta- 
tus, special needs and the value of enlisting their vigorous fight back in behalf 


ot the Korlclng olasa and broad peoples movement, ...But this attention has bean 
uneven ••• Inoons latent. ... and of late... not at all) Therefore ne propose to 
thla oonventloni 

la The oonsclousness of the status of vomen, the rights of nomen, and the role of 
noDsn should be drawn like a threcul through every aspect of Party wrlc. 

2* Set up a National Women's Comlasion uith all deliberate speed. ., .ak o oonala- 
■lons in the Districts wherever possible. 

Sa Ih« Party has the task of putting forvard a program that will bring forthe all 
wonen in ic rk and leadership... vfith special attention to the problems of 
Negro, Puerto Hioan, and Usxloan-Amerioan and Indian women. 

4« And ideological and popular program to understand the source of disorlalnation 
against woasn. 

8« A program to understand and popularize the role of Tomen under Socialism. 

6. Conferences nd discussions to develop local, and national program of work and 
status of woaeo* 

Uarch 8, 1960, the whole v7orld mill celebrate the 50th Anniversary of Into- na- 
tional "ooien's Day ..•Bom in the TXSA. .. ITe can take this occasion to renew ties 
with the International women's movements, "e will also celebrate the 40th Anniver- 
sary of the Tjomen's ri^t to vote. TJeask everyone to help us make these celebra- 
tions a big leap forward in recognizing the role and poner or nomen's activities and 
organizations.... the tremendous value and impact bt a united women's movement... 
and a program for the rights of T;cinen that will encourage them to add their militant 
fight-back with the peoples movement against the oommon eneny... monopoly capital,,, 
for a peaceful world, economic well-being ,.. equality... and soon the goal of 


ITtb convention COMMITTEE EXHIBIT NO. 18 


Ab tbe American people enter a decade of eharp struggle for peace, democracy 
and security, AnBrlcan youth are showing powerful beginnings of o new upsurge . 
Coning out of a period In which youth felt the greatest Impact of McCarthyism and 
the cold war, In which the drive to conformity and the fear of speaking out weakened 
aSd In eoBB cases destroyed their organizations and prevented the development of an 
experienced leadership— they entered the new period with a nerch of 26,000 on Wash, 
ington to demand lnnedlate school Integration, with a delegation of kGO to the Vien- 
na World Youth Festival, with widespread sentlnent and organization among students 
for Peace, against oonpulsory ROTC, for exchange with the socialist countries, 
agialnst loyalty oatba for federal scholarships. 

Bvery section of the country can point to signs of the upsurge. One area 
reports its local Toung Democrats breaking vlth their long dominating adult leader- 
ship and entering the struggle for a progressive platform. Another reports youth 
partlelpatlco In the fight against "Plght-to-Work" laws. In nany others the Youth 
March still marches forward with teen>«ge organizations of Negro and white, contin- 
uing comslttees, and other varied fonns which rei>re8ent the most widespread youth 
activity. Actions of support for strikers in food collections have taken place. 

And the youth are coming to socialism and to our Party. The Sputniks and the 
socialist peace Initiative have a profound effect on the youth, reared on a diet of 
cold war and Soviet hating. The youth membership of our Party Is growing faster 
than any other section, multiplying In eone areas as much as ten-fold In the past 
tvo Tears. 

Our Party youth, feeling the need to advance the democratic movements of youth, 
hav»-.*lth the rest of the Party— begun the process of breaking out of Isolation and 
oaa point vlth pride to accoapllshoents In the Youth March and In other struggles. 

Oroupa of youth Interested In Marxist study and action have appeared In a num- 
ber of oltlea among collage students, teen-agers, and other youth. 

But this new upsurge Is still evidenced unevenly. In a great variety of forme, 
CO a variety of Issues and In a variety of geographical areas. The task before us 
is to help bring about national movements around specific Issues. Today's youth 
bav« been deprived of organizational experience, and lean heavily on adult support 
vhiofa la not always forthcoming, especially where It Is most needed. 

Youth, particularly Negro, Puerto RIcan and Mexican-American youth, are faced 
vlth two to four Important formative years lost to the draft. Insecurity, and the 
lovest pay, with limited chances for advancement on the Job, and a lack of social, 
recreational and athletic facilities. To hinder the youth from solving their prob- 
IsmB, they have an educational system charactprlzed by overcrowded public schools. 
Incapacitated by segregation North and South, trade schools which cost much but 
teach little, deprived of some of the best teachers by the witchhunt, and offering 
curricula designed to produce an antl-unlon, antl-Communlst, and chauvinistic pop- 

Monopoly's answer to the problena and challenge of youth is to bend them to 
Ita own ends. It shows youth a world of moral destitution, brutal culture and a 
future of dog'^at-dog and natlon-eat-natlon. And when 8oi» youth respond to this 
as ao-called Juvenile delinquents, monopoly answers with an Iron hand for them and 
all other youth with cynical police brutality for the working class and minority 
young people. 

The greatest responsibility for answering the monopolies lies with the trade 
unions. The steel workers have issued a pamphlet on trade unionism for high school 
students. Some locals open their facilities to their sons and daughters and to 
youth In the comnunity for education in trade unionism. Many locals and some 
intematiooals supported the Youth Marches. But on the whole there is a lack of 
Trade Unloo Initiative on the youth question. 

Increasingly, adult conaaunlty organizations are working for a bright future 
for their children. PTA's and othere move on providing adequate school facilities 
and teacher's salaries. Community groupe try and provide more recreAtion. Larger 
numbers of adults undertake to sponsor teen-age social and sport groupe. Some 
even try to provide after-school Jobs and Job training in church facilities. Soins 
act on Juvenile delinquency through often not in a very effective manner. 

The inportanoe of the trade unions and adult comnunity organization for the 
vlnnlng of youth for democracy and peace and away from monopoly necessitates the 
lnvolveii»nt of th© Party as a whole on the youth question. Comrades still say by 
their deeds tl»t this is a question for the young comrades alone. The problems and 


outlook of today'B youth will not automBtloally learo then after thalr 30th birth- 
day, but vlU leaTs tholr marlt for tholr entire lives. 

The significant galne of the Party In youth nenfcerBhlp and Influence help 
guarantee our Party's grovth. Truly youth represent the future of the Party and 
the Party Is the bearer of the future for Aaerlcan youth. 


The Party Is the vanguard of the working class and, therefore, of Its youth, 
as well as of non^worklng class youth. It should not, and does not delegate Its 
vanguard role to any other grcup or organization. To do so would mean to set up 
mare than one center of Coamunlst leaderehlp, more than one Communist Party. 

To Work amongst youth is to work for ths future. The present generation of 
youth, led by the working class, Is the guarantee for success In the struggle for 
peaceful co-ezletence. They are also our party of the Immediate future. Without 
full attention to their needs and development, the Party Jeopardises Its am ex- 
istence as an effective VBsguard. 

louth work shall be placed next to labor and the Negro people's movement as 
our najor areaa of mass work. 

First attention must be paid to the existing mass youth movements and or^n- 
ieatlons, helping to build them baeed on their own programe, and winning them for 
united action for peace. Integration, support for labor, and political action. 
Special attention should be paid to bringing the question of peace to all grouiM, 
especially to working class youth. Aid should be extended to thoee youth vho are 
setting up local youth councils for peace, friendship, and exchange. 

Many more adults can be Involved In youth work In organlzatloDS of parents, 
antl -delinquency connlttees, yotith serrlces and settlement houses, etc. Ttiese are 
also Important areas of nftss youth work. Conslderatlm of their own youth problems 
must become the concern of all people's organizations. 

Hajor amongst such organizations are tt^ trade unions. Organisation by unions 
of their sons and daughters would be of Inesttnable value to both the youth and 
the labor movement. The solution of the special probleme of working and unemployed 
youth must become a major concern of the trade unions themeelvea. 

All poBBlbIa encouragensnt and aid shall be extended on a local basis as veil 
as on a national scale to the party and non-party youth in their efforts to set up 
Marxist youth organizations, grcwlng as miich as possible out of naae relatlcoehlpe 

Encouragement and aid should be extended to students organizing Marxist dis- 
cussion clubs and other such groups on campuses. 

The building and development of teen-age groups and clubs of all kinds should 
be encouraged . 

The education and youth comalsslons should prepare a special educational 
program for the training of party youth to Include, amongst other forms, full time 
and other types of schools, material for classes, dlscusGlon groupe, eelf-etudy,etc 

A two-month Ideological campaign throughout the whole party, beginning March 1 
and ending on May Day, on the youth question, should be organized. The purpose of 
this campaign Is to develop our understanding of this question and to orient the 
whole party membership towards the youth in all areas of activity. Material for 
this campaign shall be issued by the education and youth conmlsslons. 

The Party should find both the opportunities and forme for speaking directly 
to non-Party youth on the issues of the day and on socialism. Foruna, debates, 
leaflets, asetlngs, etc., should be encouraged to the fullest degree. 

State committees are urged to Involve youth in every level of Party leadership 
in all commissions emd comnlttees. 

The Incoming IfatloiMl Connlttee, within a period of no more than 30 toj« after 
the adjournment of this convention, shall appoint a full-tine director of yooth 
affaire and establish a functioning national connlsslon on youth affairs coapooed 
of youth and adult members. This coBBiisslon, amongst other things, shall issue a 
regular national party youth bulletin. We urge that in a brief period of time 
those state conmilttees which have not done so, shall establish political and org- 
anizational responaibllity for youth affairs. 



A Marxist youtb organization la essential to the developnent of a nature 
Anerlcan youth moveDBnt. It could help further the present democratic youth 
groupings and movements In the direction of support to and alliance with the labor 
and Negro people's liberation movements. It could contribute to the task of 
helping to unite the present generation of youth against monopoly capital. It 
could win tens of thousands of young people to the cause of socialism. 

The conditions for the establishment of such an organization must Include the 
existence of a substantial number of non-party soclallst-mlnded youth who are 
ready to Join with party youth to set up such an organization. It Is desirable thai 
as many of these youth as possible be participating in the activities and struggles 
of existing youth organizations and movements. 

The formation of such a national organization today would be premature and 
therefore doomed to Isolation, since the conditions for Its formation do not exist 
In a sufficient number of areas In our country. 

We urge every State Committee to develop Ita mass youth work through education 
and action In such a manner that the conditions for setting up local Marxist youth 
organizations will emerge aa rapidly as possible. Our work with youth in existing 
mass movenente and organizations, our agitation for our Party youth program and our 
education for socialism will help guarantee such a base. 

We look forward to the emerging of a national, organizationally Independent, 
socialist organization of youth which la dedicated to participation In the everyday 
struggles for the Immediate demands and needs of youth; which consistently conduct 
agitation and education for socialism amongst youth; and educates Its membership 
In the science of Marxlsm-Lenlnlsm. 

Such an organization, to grow and develop, would have to give serious consid- 
eration In policy and organization to the Interest anc" other differences existing 
becween working and trade union youth, student youth, and teen-agers. 

Through its educational, cultural, sports, social and political activities. 
It should bo cade as a-ttracttve aa po?sible to all honest young people, from those 
who agree to all Its principles and actlvltlos to those who want just to learn 
about socialism or partlcir'te In certein of its activities. It should be suf- 
ficiently flexible to lnclu'5e all except conscious ant 1 -Communists, racists, and 
the dead-end sects, 


The struggle for the needs, desires, and aspirations of American youth is a 
struggle to which this Conventlcn dtaicates our whcle party. Our participation 
in these struggles will help unite youth — in alliance with labor and the Negro 
people — against the enemy of all, monopoly capital. To enhance this struggle, 
we i)j-esent - for the consideration of AKerlca's youth, the following youth program: 

The right to learn, to beccr.e e(^ucate(^ ; 

1. Free education and educational facllltlea, from kindergarten through 
college . 

2. Elimination of all forms of dlscrimlnaticn. Including the quota systems, 
to guarantee full integration at all levels of education. 

3. Federal school financing to guarantee: 

a. All necessary Improvements in physical plant, facilities, and 
educational staffs to eliminate Inequalities created by dis- 

b. Expended scholaroMp grants, loan funds, and part-tlmB work 
projects freed of all loyalty provisions. 

c. Free nigh schools, from public school through college for 
those unable to attend full-time institutions, 

d. Doc«nt wBgo standards for teachers, 

e. Expanded vocational training to Include new sklllo ■B«od»d bocauoa 
of growing autoDBtlon, and a non-dlecrlmlnatory Joh placement 


f. Review of praeent curricula, text-books, etc., to guarantee 
provision of education for higher skllla, an accurate picture 
of labor and minority groupo' contribution to American life, 
education for democrapy, 

U, Academic freedom. The elimination of all restrlctlone on the right bf 
etudents to organise, to listen, to dlsouSB, to debate> to evaluate, to conclude 
and to act. 

5» Th« reiteration of all political rights to teachers where they ha»o been 
curtailed so that they nay again becone full fledged citizens. A teacher whose 
eltltenehlp right* have been oui-tftlled by law or otherwise, cannot teach others the 
rights and duties of oltlz«ne In a democracy. 

Th» Bight to a Job . 

1. A Federal Touth Works program to provide on-the-job training at prevailing 
vaga i«t«8, especially In the new skills demanded by modem automated Industry. 

2. Expansion of present apprentice training and on-the-job training programs. 
The right of Negro and other minority youth to participate In all Job training pro- 
graofl and to have the same rights to Jobs, equal wages, and trade union membership 
as other youth have. 

3. DnemploymBnt insurance for students who leave school or other youth seeking 
Jobs for the first tins, 

U, Adequate pensions and voluntary earlier retirement for adult workers to help 
create additional Jobs for youth. 

The Blgbt to a Decent Home, Becreatlon. and Culture . 

1. A vastly expanded program of slum clearance anJ low-rent bousing develop- 
nents in all communities on a fully Integrated basis. Opening of all present hous- 
ing to Negroes and other minority groups, Leglsletlon oaklng dlscrlmlnatlou In pri- 
vate as well as public housing a crlire. 

2. All public school, public park, and other public Institutions with recrea- 
tional and athletic facllltloe to remain open after school hours and on week-ends for 
use by young people on a noa-dlscrlmlnatory basis, and the establlahinent of such new 
centers . 

3. Youth participation in the administration of all after school recreational 
and athletic, and social service center programs should be encouraged and developed, 

U. The addition to preoent teaching staffs of newly trained youth workers, to 
Work with these youths in the organization and use of the present and future facil- 

5. A people's educational campaign against the attempted brutallzatlon, demor- 
alization and Immorallzation of America's youth, directed against the monopolists In 
all cultural media In their glorification of war, murder, crime, brutality and sex- 
ual perversion. 

6. The opening of trade union halls, churches, and facilities of all people's 
organitatlons for use by the sons and daughters of their members, by the youth in 
the particular cotununltles and the developmr it of youth activity programs by such 

7. Adult legal statue. Including the right to vote, should be granted to all 
reaching their eighteenth birthday. 

In a World at Peace ; 

1. Abolition of the draft^ — of compulsory military training and service, 
and of the ROTC. 

2. Ending of all atomic testing. 

3. Complete disarmament. All funds needed for the Implementation of this 
whole program could easily corns from a part of the present arnfiments expenditures. 

U, Development of youth exchanges — students, workers, athletes, musicians, 
teachera, etc. — between the United States and the socialist countries. 

This program should be Incorporated into an American Youth Bill (certain states 
■Ight consider incorporation of viit is applicable into a State louth Bill) In time 
for Involving youth in the 19^0 election campaign. 




The decade of tbe Sljctlee vlll nark the hundredth annlvereary of the eman- 
cipation of the Negro people from chattel slavery in the United States. It will 
also register the hundredth annlvereary of the enactment of the 13th, lUth and 
15th Afflsndoents . These Anendnents proclalmad that Negroes should enjoy equality 
of citizenship statue and constitutional rights with all other Americans. 

let today, almost a century after the enactment of the Civil War amendments, 
Negroes are not free and equal citizens. On the contrary, now numbering some I8 
mlllloDB, 11 percent of the total population, they are the most severely oppressed 
and exploited of all the peoples that constitute the American nation. They are 
eubjected to a eyetematlc pattern of segregation, discrimination and racist defam- 
ation In varying degrees. In all areas of the country and In all aspects of life. 

The oppression of the Negro people manifests Itself In three characteristic 
features: the denial of equal economic opportunities, of political rights and of 
eoclal advantages. All three are rooted deep In the historic development of the 
nation — in slavery and In the long period of oppression which has followed eman- 

Though a specially oppressed part of the American nation, the Negroes in the 
United States are not constituted as a separate nation. They have the character- 
istics of a racially distinctive people or nationality. They are a component part 
of the whole American nation which is Itself an historically derived national form- 
ation, an amalgam of more or leas well differentiated nationalities. 

Though deprived of equal rights and of the possibility to participate fully 
In all aspects of the national life, the Negro people (no less than the other 
national components) have contributed to and have an inseparable stake In the 
Anerlcan nation's common territory, economic life, language, culture and psycho- 
logical make-up. 

As a result of their singular historical experiences the Negro people are 
deprived of equal status In the life of the American nation free of all manner of 
oppression, social ostracism, economic discrimination, political Inequality, and 
racial segregation. 

To conclude that the Negro people In the U.S. are not a nation is not to say 
that the Negro question in our country Is not a national question. It Is Indeed 
a national question. The question is, however, a national question of what type, 
with what distinguishing characteristics, calling for what strategic concept for 
Its solution. 

The fact that the Negro question Is not one of an oppressed nation fighting 
for national-state sovereignty does not diminish the revolutionary import of the 
Negro people's struggle In the United States. It is a special feature of the 
American roeid to socialism that the requisite preparation of the forces for effect- 
ing fundamental social change In the system requires the completion of the bourg- 
eois-democratic norms of political, economic and social development for the South 
and the Negro people as a whole. In this respect the Negro question differs from 
that of other minority groups . 

The chief oppressor of he Negro people, and the primary beneficiary of their 
oppression. Is the class of itonopollete, the capitalist commanders of the economic 
and political heights of our present social system. It is mainly into their pock- 
ets that the super-profits flow as a consequence of the extra exploitation of Negro 
Workers of factory and farm. It Is their system of reactionary, ruling class pol- 
Itlclal control that is bolstered by the disfranchisement of Negroes in the South 
and their under-representatlon In government everywhere; by the perpetuation of 
lily-white state governments dedicated to the maintenance of white supremacy and 
pliant submission to the demands of Northern Industrialists; and by the presence 
of a eiieable bloc of Dlxlecrate In the Federal Congress wh© block all programs 
for social welfare. 

It is their domination and pollution of the cultural life and social customs 
of the nation that is strengthened by the prevalence of a far-reaching system of 
Social Indignity and abuse ranging froo the customary exclusion of Negroes from 
tax-supported public facilities to the barbarous crime of lynching. 


Regro freedom can bo achieved, therefore, only at the expense of the auper- 
proflte and the political power poaltlon of the monopollBte and their Dlxlecrat 
r«j-tiioio. re cou be. securwa only through struggle agalnet racist opproBsors and 
eIploltero--t^w Dlxiecrata, the monopollsta and those who eerve their Interests. 

For this reason the Negro people's freedom movBment must be seen as one of a 
tripod of social forces upon which monopoly has built Its empire of exploitation, 
which are in irreconcilable opposition to It and which are coniFelled by the nature 
of their position to struggle against It. 

The other two forces of the tripod are: (l) the working class which seeks, 
through the labor movement, a bigger share of the fruits of its labor and must 
eventually contend for control of the means of production, and (2) the world antl- 
Imperlallst forces, consisting. In the neiln, of the colonial revolutionary move- 
ments and the Communist-led nations and parties. 

Each advance of the Negro movement weakens the power of reaction In American 
life. It has the most revolutionary Import. It must therefore command the active 
support of all other victims of reaction and monopoly greed--the workers of mine, 
mill and factory, the working farmers, small business people, etc. 

Conversely, every victory of the working class In its battle for higher living 
standards, better conditions of work and Increased social security, every general 
democratic and social advance of the nation, marks an Inroad into the mammoth ec- 
onomic power of the capitalist spawners of Negro oppression. It therefore calls 
for the sympathy and the aid of the organized Negro movement. 

Sufferers at the hands of a common eneny, the Negro people's liberation move- 
ment and the forces of organized labor must Increasingly make common cause to find 
relief from the Hie imposed upon both by their mutual foe. 

Not only the working class but all social classes and currents which are in 
any degree restricted in their democratic development by the reactionary monopolists 
have a stake in the cause of Negro freedom. Thus, the family-size farmer, the sma' 
buBineseman,the professional middle classes are called upon to champion the Negro' 
struggle to be free . 

This way, the Negro movement will be able to hurl agalnet the monopoly strong- 
hold of American racism not only its own proper and growing strength, but also the 
massed power of all groups in American life which are, by the nature of our society, 
the Negro's most likely allies and monopoly's natural enemies. 

The Negro movement's need and possibility for sympathetic alliance dc not end 
with the nation's borders. In recent years, especially, the fight for equal citi- 
zenship has been enhanced by the sympathy and support which it has aroused abroad. 

The continuation of flagrant oppression of Negroes at home undermines the 
prestige of U.S. imperialists and contradicts their efforts to extend their influ- 
ence among colonial and recently liberated nations. 

This stands in contrast to the continuing development of genuine solidarity 
relations which the Soviet Union, China and the rest of the socialist countries 
maintain with the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America. 

This international aspect of the Negro question is of major importance in 
the struggle for equality at home, favorable to wresting concessions from the 
ruling class. 

The Negro movement will be further strengthened as it forges bonds of conscious 
alliance with the rising colonial, semi -colonial and newly Independent nations of 
the world: the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America who have taken a glorious 
and Irreversible path which leads to freedom from imperialist domination. Negro 
Americans have much to gain from their successes and many lessons to learn from 
their struggles. 

Likewise, the Negro people must come to look with favor upon socialism which, 
in vast areas of the world and among more than a third of the world's jseoplos, ^8 
wiped out national oppression and eliminated the source of class domination, the 
profit system. It points the path to full realization of genuine equality and 
enduring prosperity. 


Given thia setting within which the Negro movement functions today, how shall 
the movement grow? What are its foremost goals and how shall they be attained? 

The question of Negro freedom Is the crucial domestic issue of the day and a 
factor of International consequence. 

The circumstances of their common oppression and the unanimous demand for 
equality of rights and status as American citizens are the ties that bind together 
all strata of the Negro population. The steadily growing unity of the Negro people 
Is manifested in the continuing growth of their mass organizations and Institutions, 
In the singularity of their basic demands. In the militancy of their advocacy and 
action for equal rights, In the developing coordination and collaboration between 
tile organizations which constitute the Negro people's movement. 

This n0w strength of organization not only provides for the greater mobiliza- 
tion and exercise of the fitting power of Negro Americans to advance; it also es- 
tablishes the basis for more formal and equitable alliance relations with organized 
labor and other progressive organized formations of the general population. 

The etrugKloo of the Nogro people and the resultant significant advances have 
Inspired Negro Americana with a new quality of self-confidence . A profound spirit 
of national consciousness and pride in their racial identification permeates the 
Negro people of the U.S. today. It fires their determination to build ever closer 
their unity in order to wage the struggle even more mllltantly to break down all 
barriers to their exercise of any and all political, economic and social rights 
enjoyed by other citizens. 

The great masses of Negroes unite not In order to separate them- 
selves from the political, economic or social life of our country. 
They unite to more effectively employ the strength of their own 
numbers and the weight of their alliance with other parts of the 
population to level all barriers to their fullest Integration into 
all aspects of the economic, political and social life of the Amer- 
ican people as a whole . They are forging an internal national unity 
to facilitate their struggle for integration as free and equal Amer - 
ican citizens . 

The Negro people's movement is today's standard bearer in the struggle to open 
up the now-restricted areas of democracy. It Is the decisive strategic ally of the 
working class In the current struggles for liberty and livelihood and in all stages 
that lead to the subsequent achievement of the necessary fundamental transformation 
of American society from the present capitalist exploitative system to that of soc- 
ialism. To cement the Negro-labor alliance now through powerful mass struggles for 
Negro rights, is to lay the cornerstone for those broad anti-monopoly groupings of 
labor and people's forces on which the progressive future of our country depends. 

Against the background of this estimate of the Negro people and their freedom 
movement, what are the special tasks and responsibilities of Conmiunlsts? First and 
foremost. It Is the obligation of the vanguard Party of the American working class 
to lend every support to the Negro people's struggle. More, it is the task of Com- 
munists to rally t^e working class and the American people to the support of the 
Negro people's Just demands. It is especially the duty of Communlata to promote 
an awareness among the white pro-democratic forces of their own self-interests In 
the fulfillment of the freedom aspirations of the Negro people. We must continiAlly 
point out that no major social advances can be made without a resolution of this 
question. Negro equality and freedom is a bslc question of principal, not a fringe 
issue. Every compromise on this question weakens the general democratic struggle of 
all the people. 

The main obstacle to consolidating higher forms of Negro-labor alliance is the 
continuance of racist practices and discrimination within the trade union movement. 
These practices are reflected in the compromising, vacillating, ineffective approach 
of the labo>- movement to the key task of organizing the unorganized Negro and white 
workers of the South on a baa la of equality; in the perpetuation of lily-white con- 
stitutional clauses in two international unions of the AFL-CIO; in the continued 
existence of Jim Crow locals In some Internationals and Jim Crow practices in locals 
of other internationals; in the alow pace of the advancement of Negro trade union 
leaders to posta of top leadership and responsibility in many unions, and, most 
dramatically, in the crude attack of AFL-CIO president George Meany on A. Phillp 
Randolph at the recent AFL-CIO convention. 

It Is a duty of Communists to help the trade union movement right these 
offenses against class unity. 


Since the character of Negro cpproaslon la delineated by the vldeepread denial 
of economic opportunity, political rlghte and social advantagee, the urgent demands 
of the Negro freedom movement must be to secure those necessary Ingredients of equal- 
ity. Negroes of all classes, with a practical unanimity, subscribe to these demands; 
for no Negro, whatever hie class position, can fully escape the yoke of exploitation, 
discrimination and derision. As a result, the Negro movomsnt embraces all classes of 
the people for whom It speaks . 

Yet the yoke of oppression does not Impose an equal burden on Negroes regardless 
of class. It rests with special weight on the back of the Negro worker. For It must 
never be forgotten that the cardinal aim of anti-Negro oppression Is super-profits, 
and those profits are most readily and directly realized out of the poorly paid toll 
of Negro workers . 

Therefore the Negro workers, and especially the two millions who are members of 
the organized labor movement, have a special and decisive part to play in the fight 
for Negro freedom. Segregated largely In the hard-labor, basic production functions 
of U.S. Industry, they are denied promotion to highly skilled Jobs, often excluded 
from apprenticeship training programs, and often denied equal pay for equal work. 
They are still excluded from some unions and shamefully discriminated against in 
others. In the ranks of the unemployed they loom proportionately twice as large as 
white Workers. 

The most Immediate and pressing naterlal needs of the Negro worker, therefore -- 
food, clothing and shelter for himself and his dependents, security for his loved 
ones, and education and cultural advancement for his children -- depend upon an un- 
relenting fight against Jim-Crow. His interest is in eliminating every vestige of 
diecrimlnation from his industry, his shop and his union, first of all; but it also 
extends to every phase of American life, for he knows that his Inferior status In 
the economic life of the nation is partly fixed by the subordination of Negroes in 
the nation's affairs generally. 

To the struggle for Negro freedom the Negro worker brings many Indispensable 
contributions. Foremost among these la mass action, in the best tradition of the 
labor movement of which he is a part. Without this element the battle for Negro 
equality cannot be fully effective. Never has there been a more apparent need for 
Joining the legal campaigns and educational activities which constitute the bulk of 
the program of the main Negro people's organizations with well-conceived, mllltantly 
directed actions involving masses of Negro people and their allies. 

As such actions take place the Negro worker may be expected to support and 
initiate them, not only with his own considerable and strategic strength, but also 
with the oo-operation of thousands and eventually millions of his white fellow- 
workers . 

Communists have long advocated the united action of the Negro workers to enhance 
their fight for equality on the Job and in the labor movement, and to add their org- 
anized weight to tho struggles of their people for freedom. We greet and will sup- 
port the InltlatlvB which Negro workers have tiken in forming the groundwork for a 
national Negro labor organization to accomplish these ends. 

Fully one -third of the Negro population who live within the deep Southern areas 
of Negro majority are farmers and rural tollers. It Is at once apparent, therefore, 
that th^e struggle of the Negro medium and small fanners, the sharecroppers, the 
tenants, the land-poor and landless farm tollers to secure their ownership and tenure 
of the land and to Improve their livelihood and social, cultural and political con- 
ditions, represents one of the major factors entering into the solution of the Negro 
question in the U.S. It is an important part of the immediate struggles for the ec- 
onomic well-being and democratic rights of the Negro people as well as for the strat- 
egic solution of the Negro's aspiration to political equality. 

Pending a more basic development toward nationalization and socialization in 
American agriculture, the present struggle of the Negro farm masses for the land 
manifests Itself in the advocacy and support for a whole series of reforms. They 
demand a moratorium on debts and evictions; interest-free or low Interest, long-term 
government financed loans for the purchase of land, for private farms and coopera- 
tives, livestock, farm equipment, seed, fertilizer, house construction and repair, 
etc. They demand that the government insure the availability of land to the land- 
less and land-poor farmers through the forced purchase of the idle lands of the 
large estate and plantation owners with government control of Its resale and minimum 

56597 O— GO — pt. 4 - 


rates on long-term credit baela with priority to tho poorest fanners. They demand 
firm price controls on farm machinery and cheap rental rates for the use of such 

Furthermore, the Southern Negro farmers are engaged in struggle for schools, 
hospitals, the right to vote and political representation, for cheap electric 
power, adequate roads and a fair share of various other public services. 

The Negro farmers conduct their struggle through organizations and In such 
forme as are common to farmers generally In the country and to the Negro people In 
the South particularly. They strive to express their will at the polls to the 
meager extent that they can vote and are much occupied with activity for the right 
to vote. They petition, send delegations and hold conferences to formulate and 
make Imown their demands to the authorities. Though represented to some extent In 
all of the major farm organizations, the Negro poor farmers, like Southern white 
poor farmers, are largely unorganized In terms of a class organization with their 
white brothers In behalf of common economic and political demands. The organiza- 
tion of the unorganized working farmers, Negro and white, is an outstanding urgent 
need of, and task before, the labor movement as well as the Negro people's freedom 
movement . 

While properly emphasizing the importance of the struggle of the Negro farmers 
for the land in the total struggle of the Negro people for economic, political and 
social equality and national freedom we should not exaggerate. If in the past we 
were able to speak of the struggle of the poor farmers for the land as the "main 
thing" in securing the conditions for the solution of the Negro question in the 
U.S., it was because of two considerations which no longer obtain. First, decades 
ago, over two-thir^s of the Negro people were rural folk bound to the land in one 
form or another and therefore any basic improvement in the conditions of life of 
the Negro masses presupi)osed an improvement of their economic status on the country- 
side. Secondly, the oppressive, reactionary, Jim Crow political and social super- 
structure of the Southern states had as Its prlnBry economic base the feudal-capit- 
alist cotton, tobacco and cane plantations. The economic base of Bourbon rule and 
Negro oppression was the plantation economy, the smashing of which would deprive 
the Bourbons of their primary material stake in the oppression of the Negro people. 

Landlord capital is no longer the capital base, or dominant form of the econ- 
omic power of the modem Dixiecrat ruling circle — the heirs and perpetuators of 
the vicious regimes of Negro oppression and exploitation which continue to prevail 
in the Southern states. The Jim Crow political and social superstructure with its 
dlsfranchiaement and economic robbery of the Negro people now serves (and Is sus- 
tained by) the dominant industrial and financial branches of absentee Wall Street 
and local Southern capital"! Therefore, to deprive the Southern ruling oligarchy 
of the economic base of its power (and motive for the oppression of the Negro 
people) it is no longer simply a nfitter of breaking its monopoly grasp upon the 
land (the plantation). The breakup of the plantations (as necessary as that Is) 
will not of Itself deprive the present oligarchy of Southern political reaction of 
Its economic base for, or stake in, subjugating the Negro people. 

Hence, we see that the struggle for the land, "for the breakup of the planta- 
tions" cannot be cast as the exclusive ails upon which the entire outcome of the 
struggle for Negro freedom pivots; rather it should be viewed as a major, but de- 
rivative and subsidiary part of the struggle of the Negro people's movement for 
economic, political and social equality, on the one hand, and an allied struggle of 
the working class against the monopolists and men of the trusts on the other. 

The main class enemy -- robber and oppressor — of the Negro people is seen 
to be, therefor*, the common class enemy of labor and all toiling masses — monopoly 
capital, tb'j Imperialist robber class. Hence, it is clear that the decisive class 
force in the Negro people's freedom movement, which ultimately will ascend to the 
leadersnip of that movement, is revealed as the workers. 

The Negro workers have special bonds with the semi -proletarian, poor farmer 
masses of the countryside; they stand In a special durable relationship with each 
other within the all-claas Negro freedom front. 

As a further barrier to the Negro's freedom aspirations. In many areas of the 
South disfranchisement, sustained by Illegal trickery. Intimidation and terror, all 
but exclude him from effective participation in government. Roughly 1,260,000 Negro 


cltlzene have, by palnetaking and brav» effort, won the right to vote In the 
elvon ex-Confedorate states. But thie le only a fraction of the 6,000,000 Negro 
adults who are entitled to the franchise In this area. On the strength of this 
disfranchisement, Negroes are denied public office and have no part In running 
the state, county and municipal governments which oppress them with an Iron hand. 

Though Negroes are a fourth of the Souther^ population, not one of their 
number occupies a seat In the national Congress. The determination of Issues 
of greatest concern to their welfare Is Invariably In the hands of racist poli- 
ticians who through long tenure and seniority based squarely on Negro dlafranch- 
Iseoent, rise to dominant positions In the Federal legislature. 

In Northern communities, where the vote le more readily available to Negro 
citizens, they are nevertheless denied the direct representation and Influence 
which their numbers would warrant by entrenched political machines. This is 
ordinarily accomplished by gerrymandering of election districts to deny Negroes 
representation, by excluding Negroes from positions of real power in the capit- 
alist parties, and by various other maneuvers. 

The fight for Negro freedom, therefore, requires a determined crusade to 
win the right to vote and to be voted for In the South. The flagrant diafran- 
chisement of millions of Negro citizens in the middle of the Twentieth Century, 
and In the face of the monopolists' loud boasting about the quality of American 
democracy, Is so shocking and repulsive that great nasses of people in all parts 
of the country can be rallied to force an end to It. This is especially true if 
these masses are helped to realize that the result of this battle will be the 
extension of political democracy, not for Negroes alone, but for all democratic 
forces in the nation. This battle for political equality can provide the next 
big breakthrough in the continuing struggle of the American people to wrest the 
political machinery of government from the hands of the economic barons. 

In an immediate sense, this requires, as part of the 1960 electoral campaign, 
a mighty movement to force the Federal government to use Its power and its con- 
stitutional authority to guarantee and protect the unhampered use of the franchise 
by the Negro people of the South. The proposal of the Federal Civil Rights Com- 
mission for Federal officials to replace biased Southern registrars must become 
a rallying point for masses of Americans. 

A united Negro electorate in Northern communities can become a decisive 
force In winning the right to vote in the South. In many Northern states the 
Negro vote constitutes a balance of power between the two major parties. The 
development of Independent, non-partisan political unity movements, bound to no 
party, but Including Negroes who are committed to both parties, and also including 
independent voters, provides a means of unifying the Negro vote In the North. Such 
movements should support those candidates wh© will work and vote for guarantees of 
political equality for the Negro people of the South, and oppose and defeat those 
candidates who refuse to do so. In this respect the DIxIecrate in the Democratic 
Party and their supporters in the Republican Party must be singled out for the 
main attack. The unified Negro vote in Northern conmiunities must also increasingly 
address itself to the task of overcoming the under-representatlon of Negroes In 
elective and appointive offices at all levels of government. Furthermore, united 
non-partisan political action of Negroes will advance Negro candidates for public 
office and exert pressure for advanced social measures in the state and national 
legislatures. Such united efforts of Negroes, whatever form they take, will be 
strengthened to the degree that they form working alliances with other non-partisan 
forces dedicated to independent action in the political field. 

The common objective of Negroes, wherever they may live In the United States, 
is to be free of discrimination. Negro Americans everywhere aspire to legal equal- 
ity with their fellow white countrymen in the political, economic and cultural 
life of the country. The popular expression "to fight for Negro rights" is under- 
stood by the Negro people to mean the struggle for these general objectives. 

To be able to realize these objectives it is required that the Negro people in 
the U.S. must secure their full rightful share of governmental power. In those 
urban and rural communities where they are the larger part of the population gener- 
ally, and in the Deep South area of the historic American cradle-land of the Negro 
people particularly, they must constitute the majo-rity power in government . 


In Its esBence , therefor*, the struggle for Negro rights is not a nsre "civil 
rights" fight, it ia a political struggle; a struggle for a just share of represent- 
ation nationally; a struggle for majority rule in the localities vhere they are the 
dominant people in the population; a struggle for genuinely democratic representa- 
tive govemiDent in the southern states in particular and in the country as a whole. 

While the essential character of the Uep,ro people's movement for democratic 
rights and national equality la a political struggle for adequate governmental 
power and representation in go^^emment in order to enact, enforce and defend free - 
dom and equality demands of the Negro people, it is also a fact that economic strug - 
gles and popular manifestations can compel changes in practices and treatment long 
before they are given expression in lav . 

At the heart of this political struggle for Negro rights at the present time 
is the fight for the ballot, for free and universal suffrage rights. Accompanying 
this central demand and limited only by the advances made in ac-hieving full suffrage 
rights, is the fight for Negro representation. To register successes in this regard, 
certain things are required: 

1. A mobilizing, activizing and uniting, to the greatest possible extent, of 
the Negro people and their allies in support of "unity" candidates committed to a 
program of equal rights for Negroes . 

2. Maximum mobilization and unity of Negro voters in support of "unity" 
candidates committed to a program of equal rights for Negroes. 

3. Mutual assistance pacts for political action; an ever solidifying alliance 
between the organized Negro suffrage movement and the Negro electorate on the one 
hand, with the organized labor movement and popular democratic rights and peace 
movement on the other. The latter point, i.e., the linking of the particular 
struggle of the Negro people for Negro rights to the general struggle of labor for 
democratic advancement and peace, for the welfare of the country as a whole, is 
required for winning either immediate or long range successes. As a minority 
people in th^ country as a whole, victory of th^ Negro people requires that the 
struggle be fought in alliance with the oppressed majority of the whole people. 
I.e., with the working class, the poor farmer masses, and the other strata victim- 
ized by the monopolists. 

h. In order to unite the Negro people and to forge the alliance between them 
and organized labor for the struggle for Negro rights, it is necessary for the 
Negro workers to exercise the initiative and leadership. 

5. To fulfill its historic role of the "leading force" in the freedom 
endeavors of the Negro people, tie Negro workers must be fully organized alongside 
their fellow white workers in the mass organizations of their class, the trade 
unions . 

In the conduct of all these struggles -- for economic, political and social 
equality — tliere inevitably arises in the N?gro movement different approaches and 
estimates of the task and the best means of accomplishing it. These differences 
rise largely out of differences in class orientation of the component economic 
classes which constitute the Negro movement. 

The outstanding and fundamental feature of the developments in Negro life in 
lucent years has been the progressive emergence of two million oi^anized workers 
as a Tuajor influence which has mightily affected and is now transforming the char- 
acter of all institutions in the Negro community, Ihe oiiganizational experience, 
heightened demands for equality and the militancy of these workers has left its 
stamp in all areas of Negro life. From these organized Negro woricers rise the 
impetus for militant mass action in the struggle for Negro rights. From them 
arises the main impetus for unity in ^feg^o life. On the basis of the strength 
which they bring to the Negro liberation movement, the major organizations of the 
Negro peojxLe, and their leaders, have been increasingly enabled to adopt a more 
independent stand in the struggle for equality. 

This has awakened important progressive currents in the organizational life 
of the Negro people -- In their religious, civic, fraternal and political organ- 
izations. This is reflected both in struggle on issues of urgent moment to the 
Negro people, such as housing. Jobs, school integration, police brutality, and 
others. The Montgomery bus boycott and the movement flowing from it, the school 
struggles in the South and in many Northern communities as well, are examples of 
this. It is also revealed in a growing developitent of united Independent polit- 
ical action, as witnessed in Earlem, Memphis, Chicago, San Antonio and other areas. 


All Negro organizations reflect this development In the heightened effect- 
iveness of their contributions to the common goal of Negro freedom. Fraternal 
groups, women's organizations, social organizations and others have Increased 
their Independent social action programs and their service to the cause of Negro 
unity for freedom. Of particular moment has been the notable expansion of the 
role of the Negro church and neny of Its leaders In mobilizing the Negro commun- 
ity against various manifestations of social Injustice. 

Among these Institutions the NAACP remains. In terms of size and Influence, 
the major organization of the Negro people's movement wholly dedicated to the 
fight for full freedom. It reflects within Itself the major harmonies and contra- 
dictions of tlio present level of the Negro freedom movement. It deserves the con- 
tinuing support and attention of all progressive forces. Nonetheless construct- 
ive criticism must be made whenever necessary. The Negro movement Is moving to 
higher norms of unity. Especially Is this noticeable In the political arena. 
Notwithstanding the growing unity of the Negro movement, there are conflicting 
views, tactics, etc. What Is decisive Is that no approach, no tactic Is likely 
to succeed unless rooted in a strategic concept based on reality. And that con- 
cept must be one of mass action of the Negro people, in alliance with labor and 
all other pro -democratic forces both at home and on a world scale. Communists 
must always stand in the forefront of building unity among the Negro people. But 
at no time do we surrender our ideological viewpoint. In this connection we 
should avoid two dangers. On the one hand. Ideological agreement Is not a condi- 
tion for unity In action. On the other, while participating in united progressive 
action, we retain our Ideological independence. 

Throughout its history the Communlet Party has been a proud participant in 
the struggles of the Negro people for freedom, equality and Justice. The Negro 
people, like all oppressed peoples and classes, are burdened by the yoke of re- 
action, plundered by capitalists, or under the heel of imperialist domination. 
Increasingly they will become aware that their moat cherished aspirations and 
needs are reflected in the program of the Communists, In their science of social 
enenclpation, Marxism-Leninism, and in their noble goal of replacing the reign of 
capitalists by a new social order. That social order--soclallsm and communism-- 
whlch promises a truly Just society without exploiting classes, a society of 
material abundance and cultural richness equally accessible to all. 

Communists are expected to take their place in the front ranks of the fight- 
ers for the rights of the Negro people against their oppressors and racist de- 
famers. The struggle for Negro rights requires a continuous and effective 
ideological campaign against racism, against every nenlfestation of "white 
supremacy" thinking and big nation chauvinism. It has been and remains the duty 
of Communists to patiently and persistently point out to the workers that anti- 
Negro racism is the ideology of the ruling class, that Its purpose and effect 
is to wring superprofits out of the sweat of the doubly exploited Negro workers 
and to frustrate the demands of the trade unions and all workers for a greater 
share of their production. It has been and remains our duty to point out, with- 
out ceasing, that the racist denial of political and social rights to the Negro 
people of the South is the shield behind which the Dlxiecrat -minded capital- 
ists restrict the exercise of democratic rights by all Southerners and sustain 
the reactionary rule of monopoly In the country as a whole. 

Particularly in light of the upsurge for colonial Independence In the East, 
In light of the historic achievements of the Chinese People's Republic, the 
emergence of India as a potent world fact, the stiainlng of the whole African 
continent against centuries -old shackles, It is our responsibility to convince 
all sections of the American masses that the cause of Negro freedom serves the 
cause of world peace . 

Many among the etaunchest and moat farseelng sons and daughters of the 
Negro people Join the Communist Party. The Communist Party is the vanguard of 
the Working class and the Negro people's freedom movements. It is the Party 
of Negro and white unity In the struggle for equality, social Justice and 
World peace. The Communist is one with the people. Whether on the Job, in 
the neighborhood or In a particular organization, the Communist seeks to help 
the people in their strivings to better their conditions. He helps the people 
to recognize and support those policies and programs which truly advance and 
serve their interests, and to fight most effectively against those programs, 
conditions and forces which harm the people and hold back their progress. 

The Communist has no Interest alien to the best interests of the people. 


Their aspirations for "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness " are his 
deepest commitiBent. 

TYte source of the Communlet 's strength le In his membership in the Commun- 
ist Party. Here he equips himself with the generalized experience of all who 
serve In good causes, of those who struggle for the welfare of the people on a 
thousand fronts. He studies the laws of social development and change In order 
to serve the people better. He seeks to masterthe science of Marxism -Lenin Ism. 
He exciianges experiences with his cumrades and deepens his understanding of 
the problems of our times and how beet to assist the people In working for 
their solution. 

Early In its formative years the Communist Party put forward a program 
for the full economic, political and social equality of the Negro people. It 
was the first political party In the United States to do so. This demand 
sloganizes Its program today. 

On Withdrawal of the Slogan of Self -Determination 

In 1930 the Communist Party adopted further programs on the Negro question 
in the United States in a pioneering attempt to theorize and project a principled 
solution to that special feature of Negro life -- the oppression of the planta- 
tion-bound masses of Negroes in the so-called Black Belt area of the deep South. 

Nevertheless, this particular program for the solution of the Negro ques- 
tion in the U.S. was revealed to be an Incorrect orientation by the course of 
the development In the country and within the Negro people's movement. Life 
experience and greater knowledge of the question have exposed its deficiencies and 
for this reason the "self -determination" projection and program for the solu- 
tion of the Negro question In the U. S. Is now discarded. (See National Commit- 
tee Document February 1959: Theoretical Aspects of the Negro Question. ) Our 
Party's view and policy in respect to the solution of the Negro question in the 
U. S. is to secure to the Negro people with all speed the complete realization 
of genuinely equal economic, political and social status with all other Amsr- 
ican citizens. 

Such an objective can only be realized through intensive struggle of a mass 
action character spearheaded by the united mass action of the Negro people them- 
selves and Joined in by the labor movement and all democratic, progressive and 
ant i -monopoly and anti-Dixiecrat forces in general. 

The Communist Party declares that the main unrealized task of bourgeois 
(capitalist) democracy In the United States is revealed in the special oppres- 
sion of the Negro people. 

There is no national task of greater moment for all t^e forces of social pro- 
gress of our nation than that of Joining into the struggle for securing the full 
and equal economic, political and social rights of the Negro people. The accu- 
mulation of this objective In the coming period would have the most salutory ef- 
fect upon the development of the whole front of social progress in our country. 
Victory on this sector would open the way to rapid developments along the whole 
front for radical social advancement of the entire nation, 

Basic successes in the struggle for the Negro's political, economic and 
social equality and against racial segregation and discrimination are indlspen-r 
sable prerequisites for the further rapid development of working class unity, 
working class consciousness, working class political initiative and advanced 
working class -led people's antl -monopoly political action. It will prepare the 
way for the extensive introduction of socialist and communist ideology and out- 
look Into the labor movement. 

A central task of the progressive forces within the Negro people's moveaent 
is to aid in the promotion of a recognition of the inseparability of the strug- 
gle for world peace to the realization of necessary objective circumstances 
favorable to the triumph of the cause of Negro freedom. The foes of world 
peace and the oppressors of the Negro people have a common class root-- monopoly 
capital, imperialism. A common bond of interest links the fighters for peace 
and the fighters for the democratic rights of the Negro people. 

The bonds of Negro oppression can and must be shattered. All signs point 
to an early and triumphant resolution of the century-old batle of the Ne-yo 
people for full and equal rltlzensbip. This In itself will represent a long- 


overdue achloveiasnt of great hletorlc significance. In addition, by providing 
ttte baels for a higher unity of the working claao, it will help pave the way 
for a eoclallst tranefonnatlon of the national econoiny. The Connnunlat Party 
will work toward the attainment of this noble objective with unstinting effort 
and unwavering dedication. 




The now developments In our foreign policy symbolized by the Khrushcl^v visit 
have been welcomed by the overwhelming maJoBlty of the American people. They sup- 
port the current relaxation of tensions and have hopes that ttere la developing an 
era of peaceful coexistence. 

At the same time the country has witnessed a major reactionary offensive on the 
home front. The 86th Congress scuttled the rights of the Negro people, and the 
same Dlxlecrat -reactionary Republican alliance, aided by Important Northern Demo- 
crats, fastened the Landrum-Grlffln Bill on the labor movemsnt. 

The development of peaceful coexistence Is by no means guaranteed. In both 
parties, powerful elements are trying to reverse this trend, or falling this, to 
reduce It to the bearest minimum. It is in the people's most basic Interest that 
all developments toward peace be reinforced and given further Impetus. 

In both major parties there are strong currents counter to the peace sentimBnts. 
Nelson Rockefeller is the high-octane cold warrior of the Republicans, representing 
gigantic combinations of oil and finance that aim to abort t^ developing peace 
movement. In the Democratic Party, the Truman -Aches on cold-war line continues to 
permeate its policies. 

Congress dramatized these counter-currents by refusal to enact meaningful 
civil rights legislation and its passage of anti -labor legislation. George Meany, 
AFL-CIO president, summarized our domestic problem when he told an Urban League 
banquet that the Dixiecrats are the common enemy of both labor and the Negro people. 

But labor must recognize that it is the cold -war policy which George Meany and 
others support that provides a bulwark for the Dixlecrat^OP alliance. 

The fact is that some big business forces seeing the new turn in world affairs 
are developing their own economic program to meet it. The essence of their pro- 
gram Is Intensified exploitation •f American workers so that a handful of monopo- 
olies can maintain an exorbitant rate of profit despite the new obstacles and re- 
strictions and competitive challenges in the world market. Rather than this pro- 
gram of big business, labor and the people must advance their program for a peace- 
time economy that will mean Jobs and higher living standards. The peace issue in 
the i960 elections will be strengthened by this program. Linked to this must be 
labor's drive to halt and reverse the reactionary offensive In Congress. 

Thi brazen big business conspiracy to emasculate, and destroy the trade unions 
has already had the widest repercussions in the labor movement. In some quarters 
a beginning has been made in re-evaluating the political role of labor. Moods of 
resistance and struggle are growing. 

Labor contrasts two recent experiences. The first was a successful fight to 
smash the rlght-to-work Initiatives in five states. In this struggle labor devel- 
oped a high degree of independence and unity and fought back mllitantly. 

The second was the passage of the Landium-Gr if fin-Kennedy bill to which the 
AFL-CIO top officials failed to organize effective resistance. 

Civil rights legislation was betrayed by the same Dlxlecrat -Republican alli- 
ance. The President has failed to extend and guarantee constitutional protections 
to the Negro people in the South. 

These rights and these protections are basic to any democratic advance. The 
Civil Rights Commission has refcnaended appointment of federal registrars through- 
out the southern states to guarantee the Negro people the right to vote, along 
with others now denied that right through local restrictive practices. Enforce- 
ment of the lUth Amendment long used as a shield by corporate monopoly Is being 
urged in behalf of civil rights. This amendment provides for the reduction of 
the Congressional delegation of any state that denies the right to vote to its 
adult citizens. 

In New Deal days, the Dlxlecrat veto over Democratic presidential nominations 
was ellmlcated by abolishing the two-thirds rule at national conventions. But 
the power of the Dlxlecrat members of Congress, who through dlsenfranchlsement 
of the Negro voter guaranteed themselves constant re-election, expresses Itself 
in national politics through control of Congress, through the seniority rule for 
Congressional committees. A measure vital to defeat of the reactionary alliance 
is elimination of the seniority rule to end Dlxlecrat control of the Congress. 
Smashing the usurped power of the Dlxlecrat bloc will remove a major barrier to 
the struggle for peace, democracy, labor and civil rights. 


The lesson of the 56th Congreee le clear: To the extent that labor and the 
Negro people's moveoent further advance Independent political action, preaa for- 
ward their own poeltlone and candidates, to that extent will they win their de- 
nnnds against the monopollste and their political henchmen. 

The dissatisfaction of liberals, labor and the Negro peoole with reaction and 
bosslsm le reflected In the Independent trends and groups In the Democratic Party 
and Is based on varied Issues In different localities. In Congress these are ex- 
pressed by the struggles of Senators Clark, Macnaiuara and Proxmlre against I^ndon 
Johnson. In New York, Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, Herbert Le^Jnon and Thomas Flnletter, 
and more successfully, Congressman Adam Clayton Powell, conduct the fight against 
Carmen DeSaplo. In California the Democratic club movement reflects grass roots 
political organization and has considerable Influence in shaping policies and di- 
recting candidates. A similar form exists In Chicago. In Michigan the power of 
labor, especially of the UAW, Is a decisive factor. 

The debate around the role of the liberals In the Democratic Party likewise 
reflects these dissatisfactions. Such forces as the ADA and the Liberal Party In 
New York are concerned by the continued concessions to the Dlxlecrate. 

The Internal struggles and the fluid situation within the Democratic Party 
can be utilized by the forces of labor and the Negro people to Influence Issues 
and candidates. What Is needed Is unity and cohesion, established Independently 
of the old party machines. Movements In each of these fields with their own im- 
msdiate task will confront a common eneny--the alliance of Dlxlecrata and reaction- 
ary Bepubllcans. But they also share an Important goal and the prospect of vic- 

In these circumstances, the central political task confronting the labor, 
peace and democratic forces are: 

1) To bring the fight for peace up to the pace demanded by current develop- 
ments In the struggle for total disarmament and peaceful coexistence, it is urgent 
to bring these issues before every community, church, labor union and other org- 
anization of the people, and to compel every leader and si»cifically every office 
holder, candidate and potential candidate to take a public position on peace and 
these other vital issues. 

While giving priority to the peace Issue, all the people's needs must be 
fought for -- wages. Jobs, labor's rights, civil rights and liberties, social 
security, housing, health, youth needs, etc. How tiie cold war and vast military 
expenditures balk the people's social and economic needs must be emphasized. The 
people must understand that only an end to the cold war, radical reduction In 
amBments and the full functioning of the economy for peace can bring satisfaction 
of their needs. 

2) On the basis of the movements already mentioned and in connection with the 
election campaign, it is essential to work for broad electoral unity to oppose t^ 
chief candidates of reaction and the cold war, and to promote nomination and elec- 
tion of pro-peace, pro-labor and pro-civil rights candidates at all levels. Such 
candidates should Include trade unionists and representatives of the Negro people, 
as well as nominees of other minority groups, especially Puerto Pican and Mexican. 

Labor and the Negro people cannot make further progress on the basis of the 
present tiny representation from their own ranks in the Congress and public office. 
This election must see a substantial increase in labor and Negro candidates from 
the primaries through the elections. 

3) It is imperative that the Dlxlecrata be made a major target of attack, 
that they be exposed and Isolated. Defeat of their reactionary Republican and 
Democratic party allies in the North la equally urgent. 

h) The Civil Rights Commission has proposed a system of federal registrars 
throughout the South. This system must be installed in I96O to guarantee the 
Negro people their full rights to register and to vote. 

5) Every encouragement and full support must be given labor proposals for 
conferences early in i960 on a national and local scale of labor and its allies. 
These conferences can lead to an independent position in the elections and exert 
powerful Influence on the eelectlon of candidates, the drafting of programs and 
other vital aspects of the election struggle. Such local and national conferences 
called by the Negro people and liberal and people's organizations generally could 
further influence the political parties In a progressive direction. 


6) The major party prlmarlea will reflect these dleeatlsfactlon and progreee- 
IvB forces vlll contest the reactionaries. Where reactionary candidates have been 
nominated by both parties, democratic and peace candidates on the Independent tick- 
et should be promoted . 

7) The Communist Party to advance the unity of the people, promote and clarify 
the Issues of the campaign and educate for socialism, will run Its own candidates, 
as It did In the Elizabeth Gurley Flynn and Ben Davis campaigns In New York and 

the Archie Brown campaign In California. Where because of undemocratic election 
laws, bans and undemocratic restrictions. It will do so In whatever way le open 
acting Jointly with others. 

It is essential to build, strengthen and multiply the Independent electoral 
apparatus and organizations of labor (cOPE) not only on shop aiid union basis but 
particularly In the communities. Also among the Negro people It Is essential to 
promote the independent political action and organizations such as the non-partisan 
Negro Voters Association both in the North and South. It Is further necessary to 
support the struggle of the Negro people and disfranchised whites in the South to 
vote and it is important to launch a national campaign to ensure maximum registra- 
tion, electoral activity and casting of voces. 

In addition a fight should be launched against the growing undemocratic re- 
Btrictions which keep minority parties off the ballot and for proper reapportion- 
ment of representation and the abolition of gerrymandered districts. 

An important condition for the widest mobilization of the people in the inter- 
ests of peace and for a progressive outcome of the elections is the establishment 
of Joint action of Communists, Socialists, union militants and progressives. 

By working along these lines, by buildings its independent strength and unit- 
ing all peace and people's forces, labor and the democratic forces can make head- 
way in i960 in ousting leading reactionaries from office and electing peace and 
progressive candidates. They can be in a strong position to determine thechar- 
acter of the next Administration and Congress and he±p prevent wavering and back- 
sliding of the elected friends of labor and hasten the trend toward a rew polit- 
ical alignment and a mass people's party. 

Recognizing the dominance of Big Business over the two major parties, we con- 
stantly advocate the necessity of a new, a farmer-labor party. Such a political 
realignment will not be Just a minority opposition party but one which can win 
the majority, a new party based on the mass of labor, the farmers, the Negro 
people, and other sections of the population in which labor fulfills a leading 
role. In the course of all election activity it is necessary to advance such an 
objective on the basis of experiences in the elections. We do not^ hovever, set 
a blue print and then try to make experience fit it. Nor do we advocate such 
an objective in any mechanized, sloganized way. We hold that such an objective 
gives perspective to Immediate work and must increase participation in every 
election campaign. We warn against premat-jre and adventurist splits which result 
In Isolation. All of this must be said in relation to I96O because we recognize 
that the major election campaign. Including the independent movements, will be 
within the two- party system. The election requires more attention to the de- 
velopment of independent movements and the many forms which that Independence 
can take, with special attention to the Democratic Party through which the major 
sections of labor function In the elections. 

These goals cannot be achieved, however, through the formation of "independ- 
ent socialist parties" such as have been attempted in some areas. These support- 
ed by soma liberals, progressives and soclallst-mlnded radicals and used as a base 
of operations by some Trotakyites represent premature, sterile movements which 
can only eerve to isolate the Left from the masses of labor and the Negro people. 

It Is essential to educate themaeses of the people in socialism, In the ac- 
compli sitanents of the socialist countries and what socialism would mean for the 
U.S.A. But such education cannot be viewed as a task apart from the struggles 
ofthe people. The main task of the class conscious forces at the present time 
is to organize the Uhlty of the widest masses of people to struggle for their 
most vital needs, above all peace, through which struggle are created more 
favorable conditions for wider socialist understanding and organization of 
movements . 


The Connunlst Party will cooperate with and help atlniulate the Independent 
political organization and activity of labor and all other democratic forcoa and 
will support and participate wherever poaelble in united and democratic front 
alliances and movements . At the same time It will develop Its own Independent 
activity, help clarify Issues and popularize Its basic program for an American 
road to socialism. 

The i960 elections afford to the Party and left and progressive forces generally 
a great opportunity to strengthen their forces and Identify themselves more closely 
with the mass currents and movements stirring our country. 

The elections will also enable the Party to make a special contribution to the 
question which will overshadow the immediate Issues-- namely, the competition of 
the two systems, socialism and ctipitallsm. These will be dlscuased and debated 
and socialism will therefore be an Issue In the broadest sense. The Party will 
bring the truth of socialism and its superiority over capitalism to the American 

To advance the cause of peace and progress, the Communist Party will enlist 
support for the following imnediate program: 

1. Guarantee peace for our country and the world by outlawing nuclear war, 
and war as a means of settling differences between countries. End the cold war 
and establish a policy of peaceful co-existence with peaceful relations, recogni- 
tion of and normal relations with Peonle's China, trade and friendship with all 
nations. For total disarmament and cuts in the military budget. Start reduction 
of taxes on Idv incomea. 

2. Defend the Constitution and restore the Bill of Eights. Abolish -Lh© witch- 
hunting House Un-American Activities Committee and t-^ Lienate Internal Security 
Committee. Freedom for Henry Winston, Robert T-ompson, Gilbert Green, and all 
other political prisoners, Including Morton Sobell, who is now serving his ninth 
year of a brutal 30-year sentence. Protect the rights of the foreign-bom agjinst 
deportation and harassment. Repeal the Smith and McCarran Act and establish the 
full legality of the Comnunist Party. 

3. For equal rights and full citizenship of the Negro people. Abolish Jim 
Crow sepregation. Enforce the 13th, lUth and 15th amendments. Enact civil rights 
legislation to establish these rights Immediately. 

h. Advance labor's right to organize, strike, to participate In political 
action. Repeal the Taft-Hartley and Landrum-Griff in laws. Pro^'ibit strike- 
breaking by court injunction. Halt all Taft4iartley prosecutions. Gua^-antee 
tie right to a Job and improved living and working conditions. 

Adeqauate compensation for all unemployed for the entire period of unemployment. 
Establish the 30-hour week with no reduction in pay. Increase social security 
payments . 

5. Protect the rights of the small farmers to their land and their Implements. 
Assure adequate incons through price supports. Provide credit and government loans 
at nominal interest rates. Market farm surpluses through foreign trade and to feed 
the hungry here and abroad . 

6. Aid small business by tax relief and easy credit. 

7. Enact an American Youth Act to meet the needs of the youth for education, 
recreation, health, and jobs. For the l8-year old vote. 

8. Enact health, education, cultural, and housing programs to meet the 
people's needs without corruption and profiteering. 

9. Establish public ownership and operation of all atomic energy facilities, 
railroads and public utilities. 

10. Halt monopoly profiteering. Put t-e tax burden on corporate wealth and 
high personal income, on the basis of taxation according to ability to pay. 




Anti-Labor Offensive and Resistance of Workers 

A mounting strike movement Is sweeping through Aiserlca. The Intensity and 
scope of the current class battles taking place, the tenacity with which the 
workers are resisting, Is well shown In the ll6-day solid strike of the 500,000 
steel workers. Their strike broken only temporarily by an eighty-day Taft-Hartley 
Injunction, these workers are showing readiness to resume the struggle If an ac- 
ceptable agreement Is not reached . 

The sane spirit evident In the steel Industry, Is displayed by 35,000 copper 
workers out on strike more than four months; by the striking Standard Oil and 
other oil and chemical workers; packinghouse, Henderson textile, and others on 
strike for months; by the rubber. East Coast longshore. West Coast shipyard. New 
York hospital and other tens of thousands who have struck earlier. 

The strike movement continues to mount with a million railroad workers pre- 
paring to strike If negotiations fall, as are many other hundreds of thousands of 
workers In communication. New York City transit, machine and electrical, aircraft 
and missile and In other unions In line for negotiations In the weeks ahead. 

Not since the strike movement Immediately after World War I or the upsurge 
of the mld-thirtles, has the American working class experienced such rise of 
Struggles. The current strikes are most often referred to as "automation strikes." 
This Is because most common to them and most mllltantly disputed are Issues aris- 
ing out of the present-day sweep of technological changes, Including automation, 
and the Immense casualty of Jobs In the process. The strikes are mass resistance 
to the condemning of mlllioDe of workers to the scrapheap, to relief rolls, to 
peinBoently depressed areas and ghost towns, and to a life of permanent Insecurity, 

The strikes are a mass fight-back against the offensive launched by big busi- 
ness on the economic and political fronts. This assault on unions, unmatched since 
the open shop drive of the twenties, was long prepared. The campaign for "rlght- 
to-work" laws In the states; the three years of Senate McClellan Committee hear- 
ings designed to semar and discredit trade unions In general; the propaganda by 
Industry and government blaming wage Increases for Inflationary prices; the agita- 
tion against unions as "monopolies" and now the use of all the arts on Madison 
Avenue against "featherbeddlng" and so-called "management's right to manage" -- 
these are all stages of the anti-union campaign. These union-busting forces have 
scored a najor success with enactment of the Landrum-Gr If fin -Kennedy Law through 
which, for the first time, the trade unions come under a fully-rounded government 
control and regulation system. Moreover the law gives the employers new weapons 
to limit the strike and boycott and the right of unions to organize, bargain, and 
assist each other in strikes. 

The plan of attack calls for additional anti-labor "killer" legislation, such 
as applying anti-trust laws to unions, outlawing industry-wide bargaining, banning 
strikes in transporatlon industries, prohibiting use of any funds for political 
activity, a national "right-to-work" law, and compulsory arbitration in major ind- 

The strike movement has reached a high level of Intensity because Big Busi- 
ness, led by the steel corporations, have carried their attack to an assault oa 
the most vital element of union protection -- the work rules and rights that give 
the workers at least a minimum of protection against insecurity, inhuman speed-up 
and exploitation under capitalism. Big Business, hypocritically crying for the 
"right to manage" alms to wipe out all such protective clauses and rules to weaken 
and eventually smash unions, and to clear the road for new technological changes 
at the expense of the workers . 

As yet the workers are in the main limited in their current strikes to a 
defense of some of their long established rules and conditions, as protection 
against the encroachment of automation. But the unity and determination displayed 
by the steel workers and others have already registered deeply in the conscious- 
ness of the labor movement. Tjie persistence of the struggle and Its widened scope, 
can, if properly led, extend the current strike movement to an offensive character 
— to a fight for more basic objectives, like the shorter work week already en- 
dorsed by most unions and other demands to nset the new technology and the new 
attacka . 

Moreover, the attack of Big Business upon the trade unions goes hand-ln-hand 
with the general drive of reaction against the comnon people, spurred primarily 


by the most rabid pro-colclvar forces of the country, to folet an austerity era 
upon America, By austerity, Big Business means higher taxes and other belt- 
tightenlng sacrifices by the common people. The monopolies of America are beeet 
by Increasing contradictions In the world as Increasing numbers abroad revolt 
against Wall Street domination; as the progress of the billion people In the 
socialist countries becomes more known to the peoples under capitalism; as more 
colonial peoples gain their freedom, and as within our country there Is a "post- 
McCarthyite" awakening among the people. These monopolies seek to shift the 
burden of their difficulties. Including the heavy armament load, on to the backs 
of workers, fanners, the Negro and other small-lncomed people. That was the es- 
sence of the program outlined by Governor Nelson Rockefeller at the Economic 
Club and by other monopolists at the recent Congress of Industry of the NAM and 
other Big Business-run organizations. Some sections of Big Business seek to 
pump more vigor into their sagging coldwar drive by shouting such austerity Is 
needed to "meet the Soviet challenge." They hope to hide the fact that In the 
Soviet Union living standards are constantly rising. 

The sharp struggles, especially in steel, and the offensive of capital 
refute dramatically and forcefully, the class collaboration theories of top 
AFL-CIO leaders . They turn to nonsense the "mutual trusteeship" idea of David 
J, McDonald, the "non-aggression agreement" with Big Business put forward by 
George Meany, the "common denominators" between labor and capital sought by 
Walter Reuther and claims by these leaders that there is no class struggle in 
America. Moreover, the attack of Big Business upon the key and powerful steel 
union, has alarmed the trade unionists of the entire country and aroused on a 
general scale a greater spirit of unity and vigor and to some degree even class 
consciousness to resist the offensive of capital. The developing struggle is 
also identifying to the people their common enemy -- the same enemy of workers, 
of the family farmer, of the Negro people, the Puerto Rican, Mexican-American 
and other groups suffering discrimination and superexploltatlon. Thus, in the 
process of the developing movement, the struggle of labor will increasingly 
merge with the struggle of the Negro people and other groups for full rights as 
citizens and of the people on the farms whose purchasing power has reached a new 
post-war low. 

The current strike movement is the most significant fight-back development 
since the labor movement, in the main, was taken by its leadership on the road 
of accomodation to coldwar policies, and even acceptance of the McCarthyism that 
the cold war came with, it is the first important break in more than a decade 
of stagnation and defeats . 

We Communists meet at a moment when the labor movement has. Indeed, come 
to a crossroads. Which course for labor — the one that leads to new vitality 
and the passing over from a defensive position to an offensive for new goals and 
major advances? Or the course that leads labor further down the road to in- 
effectiveness and retreat? That is the question that today faces the labor 
movement in face -of clear evidence that the workers are willing to fight and 
march forward . 

That is the question that thinking trade unionists and union leaders are 
today pondering In the ranks of unions under pressure of widespread dissatis- 
faction among the rank and file and a recognition by ever-rising numbers that 
new answers are needed for the questions and problems facing labor in the present 
period. This questioning of old policies and re -examination of issues in quest 
for better answers is stimulating a powerful force for a new progressive trend 
in the labor movement. It is a challenge not alone to the old guard conserv- 
atism among trade union leaders; it is no less a challenge to the Communists and 
all other progressives and militants in the trade unions. How to stimulate this 
quest for new answers; how to encourage it into developing as a fighting movement 
for progress -- that's the big problem facing the active progressives of labor, 
and especially the Communists, to whom many rightfully look for Initiative. 

It Is with that challenge and problem that the Communist Party concerns 
itself in this resolution. 

The Situation in the Labor Movement 

The steel and other strikes; the new vigor and stature of the Negro trade 
unionists in the struggle for conditions and for equal rights; the pressure for 
greater political Independence In labor ranks; the g.-owlng demand for all-lnclue- 
Ive working class unity; the pressures for a real peace policy in many quarters 


-- all tbese trends are Influences for a new forward-looking course . These 
trends are Influences for a new forward-looking course. These trends are devel- 
oping In spite of the hard-crust of old discredited policies and bureaucratic, 
institutionalized union machinery through which they must break through. 

Some of the top leaders, above all Meany, laid the labor movement open to 
the Landrum-Grlffln-Kennedy Law by collaborating with the McClellan Connnlttee and. 
In fact, Initiating through "friendly" Senator Kennedy a "moderate labor reform" 
bill which opened the floodgates of reaction In Congress. The end result was a 
measure termed by even the leaders of labor, the worst anti-labor law since Taft- 
Hartley. But even after the law was enacted, many labor leaders promptly decided 
to "live with" the new law and accomodate themselves to It as they did to Taft- 
Hartley wlt'iout appreciable resistance. 

In face of the Intense struggle and clear evidence that big business Is on 
the warpath against labor, George Meany revived the Idea of an overall "capital- 
labor" agreement to eliminate strikes that he unsuccessfully advanced four years 
ago. Within the current framework, the Meany proposal can have no other effect 
but to hold back the resisting workers. The fact that Nfeany called for such 
capital-labor unity to revitalize the coldwar policy, makes his proposal all the 
more ominous. Moreover, Just as the proposal for a "moderate reform" bill helped 
to enact the antl-unlon Landrum-Grlffln-Kennedy law, so this proposal of Meany 
paves the way for the projected antl-strlke bills. 

Meany 's outburst In the manner of a racist, at A. Phillip Randolph at the 
San Franclffco convention of the AFL-CIO: the effort of some top AFL-CIO leaders 
to build up Senator Kennedy, the original "reform" bill author, as a candidate 
for the Presidency; the continuance of craft versus Industrial union struggles 
among some leaders of unions when unity Is needed to organize the JO percent still 
unorganized ; the refusal of the leaders of labor to open the way for contacts with 
unions of socialist lands In face of a breakdown of walls In most other spheres -- 
all these attitudes are the old policy of refusal to recognize the realities and 
the great changes that have come about In the United States and In the world. 

The background to the harmful policies of many In top AFL-CIO officialdom Is 
the hietory of the past 12 years, beginning with their acceptance of Wall Street's 
coldwar policies. This brought a new and a more reactionary content Into the tra- 
ditional class collaboratlonlsm of these leaders. In taking this course, these 
leaders based themselves on the concept that it will bring easy concessions to the 
labor movement, greater "respectability" and a "pemsnent prosperity" propped up 
by unending and rising expenditures for armaments and maintenance of military 
bases In all comers of the world. Thie course brought many of the labor leaders 
to a common ground with the outstanding warmongers, war profiteers and notorious 
enemies of labor. 

To prove to employers that they were "dependable" and "responsible" leaders 
who could check the militancy of the rank and file, many of these leaders joined 
In the McCarthyite Un-American campaign to drive out of the trade unions Commun- 
ists and other militant non-conforming trad3 unionists under the guise of safe- 
guarding unions from Communist control. Thus In 191*9 the CIO leaders expelled 
unions with a fourth of CIO membership who were among the most militant forces 
In the American trade union movement. 

The consequence of this coldwar course are well known. It led to conformance 
with the Taft-Bartley Law, and virtual abandonment of efforts to repeal It. It 
led to a weakening of the labor-Negro alliance that could be built only on the 
basis of a real cleanup of Jlmcrow practices Inside labor. It led to a halt of 
organizing efforts In the South and almost everywhere else. It led to alienation 
of labor from substantial sectors of the population that have been moving towards 
a peace policy. It led to the fostering of a virulent antl-Sovletlsm that cul- 
minated In the shameful spectacle of '' labor leaders, In contrast to most other 
sectors of the population, displaying a rudeness to visiting Nikita Khrushchev. 
It led to a decline of trade union democracy and an entrenchment of corrupt in- 
fluences In some sections of the labor movement, while all attention was given 
to an alleged "Communist menace." It led to more than a decade of stagnation 
in the labor movement. 

A serious consequence of those top leadership policies, that proved very 
harmful to all labor, has been a weakening of the Influence and activity of pro- 
gressive Influence within the labor movement as a whole. The effect was a weaken- 
ing of the positive Influence provresslves traditionally have upon the labor move- 
ment. This also narrowed the character and perspective of the trade union move- 


msnt. Thie woakBned the challenge to buelnoas unlonlam practices and the racket- 
eering practlcee, Initiated and Inspired by employers, that It breeds. Weakened 
also because of this decline of progressive Influence, was the vigilance against 
trading off of working conditions, speed-up practices, and violation of other 
vital Interests of the workers. 

Today It is not only the progressives on the left who realize that the rosy 
perspective envisioned by many labor leaders on the basis of the cold war was a 
sham. Many thousands now recognize It. It did not bring any of the promised 
results. Thi^e recessions, with a fourth predicted by I96I, proved that there 
can be no permanent prosperity under capitalism, even with huge expenditures for 
armaments. The real effect of that policy of "class partnership" for the cold 
war was to expose the labor movement to the present fierce offensive by Big Busi- 
ness. It Is precisely this weakening of the trade union movement and "flabblness" 
(as Reuther called It) that encouraged the foes of labor to launch their offensive. 
But the steel strike and other strikes have shown that the workers are not "flabby" 
and that the trade union movement possesses the potential jxswer which, if projserly 
gioblllzed and directed, can defeat the offensive of big business. 

The past decade was not, however, all negative. There were soma notable and 
militant strikes In that period (Harvester, Westlnghouse, coal miners and three 
steel strikes, etc.) The "right to work" campaign of the employers met stiff and 
successful resistance In many areas, notably in California, Washington and Ohio. 
Sons leaders, usually at lower levels, took a progressive position on certain is- 
sues or in sono struggles. There were some notable manifestations of unemployed. 

The A?L-CIO merger of 1955 vas also a positive development, reflecting a 
growing pressure in union ranks for an upward swing, for organization of the 
unorganized, for an end of inter-union strife, for more effective political 
action, and, above all, for a unification of strength and preparation for the 
oncoming offensive of capital that was already taking shape. 

Unfortunately, the many good decisions and promises of the merger convention 
hardly went beyond the stage of resolutions. Like most of the objectives of the 
labor movemsnt In the past decade, those decisions were blocked by coldwar and 
"class partnership" considerations. The employers, on the other hand, were 
spurred by the merger to work all the more vigorously for their drive against 
what they called the "labor monopoly." 

The Be -emergence of Progressive Currents 

In the recent period "there has developed a growing diesatlafaction and rest- 
lessness in the ranks of the working people. These are arising from the ever- 
sharpening pressures and exploitation by the monopolists, and from the failure of 
labor's leadership to cope with the key problems and challenges confronting the 
Workers. There is a mounting demand for fresh answers to such problems. There 
is, in particular, a growing dissatisfaction arising from the failure to deal 
adequately with problems of auton»tlon, organization, unemployment, speedup, 
anti-Negro discrimination, union democracy, independent political action, peace 
and other issues. 

The working people and their more militant leaders are becoming increasingly 
aware of the efforts of monopolists to resolve their problems at the expense of 
the workers. The denfind is therefore arising that the problems of automation, 
high taxes, inflation and competition must be met at the expense of the huge 
profits of these monopolists, and not at the expense of the working people. 

It is becoming Increasingly evident to an ever larger number of trade union- 
late that the labor movement cannot advance, but will instead continue to stag- 
nage and retreat if it continues to pursue the policies and philosophy personi- 
fied by George Meany. 

This realization is giving forth some new progressive currents in trade 
union ranks for departure from "official" policy on one or more important Issues. 
Some of these currents are stirring beneath the surface. Others find more open 
expression. They are evident in the rank and file movements in the struggle for 
shop conditions, often through "wildcat" strikes; in the dues protest movement 
in steel; in the broad and effective solidarity movement in support of the mili- 
tant New York hospital strike; in the expressions from some leaders for greater 
independence by labor in the political field, some even calling for action or 
discussion of a third or labor party. 


other auch expresalona are the aharp crltlilsm of the effort by aone top 
leadera to build up Kennedy aa a friend of labor; th© movement for the Impreselve 
New York City Labor Bay parade; Randolph 'a bold demand at the recent AFL-CIO con- 
vention for prompt and effective action to end racist dlacrlmlnatlon In unlona, 
and the atrong Indignation agalnat Meany'a abuae of Randolph; the movement for 
Negroes In top union office; the preaaure for maea activity at the grasa-roots 
level to combat anti-labor leglalatlon, and for the building of an all-year round 
labor political action machinery from the precinct level up and for labor candl- 
datea. Then there were a number of trade union expreaalona away from cold war 
policy and closer to a peace poeltlon, as In part of the auto union's foreign 
affairs convention resolution. 

Hitherto theae currenta have come to light In struggles mostly on Individual 
Isauea. They have not aa yet taken the form of movements embracing a progreaalve 
position In a fully rounded out program. Moreover, the effect of theae trends 
have so far remained limited In top leadership ranka. The present anti -labor 
offensive, however, and the aad turn of the partial 1958 election victory, are 
driving home a coatly leaaon among many that are bound to stimulate fresh thinking 
and strength for a renewed progressive trend. 

All such thrusts In a progressive direction should bo alngled out as examples 
that could advance the entire struggle. All progressive tendenciea among the 
rank and file and among leadera, should be welcomed, encouraged and further devel- 
oped for the purpose of promoting progressive action and class struggle policies 
and cementing greater unity and solidarity within the labor movement. 

The necessity of struggle Imposed by the current offenalve, the militance 
of the rank and file, and the development of progressive trends are bound to have 
their effect on some of the present labor leadership, which can by no means be re- 
garded aa an unchangeable reactionary bloc. 

Thus there Is a realistic possibility for the emergence before long of a much 
broader base for progressive policies and democracy within the trade union move- 
ment — a trend that could be strong enough to appreciably influence tfee unlona 
to a new and higher stage of atruggle against the monopoly Interests and their 
political power In our country. 

The need for a Counter-Offensive of Labor 

Organized labor cannot content itself with mere defense against the growing 
torrent of blows rained upon it. On the contrary, if it is to defeat these and 
move forward It must launch a counter-offensive — a crusade for advancement of 
the well-being of our country's working people. 

Such a crusade can succeed if it is based on united action of the entli^ 
trade union movement, including the Teamsters' union and the Independent unions, 
aa well as greater unity of action within the AFL-CIO Itself. It precludes demor- 
alizing jurisdictional disputes and raiding. It demands broad rank-and-file part- 
icipation in democratic unions, unity of all regardless of political beliefs, and 
the Inclusion of Communist and other militant class-conscious trade unionists 
whoae dedication to the Intereata of the working people has been proven to be an 
essential factor In organizing the unorganized and in waging effective atruggle 
against labor's enemy. Such a crusade, above all, must be based on a higher level 
of Negro-white unity, 

A counter-offensive of labor will necessarily embrace the problems of automa- 
tion, peace and disarmament, Negro rights, organization of the unorganized, inde- 
pendent political action, democratic rights, and International trade union solid- 

1. Automation and a Fight for Jobs and Security 

Automation and the use of atomic energy are ushering In great possibilities 
for new Industrial progress. The advances of aclence and technology In the aerv- 
ice of the people ehould indeed be something to cheer about. 

But when science and new technology are In the hands of Big Business, whose 
iotereat la not the welfare of the people but only the lust for maximum profits, 
then this great achievement turns into Its very opposite. Automation, added to 
already unused productive capacity, creates atlll mor«» unused capacity and unem- 
ployment, and a permanent army of unemployed even during an economic uptrend. 


Life, eepoclally the example of the Soviet Union, haa now brought forth ample 
pi\x3f that only the eoclal system of socialism can give the people the mBixlmum 
benefits fron autooatlon and other technological advances . 

But American workers are faced with a growing problem of Insecurity and mass 
unemployment, mounting even In periods of economic uptrend. The displacement of 
Workers by automation and other technological advances Is adding to the Industrial 
reserve army at a growing pace. Along with this, the shifting of plants gives 
rise to a growing number of "distressed areas" and "ghost towns" of chronic mass 
Joblessness. Automation Is being used as a means to Increase speed-up, destroy 
skills. Increase the work-load and cut wages. 

The fight for the shorter workweek has therefore become the No, 1 economic 
objective In the fight for Jobs and security. A cut in the week can, no more than 
any other measure, be a fundamental solution of job security .under capitalism. 
But it Is at least a significant measure of protection against the steady trend 
of throwing workers on the scrapheap. 

Other demands are also called for, such as the establishment of "automation 
funds" by employers to be used for retaining of workers, severance pay and other 
such purposes. These, hovever, should not be accepted as a substitute for the 
shorter work week. Still other demands are coming to the forefront, such as 
smaller work loads; longer rest periods and vacations; greater and not less con- 
trol of speedup by unions; the right to strike on speedup and arbitrary layoffs; 
retraining, resistance to wage cuts, and higher wages. 

The unions must fight to prevent those workers who are displaced by automa- 
tion or other changes from being thrown on the scrap heap. They must also wage 
a struggle for governmental measures to assure that the benefits of automation 
are passed on to the general public in lower prices and greater consuming power, 

2, The Fight for Peace and DiBarmament 

The desire for peace and friendship among peoples the world over is no less 
strong among the rank and file membership of the trade unions than among the 
Aoerican people generally. 

The world-wide movement for peace. Including particularly the aspirations 
for peace on the part of the American people, as well as the great successes of 
the socialist world, have created the conditions and the atmosphere for the suc- 
cess of Khrushchev's visit. 

The Khrushchev vldit and its fruits, outstanding among them the prospects 
of a sunmit meeting and the greatly enhanced movement for disarmament, have in 
turn tremendously advanced the fight to end the cold war and have raised the fight 
for peaceful coexistence, disarmament and ending of atomic tests, to a new level. 
In the struggle for these goals, it is essential to Include the Influence of labor. 
Yet, despite the overwhelming popular sentiment for peace, the leadership of the 
labor movement has not based itself on these realities, and by Its support of 
reactionary cold war policies has kept labor from taking its rightful place in the 
fight for peace. 

But the desire for peace is no less strong among the rank-and-file membership 
of the trade unions than among other sectors of the American people. The progres- 
sive forces in our country properly look to the trade union movement to assume 
leadership in the struggle for peace and dlearmament, and must wage a determined 
fight to alter the present state of affairs. Communists and progressives must 
urge the labor movement to adopt a policy of full support to peaceful coexistence 
and closer relationships between the United States and the Soviet Union. In 
particular, every effort must be made to end the policy of shunning all contacts 
and to open up exchanges of union delegations between the two countries, and with 
other socialist countries as well. Toward this end, the resolution adopted by 
the convention of the Woodworkers Union, calling for such exchanges with their 
Soviet counterpart. Is most helpful. So, too, are similar sentiments which have 
been expressed in other sections of the trade union movement. 

In addition, the labor movement must be brought fully into the fight to 
open up trade with the socialist world. It must be won to support of disarmament 
and a peacetime economy, and away from adherence to the hoax that armaments are 
the answer to unemployment. 

56597 O — 60— pt. 4- 


Total dlaanBament or oven partial dlsanaamsnt at first, la both a glov- 
ing promise and a sarlous challenge. The promise lies In the poselblllty of re- 
leasing and utilizing the huge sums now wasted on arman»nts for social benefits, 
lower taxes, advancement of health research, recreation, housing, education, and 
abovB all the realization of mankind's dream for an end to wars, to fears of 
atomic annihilation and poisonous fall-out. 

The challenge lies In the need to evolve a program designed to provide Jobs 
for workers displaced by dlaarmamBnt and for those released from the armed forces, 
and to replace wasteful war production with useful peaceful production that will 
benefit the people. 

The working people and all people of this country have a right to look to 

the trade union movement for a practical program to meet this challenge for the 

realization of the hopes of all people for a peaceful world, (in another document 
the Communist Party has proposed such a program.) 

More and more of our working people are becoming aware of the fact that the 
challenge of the socialist countries for peaceful coexistence and competition be- 
tween the capitalist and socialist systems for a better life for the people is 
not a threat but a promise from which our people, especially our working people, 
can only gain. 

3. The Struggle for Negro Bights 

Working class unity in daily stnjggles for economic demands and in the bigger 
struggles eigainet the enemies of the working class demands the fullest recognition 
by white workers and white union leaders of the right of Negro workers to a status 
of full equality. 

For the unions and the entlr« labor movement to energetically champion the 
struggle for equal rights for Negroes Inside and outside the unions, la to serve 
their own interest as well as the human rights of the Negro people. The disgrace- 
ful attack by Meany on Randolph at the recent AJX-CIO convention, because he Just- 
ly denanded action in the unions against racist discrimination, and the shameful 
defeat of the efforts at the UAW convention for the inclusion of a Negro on the 
Executive Board, demonstrate that too many union leaders do not yet grasp this 

The formation of the American Negro Labor Council under the leadership of 
A. Philip Randolph will undoubtedly advance Negro-white unity, bring nearer the 
end of Jim Crow in some unions, and raise to a higher level the labor -Negro 
alliance, which le vitally necessary for the unions and for the interests of the 
vhito workers as well as forthe Negro people. 

The Negro workers have been hardest hit by unemployment and by all other 
measures directed by the employers against the workers. Discrimination in regard 
to upgrading in plants and In other ways is still a general practice in Industry. 
The labor movement must fight more energetically against such discrimination. To 
this end it Is essential that the promise of fair employment clauses In contracts, 
non-discriminatory apprentice training programs must become an effective part of 
every union program. 

There are Increaaing signs in many parts of the country that a greater recog- 
nition of these problems Is developing In unions. To move forward, there must be 
a greater recognition that the labor-Negro alliance cannot remain merely a rela- 
tionship between top officers. It must be reflected on all levels and based on 
united struggles of Negro and white. There can be no greater contribution to 
such an alliance than effective action inside the unions to end all racist dis- 

Such action is especially necessary If the trade union movement is to succed 
in launching an effective counter-offensive against Big Business. 

1*. Organizing the Unorganized 

A major objective of a counter-offensive of labor Is necessarily a militant, 
all-out campaign to organize the unorganized and especially to organize the 


The South can be organized only if the campaign Is not Juet a routine effort 
as In the past, but an all-embracing crusade for the economic demands, for the 
right to vote, and other democratic rights of all the people In the South, Negro 
as veil as white. 

Such a crusade would break down the barriers between white and Negro workers, 
forge their united action and thus generate the power to sweep out the domination 
of the Dlxlecrats -- the backbone of antl -labor- and antl-Nogro reaction in Con- 

Only such a crusade can evoke and Inspire a new upsurge of unity, mllltanco 
and solidarity In the South, as well as In the North, that can result In the 
organization of the South and in the extension of unionization In every other 
part of the country. 

5. Independent Political Action 

Another major front in labor's counter-offensive Is Independent political 

Organized labor has not moved forward adequately to establish its polit- 
ical Independence. The AFL-CIO has pursued a policy of dependence on the two 
parties of big business, tailing after them and, with some limited exceptions, 
neglecting to build its own year-round political activity and organization. 

Such a policy has failed adequately to protect the interests of the working 
people and their unions. The Taft-Hartley Act, the Landrum-Griff In-Kennedy Act, 
the use of the Taft-Hartley Injunction to break strikes, the blocking of civil 
rights legislation, the constant Invasion of civil liberties and the unholy al- 
liance between the Dlxlecrats, reactionary Pepublicans and reactionary Northern 
Democrats -- these are the fruits of such a policy. 

The defeat suffered by labor and all the people at the hands of the 86th 
Congress after labor's successes In the 1958 election against the "right to work" 
measures, has aroused demands in labor's ranks for a reassessment of political 
action policies pursued by the AFL-CIO. It Is becoming increasingly clear that 
the trade union movement cannot cope with the all-round offensive of capital 
without a more effective and realistic policy of Independent political action. 

To achieve such a policy the task of the progressives is to Influence the 
trade union movement to come forward as leader of all progressive and forward- 
looking peofile in our country in order to forge united political action with its 
allies and all democratic forces. This can be accomplished If the trade union 
movement brings about a serious change in its political policies and program. 

An effective independent political action program calls for the development 
of labor's political action organizations (COPE, LLPE, PAC) as year-round people's 
precinct organizations of movement on issues, and not just as skeleton machinery 
during elections. It calls for pressure for labor candidates, vigorous participa- 
tion in prlTDarles in support of labor, Negro and ether candidates with forward- 
looking ideas and consistent pro-labor positions. It calls for practical and 
realistic alliances of labor's political organizations with the organizations of 
the Negro people, and extensive direct cooperation and unity with farmer groups 
and organizations and with other forward-looking sections of the people. The 
proposal of the recent UAW convention for a confereme of such a neture prior to 
the nominating conventions of the Democratic and Republican parties for a united 
approach on candidates is a welcome step in th« right direction. 

Such a policy would lay the basis for effective political action in I960 
and from this could emerge the understanding, the experiences and the forces for 
a new coalition for the realization in the near future of a new party of labor, 
the Negro people, farmers -- a party of the majority of the American peaple, 
capable of curbing monopoly domination in our country. 

To achieve this end, all Left and progressive forces in the trade union 
movement should devote their utmost attention and energies. 

6. Democratic Rights 

The reactionary forces in Congress have erected a wall of restrictive anti- 
labor legislation from the infamous Taft-Hartley Act to the shackling Landrum- 
Grlffin Act. This wall must and can be broken down by means of a sweeping camp- 
aign of united trade union action for the repeal of such legislation or the trade 
union movement will become chained to government control of unions for the bene- 
fit of the monopoly interests. 


In the center of labor's counter-offensive must be a fight for repeal of 
the Taft Jlartley and Landrum-Grlff In Acts, a fight against new anti-labor 
legislation, and a fight for positive legislation to protect labor's rights. 
At the same time there must be the utmost resistance to all plans for accomo- 
dation to anti-labor legislation. 

But It Is high time that the trade union movemsnt realized that It cannot 
defend Its ovn rights without fighting for civil liberties of all Amsrlcans, 
and In particular without conducting a struggle against ant 1 -Communism and the 
denial of the rights of Communists. The labor movement should recognize antl- 
Communlem for what It Is -- a weapon directed against the working class, the trade 
unions and the Amelcan people generally by their common enemy, reactionary big 
business. It is incumbent upon labor to raise Its voice, as some unions have 
already done, against Taft-Hartley conspiracy trials as well as against other 
repressive laws and witch hunts. 

The Communist Party will do all In Its power to spread the understanding 
of these vital tasks In the iabor movement, the understanding that Its fight for 
constitutional liberties Is part of the whole fight for the democratic rights of 
the labor movement. 

International Trade Union Solidarity and Unity 

American workers have a common Interest with the workers of other countries. 
The American Imperialists, who strive to exploltthe workers of all countries, 
seek to maintain their position by pitting the workers of one country against 
those of another. Today, American big business Interests are moving many plants 
abroad and exporting with them the Jobs of many American workers. At the same 
time they try to convince our workers that it is the workers of other countries 
who, by virtue of their low wages, are depriving them of their Jobs. About 1,000 
American companies have producing plants abroad employing about one million work- 

To meet these problems, our trade union movement must help to advance the 
welfare and living standards of workers In all countries, and develop cooperation 
and united action between our unions and unions in other lands. 

It should give all-out support to the efforts of the Latin American peoples 
to free themselves from the bondage of American imperialist profit hunters, and 
In particular to the valiant struggles of the Cuban people and working class. 

Moreover, our working people should stop our union leadership from playing 
the game of American imperialism abroad by acting as its ant i -Communist spearhead 
within the labor movement of other countries. This only divides and weakens 
their unions in the fight for higher living standards. 

The Communist Party 

The past few years have witneaeed an all-out campaign to destroy the rights 
of Communists within the trade unions, through the anti -communist provisions in 
the Taft-Hartley Act , tiirough security firings, through congressional committee 
witch hunts and other measures. This has been all too often abetted by some in 
the union leadership itself who strive to lead the pack in "cleaning out the 
communlBta." Communists have been attacked as "foreign agents," as elements 
which have interests separate and apart from the working class and which "use" 
the trade union movement to achieve these ends. 

These slanders must be tirelessly expose-i, and the fact that Communists 
have no interests apart from those of the entire working class must be brought 
home to the American workers again and again. This is a fact which the past 
history of our working class has repeatedly demonstrated. The Communists have 
a proud record -- a record of pioneering in industrial unionism and organization 
of basic industries. In the fight for unemployment Insurance and other social 
welfare measures. In the fight for the rights of Negro workers and in many other 
of the major advances made by labor, ^ven our enemies are compelled to recognize 
that Communists are capable of the utmost devotion and self-sacrifice, and many 
In the trade union movement know from their own experiences that effective org- 
anization and struggle is impossible without sucli a dedication. The annals of 
U.S. labor hiatory for the past ko years give a great deal of evidence of the 
vital role the Communists h^ve played in many of the historic struggles and 
advances of labor. 


Although weakened by McCarthylte repressive lave, by persecutions, Imprlson- 
nsnt of Its loaders, and hounding of Its members In the unions. Communists have 
nevertheless Bttde tbelr contributions also In recent years In the struggles of 
the unemployed and In the struggles for labor's rights and the rights of the 
Negro people. Conmunlsts, as active unionists alongside their fellow workers, 
have helped In every way to defeat the assault of the steel companies. In all 
such struggles our Party has striven to Influence the entire labor movement 
toward more effective solidarity and united action. 

In regard to our Party's position on key problems confronting labor, our 
Party leadership nationally and on State levels has not adequately brought the 
Party's ideas to the trade unionists. There has been an inadequate appreciation 
of the la^rtance of trade unions and activity In them. We have not always reacted 
in tlms and with required energy. Whenever wehave done so, the working people 
whom we reached have displayed interest in the opinions of Communists and have 
considered our ideas as constructive contributions to their thinking and to their 
struggles . 

Our Party must strive to overcome these shortcomings. In this manner w© 
■hall more effectively fulfill our Party's objective to help strengthen the labor 
snt, advance the interests of the workers and all people. 

Communists in the unions seek to establish the closest and friendliest 
personal relations with their fellow workers, to create the utmost unity and co- 
operation for their conmon objective of advancing the best Interests of the 
Working people and the trade union movement. 

Today the Kennedy -Landrua-Griff in Act seeks to shackle the unions, and also 
seeks to place further obstacles in the way of participation of Connnunlets in 
the labor movement. But it should be clear that this Act, using the bogey of 
antl-conmunlsB, opens the door to prosecution of trade unionists of all political 
▼lews. It demonstrates anew and more sharply than ever the harmfulness of anti- 
communism to all of labor. The Communist Party itself, while continuing to make 
ItB contribution to the prresent struggles of the working class will fight tlre- 
leesly for the abolition of all such repression. And It will do so in relation- 
ship to the fight to advance both the immediate interests of the working class 
aad its ultimate interest -- socialism. 

Today, socialism has becoma a subject for the widest dlscuealon. More and 
■ore, American workers are weighing its merits and examining it in all serious - 
ness aa a way of life. Communists will Join in these discussions and strive to 
foster the understanding of sociallSB among workers. They will promote the cir- 
culation of the Marxist press and literature. They will flnd.wayB of building 
the Party in the ranks of the American working class and of bringing to the 
American workers, out of their own experiences, the understanding of the necessity 
for a socialist solution of their problems and needs. 




The Resolutions Conanitte on Latin ijaerioa considers that it is necessary to 
hnvo a ringing statement on Latin America, finishing it up v^ith some concrete jr opoe- 
als. That is, aid to the Latin /jaerican peoples against exploitation and oppression 
by American imperialism. However, because Puerto Rico is the most directly exploit- 
ed colony of /uaerican inperialisn, and because of the urgent need for stepping up 
activities in behalf of the Puerto Kioan population in Now York, New Jersey, Connsct- 
lout, Illinois srnd many other states where Puerto Blcans are now living in consider- 
able numbers, we propose a special resolution on ^Mrto Rican vK>rIc«' 

Rierto Rico is a nation. It is a direct colony of American Inperiallsm. 

The Party has a tiio-fold task in relation to Puerto Rican work. 

First, to aid the people in Puerto Rico in the fight against econooic, social 
and political oppression by Tall Street imperialism, and for full sovereignty aid 

Second, to aid the Puerto Ricans in their struggles against ectrerae conditions 
of poverty, slum ghettoes, discrimination, police brutality, and other forms of op- 
pression against thd Puerto Ricans in the United States, 

Puerto Rican youth has been used as cannon fodder, t4 thout consultation or con- 
sent from the Puerto Rican people, in all TJ, S. imperialist wars. 

Over 65,000 Puerto Ricans participated in the Second ^orld "ar. Puerto Rioo 
suffered one casualty for every 660 inhabitants of FUorto Rico as comparec' mth one 
casualty for every 1,125 inhabitants of the United States in the U. S, imperialist 
invasion of Korea. 

As of December 1958 there v/ere 608,000 Puerto Ricans ty birth and 241,000 of 
Puerto Rican parentage living in the United States. There are sizeable Puerto Rican 
communities in large cities from coast to coast, with a Puerto Rican population of 
654,000 in Nev; York City alone. 

The National Convention therefore declares that it is an imperative duty for 
our Party to turn its face to the Puert Rican people, to learn their conditions and 
needs and to give them practical and political aid in their efforts to organize 
themselves into unions, to raise their desperately lo'i v/ages, to improve housing 
conditions and abolish slums, to attain proper education, to meet the social, cul- 
tural and economic needs of their youth, to combat the chauvinist campaign of slan- 
der and lies about the Puerto Rican people, and to struggle against every act of 
discrimination and oppression. 

The Convention considers that appropriate attention to the vital needs of the 
Puerto Rican and Negro people is a test of Coimnunist integrity and responbibility 
because the Communist Party has al'.vays been distinguished by the fact that it is the 
defender and champion of the most exploited and oppressed sections of the w rklng 

This Convention decided upon the following concrete steps to overcome the long 
neglect and grave weaknesses in relation to our vo rk among the Puerto Rican peoplet 

1, The incoming National Committee shall make a thorough study and evaluation of 
our nork in every community and industry in rrhich there is a significemt number 
of Puerto P.icans throughout the United States, Special emphasis in this study 
shall be ti^en to housing, jobs, oeace, tuad political action. 

2, Consideration shall be given to Rierto Rican Commissions in states -here there 
are la rg populations of Puerto Ricans, and Puerto P.ican concentration clubs, 
enlistint, for such clubs Spanish-speaking and other comrades interested in 
Puerto Rican 'jork. 

3, The National Convention shall organize a Party seminar and classes on Puerto 
Rican -lork in every city vdth large Puerto Rican communities, 

4, A special bulletin shall be issued in Soanish devoted to facts of Puerto Rican 
life anc experiences in struggles based upon the proposed study and experiences, 

5, iTithin a reasonable time and after adequate preparation, state conferences shall 
be called of delegates from all clubs (or sections) to drav up a fuller state- 
wide plan of v'ork. An important feature of such conferences shall be the ques- 
tion of jobs for Puerto Ricans and Negroes, 


6» A special connlssion on Puerto Rloan nork •hall bt sot up by tha National 
EUeoutlv« Conmittse. 

7, The TTorker, Politloal Affairs, and other publioatlona shall give major atten- 
tion to Puerto Rloan vrork, 

8» The Party shall make a conscious and persistent effort to involve Puerto Rican 
oenbera and leaders In all phases of leadership. 

9. this National Convention shall send a message of greeting to our brother Party 
of Puerto Rioo paying ttrlbute to the oourageous stand taken by the T/itnas«e« 
called before -^he Un-American Connlttee in Puerto Rioo, and aiutll pledge them 
our full aid in the struggle against proposed contempt citations as wall a« 
other attacks against the sovereignty of -(he Puerto Rloan nation. This conwen- 
tion recognizes the self-criticism by the National Comnittee of the inadeqoat* 
support given to the Puerto Rican uomradas and others In oonneotion with the 
to-American Conmittee hearings both hero and in Puerto Rioo. 

]I0» This Convention of the Comnunlst Party of the United States demands the free- 
dom of Dr. Padro Alblzu Campos and all other Puerto Rloan political p* isonor* 
now in Puerto Rloan and federal prisons In tha U&ited States* 




The Party is rallying in unity around policies for mass work, for peace f 
democracy and secvtrity. It is consolidating its ranks on the basis of the uni- 
versally valid principles of Marxism-ienlnisin as applied to the specific conditions 
of American life. 

For these reasons, and because of increasingly favorable objective conditions 
in the overall, it faces the urgett necessity as well as new opportunities for re- 
building and revitalization. The correct mass policies of this 17th Convention 
arm the Party with the first essential. In the new conditions, for the renewed 
development of the Ccncnunlst Party, USA. 

But the opportunities and possibilities flowing from our correct general line 
will come to naught unless we grasp one other essentials the need to gear the 
Party, in every facet of its activities, to the correct application and fiifUlment 
of its mass policies. Given these conditions, our small Party could, in the condi- 
tions shaping txp, almost overnight becoiae a large and influential force in the 
life of our country. 

To do this, it will be necessary t 

1, To shake off and overcome apathy, certain concepts, practices, and 
shortcoBrijTgs which remain with us f*om the pastj 

2, To make a turn in the fight for the Party's ideological and organizational 
work directed to the realization of the mass Une, 

Tho perspective before the American people, and hence before our F^rty, Is 
one of heightening mass struggles as the conflict over the f\iture economic and 
political course of our country sharpens. 

Already a new fluidity characterizes the national and local scenes as groijps 
and individuals begin to shift their positions to meet changed conditions. 

These developments are a signal to the Party to be ready to react more quick- 
ly and with greater boldness to events, both in the application of the united front 
and in timely projection of Party and Left initiatives. 

They are also an alarm clock rousing us to the time of day, advising that 
while we have time to make a break with the primarily defensive posture of 
"holding operation" conceptions, we have no tiine to lose. 

To gear the Party to the fvafillment of the 17th Convention decisions 
requires that in gocx3 tine — the shcrt.est necessary time — ve overcome our rsost 
serious weaknesses, we solve a nimber of long-unsolved problems, 

X, Overcome Our Shortcomings 

Tho Party approaches the t.ask of drastically improving its ideological and 
organizational work, of eliminating weaknesses, from the standpoint of confidence 
in its scientific socialist theory and with the knowledge that, despite the rav- 
ages of the recent years, it has the capacity, the vitality and the will to ful- 
fill its guiding role in relation to the mass struggles of the people. 

The wave of revisionism which threatened to engvlf the Party has been repxlLs- 
ed, and those who sought to deny the need for a Marxist vanguard party of the 
working class have been routed. The anti-Party sectarians have been rebuffed and 
incorrlgllile domatisra finds Itself more and more isolated. 

The Ideological imity of the Party has been restored in very considerable 
measure. Today, it is possible for a united Party to wage the struggle against 
opporttmlst teixiencies to the right or to the "left" as they arise concretely 
In the course of mass work. 

The Party' s capacity and potential for mass work has been demonatrated in 
dlfflciILt conditions a«l at the very time when the revisionists were proclaiming 
its death and the sectarians were clamoring for policies which would further 
Isolate the Party, 

co^I^^^NIST party — northern California district 2303 

Despite certain glaring gaps and ouch unnvennese, the Party played an Import- 
ant role In a number of electoral etrugglea (California, Ohio, Now York, Illinois, 
Michigan, etc.); In a number of strike atruggleo (steel, auro, packing, hospital, 
etc.); In t^to fight against unemploynient (national and 8tat»? tnarchea, lobbies): 
in the fight for integrated schools, housing and for state FEPa; and in the devel- 
optnent of peace actions, especially in r<?latlon to X and H bomb tests and ctber 
ispues In a number of areas. 

A number of districts (Illinois, California, etc) have developed their cap- 
acity for united front actions on local and national issues, a capacity wh'.c»: ex- 
tends to a growing number of sections. 

At the eaoB tine, the Party has advanced Its public role In nujnBroue ways: 
the distribution of over 1^ million pieces of national and local mass matsrials 
of all kinds since the l6th convention; the growth of the number of Party and Left 
eponeored mass i»etlnt?s and foruma; the more frequent appearance of ttie Party at 
public ftearlngs, on radio and television; the growth of invitations to Party apeak- 
ero on college campuses and before mass organizations, 

Marxist education has been revived in a number of areas. There Is a growth 
of Marxist study circles and claspea for non-ConmunlBts . A beginning has been 
made toward re-eotablishlng a cadre tr«lnin« program. Major headway has been made 
In the resolution of basic tlieoretlcal questions relating to the Negro question. 
Attention to youth work, for some time completely abandoned, has been resumed. Re- 
cruiting has been renewed in a number of areas. And important advances have been 
registered also In other fields. 

Keccgnizlng tnat those accomplishments afford proof that the Party has the 
will to live, to fulfill its vanguard role, the fact remains that they are only 
a small iildlcatlon of what must and can be done, if we overcome our weaknesses. 
That this much was done in the midst of the critical inner situation and great 
objective difficulties attests to the basic health of the Party, to the fact that 
It haa the inner strength and resources to make the required drastic improvement. 

Side by side with these accompllBhnents, and hampering tl*lr spread and 
development, are a number of serious weaknesses: 

1. The temporary loss of the Dally Worker and the checking of the decline 
in Worker circulation at such a low point as to prolong the critical situation 
of the press, (see special resolution). 

2. We are plagued with continued underestimation of organizational work, 
with much organizational looseness, reflected in unsatisfactory functioning of 
many Party organizations, departure from the principle of democratic centralism, 
in the low ebb in the circulation of literature as well as the press, in the 
absence of systematic recruiting, and many other ways. 

3. Great unevenness of participation In the Party's mass work from district 
to district, section to section, club to club, member to member. 

I*. Insufficient collectivity at all levels in working out mass policies, 
planning mass work; in the course of Its execution, and in subsequent evaluation 
and exchange of experiences. 

5. Tailure to rally the Party as a whole to react in tims and with sufficient 
strength to a number of important situations affecting the interests of the work- 
ing class, the Negro people and their allies. 

o. Failure to give necessary attention to a number of Important areas, 
such as national group work, - especially the Spanieh-Bpoaklng minuritles, - 
farmers; and the problame of women. 

7. Insufficient attention to Ideological work and cadre development; 

3. Insufficient attention to problems of mass education, Rspecially tc 
the development of class, political «nd socialist consciousness on the urgent 
Issues of the day. 

It is InrperatlTe that ve be 'jnrelentlng In the struggle to overcome tCese 
veakDessea in the ahortest poeaible tlae. 


III. Gear the Party to its mss Policlest 

A, Master the United Front V 

Mastery of the theory and practice of the united front policy is the key 
task before the whole Party ~ every organization , every member » 

The imlted front is the basi« stfle and rgthod of omt mass work . Its valid- 
ity encompasses comrades in the labor and mass organizations aa well as those 
comrades able to ftmction piillcly as Coim-jnists In or o\it cf rass organizations, 

Ovx ideological work must be directed first of all toward re-^ming the Party 
iTith a keen understanding of the theory and practice of the -jnited front, and how 
to bidld the Party in the course of its dev3lcpment. It must canbat concepts 
■rfiich req\iire ideological agreement as the basis of unity in action, It shoifl.d 
develop ijnderstanding of the role of Left Initiative and of the ftLrty's independ- 
ent role in relation to the united front. It must iufcue the entire Party with the 
confidence that all members, cill Party organizations can and must play a role in 
winning this biggest unwon battle: whether on a large scale of helping to move 
many organizations in concert on one or more issues, or on a small scale of mov- 
ing 3, 5, 7 people on single Issues, 

Practical leadership must be directed first of all to helping members, cluba 
emd sections solve problems of developing the united front. The absence of at- 
tention and guidance to work in the mass organizations must be overcome. 

Work in mass organizations must be placed on a selected, concentration basis 
just as it is vitally necessary to overiiava. and modernize the Party' s tlme-testod 
main policy of concentrating its attention to basic, decisive sections of the 
working class. As in the policy of industrial concentration, stvriies must be 
made of the mass organizations and Issues to determine focal points of priority 
attention which are decisive to moving masses on their urgent needs, 

Riow^ow in the development of mass viork must be pranoted through restoring 
the practice of exchanging experiences and evciluating activities, through con- 
ferences and other appropriate means. 

Assistance must be provided comrades in vinlons and mass organizations tcward 
learning how to advance Party policies, how to go about btdJding Left groupings, 
how to develop political and class consciousness, how to bring people closer and 
closer into the Party, 

The reraants of distorted concepts of security left over fran the ffcCarthy 
period, which han^r the Party's capacity to develop the united front, miist be 
overcome. Real problems of safeguarding the Party and its members from reactions 
persecution must be separated out of the mass of confusion and distortion which 
s\irrounds this qiestlon in many areas, and resolved on the basis of collective 
application of a general Party position to each specific, indivldiial case. Above 
all, it must be approached frcan the viewpoint of safegviarding the capacity of 
Connunlsts to do mass work, to increase the influence of the Party's policies, 
to advance the united front-^ind not as an excuse to evade these responsibilities, 

B. For Renewal of Left Initiatives , 
A number of recent experiences confirm the value and need of tlnely and 
properly project Left initiatives in b-jilding the united front, and in, sooner 
or later, helping to rewin acceptance of Left as well as Communist participation 
in united fronts. 

At the present level of development, there are many cases in ^Ich Left 
initiative can stimiiate united activities and movements. The emergence of a more 
militant. Left in the struggle of the labor and Negro people's movements today 
affirm this necessary and places a new urgency upon more conscious efforts to 
help reconstitute the Left in the mass movement. 

At the same time, outside the existing mass oi^anizations of labor and the 
peop3.e, the experiences of the Committee for the Protection of Foreign Bom 
nationally and in some areas, of organizations for defense of civil liberties 
in Illinois, California and elsewhere, as well as of certain other organizations, 
prove the value and the need for reviving certfiin types of Left orgcinlzations 
rfiere they can stimulate - not conflict with— the mass movements, 

C. Strengthen the Party for Its *fas3 Tasks . 
The irregular functioning of many Party clxibs, the unsatisfactory level of 
literature and press circulation, the widespread organizational looseness and 


l*ok of •tt«DtlorD to political organ liatlooftl work, th* uoglBct of •duoatlooal vork 
m ainy an»a..^U ••rlouaiy lupalr th. Party, omv^itny to carry out It. »ollol«a. 

The B*Int«nanco and 8trength»nlng of ths Party la Inaispanaabla to Ite ability 
to help build tli» united front, to holp the groat najorlty of tbe Asv^lcan people 
find tbelr vay to a cosmon arena of atniggle against monopoly reaction. 

The tendency to tranofom the two harnionloue sides of Party work Into conflict/ 
Ing, antagonistic Interests, as expressed In the erroneous concept of "Inner work 
verbuo aass work' Inflicts the great daoage to the Party. It must be resolutely" 
ov»rcoinB . 

There can be no effective Party work which is not directed in one way or another 
to the solution of pass probleme, to the deTelopnent of united action of the people 
for peace, democracy, economic and social advance . There pan be no effeotlre work 
In the labor and people's organltatlone which is not directed In one way or another , 
to winning non-Pa-.-ty people to support Id their ovn beat Interests united, aaas 
action for peace , democracy and security, and to strengthen the Party's Influence 
among the people, and to build the Party . 

The Party exists and labors for the psopls. All Party work Is nass work, In- 
cluding that which maintains and strengthens the Party Itself. All nass work by 
ComunlstB Is Party work, Including that which cannot, by virtue of objective fact- 
ore, be known as public Connualst work. Both advance the Interests of the people, 
both advance the interests of the Party. 

Kjvlng to Increase and strengthen Its work among the organized and unorganized 
sectors of the population, the Party must, therefore, all the more move decisively 
and rapidly to strengthen the organizational and educational vork of the Party. 

Improvemsnt of organizational and educational work must be directed first of 
all to strengthening the role of the Clubs. Club life must be enriched with the 
restoration of Ideological and theoretical discussions, and liberated from the mass 
of administrative detail now bogging them down. Necessary administrative functions, 
d'jss collections, financial contributions, etc. clog up club a^adas oolj when they 
ara not properly handled. Lack responsible people to handle thsm, or where clubs 
find little else to do. 

Every club must have a specific character and concrete reason for existence 
arising from the blending of Communist content and policies with the specific 
nature of the problems of the given less of people amongst whom It IItws and works. 
Bach club must know Its shop, Its conaunlty, Its area of responsibility as It knows 
Its own nenbers. It must develop a program to aeet the needs of the rieople whom 
It seeks to Influence. It must plan Its meetings In advance aimed at working out 
the neans of advancing the club program. 

The method of planning work must be restored, discarding the negative features 
brought to light from past errors. It Is necessary to distinguish between plans 
for what the club (or section and district) can do in conditions It directly In- 
fluences - such as tbe public work of t^« Party - and planning in relation to the 
nass movements of the people. 

It Is one thing, and essential, for plans to determine how much we shall In- 
crease the circulation of The Worker and where and how; what leaflets ve shall 
Issue, on what, where and how often; what contacts we shall work up for recruit- 
ing, etc. It la another, and harmful, thing to transnose this type of planning 
to the arena of mass organizations and trade unions. 

For tble, another type of planning la required. To achieve thla type of 
planning. It Is necessary to develop not only maximum clarity on the Party's 
nBsa policies, but also to thoroughly learn the problems and needs of the people 
amongst whom we work, to be ever-attentive to their thoughts, moods and state-of- 
readlnese to respond, to develop maximum flexibility In tactics based on what we 
learn from listening to the people, and readiness to consult with them on ways 
and seana of advancing the coiaBDn Interest. 

Throi^h such nAss work, each club can build groups of people around Itself 
to work with and draw upon to build the Party. And In such conditions of thriving 
Communist mass work, tt» clubs will find the healthiest state for the solution of 
the vital administrative functions of the Party. 


Especially imperative ie the nsed to strengthen the Party' s base among the 
industrial workers and the Negro peoples To re-establish the concentration policy 
it is necessary to overcome the separation *i:ich has developed between the I^urty' s 
indiBtrial and comunity wort:. The >^olo Party must cone to know the problems of 
the woricine class, Negro and white, and its unions; of its decisive sectors first 
of all 5 and the Party's policies toward them. 

The Party's community meTtbers are a vital force for reaching industrial workert 
in their hoass and neighborhood organizations - not only with inqsortant distribu- 
tion and sale of mass literature and press - but also in helping to generate united 
labc*-coimnunity activity and political action on the urgent Issues of the day, in 
building the united front, 

nie relationship between industrial and comnunity work must bo re-aacosined with 
a view to their maximim possible integration or coordination consistent with the 
needs of maintaining and strengthening the basic shop and conmunity clubs. 

New organlsatlomal foraa auat ba lougbt and t««t«4 to laprov* tha I^rty'a abil- 
ity to r»«ch the people with its leaa cmd concentration pollclea. Tandanciea to 
conaarvatlsa In orcpnizatlon, to tanacloualy hold onto outaoded fonM froa shear 
habit Kuat be eunDountad vbiia giarding agalnat taodnclaa to llquldata proven baalc 
abop and coBnunlty foma. 

C. Develop Collectlva Work ! 

RalAtad to the declloa In attention to Party organluitlon, and procaadlng par- 
allal vltb It, has been a departure from collective netboda of work. Thle baa 
becona a aerloue veakneaa, and the atrengthanlng of and the fight for collective 
work has beoooa a prlae neceaaity. 


Collaotlva work nsane not oerely that leading bodlea/regularly and arrive at 
decisions together. It also Involvsa Party dlaelpllna - tha reeponalblllty and 
aubordlnatlon of each Individual to the collective. Iv aaana a conatant review 
of tito work of every leading body and Ita Individual aeabera and a ocotlnual pm- 
oeaa of Marxist critlclan and aelf-crltlclaa In the courae of tha work. It re- 
qulrea full reatoretlon of the prlnclplaa and practlcea of deaocratlo oeutz«llaa 
while coobattlng bureaucratic tendenclee. 

But the concept of collective work la by no means confined to relations among 
■Biribers of lectdlng bodies. It also Inoludea those between leaderahip and nsmber* 
ship, between higher and lower organizational levels — all the more ao today when 
the Party must learn to operate with far fewer f ull-tlmere . Beal collective work 
meana pooling the erperlence and Judgment of membership and leadership as tha best 
basis for arriving at correct decisions. This concept includes aendlng out .^ h e ska 
OD policy oBttera In advance ot osetlnga to secure verification or Improveosnt froa 
the field. It la thle which constitutes the essence of ^rty deaiocraoy, which re- 
aldea not ao much In the fonnl counting of votes aa In the extent to which decla- 
lona az« based In actuality on the widest participation of the 'Party nemberahlp. 

It la Important also to foater Initiative froa below. The action of the Nlob- 
Igan Party, setting up area councils consisting of club leaders and state coBBlttee 
■ei^jere, la a cosoaendable effort In this direction. 

Today, aa a result of all the Party has gone through, the oenfcerahip will no 
longer simply take the word of the leadership tut luslats on being convinced and 
belplng to fonnuLate policy - a sign of grmater health and maturity. 

Although there has been Improvement In collective work during the past two 
jamr9, the present situation leaves much to be desired. Both nationally and on 
the district level, there is a widespread tendency to substitute individual action 
for collective leadership. Individual leaders report on their work Infrequently 
or not at all, are not held sufficiently reaponslble to the collective. 

Th« leadership, especially In the national center. Is not sufficiently close 
to tho msmbershlp. It falls to give adequate guidance to the Party's work, la 
not sufficiently felt In the ranks of tho Party. 

Considerable Inprovenent In style of work Is required. Leadership must oske 
Itself more readily available, must develop much greater Initiative and boldness 
In maintaining contact. In giving conroteness to its guidance of the Party's work. 
Among other' things, every Party leader should not only be a member of a club, but 
also attend meetings and pat^lolpate in the club's activities as much as possible. 
Thle will aid the clubs In question, aid the leaders In turn, lessen the gap be- 
tween Leaders and aeabere and further help to renew confidence In leadership. Otttor 
means of Increased contact and exchange ahoold be sought, such as nsetlngs with 


repreeentatlve groups of club and section leaders or comrades active in specific 
fields of work, to discuss particular problems, Sujh consultative meetings can 
In many cas«8 be extended to include non-Party people. 

Every Party leader should, as part of a systematic cadre-training policy, 
select and help develop newer and younger cadres; and to achieve a proper blending 
and utilization of older and younger comrades. 

Consldei^tion should also be given to the establishment of regional organiza- 
tions as exists for the Southern region. These can serve as valuable links in 
the chain of leadership, providing a means of more frequent, more extensive and 
more concrete discussion of problems than is possible on a national scale. 

The fight for coUective work demands an all-out struggle to put an end to all 
manifestations of factionalism and factional approaches. This vicious evil, grown 
to gtenacing proportions in the course of the Party crisis, has in the main been 
rioted out of our ranks as the Party has turned more and more to mass work. How- 
ever, manifestations of incorrigible factionalism persist in a few quarters, 
threatening to disnqrt the work of the Party anew. These must be eliminated, for 
nothing is more destructive of Party imity and collective work. The pernicious 
theory that innei«-ftrty differences Inervitably give rise to factionalism, assidu- 
ously spread by the factionalists in self-justification, must be expKSsed as an 
anti-Party idea. Factionalism is an evU which cannot be tolerated if the Party 
is to play its role and grow. 

Finally, attention to recruiting as a systematic, ongoing activity of the 
Party must be re-established (see special resolution;. Not only are new possib- 
ilities developing for recruitjsent, especially among industrial, Negro Jind young 
people; organized attention to recruiting is indispensable to achieving the re- 
stored growth and influence of which the Party is capable. We must attempt to 
win back the sound elements among those who left the Party, through a recruiting 

Above all, far more attention must be paid the Marxist press. In the Party's 
present circmstances, the need of The Woricer as an organizer and raobilizer of 
the membership, ais an instrunert for reaching out beyond the Party, is consider- 
ably greater than in the past. This includes not only greater attention by Party 
organisations, but the bidlding of independent organizations to promote and sup- 
port it wherever possible. Building the press is mass work. Party leaderehip 
should participate more in writing for the press. The incoming ^fetional Commit- 
tee must also eocplore the possibilities, for developing conditions favorable for 
the re-institution of the Dally Worker, 

* ft » 

The Communist Party OS A has come through the fires of many ordeals. It is 
being steeled and ten^ierod. It has begun to achieve the quality of matiirity, 
Amed with correct mass policies, aware of the need to fight for correct applica- 
tion of those policies to every locality and to strengthen the Party organization- 
ally and ideologically, the 17th Convention is confident that our Party will suc- 
ceed in transforming the new qualities it is acquiring into mass influence to 
help advance the best national interests of our country in a world of peace, 

if # ## 



(Report of Hyrcn Luner, National Ed. Director, to ITtli Nat'l Convention) 

Anong the noat far-reachlnr; cnneequencec of the Khruohchev vlalt t^ our shores 
it? the Inpetuo It hae clven to the fleiaind f-^r ''Isarranent, not only In thie country 
but throughout the world. His -^ranQtlc propocal for total unlveroal aisartooent In 
four years, nade In hie epeech before the United Nations, has especially contributed 
to raising the lesue of ending; the arns race to one of first rank. 

In this country, dlsaraaoent has becooB the subject of the noet intense Inter- 
est and discussion on all sides— not as an Ideal whose realization Is relegated to 
the renote future, but as a fjoal within actual reach. Today, conservative business 
publications discuss In all seriousness the prospect of cuts In nllltary expendi- 
tures of y^i) within a eln/:;le year and d-^vote nuch space to probing their consequenc- 
es. In the par^e "f our dally newspapers, leading economists write extensively on 
tile subject. And everywhere the question Is being aslsBd: What will be the effects 
of total dlsaraaoent? Will It bring depression and nass unenploynent? 

What pronpts this question le the fact that since World War II, nllltary expend- 
itures have becorfi a highly Important factor In our econony. In 1939, tliey were 
lees than 1^ of the national product. Even at their lowest point after the war. 
In 19'*?, they were nearly % of a substantially larger national product. During t^e 
Korean war they rose to 15^, and since then they have remained at about 10^ of our 
total output. About 7-8^ of the labor force Is directly employed In nllltary pro- 
duction. If we add those Indirectly employed In connection with it, the total 
conea to about 15^, 

Currently, arms outlays on a world scale total ab-ut $100 billion. Of this, 
American outlays coma to nearly half. Moreover, for a number of years, the United 
States has been exporting arms to other countries to the tune of eooe billions of 
dollars a year. For a number of years now we have been living ijnder a pemar.ent 
peacetime arms economy, and in what has been termed a "garrison state." 

Whole connunities have become economically dependent on anas industries. The 
UO-odd billions a year spent on arns is widely viewed as a necessary prop to the 
econory and a protection against crisis. And Anerican workers have generally cone 
to look upon arms production as a guarantee of Jobs — the answer to uneaploynsnt , 

Put it is in reality none of these things. The American people have been made 
victims of a hoax. 


Military expenditure is a form of state monopoly capitalism — that is, of using 
the financial resources of the government to protect and augment monopoly profits, 
with the working people footing the bill. In other words, it is a way of using the 
state apparatus to increase the extraction of surplus values. 

It is the form of government spending most preferable to big business. Its 
desirability to then lies first in the fact that it provides a guaranteed market 
which is also extremely profitable --as a rule much more so than civilian produc- 
tion. Thus, while profit on Invested capital of the 500 biggest cenpanles in 1957 
averaged 11, U^, profits of the twelve largest recipients of military orders ranged 
from lU.l'jt to 21.31&. ( Fortune , July, 1958). The actual rate of profit is often 
much higher than these figures show. If we take into account the fact that In the 
aircraft industry much of the plant and equipnsnt has been built at governnent ex- 
pense and turned over to private corporations to operate, profit rates have in a 
number of cases run at well over 100^ -- a doubling of investment in a single year. 

Second, the products, in view of their uselessness except for war, offer no 
competition with production for the civilian market. Third, since the basis pre- 
sented for arms production le an alleged need to defend the country against aggres- 
sion, workers can be induced to sacrifice for it, say In the form of higher taxes — 
eonething which they would not readily do for other purposes. And finally, it 
dovetails with monopoly capital's aggressive tendencies and aims. And the atnoe- 
phere of war hysteria which is the necessary Justification for militarizing the 
econonjy is one which is conducive to McCarthylte political repression and an anti- 
labor drive. It is not surprloing, therefore, that military expenditures have be- 
cone by far the nost extensive form of state monopoly capitalist operation, com- 
prising well over half of the total federal budget. 


Ecoooralcally, tHo olKnlflcanco of mllltory expemilturee lie In their utter 
waetefulnees. They are ae wnetoful ae If the floods were simply dumped Into the 
ocean, or as If armies of nen were put to work dliTglnfx holes and then fllllnc them 
up. Consequently, they serve especially well as a means of destroying the economic 
surplus which capitalism Inevitably generates. In an economic crisis, the surplus 
le In larRe part destroyed, at the expense of the capitalists. In military produc- 
tion the sans thin^ le accomplished to the profit of the capitalists and at the ex- 
pense of the workers. 

For what Is wasted must be paid for by eooeone. The money which the government 
spends Is obtained through taxation or borrowing. Either way, a share of civilian 
purchasing power Is approprlate3 by the government and then redistributed through 
the military expenditures. And In the process the workers Invariably cone out on 
the short end . 

They pay a disproportionate share of the heavy and growing burden of taxes. 
For example, a much higher share of personal Income tax le paid by low-lncone groups 
today than before the war. And today the average worker pays out fully one -third 
of his eamlnrs In taxes. As for government borrowing. It le chiefly the big corp- 
orations, banks ar^ Insurance companies which own the government bonds and collect 
the more than $8 billion a year In Interest on them. It Is the working people who 
pay the major share of that Interest, amounting to more than ten cents of every 
federal tax dollar. 

Furthermore, since It destroys a part of the national wealth, the money spent 
on arms maintains a given level of demand without producing an equivalent supply of 
goods or services. It therefore leads to rising prices. And If the government, 
instead of borrowing from the existing money supply, finances Ita operAtlons by 
printing additional money, this forces prices up still more. Either way, workers 
pay through Inflated prices. Since 19^6, consuner prices have risen by no lees 
than U8^. 

But working people pay not alone in high taxes and rising prices. They pay 
hea-7-lly In terns of the social services for which tlie money spent on arms could 
have been used, and of which they are deprived. This was dramatically exproseed by 
none other than President Elsenhower himself. In a speech delivered in 1953. ^ 

Every gun that Is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired 
signifies — In the final sense — a theft from those who hunger and are 
not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed. 

This world In arms Is not spending money alone. 

It Is spending the sweat of Its laborers, the genius of Its sclenclsta, 
the hopes of Its children. 

The cost of one modern heavy bomber Is this; a modem brick school In 
more than 30 cities. 

It le: two electric power plants, each serving a town of 60,000 

It le: two fine, fully-equipped hospitals. 

It Is: some 50 miles of concrete highway.... 

We pay for a single destroyer with new homes that could have housed 
more than 8,000 people. (Quoted from Lumer, War Economy and Crisis , p. 229.) 

It would be well for the people to remind the President of these words. 

More recently, the effects of the arms economy have been shown in a study 
presented In the AFL-CIO publication. Labor -s Economic Hevlew (June-July, 1959). 
Here a recent report prepared under the direction of General J. S. Bragdon, Special 
Assistant to President Elsenhower, Is quoted as saying: "In almost every field In 
public works — hospitals, schools, civic centers, recreational facilities — shortages 
ere the rule, not the exception. In almost every category we are falling farther 
and farther behind In meeting even cui-rent demands," 

The study shows that whereas 100,000 classrooms a year are needed, only 60- 
70,000 are being built. The estloated need for public school construction Is 
about $4 billion a year; but only $3 billion Is being spent. Add to this the need 
of funds to raise teachers' salaries enough to attract competent teachers and end 


the growing ebortage, or of funds for echolarshlpe to enable the ceny talented 
young people to attend college vito cannot now afford It. 

We need two million new housing unite a year; only 1.3 nllllon are being con- 
structed. We need more than 1,200,000 hospital beds a year; not much more than 
half this number are provided for. We need 5,000 public health centers, 15,000 
dlacnostlc or treatment centers, 500 rehabilitation centers for the handicapped. 
We need 20 new medical schools ncfw, and an equal number of dental schools In the 
next ten years. We need far more money for medical research. 

And so on. 

The study manages somehow to avoid mentioning the fact that It Is because of 
the huge burden of spending for arms that we cannot "afford" these things, and that 
the money now being thrown away on Instruments of destruction would more than cover 
the costs of these vital social needs. 

To be sure, military expenditures offer a temporary stlmulns to the economy. 
Large-scale war production provides an outlet for capital which, because of limited 
markets, cannot be so profitably Invested In civilian production. In this way, a 
decline In capital Investmsnt can be temporarily arrested. But once the given 
level of mllltaiy production Is reached, this shot -In -the -arm effect wears off, and 
Increased outlays are required to revive It. In addition, though it nay temporarily 
fceep the economy In a state of boom. It does so only by Intensifying the underlying 
factors making for crisis. 

The large -scale military outlays of the postwar years have not sufficed to pre- 
vent the outbreak of three economic slumps and a rising level of unemployment . And 
they have resulted In the persistence of a huge national debt, higher today than at 
the end of the war, which creates difficulties In further borrowing and greatly re- 
duces the margin of safety In the event of a crisis. In fact the per capita nation- 
al debt and in the «orld . 

Nor Is the stimulus of arms spending one which cannot be produced better, from 
the viewpoint of the working people. In other ways. If the money Is actually spent 
on arms rather than for other purposes, the basic reason Is political rather than 
economic. The arms eoononor grows out of the cold war, out of the aggressive designs 
of Wall Street. To change It, therefore, requires a political struggle on the part 
of the workers for such a change, as well as for monopoly to foot the bill. 

Finally, war econony Is Inseparable from war. It can be maintained, as w© have 
stated, only on the grounds that war threatens. John Foster Dulles, In a book 
written many years ago, expressed It very bluntly: He wrote: 

In order to bring a notion to support the burdens Incident 
to maintaining great military establishments. It Is neces- 
sary to create an emotional state akin to war psychology. 
There must be the portrayal of an external menace . ( War, 
Peace , and Change. 1931.) 


What would be the actual effects of a steep reduction In arms spending? 
Wh4t If the forty-odd billions now devoted to this purpose were to be cut off, 
eay within the next year? Would the bottom fall out of the economy? 

Some have argued that It would. They visualize several million now engaged 
In arms production being thrown out of work, plus nearly three million more being 
released from the armed forces Into a glutted labor market. This would, accord- 
ing to some estimates, raise the number of Jobless to some 15 million, or well 
over 20^ of the labor force. 


BuBlnoBB Reaction to Cute 

Generally, big buslnese views any threatned cut In armB outlaye vlth alarm, 
ae a hartln^er of oconomlc decline. The "peace Jlttera" In Wall Street with 
every development toward world peace, hcwever slight, are a familiar phencsnenon. 

Today, however, eorae are taking a more optlalstlc view of the natter, basing 
themselves on the possibility of very steep tax cute, ralslnc the base of both 
consuner demand and capital Investment to new peaks. Illustrative of this Is an 
article In the U. S. Chamber of Commerce Publication Nation's Business for October, 
1959, entitled "What Peace Would Do To You." The article etatesi "Any abrupt 
softening of cold war pressures --If It comes--can bring thla country a boom, not 
the recession suggested by such phrases as 'peace scare'. 

It would, the article argues, bring a rise In consuner goods spending far 
exceeding the cut In military spending, and concentrated in coneuraer durables. 
And because of the shift from military goods production, it would bring an upsurf^ 
in spending for new plant and equipment for consumer goods. Hence the state of 
the economy would be greatly improved . The same line of argument has appeared in 
U.S. News and World Report and other publications. 

As we ehall see, such predictions of a virtually automatic boom are unfounded. 
But the dire foreboding of an economic crash are equally unwarranted. They fail to 
take the entire picture into account, including various possible counter-acting 
factors. History shows that a sharp drop in arms expenditure need not result in a 
major crisis. To be sure, the War of l8l2, the Civil War and World War I were fol- 
lowed by depressions of some severity. But World War II was not, contrary to wide- 
spread expectations based on previous experience. Here, with effective price con- 
trols and rationing during the war, a large backlog of demand, both for capital and 
consumer goods, was built up. This, together with certain other consequences of 
the war, led to a period of rising national income, followed by nothing more severe 
than the relative mild igW-Ug crisis. And this despite a drop of some $77 billion 
in military outlays between 19^+ and iP"*?, $57 billion of it in 19^6 alone. 

It is therefore dangerous to generalize; each situation must be Judged in tL 
llg'.t of the existing circumstances. A sharp decline In military expenditures todaj 
Would find not a backlog of deferred civilian demand but excess capacity already ex- 
isting in civilian goods Industries, and more than 5^ of the labor force already 
unemployed. At the same time the total drop in arms expenditures would not be 
nearly as greftt as after World War II. 

But what is particularly Important is the fact that such a drop would also lay 
the basis for Important offsetting effects, made possible by the freeing of the 
enormous sums prevalouely spent on arms. 

First of all, it would make possible very substantial tax outs which would 
considerably raise consumer purchasing power. If the present arms budget were 
reduced to half— a cut of about $23 billion —and half of this in turn were allocat- 
ed to a cut in federal Income taxes, it would reduce the total of these by nearly 
20^. If the cut were confined to personal income taxes, it would reduce these by 
30^. And if it were concentrated among the low-income group, millions of workers 
would be freed of the paymsnt of income taxes altogether. This rise in purchasing 
power would provide a base for a substantial growth of production and employment 
in the consumer goods Industries, and help to absorb the men and women released 
from the armed forces and military production. 

Second, the funds released could be used for productive purposes --educationn, 
health, housing, old age benefits, etc. --which would also serve to raise living 
standards and n»ss purchasing power, and to provide Jobs. The cost of thirty mis- 
siles — about $1 billion— would provide 200 hospitals or 100 power plants, and would 
make available many more Jobs than would the production of the missiles. Less then 
20^ of present military appropriations would provide half a million houses a year, 
and employment for more than 800,000 workers in building and allied trades. In 
fact, the $U6 billion a year now going down the dialn would be more than enough, 
in addition to a good-sized tax cut, to provide all the unfilled social needs out- 
lined above, as well as to bring the economic level of the Negro, Puerto Rlcan and 
Mexican-Acerican workers up to the national average. 

Moreover, the hugs sums now spent on military research could be used to fin- 
ance research for useful purposes. A fraction of these expenditures Invested in 
research on heart disease and cancer, for example, would go far toward eliminating 
these as the number one and number two killers they now are. The development of 
peacetime uses of atomic energy would be greatly speeded up. And not least, the 
ending of the present secrecy of scientific and technical work would offer a tre- 
nendous stimulus to scientific advance. 

ofJoDT ()— pt. 4 N 


l*lrd, the money now uaed to ehlp anas abroad ae "military aid" could be ueed 
for genuine economic aeslatance to undeTeloped oountrlee, In the form of long-term 
credits at low Interest for the purpose of Industrialization. This would raise 
living standards in these countries and provide greatly enj,arged markets for Amer- 
ican exports. 

Fourth, the easing of world tensions which le the basis for dlsamBnent would 
likewise open the doors to ending the embargo on trade with the socialist world. 
The potential volume of such trade Is large enough to nake it a factor of major 
Importance to the American eccoomy. In 1950, American exports to the Soviet Union 
amounted to less than $5 million. Considering that the Soviet population Is equal 
In size to those of Britain, Pi-ance, West Germany, Italy and the Netherlands com- 
bined, If we were to export to It on the sane basis as we now do to these five 
countries, the total vlue of such exports would be no less than $3 billion a year. 
It Is Interesting to note that Cyrus Eaton has arrived at a similar eatliuate. If 
we add to tUls the potential volume of trade with People's China and the Eastern 
European people's democracies, the present volume of American exports could be 
augcBnted by at least one -third —an Increase which would provide a considerable 
number of added Jobs. 

Summarizing these points In his speech to the United Nations, Premier Khrush- 
chev concluded: "The claims that dlsarnament would bring on a crisis or economic 
recession In the highly developed Industrial countries of the capitalist world are 
accordingly unfounded." 

This Is quite true. But by the sains token, neither will dlsanmment eliminate 
crises, any more than an arms economy will do so. The source of the boom-bust 
cycle lies much deeper In the economy, and neither arming nor disarming Is a pan- 
acea against It. 

Certainly, there Is no assurance that disarmament will automatically give 
rise to a boom, ae Nation's Business contends. With considerable excess product- 
ive capacity already existing. It would take a big Jump In consumer goods spending 
Indeed to stimulate new Investment to any considerable degree. Moreover, there is 
nothing automatic about the extent to which consumer pui^jhaslng power will be In- 
creased, nor about the realization of the beneficial effects of dlsarnarBnt gen- 
erally by the working people. Compelled to accomodate themselves to growing pros- 
pects of peace and a consequent gfowlng Inability to maintain an arms econocy as 
the principal means of bolstering their profits, the monopolies will seek by other 
means to protect them at the expense of the people. If there Is to be a tax cut, 
they will strive to nfike sure It Is they who get the benefit of It. If government 
funds are to be spent for purposes other than arms, they will demand they be spent 
so as to benefit big business. (A favorite measure Is road -building, which is 
highly profitable In the construction and. In the case of toll roads, In the opera- 
tion. And they will fight tooth and nail against government spending for low-cost 
housing or power projects, as Infringing on the sacred donfiln of private enter- 
prise. At the same time, they will call upon the workers to sacrifice and work 
harder In the name of meeting an alleged Soviet economic "threat." The working 
people can benefit from disarmament, therefore, only to the extent that they are 
successful In fighting to do so. 

Of course. In some areas where war Industries are predominant (especially 
where large aircraft plants are the chief source of Jobs), disarmament would 
create problems of unemployment, at least temporarily. In some cases (for ex- 
ample, aluminum electronics), the product can be used for peacetime purposes with 
little or no conversion, given an expansion of civilian markets; other Industries 
such as aircraft, however, would either have to convert to new products or drast- 
ically curtail operations. 

For the workers In such areas, there would Indeed be serious difficulties. 
But these would not be new. Such problems already exist as a consequence of the 
decline of employment In such Industries ae coal mining, decentralization and run- 
away plants, which have given rise to depressed areas marked by chronic unemploy- 
ment, areas whose number Is growing even with large-scale military expenditures. 
Furthermore, employment In certain key war Industries Is falling despite rising 
arms budgets. For example, the growing weight given to missile production — an 
experimental and pilot operation which absorbs many dollars but few production 
Workers --has meant a drop In orders for conventional aircraft, and In employment 
In the aircraft Industry. Thus, from the last quarter of 1956 to May, 1959, the 
number employed fell by 117,000 or nearly lU^. And this number has been further 
swelled as a result of recent large cancellations of military orders. 


These situations require a ptrogram of covermnent assistance for the rehabil- 
itation of Industry and for publlcworke In such areas, as well as Increased unen- 
ploynent compensation, debt and mortgage moratorlumB, Job retraining, asslatance 
In relocation and other measures designed to aid the workers affected and their 
families. Such a program Is needed now, and Is In fact, being advocated by org- 
anised labor today. With dlearnament It could be more readily carried out, since 
aaae of the money saved on arms could be used for the purpose. Certainly, these 
iJTobLsms would be no less capable of solution In a peacetime economy than In a 
var econoQsr -- to the extent that they can be resolved at all In a capitalist 
ecoQoiqy . 

Problemfl would also be created by the sudden addition to the civilian labor 
force of some 3 million men and woiaen released from the armed forces. Here, the 
payment of unemployment benefits to such veterans, along the lines of the 52-20 
paynente after World War II, would help neterlally to meet the situation. 

Hot least, special steps are needed to aid the Negro, Puerto Plcan and Mexl- 
can-Amerloan workers, who, being last hired and first fired, would be subjected to 
speolal hardship. 

In addition, some aoalstance would have to be given to snail business enter- 
prises affected, in the form of tax credits or financial aid. 

These things, too, will not be won without a struggle. In short, disarmament 
vlll not abolish the contradictions of capitalism. It will not remedy the basic 
instability of the American economy and the growing insecurity of American workers. 
It vill not of itself bring about a Utopia in which Jobs and prosperity are as- 

However, this in no way negates its enormous import for the American working 
people. Dlearnament will remove the principal obstacle to reduction of taxes and 
improvenent of social welfare. It will vastly increase the poeelbllitles of win- 
ning DBjor economic and social advances anfl of realizing in scaae measure the tre- 
mendous promise held forth by modem science and technology. If we add to this 
the Incalculable blessing of living in freedom from the fear of nuclear wer, as 
we?l as the eradication of the reactionary atomsphere of war hysteria, intimida- 
tion and repression of the cold war years, there can be no doubt that, whatever 
profit an arms econctay may bring to big business, the working people are Infin- 
itely better off without it, 

Hor is this confined to the United States alone. Disarmament is a world 
process, and on a world scale it can pave the way for a far-r«achlng transfom- 
atioQ. In his outstanding book. World Without War, the eminent British scientist 
J. D. Bemal states: "It is not only possible hut practicable to raise the stand- 
ard of living of all the world, within a generation, to that enjoyed by the people 
In the most favored countries today." This, he says, requires one proviso... that 
war is avoided. Not only must there be no fighting but something must be done to 
stop the present state of continuous war iireparation and threats of war, a waste 
of human resources and human intelligence 'chat is holding back the whole develop- 
ment of science itself and blocking its useful application." (p. 2) 


But it is not only the benefits of dlsanrament which must be fought for. 
Though disarmament has become a central ieeue, the fight to achieve it still lies 
abeeul. Even the initial steps are yet to be won. 

To be sure, there is a body of sentiment which takes disarnBraent with some 
seriousnese. For example. Senator 'Bnbert h.. Humphrey recently stated that he 
believes the Soviet leadership is serious in its proposals, and that we must make 
preparations so that disarmament will not cause a setback. But the fact is that 
the cold war has not been abandoned, and this means in the main a continuation of 
pressures for big arms budcets. 

For the past several years, arms expenditures have been rising; since 1959, 
they have gone up at an average rate of about $1.U billion a year (from $39.1 
billion in 1955 to an average annual rate of $1*6 billion In the first three 
quarters of 1959) . And this in the face of repeated declarations by Eisenhower 
th*t military expenditures were to be held down. 

At the same tine, there has been extensive pressure for still greater in- 
creases. A report of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, Issued last year, calls for 
a rate of increase of $3 billion a year for the next several years. The unpub- 


llshed Oalther Report projected a rlee to $65 billion a year by I963. Still other 
proposals envisage a rise within the nert few years to outlays of as much as $75 
billion annually. 

In this, the top Democratic Party leadership has Joined. Thus, In mld-1959 
the Advisory Council of the Democratic Rational Committee urged a program adding up 
to $3 billion more per year. ("The Military Forces We Need and How to Get Them," 
Democratic Digest, July, 1959) . An equal clamor has gone up from the top labor 
leadership which, like the Democratic Party spokesmen, has repeatedly charged tl* 
Elsenhower Administration with sacrificing the country's defense. So, too, have 
liberal economists like Leon Keyeerllng, whose proposed "National Prosperity Budgat" 
Includes provision for greatly enhanced arms outlays. He writes: "There would 
also be room In such a budget to lift our national security outlays In accord with 
the Judgment of the beet qualified experts..." (Conference on Econcxolc Progress, 
Inflation ; Cause and Cure. June, 1959.) 

Nor have these pressured lessened since the Khrushchev visit. The position 
of the Democratic Party spokesmen, the labor leadership and the liberal economists 
remains essentially unchanged so far. So does that of a Nelson Bockefeller and other 
Important representatives of monopoly. And within the Administration Itself, the 
State and Defense Departments only r«cently urged Elsenhower to raise his request 
for foreign military aid In the budget for fiscal 1961 from the $1.3 billion figure 
proposed by him to $2 billion. 

The Elsenhower proposals, on the other hand, call not for cuts In military 
expenditures, but merely for keeping them at present levels. And even this, more- 
over, Is little more than propaganda looking to the i960 elections. As James Beston 
puts it ( New York Times . November 13, 1959): "The Administration has embarked on a 
'peace program' and does not want it to coincide with increased military expendi- 
tures. It is talking disarnament. It wants to go into the I96O presidential 
political campaign as the party of 'peace and fiscal responsibility .'" (Our em- 
phasis.) In practice, Elsenhower, as in the past, proves not averse to proposed 
increases. Thus, he has yielded to the State Departmen* and Pentagon pressurds for 
higher foreign military aid appropriations. 

Generally, the idea of disarmament of any serious kind continues to be regarded 
as something unreal, A recent expression of what is the prevailing big business 
view was given only recently by Westinghouee Electrical Corporation president 
Mark W. Creeap, Jr. Advocating long-range as against "crash" arms programs, he said: 

A stable, long-range continuing defense program is preparation 
for peace. It is essential for our survival.... 

We need a stable and continuing military program because in the 
hears and decades ahead we Americans are going to be faced with 
the roughest kind of competition from peoples of demonstrated 
caliber and accomplishment. In this competition there is no 
second chance and no margin for error. ( New York Times, Sept- 
ember 25, 1959.) 

In short, the road to peace continues to be viewed as lying in arming ourselves to 
the teeth for the indefinite future. For large sections of big business, this is, 
of course, the road to greater profits as well both here and abroad. Thus, American 
arms nsnufacturers are today pouring large sums into reviving the West Germans arms 
Industries. Relying on a continued policy of rearming that country as Wall Street's 
chief European outpost, companies like General Electric, American Motors, Lockheed, 
General Dynamics, to nams but a few, are buying heavily into West German firms with 
arms contracts. 

New York Times writer Hanson W. Baldwin frankly regards dieamiament as "pie 
in the sky." He writes (November 8, 1959): 

...the agreements po far lie largely in the realm of semantics and 
of pious hopes, an; the disagreements are of fundamental substantive 
importance. Despite almost fifteen years of effort, there has been 
no progress in the limitation of arms, much less in "universal dis- 

He goes on to say that "...Mr. Khrushchev's glittering goal of 'universal and 
complete* disarmament is a mirage, a psychological come-on." 

The cold -war mentality dies hard. 


Juet as there ar« ae yet no eerloue novee toward actual reduction of arnifl, bo 
alao l8 there no elgn of easing the reotrlctlonB on Anerloan-Sovlet trade. 

last June, Premier Khrushchev made a Md for the purchaee of $100,000,000 
worth of American chemical and other Industrial equipment, an offer he repeated 
during his visit. The offer was rejected by Elsenhower when it was first mode, and 
again after Khrushchev's visit. 

Rockefeller has chimed In with a deneind that the Soviet Union be required to 
"comply with Western trading rules" as a condition for trade -- to pay In hard 
currencies and to "stop dumping goods" abroad. In November the Commerce Department 
refused erport licences for the sale of $15.6 million worth of stainless steel to 
the Soviet Union, as well as nearly $177,600 worth of chemicals. The Manufacturing 
Chemists Association flatly rejected the Soviet bid to buy chemical plants and pro- 
cesses, part of the $100 million offer, because this would allegedly give the Soviet 
Union the advantage of valuable technological shortcuts. 

Clearly, here too the cold-war mentality prevails. The fight for restoration 
of trade, like that for dlsarmement, is yet to be won. 


If any real advance Is to be made In the direction of disarmament, therefore, 
the extensive sentiment for It among the American people must find organized expres- 
sion, reflecting the widest unity of all who desire peace and an end to the arms 
race. Above all, the main leadership of organized labor must be brought to abandon 
Its present suicidal policy of aggressive promotion of cold-war policies and repeat- 
ed demands for Bigger arms budgets. 

At the same time, It is necessary to expose the hoax so long perpetrated on 
American workers, that arms production Is the answer to unemployment, and to launch 
a fight for economic alternatives to the arms economy. Of primary importance is 
lifting the embargo on trade with the socialist countrl«-s and the widest expansion 
of such trade. It is also essential to project now a program calling for tax reduc- 
tions for those in the low income brackets, for plans for a vast expansion oi social 
welfare of those subjected to loss of Jobs and income In the process of reducing 
arms production, and especially of the Negro, Puerto Rlcan and Mexican-American 
workers. Finally, it is necessary to project the perspective of an e#onomy of total 
disan»mDnt--an economy directed toward the realization of the vast potential which 
peace and disarnBnent would make possible. 

To be sure, the full realization of this potential requires more than the 
ending of war; it requires the victory of socialism. But the fight for peace and 
total disarnament can lead to very substantial improvements in the lot of the work- 
ing class. And the grand vista of total, universal disarmament In the space of 
four years, opened up by Khrushchev in his United Nations speech, offers a shining 
goal for which to fight. In such a fight, we Communists must be found in the very 
front ranks. 




(Wb reproduce here a nuniber of discussion articles which it tea not possible 
to Include in the printed material Issued. In the case of some articles irtilch were 
very lengthy, excerpts are presented; National Educational Department.) 


By R. B. 

Despite the easing of tensions in world affairs, there is no sign of a cojb- 
parable let-up in the domestic cold war against the constitutional rights of the 
American people. A basic estimate of this attack, its source and direction is a 
necessary foundation for effective leadership in the defense of our libertiest- 

The trend toward destruction of traditional bourgeois democratic ri^ts in 
the U.S. began to unfold, in the main, at the end of World War II. It is a reflec- 
tion of the deepening crisis of the capitalist world, and the isoluble contradic- 
tions faced by the ruling monopoly circles in the U.S. as a result of the growth of 
socialism, the national liberation movement of colonial countries and the inner con- 
tradictions of capitalist economy. 

IMPERIAUST nTLmrjfl . U.S. imperialism faces a dilemma. On the one hand it 
seeks to drastically curb the rights of the peop^a — workers, Negroes, intellectu- 
ala — In order to increase its rate of economic exploitation and stifle opposition 
tc its pro-war policies. On the other hand, it tries to utilize the prestige of 
American democratic traditions as major ideological weapons in its struggle for 
world domination. This dilemma has led to splits in the ruling class and inner con- 
flicts within the state apparatus. 

Moreover, the special historic features of American constitutional govern- 
ment and democratic tradition have helped determine the forms and tactics of 
domestic reaction. The U.S. bourgeois state, now the instrument of the monopoly 
oligarchy, despite its surface democratic forms, has proved to be an effective in- 
strument for suppression of popular opposition movements. Its "two party system" 
has served to thwart the will of the people and block the development of a genuine 
anti-monopoly coalition in the Northern states; its open fascist-like dictatorship 
in the deep South further butresses the power of monopoly and its allies. 

" Creeping Fascism " - American reaction has in the main followed a course of 
gradualism in sharpening its Instruments of repression and attempting to gut the 
elements of popular democracy embodied in the Bill of Rights. While avoiding the 
appearance of a sharp break with the traditional methods of rule, it has gone a long 
way in altering the form of government. The new repressive apparatus includes a 
vastly expanded political police and espionage force, the SACB, the investment of 
new dictatorial powers in the Department of Labor, the Congressional standing 
commlttes with permanent staffs, and other agencies linked to the huge military 
bureauc -acy. These are closely meshed with unofficial adjuncts of state power — 
control of press, radio and TV, employer black-lists, "Americanization" commlttes 
of veterans organizations and the like. 

American reaction has tried to masquerade as the defender of our Constitu- 
tional "way of life" and our "national security". Using "legality" to cover its 
violence to the Bill of Rights, it has forged a formidable arsenal of laws— the 
Smith Act, UcCarran Act and Communist Control Act, UcCeo-ran-Walter Law, the Taft- 
Harley law and the new labor control law. 

Over the last six or seven years, the one partial (and temporary) govern- 
mental barrier to this "creeping fascism" has been the U.S. Supreme Court. Even 
this limited resistance by the Court, which always avoided direct assertion of 
First Amendment principles, led to a major treat to alter the Constitution and 
limit the traditionally defined role of the Court. Under this pressure, centered 
in Congress, the court majority retreated from its earlier libertarian stand. 

threat To First Amendment - The current struggle to preserve the First 
Amendment, which embodies the basic principles of the Bill of Rights, hinges on 
the defense of the rights of Communists, On this issue, reaction came close to 
victory in the ena of McCarthyism, and once again threatens to break at this point 
the dam of Constitutional protections for all trends of dissenting opinion. 


Civil libertarians must meet the challenge on this ground, or suffer serious 
and possibly fatal defeat in their effort to preserve the First Amendment. The bulK 
of the Comon people, never wholeheartedly favorable to the tide of reaction, are 
showing crowing understanding as the anti-union offensive tends to merge the econo- 
mic struggles with defense of the Bill of Rights. 

Unfortunately, the leaders of the AFL-CIO and other basic mass organizations 
of the people have eagerly adopted and still cling to the big lies of the Communist 
me«ace", and have so far prevented the emergence of an effective pro-Bill-ol-mgnia 
coalition. This weakness, in turn, is reflected in Congress, which laoka even a 
minority bloc— especially in the House— which stands squarely in defense of tne 
First Amendment. 

THREAT OF FASCISM ? - With two basic tests— the membership provision of the 
Smith Act and the UcCarran Act-now pending before the Supreme Court, and a ^ l°od °f 
new repressive laws awaiting final action in Congress, the basic P^^^f ^f^^^ °f^^^. 
First Amendment are facing a crisis. The ultimate danger of a q^^li^^^^^ °^^«^„^ 
the substance of the state apparatus (i.e. fascism) cannot be minimized, even though 
the preparatory process is far from completed. 

The Communist I^rty and those whom it influences can play a decisive role in 
helping to build a national resistance movement. They alone can fully expose the 
big lie of the "Communist Menace", the nature of reaction and the fascist threat. 
Through support to and initiation of united front movements, they can help cone en- 
tratrthe democratic forces upon the defense of the basic principles of the First 
Amendment. Today, the potentials for a powerful coalition in defense of the Bill 
of Rights are greater than they have been at any time since the cold war began in 
earnest. Given effective leadership, the people can preserve and extend their 

CHANGE NEEDED - It must be said self -critically that there has been a 
serious underestimation of the extent of the erosion of the Bill of Rights. The 
lack of this basic estimate has fed ideological unolarity and disunity. It has 
fostered complacency, on the one hand, and narrow, one-sided approaches to alliances, 
without perspectives of continuing growth and development, on the other. The de- 
fense of democratic ri^ts has not been a main element in the mass work of the 
Party in many major areas of its work. It must now become one of the central tasks 
of the Communist Party as set forth in policies of the XVIIth Convention. 

By Will Farley (Excerpt) 

Since last December there has been a good deal of legislative and political 
activity on the part of 26 metal trades unions at Brooklyn Navy Yard to prevent 
further layoffs of shipyards workers caused by the shifting of "defense" work else- 
where. Trips to Washington, D, C. to see Senators Keating and Javits and the 
Brooklyn delegation in Congress, visits to City Hall and Albany and delegations to 

New York political leaders all with one aim in view: More "Qefense" contracts 

for Brooklyn Navy Yard. Dozens of other could be cited where union leaders 
and large numbers of workers see no other solution to the problem of unemployment 
except through more and more contracts for armaments. 

Obviously, with this kind of lobbying and legislative activity — for more war 
shipbuilding and repair work — legislators whether in New York or Washington will 
feel little compunction about voting for multi-billion dollar military budgets. 

Last spring Governor Freeman of Minnesota made a trip to New York City to 
discuss peaceful foreign trade and to tell of expanded Inland shipping facilities of 
the Port of Duluth. There has been much excitment and activity in the last year 
over the now-realized St. Lawrence Waterway which a whole generation of hi^ school 
debating socities once orated about across the land. 

Big shipping executives right here in our own bailiwick have spoken out 
about the desirability of more peaceful trade. Bankers and capitalists wined and 
dined Uikoyan last winter to stir up commerce overseas. As long ago as 1954 the 
&merican labor Party showed exactly where there were 175,000 more jobs for New 
Yorkers if trade with China and other countries were opened up. Harry Bridges once 
estimated that some 3,000,000 more jobs in the United States would result if we 
established trade with China. 


Bethlehem Steel Company recently announced the merger of Its two Brooklyn 
ehlpyarda "because of the depressed state of ship repairing aotlvlties In New York 
Harbor." This merger Involves the loss of some 90 Jobs unless they are absorbed 
somewhere else. last winter Bethlehem as well as Todd Shipyard officials In the New 
lork-New Jersey area pointed to the world shipping slump as the cause of layoffs at 
local shipyards in the past year or so. 

In Augtiat of this year our F&rty conducted a number or fine meetings on the 
Bubjeot of peace, and some leaflets were Issued. But to the best of my knowledge 
none of these leaflets were directed to workers— unemployed or about to be unem- 
ployed—who would gain tangible benefits by world peace AND world trade— shipbuild- 
ing and waterfront workers. None of these leaflets, as far as I know, listed 
specific EBACE-TBIE indufltrlea which would benefit in terms of more Jobs if peace- 
ful trade were expanded. None of these leaflets gave any hint of the thousands of 
jobs which would result on the waterfront if the huge surpluses of food now costing 
millions of dollars in stcrage fees were shipped out to a world which, it has been 
conoorvatlvely estimated, has two-thirds of its population ill-fed. 

Longshoremen would prefer shipping food and clothing and useful machinery 
and tools to the loading of dangerous explosives and other armtunents. Shipyard 
workers would feel much happier were the ships they build and repair destined for 
peaceful commerce, the tourist trade and cultural, educational and scientific 
exchanges — the things that help create lasting peace, 

Conmunlst Party Clubs and committees need to issue this type of leaflets. 
Workers desperately trying to rescue their Jobs, ultimately can be convinced that 
contracts for more war ships is not the solution for their employment problems. 

It is getting on toward the time nhoa voters must not be boxed in at each 
primary test or at convention time with the choice of nominating a person irtio is 
not so bad as opposed to one who i£ bad. Sooner or later there have to be some 
candidates who can be supported for the simple reason that they are good candidates 
who will f ig^t in the people ' s interest. However, that time will not be reached 
until Coomunists and other advanced workers in the political arena take acme of the 
issues out by the nape of the neck, and place them vrhere the voters can see them and 
Beasure the various candidates in relation to their stand on these issues. 

The is8\ie on which there is quite universal agreement is the desirability of 
peace, but there are few legislators who will be pinned down on exactly what they 
will do to achieve it. All candidates say they want full employment. Working 
people need both peace and Job security. Our Communist Barty must give leadership 
in the struggle of the people to achieve these ends. Here are a few suggestions 
which may helpi 

* The Industrial Division of the New York State Conrnunist Party to issue 
a four page educational folder containing the I^rty*s program for peacetime Jobs 
for shipyards and waterfront workers, 

* A wnT^)^.f^ flyer by ace correspondents and reporters on what opening up of 
trade with China and other Socialist nations will mean in jobs for New York mari- 
time workers; to show that peaceful foreign trade can actiially mean MORE Jobs than 
can contracts in war industries and the building and repair of war ships. 

• K ftirty County Committee could issus a leaflet calling upon the New York 
delegation in Congress to campaign for an honest to God Federal housing and school 
construction program. Workers in the shipbuilding trades can also build fine 
schools and low rent housing projects. 

♦ Conmunlst Party Clubs with the help of their county Committees to make 
sure there are weekly leaflets for the next several months — until primaries and 
nominating convention time — on the issue of foreign trade and peacetime jobs. 

All this will run up our printing and mimeographing bills, of coiurse, but 
it will pay off in terms of a better informed electorate. I am quite sure it will 
stimulate some rorkers in their unions and in their shops and in their Assembly - 
Districts to discuss aLLteniatlves to jobs in war industries. It may interest some 
of the more class oonscioia shipyards and waterfront workers in the full program 
of our Rajrty. 

But more than that I believe trade union delegations seeking an end to 

layoffs in the shipyards can be persuaded to change their pleas for more "defense" 


oontraota Into a demand for a vast building program which mill put the aklUa and 
talents of the metals trades and other construction workers to work at building 
ships rhich will ply the trade routes the world over with food and clothing Instead 
of the guns and other weapons of war now making up so much of our ships' cargo. 

Congressmen faced with tills type of delegation would feel a little more en- 
couraged to favor housing and school construction bills over our $4^,000,000 mili- 
tary budget. 

Candidates for district leadership and nomination in coming primaries and 
conventions would be put to the test were this type of trade union and voter dele- 
gation to ask of them assurances that they would legislate and act for jobs and 
not for war, cold or otherwise. 

And out of such constructive pre-election voter activity there may develop 
candidates and other political leaders from the ranks of labor. It may appear to 
be starry-eyed and visionary to suggest that some of these things may be accom- 
plished in time for the I960 and 1961 elections, but it is not starry-eyed and 
visionary to state that unless we do help develop these legislative and political 
"movements in depth", election campaigns will continue to offer the voters only 
"lesser evil" choices. 


By Tom Nabried 

The recent visit of Soviet Premier Khrushchev to our country has opened up 
new opportunities for easing world tensions. The Draft Political Resolution of ovir 
Party correctly points out: "As we approach a new decade, the decade of the 
sixties, mankind stands at the threshold of a potential era of poace and plenty 
for all." 

Khrushchev dealt with those issues that in one way or another touched upon 
the vital interests of all the people in the United States, irrespective of economic 
status, religious creed or political views and affiliation. 

The main core of his speeches to various groups and to the people generally, 
were! Let us work for peace and learn to live together irrespective of the 
differerces in our economic and political systems. Let us work toward total dis- 
armament over a period of four years. Let us trade those things that each country 
can use without discrimination. Let us have peaceful competition between our two 
different social systems, capitalism and socialism. 

He stated that socialism in the next 10 to 15 years will outstrip capital- 
ism in production and in raising the living standard of the Soviet people to the 
highest ever attained by any social system. 

Never in the history of our country has the leader of another nation 
challenged the United States government and its people to meet such a noble and 
just cause, not just for ourselves, not just for the Soviet Union and its people 
but for the sake of world's humanity, Khrushchev pleaded to mankind everywhere 
throu^ his visit here, "Let us study war no more," which causes destruction, 
death and carnage. Do away with armaments races and relieve the heavy tax burden 
upon the national resources and spend the money for human welfare. I«t us have 
peacefxil competition in the economic welfare of our respective peoples, let us 
compete in culture, science and education. 

The reaction to the Khrushchev challenge is not the same among all groups 
in our country. Among the average responsible clear-minded citizens there is 
still some skepticism, but a willingness to give it a try. There have been many 
different reactions in various fields to different aspects of the question. For 
example in the field of science it has become increasingly clear to most Americans 
that socialism has been able to make its tremendous achievements by its planned 
economic system. It is further recognized that in education as well, America is 
being outstripped by leaps and bounds. Culturally the interchange between the 
Soviet Union and the U.S.A. has opened many doors for further growth of peaceful 
relations between the two great nations. The American working class and people 
for the first tine have been able to get first-hand Information of the development 


of eocialism and what it has to offer, directly from the top government official of 
the first socialist state, and they have begun to see that much of the information 
in America has been twisted and distorted. 

The discussion betneen President Eisenhower and Soviet Premier Khrushchev 
on the above Issues and the expanding of trade and settling all outstanding 
differences through negotiation, without force, is part of the vast pxstential for 
peaceful competition and coexistence. 

This beginning of exchange of visits by the two heads of states opens the 
possibility for the achievement of total disarmament and world peace, the aspira- 
tion of millions everywhere. 

However, there also exists a powerful, wealthy group that wants no change 
In the cold war policy and is doing everything within its power to prevent a change. 
The people that make up this group are scattered, in official governmental depart- 
ments, in business and tunong politicians in both Democratic and Republican Parties. 
Although the position of this group is detrimental to the best interests of our 
nation, the majority of the top leaders of the trade union movement accept and 
follow the policy for c6ntinuing the cold war. 

However, the "cold war" crowd can only be successfully defeated by an 
acceptance of the Khrushchev challenge by the United States government and the 
people. The struggle for the acceptance of the Khrushchev challenge of peaceful 
living together requires courage and boldness and initiative on the jMrt of the 

Since the I6th National Convention of the Party there seems to be a 
reluctance to boldly deal with questions of international relations and politics 
raised by leading Marxists of other countries. This concept flows from an attitude 
that agreement with them by an American Marxist means accepting dictation or not 
developing our own thinking in relation to Barxist-Leninist scientific theories and 
their application to the American scene. 

Such an attitude can only lead to the conclusion that Marxism-Leninism is 
not an all encompassing science. In the fields of science generally, scientists 
must utilize that store of knowledge or the laws of science that have been discover- 
ed and amassed by other scientists in order to make a contribution to new dis- 
coveries and the advancement of human welfare. It is for this reason that it often 
happens that scientists in one country and those in another can draw the same con- 
clusions in a given field, and they may not have any physical connections to each 
other. Thus Marxists can reach similar conclusions in various countries. 

The leading role of the Communist Party is blurred by incorrect thinking by 
some Communists that if the Party projects new ideas that have not yet been raised 
by the masses or their leadership, that the people would hesitate to accept such 
Ideas and that the Party would be further isolated. This thinking leads the Party 
into the position of waiting to see what others will say or do. This negates the 
leading role of the Party of educating the people and advancing the fight to hi^er 
political levels. 

It is Incumbent upon our Party to most vigorously open the struggle for the 
acceptance of the Khrushchev challenge amongst the widest section of the population. 
Through the development of such an outlook can the U.S. government be convinced that 
such competition is the only alternative to a war of annihilation. It is throu^ 
such an approach that the objectives set by our draf* resolution can be achieved, 

"To defeat the reactionary offensive of corporate wealth, to advance the 
fight for peaceful coexistence, economic security and civil rights and liberties. It 
is necessary to achieve the broadest, most resolute unity of action of the working 
class and its allies. 

"It is essential to bring into existence an anti-monopoly people's coali- 
tion uniting labor, the Negro people, the small farmers, students, professionals, 
small businessmen and other democratic elements on a program of action for 
economic welfare, democratic rights and peace." 




By Cyril Brlgge 

Together rith the projection of a correct main line — promotion of the 
greatest possible unity of all who stand for peace and the building of the democra- 
tic front against the monopolies — the Draft Political Resolution contains a number 
of gravB defects and weaknesses. These must be corrected If the proposed resolution 
lo to maintain the hl^ political level expressed In the formation of Its main line. 
Chief among these defects arei 

1. Its failure («0 to offer a program for the liberation of Puerto Rico, 
the Virgin Islands, and the numerous Pacific Islands occupied by the U.S. under one 
pretext or another, and treated as colonial possesions; (b) to analyze in depth the 
role of U.S. imperialism as a colonial power and the chief bulwark today of the 
collapsing imperialist-colonial system. The draft resolution thus falls to recog- 
nlee the obligation of Uarxista of every oountry to expose and combat their own 

2. It treats too lightly the question of Cuba and the necessity of U.S. 
workers to defend, in their own interests, the Castro revolution and government. It 
must give far more recognition to the importance of the Cuban revolution, both in 
relation to the Cuban people and all the peoples of latin America and the desperate 
efforts of U.S. imperialism to wipe out the example it iffers to other I«tln-Amerl- 
oan peoples, its already discernible impact on Panama, Brazil, etc. The proposed 
resolution miwt expose before the U.S. working class and nation the falsity and 
hypocrisy of the contention in certain circles that this country has always been a 
good friend of the Cuban people and an ardent supporter of their aspirations for 
national independence and dignity— their synthetic "surprise" at the "ingratitude" 
of the Ciiban people. Exposure of this ribald lie Is basic to our defense of the 
Cuban resolution. One of the most effective means of doing this, in our opinion. Is 
to spotli^t both present and past machinations of U.S. monopolies and the State 
Department against Cuban and Guatemalan independence, with some eeneralizations on 
this same theme theme in regard to other letlon-Amerlcan countries, 

» « « 

3. It is not enou^ for the draft resolution to give six lines to "the in- 
creasing manifestations of anti-Semitism" in our country. A. more vigorous presenta- 
tion of the sinister Increase in anti-Semitic acts and propaganda is needed. The 

f i^t against emti-Semltlc poison must also be one of the points in the iranedlate 
program proposed by the draft resolution. (Political Affairs, Sept., 1959, p. 29) 

The proposed resolution must also take note of the divisive and disruptive 
influences in the rise of a rabid Jewish bourgeois nationalism in our country, 
focused around the State of Israel and its pro-imperialist orientation, which finds 
reflection in an important section of the Zionist movement in the U.S, 

The prc^lmperlalist character of this Jewish bourgeois nationalism serves 
not only to Isolate Israel from the powerful conscious anti-imperialist currents in 
the national liberation revolution sweeping Asia, Africa and Latin-America, but 
gravely affects the friendly relations between the Jewish people and the Negro 
people, whose sympathies are with the antl- imperialist-colonialist revolution. It 
feeds anti-Semitlo currents in the Negro commimity, derived from the nationeil stream 
of anti-Semitic poison and provided a phony rationale by the fact that it Is the 
Jewish merchants, with their anti-Negro employment policies, and not the representa- 
tives of monopoly capital, who are visible in the Negro community. 

Irritating and exasperating as is the reactionary role of Jewish merchants 
in the Negro oomnunity, Negro Uarxists have historically recognized that the enemy 
in the path of the Negro people is not the Jewish merchants, but monopoly capital. 
They know it is monopoly capital that originated and today strives desperately to 
maintian the infamous U,S. jlmorow pattern. They know, too, that monopoly capital 
would like nothing better than to have attention diverted from Itself, have Jews 
depiated as the main enemy of the Negro people. Thus, Negro Marxist recognize their 
obligation to vigorously combat such a consummation, in the interests of Negro free- 
dom and Jewish-Negro unity—so vital a factor in the fight against racism, white 
supremacy and anti-Semitism, But our Negro comrades should not be left to conduct 
this struggle alone. Their efforts must be supplemented and supported by our Party 
boldly adopting a Marxist-Leninist position on Jewish bourgeois nationalism and the 
MldUe East, thereby repudiating at long last the peddling of the Ben-Gurlon line by 


the Daily Worker during the editorship of the renegade John Gates. Our ftirty must 
defend the right of Israel to exist, but criticize the reactionary policies of ita 
rulers. On this point we could well take a lesson from the valiant Israeli 
Conanunist Party, 

Moreover, unless we are to abdicate the Jewish community to the bourgeois 
nationalists, have the Jewish working class succumb to their reactionary influences, 
we must vigorously combat all that is reactionary in Jewish bourgeois nationalism, 
just as we must combat what is reactionary in Negro bourgeois nationalism, and not 
treat bourgeois nationalism, as the draft resolution does, as if it were a problem 
only for the Negro movement. 

It is not enoio^ to leave the ideological struggle to the Morning Freihelt 
and other Left Jewish publications. Not all of our Jewish comrades read Yiddish and 
can avail themselves of the excellent discussions and giiidance offered by the Frei - 
helt . Nor, indeed, should our Jewish comrades be expected to carry alone the burden 
of the struggle against Jewish bourgois nationalism. This is the duty of the Party 
as a whole. 

Developments and trends in the Jewish' commiailty onst' be of the greatest con- 
cern to all Communists, We should never forget that many of our most capeble and 
valiant comrades were recruited in that community, nor that the Jewish people have 
a long progressive tradition. It is our duty to keep that tradition alive and 
strengthen it against the inroads of Jewish bourgeois nationalism. 

4. The draft resolution ignores completely the problems of the Mexican 
workers and the Mexican-American community. It likewise by-passes the problems of 
Puerto Rican workers in our country and the position and role of woaen in U.S. 
society. Including the triply oppressed Negro women and their outstanding contribu- 
tions to the Negro freedom movement. It treats inadequately the problems and role 
of the youth. 

5. It falls far short of adequate criticism of business unionism and the 
treacherous, class collaborationist role of its leaders on both domestic and foreign 
issues, including the vicious activities of these leaders in seeking to subvert and 
undermine the newly-won political Independence of Asian and African nations and the 
national-revolutionary struggles of those peoples still under the yoke of imperia- 
lism, in line with State Department policies, 

6. It fails aggressively to defend the Party and its members J the rl^t of 
Communists to function without harassment and persecution, without being penalized 
by blacklists, etc., for their political convictions. In this connection, it must 
be said, the liberal Professor Joseph P. Morray does a far better job, in his 
recently published book Pride of State (Beacon Press, Boston) of defending the U.S. 
Marxist movement than our Party has been doing in this period. 

It is our opinion, too, that the proposed resolution should also defend 
those basic Marxist-Leninist theories that are under violent attack today, both by 
the bourgeoisie and their intellectual lackeys, and by some of our own comrades. A 
vigorous defense of the theory of relative and absolute impoverishment of the work- 
ing class could do much to dispel many of the Illusions of the working class* 

A program for a Marxist Party, such as must be projected, or at least out- 
lined. In its (main) political resolution must, of course, deal with many aspects 
in the life of its country and working class. This necessity does not, however, 
exempt it from the obligation of selecting the most important issues for an ejp- 
ploration in depth. The proposed resolution needs to amplfy its analysis of major 
Issues, Much of its present treatment of issues is superficial, platitudinous and 


By E.G., New York 

During the course of "Some IspAsts of the Negro Question" —a July, 1959 
Marxist World Review article based on a report to the National Conmilttee — Jamea 
E. Jackson declares (emphasis his) > 

1, "The Negro people are most severely oppressed and exploited of all 
the peoples who make up the American nation." 


2. " But the Negroea Ifl ihs. Sollfid States oifi asii constituted &a a oailSB* 
They rather have the characteristics of a racially distinctive people or nationali- 
ty and constitute a historically determined component part of the whole American 
nation, which, as is well known, is Itself an historically derived national forma- 
tion, an alamgam of more or less well-differentiated nationalities," 

3. "T<j conclude that the Negro p eople in iba Ufllifid States aifl aai & aoiisn 
la aaii ^ aas. that the Negro Question , la SUE coufttrv la 02^ & national fluestlop* 

It is Indeed a national question. The question is, however, a national question of 
what type, with what distinguishing characteristics, calling for what strategic 
concept for solution?" 

Following his three hypotheses (as quoted above) , Comrade Jackson prepares 
the reader for a definition of the "type" of "national question" the Negro qusetion 
Is. He decs it by pointing out that "Marxism- Leninism regards the national ques- 
tion from the viewpoint of liberating the oppressed nations and nationalities, 
linking this task with the struggle for liberation of the working class from the 
yoke of capitalism in a given country and on a world scale"; he does it by explain- 
ing that "The path of development of the Negro people toward the achievement of 
equality does not take the route of struggle for national Independence, political- 
geographical sovereignty and statehood" but, rather, that "The Negro people... his- 
torically, now, and, most probably, for the future, seeks a solution of its 
national question In the struggle for securing equality in political, economic, and 
social fields as fl ccmponent part of the American nation"; and he does It by show- 
ing that this interpretation of the Negro question does not diminish "the revolu- 
tionary import of the Negro people's struggle" but that it is In "the main line of 
the present-day reality, namely, that the solution of all democratic tasks is 
worked out in conformity with and on the basis of the primacy of the working-class 
struggle to transform modern society along socialist lines." Having thus prepared 
you for his definition of the "type" of "national question" the Negro question is, 
Comrade Jackson says (emphasis his) « 

" This Places ths. struggle S^S. iM solution o£ t^ Netp-o question Iq dllSSii 
and strategic relationship ifi Ibs present-day movement, for progress, and its main 
social force — the working class," 

And that statement, as far as I was able to determine, is his answer to 
his query. 

Because, it seems to me. Comrade Jackson has ansvrered only one element of 
his question, and the "type" to which this "national question" belongs seems to be 
missing — a situation which may leave one doubting that what he calls the national 
"is indeed a national question" — I am psing a series of hypotheses. 

Hypothesis 1 . A national minority presupposes existence of a nation to 
which that minority belongs. The phrase "national minority" used in this sense is 
a political term. It implies either (most commonly) nationals of a subject or 
dominated country living in the county which dominates their homeland and who con- 
sequently are treated as Inferiors, or (sometimes) nationals whose country is not 
directly dominated by the host country but who, themselves, are politically and 
otherwise maltreated by the host country. A group of Kenyans, for example, resid- 
ing in London, is a national minority, as is a group of Algerians living in Plaris, 
Cypriots living in England are a national minority. Until the Gold Coast became 
the independent state of Ghana, any group of that country's Indigenous peoples 
living in England was a national minority and the political economic, and social 
Issues arising from these Africans' being in England formed a national q\;iestion. 
Suppose a Negro nation occupied the heart of the Deep South — as Jackson says is not 
the case Negroes living outside that area and elsewhere in the United States would 
be a national minority, wouldn't they? There being no such nation, can there still 
be a Negro national minority and a national question? 

Hypothesis 2. Descendants of the black race brought to America from 3^0 to 
less than 200 years ago are United States citizens. They are not and cannot be 
nationals of their ancestors' homeland, Africa, first because these descendants were 
born in the U.S., and also because they c ould not be nationals of the whole of 
Africa even if they had been born on that continent, Africa being constituted of 
thousands of nationalities and many countries — as is America or Asia or Europe, 
Hay we, therefore, call United States descendants of Africans from the old "Gold 
Coast" a national minority because they bear some physical characteristics of their 
ancestors, anymore correctly than we may call other U.S. citizens national minori- 
ties because their parents or grandparents came from Italy or Japan or Ireland or 


Chloa? Would we aay that C3iananlan authorities were wrong not long ago when they 
told U.S. Negroee who sought to emigrate to Ghana that they were not weloone under 
the oircumatancea and reminded them that they were D,S. citizens^ 

^ypothaala "J . Regroee are a minority among the white people of the United 
States. If it should be decided that Negroes are not a national minority, should 
it be decided also that since "minority" thus used is a political term, the Negro 
is a minority of any sort only because he is a part of a political equation that 
has yet to be solved, and that when this political equation is solved he no longer 
will be a "minority" although still outniimbered by white people? In the meantime, 
hovever, being a minority, la he, or is he not, Jackson's "racially distinctive" 

Hypothesis Z, . Comrade Jackson, referring to the dropping of the concept 
of the Negro nation, writes that the Negro people "constitute a part (although the 
part most deprived of its rights) of the American nation." Our use of the geogra- 
phically ambiguous and politically outrageous term "American nation* implies great- 
nation chauvinism that is hateful in any people and especially hateful in an 
oppressed people. The people of the United States, including us, the Negroes, have 
not maliciously, but have thoughtlessly, adopted the imperialist-rulers' Jargon in 
referring to our country's relations with other countries and other peoples. Those 
of us who accept the Marxist definition of a nation cannot similarly accept the 
term "American" as Just another way of saying "United States ." We cannot accept it 
for the politically sound reason that this is talking not only like great-nation 
chauvlnistfl irtio refuse to see I«tin America and Canada as, themselves, comprising 
complete nations; we also make ourselves liable to the Just criticism of Cuba, 
Banaiaa, and other Latin American countries who are struggling against U.S. im- 
perialiom and look to United States Communists at least for understanding. 

HvTX)thaaiB S . The Negro people are "racially distinctive," as Jackson 
aaysi they also, as he says, "constitute a historically determined component of the 
whole" people of the United States, Neither in the so-called Black Belt of the 
Deep South nor In any other area of th6 U.S. do Negroes show indications of de- 
siring the rig^t of self-determination— that is, independence— in the sense, say, 
that the people of Algeria desires it and that Guinea desired and, finally got it. 
la that because U.S. Negroes are conscious, though on the whole vaguely, of the 
important fact that but for them the primary accumulation of wealth upon this 
oontlnent would have been different? Is it that they have learned— and are con- 
tinuing to learn, especially through the mediuii of Negro History Week-that beginn- 
ing with the first arrival of 20 indentured African servants at Jamestown, Va., ia 
1619, their more than 200 years of unpald-for labor power want into building the 
wealth of the South; that since 1S63 and the proclamation of emancipation the 
Negro's labor power, only partly paid for, has continiied to enrich the South and, 
incidentally, the rest of the country' Is it that he knows that nothing in the 
culture of this country la without him imprint; that anthropologists declare his 
blood to flow throu^ the veins of a majority of old-stock citizens of the U.S.? 

Ifypothesis 6. Desegregation —the removal of barriers separating "blacks" 
from "whites", or the killing of Jimcrow— has been going on, formally, in the area 
of public school education and in a limited number of other areas of the South, 
since the May 17, 1954 Supreme Court decision. Integration, on the other hand, 
has been proceeding on the North American continent since 1619, steadily and 
inexorably, but informally, therefore under difficulties. Some Supreme Court 
deciaiona are an aid to integration's going ahead formflllv and the Negro people are 
taking advantage, where possible, of such opportunities as are offered. When 
Negroes say they desire to be Integrated into the general fabric of the economic, 
social aid political life of their country they consider that they are speaking, 
first of all, of their country — the whole of it— and they take the word Integra- 
tion to mean to fit one into another; aimultaneously to exchange what I have for 
what you have, each to make the other's his own and to combine. It implies to the 
Negro complete eQualltVf because an exchange implies worth for worth, value for 
value. Integration as a social concept in the U.S. means, in practice, placing the 
Negro (unequal in general, sociologically, to the lAlte man) in a position from 
^Ich he may the better work toward overcoming his Inequality. If the Negro, as I 
say here, thus interprets the idea of integration and thus acts in accordance with 
his interpretation, he is wrong and shoiild be shown by us to be a national minority 
concerned with a national question and that integration, which ha wants, is incom- 
patabla with the C.P. program. True? False? How? 

Final Hvpothealp. Integration rather than the right of self determination 
la desired by the Negro people of the United States, except for such groups as the 


so-called Kualemfl and a few aeparatiot elements. The Negro people desire suoh In- 
tegration not only because there is no political base for separation in the heart 
of the monopoly-capltaliat country irhich is the United States of America, but 
chiefly because they feel that, in such a setup—If it were possible — they would 
lose more than they would gain. (As the Algerians, on the other hand, would loea 
more than they would gain by choosing Integration instead of independence.) U.S. 
Negroes would lose the wealth created by their Jabor (as manifested In the Baterl«l 
wealth of the United States) , the billions of man-hours expended, their gifts to 
this culture and. In consequence, their ri^t to the claim, as they now declare It, 
that this is their country because, but for them^ there would not be this country. 

The foregoing hypotheses are presented, as hypotheses always must be pre- 
sented, as facts (or theories)^ not as dogma, and should be accepted as facts until 
proved wrong, I must ask, as an afterthough, for I forgot to insert the question 
earlier, what becomes of the theory of "the Negro national bourgeoisie" and of the 
Negro p>eoplo (divided as they are in classes, the majority being workers themselves) 
as "an ally" of "the working class"? Are these two conceptions compatible with the 
integrationist movement? Does not this whole Negro question caill for a great deal 
more study by persons who have been, in some cases, offensively overbearing in 
their dogmatism on this question? 

West Jefferson Club, Uoranda 
Sutlth Section, Los Angeles, Calif. 


The introduction should set forth a Communist Party program. The Communist 
Party is based on the science of Marxism-Leninism as a guide to action and analyis 
in answering the many questions confronting the people under our capitalist 
society. Therefore it is incunbent on us to present a rounded program based on the 
specific conditions in the U.S., setting forth demands uppermost in the interests 
of the people and charting the course to guarantee a peaceful development of a 
socialist U.S. 

VJe are of the opinion that a Party program must define for the people, as 
well as our members, the specific tasks and responsibilities that fall upon our 
Party, and why it has such responsibilities. Also, it should clarify the differ- 
ence between the Communist ftrty and the bourgeois parties. 

Secondly, the introduction should place in order of importance those sec- 
tions of the people who can most influence the development of our country. Herein, 
we see the role of the working class as the key force, both in the struggle for 
peace and in the struggle for socialism. 

To guarantee the vanguard role of our Party, it is necessary to assure the 
fullest rorking-class participation and membership in it. Our program must be one 
geared to aiding the struggle of our working class to its logiced conclusion, which 
is peace and socialism. 

In view of the fact that socialism is our main strategic aim, a major sec- 
tion of the introduction should be one introducing the concept of socialism, for it 
is overall purpose of the resolution to lead the people of our country closer to 
peace and socialism. 


The draft resolution makes many excellent points on the peace question, 
thus reflecting a generally correct line. It can be improved by consolidating all 
the points into a clearly-defined, unmistakeably Marxist-Leninist line on the 
stmggle for peace. 

The Communist Party, griided by the Leninist concept of peaceful coexistence, 
is in the vanguard of the struggle for peace. This point should be developed ex- 
plicitly in the resolution. The theory of peaceful coexistence is derived fran the 
Leninist analysis of imperialism into the three well-known contradictions. The 


idea of the possibility of building socialism in one country (the point of conver- 
gence of the three contradictions) was developed from this analysis. 

The draft resolution makes many excellent points on the peace question, 
thus reflecting a generally correct line. It can be improved by consolidating all 
the points into a clearly defined, unmistakeably Marxist-Leninist line on the 
struggle for peace. 

The Commvmist Party, guided by the Leninist concept of peaceful coexistence, 
is in the vanguard of the struggle for peace. This point should be developed ex- 
plicitly in the resolution. The theory of peaceful coexistence is derived from the 
Leninist analysis of imperialism into the three well known contradictions. The idea 
of the possibility of building socialism in one country (the point of convergence of 
the three contradictions) was developed from this analysis. 

The correctness of this idea was proven with the defeat of fascism in World 
War II. Today Tie have developed it into the theory of peaceful coexistence, of 
peaceful competition between the socialist and capitalist sectors. On the one heind, 
we have the realization, in actual fact, of the superiority of the socialist system 
along with its victory in country after country. On the other hand, we have in- 
creasingly insurmountable contradictions within and among the Imperialist countries 
along with the breakup of colonial rule In country after country. This is how 
Marxist-Leninists envision the victory of socialism on a world scale. This is what 
is encompassed by the term "peaceful coexistence." 

Two conclusions follow from this: 

1. Since this is a fundamental contradiction, it should be reflected 
in every nation, in every town, in every factory, in every organi- 
zation, in every man, woman and child, and in every problem no 
matter how general or how personal. 

2, The struggle for peace is Inseparably connected with the struggle 
for socialism. 

The draft is weak on both points. On the first it states that the over- 
whelming majority are as one in their fear of nuclear war and their desire for 
peace. This certainly does provide a basis for a united peace movement but it is 
not enouth. The American people have not had the same kind of war experience as the 
peoples of other countries, where the conscious peace movements are of mass 
character. This desire for peace based on the fear of nuclear war must be linked up 
with the actual experiences of the American people living under the tremendous bur- 
dens of the war econon^y . 

He have mounting inflation, taxes, crisis in educational facilities, 
juvenile delinquency, housing shortage, etc. For the Negro people and other 
minorities this means ever increasing shifting of the burdens from the privileged 
section of the workers. The cost of producing one bomber can practically eliminate 
the worst forms of juvenile deliquency in our city. It can keep our libraries open 
for the next half century on Saturdays. Or it can pay a year's salary for several 
hundred new school teachers. 

Secondly, in the struggle to rid themselves of the hardships brought about 
the war economy, the American people must inevitably develop closer and friendlier 
ties with the socialist countries and with the American Communist Party which always 
stands for proletarian internationalism. It is no accident that the militancy of 
our labor leaders can be measured by their differing attitudes towards the Soviet 
Union, or that the Communist Party is singled out above all other groups as the 
object of vilification and persecution by reaction. This is one very important 
reason why the workers will inevitably turn to our Party for leadership. Our ftirty 
is universally recognized as the eneny of capitalism, as the party of socialism. 

The main weakness of the section on peace is that it tends to isolate it 
from the day-to-day needs of the people and also from the struggle for socialism. 
It is open to both Left and Right deviations. This is not unuflnal; both deviations 
are the same underneath. This tendency of Isolating the struggle for peace in and 
for Itself also shows the influence of the pacifists who have made a tremendous im- 
pact upon the Left wing in recent years. 

This isolation is further emphasized by its neglect in other sections of the 
dreift. The section on the economic situation omits the question of the harmful 
effects of the East-West trade embargo and the role of East-Jfest trade in converting 


to peace-tlna econoojr. In fact the whole question of converting to peace-time 
eooocoy is neglected. The negative as well as the positive attitudes of our labor 
leadars oo the peace question should be pointed out somewhere in the resolution. 

The title of the peace section tends to restrict the peace Issue to a 
questioQ of foreign policy. 

The draft resolution opens its peace section with the statement that the 
"oiaintenance of peace" is the primary issue. This phrase should be changed to the 
'achievement of peace" or some other similar phrase. We cannot have peace by main- 
taining the status quo. We can have peace only by going forward 


This section should be the cornerstone on irtiich rests the whole of our 
political analysis. Therefore it must clearly present an overall picture of the 
economic trendis and developoents in ovir country since our last convention. How do 
these effect and coopare with the total world economic outlook? What benefits have 
accrued to the workers of the U.S. from our country's imperialist policies, and what 
is our role as Conniunistsl Was the economic einalysis outlined in our '57 Convention 
Plesolution a correct estimate? If not, what were its weaknesses? 

Inclusion of "Militant Moods" and "Reactionary Offensive" in this section 
is confusing. These would be better placed at the beginning of the section dealing 
with the i960 Elections as a base for developing its thesis. Also, in the order the 
they are presented, the final emphasis is on the reactionary. Instead of this 
aeohanical separation, we propose a full evaluation of each political point to 
•llBlnata jumping back and forth In order to weigh the positive and negative aapecta 
of eaoh. As It stands there are no conclusions and we are left to speculate on 
whether w« are gaining or losing grovind. 

The dsscrlption of the economy as shaky and unstable but on the upgrade (for 
how long long — six months, 5, 10 or 15 years?) is too superficial. V/hile it isn't 
necessary to enumerate gll the statistics, we reconmend the inclusion of the most 
laportant flgiu^s with an analysis of such figures as are available in the labor 
Fact Book ^lA. 

(There follow a number of figures on trends in production investment, 
prices, profits, taxes, etc., which we omit for reasons of space. -Ed.) 

Further, we feel this section i^t includes relation of fixed capital to 
variable capital; bank control ~ mortgages on homes and small business; interlock- 
ing control; credit and interest rates; gold standard and currency manipulation; 
interest on war debt; manipulation of stock market; installment credit; cost of 
advertising to consumers; insurance companies role; land ownership; medical costs; 
crime cost; public works; unemployment and welfare figures; shoddy production of 
consumer goods. 

For emphasis, we separate the whole question of export of capited which in 
the greatest imperialist country In history assumes major importance. The only 
formulation at all, referring to "establishing plants abroad ... at the expense of 
Jobs of American workers" reflects great national chauvinism and is totally inade- 
quate as an analysis of the export of capital. 

Also, automation deserves a much fuller treatment, which would lend 
naturally into a discussion of the plight of the \uiemployed ~ the difficulties of 
collecting unemployment insurance and welfare — the treatment of old age pensioners 
and the attacks on aid to dependent children — the effect of automation on the 
white collar workers. The analysis of automation in relation to the Negro people 
and the resultant unemployment should be treated more extensively, also, youth, 
Indians, Mexican-Americans and Puerto Ricans. What is happening to women and older 

Ihe main resolution, and especially the section dealing with economics^ 
needs a fviller treatment of the trade unions, East-West trade and the possibilities 
of conversion to peaceful production. 

Other points needing clarification are: 
ftige 29. Growth of state monopoly capitalism. 
Age 29. Why was the third slump the most severe? 

Fage 30. Belocation of new factories — where? Who are the new workers? 
What of working conditions, unions? T/hat is happening in auto »toere unemployed 

56o!>7 tV-eU- i)t. 4- 


workers are returning to Host Virginia and other home areas when uneoployDent cod» 
pensation runs out? 

Rage 30. Looting the federal treasury— how? 

Page 30. Colossal burden of interest on the taxpayers— which taxpayers? 

&ge 30. Treatment of the farmers is so brief and superficial It doesn't 
answer anything. 7*iere have they gone? Who owns the land? Who is farming it? 
What changes in methods have occurred? What is produced? What is the role of price 
supports, soil erosion prevention and other government policies? What about worklag 
conditions, wages, unions, cooperatives? 

Page 31. Thirty-hour week— at frtiat wages? 

Why is there nothing on a new federal minimum wage law? 


By Felix Anderson 


Two outstanding historical developoents characterize the present era. One 
is the rise of socialism. The other, its importance less widely noted, is the 
emergence of a new technology based largely on developments in the fields of 
nuclear energy and automatic control. 

This new technology holds in store for mankind and- in particular, for 
America, two alternative and mutually exclusive fates: (l) thermonuclear rocket 
war, with the annihilation of a majority of the human race and destniction of civili- 
zation as we know it; (2) freedom from want, relief from drudgery, and greatly in- 
creased leisure for all the people. 

The question of war or peace thus presents itself today as the question of 
which way nations will use the vast technological capabilities and energy resources 
whicu science has brought forth. 

« » * 

It is prerequisite to a mass peace movement in the U.S. that major sections 
of the population see clearly the existence of sharp contradictions between contin- 
uation of the cold W6u: on one hand and pursuit of the national welfare on the other. 
What are the most important considerations for the ftirty and the Left in helping the 
American people to see why (and then decide how) the cold war should be Junkedt 
First, we must base our work on an understanding of the fundamental importance of 
the new technology. And second, this work must proceed from a deepened nnderstand- 
Ing of the consciousness. 

Hon do the American people feel about the cold war policy with Its risk of 
thermonuclear war? The chief characteristic is bewildered concern. On one hand, 
the people hear about the great dertructlve capacity of H-bombs; but on the other 
hand, they are assured that with evacuation, shelters, anti-missile missilsa, and 
■clean bombs," the losses can be "minimized." On one hand, they hear that many 
scientists are worried about anticipated biological effects of fallout from nuclear 
tests, but on the other hand, they are told by the AJl.C, that these effects are 

Forces within and without the government seek to prevent popular participa- 
tion in the decisions concerning the use of nuclear energy and nuclear weapons. 
They are therefore deliberately restricting and distorting information; thereby they 
vitiate the democratic functioning of government and deny citizens the rlg^t to 
participate in the making of decisions essential to their well-being. Fundamental 
policy decisions proceed from technical considerations which, the people are told, 
they are incapable of grasping; they are reassured, however, that the decisions eire 
being based on the thinking of competent specialists whose objectivity and patriot- 
ism are beyond question. 

But there is a growing body of persuasive evidence that the people are dis- 
turbed by the idea of leaving to the "experts" the decision of policy questions upon 
which human survival depends. Thus (see The Nation, Jtxie 13 and Sept. 26, 1959), 1b 
at least two largo cities. New York and St. Louis, the popular demand for sound 


Information on radiation and Ita hasarda haa become ao great that volunteer organi- 
B&tiona have been created to provide the meana of oommxmicatlon between the public 
and Bclentlata irtio are concerned about the public' a ri^t to know. 

Theae organizationa have avoided the advocacy of particular policy poaitlona, 
apparently adhering instead to the objective of an infonnod public able to partici- 
pate in the democratic proceas. Probably due in large meaaure to thla braod 
approach, theae groups have received many requeata for apeakera from PTA'a lomen'a 
groupa, church bodiea, Idona Cluba, etc. Inevitably, it la reported, the dlscuBalon 
reveal the people's concern to know how they can become better informed and how they 
can moat effectively voice their views. 

For us, this places the fi^t for the people's right to participate in de- 
ciding how nuclear energy and weapons will be used as the key tactical principle in 
the American peace struggle today. The obtaining of essential information on these 
problems is an integral part of the struggle. It should be evident that these 
struggles will not be easily won, and the course of the struggle itself will offer 
profound politically educating experiencea. It should also be evident that the 
fight for the right to be informed and to participate in the formation of policy 
corresponds exactly to the present state of readiness of the Ajnerican people. 

* « * 

The state of popular awareness of the progressive economic implications of 
the new technology is undoubtedly far below the understanding of the military side. 
In trade union circles, automation has been generally viewed as a necessary evil 
rather than a potential boon; it is considered mainly In terms of defensive measures 
against dislocation of workers. This is no more than natural when automation is 
seen only as a development in capitalism, which will serve to enhance both profits 
and unemplojTDent. It is of course correct for the unions to concern themselves 
with the short term defense of the workers' security. But the situation demands the 
elaboration of a broad program for the rational and comprehensive application of 
automation to the American econoiqy In the public interest. 

In this richest of countries, the working class is confronted by the fear 
that disarmament and automation bode mass unemployment. However, this overlooks the 
role which the people can play in shaping their own future. Their failure to con- 
sider this question is related in turn to confusion about the cold war and unaware- 
nes3 as to the material benefits which automation can bring, ffg suspect that £q the 
Jr^t't^r question, workers would g^^yMi fl voracious appetite £sZ ipfopnatjon, ridlt 
now . Both the Barty and the mass organizations can help the people elaborate the 
needed economic program; but in attempting this, both must engage in continuing dis- 
course with the people and be keenly attuned to their thoughts. 

There is no obvious factor precluding that much of such an economic program 
could be realized in the U.S. under capitalism. This would of course hinge on the 
developing course of ruling class strength and on the extent of determined working 
class sta'Uggle for transition to a peaceful economy with a minimum of economic 

It is still too early to assess fully the attitudes of the ruling class 
toward the future of the cold war or to perceive completely the divergences which 
may arise. Even a monopoly capitalist may not remain oblivioios to the destructive 
po^er of modern weapons and the strength of the socialist camp as deterrents to 
Imperialist war. tloreover, it is likely that some Trill question irtiether disarmament 
or inflation poses the greater threat to capitalist economic stability. 

However, the basic laws of monoiX)ly capitalism still operate. The in- 
creasing lim i tations on the capitalist market still give rise to imperialist as- 
pirations. And whatever the subjective attitude of some monopoly capitalists, this 
heavily armed imperialist porer remains a threat to peace. In U.S. ruling circles, 
it Is still widely maintained that a nuclear war is admissible, and the doctrine of 
preventive nuclear war has yet to be repudiated. The deterrents already mentioned 
cannot be deemed guarantees of peace. Whatever powerful deterrents to war may 
arise from the objective situation abroad, the guarantee that aggressive war will 
not be waged by the U.S. c an be provided ultimately only by the political Interven- 
tion of braod sections of the American people in behalf of peace. 

Peaceful competition is possible but it will offer neither a solution nor a 
mitigation of monopoly capitalist problems. A popular program for transition to a 
non-military econony with a working class share in the benefits of automation may be 
expected to arouse the bitter opposition of much of the ruling class. Nevertheless, 


w» nar anticipate •ooe Bupport within the ruling olase for euch a program; this will 
faollltate adoption and Implementation of the program. 

• * • 

In maaaary, the party»B program fffr"paace muat focus on these laportant new 

(1) m analytla of the situation end alternatives arising out of the new technology 

(2) A program for Implementing the new and forthcomli^ technological developments 
under full employment to enrich the lives of the people; Indeed, this muat he seen 
as the positive eseence of meeting the Soviet challenge to peaceful competition. 
Ib« Askirlcan people will see that they can only gain from such a race. 

(3) ▲ struggle for the democratic right of the people to participate In the making 
of public policy; this presv^poses a campaign for public education on those basic, 
Inoontrovertable facts whlob the public knows It lacks and which are Indispensable 
for forming an Intelligent opinion on the key questions relating to peace. 

Za addition, the JParty must engage with new vigor and flexibility in the 
olarlflcatlon of the crucial political blind spots which underlie the cold war 
ideology. These efforts will be greatly assisted by steps to broaden the free 
exchange of Ideas and persons between Baat and West. In the spirit of constructive 
paaoeful competition in ideas, new forms of exchange should be promoted, and the 
faar of ideas should be swept away. 


By S.S. 

Zba Draft political Besolutlon has been endorsed widely, if not unanimously, 
at olub, section and district levels in our state. Tet, the discussion and the 
•ndorseasnt was of a critical nature. The BBC Open Letter to the membership was a 
tiaaly and sensitive response to this critically constructive attitude toward tha 

It is in this oritioal spirit that I want to discuss the section dealing 
with the educational content of our mass work and particularly that related to the 
tasks of our inner idological reBponsibllltles. After correctly indicating (it is 
true, someidiat routinely) tha dangers to the working class and the common people in 
anti-Sovletlsm, anti-communism, racism, anti-Sefflltlsm, bourgeois nationalism aid 
ohauvlnlBm, the Draft calls for tha exposure of this poisonous ruling class 

The Draft then declares} "Tlthin the ranks of the Party and among other 
progressive forces, it is necessary to wage the most uncompromising and consistent 
struggle against revisionism. T^iB opportunist trend has its source in the Ideology 
of tha imperialist ruling class iblcb, through a whole range of social reformist and 
*class portnershipt ideas and illusions, exerts its pressure on labor and the middle 
classes and, in turn, within the Party. Exposing and combatting revisionist Ideas 
and practices, irtiich did great damage to our party in the period from 1956 to 1958, 
as well as in earlier periods, is our main ideological task." It then adds: 'At 
tha same time, the Party must vigorously combat doctrlnalrlsm and sectarianism. ■ 

Obviously, this section cannot be discussed by itself. It needs to be re- 
Viewed in mj opinion from at least thre inter-related approaches. Tirst and fore- 
most, it needs examimtion in relation to current theoretical problems that we face 
and partlcvilarly to current ejqjerlences in mass work. Second, it calls for an 
analysis on the background of tha 16th Convention and in tha context of national 
ooBmittee pro-nouncements since that convention. Third, it needs to be viewed in 
tha light of tha historic docvmient adopted in Uoscow In Hovember 1957 and known as 
the Declaration of Communist and Workerfti Parties of Socialist Countries. The 
general content of modem revisionism, its sources as well as its effects, were pre- 
sented with crystal clarity in that Declaration. 

In our party, before, at, and for'some time after the 16th Convention, 


revisionism expreaaed itself primarily in denying the need for a liarxlat vanguard 
party, in rejecting democratic centralism as the tested form of party organization, 
and in rejecting the universal validity of the dictatorship of the proletariat. It 
further exhibited its anti-Marxist character by violating princlploa of proletarian 
Internationalism, and by weakening the tlea of the fraternal Comraunlat Faxtles. 

In acme cases, the revisionists looked forward to an ever-expanding capital- 
ist prosperity In the midst of an ever-widening democracy leading gradually and 
peacefully without revolution to Bocialism. These and other unscientific views, such 
as attitudes to social democracy and reformism, the welfare state, etc., were re- 
jected piecemeal, socie at the 16th Convention, other following the convention, and 
most decisively at and after the February 1958 National Committee meeting, which 
adopted a position of a elnmltaineoue struggle against opportunist and revisioniat 
Influences and against secteLTlanlsm and dogmatism. 

Which, if any, of these revisionist views on the role of our Party, on the 
crisis-free capitaliem, on the attitude to the eociallst countries, on the estimate 
for a flowering of bourgeois democracy and a growing over into the welfare state axe 
today jrevalent in our Party? What National Committee member, what atate commltteea, 
riiat branches, or individual members today advocate these alien ideas in ovx rankst 
;7hat articles or editorials In Political Affaire or The Worker since February 1958 
can and should be labeled properly ae revisionist or rightist In dlrectioi;i? 

Even if only very few In our ranks would promote evch harmful proposltiona, 
the danger would be grave indeed, and a decisive ideological struggle against them 
would be in order. How can we judge the gravity of the sitxxation now unless we are 
concretely informed of such trends, if any exist, either In the leadership or in the 

One of the most serious manifestations of rightist thinking and practice 
that does continue to exist is the minimization of the role of our Party. TJnder-es- 
timating the Party or even negating its role in concrete situations where potentiali- 
ties for such expression of our vanguard role, either through individuals or throu^ 
the organization aa such, are both possible and necessary, is an error of a rightist 
or revisionist character. This is not to be confused with the sectarian who 
answers every call for participation in mass activity by proposing another Party 


• * * 

The fact that a decisive struggle against revisionism was not launched 
promptly and vigorously calls for self-critical examination by the leadership. The 
16th Convention of our Party underestimated the emerging danger of revisionism. But 
to single out for today as the main ideological task of our Party exposing and com- 
bating revisionist ideas and practices would indicate that the revisioniat danger la 
growing while the danger of dogmatism is diminishing in our ranks. Is this actually 


The ravages of revisionism on our Party - first Lovestone, and then Browder, 
and more rscently Gates have left their mark on our organization. And the most 
recent experience would surely demand a constant vigilance against the influences of 
this capitalist-oriented Ideology. Furthermore, the influence of revisionism on an 
Internationa], scale would further demand of us a relentless struggle against the 
"new"' refurbished dogmas of Bernstein. Continuing attempts to influence our ranks 
by those revisionist forces who left the Party are not to be denied nor are the 
ideological inflxiences of reformist and social -democracy to be overlooked. 

Given the history of revisionism in our Party, given the hold of American 
capitalist ideology on the Americsui workers, given the opportunist practices 
("opportunist system" would probably be more accurate) of the dominant section of 
trade union leadership, it would be folly indeed to underestimate the danger of 
revisionist-opportunist ideas and practices that my and do seep into the ranks of 
the Communist Party. 

A Communist must not confuse, or equate, opportunist dangers in the labor 
movement with what may be the ideological danger in the Party at a given time. Croi 
Party history can furnish more than one example where opportunism in the labor move- 
meat led to sectarian policies on the part of the left and the Party. Thus, pre- 
vailing opportunism in the ranks of the working class does not automatically make 
opportunism the main daager in the party. 

TThy, then, not make the strxjggle against revisionism the main ideological 
task facing the Party? That It is a major ideological responsibility la obvious, 


and that any concrete manifestation of it in emd around our movement must be relent- 
lessly exposed is also clear. But if tnis is to be the main Ideologlcsil task, then 
other datfigers facing our organization and movement, such a^ dogmatic-sectarian ones, 
axe lees grave and do not call for the same exphasis and all-out attention. Objec- 
tive and concrete examination of the situation in and around our Party will not 
support this one-sided presentation of our ideological tasks. It is not so, above 
all, because the period wo are entering is an utterly new period, a new historical 
stage in the fight for peaceful coexistence and to underestimate either dogmatic 
tendencies or sectsu-ian practices in our party would be tantamount to erecting al- 
most insuperable bairrlerB on the main road to disarmament and peace. 

This period above all calls for a creative development of Marxism. The Slst 
Congress of the CPSU was the best example of this. Other parties, as well, are 
struggling to enrich Marxist-Leninist theory aind to improve its guiding role in the 
battle for peace, democracy and socialism. Our Party can be proud of its creative 
application of Marxism to the Negro question in the U.S.A. This theoretical con- 
tribution may well mark the beginning of a leap forward by American Marxists in en- 
riching the science of Marxism-Leninism in Its application to the U.S.A. At the 
moment our party still lags in its theoretical and Ideological work and. much of it 
still needs to be tied in with our daily activities. 

On the threshhold of this new period we shall face the most complex problems 
of mass work in coalitions and united fronts in order to help establish peaceful com- 
petition between the socialist and capitalist worlds. Sectarian practices could rob 
vlb of the effectiveness that we must learn to exert in the coming decade of the 60' s. 

Experiences in mass work in Illinois which cannot be detailed here for 
reasons of space, point up the danger of sectarian practices which still persist in 
more than one area of our work. A stubborn struggle against such practices must be 
initiated and maintained. Are there not clubs and individuals in our State (and 
undoubtedly nationally) that do exactly what Hyman Lumer warns us against - inflate 
the Party's Independent action into the totality (his emphasis) of its activities. 

Are there not loud echoes of this sectarianism that makes "party meetings 
and the distribution of Party literature become a substitute for the difflcxilt task 
of working within the mass movement and striving to build united front relationship^" 
Do we still not find far too many instances where comrades demsind ideological unity 
as a basis for united front eictivity? 

Who, with the sole exception, perhaps, of the dogmatists, will not see how 
apt this description of the dogmatist and sectarian is? "Dogmatism and sectarianism 
hinder the developnor-t of Marxist-Leninist theory and its creative application in 
the c h n ng l ng conditions, replace the study of the concrete situation with merely 
quoting classics and sticking to books and lead to the isolation of the Party from 
the masses." And this tendency is still with us though diminishing in Influence in 
our state. To some of our doctrinaires the "ery science of Marxism-Leninism is dis- 
torted and turned into a two-word magic formula, and thus no examination of the con- 
crete is necessary. 

The fight against dogmatism and tendencies in that direction will only 
register victories when. In the light of the Marxist method and guided by Marxist 
principles, the most thorough, concrete and continuing exsimination will be made of 
every major aspect of the American scene and the American class struggle as a basis 
for a sound program and sound strategy and tactics. The struggle against sectaria- 
nism will only record advances when our comrades in the trade unions and the mass 
organizations grapple with the Immediate and concrete needs of the workers and the 
common people, and with great flexibility and sound Judgment help establish united 
front activities and coalition movements on single issuee as a basis for a brostden-* 
Ing fron on many issues against the giant monopolies and reaction within our country. 
And within this movement, giving constant attention to the question of how to 
express the Partyts vanguard role in building the unity and political under s tending 
of the working class, and in educating for socialism. 

Thus, the dangers of dogmatism and sectarianism are not to be underestimated. 
This was the position adopted by the February 1958 National Committee meeting when 
it declared a two-front struggle. "Moreover", that National Committee statement de- 
clared, "this struggle should be waged so as to help overcome the historic weakness 
of the American Marxist movement, its sectarianism and doctrinalrism." 


iniat has happened elnce Februoxy 1958 that requires a different emphasis 
than that given than? Has the danger of revlBlonlsm grown and that of Bectarlonlsm 
diminished? A two-front strugclo with equal emphasis on the dangers of revisionism 
(Mad dogmatism is every hit as necessary today as It was in 1958. 

It is well in this connection to review briefly what the Moscow Declaration 
of November 1957 had to seiy on these dangers. All to often only one quote is gl-oen 
aa the total approach of the Declaration to these dangers. A study of the document 
will reveal three distinct and related conclusions expressed. One said, "Disregard 
of national peculiarities by the proletarian party leads to its divorce from reality 
... and is bovmd to prejudice the cause of socialism and, conversely, exaggeration 
of the role of these peculiarities ... la Just as harmful to the socialist cause ... 
the participants in the meeting consider that both these tendencies should be com- 
batted slmultaneouely." (Uy emphasis.) 

A second position was expressed as followej "The meeting underlines the 
necessity of resolutely overcoming revisionism and dogmatism in the ranks of the 
Communist and workers parties." 

And a third conclusion stated : "In condemning dogmatism the Communist 
parties believe that the main danger at present is revisionism or, in other words, 
right-wing opportunism, which as a manifestation of bo\irgeois ideology paralyzes 
the energy of the working class and demands the preservation or restoration of 
Capitalism, However, dogTuatism and sectaxlaniam can also be the main detnger at 
different phases of development In one party or another. It is for each Communist 
party to decide what danger threatens it more at a given moment," 

Both the letter and the spirit of the Declaration are violated when one in- 
sists that the conclusiona on revisionism a^ the prlncipial danger must apply with 
equal strength to every Communist party in the world and continue to apply today, 
two years later, to every Party alike. 


The parties of semi-colonial countries or of countries Just recently liberar- 
ted from colonialism are carrying on profound discussions on the role of the 
national boxirgeoisie in the national liberation movements and revolutions. While 
not in anyway challenging the continued danger of revisionism there are vcirylng but 
significant attacks on docttinaire positions on the role of the national bourgeoisie. 
Xbus, the Iraqul Party has recently stated that it had overestimated its own role 
and underestimated that of the national bovirgeoisie in the Iraqul revolution. The 
Cuban party declares that in the practical application of Marxism in Cuba, they 
face ' two main dangers* — dogmatic and sectarian mistakes, as well as errors of an 
opportunist and revisionist character. 

Palmiro Togliatti, head of the Italian Communist Party stated earlier this 
year; 'Among the Italian Communists, the plant of revisionism never took hold. We 
shall continue to prevent its growth today ... At the same tij^a we shall combat 
every form of sectarianism." 

Dolores Ibarruri, leader of the heroic Communist Party of Spain, wrote 

"Hitherto it was difficult to pose the question of united action and agree- 
ment with some groiqp of the national bourgeoisie because of their retictionary posi- 
tion. These groups have not ceased to be reactionary. But the pressure to which 
they are being subjected by the monopolies and their need to defend themselves 
against this pressure is bringing them closer to the labor movement and democratic 

"The popular Pront constituted a most importsmt stage in the Communists' 
caii5)aign for cooperation with non--proletarian forces in the interests of Joint 
struggle against the threat of wax, reaction and fascism. Bat the popular Front 
should not be considered as something static and unchanging as a pattern valid for 
edl time,., 

'In particular, for Spaniards this form of association between labor and 
progressive forces against the background of struggle with the Freinco regime is 
inadequate. We need, and we are fighting for a broader unity which would embrace 
all national forces regardless of their social status and past political activity..." 

• • • 


Are not sectarian praczicea stili a major tiindrance in the fi£^t against 
reaction and the fascist danger in our country? 

Do we not still find loxid voices in our ranks calling for the total flaima - 
tion of present labor leadership and crying out that this leadership is the main 
hindrance to any economic or political advance of the American working class? 

Are there not significant vestiges of sectarianism in our rainks which may 
seriously obstruct the mobilization of the American people in the all-out fight 
for peaceful coexistence pnri general dlsarmamant? 

^ho has not heard even in the very recent period in o\ir Party where the 
Hegro question is reduced to a class question and the national liberation movement 
equated with the liberation of the Negro worker from capitalist exploitation? 

Lenin In Left fflng Communism, an Infantile Disorder , observed; "Anarchiam 
was often a sort of punishment for the opportunist sins of the working class move- 
ment. Both moaostrosities mutually s\applemented each other." While the basic ob- 
jective source of both left-sectariainism and righ opportunism is in the capitalist 
society in which we live, we have had, in addition, sufficient experience since 
1957 in the left-wing movement in the U.S.A. to be tempted to paraphrase Lenin's 
statement to read; "Both monostrosities, that of left sectarianism and right 
opport\inism, have mutually supplemented and fed on each other." In such a concrete 
situation lessening the fire in any way on "one monstrosity" could lead to great 
harm to our movement. 

The examples from other parties are not cited to justify oxir Party's 
position after February 1958. This can only be judged on the basis of whether It 
correctly reflects the realities in and around our Party. They are given, hovrever, 
as an argument against the static position taken by the dogmatists. 

It needs also to be stated of course, that a great number of Communist and 
workers' parties, based on their own continuing analysis of their own sitioation, 
still adhere to the conclusion that revisionism remains the main danger inter- 
nationally, as well as to their own parties. But their findings are in all cases 
determined by the study of their specific situations, and not by mechanical 
application of genersLlizations, 

* * « 

Our position today, I believe, must remain the same as it has been since 
rebruary 1958 because concrete conditions in and around the Party demand it. In- 
cidentally, it would have been proper and wise, it seems to me, for the N.C., since 
it rocommended a change in this regard in the Draft Resolution to have at least 
briefly outlined the causes for the earlier position sind the reasons for the 
changed one projected at present, 

I further question the formulation as to what is our main ideological 
task from another angle. 

i7ould it not be sounder to say that our main ideological responsibility 
should concern Itself with the problems emd obstacles relating to our mass work, 
such as the united front and coalition activities, which, of course, would then 
Include the questions of revisionist-opportunism, and dogmatism and sectarianism? 

Instead of the formulation in the Draft Political Resolution I recommend 
this substitution: 

"Our mass work and our Ideological responsibility demand that the most 
consistent struggle against revisionist-opportunist tendencies be carried on 
simultaneously with the most vigorous opposition to dogmatic ideas and sectarian 
practices. " 




Propoeed Ctonr^o t^ Party Conctltutl-m 

NOTE: Please refer t-i original C-mstltutlon. We Indicate here only the changes. 
Aaaitlons are underocored. Deletions are In parentheses. 


Sdotlon 1. Add to line 5 after "political activity" 

(a) to attain a peaceful world so that the Anerlcan people 
and all nanklnd my v^rk out their destiny freed fron the 
pha^ov of nuclear war; (b) t-> attain full equality for 
the Negro people by banlehing Jin crow and reallzlnr; the 
fraternal unity of Negro and wnlte; 



Section U. Line 8, delete ('If feasible") 

Line 9, after "good standing" add: 

They nay, however, apply for reaonlselon within six nonthp , 
and upon approval of the club, be pemltted to pay all back 
dues and nclntaln their former standing . 


Section 2. Page 9, line 7, after by-laws, add the word or. 
line 8, delete (or state conmlttee), 
retain "my detemln". Delete all that 
follows up to end of line 23. 

Retain balance of page. 

Page 10, line 2, delete (at large) 

line 6, delete all material starting 
with (a vacancy anong menbers) and 
ending with (vacancy occurred) on 
line 12. 


national Organization Section 1. Page 12, line 8, delete (within the flrxt olx 

months of the year. 

Section U. Page 13, line 12, delete (at least 90 days). 
Add four months , to read: 

Prior to regular National Conventions, 
four months shall be provided for dis- 
cussions, etc. 

Section 5, In the present Constitution has been deleted by 

New Section 5 to read: 

Section 5. That each National Convention detemlne the 
nunber of nenberg of t^e National Coianlttee 
and tfiat election be by secret ballot. 



National Organlzatl^n New Sectl-in 6 to read: 

Section 6. The Natl-inal Connlttee 9^ell be elected at 
t^■e National Convention In the follovlnR 
Blanner; That State Conventlono ohall make 

nomlnatlonp to the Natl'^nal Connlttee "of 
any nenber of t^ci Party ellp:lble In their 
own or any other State. Such nonlnatlono 
toRether with any other noplnatloDO nade 
directly at the Convention ohall apirear on 
the election ballot at the National Conven - 
tion unleso a nonlnee has In the neantloe 
declined . 

That In the election of the Natl-^nal Com - 
nlttee all areas of the country be Included 
with due ref^ard to the elze of the nenberohlp 
and the character of the state orr^ianlzatlon . 

Present Section 6 then becoraeo Section 7. 

Section 7 will then read: 

Section 7. Vacancies shall be filled by the roa.lorlty 
vote of the National Committee. N.enbere " 
nay be recalled I'or cause by the afflmatlve 
vote of two-thirds of the roemberg of the 
National Co:^rnlttee . 

Present Section 7 becomes Section 8. 

Present Section 8 becomes Section 9- 

Present Section 9 becomes Section 10. 

Page 15, line 6 from the bottom, 

Change to read: In fulfilment of Ite duties Instead of 
(In connection with its duties) 

Present Section 10 becomes Section 11. 

Page l6, last line, change to read: at least twice a 

Instead of: (at least four times a) 


Rl.Thtg and Duties of Members 

Section 1. iteo lO, line Ik delete (They also have the 
right In accordance with Section 2 of this 
Article, to dissent from decisions which 
have bean nfide . ) 

line l8, change to read: 

Members should be active In carrying out 
the program of the Party, to read and 
circulate Its press and literature, to 
Increase their knowledge of scientific 
socialism and to attend club msetlngs 

Section 12, page 21, line 10, delete (without prejudice) 



Disciplinary Procedure an<1 
Appeals . 

Section 3. Page 22, line 8, add rsftor "any niembor" 
or party committee 

line 13, add after "In that club" 

Clubo or Individual T.enbera nay request 

the help •>f the next higher committee 
on 8uch chargeo . 

line l6, after "trial ooramlttee" add, 

of the club or appropriate hlii^^er 
Party body . 


Section 6. Page 23, line 1. After "Ani' Member" 
add or committee . 

Adopted by the l6th National 
Convention of the Comnuniet Party 
U.S.A. February 9-12, 1957. 

As amended by 17th National Convention 

EDITORIAL PROPOSAL: The Constitution should Include an Index. 

# # # 


By Fettle Perry 
(Oct. 25, 1959) 

Comrades, tbla Is the fourth draft resolution on the Negro question In the 
last ten months. Some comrades might be amazed that this could happen In the 
Communist Party, where. Instead of one draft and then a final resolution, we have 
four, with no one knowing how many more drafts we will have before we will have 
settled the question. 

There are a number of reasons for this. First, that the National question Is 
one of the most complicated of all theoretical questions In the body of Marxist 
thought. Second, we are attempting to discuss this question after three years of 
Inner-party crisis . Under these conditions It Is going to be difficult for us to 
formulate a satlsfactorj' resolution on any question. Third, I know of no country 
where the National Question Is as confused and complicated as It Is In the United 
States. And this Is neither because of Fevlsloniam nor Left Sectarianism, as one 
or another comrade might think. It Ic because of the historical evolution of this 
question In the United States. 

First of all, the Negro people in this country are not a conquered people like 
the people of Puerto Rico or some other colony. Second, the Negro people in this 
country, like their white oppressors, originally came from another continent, and 
they both arrived In this country with different cultural backgrounds, and from 
different continents, with different ethnic backgrounds. Originally they spoke 
different languages, had different religious beliefs, and had other differences 
and peculiarities of their own. In addition to this, the Negro people in this 
country were at one time the slaves of their oppressors, the white ruling class. 
As a result, the ruling class was able to fonn and grow and develop in a certain 
dlrectlon--economically, politically and socially; whereas the development of the 
Negro people in all these aspects was restricted and different. 

These are some of the things that we must understand in order to appreciate 
deeply what are some of the more fundamental difficulties that lie before us in 
our effort to arrive at a correct conclusion regarding what precisely should be 
the main political long-range slogans for Negro liberation. 

It should be added, further, that even in countries where nations and peoples 
were more clearly defined, even in those countries the National Question was one 
of the most sharply debated of all. Ever since the London International Congress 
in 1896 this has been a very sharply debated question in the Marxist movement all 
over the world. And this situation was most marked In the first country of social- 
ism, the USSR. Without going further into this, I would like to refer the comrades 
to a few Marxist documents which deal with this particular question: Lenin's pam- 
phlet: "The Right of Nations to Self -De termination; or Volumes IV and V of Lenin's 
Selected Works;" as well as Stalin's book, "Ilarxiem and the National Question," 
especially pages 137 to I61, entitled "Report on National Factors in the Develop- 
ment of the Party and the State." This latter comes from a Report delivered at 
the Twelfth Congress of the Russian Communist Party, April 23, 1923. 

The 1923 Report was made more than five years after the establishment of the 
Soviet Government. 

Another reference I would like to make is to Stalin's volume, the chapter 
"Deviations on the National Question," pages 203 to 2llt. This report was delivered 
twelve years after the establishment of the Soviet Government. At the Sixteenth 
Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, June 27, 1930. 

In oar District we have had and are continuing to have the most intensive 
study and discussion on the National Question. There are some wh© agree with the 
first draft and some who oppose it; these contending viewpoints continue to this 
day. All during the discussion we have been able to conduct it in a non-factional 
marjier, a manner which I hope will continue. In order to facilitate this discus- 
sion, our District submitted to the Party an extensive bibliography dealing with 
ths National Question. That included general material dealing with the Negro Ques- 
tion In the United States. This bibliography was compiled by first acquiring from 
Comrade Jackson a list of all the documents such as books, pamphlets, etc., that 
ho used In his preparations for the initial report. We added to this other sources 
of material. It is Important now to ask, after this intensive study, that all of 
us who disagree with the resolution should include Ir our disagreement that which 
we think should be our approach and why we think so. 


After these Introductory romarke I proceed now to eome commBnts on the reao- 
lutlon. The resolution Is correct In setting forth in the Introductory section, 
that after almost a hundred years the Negro people In this country still do not 
enjoy the full rights guaranteed them under the 13th, lUth and 15th Amendments to 
the Constitution. This Is not a denial of the achievements of the Negro people. 
This Is a realistic evaluation of the present situation. As such it Is positive, 
being positive does not necessarily mean noting only the achievements as we have 
tended to do In the past. We must not close our eyes to the vast number of un- 
solved problems. If we do, our Party can become deluded and fall victim to grad- 
ualism. If we do that, we fall behind the tempo of the Negro Liberation Movement 
Itself. And this would be unfortunate. 

Mies Nannie H. Burroughs, President of the Women's Convention Auxiliary to the 
National Baptist Convention, U.S.A., at San Francisco September 9, 1959, in describ- 
ing the need for greater equality and Integration of the Negro people had this to 
say: "The Negro masses can and must be reached, enlightened, enlisted, challenged 
and Inspired. All of this talk about race progress Is only whistling In the dark 
to keep away ghosts. It Is glorifying the petty done and Ignoring the vast undone." 
This Is a spokesman for Negro life, a spokesman of no small dimension. She Is part 
of an organization that has five million Negroes In Its ranks, the second largest 
Negro organization In the country, second only to the Fraternal Council of Churches, 
which claims a membership of better than eight million, with the Baptists being the 
largest part of this total. 

In Section One of the Resolution, the description of the Negro movement and 
the various currents that make up that movement Is too lightly and too narrowly 
dealt with. The Impression Is left that the only thing that is happening in this 
movement for Negro liberation is a grouping around the NAACP, with the NAACP act- 
ing as Its spokesman. 

Now It is correct to say that the NAACP Is the main civil rights organization 
of the Negro people; and that it has the support of the entire Negro people: also 
that In the country as a whole it is acting as the nerve center of the Negro lib- 
eration movement as it now exists. This is an objective fact. Further it la cor- 
rect to say that the NAACP has the broadest ties with the white masses in this 
country, especially with the labor movement and the white liberals. We have to 
speak conditionally, however, as to what authority it enjoys In the ranks of labor. 
We will come back to this later. First, let us turn to soma of the other major 
components of the Negro Liberation Movement, their roles and their contributions 
to it. 

The Negro Church is about the oldest of all the Negro organizations. Both 
the Baptist and Methodist churches developed and were formed on the basis of 
fighting against Jim Crow. To this day, they occupy a strong position of leader- 
ship among the Negro people. One of the movements that developed and shook the 
world in the field of Negro liberation, which did not start in NAACP, nor is It 
i n the hands of the NAACP , is the Martin Luther King Montgomery Improvement Assoc- 
iation bus boycott movement. This movement inspired the Negroes of Tallahassee, 
Atlanta and other cities to conduct similar struggles. So powerful was this move- 
ment that the young Martin Luther King, emerged five years ago from an obscure 
clergyn»n to prominence as an international figure. The present-day struggle in 
the Deep South for the right to vote Is in the hands of the Christian Leadership 
movement. The most authoritative leaders of thax movement are the Negro churches 
of the South, who enjoy the support of Negro churches and the Negro masses all 
over the country. 

True, that a number of forces, in the South such as certain white liberals, 
the Negro fraternal organizations, some of the unions that are all-Negro or pre- 
dominantly Negro, and NAACP branches are laarticlpants in this movement; but one 
cannot conclude therefore that this movement is "grouped around the NAACP" with 
the NAACP acting as its spokesman, when it is known that King, Abemathy, Shuttle - 
worth and many other prominent minlsterfa in the South are the most authoritative 
spokesmen for this movement. 

This is not only the case in places like Alabama, where the NAACP has been 
outlawed, but it Is true in many other Southern states. It is such movements as 
these that are most aggressively putting the question of the Bight to Vote, and 
the Bight to Negro Eepresentatlon, which foreshadows the possibility for the emerg- 
ence of a block of Negro aspirants for office, and may well be the prologue for 
a resurgence of a movement of Negro clergymen to enter political office. 

It should never be forgotten that the first Negro Senator ever to sit in the 
United States Senate was a Negro minister, Eiram Bevels of Miasisslppi. 


The Initiative of the Negro clergy, particularly In the South, who are today 
leading the struggle on the political front nay be the forerunner of what was done 
In Beconstructlon. 

The HAACP neither endorses nor supports political candidates. 

President J. H, Jackaon of the National Baptist Convention, on September 19, 
1959 In San Prtmclaco at hie organization's annual meeting, in addition to rally- 
ing the Negro people to the struggle for peace, laid before them the necessity of 
a relentless struggle for full citizenship rights In these words: "We must insist 
on universal suffrage, the rights of all citizens to the ballot box, and take our 
full reeponelblllty In helping to elect those officials on whom the country must 
depend for leadership and guidance." 

This was done after h© had pointed out to the Negro people how the unification 
of the Arab World was succeeding. He described this as Arab Nationalism, to which 
he attached great value. In the sphere of world politics the church is playing far 
more of a direct role In Africa than Is the NAACP. True, a lot of this is on a 
religious basis, but It Is also true that some of it Is on the basis of material 
existence . 

The treatment of the role of the Negro press in the resolution leaves me 
flabergasted . For It would appear from this section of the resolution that the 
Negro press "have rendered profound changes in the common psychological makeup of 
Negro Americans." As a natter of fact the Negro press historically has been one 
of the greatest crusaders for Negro freedom. It is this Institution that very 
often both fires and inspires the imagination and determination of the Negro people 
to put up stone-wall resistance against Injustice. Very often it is the first 
institution In Negro life that sharply raises issues of discrimination in all walks 
of life. It Isthe Voice of Negro Life that is most often critical of NAACP and 
its failure to tackle specific questions. It la critical likewise of both industry 
and labor. It is also sharply critical of Negro leadership itself when it lags in 
certain fields. Without this Institution In Negro life, neither the NAACP nor any 
other aepeota of the Negro Liberation Movement would be at the level they are today. 

What other institution in Negro life today Is raising the question of police 
brutality as energetically as the Negro press? This has developed into a situa- 
tion that la a national disgrace. This Is true of Los Angeles, Chicago, Detroit, 
and every other major city in this country. It la even true of places with only 
a amall Negro population like Seattle. Yet in what city in the North particularly 
do you find any nass struggle on the part of any NAACP branch on this issue? 

Consequently in our description of the Negro Liberation Movement and its 
component parts, the Negro Press must be given much more credit for the role that 
it la playing. 

One of the biggest veakneeses in describing the Negro movement, however, (and 
a deacription of the currents in the Negro movement is of course vitally neces- 
sary,) la the failure of this resolution and all previous resolutions on this 
question in the history of our party , to give any description or treatment of the 
role of women in the Negro Liberation Movement . And yet it Is known that the 
Negro women are one of the most energetic forces in Negro life . They are the 
most civic minded; they are closest to the youth. Without the role of the Negro 
women every one of the Negro preachers In this country would starve to death. For 
it is the women who carry on moat of the organizing work, most of the fund-raising 
both in the churches and in the NAACP. Therefore it Is not sufficient to speak 
simply of this or that sector of Negro life and omit the role of women in the 
process; for these women have literally hundreds of organizations that are made up 
of nothing but women. They vigorously fight for various kinds of Improvements in 
the Negro connunlty. 

Even in the general Neg-i > Liberation Movement the Negro women's organizations 
on their own, and on behalf 'T themselves andthelr brothers and sons and husbands 
and on behalf of the whole Negro community not only fight for such general demands 
as FEPC, better housing, health, and so on, but they have been the pioneers in the 
field of the rights of domestic workers. In addition, they have aided thefight 
of organized labor, particularly the Negro workers in transportation. I quote 
from a convention report of the President of tl* California State Association of 
Colored Women's Clube, made at San Diego in July 1959. Mrs. Ida M. Poberteton 


"The railroads, bue lines and air transport of our country are heavily sub- 
sidized gy govemment contract. Yet there is equality of employment In no 
sense of the word. So far as we of the California State Association of Colored 
Womsn's Clubs know, there Is not a single Negro drive of Inter-state buses In 
the country. Where there should be at least 50 Negro locomotive engineers per 
1000 employed, there Is now no more than 1 per 1,000. And so on. Therefore 
we recommend adoption by the President's Committee on Govemment Contracts of 
a policy In favor of no loans, grants, subsidies or contracts to any air, land, 
sea transportation firm engaged In Interstate business, except under conditions 
of employment equality without reference to race," 

There are serious material motivations which have to do with the welfare of 
the Negro community as a whole, as well as with the welfare of the Negro women 
as Individuals such as their precarious position in Industry, their lack of op- 
portunities for Jobs and the advancement to key positions In Industry, ths Infer- 
ior statue which they occupy In the labor movement etc; the main fact, however. 
Is that the two examples cited by Miss Burroughs and Mrs. Robertson, emphasize 
and Illustrate the serious weaknesses on our part. This section of the popula- 
tion must be considered as both «\n Independent current and also an Important 
Integral part of the Negro Liberation Movement as a whole. 

The youth movement and the role of the Negro youth is not mentioned In the 
Resolution. The response and the Initiative of youth to the two mobilizations In 
Washington, D.C. emphasizes the tremendous vital force and vitality ofthe Negro 
Liberation Movement amonp youth. Thus as a further strengthening of the present 
draft we should consider the Negro youth as a distinct current of the Negro Lib- 
eration Movement along with all the rest of Its components. Without this we will 
not have an adequate guide and perspective for the period ahead. 

Two other points: (1) In this section we should deal more forcefully with 
the all-class character of the Negro Liberation Movement. It Is necessary to do 
this because only by having before us a clear picture of what this movement is 
and where Itis going, can the Marxist and pro-Marxist forces see clearly in what 
way they can Identify themselves with that movement. 

(2) Treatment of the Negro nationalist movement In the Draft Resolution Is 
highly Inadequate. It la referred to as advocating "petty -bourgeois 'solutlon'to 
the oppression of the Negro people." 

We should not discuss a question as serious as this In such an off-handed 
manner, for to do so tends to give a one-sided picture of Negro nationalism. 

While it is true that the nationalist movement contributes to the growing 
racial pride among Negroes, and this is a positive achievement, it is also true 
that by its nature nationalism (Moslems, etc.) leads to a separation of Negro 
from white, and this leads to a weakening of the liberation movement, for it 
must be remembered that the Negro Question cannot be solved by the Negro people 
alone. It was a combination of whites and Negroes that led to the adoption of 
fair employment practices laws in many states and communities. 

Negro nationalism can only divert the Negro people from the only possible 
solution to their problems, that is, the firm unity between the Negro Liberation 
Movement and the working class which oonstitutea the broadest base for Negro- 
white unity. Without the unity of these two, the problems of the Negro people 
in the United States can never be solved. Even if every Negro man, woman and 
child is united down to the last person. If the Negro people could solve their 
problems all by themselves, Jim Crow in American life would be as ancient as the 
first slave ship that came to this country. 

Just as the white comrades especially should be in the forefront of the 
struggle against white chauvinism, so our Negro comrades must be in the forefront 
of struggle against bourgeois nationalism. I fail to see how we can raise the 
question of the Negro nationalist movement without dealing with the question of 
bourgeois nationalism. Bourgeois nationalism in Negro life is as divisive as 
ant 1 -communism. While one contributes to the disruption of the whole progressive 
movenent, the other disrupts the Negro Liberation Movement, from within. Taken 
together tftey constitute two main obstacles inside the Negro Liberation Movement, 
and must be fought as such. Granting that different tactics for each one will 
have to be used, the struggle must be concentrated on them. 


I turn now to Section Three of the Beaolutlon. 

After dealing at length with the condltlone of the Negro people, deeorlblng 
how Negroes are Jim Crowed In unions and Industry, to the point where the Negro 
people receive hQ% less family Income than their white fellow citizens, the Reso- 
lution then says: 

"This circumstance alone dictates that the Negro worker take the lead In 
alerting the entire movement to a national crusade to organize the unorganized 
In the South, and create a new base of support for the labor movement In the pro- 
cess ." 

What have the Negro people been doing since the Civil War and Reconstruction 
except alerting the entire labor movement to the plight of the Negro people? What 
Is the basis for the origin and growth of the Negro caucuses In the ranks of organ- 
ized labor. Do they not stem from the understanding on the part of the Negro work- 
ers that this Is a method of alerting the labor movement to the plight of the Negro 

What has Randolph been doing for the last twenty-five years If not alerting the 
labor movement to the plight of the Negro people? 

What has been the result? 

The last convention of the AFL-CIO demonstrated conclusively that much more Is 
needed than the "negro worker alerting the labor movement. Here we saw the most 
arrogant display of white chauvinism by the head of that labor movement, George 
Meany. The worst we have ever witnessed In the history of the labor movement. 
Reuther, a member of the national board of directors of the NAACP sat silently by 
and said nothing. 

Failing to see the Incorrectness of the formulation will only place the burden 
of the lack of struggle against Jim Crow on the back of the Negro workers, where It 
does not belong. This approach Is shown more graphically In Section Four where, 
after analyzing the various confusions that exist In the Negro movement, the reso- 
lution states: 

"What Is decisive, however. Is that no approach, no tactic. Is likely to suc- 
ceed unless baaed on the concept of democratic mass struggle by the Negro people in 
alliance with labor and all other anti-monopoly forces In the nation." 

Which of course Is true. However, the question may logically be asked, "Are 
the Negro people responsible for the lack of such an alliance? 

The answer Is no. All sections of Negro life have been eystenfitlcally pleading 
with the labor movement to break down the bars of Jim Crow from the house of labor. 
All too often this has been met with resistance. The Negro Liberation movement has 
systematically pleaded with labor to Join with the Negro movement In breaking down 
all aspects of Jim Crow not only In industry but In other phases of social, economic 
and political life of this country, and the labor movement has not sufficiently 
understood that Its own self Interest lies In the direction of a full fledged strug- 
gle against the whole Jim Crow system. 

Nothing on this earth would more firmly fix the alliance between the Negro 
people and labor than such a step. All of this la not to say that the labor move- 
ment has done nothing; it Is precisely because the labor movement has helped the 
Negro people make many gains that the Negro people feel that they should be able 
to rely on labor. They understand that if it had not bean for the support of the 
labor movement in years gone by, that the Negro people would not be working on 
many Jobs that they are employed on today. 

It is also known that the existence of FEP laws in some twenty states and in 
some thirty cities, townships and countels would not have come about without tfte 
support of the labor movement in all of these states. 

It is known, further, that the labor movement has been a vital factor In help- 
ing to secure better housing for Negroes; they have fought for Integrated housing; 
they have supported the Supreme Court decisions on de -segregation. Many Unions for 
the first time have Negroes occupying leading positions In the union. All of these 
and neny more facte are known by the whole Negro people as the achievement of the 
Labor movement in the fight for Negro rights. It Is not for any anti-labor reasons 
or any feeling on the Part of the Negro people that labor has not played a role in 
many of the struggles. What the Negro people are saying today is that as good as 
these achievements are, they are far too inadequate to meet the needs of the present 


Tho resolution In placing the queotlon ae It does, falls to come to grips with 
the serious defecto of tte labor movement on the Negro Question. By falling to do 
thi«, th» troatmsnt of white chauvinism and the need to struggle against it among 
the broad nasses In the arena of struggle for Negro rights, as well as In the pro- 
gressive movement Itself, remains very weak and Ineffective. 

To further highlight the inadequacy of labor In the fight for Negro rights, 
which in the long run Is basic and fundamsntal to struggle for Negro-white unlty-- 
we must remember that the failure to do this In terms of organizing the unorganized 
In the South, on the betels of complete equality for the Negro worker, left the door 
open for the Dlxlecrats and Wall Street to blanket the South with "rlgbt-to-work" 
laws. This point should be made In the resolution. It should be nede again and 
•gain among the msses. 

Let us take the question, once again, of the "need to alert the labor move- 
ment" regarding Negro rights. 

The NAACP, which th© resolution says enjoys authority "to act as spokesman 
for the entire eighteen million Negro people," in its I958 Annual Beport, Progress 
and Po rtents , eaye: "In addition to the Brotherhood of Firemen and Enginemen and 
the Brotherhood Railroad Trainmont which exclude Negroes by constitutional prov- 
ision, a number of international unions affiliated to the AFL-CIO continue to ex- 
clude Negroes by tacit consent. Some of them restrict Negro membership to segre- 
gated or 'auxiliary' locals. Other international unions negotiate separate racial 
•oniority lines into collective bargaining agreements which limit Negro employmsnt 
to low Job classifications and deny Negro workers equal rights." (p. 52) 

"A aimllAr pattern of segregation is maintained by many other unions Including 
the United Brotherhood of Papermakere and Paperworkere Union and the International 
Brotherhood of Pulp, Sulphite and Paper Mill Workers. These two unions hold Joint 
collective bargaining agreements and maintain a rigid pattern of segregated local 
unions with separate seniority lines limiting Negro employment to laborer class- 
ifications and denying Negroes equal seniority and other rights. Segregated locals 
with discriminatory provlelona in union contracts are to be found in the plants of 
the International Paper Company in a number of southern states." (pp. 52-3). 

"Qualified Wegro mechanics In the North as well as in the South are frequently 
unable to secure employment in major construction installations, including govem- 
aent building projects, because of the discriminatory practices of certain building 
trades unions affiliated to the AFL-CIO. A clause requiring union membership as a 
condition of employment is to be found virtually In all collective bargaining agree- 
nsnte in the building and construction trades industry. Accordingly, the right to 
belong to a building trades union is a necessary condition of employment. Because 
Negro workers today are largely excluded from the International Brotherhood of El- 
ectrical Workers and because of the exclusion practices of other building trades 
unions, competent Negro mechanics are denied Job opportunities In oBjor public and 
private constnjctlon installations throughout the country. An example of this is 
the operation of Local 26 of the IBEW in Washington, D.C., which has prevented 
Negro mechanics from securing employment on construction projects in the Nation's 

"Similar complaints were filed with the National AFL-CIO against the Plumbers 
Union, Operative Plasterers and Cement Masons Association and other unions In the 
APL-CIO Building Trades Council. 

"At the Atlantic Steel Company plant In Atlanta, Georgia, hundreds of Negro 
workers suffer dishonest Job claself Icatlons and are denied their right to develop 
skills which would permit employment In more desirable Job classifications because 
of the separate seniority lines In the union agreement. This Is equally true at 
the Sheffield Steel Company plant in Houston, Texas, and In steel manufacturing 
operations in the Blrmlngham-BesseiiBr, Alabanfi, district. The United Steel Work- 
ers of America, AFL-CIO, has contracts with these companies, 

"On November 26, In the Federal Court of Appeals In Cincinnati, the Brother- 
hood of Locomotive FlreioBn and Enginemen successfully defended their power to ex- 
clude Negroes from membership. This was in response to an action initiated by 
fourteen Negro firemen who wisl^d to Join the duly constituted collective bargain- 
ing agent affiliated to the AFL-CIO. The National AFL-CIO has remained ollent 
about this ruling despite protests from the NAACP National Office." (P. 53). 

56597 O «0 pt. 4 10 


All of thia makes crystal clear that while the Negro workers must continue to 
press relentlessly for equality In the labor movement, at the sane time the strong- 
est emphasis must be placed upon the absolute necessity. Indeed, tlte imperative 
necessity, for the white masses, both rank-and-file and leadership, to see that 
they march in the forefront of the struggle for equality of the Negro people In 
unions and shops. 

Without such an effort on the part of the white workers, stresses and etralns 
will continue to be placed on the Negro-labor alliance. And without such an effort 
on the part of the white workers, the Negro workers for their part will not be able 
successfully to draw into the Negro-labor alliance the various classes which em- 
prise the Negro community. 

There I3 a decided underestljDatlon of the possibilities of this broad alliance 
of Negro and white in the minds of many Communists. 

A very Important factor in determining the outlook, tte attitudes and the 
opinions of the Negro is the fact that all of the indignities and mletreatnents 
whlc^ he has suffered have been at tlie hands of whites. It la only when actions 
In defense of Negro rights are taken that Negroes can be convinced of a white per- 
son's "sincerity." 

Such an action was the action of the white woman who escorted a Negro student 
up the steps at Central Bigb School In the face of the mob. To the Negro, that 
woman, and only that woman of all the group of whites surrounding the school at 
that tine, was "sincere" m her desire to help the Negro win equal rights. 

There is an arrogance, I would call it a Left-wing arrogance, which assumes 
that white Communists, and white Communists alone among the whites, will take up 
the struggle for Negro rights among the whites . This is false . There are not a 
few people liberals and humanitarians, all over this country, who are ready 
to take up one or another issue in the struggle for Negro rights. 

Such for-ces as these we should make alliances with. Many of them are in gen- 
eral for civil rights. There are others In many unions who will take up the ques- 
tion of upgrading of Negroes, of fighting for Negroes to be In leadership in unions, 
and there are still others who will fight against discrimination In every bowling 
alley, every restaurant close to the union, but who do not understand the need to 
wage similar struggles in th«lr unions. The forces of the left progressive move- 
ment, in united struggle alongside such people, could help them go beyond this kind 
of understanding by showing them it is in their self-interest to fight for Negro 
equality all along the line. 

In the trade unions, all white members who are Unitarians, Unlversalists or 
Quakers, or who have religious beliefs which are based on ethical and moral con- 
cepts cf equality, are possible allies In the struggle to achieve full equality 
for Negroes In their unions. 

Up and down the state of California, in many other states, there is a 
broad, liberal group that fights on a program that is called "Open Occupancy 
Housing." This group, many of them middle-class, and some real bourgeois elements, 
with various professionals such as clergymen, doctors, teachers and lawyers In 
their midst, are carrying on any number of conferences and other activities even 
to the point of Issuing statements in the press, advertisements and brochures 
which state that they will not object to any race or nationality living In their 
community. Such groups as the Pasadena -Altadena Community Relations Council or the 
Lcs Angeles Community Relations Counil are broad channels for strengthening the 
unity of Negro and white. Yet for the most part our comrades ignore such develop- 

There are many comrades who are militant fighters against chauvinism inside 
the Party but not among the naeses . There are few who are consistent fighters 
against chauvinism everywhere. There are still others who think that the struggle 
against white chauvinism is outmoded and that chauvinism does not exlst--except 
perhaps among the White Citizens Councils or the Ku Klux Klan. 

There are white comrades who have said, "I was bom in Europe, raised there, 
we never had any chauvinism, we hardly ever saw a Negro." And there are others 
who have said, "I'm from the North, Prejudice against Negroes never existed in 
my family. There weren't even any Negroes In my high school. This business 
against chauvinism doesn't apply to ms." 


Tftero weren't atxy signs on the white people at Little Pock reading "I am from 
Europe. I have no prejudice." Or: "I'm from Kew England. No prejudice here." 
At Little Rock the Negro people saw white faces lined up against them. To the 
Negro masses, they were Just white faces, the faces of their oppressors. And In 
a lynch mob, no bank books, no stocks and bonds, differentiate among the white 
class enemies about to lynch a Negro; they are all Just white faces, all the faces 
of the oppressors of the Negro people. 

What we have to point out Is that chauvinism, bourgeois nationalism and antl - 
Semltlsji are not based on the desire or" the lack of desire on the part of the 
Individual to be or not to be a chauvinist, a bourgeois nationalist or an anti - 
Semite, but rather, they are baaed on bourgeois ideology . And these ideological 
trends must be combatted wherever they exist, both in tne Party and among the 
masses . 

Strangely enough, some comrades who do not think there is any chauvinism In 
the Unlx^ed States, do not hesitate to point to reports of chauvinism and antl- 
Senitism In the Soviet Union. As long as any country exists in the environment 
of capitalism, or Is surrounded by capitalist nations, it is bound to be affected 
by all kinds of bourgeois ideologies. This is an unmistakable fact; therefore, 
to fight the bourgeoisie in our own country and on a world scale, we must fight it 
on all ideological questions. 

One thing that we must never forget is that the founding of our own country 
was achieved through the decimation of the Indian tribes. And even today the 
children of our country continue to be frightened by TV stories and motion pict- 
ures of Indians scalping whites. Another thing that we mustn't forget is that 
this country for a long tine rested on the shoulders of Negro slaves. And finally, 
we must understand that the granting of full equality to America's minority groups 
was never a part of our country's democratic traditions. 

These facts alone should indicate that in such an environment, our movement 
operates where the filth of chauvinism has been and is rampant. To think that the 
minds of our people would not be affected by this poison is simply erroneous. Con- 
sequently, our Resolution on the Negro Question must be Innaeasurably strengthened 
on this score if we want to re-educate the Party into an understanding that the 
first test of International solidarity In the United States Is the ability of the 
white Marxists and the working class in general to stand forthright for equality 
of th-e Negro people and all people . 

Section Three deals also with the land question in the South, as well as with 
the question of migration. However, it seems to limit this discussion to the ind- 
ustrialization and growth of the cities in the South, accompanied by the advance 
of mechanization in agriculture. These two questions are advanced In such a way 
as to Intimate that they are the only reasons why Negroes are leaving the South. 
The Besolutlon fails to take into account a number of things that bear upon the 
question of migration -- not the least of which has been the Inability of the 
Negro people to acquire credit in sufficient amount to fill their needs; in this 
respect, the Negro people are nowhere nearly up to the levels of credit available 
to whites. The Negro farmer is denied adequate land, he is restricted almost com- 
pletely to the poorest land. All of these factors limit the ability of Negro farm- 
ers to compete In commercial farming with white farmers. 

Perlo In his book "The Negro in Southern Agriculture" is full of documentation 
on this question. For instance, he shows that only U2 Negroes In the whole state 
of Georgia in 1950 received credit from the Farm Ownership Division of the Farmers 
Borne Administration even though Georgia has the largest Negro population of any 
state . 

There is much documentation In Perlo 's book to prove conclusively that the 
Negro people, aside from mechanization and induetrializatlon, are literally being 
driven from the soil and soms out of the South entirely. On the other hand, white 
workers, when they leave the farm, can go into the cities of the South and get Jobs 
that are not available to Negroes. 

Since the Sup^ems Court decision against "separate but equal" schools, there 
h&B been an increase in the tempo of this process, In which thousands of Negroes 
have been driven off their Jobs and off their farms and driven out of the South 

The Southern office of the American Friends Service Committee, in cooperation 
with the Department of Racial and Cultural Relations of the National Council of 
th^ Churches of Christ in the United States of America, and the Southern Regional 


^?Ti^f /*^^°!*' r°r*^J published a document entitled, "Intimidation, Repris- 
al and Violence In the South's Racial Crisis." It lists 530 cases of violence 
since the 195^ Supreme Court decision against segregated schools. These took place ^ 
against Negro and white, but mostly against Negroes. All of them were derived from 
press reports, which means that there were doubtless thousands of unreported In- 
stances of violence. 

According to thie publication, the ruling class Is not stopping at violence In 
its campaign to keep the Negro masses under Its heels. It Is developing more re- 
fined measures such as economic boycott, denial or restriction of credits, etc, A 
program directed against whites who work for Negro-white unity was presented by 
Roy Harris, of Augusta, Georgia. Harris Is President of the Citizens Councils of 
America. He called for (l) Reduction of all political campaign Issues In all 
state and local elections to a single question, 'Vbo's the strongest man for segre- 
gation?" (2)^ A boycott of msrchants who fall to join and actively support segreg- 
ation. (3) "Straighten out" white clergymsn who preach "the brotherhood of man." 
He presented a series of other stepe Including a fight against all agencies of mass 
communication which support de -segregation, and "absolute defiance" of all federal 
court rulings favoring racial Integration. 

These other factors have a strong bearing on the reasons that Negroes are leav- 
ing the South, and should be noted In the Resolution. 

Then, too, since the industrialization and mechanization processes, plus auto- 
mation, are having such an effect in throwing people out of Jobs, can we Imagine 
that the process of migration on the part of Negroes will be a continuing and perm- 
anent process? I doubt It. For one thing. It Is generally known that Negroes are 
among the unemployed In far greater percentage than their proportion to the total 
population of the United States would Indicate. The Draft Resolution states ,"In 
the ranks of the unemployed, they loom proportionately twice as large as white 
workers." (Page U8, Sept. 1959, P.A.) 

What happens as Job competition grows stronger In the North? Will this con- 
tinued flow of Negroes from the South be able to find Jobs which in many cases 
would be unavailable to white workers? And as the undoubted fact of automation 
sharpens unemployment, this situation will worsen for Negroes. It seems to me, 
then, that the Draft Resolution, in dealing with the elimination of Negroes from 
the land, and the migration out of the South, should add to Its list of demands 
or suggestions for solving the land reform question, demands for organizing the 
unorganized Negro and white workers of the South ; equal access to Jobs for Negro 
and white workers; elimination of the wage differential between Negro and white 
workers; and abolition of wage dlfferentiala between North and South . 

Obviously, equalizing the wage situation between North and South, and as be- 
tween Negro and white workers, and the organization of the four million unorganized 
Negro and white workers of the South on this basis would Immediately strengthen the 
class alliance of the Negro Liberation Movement. It would quickly democratize the 
South, for It would compel the broad masses to challenge the Dixiecrats in all 
fields. Labor, In orxler to sustain Its position In such a struggle, would have to 
elevate to the highest possible level a fight against all aspects of Jim Crow. To 
maintain Itself, it would be obliged to bring Into being a new kind of Independent 
political action. It would not only have to fight for progressive legislation; It 
would at the same time have to fight for Negro representation, for Labor represent- 
ation, and for representation for the farming messes, both Negro and white. 

To do this, the labor movement In the country as a whole will be compelled to 
organize not only Its own unions, but to mobilize all of Its allies, which would 
include the Negro Liberation Movement throughout the country, the liberal whites, 
both North and South, the farm movement, including the sharecroppers and the tenant 
farmers, Negro and white, plus all of Its Northern allies. Such a broad movement 
would bring new militancy not only to the Negro Liberation Movement, but would add 
militancy to the work of the labor movement as a whole . 

Such a movement would give emphasis to, and provide Impetus for, the formation 
of a broad anti-monopoly coalition. 

These are the kind of objectives that the Draft Resolution should point to. 

Finally, on the question of the right of self-determination, which is dealt 
with In Section Seven of t he Draft Resolution under the sub-title, "On the With- 
drawal of the Slogan of Self -Determination": I think that we should drop once and 
for all the allegation that we ever had a slogan of self-determination. The slogan 
that we had was for the right of self-determination, which was sometimes phrased as 


recognition of the rl^ht of eo If -determination. So to pu'c the question that our 
slogan was for self-determination Implies that we were simply for separation. 

While I am a firm believer that the Negro people In the Black Belt constitute 
a nation, I would not because of this take the position that no resolution at all 
should be placed before the Party, Nor would I be satisfied with the re-adoptlon 
of the 1928, 1930 or 19^6 Resolutions on the Negro Question. 

There are a number of questions Involved which we must deal with. 

First, while the I928 and 1930 Resolutions Indicate the need for a broad, all- 
class Negro liberation movement, they at the same time cast such suspicion on the 
national Negro bourgeoisie as to set up strong psychological barriers to putting 
Into practice a program aimed at unfolding the national liberation movement on an 
all -class basis. 

Second, In all three of these earlier resolutions there Is an absence of a de- 
scription of what a broad people's coalition throughout the country and particul- 
arly in the South would do to advance the freedom cause of the Negro people. 

Third, since we operate in a country with a history of slavery and oppression 
and Jim Crow discrimination which reaches back for more than three hundred years, 
it is necessary for our Party to analyze before the massee why capitalism is com- 
patible with national oppression and why socialism is incompatible with national 
oppression. It ie not sufficient simply to assert this in a sentence or two. 
Whether this is done in a Resolution form, or in the form of a Manifesto, It 
should be regarded as an urgent necessity. 

Fourth, there are a number of questions that have never been answered conclus- 
ively as to how suc-i a nation as the Negro people in the Black Belt would flourish 
surrounded by imperialism. For example, what outlet would the Negro Nation have 
to the sea? (A comparative study of nations surrounded by other nations, for in- 
stance, Switzerland, might be pertinent here.) 

Fifth, I do not consider the nationhood status of the Negro people in the 
Black Belt the only basis on which a national formation might develop. 

All of these points and many more unresolved questions make it evident that 
a mo-e detailed examination of the question at this time is in order. Voting to 
drop the slogan of the right of self-determination at this time was based on a 
number of these considerations. 

I know of no resolution on the Negro question that discusses the relationship 
between the Negro Liberation Movement in the United States in terms of its rela- 
tions to the liberation movements in Puerto Rico, Cuba, the continents of Africa 
and South America, Central America, and among the American Indians. 

Before we can have a fully-developed Marxist -Leninist policy regarding the 
National Question in the United States, these and many, many other questions will 
have to be answered. 

For my part, I stated at the National Committee meeting In July that I was 
for dropping the slogan of the right of self-determination at this time; with the 
stipulation that once that it is dropped, I wanted to see the question answered, 
"Who shall hold political power in the areas of Negro majorities?" Should it be 
the Negro majority or the white minority? This is the question that I still 

This raises the question of law enforcement: Who shall have the main say in 
making and enforcing t!ie laws. 

We should remember that the Negro people in the Deep South suffer not alone 
because of inadequate laws but because of the way that existing laws are admin - 
istered . The defiance of the United States Supreme Court decision of 195^ against 
"separate but equal" schools is a case in point. Another case in point is that 
for almost a century the 13th, lUth, and 15th Amendments to the United States 
Constitution have not teen enforced . 

It is because we must fight to end such defiance, we must develop both polic- 
ies and programs moving toward enforcement of these Amsndments, that our Draft 
Resolution on the Negro Question should speak more clearly on the subject of the 
guaranteed rights of the Negro masses in the South -- namely, that in addition to 


electing Negroee to different legislative poeto, we oust develop both policies and 
programe moving toward enforcement of theee Anendmente, that our Draft Resolution 
on the Negro Question should speak more clearly on the subject of the guaranteed 
rights of the Negro masses In the South .. najuely, that In addition to electing 
Negroes to different legislative posts, we must densnd for Negroes executive and 
Judicial posts as well. 

Our Resolution should specifically speak out on this subject: In the areas 
of Negro majorities we should state who should hold the posts of High Sheriff In 
the 170 counties; who should be the District Attorneys In these counties-- not the 
appointed Assistant District Attorneys, but full District Attorneys In charge of 
that post; who should be Judges In those counties. In my opinion, these posts 
should be held by Negroes. 

Who should be the Presiding Judge, who should be the Tax Assessor, who should 
the various administrative departments and the various Judicial divisions. These 
are typical of the concrete questions that confront us, and which we must answer. 

The slogan of "representative government" or of "genuinely representative 
government" or of "proportional representation" are not specific enough terns for 
us to use In our Resolution.* These are all of them too easily misinterpreted, 
for all of them lend themselves to multl -Interpretations . 

It seems to me, therefore, that such a phrase as "self-government" or "major- 
ity rule" or "self rule" or some other kind of phrase that would give specific 
meaning to the concept of vhe right of the majority to elect whomever they pleased , 
would avoid all kinds of confusion. 

The Negro masses In the South are groping for answers to soma of these ques- 
tions. This Is one of the reasons that the right to vote Is being pushed with such 
vigor throughout the South. Such slogans as these are being widely used: "A vote- 
less people Is a voiceless people." "If we don't register and vote, we can not 
get benefits which are comparable to those received by whites — or comparable to 
our needs. We want to be full-fledged citizens with a voice In local, state and 
national govemment. We want to protect our rights as citizens and be respected 
when wo go downtown." (Special Report, Southern Regional Council, Page h.) 

Consequently, we should press, North and South, East and West, to gain support 
for the Right to Vote Movement In the South as the key movement on the political 
front. We should tie It In with the Right to Negro Representation Today . And of 
course this Is a prelude to higher political demands, such as the demand for major- 
ity rule, or for self-rule, or for self-government. 

In short, I am willing to see the slogan for the right of self-determination 
dropped In our Draft Resolution If we can find some other more logical formulation 
that will answer the question of guaranteed protection of all of the rights of the 
Negro people. 

Some may say, "Well, the working class rill be participating. That is the 
guarantee . " 

As Marxists we know that all of the Ills of the Negro people arise because 
of the national oppression engendered by Imperialism. The Negro people will learn 
this, too; more and more as they see the broad masses ofthe whites championing the 
cause of Negro rights. 

As Marxists we must also see that the broad masses of the Negro people are 
still skeptical of whites, be they workers or ruling class. This cannot be over- 
come simply by a lecture to the Negro people. It will be overcome when many Negroes 
have experienced white workers fighting in defense of Negro rights ; and this to the 
degree that there Is Joint struggle between the Negro and the white masses on all 
fronts against reaction, war and social degradation. 

We must bear In mind what Lenin said a long time ago, and which applies very 
much to our situation here in the United States today: "The age-long oppression 
of colonial and weak nationalities by the Imperialist powers has imbued the toiling 
masses of the oppressed countries, not only with anger, but also with distrust 
toward the oppressing nations in general, including the proletariat of those na- 

* Unless spelled out In such a way as to indicate that this meana mayors, Judges, 
nigh sheriffs, senators, state senators, U.S. Congressman, and In some cases even 
governors, etc. 


Knowing all thie, It le Imcumbent upon our Party to champion the cause of 
Negro rroodom aa never before. It Is the special responsibility of our white com- 
rades to be In the very forefront of the struggle against all ideas of white surrora- 
acy and racism, all manifestations of chauvinism, both among the masses and within 
our own ranks. It la the special i^sponalblllty of our Negro comrades to wage a 
relentless war against bourgeois natlonallsn. The fight for Negro-whito unity can 
be carried out successfully only on th© basis of this two-front war: against chauv- 
inism, and against bourgeois nationalism. 

We must remember that the 13th, lUth and 15*^^ Amendments directly affect the 
Negro; yet In the administration of these Amendments It Is whites and not Negroes 
who have the final political power. They are not in Negro hands to enforce. The 
school desegregation decision Is not in Negro hands to enforce. The Judges vho 
pass on matters affecting Negro lives are white. The present Civil Rights Law was 
passed in 1957. Where is the Negro enforcement of this law7 The Negro is nowhere 
in enforcement, because he does not have the political power. 

The national question cannot be reduced to a mere economic question. The 
problem of national rights is always present. These rights do not come to the 
oppressed or formerly oppressed people automatically. Not even after the prolet- 
ariat comes to power. There is no such thir^ as working-class purity — or a 
working class that has grown up in any Imperialist country that is not infected 
with all kinds of bourgeois ideologies including white chauvinism. Any country 
where the proletariat comes to power will have problems of rhauvlnlem to deal with. 
This Is especially true of the United States, where Indians, Chinese, Japanese, 
Mexicans, in addition to Nagroes, have been discriminated against. In America, 
after the proletariat comes to power, a protracted struggle will be necessary to 
rid the country of chauvlnlen. 

Struggles against chauvinism exist even among colonies and oppressed nations 
that have recently become free. These former colonial nations do not develop di- 
rectly from their former status into socialism, free from the taint of chauvinism. 
They do not even develop directly into socialism. They first must break the hold 
of the imperialists upon their state. They inherit the old state forms and insti- 
tutions which come down to them from imperialism; they also inherit many of the 
ideological trappings of imperialism, Including chauvinism. Some of these former 
colonies are finding extremely serious manifestations of chauvinism which are 
roadblocks on the way to higher forms of social organization. 

To rally the oasses against imperialism we need, also, slogans that correctly 
express the nature of today's struggle for Negro rights. 

The heart of our problem in the Draft Resolution, however, is that the desire, 
ability and the RIGHT of Negroes to be administrators of civil rigirts laws. Inter- 
preters of their provlelone, and enforcers and Judges of violations, must be recog- 




As of this writing th« AFL Section in San Francisco stands in this unenviable position: 

1. Its Section Organiser has been suspervied and subsequently expelled from the Par- 
ty by a District Conmittee decision. 

2. All meoijers of the Section are forbidden to associate vdth the Organizer in any 
official capacity. 

3. The Section has been "officially" disbanded. 

4. The Section Connittee has been placed on charges of '■disruption and factionalism.'* 

We suppose that this is only the beginning. 

The overwhelming majority of the Section have rejected the whole series of illegal ac- 
tions against the Section, and have authorized the Section Committee to forward the 
appeals to the Nationtil Committee and to express the individual and collective desires 
of the Section Membership to rectify a serious harm to the Party. 

It is our purpose in this document to call the attention of the Party to this series 
of actions, to dig beneath the technical surface of the various motions to assess 
their meaning, and to detail a small portion of the history of our Section and its dif- 
ficulties with the District, confident that the Party and its National Committee will 
find the way to end this disgraceful state of affairs. 

First, we in the Section are proud of our history. Not that we have done everything 
right or well. Not that v/e haven't made plenty of mistakes. Not that we have been a 
beehive of activity and stand as a model for the Party. None of these things. But 
we have fought for the Party against the attacks of the revisionists, being among the 
early ones to recognize the character of the revisionist offensive against the Party. 
And in this frcumework we have also fought infantile leftism. We have held Marxist 
classes and each class has resulted in the recrait.-nent of fine young working class 
comrades. We have built the Party. OUR SECTION IS LARGER THAN IT WAS AT THE TIME OF 
THE SIXTEENTH CONVENTION. We are sure that no Party organization in Northern Califor- 
nia can (to steal a phrase from the cigarette advertisements) make this claim. And, 
probably very few in the Country. This doesn't prove that we are right and others 
are wrong but it should have given the District Leadership pause to exaimine the harm 
to the Party before it began its unprincipled vendetta against the Section. The his- 
tory of the Party elsewhere in the Bay Area is a history of merger after merger of 
club and section organizations as the membership dwindles as does the influence of the 
Party. At the time of the I6th Convention our Section was perhaps l/l5 of the San 
Francisco membership- — today it is i and perhaps oven 1/3 of the San Francisco mem- 
bership. True we have fought for every member and thus have lost almost none, true 
we have recruited several times as many as we have lost in the revisionist offensive, 
but the major reason for the relative strength of the section is the opposite policy 
of revisionist misleadership that has led to the destruction of many Party organiza- 
tions and the loss of more than 70J^ of the Party membership in San Francisco. 

We have maintained and enlarged our activity in the trade union organizations and ful- 
filled our Party assignments. We do not detail these here because we «nclose the 
Section Organizer's report to the membership meeting along with the previous Section 
Organizer's report to an earlier Section membership meeting that includes some of 
these activities. Omnitted oven from these are certain instances of the section's 
work in the trade union movement where the actions proposed here in the Section have, 
through the initiative of Comrades in the Section, become the property of the whole 
trade union movement. 

The attempted destruction of the Section set in the Framework of a National draft re- 
solution that is firm in its opposition to revisionism sets before the Party the fol- 
lowing questions : 

1. Can the Northern California leadership, active members of a national right wing 
faction in the Party throughout most of the last three years, expoll from the Party 
those who have criticized their actions? 

2. Can the authors of the infamous California motions and the spearhead of a re- 
visionist campaign against the Party simply by muzzling their previously expressed 
revisionism succeed in removing from the San Francisco Party the bulk of its trade 
union cadre? 

3. Can those who didn't have a friendly word to say for democratic centralism at the 
time of the last convention now prevent the representation at this present convention 
of our Section (as well as other Party organi7.ation3) who have fought the right wing 


liquidators of our Party — all in the name of a vulgar version of domnrrati.o rontra- 
Hsm that has no point of similarity vrith Lenin's historic principle? 

We think that the answer to all these questions will be a thundering NO, and that the 
Party and its National Conrdttee will sot matters right. \le do not ask to be declared 
the winner, to be Justified in any way — we ask only that the National Committee como 
to San Francisco and straighten the situation out to the benefit of the Party. To 
this end we submit this report and accompemying documents, asking only that they be 
given serious consideration. 

Of course vre cannot, in the space of a short document relate the whole complex situa- 
tion and every development that led to it, and, wo hope to be able, in person, to 
the representatives of the National Coraraittee, explain much that we cannot write, and 
answer any questions as to our role and History. Here we will only discuss the bare 
bones of the "phoney" trials conducted by the District Leadership, some of the subse- 
quent events, and attempt to place them in relation to the straggle for a Marxist Le- 
ninist Pfirty, attempting to counter the mountain of misinformation sent to the National 
Comnittoe by the District Leadership. 


Firat off, let us state that the numerous documents, progress reports, and decisions 
put out by the District Committee on the trial of our Section Organizer and the Chair- 
man of an Oakland Club are full of falsehoods and fabrications only lightly seasoned 
with a smattering of facts. We do not intend to refute at this instance each devia- 
tion from reality. We relate here the actual facts so that our National Committee 
can compare the versions. We are supremely confident that any investigation will es- 
tablish the accuracy of the following: 

Between the nomination and the election of our Section organizer, the District Organi- 
zer went around to practically every club in the Bay Area giving a formal report on 
behalf of the District Board (perhaps it was the District Committee) branding the 
Comrade as a moabor of an ultra-left factional grouping, making no attempt to bring 
the matter up before the Section or Club he was a member of. This campaign by the 
District leadership is an authenticated excample of factionalism by a leadership of 
bypassing the proper Party organizations, of setting up a "psychological war of nerves" 
among Party manbers who would have no opportunity to hear an answer. Because of this 
campaign, the Section coniaittee called a membership meeting to hear the report of the 
then elected, and without opposition. Section organizer, in order to hear his report 
and to establish in open section debate the unity of the Section. At this meeting 
the District Organizer came and demanded that the Agenda be changed so that he and not 
our Section Organizer would make the report. The Comrades angered both by the cam- 
paign being conducted outside the Section and by the arrogant presumption of the Or- 
ganizer at the meeting refused by an overwhelming vote to so do. However, he was of- 
fered 20 minutes and I guess no one would have balked at a half an hour at any time 
he wanted, either before or after the Section Organizer spoke. He refused — it was 
either hs made the report or nothing. After the report by the Section Organizer he 
did, however, take part in the debate before the action vras taken. (The report by 
the Section Organizer and the motions passed are appended to this report). A motion 
was also passed that we hold a special Section membership meeting to hear the District 
Organizer. This meeting was svibsequently held, and the report of the District Organi- 
zer there rejected. One word on its substance and you can see why the comrades could 
have no choice but to reject it. The so-called evidence consisted of two letters 
only one of which was by the Comrade in question, and honestly both letters actually 
condemned the actions of those who left the Party and formed a separate organization 
outside the Party. In each letter there is condemnation of factionalist procedures. 
And these are presented as evidence of factionalism: The rationalization, of all 
things, being that these letters were proof of the existence of a national faction 
that busted up over a question of tactics. If one could accept this kind of proof 
it would, of course, be a relatively easy matter to prove that night is day, war is 
peace, or to be more timely, that Welfare-Statisn is Ilarxism-Leninism. Is it any 
wonder that his report was rejected? 

Then came the formal charges and the setting up of a trial committee by the District 
Committee. The Section and the club of the Comrade both protested that the trial pro- 
cedure was unconstitutional in that article 7 section 3 of the Constitution was being 
violated where it is expressly stated: "Clubs shall act upon anyone holding member- 
ship in that club" (our emj^iasis). Later on in section 5 a little unclarity is in- 
troduced in that dedisionn are to be made by two-thirds vote of "the club or leading 
committee having jurisdiction." We could not see how the unclarity here could be al- 
lowed to contradict the express and explicit directions in section 3 pertaining to the 
the conduct of the trial and the selection of the trial committee. Certainly, v;e 
felt, that it could not cover a trial by a district committee of one who was not a 
member of that committee, and that the ambiguity in the later section might apply only 
in the case of a higher committee trying a member of that committee. In any case, 


irregardless of technicalities or constitutional provisions, what is the purpose of a 
trial? To clearly establish the guilt or innocence of the Comrade, and vrtiat purpose 
could there be in clouding the issues by the selection of a body that seemed to be a 
partial body? Remember that the charges are brought by the District Organizer person- 
ally and he certainly had a hand in the selection of the trial committee by the Dis- 
trict Committee. This partiality and the atmosphere of rigging was further accen- 
tuated by the selection of two of the comrades on the trial committee. One from Oak- 
land was a specific antagonist over a long period of the Oakland Comrade and he was 
made the Chairman of the trial committee. And the other was a member of our section 
who had specifically introduced motions in our section calling for the unseating of 
the Section Organizer. In a trial the Comrades of the accused have to be convinced of 
his error. A trial is not an organizational device to bring forth a point of view. 
And an obviously biased trial only serves to disrupt and destroy the unity of the Par- 
ty and confidence in its correctness. 

In spite of our convictions we attempted to comply. As a matter of fact we welcomed 
the trial as an opportunity to end the campaign of vilification and slander against 
the Section. That is, we did not think that the action of the District was well con- 
sidered and we opposed it as harmful to the developing unity of the Party which we 
considered to be in the process of achievement. But better a trial and a possible 
resolution to at least some of the difficulties than the continuation of this faction- 
al attack. The Section Committee met amd appointed a committee to defend its organi- 
zer before the trial committee. It established the following basis for the defense: 

1. That there was nothing to the charges. 

2. That the charges were in reality an attack against the section and that this 
was the purpose of the charges. And 

3. That the District Organizer did not bring the charges in good faith. 

We felt that we had evidence to prove all of the above and came to the trial commit- 
tee prepared to do so. We also notified the Section membership of the trial and in- 
vited them to appear either as witnesses or observers. Almost thirty comrades (the 
subsequent district document called this a small group of disruptors) and were as- 
tounded to hear: 

1. That no verbatim record of the trial could be kept — (we had come prepared with 
a stenographer cind tape recorder) 

2. That the trial would be held behind closed doors— NO ONE OF THE SECTION MEM- 

3. That nothing "ideological" could be brought up in defense — only an answer to 
the specific charges. 

Naturally, the comrades were indignant — the fight against secret trials had presumab- 
ly been won in the triumph of capitalism against feudalism — it was a little late in 
the day to set the clock back and so far into the past at that. And that bit about no 
ideological defense — the whole trial was to be reduced to "Did you or did you not beat 
your wife." In the resulting discussion the trial committee made a "concession" — to 
permit a stenographer. (Incidentally the next session of the trial committee withdrew 
this concession). That about sums up the first attempt to hold the trial. 

A week or so later the Section Organizer was notified that his trial would be held on 
a certain date. He said that he could not possibly make it — that he had a long stand- 
ing committment that could not be changed and suggested a date two weeks away. He 
was told that his trial would be held on that day whether he was there or not. On 
that day the Section defense committee attempted to defend him in his absence but were 
refused admittance to a trial of the comrade to be held in absentia. Thus we see 
that the subsequent statement of the District Committee that the Section Organizer 
refused to stand trial is not true. He never had an opportunity to stand even this 
caricature of a trial. However our Section Organizer makes no secret of the fact that 
he wouldn't do otherwise than did the Oakland Comrade wh o did attend the second trial 
who participated in part of it, and refused to continue -/Axen not allowed to present a 
defense, when the "rules" were made even more stringent including the limitation of 
defense witnesses to three. No, our section organizer would have done likewise but 
he didn't even get the opportunity to make the protest to the Committee. He also 
would not have found it possible to participate in such a farcical trial that makes a 
mockery of every party principle. He wouldn't have found it possible to participate, 
but as a point of actual fact — he did not even get the opportunity. 

This second trial was also very indicative of the calculated ends of the proceedings 
bat we shall not discuss them here. The. Oakland Club Chairman on charges has already 
made this information available to the National Committee. 



The procedures in the trial are of course not the central question. We, of eourse, 
will go behind the arbitrary and undemocratic procedures to show why they wer3 employed, 
but they are worthy of a little examination as things in themselves- When these rules 
were announced the section membership comments included the following. "Even the Bour- 
geois courts conduct open trials." "Dimitroff even got a fairer shake in a Facist 
court." "The Smith Act victims were certainly hampered in their defense bui not this 
hampered," "The closest parrallcls are to the Immigration Board hearings and the Lo- 
yalty Boards, ""Shades of the Heikkaela Case." etc. The district leadership, professed 
to consider these comments shocking— comparison with bourgeois "justice" is an insult 
to the Party and its leadership. Two things must be noted. It is the facts that make 
the comparison, not us, and we do not recognize these blatant and unprincipled actions 
to be acts of the Party. Not yet, we don't. 

It is instructive to take notice of another trial in another place. In the book, "Com- 
rade Vanka" by the Soviet writer, Pavel Nilin, recently published by Prometheus Paper- 
backs, between the pages 122 and 138 is the fictional account of a trial presumably 
drawn from life that occured in the Soviet Union a long time ago. A certain Komsomol 
Yegorev has been accused of taking part in a christening at a church, "he District 
Conmittee had already expelled this Comrade and decided to make an example of him be- 
fore the mem.bership, the book giving the impression that at least a pair of the lea- 
dership dream this up to prove their oivn zeal and their leadership qualities. After 
all, the Komsomols are the militant enemies of religion and going to a christening is 
just as bad as any other kind of renegacy. They were fighting the white guaid armies 
and they could have no patience with backsliders and weaklings. Thej try to prepare 
the meeting by getting Comrades tc speak out forcefully and when coT.rades hesitate 
because thdy don't know the facts they ti-y to tell them that the person or the facts 
aren't important — the important thing was to make a demonstration before the Party. 
Somehow the Comrades didn't buj' this and actually (this book should be banned in North- 
cm California) had .the gall to oppose the District decision. It turns out that Yego- 
rov lived with his uncle v;ho had sheltered him and helped him get a job. This uncle 
became a parent and the wife was religious and insisted on a christening. The uncle 
invited the lad who accompanied them as far as the church but didn't go in. 'later he 
drank two glasses of brandy at the social affair following the christening. The mem- 
bership expressed their rejection and guess what happened. This may prove unbelieva- 
ble in Northern California but I accept Comrade Nilin's word for it— THE DISTRICT COH- 

Yes, this is more in line with honest democratic centralism, and the local District 
Committee should have acted this vray. '.."hen an action was being taken against a com- 
rade in the section and the section membership opposed that action in overwhelming 
majority, the District Committee here SHOULD ALSO HAVE REVISED I?S DECISION. 

It would be interesting to quote a great deal from those few pages in the book — v/e 
content ourselves with a few lines quoting one of the speeches: 

"Of course, I'm no orator, but I think it's still early to talk about Yegorov as a 

'former Komsomol.' It's still necessary to get to the bott^.r. of this affair 4. 

Yes, I need proof and I think we all need it. IJot only 1. I insist on this very 
strongly. And I'm convinced that you fellov;s villl support me, because I think a Kom- 
somol should not only punish but also defend a Komsomol when he rons up against this 
kind of nonsense. That's what I chink." 

Yes, we in the AFL Section are no orators and no polemeicists either but we will de- 
fend a comrade who "runs up against this type of nonsense." And vie too think that it's 
a bit early to speak of our Section Organizer as a "former Party Comrade." 


Of course the trial was not the only means 'ondertaken by the District to mount a fac- 
tional offensive against the section. First, it v;ilfully hampered the process of 
transfers into the section and refused to recognize any of the recruits of the section 
as being members claiming that the District Committee had the final say on admittance 
to the Party. They raised no questions about any of the recruits but maintained that 
nothing was official until they gave their blessing v?hich they refused to do. They 
then preceded to develop an organizational proposal that in substance v;as to abolish 
the county committees, that all policy district and local was to be made by the Dis- 
trict Committee and that furthermore all responsibility for the carrying out of the 
policy was in the hands of the District Board with individual responsibility of the 
members of the board for the different areas of Party work. This because on the one 
hand the farty had shrunk to a "stabilized core" "which had accumulated years of ex- 
perience in the class struggle" and, on the other hand because "the loss of experien- 
ced personnel limits the number of e;^pei-i enced people who can be called on for leading 


poato." In that last we presume is meant the 26 in the organized factional vdthdrawal 
from the Party. Since this was a proposal that contradicted the decisions of the 
pravioua County and District Conventions, the District very properly, we thought, 
achoduled a representative conference to make the final decisions following discus- 
aions in the clubs. But proper methods evidently were too dangerous and the Comrades 
would actually have been able to get together in a policy making way, and the possibi- 
lity existed that some some Comrades would have the opportunity to be convinced of the 
bankruptcy of these proposals. So, no conference was called and the District Commit- 
tee made this the Organizational procedure by decree after amending it to allow the 
County Coinnlttees to maintain their existence. Of course these proposals gave the 
District Board the unrestricted authority to transfer in and out of any Party Organi 
zation as it >d.shed. 

It was obvioua that both through the developing trials and the other actions the days 
of the Section were numbered. At the point when the County Chairman and a member of 
the Diatrict Board came to the Section Committee ordering it to go along with the 
phoney trial procedures, we passed a motion calling for a meeting between the Section 
Comnittee and the District Board to resolve the differences. Two meetings were held 
to no avail. The District insisted both on going ahead with the trials and also said 
that the Section"would have to go" and the clubs revanped according to District direc- 
tives that would be prepared. The Instrument they proposed for this was to create a 
ffubcomnlttee of the District in charge of trade union work who would do this revamp- 
ing. We stated that we would not make the existence of the Section the bar to solu- 
tion and that we Moxild relinquish it for something better and their proposal was not 
that. To this end we proposed the liquidation of the Section and the establishment 
of one trade union section In San Francisco including Waterfront and Warehouse clubs 
in which case the present section organizer would undoubtedly not be the new organi- 
zer. There would be a different section committee and a fresh start could be made 
towards resolving the difficulties, and besides, this would be a real opportunity to 
Improve our trade union work in all its aspects. They wouldn't hear of this proposal. 
Finally we made the following general proposal: 

Basic to ths dispute that has come to a head between the AFL Section and the District 
leadership has been the continuing sharp ideological crisis in tho American Communist 
Party. Since there are increasing indications that progress is being made in the re- 
solution of this crisis, that a process is taking place that will place the Party 
firmly on the Marxist-Leninist path, it whould be possible to resolve the crisis in 
Northern California. 

Therefore, the AFL Section and the District Leadership find the following to be the 
fundamental basis for unity and progress in the Communist Party of Northern Califor- 

We reeolvo to struggle against dogmatism and sectarianism on the basis of reaffirming 
the fundamental Marxist-Leninist principles and organizational methods in the strug- 
gle against Itodem Revisionism, which is the present primary ideological struggle. 

"^«odem revisionism seeks to smear tho great teachings of Marxism-Leninism, 
declares that it is "outmoded" and alleges that it has lost its significance for so- 
cial progress. The revisionist try to erercise the revolutionary spirit of Marxism, 
to undermine faith in socialism among the working class and the working people in 
general. They deny the historical necessity for a proletarian revolution and the dic- 
tatorship of the proletariat during the period of transition from capitalism to so- 
cialism, deny the leading role of the Marxist-Leninist party, reject the principles 
of proletarian internationalism and call for rejection of the Leninist principles of 
party organization and, above all, of democratic centralism, for transforming the 
Connwnist Party from a militant revolutionary organization into some kind of debating 

The experience of the international Communist movement shows that resolute de- 
fense by the Communist and Workers parties of the Ilarxist-Leninist unity of their 
ranks and the banning of factions and groups sapping unity guarantee the successful 
solution of the tasks of the socialist revolution, the establishment of socialism and 
communism. ..." 

On the above basis we agree to systematically further a comradely and co-operative 
attitude and relations, confident, that we will be able to solve all present and fu- 
ture problems. 

You should have heard the screams — this is a rough quote echoed one way or the other 
by all three members of the District Subcommittee "This only proves the factional 
character of the AFL Section Leadership— what they propose is not the program of the 


County, not the program of the District, not the program of the National Comuittee, 
and not the program of the International Coanunist movement but was (and here the 
screams became desperate and falsetto) the pro^^ram of the ultra left factionalists. 

The truth is, comrades, not one original word want into the definitive portion of the 
statement — it was copied word for word and comma for comma from the Moscow Declaration 
of the Twelve Communist and Workers Parties of November 1957 (according to the text 
as published by New Century Publishers, end of page 11 and top of page 12). We will 
not listen or accept as authoritative any who claim that this is in opposition to the 
American Party. 

The actions then came thick and fast. The Section organizer was suspended, the Sec- 
tion Conmittee condemned the action and stated that they would not abide by it but 
would not make tho final decision leaving that to a Section Membership Meeting for 
definitive action which meeting was scheduled. The District and County mobilized and 
called on almost every member of the Section telling them to boycott the meeting be- 
cause a suspended member was to be there. They kept a very few away but it also re- 
sulted in the largest Section meeting of our histoiy, where the action of the Ebcecu- 
tive was confirmed and the decision made to publish for the information of the Party 
and the action of the National Committee the history of the struggle calling on the 
National to come in and straighten out the mess. We also made one more attempt to 
resolve the situation and elected a committee to meet with the District in this en- 
deavor. In order to remove any possibility that it was the subjective behavior of 
the Section Committee that prevented agreement we elected three rank and filers for 
this purpose. The comrades elected were specifically those who had most questioned 
whether the Section Committee had always acted in the best possible way. This meet- 
ing was held to no avail — it only succeeded in disgusting the Comrades from the 
Section that attended. Imagine coming and being told among other things of similar 
quality that the reason the trials weren't held in the club of the member was that it 
would be impossible to get "a conviction" there, and further that the District Organi 
zer acknowledged that he didn't have sufficient evidence to Justify the charges but 
that he placed them in order to be able to investigate the situation. The comrades 
had some difficulty controlling their anger at this point but managed to make the 
following proposal to the District. "To return everything to the point where no 
charges have been filed, that *he District Committee should then reexamine the situa- 
tion in the light of all that has occurred to determine whether charges -should be 
placed, auid, if they should find that it was correct to place the charges, then to 
place them in the comrades club and to abide by whatever decision the comrades there 
came to." A reasonable proposal, consistent with Party principles and the Constitu- 
tion but it didn't get off the ground. 

Then came various and assorted actions of the County and District Committee, suspend- 
ing the Section Committee, abolishing the Section, and placing the Section Committee 
on charges of disruption and factionalism. The District will claim that they never 
abolished the Section but only suspended the Section Committee. The facts are that 
tho Section was abolished by decision of the County Committee and the Section Commit- 
tee placed on charges. It is true that the District document , (the county decision 
never was mimeographed) made no mention of it and perhaps it was not proper- 
ly reported to the District or the drafters of the District document may have felt 
the action to be premature. IN ANY CASE THERE IS NO BASIC DIFFERENCE— ONLY A SEl-IAN- 
TIC AND FORilAL DIFFERENCE. For the abolition of the Section Committee and the decis- 
ion to recognize only the clubs as having a present existence amounted to exactly the 
same thing in content. As a matter of fact, the District document said only that 
"Discussions will be held with the club members on the question of reorganizing the 
Section Committee" and every statement made by the District organizer in meetings 
with either the Section Committee or the rank and file delegation stated that the 
Section would no longer exist but the disposition of the clubs and even of the mem- 
bership would be determined by a committee of the district to be placed in charge of 
trade union work. Clearly, there was and is no intention of ever reconstituting the 


Over the strongly voiced objections of the Section Organizer who maintained that his 
record was of no significance, that all that counted were his views and his present 
actions, the Section Committee insists on the inclusion of this section in order that 
the Party can know exactly what kind of a Comrade has been so summarily mishandled. 

Our Section organizer is, among other things, a veteran of the Abraham Lincoln Bri- 
gade, was an active worker and organizer (Patrolman) of the National Maritime Union, 
and, when in Louisville in what became a national issue of Jim Crow known as the 
Braden Case, when it was necessaiy for someone to move in with the Negro family to 
protect than from the racist mob, it was this Comrade who stood this guard. Even 
the District Organizer was willing to stipulate before any trial that the Comrades' 
record was without blemish. 


Of course, good history or no, he could be wrong and his actions become harmful, but 
it is important to realize his history of devotion to principle. 


Why the attack — why the organizational measures? At this point it represents an 
attempt on the part of the District Leadership to maintain one face towards the Na- 
tional Center and another here in Northern California. This goes far beyond the petty 
instances of the documents related to the trials of the comrades where the District 
leadership put down on paper many things they knev/ were untrue and that the members 
of the Section knew of their own knowlwdge to be untrue, but supposedly the leader- 
ship didn't care — just so long as they would look good to the National Committee. 
This goes not only to petty falsifications but also extends to important matters of 
Party principle. Let us recall a small portion of the history of the leadership. 

The Northern California leadership begins this present era by giving firm voting sup- 
port to the Gates forces in the Nationsl struggles. Kost of this v;as framed in tenns 
of not quite 100;J verbal agreejnent and usually in terms of a so-called "unity." But 
voting support was always 100%. 

California leadership become tha soldiers of the first rank and the California mo- 
tions became the tactical arena of the revisionists. With their defeat and the adop- 
tion of the "February motions" the proposal of Comrade Dennis, Fine and Stein, the 
California 26, and many others leave the Party in a factional withdrawal from the 
THE PARTY OR LEAVE. At first they stall—they make speeches saying that they will 
continue to work according to their own California motions. It j.s this period that 
brings the Section and the leadership to their then sharpest point of conflict, l.'e 
felt that it was necessary to fight for one Party and against this factional situatior* 
in the leadership. Here the Document of the Scx:tion by the previous Section organizer 
was adopted after a sharp debate, and where the ideolgical unity of the Section was 
forged in sharp conflict with the revisionism of the leadership. We now began to see 
instance after instance of the hiding from the Party here of the real opinions of the 
District Leadership in its relations to the National Committee. Let us just take one 
example. It was about this time the National right wing defectees of the Party met 
in their Chicago conference and could cone to no agreement and could form no organi- 
zation, mainly because Gates wasn't interested in even the word "socialism" and Fine 
and Stein were for an "American" socialism. \/ith this decay of the split, California 
(the leadership - not the membership) had no place to go and changed direction. At 
about this time a District organizational conference had been r.-heduled. Only a day 
or two before the Conference was to be held one of the California 26 who had alrea-y 
left the Party and was probably their leading "theoretician" flew up from Los Angeles 
and met with the District Organizer and some other leadership comrades and told them 
that at the meeting just concluded of Southern California where its Organizer brourlit 
in a report and a recommendation to reject the current line of the National Committee. 
This report was overwhelmingly defeated in the Southern California District Committee. 
This factional attack on the National Committee had been repulsed by the membership 
of the District Committee. As a result the locally scheduled conference was hurried- 
ly postponed for a week. This postponement on the shortest notice ever was explained 
in either of two ways by the District Organizer depending on the person to whom he 
taUced - cither it was postponed because the Tix)tz.kyites knew xvhere the meeting was 
to be held and were planning a leaflet or that the pressure of events had been too 
great 36 that he had not had the time to prepare his report. This was not far from 
the truth inasmuch as he certainly hadn't the time since he had to junk his prepared 
report and start fresh. At the conference itself we were treated to the following 
incident. A comrade from the floor proposed a simple motion calling for the endorse- 
ment of the February decisions of the National CoTimittee. When the District leader- 
ship thix>ugh a conference committee proposed the substitute that endorsed the "posi- 
tive" actions of the National Committee, the I6th National Convention, and the kit- 
chen sink. A catch all milk and water resolution that would not have been too diffi- 
cult to support at least in part but not as a substitute for the endorsement of the 
specific line of the National Committee. And then in the preparation of the minutes 
the District Organizer has the organized gall to state with no mention how this re- 
solution came into being that "a small group of eight comrades voted against the Dis- 
trict substitute, implying that these comrades were against the actions of the Na- 
DECISIONS? And the story of that Conference is not finished yet. Months later we 
loam that previous to this event the District Committee had already passed a motion 
and forwarded it to the National Committee endorsing the February decisions — the very 
same motion in content that it refused to allow to be presented before the conference 
and substituted their omnibus resolution for. CLEARLY A CASE OF ONE EXPRESSION TO 
THE NATIONAL AND ANOTHER TO THE MEMBERSHIP. This is not an isolated example and others 
can be cited. 



0«r — fftlon baj aeitlsd ererTtMng In only one way — In open discussion and the dis- 
ttloo of all rlewe. In fact, that, perhafw more than anything else, is what 
it M«K n«cetaar7 for the District Lsaderahip to move against the Section. For 
terlac th« p^st thr«« years in almost anrery action two meidbers of the National Coninit- 
%m !»»• found theaaelves part of a very small minority. IE3, JUST AS THEIfi PROPOSAI^ 

■An BBV arum) m the hational cohkittee, just so, and with even larger majori- 

tlOD&l Oo«iltt«« Beafcera is the author of that reeoluction in trj National Committee 
to oohUbi Um Ifoikar for its support to the Hungarian government In the Nagy execu- 

thlc rMolution was haf^Iy defeated in the National Connittee. And the other, 
Aft«r Bida a public speech before Party and non-Party people saying that the 
Coaiitt** ms coanlttinj suicide on the basis of its stand in support of the 
»T«mMDt. Aad t third Miber of the National Coonittee, the District Or- 
fVOBt aan fbr the California Motions, has rarely, if ever, missed a Sec- 
■satlnf. So, it was not for lack of experienced opposition that the 
i< rtl oa Mfai«V«d its positions in support of a Marxist -Leninist theory and practice. 

Aagr i<U« ttet oonflieta wers confinsd to theoretical questions would be the opposite 
of til* inth. As « aattar of fact, the first instance of coming into conflict with 
omr Diatriet Organissr was over a very practical problem of Trade Union work. One of 
Um oliftc of o«r ssotion bad a working arrangement with four flourishing Eaat Bay 
aUN la llM MM Indhistxy for a ^int activity that had been sustained at that time 
fto tlw •r:idbc JTMTS* The orgaiiiaer then came in with a proposal to end that acti- 
yUfF "^ llHi 4A«t« IAS o&rried on over a couple of months « The result ~ the East Bay 
•]ab« fdftll^^Mir trom the Joint activity, our club decided to carry on that activity on 
ite «% |B'4|i.t9 of the haadicap. W« Baintainad that we wore not going to give up tha 
-tiait viiclt Vto mbA is significant and important, on any specious argument that such 
— Cy,i» flB anjJBKX hi the mass organizations C2IEW, AND IN THE EAST BAY NO (ORE 
OVorMt'tMa um not tbs only reason for the result, but this reason is symtomatic of 
^U ttM NMMM* DiaagTMasnts' on practical woik were msnerous, our attitude to the 
HBllawl llbarta eaapaipi and the forces therein, for example. This is the one instance 
lAwra «• uara able to, finally, get the District to go along, and this, only, because 
ihm tmti iMLr baek to the wall, and suffered a smashing defeat at the hands of the 
SvaMB^WI nd othan. It was only then that we were allowed to carry out the ac- 
IM^M ^bst arMtnaUy gave the Trotskjrites the aae licking they received in the 
we had that wave of spurious "socialist tinity" campaigns. 

0■|^ MITtlwl Dm not only tried to think like Marxists they tried to act like Marxists. 
yh IhMI Mt bMB able to react to everything but we have reacted to a good deal. When 
\h» iMtlaan Ai^ "inraded" Lebanon, and there was the beginning of a war crisis of 
a alMup aat«r«« our Sootion plastered the town with a striking poster of a large drop 
of oil tttalng to blood with the slogan 'VKC DIE FOR STANDARD OIL — BRING OUR TROOPS 
Aad also hit the streets with a leaflet on the question. To cite only one 
napls — we put out a leaflet on the Steel Strike and hit the major industries 
■ad the Toaasters, then on strike, with it. We enclose a copy so that you may see it. 
Iheiilantally, the Issuance of this Leaflet to the Teamsters was called a provocation 
bj the District CoBBlttee, and while we cannot go into the details here, we state and 
we oan s\;^tantlata that the policy of the District to that very important strike of 
tlia Taaaatera baars no resenblance to anything Marxist or even anything decent. There 
Is aaab to loam from this Teamster Strike — it was no ordinary routine affair, and 
it it oar opinion that the trade union leadership of the National Party should come 
to San Francisco aixl go into the matter — it will be beneficial to the whole party. 
In this, we do twt mean that it is the woric of our section in this strike that answers 
will be found in. That work though helpful to the mass movement was minor. But 
there is Buch to be learned in the way the struggle developed in the union, the rise 
in rank aol file militancy to the highest point in this area since 1934, and the 
thinking and action of the union members. 

In contrast to this onlj in a State election campaign has the District made a public 
stand. Of a ll the important issues that have hit center stage, some few have been 
fortunate eno\igh to merit a memorandum to the clubs — and that has been the end of it. 

We aust say one word about the last case of "independent" action in the municipal e- 
leotions. We do this because the Distirict is blowing a good deal of smoke on this 
towards the National Comnittee, and they are saying -that other areas in the country 
are going to follow our "glorious" example on how best tactically to participate in 
electoral stn^ggles. We sincerely hope not. The candidate spoke very well on a num- 
ber of issues and made a good presentation before the people. In that sense it was 
a well known Comrade, with a public history in the Party over very manv years runs no 
mt as a Coamunist BUT AS A SOCIALIST — what is that? To quote from his program and 


his statement to the voters published by the City "I will bring to the Board a socia- 

y^\lr^^.:,iT:" *'/ '^^'^'" "^ ^*'=^' ^«" * '™J°'- "-^PaP-r here identified 
s^t^ent^^r^ ^M^*J^"^: ^^"^ •'^'^^^ ''^°^' ^^^ ^^^^^^^^ organizer issued a 
dldl^Mvi L ^^'^^^ ^^^ P^P^"" ^°'' '^ ^°^' ^' ^^1" " "t^t*! that the Candi- 
dorsed cI^Th f i!^''^ "^'"^ *'^^^ '°'°**" ^'"^ ^^^^ ^^ '*''"'^ '•^'^"S " * Party en- 
h^v!t«^ ^* ^^^' ^^ ^*=^^" ^^ right-but what kind? Much be^er it would 
TT wnmn"Li»L'^^"™^"*' campaign-without mentioning socialism. BUT. OF COURSE, 
Scl^sf l^tv ^"!,^A^AIGN. If the "tactics" in this case were correct-then the 
w^n! J^ .^^ electoral strategy of the last elections were correct. They were 
wrong - and these were wtong. ' 

But'^n^^iLrJ!^ ^f ^'^li^ "'•" practical results of the policy of the District. 
But an end must be made somewhere. In any case the proof of the pudding has been the 

anS'^hriosi iTVn "'"*"^^iP ^ ^^^ P-^y, the end of many ParS^orgfniz^tions. a^ 
and the loss of influence in the community. 


The campaign against the Section in the past few months has been so vicious and un- 
principled that a number of good Comrades have been so disgusted that, seeing no im- 
mediate hope for even a decent working relationship have left the Party. We believe 
that the National Committee can win these people back. 

The destruction of the Section and the campaign against Marxism by the District has 
caused many others in the Party to recognize the Anti-Party character of this attack. 
The National Committee owes a duty to these Comrades also. 

The campaign against the Section has so far achieved one of its major objectives— at 
least t of the San Francisco Party will not be represented at the Cownty and District 
Conventions . 

The AFL Section stands dissolved by the vote of the membership and each Comrade has 
been left to his own choice as to his future relations with the District. 

By majority vote, it maintained the Section Committee for the sole purpose of carry- 
ing forward the appeal of the expulsion of our Section Organizer and the dissolution 
of the Section. 

Voted overwhelmingly to individually and collective support the appeal to the Na- 
tional Committee. 

This is where we stand -- we require the help of the center and we think that is oxir 


The history of the Section and the attack against it is in your hands. We ask that 
you take steps to rectify a very harmful situation. We ask this in the name of all 
the Comrades whose Party Life is threatened. We ask it in the interest of the Party. 

We know of no better way to sum up this appeal than by concluding with the statement 
of our late Comrade Bob to the original meeting of the trial comnittee sitting in 
judgement of our Section Organizer. This statement was never used due to the fact 
that the Comrades coming to testify and observe were not allowed to participate and 
as a result the trial was not held. Comrade Bob was an active leading Comrade, much 
loved and respected throughout the Party, a delegate to the l6th National Convention, 
a very honest and influential trade unionist, and certainly one of the strongest 
leading forces in our Section. His death makes us and the whole Party more than a 
little poorer. 


Because of my position of leadership in the AFL section and SF County; and because 
of my activities as delegate to County, State and National Conventions of our Par- 
ty; and because of the many resolutions and statements that I have been involved 
in and responsible for; and because of my well known position on such key questions 
as the maintenance of the Party, forms of organization, consistent opposition to the 
dissolutionist tactics of the Yates-Todd faction, both before and after their open 
desertion; and because I feel that the trial here is directly related to all these 
questions; I therefore feel that I owe some testimony to the trial committee. I 
feel that what is on trial here is primarily tho activities of such clubs as the 
Metal Trades and such sections as the AFL over the past three years. I regret that 
illness prevents me from attending. 


I «8k the conriittee to think back to the discussion days before and during our l6th 
National Convention. Remember the cry for democracy and an end to purges. And then 
note that the overwhelming majority of desertions and attacks on our Party as an or- 
ganization and (evon against the whole idea of an end to capitalism) has come from 
tbose people who were the loudest in their defense of the right to "dissent," and the 
right to different policies and actions in various districts and even clubs. Remem- 
ber that the California delegation to the l6th National Convention called itself the 
"Unity Delegation" and its leaders Schniedennan, Yates and llealey openly called for 
a special campaign to guarantee that the Gates, Steins and fines were not left off 
the national leadership. They pleaded for a "broad representation" of all right and 
left ideas as represented by various leaders. The danger was, they said, that the 
Foster, Davis forces would completely dominate the Nat'l Committee. • .and so it came 
about as they proposed. 

I vant to remind you that long before the l6th Conv. Oleta Yates presented the pro- 
posal for a Political Action Association to the SF County Committee of which she was 
Chairman for serious discussion. Those were the days when the Metal Trade Club and 
the AFL Section started to formulate their resolutions on democratic centralism, on 
Forms of Party organization, on Labor policy, on the Party line and the Negro Ques- 

Recently I chaired a meeting called to discuss the defendant here as a newly elected 
S.O. At this meeting Schniederman said "We have been letting you g\;ys get away with 
this for two years... and we're going to put a stop to iti" He wasn't talking about 
putting a stop to the activities of the Yates-Todd factional group, which are well 
known to all of us. He was not talking about a self -critical appraisal of his role 
and other district leaders' roles in joint activities with these factionalists, such 
as ^he infamous ultimatum to the Party, the Northern Calif. Resolution. He doesn't 
raise the possibility that there might be some small factional relationships still 
existing that should be looked into. No I Here we have an attack directed against 
the main forces in all of Northern California to oppose these disolutionists. 

I write this letter not because I think that others should be tried instead. I think 
that the worst thing that could happen to our Party today is to involve ourselves in 
a series of fine-line charges and counter-charges as to who wrote to whom and talked 
to whom. If we had a clear line to defend, I would say let's defend it and challenge 
all the opposition. The problem is that these trials are being instituted as a sub- 
stitute for honest searching for correct line and action. They are diversions and 
nothing more. 

Even though the EAFL Section still manages to carry its share on all political and 
action fronts, it is nevertheless a fact that they have been already partially di- 
verted and demobilized by the trial and all the related actions. This is the sole 
object of these trials....! urge you to seek out who it is that calls for such 
trials. .. .who organizes them.... and then find out what has been their ]-ole in all the 
events described above. 

Don't be party to putting still greater stumbling blocks in our already difficult 
road. I therefore urge that you send this comrade back to his club and section so 
that we can all together concentrate our efforts on helping to solve the problems 
of the class struggle that are shaping up in our country and the world today. 

Submitted by AFL Section Committee 

Appended to this appeal are the report of the Section 
Organizer, now expelled, and the report of the previous 
Section Organizer, both made at Section membership meet- 
ings. Also appended is the leaflet issued by the Sec- 
tion on the Steel Strike. 

5G597 O— 60— pt. 4 ^11 



4'hif is the fir«t opportunity I have had of speaking to the section membership follow- 
ing 1^ ©lection aa section chaiiman. Since this election has become a matter of some 
little controvoroy in the section, and, since a campaign against the election has been 
anl is being conducted outside the section, the section committee has callod this 
meeting in order to pit the matter before the maitjership. And in order to express 
-. ia «n organised way the position of this section. I7e will in a sense be repeating the 
ideolAgicai battles that have been gone through up to this tijne but that is forced on 
us through the attackl. Beyond that it vail bo tsy purpose to devote as much of my time 
as I can to the projection of the most advanced program that I feel our section can 
accomplish. Comrades, the following are my views and I sincerely hope that they re- 
ciere your understanding and support. 

First off, I am very proud to be chairman of this section, especially. For I am con- 
vinced that it has a proud record of accomplishment and that it's history has lessons 
for the entire Party, and shows the way out of the present Par^ crisis. In the 
course of events following the last national convention, a simple listing of some of 
the high points of our work vrould show that wo have continued to exist, function, and 
even in the last period to make the turn toward grovrt-h. On tho one hana, we distributea 
a large matber of Lttle Hock supplements. Primary election supplements. Party election 
stateBtents, at least as many as any other comparable body in the district, more 
Mc Lellan Comnittoe-Teamster situation supplements that tho entire rest of the Party 
in San Francisco, have issuod a leaflet and plastorod the town with posters protesting 
the intervention in Lebanon, took active and leading roles in tho fight against propo- 
sition 18, in the Holland Roberts campaign, and the idoological defeat of the Trotsjty- 
ites and the phoney "socialist unity" concept — the only place in the country where 
this controversy among tho left was resolved in the interests of the people. And we 
have been responsible for the initiation of a campjiign to bring a Labor and Education 
day to the public schools of San Francisco. In addition our comrades have actively 
participated in the affairs of their local unions, havo given real leadership in eco- 
nomic and political struggles, and, where the influence of our Party has shown a quan- 
titative and tpialitativo increase in all the areas of trade union concentration, and 
finally where we now have made a beginning in developing our contacts and strength in 
an important new area of the industrial working class. We have conducted classes and 
conferences and participated with full delegation in all district and west coast Party 
conferences. We have maintained the memborshiip of our section and the i^cent period 
has shown a real growth in our Party in this section. Comrades, is this Just a coin- 
cidence, a lucky chance? 

No, we have maintained our functions, our membership, increased our influence because 
v:e have actively resisted tho process of demoralization and decay that has run through 
our Party like a petty bourgeois disease. Because we have combated the nihilism and 
the rejection of Ile.rxLst science, with the affirmation of the principles of internat- 
ional working class solidarity, and a dependence on Ijirxist science and Marxist organ- 
izational principles. This wo do imperfectly but we try. I will not detail my ideo- 
logical principles — in this section it is not necessary. I stand by the Report of 
Comrade Ltibcl when he was organizer that was adopted by an overwhelming majority 
after a long debate and discussion. I voted for it, I agree with it, and I will try 
to continue the work of the former section organizer in tho direction and along those 

Some comrades in the section say that our section is weak in that we do not give the 
clubs sufficent help, that we ari weak in coordinating tho efforts of the clubs in the 
section. There is some merit in that and v/e must search for the reason. These few 
comrades say that the reason is that we spend too much time on ideological discussion. 
I do not agree with this. Our ideological struggle, our fight for iiarxist science has 
preserved tho section, has made it grov/, has omprovod the quality of our mass work. 
But in an opposite way, perhaps it is true that we have spent too imich time on beating 
back the attacks against the section line and policy. Our open ideological criticism 
has been met with a great deal of sniping, of avoidance of the issues raised, an at- . 
tempt to prepare technical and diversionary attacks, but more of this later. 


I think we can improvo the work of our section if we remain xmited and we develop our 
present advances. As to the future program of wori< for cliJjs and the section, I can 
make no claims to having: any particular wisdom so as to be ablo in the short time I 
have been Chairman and on the Section Committee to lay out a detailed program of work 
for our section ajid it's clubs. Our program will have to be worked out together in con- 
sultation and in cooperation. However, thoro are afew immediate and fairly obvious ob- 
jectives that I am sure wg can agree to get busy on. 

The first of those is to mobilize through our local unions and political organizations 
the maximum support for the following legislative struggles. Fair Onployment Practices, 
fight against consumer taxes and in support of a progressive tax structure, and finally 
to oppose the attent to pass a atate law on the control of the procedures of trade 
union elections and so forth. On fair empioyment practices and on taxes, the AFL-CIO 
has a fairly advanced program and in those cases we can devote most of our energy to 
popularizing these positions among the rank and file, and helping to mobilize the trade 
union movement in their support. But the "Brown" bill governing trade union procedures 
is another story cind a great deal of confusion and lack of common direction exists in 
this case. At this point it appears that the IliRJ is opposed to it's passage and will 
lobby vigorously against it. The State AFL-CIO has appeared up to now to bo committed 
to be for it, but there is some opposition to it. Only yesterday the San Francisco 
Labor Council's executive Coram, came out in flat opposition to this bill, although I 
believe, on the mistaken premise that the federal legislation now pending is prefer- 
able. The teamsters will probably be for it though perhaps not to the point of making 
a big thing out of their support. The "Brown" sponsored bill, if passed, may provide 
some slight benefits to trade union members in that certain democratic prodbedures will 
be required of locals, and I h«liove an ijnprovement in the present practices of injxinc- 
tions in jurisdictional disputes. The first is bait and will be appealing to militant 
rank and filers who have been operating under straight-jacket bureaucracies, and gives 
an impression of fairness to the bill. The second is bait for the teamster leadership 
v;ho have been involeved in most of the injunctive procedures in connection with juris- 
dictional disputes. And if some of the teamster leadership wo know is willing to swa- 
llow the first in order to get the second then at least they think, and they are probably 
right that the so-called democratic safeguards will not really cramp their style. 
There are also, I understand, some minor drawbacks, but the real evil in the bill lies 
in the fact that it establishes the right of the Ecvcmmcnt to interfere in the inter- 
nal practices of unions. Since this is a capitalist government and not a workers gov- 
ernment this, of course, is bad, and sooner or later, under some condition or provo- 
cation will be extended to the detriment of the working class. That vrtiich I'v e said 
on the "Brown" bill applies also the the Kennedy-Ives bill in the national congress. 
In this connection we have the job or registering the opposition of as much of the 
labor movement as we can to these bills. If we begin now in our local unions, bdfore 
a public expression of the trade union movement in favor of these bills has jelled, we 
may be a very real factor in securing :^heir defeat. The fact that the San Francisco 
Labor Council's IJccc. Comm. has already taken a position opposed to Bro\>m's labor bill 
docs not mean that we can now relax and let the labor leaders do the job. On the con- 
trary we must act as quickly as possible in our locals to try to win as much support 
for their action as possible to ensure that they wixl not retreat and will really put 
up a fight against this bill. I believe that it is possible to firm up a good position 
in the AFL-CIO if we can make a few important advances in some local unions. The 
teamster situation will be more difficult but I believe that progress can be made here 
also, at least among the rank and file. 

The Peoples' ;'o;-"d has given some background in this connection and I understand will 
publish a complete analysis of the bill and the struggle against it. \Iq should use it 
in this connection, and getting advance notice of the issue it is in, undertake to get 
a number of extra copies for mailing out of distribution in some other imanner. I under- 
stand also that chore will be a legislative supplement to the B/ embracing all three 
of those issues and we should promote the widest possible distribution of this supple- 

Another endeavor that we sjould inxiediately pursue actively if not vdth the same urg- 
ency is the developing campaign to bring labor's contribution to education, and a 
knowledge of the importance of unions to the children of San Francisco in fhfe form of 
Labor and Eiducation Day. The poison of Business and Education Day began in San Fran- 
cisco under the sponsorship of the Chamber of Commerce and spread all over the country. 
Let it's antidote be born here under our initiative and that of the trade union move- 


There is also one other state logislativo mattor that we should develop. "Brown" in 
his mossago to the legislature proposed the monitoring of radioactive hazards in the 
air, food and water in the State. As far as I can determine no such bill has as yet 
been introduced in the Iccislaturo. If one has been, and is of substantial quality 
we should diligently work for its passage. If not we must try to get one intro- 
duced and that wc can probably do. \,'hilc very little \A3rk has been done in the trade 
union raovement in behaDi" of radiation inspection, it is official AFL-CIO policy and 
can be so brought into proniinonce among the membership. 

On the People's Vtorld, our Press Director, will make a report later on the agenda on 
tho development of fund and subscription drive activities in our section. Here only 
a few words; V.'e should complete the drive in good time and plan owr owrk in such a 
way as to make a significant breakthrough in new subs for the paper. At the recently 
held District Press conference, the District Organizer made a report that outlined 
an agroeraont with the Northwest Comrades on the management of tho Paper and projec- 
ted a crusading stand in behaU" of the popularization of socialism in its developnent 
abroad and its potentials here, on the fight for a 6 hour day, on trade with China, 
and for a peaceful world, and other issues, One of the ways wc can help in the carry- 
ing out of these objectives is perhaps, if the paper agrees, is accepting responsib- 
ility for the writing of a monthly column, of news and interpretation of events in 
the non-maritime local trade union movement. And if the waterfront comrades also 
undertook a monthly column, we could conduct a competition to see who makes the most 
stimulating contributions. We should pay special attention to the securing of new 
svibs for the paper. 

The last point on immediate work is more general than the proceeding but is certainly 
the n.ost important aspect of our work. Here wc have to tackle the whole complex of 
problems whose solution would improve immeasurabley our trade union work, strengthen 
our relationships with the workers in the shops and communities. Here we must accept 
certain criticisms of some of the section work and improve the coordination of tho 
work of the clubs. I fwe eucccdd in securing a truly representative section commit- 
tee and make it function we can take a giant step forward. V.'e also must begin to 
develop as soiind an answer as possible to the present hiring hall crisis - union 
security crisis that embraces the whole labor movement and be able to vary it for 
specific conditions within the different local unions, '..'e must seriously begin dev- 
eloping a program for unemployed workers, pay much more attention to the job of 
cracking Jim Cr«w barriers within tho unions, develop the methods to raise the trade 
with China question, the peace question, the stop the Bomb tests question, to im- 
prove and extend the very fine rank and file paper put out by the i etal Trades. And 
while conditions in most clubs and Jjiaustries are different and would in nK>st cascx 
militate against starting others; in these clubs the question should be discussed and 
if this method is inadvisable, to come to some means for the more systematic contact 
with the more advanced rank and file, and in all clubs, to make greater use of the 
RV in this respect. And finally, to begin to generalize the experience in the var- 
ious caucus movements that members of this section participate in, not only so that 
valuable experiences in one club can be used in another, but also to begin to ana- 
lyse the Objective basis of this movement, v;hat light it throi/s on the contradictions 
between monopoly and the working class and on the contradictions within the trade 
union ' movement so that on the basis of fundamental knowledge we can put our work on 
a higher level. 

Comrades, what started out to be a few simple points has grown to be a program that 
is perhaps larger than our powers can encompass. But I am sure that we will do our 
best and make some real gains. 

While working on our ov.ti program within our concentrations we must also fulfill our 
responsibilities to the development of the national Party program discussion now 

being organized. Comrade , oar educational director will report on this 

on a separate point on the agenda. Here just a few words; V.'e should concentrate 
our efforts along the following lines. 1. The role of the Party in the Trade Union 
movement. 2. The developnent of the Negro People's struggle, especially its theo- 
retical aspect. 3" The development of independent political action inside and 
outside the major political parties. ^. The meaning and practice of the anti-mono- 
poly coalition, and finally; If we can, the very difficult theoretical task of proj- 
ecting the developments in tho transition to socialism in the United States. This 
5 point theoretical program is of utmost importance. Me approach in Novemberof this 


yaar the 17th National Convention. It is ray firm opinion that throughout our Party the 
necessary undorstanding is naturing so that this convention vdll in great part contrib- 
ute to the solutlin of our Party crisis. That w6 will once again establish the unity of 
program and action that vfas the distinguishing cause of our past contributions to Amer- 
ican progress, and will onco again bo on the high road to increased contributions. One 
thought I leave — no matter how much we succeed in the spcdific work of the Section and 
the individual clubs as such gains will be transitory and of no lastdng moment if at the 
same time wo do not succeed in reestablishing the authority and leadership of our nation- 
al Party organization. 

With that I come to the current and latest controversy that seems to settle around me. 
In many ways it is a tempest in a toa pot but it has wider implications. The ciaim is 
m4de that I am not qualiflod to be Section organizer because I made no contribution to 
the last fund drive on the ground of differences with the policy of the paper. And the 
last County Conmittee meeting in a plainly unconstitutional action by a vote of 6 to 5 
with 2 abstentions refused to seat me also on these grounds. I say plainly unconstitut- 
ional because thore is not nor could they find a single reference to any power granted 
to any leading comaittee to screen the members elected to it by lower bodies, and , 
naturally it can not be there for if it were then any leading committee could reject 
delegate after delegate until the lower body elected someone the higher body approved 
of. The only contention made was this power was implied in that provision of the (ins- 
titution which said that when a state or national convention breaks up into area cau- 
cuses to elect the area representatives to state or national committees these represen- 
tatives hare to bo approved by the whole convention. Clearly not a comparable case and 
no such an implication can be drawn. Note this docs not give the national committee 
any power at all to screen elected members and is not expressed in the provisions to 
replace vacancies of area representatives. The constitution gives this section and 
this section alone the power to choose its representatives to higher committees. The 
nomination of nQ^solf was discussed - and how it \ias discussed- nominations that stretched 
over tw5 months, discussed in all the clubs. So we can safely say that this section has 
dlscxissed it enough and when it comes to its decision as to its its representative on 
the County Conaittee no one under the constitution has the pov;er to override that de- 
cision. Once more — I hope for the last time — I will state the facts. 

Tvre years ago, I was a dqlegate from a club to a readers conference in Los Angeles 
where at least 95!^ of the delegates were representatives of clubs or Party members. 
Especially those comrades most devoted to the paper wore there. This conference took 
issue with the line and policy of th4 paper and adopted a program, incidentally very 
similar to that adopfeod at the recent Press Conference, and called for a coastwise con- 
ference to improve the paper. I was elected Chairman of the continviations committee 
of the conference and every thing we tried to do was blocked by the Party leadership 
and the staff of the Paper. Lest anyone think that wild and bizarre efforts were 
planned our efforts were directed, for one thing, towards forums on important issues 
sponsored by the paper, and otherwise bringing the paper fowward on the important 

when evey move was blocked I resigned from the committee and made the announcement in 
my club meeting that I was so angry and disgusted, that I would pay up vhki, I had 
pledged in the drive, but that was the last support the paper would get from me until it 
made a turn for the better and the membership had something to say. Of course ray anger 
was not a question of hurt feelints, but ^s based on my revulsion toward its lack of a 
liarxist, working class policy and its offenses against the principle of international 
working class solidarity. I cannot, of course, justify a policy based on anger as 
being correct. That is giving in to sxibjectivity and, of course, wrong. And the UM. 
comrades certainly behaved in a sounder way by supporting the paper and fighting to 
change its direction. Nevertheless, I want to say that throughout the entire period 
— One year — of my non-support I said that anytime a representative conference on the 
papers political lino was called, I would support the paper and the decisions of the 
conference whether or not the conference agreed with my position, iioroover, I did not 
advocate to anyone that they take the same action as I did. The publicity came from 

I thank most of the comrades in ray club and some other comrades in the section who have 
convinced mo of the error in my position, and I thank them also for considering me for 
section chairman and urging mo to run. Lot me say that I did not wish to be chaimian. 
I thought that our former chairman v/as doing a fine job and that he should continue. 
But our chairman had a real point. He was on the county board, he has certain respon- 
sibilities for the Independent Voters of California, and besides wanted to spend some 
time in research and prpparation of documents for the Party program discussion, and in 
line with this last would agree to being Educational director of the section. And we 
had not haul one up to this time. So that his resignation as Chairman gave us the op- 
portunity to strenghten the section coramitteo. So I accepted. Our comrades in the 


section conmlttee had all tho facta conceimns rsyaelf. All the objections now being 
raised were raised by conurade Schneidonran and others. It was discussed in all the 
clubs over a two month period before I was elected. 

It Is my firm opinion that vsy position on tho R.' is not the real issue here. The 
issue is the difference in ideological positions between this section as expressed 
in the previoiia section organizers report, overwhelrasiigly adopted and those of the 
leadership of the distxT.ct. This is shown by the latest in the series of attacks 
upon me. A report has been made to the District Committee and to several clubs in 
Oakland naming me as a factionalist along with 2 others not in this section. I brand 
this as false. But irrespective of its merits — what do jbju think of a leadership 
htat goes around making charges and dignifying it with the title of a district comm- 
ittee report? Making charges without bringing them to me, n^ club, or my section? 
This in itself is a factional procedure. Anything pertaining to me should be brought 
up in iny club and section. By doing it otherwise it is an attempt to discredit an 
ideological tr«nd — that of our section and many other clubs and individuals in the 
Party — and is an attempt to stop the flood of criticism that has begun to inundate 
the district leadership after they passed from quiet voting support to ghe Gates, Fine 
and Stein faction under the banner of seeking unity in the Party to the point where 
they became tho spearhead of tho right wing in the Party with the California motions. 
It appears that they are now attempting ^ retreat from their exposed positions, but 
they, to this day, will not acknowlWge their error before the Party. Ho, eomradcs, 
this and other moves is a crude distortion of Party procedures. A distortion of Dem- 
ocratic centralism by those who at the last convention of the Party would not vote for 
it or support or even have a kind word for it. l.Tiat is this? Every one who.dpesn't 
agree with the leadership is a factionalist. And it is really an attempt to svjippress 
anycriticism of revisionist ideology and leadership by the rank and file of the Party. 
LDok at the opposite way things have''been handled in this section. All ideas have 
been openly discussed and debated. Our section has arrived at its position and what- 
ever accomplishments it has achieved by the frankest and fiercest debate. That is the 
way to settle things in the Party. Wot in the preparation of technical strategic raan- 
eouvers specifically designed to avoid discussing the real issues. 

Comrades, the purpost of this meeting is to unite the section around a positive pro- 
gram, to strengthen its leadership, and to make us a more effective organization. I 
believe that we are making progress and hope that the C mrados here endorse my report. 
Endorsing the report, could include the passage of the following motions, or they can 
be taken up separately. 

1. To approve the election of myself as Section Organizer and representative 
on tho County Committee. 

2. To protest the action of the County Committee in unconstitutionally refusing 
to seat the representative of this section to that body, to notify them of 
our protest, and to appeal the decision of the County Committee to the Dis- 
trict Committee. 

Comrades, I have enjoyed giving the positive part of this report and I am sure we 
will find the way through all the obstacles towards improving the work of the Section, 
towards building the Party in the working class of San Francisco. I will do the best 
I can in fulfilling all of n^ responsibilities, and 1 am encouraged in this respect 
by the past achievements of this section and the knowledge that we possess a capable 
and devoted group of comrades. 

(The report was endorsed and both motions were passed with 3 dissenting votes.) 





Wall Street profits mount at the fantastic rate of $2. 28 for every man 
hour worked in steel. The last quarter showed steel profits at the 
highest in the history of the world. And this is not enough for those 
who have never worked a single day in their lives--they demand more 
union busting laws--weaker contracts - -anything to make a dirty buck. 
These high profits are the real cause of inflation in this country. 


new automated processes make possible increased capacity production 
of steel with fewer and fewer workers employed. This is, of course, 
not only true in steel, but is the big element in the present insecurity of 
• 11 the American working people. The coal mining towns have become 
islands of extreme poverty, the auto industry knows the same condition* 
and Detroit has become a town of unemployed people at the very mo- 
ment the production levels in the town are high. Nor is the Bay Area 
immune. There has been a considerable movement of Bay Area in- 
dustry to low wage areas with the erection there of automated and 
semi-automated plants. At this moment 1,000 workers at Simmons Mat- 
tress in San Francisco live in the daily fear Ihat the plant will close as 
new technically modern plants are opened in Southern California and 
elsewhere. It was the all important issue in the waterfront negotiations 
on the West Coast and is part of the underlying issues in the Teamsters 
strike in San Francisco. 


This is & profit system and to them all 
that counts are more and more profits as 
they line up the President, the courts and 
the congress in a drive against the labor 

The labor movement must recognize that this drive is succeeding and 
the measure of its success is the stock market quotations. With the 
steel strike one could expect, as usually happens, that steel stock 
prices would go dovn, depreciate in value at least a little. But ex- 
actly the opposite is happening. Not only do steel stocks hold their 
own, but they have even gone up in stock market price. THIS PROVES 
LY AS PLANNED. They treat the negotiations as a farce, and a farce 
they have certainly been up to now. 

It is precisely at this time that President Eisenhower, using the 
pretext of gangsterism in a few labor unions vent on the air and ia- 
4^ed an appeal for laws that would cripple our trade union movement 
and urged congress to pass the most vicious anti-labor legislation. 

In the socialist Soviet Union the latest congress has produced the 
Seven Year Plan. What will this plan, based on peaceful competition 
with the capitalist world, provide for the Soviet citizen? 

7 Year ^ 



a) 30-35 Hour Week 

b) 6-7 Hour Day 

c) 650-660 Million Sq. Meters More 
Low Rent Housing 



SAYS "BUSINESS WEEK:" In the past the Soviets have substantially 
filled their five-year plan goals. " 



BY 1965? 

More Boom And Bust? More Unemployment? 

More Billions For Defense? More Peanuts For The People? 


UNLESS — we make our unions produce for the ram. and file through 

a united struggle and demand for enforcement and improvement of our 
union contracts, for a 30 hour' work week at increased wages, for an 
end to speed-up through control of production standards by those who 
work, and make the benefits of automation pay off to the vVmerican 
worker in increased leisure, better education, recreation, etc, in- 
stead of increased profits to the bosses. Stop the collosal waste of 
billions in araraents spending and use this money for peaceful con- 
struction of schools, hospital, libraries, federal low-cost housing, 
recreation facilities, and in many other ways to promote the welfare 
of all the people. Demand that congress stop horsing around with 
anti-labor legislation, repeal the Taft-Hartley Law, pass bills 
shortening the work week, raise the miniraura wage, and curb the enor- 
mous profits of big business. 

It is up to the labor movement to organize these demands and make 
them effective. The same mobilization that defeated the so-called 
"Right To Work Law" in California can, on a national scale, bring 
real benefits to every American. 





Issued By: Industrial Section of the Communist Party, San Francisco. 


(Endoraod by Majority Vote) 
(of Section Manfcershlp* ) 



In the more than two Tears of Party crisis, and, mare specifically, in the 
more than a year following the National Convention of oiir Barty, the IxiedLoglcal 
struggle has sharpened, the smog of confusion has been partly penetrated, and 
certain erstwhile leaders of the Kirty have taken their leave of its ranks. While 
in every case these departures were voluntary in that no one has been arpelled 
from the Party no matter how bizarre or how bourgeois his theory or his actions, 
nevertheless these voluntary departures occured only when the comrades in question 
were no longer able to impose their individual and factional will on the bulk of 
the Party, Because this struggle is beginning to interfere with the work of this 
Section, this membership meeting has been called in oixler to formulate the Section 
line and policy in the face of continuing crisis. This is all the more necessary 
inasmuch as the life of otir Section and Cltbs following the Convention has not 
been one of extreme concern on inner-Party matters, and vap to the last few months 
hardly anything beyond infornation has become the property of the clubs. This 
report will concern itself with four items: 

1, A brief review of the history of our Section frcni the 
preconvention discussion to datej 

2, An analysis of the Ideological crisis within our move- 
ment j 

3, The immediate specific nature of its manifestations 
in Northern California; and 

h» Same conclusions and recommendations. 


I would like to begin by recalling to the attention of the Comrades, the 
reeoltrtlons passed by the Section Convention in preparation for the National Con- 
vention, * We passed a resolirtion on the Democratization of the South, a reso- 
lution on the People's World rec cwmending it go on a weekly basis and urging the 
membership to raise the necessary funds for continuance, a resolution calling for 
a referendirn on the final Convention Resolution, two resolutions on trade union 
work, the first calling for active experienced trade xmionists at all levels of 
ftirty leadership, and the second calling for improved liason between trade union 
clubs themselves and also between the trade unions and the neighborhood clubs, 
A resolution of condemnation for the National Committee statement on Hungary of 
November hth, a resolution on the general position of the Section stating that of 
all the prominent positi^^ns in the ideological discussion to date we preferred the 
Foster position, and, finally, a resolution that combined measures for the sup- 
pression of bureaucracy with fundamental support for the concepts of Democratic 
Centralism, Party Discipline, and the Vanguard role of the Party, 

Following the Convention, and in the selection of our leadership, this 
Section resisted the trend developing in the County to abolish section organiza- 
tion and even industrial clubs. With difficiilty and with unevenness we broi:ight 
forward a Section and Club leadership and proceeded vrith our activity within the 
Tirade Union Movement, While in this report I will not go into the activities of 
the various cl\jbs I do wish to point out that a not inconsiderable success has 
attended our efforts and all or almost all of our basic organizations enjoy greater 
influence and status within the trade union movement than was true a year ago. 

» The Section Convention resolutions are printed in full following this report. 


Here I vlll conflae n^elf to the Section work as a whole, and that, for the most 
part, aketchlly. 

Following the Convention what has this Section accoD9>llshed7 

On the Peoples World : 1, We surpassed the Section qtuTta on the Peoples World 
Fund Drive, 5T We distrlboted a large nvnber of Little Rock SuppLements, at 
least as mai^ as any other conqjarable body in San Francisco, 3, Distributed more 
stipplenents on the labor situation as pertaining to the Teaseters and McLellan 
Committee than the whole rest of the Party in San Francisco, 

Our section conducted a one day class on the Bole of the Party and on the 
Heaning and Practice of the Anti -Monopoly Coalition, 

We held a Section Conference on the fight against so^^lled "right to work" 
legislation which was carried back to the clubs and resulted in certain concrete 
activities, anong which were laeetings in both the Building Trades and the Metal 
Trades of Conrades and ex-Comrades to plan a joint program of activity against the 

The Metal Trades Club Involved members of other cliibB as well as a maaber 
of non-Party persons in an educational meeting entitled "Women Woricers under 
California Law," 

We have sent full delegations to all Party Conferences and Conventions, 

I am 8\xre that I have omitted items of significance. However, I do not 
believe that the above constitutes such an outstanding record as to warrant smug- 
ness or complacency. It is more a minimum achievement than a record of astoxinding 
accomplishment, Chly in comparison to the work of other Party organizations in 
these years of crisis do the events recounted achieve a qualitative significance. 
There is also nvch to state of negative significance, a certain measure of ideolo- 
gical disunity in the Section leadership and a real weakness in that the Section 
leadership is not fuLly representative of -Bie Cliibs, and that the Section staff is 
not cCRiplete, so that soas of the worthwhile activities of the Section did not 
receive the full participation of all the members. Nevertheless our Section has 
maintained a general line siiccessfully frcm the preconvention discussion to date, 
and, by way of attesting to that, we can point to the ftict that following the 
Convention we have lost but two menfcers, one in the recent organized factional 
withdrawal from the Party and the other previous to that. This concludes the 
sketchy summary of the activity of our Section, 


Following the 20th Congress In the Soviet Union, the re^rvaluation of 
Stalin, and the events in Hungary, our Party like many other fraternal parties 
was In a crisis. Our Party had a leadership whose responsibility was to devise 
educational material and a line of policy that would serve to unite the Party 
under the impact of ideological struggle. What can we say of the activities of 
ovT leadership? With certain honorable eocceptions they caved in. They failed to 
project any sort of a united line, Fran the Den-ils report of April 1956, the 
"new look" report that breast^eat our fairly glorious history as a Party into 
a Exxxession of errors there opened a widespread flying apart at the seams of the 
leadership so that every idea dredged up frcm the discredited material of the past 
100 years In the working class movement found a home in our Party and factional 
backing among sections of the leadership, Clark and Gates, Howard Fast., the New 
York State Comrlttee, and others challenged almost every concept of Marxism-Lenin- 
ism and under the banner of "friendly criticism of the Soviet Union" ovrtdid the 
capitalist press in slander against the Soviet Union culminating in two National 
Cotnlttee statements on the Hungarian situation that were a disgrace to the American 
movement, and to this date these statements have not been corrected. 

If at that time it was understandable that a good deal of confusion marred 
our Party view of the path ahead, if the rank an< file could not authoritatively 
combat the disiniptlon of revisionist ideology, what can we say now - two years 
later? When every fraternal Party in the capitalist, colonialirt, and socialist 
coxintries took a different course, and what are the results of their policies? 
The British Party which recently regl stered 975C of its membership fought these 
ideas that developed in their Party, the Canadian Party with same or similar trends 
as developed In ours isolated the revisionists and maintained the unity of the 
Party, the Israeli Communist Party, where you would expect that the tales of so- 
called Soviet anti-eenitism would have the most harmful effect and where the Party 
had an "unpopular" position on the Suez question, had an iW increase in member- 
ship as far back as eight months ago and it is no doiijt going higher, in a re- 
cruiting drive the Indian Communist Party more than doubled its membership, and 


France and Italy and other Coimunlst Parties with a vmited leadership moved frcn 
initial losses to alniopt imr.ediate i^covery and in many cases to outstanding ad- 
vance. Trve it is that objective conditions varied from country to country, but, 
ore of the objective conditions in our country was the lack of working class sta- 
bility in oxir own leadership, 

V.Tiatever the diverse trends existing in our organization, contrary to 
general world experience, we were not. able to resolve them. This was true prior to 
the l6tii Convention and the Convention itself helped but little. It is true that 
certain overt measures such as a denial of Marxism-Leninism and a change into a 
political action association were repulsed but as noted by D, Shevlyagin, a writer 
in Soviet periodical "Connunlst","'the strugrle against right opportunism was not 
carried to completion; this reacted negatively vipon further work of the Party, The 
conciliatory elements still continue their factional activity," 

Following the Convention all agreed to wori< within the framework of Ita 
decisions - to accentuate the positive so to speak. The trouble was that wiiat was 
positive to one was negative to another, and as the membership in organization 
after organization began to take a line against the forms of revisionism, the l6th 
Convention was invd<ed as the "Holy of Holies" by the dwindling revisionist in- 
fluence. When Clari< left he left with a cry that the l6th Convention decisions 
were being moved away fran. Gates like^Tlse, the resignations from the New York 
State Coiunittee, and, finally, the latest organized withdrawal from the movement In 
California, the California Defectees, took up the chorus. Substantially the reso- 
lutions of the l6th Convention were a canpromise, a toleration of diverse ideolo- 
gies irather than a resolution for oia: Party. Also under its decisions all groups 
were free to consider the decisions there tentative and were free to agitate for 
their own ends. Nevertheless there was a certain agreement - an agreement to 
continue work and on that basis to leave the unresolved questions for a later date, 
'.ilhlle this policy had a little success - events conspired to disrupt it, Bandung, 
Sputnik, successes of the Soviet Union in relation to the colonial countries, 
Chinese theoretical doctanents on the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, criticism of 
the American Party by the fraternal parties all tended to weaken the Influence of 
those supporters of a "Made in America" brand of "Interpreted Mand-smJ-enlnism" 
and to strengthen among the membership those who desired not an "independent" 
Communist Party but a fraternal one. Nevertheless this loose alliance on the basis 
of "let's get out the work" continued with differences until now It has become 
shatterred imder the impact of three events occuring about the same time* 

The first was the 12-PowBr Declaration of the Socialist countries In liDscow 
at the celebration of the UOth Anniversary of the October revolution. 

The second was the Draft Labor Resolution and the discussion around it. 

The third were the "California Motions," 

Many things are considered in the 12-Power Document, and I will not at 
this point go through them. It contains from its beginning where it character- 
izes the present as the epoch of transition from capitalism to socialism many 
ideas concerning peace, socialist progress, and Marxist theory. It also contains 
good definitions of rig^t wing opportunism, that is, revisionism, and also of 
dogmatism and sectarianism. What made it imacceptable to the National Executive 
Comlttee when they reprimanded the National Administrative Committee for favor- 
ably hailing the document was the following statement in the document: "In con- 
derdng dogmatism. The Communist Parties believe that the main danger at present 
is revisionism, or, in other words, Rlght^rLng opportunism, which as a manifesta- 
tion of bourgeois ideology paralyzes the revolutionary energy of the working class 
and demands the preservation or restoration of capitalism," True it is that the 
document states that it is for each party to decide which is the main danger at 
any moment, and some have used this statement to repeat that in ovor country left 
sectarianism is the main danger. This cannot be si^sported in the document as in 
the description there of what constitutes modem revisionism, rejection of the 
vanguaid role, rejection of democratic centralism, denial of the dictatorship of 
the proletariat, denial of the leading role of the Communist Party, all these 
items characterize our discussions In the National Committee, and are even memo- 
rialized in many of the documents of the l6th National Convention. International 
production of the l2-PovTer Statement was a serious threat to opportunist influence 
in our own Party and the faction in the National leadership that had picked up the 
American flag as their banner recognized it and fought it, but not directly. They 
supported it for information, for study, for anything but confirming its applica- 
tion to this country. The docxment deserves bett«r treatment than it has received 
at the hands of the American Party, 


The Draft Labor Resolxition was next on the agenda. This represented an 
attempt by the then majority of the Jiaticnal Committee to develop in pi-actice the 
implications of their position. The resvit was a hodge-podge of fact and fancy 
that nowhere received any basis of solid support, I will not discijss it in detail 
as we have already done that in the cliibs and in two conferences and I believe 
that most of you have seen the critical document of the Metal Trades Clah. vhich 
points up many of the errors in the docwierrt. as well as many items that should be 
in such a report, T call attention only to the general characterization made by the 
Washington delegation to the West Coast Conference, While disagreeing with many 
facts and conclusions of the Draft Labor Resolution the Washington delegation 
further vrent on to say that the Resolution wais incorrectly based on a secondary 
contradiction, in the contradictions within the labor movement itself, vrtiereas 
our Labor resolution should primarily concern itself with the fuadamental contradic- 
tion, that between monopoly capital and the working class. In the West Coast Con- 
ference a much amended draft labor resolution was passed over the strong Washington 
resolution by a margin of two votes. Subsequently the Washington i?esolirtion was 
passed as an addition to the rerolution by a margin of six votes. Because the 
labor resol ution was one of the only contrete attempts to spell out in seriousness 
the American way to socialist development by this group of "independent" American 
Marxists it affords an opportunity to see if these champions of new approaches 
and, in woj^ds, battlers against dogmatism and sectarianism could really produce 
something genuinely new and capable of being translated into significant mass action 
among the working class. This apparently was too much to expect for the resolution 
as delivered was not much more than a sad tailing after trade iinJ.on leaders where 
the independent role of the Party is reduced to trying to improve things a little 
within the framework of hailing whatever is constmictive in the staterents of 
the CIO Union leaders. Nor was the resolution a convincing ai»lysis of real 
conditions among the workers of our country or their organizations, half-truths and 
wishful thinking being its main attributes, certainly not profound new truth. 
To top it off the Resolution got a nasty kick in a vulnerable spot from Old Van 
Life, No sooner was the ink dry on the Resolution when the news was full of the 
developing recession which is unmentioned in the declaration although it did not 
occtir as a bolt from the blue - for example, many areas of the country including 
the Pacific Northwest and Michigan and elsewhere were in serious unen^iloyment 
sitiiations for more than a year, not to speak of the continuing agricultural crisis. 
And then again, no sooner had the discussion started when Reuther, who, thoijgh 
unnamed in the declaration, is really held up to be the advanced labor movement, 
switches his si^jport from a shorter work week to a profit sharing plan. No, in 
this case, it didn't take long to expose the barrenness of this so-called new 
approach , And it' s better that way and makes it possible for our Party to see 
through these and other "gimmick" approaches to the solution of our country's 

While these two documents strained the uneasy alliance of diverse ideologies 
based on "let's get out the worif", the next item, the California Motions, shattered 
it to shreds. Here was an overt attack on the alliance itself. According to the 
California Motions the trouble with the Party leadership was that the loth Conven- 
tion decisions were not being fought for, that because of not vxantlng to come to 
grips with those who, in the opinion of the Northern California leadership, funda- 
mentally disapproved with the results of the l6th Conventior. decisions, the Dennis 
forces were r«ally capitulating to them. The document called for the isolation 
of the Foster forces, though not by nana. In the submitting remarks of the Dis- 
trict Organizer he made it clear that working together was not enough, it was time 
to make a decision once and for all. This art.icle miist be viewed In context with 
the report of Sid Stein who recomnended that all the National Executive Conmittee 
be replaced, to quote: "by a now leadership based primarily on comrades who in 
the opinion of the National Committee will carry through the decisions of the l6th 
National Convention", I will have mojre to say of this document later in the 
context of the specific situation in Northern California, here I relate only its 
history, A resolution based on the California Motions was presented to the Nat- 
tional Corrdttce and was defeated through the adoption of a substitute resolution 
prepared by Comrade Dennis, The vote was 32 in favor, opposed 20, abstaining 3 and 
is printed in full In the March Political Affairs, 

The approved Dennis resolution can be distinguished from the California 
motions In one particular. It recognizes the dangers of revisionist ideology 
and acknw/ledges the rervlsionlst trend in the Party. As such it is a step forward 
in our Party and should be supported. It is in a certain sense a historic occasion, 
it represents the first time in the two year Party history that it was possible to 
get in the National Committee a majority recognition of the dangers of revisionism, 
I would not be frank however, if I failed to point out what I consider certain de- 
ficiencies in the document. It does combat revisionism but tries to do it solely 
ifithin the context of the l6th National Convention, Thus, in citing what is re- 
visionist it carefully excltjdes mention of either democratic centralism, the 
question of proletarian dictatorship, the leading role of the Communist Party in 


the transition to Socialism (as distinguished from the vanguard role it plays 
previously to that time), or solidarity with the Socialist world. I suppose be- 
cause the Convention resolution fails to confirm these in a positive way. 

Also the Dennis resolution fails to assert that at the moment revisionism 
is the main danf^er in spite of the fact that the immediate occasion for the pre- 
paration of the report is to oppose the manifestation of the revisionist trend as 
exemplified in the California motions . If the aim of the National Committee is 
to extricate itself from the growing criticism in our own and the International 
movement then I believe that we should help as much as we can. If the reason they 
do not go beyond the Convention decislans Is because they feel bound to them 
then we should try to unbind them ,or the National Comnittee there elected, by 
calling another convention. However, if it winds up as another attempt to settle 
the differences on top only without making our Party from top to bottom united in 
principle and activity, and exists only as a manifestation of maneuvering for 
position within the National Committee, then the Party will have to recognize that, 
and, difficult as it may be, find a solution for that too. Perhaps all of these 
are reasons for some of the support to the Dennis Resolution; in any case, at this 
point we should welcome it as the first manifestation of organized struggle against 
revisionism from our National Committee. One could have wished that it was 
accompanied by serious self-criticism, but we should do our best to implement a 
principled unity of the Party, recognizing that fundamentally the class struggle 
and the rank and file of the Party will solve all the questions that plague us. 

At this point it is necessary to trv to cst-blish here our understanding 
of what can be new and wh\t is asic in ;;;.rxi3t science, to lake our position clear 
on do/^natism and sectarianism. Certainly no Ani. rican Co.nmunist movcient can confine 
itself to any pattern of tactics sjid strategy developed elsewhere in the v.orld 
no mp.tter how bencTicial the results there in the pr^vailin'. specific fe .tures of 
that time and in those conditions, liather the opposite is true, no ;ner ican 
Comnunist movement can be successful v>ithout enrichinf and developinr the Marx i st 
science of the vfhole world. Just as the Chinese Comunist i-arty in i,.s successful 
transition to sociflisi has enriclied and continues to the iiarxist science 
of the world, v,e ■ ill be forced to do likewise before wc c.n ri^notcly dream of 
establishing socialism in this most developed stronghold of modern -iraperialism. 
But events occur at the speed of ligh t in this day and age, ajid w hat seems remote 
to us now in ou r disunity and uncl arity may soon be imminent . 

/\n example of where ve must find new solutions to present day problems is 
in the development of a worthwhile slo,r:an ci the I6th National Convention, the 
develor«ient of an anti-monopol'^ peo -les coalition. The way to do this is certainly 
not in usiT^ the sloran asastick against the develo.went of any independent Party 
position, it is certainl;- not an arg unent to nc'-rte the leading role of the 
working class or the role of the 1 arty. Certainly in lids process we can learn 
a gre. t deil from the experience in struggle of the Chinese CoTraunist rarty in the 
develoment of a peorie's coalition ai^ainst Imperialit;. i and Feudalism. We can 
learn a great deal but we can't transpose it in a body, the American people live 
under different conditions, and the enemy thouch just as deadly, perhaps lore so, 
has a different face, 'hat must we do to creatively agVelop this slogan of an 
anti-monopoly people's coalition into a rounded out tl;eory and practice than can 
bring a real result ? i.e .Mst, of course, study the history of the anti-monopoly 
strag'le in our countr", sna.lyze its achiivenents and its weaknesses, study the 
monopoly penetr.ation and, in some cases, control of ■.;orkin'- class and middle class 
organizations, try to understand the contr^•dictionE of inperi£.lis-.i, try to develop 
unity in action between groupings in our country that are or ought to be partners 
in the coalition, to develop joint and parallel actions, and, elv/ays, alv.ays, 
educate as to v.tiat monopoly is, to expose its camouflage, and to make it possible 
for more and more /.meric^'-ns to recognize the face of the ene::iy. Beyond this we 
must take ever/ opportunity in the political life of our country to develop our 
prograa of unity, fiphtin- in such a way so that i/e do n o t act as if each engage- 
ment were the last battle, tr.'ing to yain strength from our experiences, and, 
finally, in case of any setback not to wa ll ow in panic and de.ioralization. In this 
there is plenty of room for new additions to .;arxist science. 

Or, to take another exa-iple: Certainly the struggle to secure the politina] 
and economic emancipttion of the f.'egro people in this If-nd draws some of its great 
stren rth from the successful struggle of colonial peoples the vide world over, 
certainly many of the ideas developed elsewhere in the battle for the rights of 
oppressed minorities and uajoritieo can aiiu are bein;: used to good advantage here 
by the Negro people and its allies, but, of courje, it wuld be hariful not to take 
into account the specific features of the /.nerican scene both in the character of 
the oppression and in the contr' dictions anonp the op oressors. Again plenty of 
scope for nevj and iiiagin; tive contributions to ^arxi^t science. 


But the champions of the "new" in the current and continiiing and apparently 
endless discussions - what have they proposed? Is dissolution of the l4ity new? 
Or a Political Action Association? Is tailing after bourgeois reformers new? 
Is denial of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat new? Is denial of the leading 
role of the party new? Is the Welfare State mirage new? There has not been a 
genuinely new idea in any - we nave beat around for more than two years. They 
are called not f ro-n previous successes but from the failures of the world working 
class. Wherever the working class has been led by these ideas, even when that 
leadership united the great majority, they have been led only to defeat. We need 
new approaches and new science but the Party must vigorously struggle against 
the sustained attempt to paLu off on us the discredited as the new. 

In our Section, among our organizations, there are as many different plans 
of work as there are organisations, and that is good, for conditions vary from 
industry to industry in our Section, and I do believe that, in view of sote of our 
successes, we are in the position to at least preliminarily generalize some of 
our work, to try to smooth out some of the unevenness connected with it, and to 
siibject it to sone critical analysis. Here is one place where we can try to 
find some new concliisions. And we should do this soon. 

And on the question of friendly criticism of the Soviet Union. I believe 
that the concept of fraternal relations between the Communist Parties of the world 
includes within it the privilege of friendly and positive criticism of these 
Forties, but this criticism is a two way street, comrades. It is not that from 
some lofty eminence we are privileged to criticise the Soviet Union and have the 
power to tell it and other fraternal parties when we are criticized Ly them to 
mind their own business. Friendly criticism means that such criticism should be 
seriously considered, and we cannot say that we have seriously considered the 
critis.n of our Party by many others, French, Soviet Union, Latin American 
countries, etc. And, of course, in extending any criticisia to s-ich a fraternal 
Party we caii leave no doubt as to our answer to the question posed in the words 
of the song, "Which side are you on, boys, which side are you on?" 

In this connection we have to acknowledge that organs of our Party have 
not always made themselves clear so that it is possible for a progressive and 
socialist-minded person such as Vincent Hallinan to lump us together with other 
Socialist Parties in this country in a common characterization as follows: 

"But it czinnot be said that the socialist parties' organs ignore 
developments in the socialist countries! Indeed they do noti You 
can find pages in them devoted to proving that Khruschev is a scoundrel 
an-! that they are all ruled by tyrannical bureaucracies. You riffle 
them back to be sure -that you are not reading a release from the State 
Department and you hide them from potential recruits to the socialist 
camp. They appear exactly designed to frighten people away from it." 

Yes, Comrades, we face a serious problem of isolation in our Party com- 
pounded of objective conditions and our own errors, especially the error of our 
five-year operation Nosedive, and we are in our Section and elsewhere making some 
progress in overcoming it. But we are compoundin'^ our problem with our increasing 
isolation from the honest left in our country which in past years sympathized with 
our Party and generally though not uniformly follwed our leadership. Is it any 
wonder that faced with the indecision and panic in our ranks they seek elsewhere 
for leadership, and, failing to find it, resort to many shades and differences of 
opinion and program, not ail of which, certainly, are adequate for today. I am 
not criticizing them, many and perhaps most of them work in the mass organizations 
as effectively as they can contributing to the growth of the Peace movement, to 
the struggle for ^^egro rights, in the economic struggles of the working class and 
the farm population, and in many and varied forms of political action. Once there 
wa8 generally speaking a united left in this country, the other socialist parties 
were the narrowest of sectarian splinter groups wtiose .r.ain function for the most 
part objectively considered was tne generally unsuccesful attack against our org- 
anization. Today the Left like our Party is in large part fragmentized. Nor are 
the Stalin revelations suificiant explanation for tiiis phenomenon. Some losses 
both in our Party sind in our influence we could have expected but we could ha^ire 
regained it by now had we established a united and sound line as for example did 
the Italian Party wiio recently recemented its unity of activity with the Socialist 
Party which had been a casualty of the self-criticism in the Soviet union. 

And certainly in our relations with the fraternal Parties, it is not 
necessaiy to exhibit such a sad lack of humility. 



How has the id<.clogical crisis in our movement tnnnifested itself in a 
special way here in C-\lifornia? Its latest :nanifcstition is certainly the recent 
group departure of 26 leading and former leading people in our Party. The method 
of leaving plus the orfi:anization.\l measures they took in leaving, and also in- 
herent in the content of their d.-icument indicate that for more than a recent period 
this group has led a factional existence. Beyond that of course we know of meet- 
ings held, phone calls made, and trips back and forth between Los Anpclcs and 
here, and even an attempt to organize people who have left t' i Party into coming 
back in - in order to fight for their factional position. Ox course, the document 
itself atte-npts to put the best possible face to their departure and consequently 
does not discuss except in the most general terms the reasons for leaving, 
expressing disillusion with the prospects before the Party, but hardly coming to 
the Meat of the ideoloj^ical discussions in the Party. It must be viewed in the 
context of the preceeding docunent signed by 22 Los /jigelos comrades, most of 
whom, if not all, wore part of the final withdrawal, in which the right wing oppor- 
tunist revisionist line is a great deal more clear. In this connection I would 
like to quote from a report nade by the Chaiman of the Metal Trades Club before 
that club on the California notions. I quote from its concluding paragraph: 

"The proposal of the District Co.mittee at a tir.ic when it cannot 
be discussed by a representative body (such as a convention) can only 
be disruptive. The .nany districts \^uld either be arraigned against 
e-Ach other or split. Th^: National Center would lose any authority 
that remains. And the Party would be further reduced by an even 
greater exodus on t)v- rirht . I do not thinlc that this is desired by 
the -riajority of tlii District Committee." 

To me this is pn accurate prediction of scTie of the things that have occurred 
since the California motions were proposed. 

But I will not concern myself too much with the recent departure. I an 
mu<h more concerned with the' attitude of the remaining District leadership. 
The District Organizer coming back from the r»aticnal Committee meeting makes a 
report to an East Bay membership meeting that the National Com;iiittee turned down 
a resolution based on the California Motions and adopted one proposed by Comrade 
Dennis. He went on to sry that, of course, the California motions were superior, 
and, that, as far as he was concerned, that the Party in California was going to 
continue oper-.tirig according to the spirit of the California motions, l^hen he was 
upbraided for facticnal behavior, and, it is certainly factional for a member of 
the IJ,-.tiona.l Co-nmittee and its Ebcecutive to refUse to carry out a resolution of 
the Party, he responded with the h ated charge of so-called uj-tra-left factionalism 
on those ra.-.k and filers who had called him to task. 

At the San Francisco County Co:.nittee he was specifically Askod i<hethcr 
he would work to Ir.plt itnt the recent resolution of the National Conimittee, He 
refused to answer a clcir yes or a no, his answer was that he would abide by the 
decisions of the 16 th National Convention. >.e have come a long way - we started 
out with a b.ittle about the interpretation of Mafxisra-Leninism and now we have 
eoae Jown to interpreting the I6th Convention. Another member of the National 
Com.iiittee at the County . . ineeting .answered this question without being asked - 
his ?nswer v/as that he wasn't going to sipn any loy.-'.lty oath. This, comrades, 
goe-s a long way beyond the right to diasent. Certainly, they have the right to 
thvLir opinions, but this heads in the direction of setting up an independent Party 
in California, one with different policies and objectives from our national Party. 
It is this danger that the ccnrades should be rware of. 

At the s.-^-ne County Co.nmittee a blistering attack on your section orgapizar 
occurred, as being a inember of a faction called the ultra-loft. Certainly, in an 
atmosphere where a general right revisionist attack has ^jnc on in the Party, 
one could expect oxtre-ne left ideas to gain currency. Biat this so-called faction, 
so far as I c:in determine, are 1, pitimate clubs and sections of the Party, some of 
wiiose literature I've seen, and, like all Party liter^.ture nowadays I agree with 
Oome of it and I disagree with otiiers. They certainly have the right to state 
their visws just as we h-ve the- right to state ours. Wiis is reminiscent of the 
attack on the Indiana substitute Labor Resolution as left-sectarian, \«here the 
substance was hardl;; Seen by the ..lenbership, and which, in my opinion, was very 
good, with soBC we.xknebses, but the resolution was used as a whipping stick in 
order to try to put ovv,r the ver;- we-.k and very useless Draft Labor Resolution. 
Beyond taat I construe the attack on me to be an attack aj;ainst the oection. 
For I am a neinber of no faction, and the line I have is, I believe, the majority- 
line cf this section. I have been critical, and will probably continue to be, 
I hope constructively. 

56597 O— 60— pt. 4 12 


I believe that the District leaders who make this unprincipled factional 
charge should either press it or apologize. Of more significance than name 
calling is the real situation however. It was one thing when the California 
District leadership had, whatever their actions, the statod position of trying to 
find unity in the Party, it is quite another thing when the actions of the Cali- 
fornia leadership through the California Motions spearhead the right of our Party. 
In my opinion, the membership must become aw^re of it and act accordingly. It is 
not too late, in my opinion, for the leadership to draw some conclusions from the 
recent period, and to be a little self -critical about their recent actions. They 
passed the California Motions unanimously, this unanimous majority included the 
people who recently left the Party. After they passed these Motions, they were re- 
jected before they were even considered by the National Committee by every trade 
union club in the City that took it up. This includes some clubs in our section, 
it includes Warehouse and Maritime. In fact I don't know of a single club that 
approved them, and the Coiinty Committee's approval was hedged with so many opposite 
amendments that I could even vote for it. They must see that this line heads no- 
where and should change. 


ComradeG, in conclusion I have a number of proposals: 

1. That this Report be mimeographed and distributed to the Party through 
the County Committee, sent to all members of the national Committee and submitted 
to Political Affairs with our recommendation for its publication - so that our 
thinking cannot be attacked by slander, and that the Comrades will have it before 

2. Propose that a County Convention be called; the ideological issues and 
practical ones discussed; and that replacements to the District Committee for 
those who have resigned be there elected. 

3. To recommend to the National Committee that a National Convention be 
called in order to form a clear line as opposed to the line of the l6th Conven- 
tion which every ideological trend says they support from different standpoints. 

4. That our Section reinstitute the classes that we started, and that the 
Section Committee be charged with bringing in a plan for them. 

5. That at the earliest practical date we hold another conference so that 
the work of the clubs in their trade union organizations can be discussed and 

for us to try to draw some conclusions not only for ov.ti work but for that primarily. 
The Labor resolution has not yet been acted upon and maybe we can help there also. 
This should be soon but not until the Section leadership can meet with each club 
to try to produce the maximum results at the Section meeting. 

6. That the Section Committee in consultation with the Clubs try to com- 
plete the Section staff. 

Comrades: This has been a long report and I hope I have not put too much 
of a trial on your patience. I sincerely hope that it meets v;ith your approval. 
I do not wish that the result of this report be to divide the Section. It is mj' 
oimcst wish that both those who support and those who oppose this report v.-ill 
continue to kc^p our Section healthy. V/e are a bright spot in the Party nov/, al- 
most no losses, continuous work in mass organizations, and v/e should try to im- 
prove the quality of our work. I believe that v;e have it within ourselves to 
build the Party. 

:l -m ft H 



Whereas, the eccnomic advancement and the freedom of political expression of all 

organized and imori^anized workers, ;i'orth and South, depend on the wirjiin? of full 

democratic and trade union rights for all southern Americans, Negro and '.vr.ite. 

Be is resolved that our Party recognize that the most decisive struggle taking place 

at this time in our country is the developing fight for the democratization cf 

the South, and 

Be it further resolved that we make this our major national task and take all the 

organizational steps necessary to make our maximum contribution to its -achieve — 




Resolved that following the State Convention the Peoples' Uorlii . weekly 

basis, and put into effect economic changes explained in their own financial 

We urge our manbership to raise the necoss:xr>' funds for its continuation as a 


Resolved thit after the National Convention a National Referendum Tie held on the 
final resolution, 



We recognize the Trade Union movement ns the strongest organized pro-democratic , 
anti-dictatorship force in our countrj', and that the leadership of the Unions are 
nore responsive to rank and file pressure than thosf; of othar mass organizations 
because of the direct ties to the economic welfare of the meinbership. 

We believe that a 31a Jor cause of errors in our noveient generally, but especially 
in its policies and progr'.Tis der.ling with the trade union movement ij the lack of 
trade union actives in the leadership of our Party, We str.ngly urge thr.t special 
steps be taken to Include a greater number of active experienced trade unionists 
on all levels of leadership in our Party, 


We recognize that our move-ncnt must be oriented on the trade unions as a focal 
center, and therefore propose that the County Convention take st._ps to provide: 

1, More attention to and participation in trade union struggles for the 
neighborhood sections of the Party, 

2, Improved liasjn between trade union sections of the Party, especially 
in related industries, 

3, Improved li^^on between nrdRhborhood r.nd industrial sections, between 
the class struggli- on the job and the cl^-ss struggle in the neighborhood. 



We condemn the st-tement of the National Committee on Hungary as .being incorrect 
in thct: 1) it reversed a previous accepted position without complete knowledge 
of the facts, 2) it did net analyze the situation from the viewpoint of a Party 
that is part of a world Communist moveTient, 3) it did not represent the opinions 
of the American Party membership. 


Resolved that of all the prominent positions so far represented wc feel that the 
Foster position represents the best hope for continur.tion and development of the 
American Socialist movement. 


Be it resolved that wc f vor the maintenance of a Communist Party in the United 
States that accepts resp-jnsibility for the dcvclopnent of socialist c^nsci^.usness 
in the United States and directs a ccncerted activity upon these issues most ne- 
cessary for the defense and improvement -^f the working eonditi-.,ns of the American 
working class, and expresses and supports the aspirrtions and advance of the 
international working class novement; 

Be it further resolved that in order to implement o\ir aljr.s we nake changes In our 
organization guaranteeing the widest democratic participation of the membership 
in the making and revlev; of decisions, in protecting the menfcership from harass- 
laent on the basis of difference from official position, and in stiimiU+lng 


the membership to the moat imaginative and most thorough discussion on the de- 
velopment of our work. In this connection we urge that the new constitution spell 
out in detail the rights and duties of m»=mbership, and to include in our constitu- 
tion many of the excellent suggestions that have been developed in the discussion 
to curb the growth of bureaucratic trends within our organization. We support the 
following paragraph in the draft resolution: "The National Committee should issue 
a special publication on a regular monthly basis devoted exclusively to articles 
or letters discussing, debating, or differing with Party policies, whether current 
or long range. Such a publication is necessary to encourage the greatest possible 
participation by the membership in the formulation, correction, or abandonment of 
policies or tactics," 

Be it further resolved that in order to implement the democratization of 
our movement it is not necessary to deny our histor;/, to renounce those items of 

principle that have historically developed to differentiate our rnovenent from 
bourgeois or liberal reformism. The concepts of democratic centralism. Party 
discipline, and the vanguard role of the Party, ile consider that these ideas 
have already been proved in practice not only in other countrif^s but also in 
ours in connection vdth some of our historic successes. iVe believe these ideas to 
be rooted not in some set of special conditions on some foreign soil, but in 
the dialecticcQ. raeterialist conception of reality, en the consciousness of struggle 
between opposing forces, and the awareness of the revolutionary nature of change. 
We confirm the conception of cur organization -is a devoted and advanced task 
force of the working class. Where we do not live up to our conception, and it 
must be admitted th^t we have not in many cases, we must strive to make our 
conception real, to prepare ourselves for the sharp struggles of the working class 




By A. Waterman 
Frcn Marxism Today April, 1959, London 

Comrade Ramelson in his article in the January issue of Marxian To- 
day, whilst rediscussing the Jewish issue, makes reference to the re- 
cent experiences of the Jewish pe6ple, ioe. Hitler's extermination of 
b million Jews,- the setting up ef the State of Israel, and the elimin- 
ation c\f Yiddish cultural activities in the U.S.S.R. in 19U8. Nonethe- 
less he dees not seem to appreciate the profound Impact these experien- 
ces have had on the Jewish pecpl«« 

I want tp dwell primarily rn the part dealing with the Socialist Sol^ 
ution* It is important to recapitulate, though briefly, this unprecedented 
historical event. Merely to state that the Soviet Union in "eliminating 
anti-semltism •••• ha<J a tremendous impact en Jews all over the world" 
barely touches the significance of the 1917 revolution, as far as the 
Jews as an oppressed minority were acncerned. Surely this was only one 
aspect of what the young Soviet Union did for the Jewish people* 

(1) For the first time in histoiTr a revolutionary movement succeeded 
in removir^, at one stroke, all forms of discrimination, econrmic, polj^ 
tical and cultural, by granting the erstwhile oppressed and pogr«mised 
Jews full and romplete equality. 

(2) It made possible in the short period of fifteen years the com- 
plete transforoaticn »f the social, economic and cultural structure of 
Soviet Jmvryo 

(3) "Every facility given to th«oi • • • for the develop^ient of Yid- 
dish culture," It was net only a c«ntinaation of the old Yiddish cul- 
ture, but an unprecedented renaissance, transformation and expansion of 
Yiddish cultural activities which became "maticnal in form and socialist 
in content"© 

(U) Econcmically, it drew masses rf Jewish people into the then de- 
veloping industries. Fcr those who could not be absorbed in industry, it 
promulgated vast land settlement schemes and brought hundreds of thous- 
ands of Jews into agriculture. Large areas of land were specially allo- 
cated for JevrLsh re-settlement, in the Crimea, Ukraine, White Russia 
and the Caucasus, Jewish administrative regions were formed, such as 
Kalindorf, New Zlotopol, Stalindorf, etc,, where the official lamguage 
in the schools, courts suid local government was Yiddish, 

This economic and social transf onnation had its immediate and direct 
effect on cultural expansion. Let me quote a report given at a confer- 
ence tf Jewish cultural workers in 192ii ( Yevrei v S3SR, p, 262): "There 
rre functioning in the U.S.S.R, fifty-two kindergarTens, Ii39 elementary 
scnools, fifty-six secondary schools, forty-four technical and four 
pedagogical institutes, all conducted in Yiddish^ also four Yiddish 
faculties attached to Universities," At a similar conference in 1928 
the above figures were almost doubled. In 1921, only 21 per cent of Sew- 
ish children went to Yiddish schoolsj by 1932 the figure was 6U per cent. 
There wece at this time forty-two Yiddish newspapers and periodicals, 
four publishing houses, ten Yiddish state theatres and two theatrical 
schoolso Book publishing in Yiddish experienced a fivefold increase, 
frtm seventy-three titles in 1913 to 339 in 1939, Shalom Aleiehem's books 
in Yiddish rosevfrom 220,000 in 1913 to 3,200,000 in 1939. Several radie 
stations gave many nours to Yiddish broadcasts. 

On March 26th, 1928, a government decree set aside Biro-Bijan as a 
Jewish Autonomous Region, with a view to an eventual formation of a Jew- 
ish Socialist Republic, in order that it might "preserve a Yiddish Soc- 
ialist national culture" (Kalinin), 


It was all this that brought about a situation where "sympathy with 
the Soviet Union was general, and Socialism as a final solution to the 
Jewish problen was the dominant trend among Jewish workers and many of 
the middle class • • • Whilst Zionism met e « • but with little success"© 
It is in the light of the abcve»<nenticned develcpiBents that oae has to 
consider what happened to Yiddish tultxire in the U.S.S.R. in 19U8. To 
mention in the same breath those who honestly amd sincerely question the 
forced elimination of Tiddish cultiure in the U.S.S.R,, with those who 
slander the U.S.S.R* and accuse her of ' practicing anti—semitism, is a 
sleight of hand which encourages the slenderers auid bitterly effends the 
friends of the U,S,S»R, 

Let me say clearly and unequiuocally that there can be no doabt that 
a process of integratiitn is taking place in the Sc3(viet Unicn, that many 
Jews, particularly of the younger generation, neither speak nor under- 
stand Yiddish and have adopted Russian as their mother tongue. No Social- 
ist should oppose sxich a natural process of integration. But what about 
the three million who flocked to the Yiddish concerts given sporadical- 
ly in the U.S.S.R, in 1957 (a f igure given by Danilov, Vice-Minister 
for Culture, to the Frenclv-Jewish delegation in February, 1958)? Why 
should these millions, or even thousands, be denied full facilities to 
publish, speak, see plays, in what is still their mother tongue, namely 
Yiddish ? 

Let us analyze Comrade Ramelson's arg\anents in this matter, 

A, "That admiiiistaative measures were taken in 19hQ to close down Jewish 

cultural institutions,'* 

I can cnly assume that by '•administrative measures" he means the un-» 
just and illegal acts involteing the complete elimination of all Yiddish 
cultural activities, together with almost all their outstanding repre— 
sentativesoDces not the reestablishment of Socialist legality after the 
Twentieth Congress demand the full rehabilitation and correction of these 
injustices and illegalities committed during the "cult of the individual" 
period ? Apparently that would be too simple an answer — so Comrade Ramel- 
son must find other reasons to justify the "status quo", 

B, ''Segregation in the Ghettoes * • • created a specific Yiddish culture 

depicting Ghetto life»" 

How abysmally ignorant the above argvanent is. Those who have any know- 
ledge of this literature will tell you that it was despised by the rich 
Jews and the Jewish clerics, who referred to it as the "skivvy" of lit- 
erature, and the gutteral of the tailors, the cobblers, the carpenters, 
the artisans and the very poor. The rich aind the educated spoke Hebrew 
or the country's language. This gave a special charcter and poignancy 
to Yiddishij It became a weapon of the working class and poor Jews, em- 
braced and loved by them, sinking deep into their consciousness and dai- 
ly life. Ghetto language indeed I One may as well call Negro culture in 
the U.S.A, a Ghetto culture, 

C, "Wherever the Ghetto walls were broken down as in Western Europe and 

America — Yiddish ceased to develop," 

Yet there are still three daily newspe.pers, three Yiddish theatres, 
sccrec of journals, amateur theatrical groups, choirs, Yiddish secondary 
schools and Yiddish faculties at the universities in the U.S.A. Similar- 
ly in France, the Argentine — not to mention the New Democracies, ioe» 
Poland, Rumania, where one would hardly say that the "ghetto walls" had 
not been broken down^ 

D, HWith the further development •f Socialism • , , Yiddjph •eafifts to b« 

a living tongue • • « and rapidly ci-umbles^'' 


It wculd appear that up to 19ii8 Yiddish v;as a living lani^uage, and 
that overniejht it ceas^id f* be so, by "administrative measures". To 
quote the President of the Zionist Organization in support of this theory- 
is the measure -)f the bankruptcy of evidence available to Comrade Ram— 
elsonc The integration which bemoans and the "survival" he is 
hoping for has nothing ?ji comnon with socialist ideaso V.'e do not want 
the survival of the "love of Zion" or of the culture of the rabbis and 
clerioso This is precisely the kind of "survival" which the Yiddish- 
speaking workers fought against, using Yiddish cultural expression as a 

£o "The breaking~up of concentrated communities « • • brought about a 
speeding up of the process of integration." 

There are 500,000 Jews in Moscow, U0,000 in Kiev, Odessa, Minsk, 
25,000 ill Vilnoo Considering that there are about 3 million Jews in the 
U.3.S„R.., one vrould hardly call these considerable communities a "break- 
ing~up"cf concentration, 

Fo "JuFtJfication given for these measures (elimination of Yiddish) is 
that there v.-as not sufficient demand for it to justify such under- 

Yet further on the same page Comrade Ranielson states that "neither 
financial cost nor relative smallness of the population of a nationality 
can seriously be considered as an obstacle to the application of this 
prlittipLe" - namely "the ^fa.rxist approach to national cviltures is not 
only to permit, but to facilitate by every possible means, the fostering 
and development of all national cultures," 

But then Comrade Ramelson goes on to argue : "As we have seen, the 
Jews are not a nation; Yiddish therefore cannot be treated as a national 

Hovr devoid this argument is of Leninist principles on the question 
of nations and languages, "He vho does not acknowledge and defend the equal- 
ity of nations and languages, he who does not fight against all forms of 
national oppression or ii»q\iality, is not a Marxist or even a Efemocrat," 
( Lenin on the Jewish Question , p Lenin does not speak of the equality 
of national languages, but of nations and languages. No Marxist would 
claim that the Jews in the Sorvlet Union were at any time a nation; yet 
if all facilities and help were extended to their ciiture and language 
between 1917 and 19Li8, what change has taken place in their status after 
I9I43 to warrant the cessation and elimination of this culture? Does not 
the fact that 3 million flocked to Yiddish concerts, the existence of 
seventy-two Yiddish writers, poets, dramatists, the emergence of twenty 
yoimg Yiddish writers (products of the Yiddish schools of 1936) prove 
that there is a demand for its continuation? Of course we should wel- 
come the considerable translations from Yiddish into Russian of very many 
books. Yet I have not come across a coherent Marxist argument vrtay these 
books, originally written in Yiddish, should never see daylight in their 
original tongie, nor why Yiddish Soviet writers should have their novels, 
stories and poems published (in Yiddish) by left-wing publications in 
capitalist countries (U.S Ji. and France) and not in their country of or- 
igin, the U,S,SJl. 

G, "The question is raised whether Marxists attempt by artificial means 
to delay this historical nrocess , , , of complete cultural integra- 

Surely this is putting the question on its head, I would rather stand 
it \p on its feet. Should I-Iarxists attempt by artificial means to elimi- 
nate a living culture and language, by "administrative measures", instead 


of allowlnf the natural process of cultural integration to take its nat- 
ural course ? Particularly when Jewish religious practice and organiza- 
tion is permitted in the U.S.S.R. as a right, why should not Yiddish sec- 
ular culture and Jewish communal organizations of a secular and socialist 
character enjoy similar rights ? 

There is no doubt that the problem is being discussed and considered 
in the U.S.S.R. It is a problem v^hich has been raised again and again by 
every progressive Jewish delegation which has visited the U.S.S.R. since 
1955» Furthermore, there seems to be general support among Soviet writ- 
ers for the rehabilitation of Yiddish, its publications, theatres, news- 
papers, etc. Of six such delegations which have visited the U.S.S.R. 
since 1955, almost all have had varying promises made to them: 

A, That a newspaper would soon be re-started. 

Bo Tl^at a Yiddish Theatre would be revived. 

C. That a Yiddish Almanac would be issues, and book publications 

3o far, these have remained promises^ it is urgent and high time they 
were turned into reality. Let us remove this weapon from the hands of 
the enemies of the Soviet Union and of socialism. Let us counter the per- 
nicious Zionist and f-eactionary propaganda by reaiff inning our belief in 
socialism as a final solution to the Jewish question, and let us make it 
once again "the dcminant trend among the Jewish workers and many of the 
middle class'*© 



List of delegates to the 17th National Convention of the Communist Party 
who were delegates from the Northern District of the Communist Party of 
California : 

Mickey Lima Ralph Izard Saul Wachter 

Roscoe Proctor Joseph Figueiredo Douglas Wachter 

Archie Brown Al Richmond JuanitJi Wheeler 

Leibel Bergman — paid his own expenses and attended convention. He was 
not considered a delegate. 



The National Committee of the Communist Party consisting: of 60 people, 25 
elected as delegates-at-largeand 35 from specific districts. 
The following are the 25 delegates-at-large : 

James Allen, New York 
Herbert Aptheker, New York 
Philip Bart, New York 
Erik Bert, New York 
Jesus Colon, New York 
Benjamin Davis, New York 
Eugene Dennis. New York 
Elizabeth Flynn, New York 
Simon Gerson, New York 
Gus Hall, New York 
Clarence Hathaway, Minnesota 
James Jackson, New York 
Arnold Johnson, New York 

Helen Allison 

Geraldine Lightfoot, Illinois 

Hyman Lumer, New York 

Mildred McAdory, New York 

George Meyers, Maryland and District 

of Columbia 
William L. Patterson, New York 
Pettis Perry, southern California 
Irving Potash, New York 
Danny Queen, Illinois 
Al Richmond, northern California 
Mortimer Daniel Rubin, eastern Penn- 
sylvania and Delaware 
Jacob Stachel, New York 
Winter, Michigan 

The following are the members elected by the various districts : 


William Albertson 
Michael Crenovich 
Miriam Friedlander 
Betty Gannett 
Paul Robeson, Jr. 
Nathan Rosenbluth 
James Tormey 
Louis Weinstock 


Thomas DeAVitt Dennis 
Carl Winter 


Emanuel Blum 


Sam Davis 


Burt Nelson 


Benjamin Dobbs 
Dorothy Healey 
Charlene Mitchell 


Florence Hall 
Sam Kushner 
Claude Lightfoot 
James West 

Edward Chaka 
Anthony Krchmarek 


Fred Blair 


Norman Haaland 


Louis Burnham (deceased) 
Hunter Pitts O'Dell 
John Stanford 


Mickey Lima 
Roscoe Proctor 
Juanita Wheeler 


Patrick Toohey 


Thomas Nabried 


Homer Bates Chase 


Jacob Green 


Morris Childs 


(Report of James S. Allen for the Initiating Committea on Program to the NEC, 

May 9, 1958) 

In this initial report your Ad Hoc Canmittee is not presenting you with an outline 
for a program, nor with component parts of a draft program. Later in the report 
we will have seme suggestions on how to proceed with a systematio examination 
of the many problems that must be considered in preparing a draft* 

The main problem of the program is to make the Socialist perspective meaningful 
In American terms, to ocmbine Marxist-Leninist theory with American reality. 
The problem is not new. Neither the C. P. nor any of the preceding socialist 
organisations ever had a ocropletely worlced out written basic program. But from 
the earliest pioneer socialist groups to the present time, American Marxists 
have grappled with the problem of how to open the road to Socialism in the United 
States. Nothing ever stands still -- neither the theory nor the American and 
world reality. Thus, while the problem itself is not new, it constantly presents 
itself in a new setting* • 

The tempo of world change ~ of the transition to socialism and decline of Im- 
perialism — makes it imperative for us, if we ore to fully revive the Party and 
set it on its propor course, to tackle this problem with vigor. 

In pondering the question of how and where to begin a systematic work of prepara- 
tion, of how to find a start this time that will carry through to a suocossful 
conclusion, your committee thought it appropriate to re-examino acme of the 
basic concepts about the transition to socialism in the now world roh tion of 
forces. It may seam at first that we are going ovor old ground, instead of 
tackling the down-to-earth questions and estimates of present dovclopmonts upon 
■\rtiich the socialist perspective must bo erected. But it is our fooling, confirmod 
by the failure of our previous efforts to launch the program preparations, that 
there would be little chance for success in this new effort unless wo wore able 
to establish fran the outset a unified view, or at least a community of think- 
ing, with rospect to the central concepts of the road to socialism in tho present 
world context. This is neoossary because tho ro- examination of some of the basic 
Marxist-Leninist concepts in tho light of the new exporioncos of the past decade 
has lod to a certain disorientation among us, Thoro have arisen distorted and 
ono-sided interpretationa, oithor of a revisionist or dopnatic choractor. Wo 
have had plonty of trouble on both sides, and wo are still trying to gain cl:irity 
on many questions affecting current policy as well as long-rango perspoctivo. 
But in ordor to arrive at correct positions, wo must strive consciously to got 
rid of remnants of revisionist thinking, without falling into dognatic positiono 
or closing the door to fresh and exploratory thinking about our problems. Wo 
should approach tho tasks of tho program with a view to unifying tho Party on 
tho basis of clear, unequivocal and precise positions* 

With this in mind, we propose to examine now sane of the key concepts that must 
enter into program, namelyt (l) the concept of our road to socialism, (2) the 
concept of peaceful transition, and (3) the concept of transitional government* 

We take as our starting point the new relation of world forces in favor of 
socialism, the ooneequent new possibilities for transition to socialism in a 
period oharacterised by sharp competition between the two world social systems, 
and the strengthening of the world peaoe forces. We also dlsoues these basic 
oonoei*o within the framework of the new possibility for extended peaceful co- 
existence, •srtiioh derives from the relation of forces to which I have referred, 
(it is planned to prepare a separate discussion on the world role of American 
imperialism and the struggle for peaoe, with special emphasis upon the new 
problems of foreign policy arising in the present period.) 

To sane it may appear that the issue of socialism for this country is too remote 
to require extended discussion. But the issue no longer can be considered "long 
range" in the old sense. One billion people now live in Socialist countries, 
while other vast sectors of humanity axe about to open the road to socialism in 
their countries in the process of current development. This alone requires that 
the American people, particularly the working class, gain a bettor understanding 
of what socialism means, in ord«r to cnreroorae the "cold war" propaganda and to 
fight effnotlvoly for peace* 


Purthermoref tha fight tor extended peaoeful eoesditeaoe t&koa plaoe wlthla 
the framework of sharp ooBpetitlon between the two world syateraa. In i<iioh 
Bool&llam as a system of society is showing its superiority in many basic re> 
speots. The impact of this upon the American people will grow, as sooialist 
successes continue cmd as the general crisis of our society beocines deeper* • 
Already the Impact of this conpetition is felt with respeot to many dcmestio 
issues, such as unemployment, rate of econcmic growth, health, education, and 
science. A new standard of measurement has arisent How far are we behind, how 
far ahead, of the Soriet Union on this or that question. In the cold war 
propaganda, this is presented negatively, as a threat to the country. But the 
challenge of socialism has great positive potentials for our country, once the 
people begin to understand that here too socialism is required for the well- 
being and survival of the nation. As long as we remain capitalist, we cannot 
be successful in the peaceful ocmpetition of the two systems. (Xu* country will 
have to talce the road to socialism in order to oampete successfully, so that it 
can make its full aivl proper contribution to progress, in a world at peace* 


Meed for A Definition af our Goal 

The experience of the postwar years has shown a great diversity among various 
countries on the road to socialism. Much is to be learned from a study of this 
rich historical experience, for it provides many Insights into the process of 
historical change. For one thing, it has shown that each country finds the 
road to sooialism in its own way, in accordance with its national characters 
Istlos, traditions, and institutions. Tho concept "our road to socialism" 
challenges us to get down to a basic examination of the concrete American 
reality to a degree we have never before attempted. 

When we speak of "our road to socialism" we must have clearly in mind the goal 
toward which we strive. For amidst all the variety and multiplicity of form, 
socialism as a systen of society has an essence which distinguishes it from 
capitalism. What, after all, is meemt by socialiam? The question must be 
answered clearly, if we are to chart the road in the proper direction* 

It is all the mere In^rteint to provide a clear answer because, under the lav* 
petus of the new world changes and under the is^ot of the successes of the 
Sooialist world, sooialism is eoming more and more under discussion In this 
country. All kinds of concepts are being brought forth* For example, in the 
recently published symposium. Toward a Socialist America , whioh contains some 
excellent contributions emd whioh is an important refleotion of the new in- 
terest in socialism, there is, however, a preponderance of evolutionary and 
refonnist approaches. Many of these were coBonon to our old Sooialist movement 
before World War I, i^ile others can be classed with the "new phase" reformism, 
modelled after John Straohey. 

Fe«t-Qffice socialiam, municipal sooialism, publio ownership or public author- 
ity socialism. Christian or moral eocialisn, socialism by oonstitutional law, 
M well as the nower versions of capitalism growing into sooialism, arc to be 
found hare* Mo doubt, this is a faithful reflection of the thinking among 
sooialist^ainded people in this country, with T^oa CoBmunists should seek united 
action on many questions despite ideological differences* 

Mangr of these views of what sooialism means find a oprtain support Ia a rather 
loose or misleading interpretation of the new Conmiunlst approach in the present 
period* Ihoy are enoouroged particularly by the "new" revisionism whioh inter- 
prets "our road to socialism* to mean a ro«d different in essentials from all 
ether roads to sooialism, so unique because of peoullar American conditions as 
to lead off in aiy which way, endlxig up in sane nebulous form of mixed society 
hardly reoognisable in sooialist terms. Theirs has been a oanixL«tely mislead- 
ing and distorted version of the perspeotiiw «fMsned up b^* the ouw «*orld ohan^es, 
fillotv WBTo stnmarlBad at the 20U>. Oongreas* 

Dafini.tion by Othr Pfcrtlet 

Hm ide* of th* *ro*d to ■oolaliam" was dlsoussod at the ZOth CongrevG under 
tlM h**d of Torut of nr&naltlou to Soolaillaa in Different Countries*" Note, 
that this i«« x>ot a diaouaaion of different roada to aooialism* . It was a dis- 
euaalon of a vurTaty of forma of tranaition in diffarent oountriea, depending 
upon thair apaoifio oharaotaristioa* llhat they referred to were the different 
ii«ya in which the worklnc olaas waa able to win state power* the rariety in 
the fora of the dietatorship of tha proletariat^ and the different tempo at 
whioh the sooiallst transformation of society may be oarrled «ut in the various 
branohos of tho aoonoay* As a result of the radioal ohanges In the world arena, 
the ZOth Congress saw new proapoota for aooiallm and also the probability that 
as sooialisai gained in various oountrles there would arise even more forms of 
transition, in fact, a great multiplioity of forma* 

&^>lioit in this disouasion la the idea that tho basio features of the road to 
sooialim and of sooialisa as a systca of society are similar, although the 
forms vary gz>eatly. Biia waa brought out ezplioity by varioua participants at 
the Coogreaa, and by other partiea^ notably the Chinese, after the Congress* 
Bm enptesla upon multiplioity of forma, however^ direoted attention to the new 
patha opeoed up by the shift in world relatione* It was needed to unfreese 
fixed and dopaatio positions, and to rencKre subjective obstacles to the freer 
develoiBent of oreative socialist forces everywhere* There had to be a breeUle 
with the old rigidity, formaliai and dootrinairiam if the new opportunities for 
advances to sooialism, presented by the turn in the world situation, were to 
be realised* 

Jifter tha 20th Congress, events like the Polish orlsis and the oounter-revolu> 
tlonary atteoipt in Hungary ealled for further assessment, portioularly of the 
relationship between the oomaon socialist road and what was different in the 
read to sooialism for various countries, for a more explicit statement of this 
relatiooahip* The broak with dosnatism and all manner of mechanical transfer- 
eaoe of forma and tonpos from one oountry to another could not bo permitted to 
»9rve aa ground for the riae of reviaionism, and thua facilitate the work of 
world reaotion« 

In thla reapeot, the Chineae Party, which has operated within the greatest di- 
ver a ity of font and has added snioh that is new and unique to Uarxism- Leninism, 
■ade a major contribution in its estimates of the experiences of the dictator- 
ship of the proletariat sizuse its inception* Limiting ourselves to the question 
that concerns us at the mooent, the Chinese formulated iriiat they considered to 
be the oasmon road to sooialism, the basic features of this transformation, 
saidat all the variety of the actual historical experience* They developed the 
dialectics of the relation between the ccnmon road and the concrete national 
eharaoteristios, whioh they showed to be a dynamic relationship, conditioned 
by both the world relation of foroes and internal class relations aa they were 

Ihaae concepts, shared by other parties as well, were givon a oomaon expression 
in the IZmPtjrty Declaration of last Kovember, whioh was drawn up in consulta- 
tion with over 60 parties in noiwsoolalist lands. We must reject the idea that 
this declaration is a revision of the basic approach of the 20th Congress on 
fenna of tranaition to socialism* What it does is to state more explicitly the 
relation betwA^n the oonaon road and the different forms, and in doing this the 
Declaration sets up safeguards against a reformist and revisionist interpreta- 
tion of the new position of the world Cowmanist movsment. That is why Gates, 
among others, claimed the Declaration was a step backward from tha ZOth Congress* 

The oonorete path was defined in terms of the universal ti*uths or basio laws 
to be observed in *all countries onbarking on a sooiallst course," no matter 
hem greatly varied the national oharaoteristios* The 12- Party suDmation of 
the basic laws amounts to a definition of socialism as it has developed and as 
it is growicg is the present-day world* 

Ihs esperlenoe of existing, living aoolalism should terv as an exoelleot basis 
for our deflxxitien of sooialiam, properly seen in terms of our needs and condi- 
tloo»« Ve ar« nfit-«Dong those ocujitrlaa -embsJiclBC ^ifr a aoelaliat oourse, but are 


at a prcllBiswrjr stag* of drTslopnant* Yet, in se«lclng to ohart our road to 
■oolallaBi «o are In a auoh better poaltlon than the Uexxiats in the s^riod 
before the dreat Buasian »^(«'^''"'*"^"''i »"^"^ pionafired the road^ or than wa sore 
before World War 11^ befoTA a mmlmr of oountrla^ toalc that road« We oan define 
the eooialiat goal on the baaia of a broad range of experience In various 
oountries* niat goal ie not the epeoifio form of soolalism as developed, 
aooordlng to their oonditiona and needs , in the Soviet IMion, China, or einy 
other sooialist oountry* The sooiallat goal has to be defined in terms of the 
essential oharaoteristios of sooialist society as it has developed amidst a 
great variety of experience. If future events reveal new elonenta or variations 
in aubstanoe of the old« there will be time enough to take them into account. 

Toward our Definition of Sooialisn 

Tor purposes of our program, th« essential eleoents of a definition of sooialism 
as a systen of society should inoludei 

1) A goverznent led by the working olaas whioh is guided by a Uarzist-Leninist 
party, with the participation in governaent of the Regre people, the fanners and 
the varioua middle olaaaes •• truly a goTernnant of the people, by the people, 
and for the people* 

2) Public ownership of the basio means of production and the end of class ax> 
ploltation, tialrlng possible production for use instead of for profit* 

S) Public, social planning for full utilisation of our resources and produotive 
forces for the welfare of the people* 

4) DeTelopnant of the fullest eoononio and political democracy for the people, 
while safeguarding sooialist society against obstruction cmd sabotage by unrecon- 
structed capitalists* 

5) Abolition of all forms of oppression and discrimination against the Regro 
people euid nationd minority groups within the country, outlawing of all acts 
of race prejudice and anti-Semitism, and the abolition of all exploitation and 
national repression of other nations irtiether as colonies or as otherwise depen- 
dent countries* 

0) Working-class Intemationalion in the interests of permanent world peace, 
mutual aid in socialist developaent, and special aid to countries formerly 
exploited by U*S* monopoly* 

The first element — a working-olass gorermeBt or, in Marxist terminology, a 
dictatorship of the proletariat — is the indispensable prerequisite for a social- 
ist transformation. Instead of a goiverment led by the capitalists, a govern- 
nant led by the workers; this is the dlstinotlTe political characteristic of the 
ehange-orer from capitalism to socialism* Ihis is the essence of the change in 
state power, quite apart from ^q form of such a goveranent, vrtiich in our coun- 
try muld have the characteristics of our national development and political 

Sxperienoe has also shown that for the working class to play this liberating 
role and lead the nation it needs a vanguard party, whioh knows how to use 
Marxist-Leninist prinoiplea to attain tho historic objective. This is quite 
apart from the possibility that there may be other political parties participat- 
ing in such a government, which represent the Interests of specific classes and 
strata, or even a political party of anti-monopoly coalition* 

This first eleg&ent has proved to be the main distinguishing mark between the 
position of revolutionary Marxism and refonaism, in its various expressions* 
Traditionally, SociaUDemooraoy has rejected the idea of the dictatorship of the 
proletariat* Evolutionary socialists, in this country and elsewhere, have viewed 
the bourgeois-democratic state as the medlvsn through lAioh socialism oan be 
legislated, from above* As we shall aee later, revolutionary Marxists have 
modified their view on how the state ia to be transformed to serve aocialiam, 
but thia modifioat ion has nothing in oommon with the reformist concept of tho 
state as an institution above society* The newuphaae revisionism doi ies the 


T«1141ty of th« dlotatorahip of the proletariat in any form, f» no ua« for 
a Tangiiard party, and loea •ooiallon as a higher, deraocratlo phaee of sane kind 
of organized oapitallBm. 

The second element expresses the essential ohange In the structure of society 
that is brought about by socialism. The speed and the extent of such a change 
In structure Is a rarlable factor, depending upon the speolfic correlation of 
farces* Stiall>soale production on a private cvmershlp basis, small business 
In trade and serrices, and privately ovirned family-sited farms, for example, 
BMky continue for seme time after the natlonallEatlon of the big monopolies by 
a socialist gorernnent. In faot, the way things are in this country, sociallan 
can rescue the middle strata frcB sure obliteration by monopoly, and offer them 
a long period of adjustment and gradual, step-by-step sooialist transformation* 
China provides a valuable lesson in this respeot* 

Here again we should distinguish between public cwnership in the reformist con- 
ooptlon and real soeialist collective ownership. In this country, we have many 
forms of municipal ownership of public utilities and also Federal ownership of 
power dams, arsenals, and the atomic energy Industry, In the reformist concep- 
tion, these are already elements of socialism vdilch will mature Into full 
socialism. According to this idea, no olass struggle la essential, no vanguard 
party, no change in the state. Every now govornment Intorventlon In the 
eoonony, as In the reguttlon of utility rates or the rate of interest or in 
price fixing. Is greeted as still another element of socialism, bringing ovor 
closer the Inevitable growing out of socialism from capitalism. All these forms 
of govenment intervention In tho economy serve the interests of monopoly, 
whether they appear as concessions to the popular foraes or as direct give-aways 
of national resources to the corporations, as long as monopoly is ablo to control 
the governaent without let or hlndranoo. Only a working class governmon* can 
assure the permanent utilltation of resources for the people. 

Another trend is today arising among reforalsts and social-democrats. In the 
none of liberty and ftreo eooncmio activity, they are retreating from their trade- 
tlonal demand for public ownership, even in its accustomed evolutionary gewb. 
The British I/ibor Party took this backward step when it retreated from tho 
natlonalizf.tlon demand at its recent Congress, and the Austrian and West Gorman 
Social- Democrats have just followed suit. This may be a way to seek the good 
graces of American monopoly and its State Department, but it Is a sure way to 
widen the gap evon further between the Right-wing Social- Democrats onA the 
working class. We do not dismiss the fight for various forma of public owner- 
ship and governnent controls, but under speoiflo conditions In response to the 
needs and struggles of the masses, about which more later. 

Tho third element »- social planning — stresses the faot that for the first 
time in our country It will be possible for society to control econcmic forces 
instead of being controlled by them. Sooialism is a full-employment society. 

Beformists point to certain elements of planning which undoubtedly do exist 
under capitalism, especially within our highly co-ordinated monopoly structure, 
to sustain their evolutionary, "post-office" concept of socialism. But the 
essential characteristic of capitalism la its anarchy, the sharp contradictions 
^ich generate eooncmio crises and the danger of war and make impossible the 
rational utilization of science and technology. This is novrtiore more apparent 
than in our country of great know-how, mastery of technique, high lovol of labor 
skills, and gigantic productive plant. At this level, planning by a socialist 
govornment con do away with poverty, unemployment, the great gap in income dis- 
trlbutlonf depressed and underdeveloped, areas almost overnight* 

The fourth element of our definition emphasizes that the limited democracy won 
under capitalism by the struggles of the people throughout our history will be 
expanded and deepened to include, for the first time, real eooncmio democracy 
and people's government on a scale never had here before. At the same time, we 
wouJd be Ignoring the lessons of history if wo did not allow for tho necessary 
function of safeguarding sooialist society from counter-revolutionary attempts. 
To what extent such functions will be brought to bear will depend upon tho overt 
actions of the capitalists themselves, upon their sulmlssion to the popular will 
and the verdlot of our Jiistorlcal dovelojment, Wo hove no way of knowing under 


what oonditiono a soolallst governnent will ooflrate in this country. However, 

our program nust build upon the dfmocrat lo gains alr<3a.dy won. Those demooratio 
guarantoes which have proved their worth in ovr hiotory ehould be retained and 
strengthened under socialist iaxnocrs.c.y — as habeas corpus, jury trial, 
right to strike, etc« Our progr^ji wi.3.1 h.jve to develop the concept of socialist 
democracy in all its aspects to shew that in esrenoe the people replace the rich 
In governing the ocontry. In the work of local and state governments, iai all the 
maaa media of cultvro, and in the marjigement of industry. 

Par the present, we will not discuss further points 5 and 6, vh ioh obviously 
are necessary elements of the definition. Those, as well as the other elements 
nentionod, will have to bo oxplcrod in depth as work on the program procoods* 
We havo not attempted to givo a final definition, but only the elemenbs that 
seem indispensable. They oan no doubt be improved, in ooncopt aa vrell as in 

All these elements, taken together and developed over a more or leas extended 
period after the shift to working-class power, constitute the essential require- 
ments of socialist society as we know it, and, as_ f ar as we now taipw , wsuld 
find expression also in socialism under Aiierican conditions. Any of these 
elements taken singly does not constitute socialism. For example, without 
working-olass and pooplos' government, public ownership and rtate controls over 
production could operate in fivor of monopoly. And it is inconceivable that 
a socialist govornmeaat could bo gained in this country without the alliance 
with the working class of the Negro people, the farmers, and all the middle 
sectors opposed to monopoly -- an alliance which would be expressed in the 
Soolallst government itself* 

The inadequacy of many of the definitions of socialism now current stems from 
their emphasis upon one' or more separate elements of socialist society, without 
•9eing the development as a wholo-» This is the fault, for oxamplo, with the 
definition of socialism given in the credo of the Mon t hly Review , which sees 
only two fundccnontal characteristics r ^first, public ownership of the decisive 
sectors of the ooonony, and second, comprehensive planning of production for 
the benefit of the producers thcmsolves." It night be said that once these ware 
obtained, the other socialiat elomonta vrould follow; but it ij precisely in 
obtaining these that the working-class government ia dociaivo. Furthermore, 
the baaio shift in state power cannot be achieved without the strategic alliance 
between the wor3:ing class and all anti-monopoly sectors, which must be built up 
duriiig the entire preceding period. It is often the failure to ccmprehend this 
that accovmts for the remoteness of sane Socialist groupings In this country 
from the actual class struggle. 

Ihus, it is necessary to have a ocmprehensive definition of ¥*iat wo mean by 
■ooialiam;. so that all othor positions now current oan be evaluated properly, 
in the interest of clarity of di8ou8"iion and with a view to convincing other 
odvooatos of socialism that thlc is the correct approach* 

The Road is /jnerican 

Hie definition of our socialist goal is not an abstract exercise but, as we have 
seen, involves many questions of current interpretation and policy. Our concept 
of the goal must of necessity also affect our concept of tlio read wo want to 
chart. For, while defining the basic elements of socialism as a system of soci- 
ety, we need to maintain and develop the positive onphaais upon the concrete 
oonditicns of our country, vhioh is so strongly Implied in the concept of "otur 
road to socialism." The goal, and the road to it, has to be seen in terms of 
Anerioan reality, within the given context of world relations. 

Wo ihould understand that this oooeopt does not carry within it the rejection 
of what is ocmmon to all roads to socialism. It rejects only the roochanioal 
Ijttitation of the forms and methods that proved suooessful in other countries, 
instead of critically evaluating their experiences in order to learn frcm their 
mistakes as well as their successes what may or may not be valid for us. 

We must work in the context and the IdiGu of American history, tradition and 
experieoDO of the class struggle. But doing this, in a country that remains the 
most powerful and expansionist center of world monopoly capitalism, wo should be 


extrflmely sensitive to the constant internal pressures diverting us frcra an 
objective Marxist aasessmsnt of ev-nts ar.d trenda, particularly the constant 
pressure of opportunism from within the labor riovoment. This pressure increases 
as monopoly exerts itself to defend its power positions and privileges at home 
and throughout the world, as world imperialism docJinas and world socialism 
grows, and particularly as the internal crisis^ " as well as political 
and soola]., grows more acute» V/e oannot meet thaue pressures effectively if we 
fail to ovoroome dojTiiatio or doctrinaire attitudeso Nor, unless wa do so, will 
W6 be able to provide the insights and creative guidance which are required to 
pioneer the path to socialism in a country such as ourso 


Since 1948, our Party has been advancing the idea of a peaceful, demooratio road 
to socialism for the United States, It has been advocated in the policy reports 
of Conrade Dennis, In the writings of Comrade Foster, and in the Party program 
of 1954« The latest official pronouncement of this perspective is contained in 
thfi preamble to t)ie Party Constitution, which was approved at the 16th National 
CoTivontioni "We advocate a peaceful, democratic road to socialism thxough the 
political and economic struggles of the American people within the developing 
constitutional procossc" 

We taku this as our essentia] starting point in considering tho concept of 
peaceful transitionc For programmntio purposes, this needs considerable elab- 
oration. To avoid ambiguities of interpretation, it i"; necessary to dove] op a 
clear idea of what is meant by "a peaceful, democratic road," by ^ho political 
and economic struggles of the American people," and by "the developing constitu- 
tional processe" 

The requirements of clarity on this question are thesst 

1) The clear-cut affirmation of the working-olas s interest, and the interests 
of the entire nation, in seeking to acliievs the transition frcm capiteiism to 
socialism, which is a social revolution, by poaoeful means* 

2) To make clear tho struggles required at all times, beginning with the hero 
and now, to establish and safeguard the preroquisitos for a peaceful transition. 
This is the most important link between the present phase of struggle and ocaning 
phases along the road to socialism* 

8) To tako fully into account the disposition to violent resistance to change 
Triiloh is present In our ruling monopoly ciroloa and their arrogant defense of 
olass privileges^ a s shown by our history and by currant conflicts, and therefore 
the need of the working class and its people's anti-monopoly allies to build up 
their crganizod mass strength, so that tho will of the people shall bo realised* 

Seen In this light, tho concept of peaceful transition Is dynamic, a concept of 
class stmigglas and strategio alliances aimed at monopoly and carried out in the 
Interests of the entire nation. In that sense, the struggle for socialism is 
on now. We cannot present the question as if the favorable world trend toward, 
socialism amounts to a guarantee of peaceful transition as is sometimes done, 
although this trend enhanoes the possibility of a peaceful transition in our 
oountr;-, providing the American people take advantage of the opportunity. There- 
fore, when we project the perspective of a peaceful transition, and even present 
this as an hlstorio aim and duty, we should always begin with and return to the 
necessity of the struggle to win euid preseiTre the prerequisites for such a devel- 
opment* The working olass and its anti-monopoly allies, in the process of build- 
ing up their alliance and gaining the support of the people as a whole, will have 
to fight monopoly in order to keep opon and broaden the democratic channels 
against the constant trend by monopoly to regiment our society and militarize the 
state* Without such a struggle, the aim of "poaoeful transition" is meaninglossj 
moroover. It may become deceptive. 

What is of particular importance here and now is to guard against a sloganized 
concept of "poaoeful transition" that ignores its revolutionary content, and has 
tho effect of stifling the will to struggle which is so precious to the working 
class and a working-class vanguard partya Peaceful transition is a revolutionary 
process that requires revolutionary Marxist leadership, and a fine fighting 
iaettlo on the part of all anti-monopoly forces* 

56597 0^60— pL 4 1.3 


Dlseuaslon of the Question by other PaTtiea 

The development of this question by other Conmunist p&rtieB, In theory as well 
as in praotioe. Is exbensive, and we cannot here review the matter in its 
entirety, I will only touch on certain aspects of the question that may throw 
some light on our approach* 

At the 20th Conp-ess, the possibility of peaceful transition was seen as arlolng 
from the favorable world situation now developing ■— that is, the further growth 
of socialism and the decline of imperialisn* It was discussed in relation to 
the probability that new forms of transition to socialism would make their 
appearance, as more countries take this path* And these new forms of transition, 
according to the 20th Congress, because of the shift in the balance of forces 
tomrd sooialism, "need not be associated with civil war under all oiroumstanoes** 

The first thing to note about this approach is that peaceful transition is not 
pleused as a law of social development* Ihat Is the significance of treating 
peaceful transition in the category of "form," The basic historic process of 
our epoch is the transition to socialism* This may take place in different 
ways, peaceful or non-peaceful^ depending upon the specif io correlation of 

As has alvEiys been the case, whether the transition is violent or not depends 
upon the methods used by the ruling classes to resist necessary social change 
and override the will of the people, What is new is the correlation of forces 
on a world scale favorable to socialism, national liberation frcn imperialism^ 
and peace* This relationship of forces sets up obstacles to imperialist inters 
ventlon against nations taking the road to progress, while people's govoraments 
are ablo to count upon support from the socialist world* The froodan of action 
of imperialism has been seriously delimited by the riso of a world system of 
Bocialist oountries, with the Soviet Union as one of tho two groat world powers, 
the accelerated crumbling of the imporialist colonial system, and the deeper 
etago of the general crisis of capitalism* Aooordingly, if the working class 
Is ablo to load the people's forces for the historic task it may be possible in 
a number of countries to effectively forestall emd prevent violence from tho 
exploiting classes, and thus to remake society without civil war* 

In the disoussl on of now forms of transition which may bo oarriod through with- 
out violence the emphasis is upon the porliomontary road* But this Is seen 
within the context of a revolutionary transformation of society, as distinguished 
Aran the reformist ooncopt of this road* It is necessary to have this distinc- 
tion clearly in mind, in vlow of the disposition in some Loft circloa to give a 
reformist or neo-revisionist reading to the 20th Congress* Considerable atten- 
tion was devotod there, as well as in the discussion by other parties, to this 
distinction, particularly as it pertains to the leading role of the working 
class and of the vanguard party, the attitude to state power, class struggle and 
class alliances, the attitude towards reform and the maturing of socialist con- 
sciousness* As Mikoyan put lti "It should be remembered that revolution — 
peaceful or not poaoeful — will always be revolution, while reformism will 
always remain a ftniltloss marking of time," And Togliattl, citing the record 
of reformism during the past four decadoa, mado two points well worth emphasis 
In his report to the 8th Congress of tho Italian Partyi 

1) "It is the revolutionary struggle and the victories won in this s truggle that 
have opened a democratic way for the advance toward socialism*" 

2) "Experience proved that even to follow the road of democratic legality, a 
revolutionary leadership is necessary*" 

Togllattie made another point to which I should like to call attention, since It 
also serves to Infuse the concept of the parliamentary rood with the necessary 
dynamism, class content and militant elan, without which it would lose its 
revolutionary significance* Ho points out that all roads to socialism are domo- 
oratio, even non-peaceful roads, for they entail a transformation the essence of 
which is economic and political democracy on a scale novor experienced before* 
Is it not true that sharp class struggles fought by the workers for thoir dctn&nds, 
or militant campaigns for Negro rights fought against vigilantes and White 


Oitirens Counoils, arc damooratio In aim aad content? We see that all domo- 
oratio struggles are not neoees&rlly peaceful, and we ehould not seek to equate 
the two. We should make clear, first, that socialism metvns democracy infused 
with the deepest eoononie content and extended politioilly on the broadest scale 
for the peoplca Secondly, we must moJce clear that "pe'iceful transition" means 
essentially the carrying through of the socialist revolution without civil war 
and within the framework of revitaliied, strengthened and more representative 
demco ratio procedures. 

What kind of perspective was developed by other Parties, seme of them much closer 
to the goal, with respect to the parliamentary roadt This is s\imned up in the 
12 Party Declaration, which drew upon the extensive discussion in the Italian, 
Indian and other CoBamunist parties since the ZOth Congress. The preroquisltes 
which they consider have to be fought for to open such a road and to keep it open, 
are as follows i 

a) a united working olaas, headed by its vanguard, whloh 

b) leads a "popular front or other workable forms of agreement and political 
cooperation between the different parties and public organiratnon, " i^iich is 
capable of 

o) uniting the majority of the people for the winning of state power without 
civil war and with the aim of ensuring public ownership of tho basic moans of 
production, and also providing 

d) the working class ±a able to defeat the opportunist elements favoring canpro- 
mise with the capitalists* 

Oiven these prerequisites, the working class together with its allies can open 
the peaceful parliamentary road to sooiallsm byt 

a) defeating the reactionary forces, 

b) secure a firm majority in parliament, 

o) "transform parliement from an instrument serving the class interests of the 
bourgeoisie into an instrument serving the working people, 

d) "launch a non-parliameatary mass struggle, smash the resistance of the 
reactionary farces, and 

e) "create the neoessai^ condition for peaceful realiration of socialist 

Purthor, these oonditdonfl can be won only by "broad and ceaseless development of 
the class ati*ugglo of the workers^ peasant masses and the urban middle strata 
against big monopoly capital, against reaction, for profound social reforms, for 
peace and socialism*" 

It will be seen, first, that they view tho possibility of realizing the peaceful 
parliamentary road in terms of working-class leadership and of tho fullest invol- 
vement of all the people's forces in the struggle against monopoly, and not 
merely as a struggle within a parliamentary body* Secondly, they allow for a 
wide range in the form of political coalition and popular organization in the 
struggle far a parliamentary majority* Third, they consider a high ]evol of 
socialist consciousness necessary, as in^ilied in winning the majoi-ity of the 
people to tho aim of public ownership of the basic means of production, and tho 
defeat of opportunist compromisers with oapitaliGm* 

We should also note the important modification with respct to the classical 
Marxist concept of "smashing" the former state apparatus as a condition of the 
trajasition to socialism* In the new concept, the parliamentary institutions 
are to be retained, although not neo€B£arily without structural reform, but ore to 
be transformsd into institutions serving the working people* 


W* should Also not* thftt ■en* kind of trutfitleoAl gorvrnMOt tloBg ths ro*d to 
•ooialiam is not exoludodf although, aa la only oorroot, it la not praaented a« 
a noooaaity of the a^Tanoe torrard aooiallam* It is illicit in their ooxusapt 
of different foraa of pelitioal ooop«ration« and may arisa in the proeass of 
winning a parliaaentary majorityf aa we ahall dlaouas later* 

Our ftufliaaentary Road 

This is neoessarily » ganeralised statcmoit, including the b&sio elenents, the 
expression of '■bieh knd the relative pertinanoy of each being different for 
different ooxmtries^ In working on our program vre have to keep in mind, first, 
the present level aftd alma of the struggle within the country for economio 
security, democratift rights and peace; and, second, the level of political 
maturity of the tNoHcing class, not primarily in relation to the level in other 
oountries but directly in relation to the general level of political maturity 
in the country as a whole. Furthermore, we have to examine for ourselves the 
particular traits, conditions, traditions, social and polltioal formations, and 
pertinent peouli80*ities of our eoonomle and state struotvire, iriiioh must enter 
Into our oonsidettetion of a peaceful parliamentary road* 

It will be necessary to devote a major part of our program preparation to an ex> 
amlnation of tbtf "developing constitutional process," having to do with our 
forms of independent political action, the structure and operations of the party 
system and go^raronent formations, historic and present trends in relations 
among the thr«9 branches of governnent, the relation of the Federal goverznent 
to state gove^nnents, approaeh to the principles of the Constitution and the 
struggle for Constitutional reform, and many other questions* We will have to 
draw lessons frcm the great labor struggles, popular anti-monopoly movements and 
the fight for Negro rights of the past, especially in the recent period* 

EoNBver, we ^an set dcnm certain preliminary observations t 

1) The parliamentary road is a road of mass struggle, led by the working class, 
against monopoly, which starts from the present struggle against unemployment, 
reaction aiyl the danger of war, and to i^ioh is opposed the program of struggle 
for full enploymont, defense and extension of Segro and democrat io rights, and 
extended peaceful coexistence* 

2) To the extent that we advance this struggle, building up the necessary 
strategic alliances between the working class and all the people's antinnonopoly 
forces, to that extent will we approach the establishment of the prerequisites 
for a peaceful parliamentary road to socialism* 

3) The struggle may go through a number of stages, with corresponding polltioal 
formations related to the maturity of the working class and the status of its 
alliance with the Negro people and the olaes allies* 

4) To realize those objectives an ever stronger, wiser, mass Marxist- Leninist 
peurty of the working class is required, which will unite In its ranks all believw 
ers in socialism* 


The concept of a transitional govaranent is the moat important theoretical prob* 
lau of charting our road to eooialism* For scrtno tine we have had the idea of 
such a govarrment, defined aa an m ti-monopoly coalition govoriment, led by 
labor, which would operate a program aimed at delimiting the power sf monopoly, 
extending social legislation on bohalf of labor ond the people, defending and 
broadening full Negro rights and democratic liberties, and safeguarding peaceful 
coexistence* This would not be a socialist govornaent, but would open the way 
to socialism and would therefore be transitional. 

We should retain this concept, but it neods to be elaborated further, porticu- 
larly with respect to (l) the doveloprannt of a program for limiting the power of 
monopoly, and (2) the nature of the alliances and political formatiois that ore 
required for the attainment of ouch a governnent* 


The mflin protlem !■ to d«fln« the nature of auoh & go^ermn'^nt In terms of & oon<» 
tijiuoua morement toward socialism. If we try to plaoe it in terms of e. etege 
of Booial development, a government oorrasponding to foyio form of society in 
between capitalism and socialism, we will make a serious Tnietako, It is hero 
that we tend to stumble. For the concept of an intermsdl&te form or stage of 
society obscures the basic social revolution involved in the transition from 
oapltalism to socialism. Thereby, it also feeds various ciorrents of reformist 
and revisionist thinking, according to wUoh the "poetoffloe" elements of social- 
lam will grow into socinliem. 

We should view an anti-monopoly people's government as a high point in the 
political struggle for socialism, and not as a stage of society. It is the 
ou.jiiination of a stage of struggle against monopoly, a struggle basically demo- 
oratio in content, cmd at the narie time opens the road to socialism. At its 
full develo ment , such a trcnsitional govermient would be led by the working 
class, supported by a powerful gathering of all its allies, which would already 
have socialism as their common goal, although there might be a number of 
political parties with programs of their own. 

If we view the matter in this fashion, transitional government does not become 
a substitute for the struggle for socialism, but le a decisive step In that 
direction. It provides not a final goal but a main juncture along the parlia- 
mentary road to socialism where the work^jig class can gather the people's forces. 
In on advanced stage of readiness, for the transition to socialism, within our 
established democrctic procedures, improved as the people soe fit. At this 
advanced s'^age of the struggle the people will al* eady have ousted the monopo- 
lists from political power, and themselves will have token over the government. 
The govorraent remains transitional just as long as it may take, within the 
given relation of forces, for the working class to emerge as the leading govora- 
ing foroe, ruling together with its people's allioo. For then it would be 
ready to begin the realization of socialist aims. 

This d(B s not mean that a transitional government which Is ready to open the 
Socialist road would bo reached directly, in one long trek. Or that once there, 
the leap ahead into socialism will necessarily be taken imnediatoly or at top 
speed. That -ivill depend upon many things that we need not try to imagine or 
speculate about* 

Beyond a general perspective with respect to the socialist potential of our ooun- 
try, the program must concern itself mostly with tho preliminary phases. There 
may we!ll be a number of way stations along the road before a fully developed 
anti-monopoly coalition government la attained. Such advances may bo expressed 
politically in coalition governments of changing class composition, with dif- 
ferent array of parties, and with a different relation of class forces within 
the coalition. Perhaps thore will be a number of anti-monopoly coalition govern- 
ments before the working class emerges clearly as the leading force in tho 
governnont, Experionoes somewhat along those lines wore seen in Spain before tho 
war, and in JVance and Italy inmodiately after tho war, although the developaent 
was set back by imperialist pressures and intervention. 

Wo must diroot our attention to what is required to build up a people's anti- 
monopoly coalition on the basis of the issues keenly felt by millions, and for 
^ioh they stmiggle* We must seek to work out a progaram of ooonomio as well as 
political measures against monopoly which will express tho aims of an anti- 
monopoly coalitionj led by labor. But our approach to these problems v/ill ho 
effoctivo only as wo soe then in relation both to the immediato demands and to 
tho perspective of our road to socialism. In this respootj wo must explore the 
kind of basic reform that can bo woij under capitalist conditions and that wlil 
at the samo tine strengthen tho anti-monopoly forces axid undarmiiio and weaken tho 
powor of monopoly. 


Ob g*«la Soolal Reform 

A Similar perspeotlre has been raieed by a nrnibor of Comnunist Parties, in terma 
suiting their crvm oountrlea, and a confliderabie debate haa token place among 
them on auoh quest iona. On emother oocasion it may be fruitful to review eome 
of these debates — between the Fi-enoh and Italians, for example. I should also 
point out that not all parties adopt the same percpeotive of the parliamentary 
road. The British Party, for example, in its new program does not seem to 
envision any transitional government, perhaps correctly for Britain in view of 
the Labor governments of the past and the high level of eocialJat oonsciouaneas 
in that country. Instead, they see a labor- Communist majority in Parliament, 
•vith a similar Cabinet, aetting out immediately to achieve aocialiat aioij. 

Among the big partiea T*ich in thia period have very seriously pursued the road 
to flooialism via a transitional government are the Italian and the Indian. We 
hope aoon to have the dooumenta of the Indian Party Congress recently held, 
which we will certainly need to study, in view of their electoral succesa in 
Kerala and their rapidly Rowing influence in India aa a vhole. For the moment, 
let me single out aome of the questions vrtiioh have been diaouased at length by 
the Italiana, which ahould throw some light on the kind of problema we muflt 
grapple with beoauae they are ao far advanced toward their goal. NeedDeas to 
aay, I am not advocating for America the Italian Road to Socialism. However, 
some of their diaoussiona are very auggestive of the line of reasoning we might 
pursue in our own way and in the light of our own problems* 

The Italians propose a people's democratic government as a transitional govern- 
ment that vail open the road to aooialiam. The component programmatic content 
of thia concept is (1) structural reform, and (2) democratic legality. The 
latter ie attuned to the apeoifio circumstances of the fight to enforce their 
new post-Fascist Constitution, which was won by the struggles of the people in 
the recent period, and which incorporates impoirbant baaic social reforms. In 
this respect, our problem is different in content and form, and we vo. 11 have to 
explore it along other lines. 

I want to direct attention to their concept of "structural reform," for once we 
make d\je allowancea for the wide differences between the countries aid the level 
of the working-class movements, the ideas involved hero can be usefuj to us, 
What thoy moan by "structural reform" are the kind of basic social reforms that 
might be aaaooiated with a government of anti-men jpoly coalition, and tiie fight 
for such a government, in our ootaitry. 

As the Italian Communists view them, "structural reforms are not socialism. But 
they reprooent a transformation of the economic structure which pavos the wny 
for the advance toward socialism." In other words, the structural reforms thoy 
advocate correspond to the fight for a people' s damooratio government in Italy, 
and constitute its transitional program, 

Biey have in mind opsontially a general land reform, the expanded participation 
of the workers in the management of industry, and nationallEation or domo- 
oratio control of the monopolioa. 

In the Dblted States, the only kind of land reform that would involve basic eooial 
changes applies to the plantation regions of the South, and is tied in with a 
general democratio reform of the South that would raise the general level of this 
region to that of the rest of the country. Vfe have advanced the aim of complet- 
ing the democratic revolution in the South for some time, particularly in 
relation to the Negro freedom struggle as well as the advance of the South as a 
region, Thia is certainly a key part of any program of basic social reform that 
we would advance in connection with our concept of the government of anti-monopoly 
coalition, and we must pursue this question further along oior cmx lines. 

With reference to workers' participation in management of industry, the Italian 
I^ty has for some tine advocated a trade union program (called "Labor Econcmy") 
nhioh urges structural reforms in management of industry and also in govern- 
Dfint control of production that goes beyond the simple econwaic demands of the 
workera. Here, too, I do not mean to draw mechanical parallela. But, under our 
conditions, it might well to worth exploring the idea along the lines of labor's 


lutarrantloD in th« polloiot of Industrial managmient, partloularly with respect 
to guarantees of anploymentf utllicatlon of automated and other new labor-saving 
maohinery, the prloe policy of monopo]y, and the utllizetion of the Internal 
capital resources of the big corporations* 

The labor movement here has done some probing in this direction. Reuther, for 
example, in his own reformist fashion, has nibbled at some of these problems -- 
as with the guaranteed annual wage, his recent proposal for price outs on cars, 
and seme timid proposals on labor participate un in introduotion of autcoiation, 
while retreating on the basio demand of the shorter worlcday. We hare to examine 
these questions carefully, with a view t» seeing if wo oan develop a program 
that goes beyond the simple econoir.lo demands, and presents a perspective for the 
trade unions that will tie in the fight fer the immediate eoonomlo demands with 
measures aimed at controlling the operation of monopoly in the interests of labor 
and the people* In fact, it is useless to talk about labor leading em anti- 
monopoly coalition, unless we oon shew how labor through Its own approach and 
methods of struggle oan fight for measures of an ontl-monopoly character* 

Ib this approach, we oan find a real meeting ground for labor and the other ajiti> 
monopoly sectors of the people. Labor has been reluctant to take up leadership 
in the broader fight against monopoly, in the past led by the middle classes 
and the farmers through the so-called trust-busting oampalgns* But monopolies 
have found numerous ways, ospooially through the tax system and price-fixing, 
to take back frcm the people muoh moro than they are forced to give the workers 
in wage Increases and fringe benefits* As a result, they have built up large 
capital reserves, which are the accumulation not only of profits from the direct 
exploltat^.oa of the workers In the enterprise but also from the wholesale 
robbery of tho people through the tax privileges they enjoy and through the 
pricing mechanism* If labor steps into this picture, with the demand to have 
something to say about tho utiliBation of these reserves and other questions of 
management, it will be able most effectively to forge and lead a broad anti- 
monopoly coalition, including tho farmers and the middle classes* 

We may also learn something of v«lue frcm the Italians on anti-monopoly reform 
although we must allow, as always, for diffarenoes in the structure of monopoly 
In the two countries. 

For seme time we have grappled with the problem of the kind of measures that 
should be advocated to curb, delimit and control monopoly power. Today, in 
terms of current policy, this problem Is uppermost with respeot to the inflated 
price situation, for example, or wholesale bankruptcy of small producers, or 
repossession of installment goods. In the midst of the eooncmlo crisis. Some- 
thing new is demanded in the way of anti-monopoly actiop, that will defend the 
people from the effects of the economic crisis. Although we have crane up with 
some elements of program, we have not solved the basic problem of approach to 
an anti-monopoly program which will be econcmio as well as politloal, and which 
will serve as a basis for alliance between the labor movement and the various 
middle class sectors threatened by monopoly* A special study and discussion 
will have to be organised on these questions* 

Eere I want to call attention to two elements in the Italian approachi (1) demo- 
oratic controls over monopolios, and (2) the concept of "dismantling" certain 
backTi-ard and p«u:ticularly pernicious aspects of the monopoly structure* 

Wo all know how goverrment controls under tho anti-trust laws, the various regu- 
latory agencies, and goveruin«nt-own6d projects like the atcmic energy Industry, 
have in practice redounded to the benefit of the monopolies and against the 
interests of tho people* We also know that the idea of "dismantling" monopolies 
le the philosophy underlying the anti-trust laws, and was oven trlod on a big 
scale in Germany and Japan after their defeat in World War II. But despite all 
the ''dismantling", monopoly power has grown here and has been restored in West 
Germany and in Japan* A] so, tho regulatory agencies of tho government, whioh 
are supposed to administer utility ratos for the benefit of the people, havo 
actually followed the monopoly-dictated policy of high prices, granting one rate 
increase after another* 


It ia obvious* of oouroe, that as long an thceo oontrola are admlnlBtorod by 
govornment agonoles under the oomploto control of monopoly thoy will function 
exactly in the way they have -- in the intoroots of monopoly and its policy of 
regimenting the entire eoonoc^ to servo its aims. Are wo therefore to oonolude 
that nothing can be done, as long aa oapitaliam axlsts, to protect the people 
frcm wholesale robbery by monopolyT To adopt a negative viewpoint on this 
question would be mistaken, for we would forego the Interests of the people as 
consumers as well as wage-workers, and the Interests of the very broad and 
extensive middle class strata on the land, in business, industry and the pro- 

The merit of the Italian position Is that they approach the problem from the 
ground of continuous mass struggle to impose the kind of reforms on the state 
that will allow for democratic controls by the unions and other anti-monopoly 
forces over the operation of monopoly, much as we have wen labor and social 
reforms here as a result of the pressures of the labor tuid popular movements* 
Furthermore, in their approach they keep central the aim of defending the pres- 
ent and future Interests of the middle-olass sectors — their interest now in 
the fight against extinction by monopoly and their Interests later under 
socialism* This is the indispensable requirement of an anti-monopoly coalition 
for us, also* We must, therefore, explore carefully and fully the kind of antl* 
monopoly reforms that should be advocated here and the way the fight for then 
should be carried out* 

The question Is raised whether the "dismantling" of monopoly is in the long- 
reinge Interest of the working class and of socialism* We knew the basic Uarxlst 
distinction between the socialication of product ion* whioh is a positive outoome 
of highly developed capitalism, and private appropriation of the values arising 
from the capitalist exploitation of labor. But it is argued that the dismantling 
of monopoly TOuld lessen the soolaliEation of labor, without making any signi- 
ficant change in the process of private accumulation. In this view, the deoiand 
-for "dismantling" is considered retrogressive^ In the historical sense* 

I would like to suggest for critical exploration a proposition that may perhaps 
clarify this matter and also help crystallise a baslo approach on the problem 
of oontrolllng monopoly* 

The proposition Involves a distinction botwoen what is permanent In the structure 
of monopoly, and ^hat is transitory* In other words, the distinction Is between 
what cannot be changed in the present system, indeed what we may not want to 
change keeping socialism in mind, and, on the other hand, what can be changed 
now and in the future* TJhat is permanent is the great concentration of produc- 
tion together with its advanced technology — now used to obtain maximum profits 
for monopoly, but 't^ich socialism would take over and utilise for the maximum 
benefit of the people* What is transitory is the system of control <xor this 
vast productive plant, leading to the extremo centralization of oconomlc power 
in a few peak monopoly groups* Our Marxist studies of the quostion have very 
ably shown the specific form of peak control in tho Rockefeller, Morgan, du Pont 
and other financial interest groups* But we still have to draw programmatlo 
conclusions from this, beyond the obvious truth that it will be changed by 

Now, what is transitory in tho long run of history, is also subject to prollaw 
Inary changes in advance* It is not a quostion of breaking up the vast and 
Integrated production units, as big as thoy may be. We have to direct attention 
to the apparatus of control managed by the big groups of finance capital, which 
cuts across all Industrial, financial and commercial llnds, and whioh has been 
erected to manage huge investments, without any regard to their actual produo- 
tlvo functions* It is in this area, the very center of monopoly control, that 
the process of "dismantling" might prove both possible and effective* 

In suggesting this distinction, I do not want to imply that the Intricate system 
of monopoly control, which reaches into all breinches of the economy and dominates 
government, is scmething extraoieoua to monopoly oapitaliam* It is a very deci- 
sive part of the monopoly set-up, the way of oentrallslng maximum profits, and 
the center of the political oligarohy* Monopoly will very sealouely defend Its 
positions In this sphere* But it la also the most changeable, the most sensitive. 


the most vulnerable part of the otruotur* — with oonatantly changing Inner 
relation of forces as the result of the competition of giajits and changes in the 
economic relations, here and abroad* And one or another paurt of this area has 
always been the target of the popular anti-trust revolts -- whether the bankers 
control of the raili-oads and the food-processing industries, or more recently 
monopoly control of contracts for munitions production. Here also lios the 
center of the monopoly price-fixing mechanism, 

Ihis should be studied and explored. And we should do this not only with a view 
to a program for on anti-monopoly transitional government. We should also 
elaborate the kind of demands that can be raised in the present situation with 
the purpose of developing anti-monopoly actions and alliances. 

Ihere is much in what I have said, especially in the third section, that is 
tentative and merely suggestive of lines of inquiry and discussion. As you can 
very well see, I have not gone into many other complex problems that arise in 
the process of preparing a basic program, but these must be handled as we go 
along. However, with respect to the concepts of our road to socialism, peaceful 
transition, and transitional government I have tried to provide on orientation, 
upon which I hope wo can all agree, as a base from which wo can prooood to pre- 
pare a program for our road to socialism, 


Your committee exchanged views on how to latinoh the work of systematic prepara- 
tion of program. 

First, a fow words as to general approach. We have to start from an examination 
of the problems of the present phase and of developments and trends now discern- 
ible. Prom an examination of the down-to-earth questions that affoct the workers 
and the people as a whole the program must provide a lino of solution leading to 
socialism. The socialist solution must be prosontod as a projection of the 
Immediate struggles, class alliances and trends in thoir development. In other 
words, we do not propose to imagine what a Socialist Amorica will bo like under 
whatever conditions may prevail at that time. We can speak only of tho poten- 
tials of a Socialist United States, and devote the major part of tho program to 
the question of how we are going to got there* 

Second, there is no model program for us to follow. We shall learn what we can 
from the programs of other Communist Parties, from how they handle this or that 
question, from their theoretical treatment, and from how they solve problems 
similar to our own. But the program will have to be distinctively our own prod- 
uct. The work of preparing a program is therefore to be seen as a really major 
task. If we are successful, it will be the first written basic program for this 
country produced by any Marxist group or party. Our main concern has to be to 
give it a solid base and framework so that it can be of more than passing interest, 
It must become an important instrument for raising the socialist consciousness of 
the workers. 

Third, a draft handed down by a committee, without the broadest consultation and 
discussion, would be ineffective if not worthless. The Draft Progron has to be 
the outocme of study and public discussion at all stages of preparation, the 
outcome of an expanding wave of serious discussion. But the discussion would be 
in danger of becoming aimless and even futile, unless it is directed toward 
specific programmatic questions, and is carried out in an organired way, 

Aooordingly, we favor a step-by step prooediu:e, along tho following lines i 

1, Tho posing of a serios of quostiona, covering the entire rango of program, 
phrasod to produce programmatic answers and placed in relation to oach other 
in provisional programmatic soquenco. This would amount to a simple outline, 
to be used as a guide for the organitation of special study and research. It 
is prorosod to group the program question more or loss under tho following 
]ie>ndet (1) The unBoJxr«d problranfl of our societyi (8) The U.S. world position 

56597 O — 60— pt. 4 -14 


and tho fight for paaoei (S) End want, for & higher standard of llvingt 

(4) Cultural->eduoatlonf mass occmuni oat ions media, aoience and tho artsi 

(5) Tho dofonoe and oxtonsion of denooraoyi (6) Tho fight against nonopolyj 
(7) Labor and its allie8--trade union novomont, Nogro people, farmers, 
middle strataj (8) Political action and the anti-monopoly coalition govern- 
nonti (9) Ihe transition to socialism and tho socialist potential} (10) Role 
of tho Party. In the working out of tho draft, tho order may be changed 
considerably* Tho draft program quostions should bo ready by tho ond of 
May or tho first woek in June. They will bo submitted to members of tho NC 
and other qualified people for oonment, suggestions and expression of 
interest in working on a specified phase. 

2| On the basis of these ocnments and suggestions, the Program Conmittee is to 
prepare an Analytic Outline, in which a basic approach is already Incor- 
porated, explicitly or implicitly, whereror possible^ while controversial 
questions are raised in provisional form* It Is hoped to have this ready 
about lAbor Day for comment and publlo discussion. 

5* The organization of special study and research on the program questions is 
to begin immediately, involving existing Party oommissions (like the Negro 
and Econcmio), specially qualified Individuals, and all those able to con- 
tribute. While the Program Committee will have to bear a special responsi- 
bility, the burden of this work should not be restricted to the Ccmmittoo 
members, nor to the New York area. Special efforts have to be made to 
involve people In many parts of the country. 

4. As material of substance becomes available on key questions of the program 
It should be published for comment and dlsoussion. It Is proposed to set 
aside a special section of Political Affairs for this purpose, under the 
supervision of the Program Ccmnittee or a subcommittee designated by lt« 

5. The Draft Rrogram Committee should consist of members able to contribute to 
tho formulation of program and willing to take special rosponsibllity for Its 
propeuratlon. Its function Is to prepare a draft program, for submission to 
the National Ccmnittee which has the rosponsibllity for passing on it, and 
submitting it to the Party for discussion and final action at a Party Conven- 
tion. Tho resident members of the Draft Program Committee shall meet regu- 
larly, organise and guide the work of preparation, consult with the non- 
resident macfcers, and meet together with thea whenever possible* 

« • * * 


1* A general consensus of opinion was recorded that the report provides a basis 
for bogiiming systamatlo work on program. 

2* Deolded to present the report to members of the NC and others to be involved 
in program preparation, for Information and ocnunent. Hie question of publi- 
cation of tho report was left to the Resident Fi-ogram Comnlttee* 

8* Approved the rooccunondations of the Initiating Committee for work on the 

4* Designated a Di^ft Program Conmittee, consisting off 

Jin Allen Geno Dennis Jim W* 

Herb Aptbeker Betty 0. Martin C. 

tfy Lumer G«orge Morris N. S. 

Jim Jackson B&t Toohey Al Rlotinond 

A. Bittolmon Claude Lightfoot Pettis Pori^ 

Si Oerson Carl Winter Burt Nelson 

Will Welnotone Cheu"lene Alexander 

(Please address all ooBunnnt to Drt^ft Proffrom Committee, 28 West 26th Street, 

Bow York 10, N* Y* ) 




OCT. 27th & 28th, 19S6 

Follovdng is on abridged version of report by Al Richmond, on behalf of 
State Board and the smnage.'nent ooinmittee i 


ORIGIN: Initial suggostion for launching daily paper on Pacific Coast oame 
frcm national conmittee in early 1937, Proposal wao enthusiastically adopted at a 
California oonference. National conmittee envisioned chain of throe daily papers - 
Ir New York, Chicago and California, (Chicago paper was launched shortly after The 
Pe pie's V/orld, but gave up the ghost after a year's publication.) 

SITUATION IN 1937J Conditions were favorable for launching daily because: 

1, There vms the militant upsurge of the CIO movement in California, ^Yith 
Left-maritime unions in the van. 

2, New Deal movement in California wejs nearing its high tide (resulting in 
aleotion of Olson-Patterson ticket in 1938) 

3, Party had great prestige and influence in labor movement and progressive 
politioal currents. 


The paper enlisted considerable official labor support, including AFL and 
CIO unions. 

Quite a number of Now Deal politioal figures - some quite fr.r from the Left - 
partioipated in various activities on the paper's behalf. 

Paper played a vital, generally recognized role in such mass movements as 
1958 elections, last stages of free-Mooney fight, strikes and organiring drives. 

The paper objeotivelv achieved a united front character because a united 
front did exist, in which the party and the Left generally were recognized and 
active components. 

To a greater or lesser extent, depending on turns in the politioal situation, 
the paper retained this character into the early postwar yeara, 


V.'ith the onset of the cold war and the attendant repressive hysteria, coupled 
with our otm sectarian errors, the Party became increasingly isolated, ar.d so did 
the paper. 

Official labor support declined to the vanishing point, as did expressions 
of aupport frco progressive politioal figures. The united front oharaotor of the 
paper diminished, and was ultimately destroyed because in life the many united 
front relationships of the party and the Left had oeased to exist. 

Situation b«oame more acute after outbreak of the Korean war, especially 
after decisions made around the events of June, 1951, 

The State Board adopted a policy of a determined fight to mointain the dally 
under those olroumstanoes because t 

1, The paper remained as the sole consistent medium for public expression 
of our vi«w8. 

2, The paper represented a principal toehold on a legal status, 

3. Abandonment of this position, under enemy attack, would have grave 
consequences on morale of party and movement, 

4. The paper afforded a chaoinel for exercising leadership when other "normal" 
ohannels wore disrupted or clogged because of the system of leadership established 
In party. 

S« At the onset of this period we still had a relatively adequate circulation 
base. (In October, 1950, we published 8,000 dally papers and a shade less than 
17,000 on the weekend,) 


Ab a negative development in this period^ the pressures resultin/; from the 
faot that the paper incroasingly beoone a primary medium for oxeroisinj leadersliip 
in the narrow inner senso tended still further to give the paper the nore pronounoed 
stcur.p of a party organt 

nonetheless, paper played oonsiderable role in such nass activity as vms 
carried on by the Left in this period (fight to save Wellsj petition campaign in 
connection vdth ITN anniversary meeting and peace action generally; fight for party's 
legality^ most notably around California Smith Act oacos). 

The paper waa a rrajor factor in emergence of California party from rooont 
period in relatively better ohape than the orgonization elJe^.■here. 


At the beginning of 1956 the paper was in a fairly preor-.rious position. 

FINANCES 2 3eoauce of the deficits aocunulated over the years, the paper's 
dobta wero in the neighborhood of $115,000, 

CIRCULATIOIT: From about 1954 on the papor'a losses -vere minimal, and it was 
possible to speak of a relatively itabiiizod circulation - but at a lev; loval. 

The position was such that any appreciable loss in financial support or 
circulation activity placed the existence of the paper as a daily in jeopardy. 

Estimating the situation in I%y, the Stato Board decided to launch the fund 
drive v/ith the porspooHve of fighting for the daily, but recognizing that tliis 
poropeotive might not be realized in vio\r of the critical situation developing 
\vlthin the party. The Stato Board perspoctive of maintaininf, the daily was related 
to tv/o factors s fulfillment of the fund Jrivo approxinately on schedule, and 
maintaining oirculationt Suocoss jn the fund drive was regarded not only as an 
economic qunstion (although tho paper desporattly needed ever>' penny sought) but 
also as a political measure of the entire party's capacity and readiness to fight 
for the paper. 

With the developaont of the party discussion, some very sharp criti^ims wore 
directed at the pa-per-j Tho staff soup;ht to encourage JisoM;.?ion of the pioor-s 
con+ent - through roadors' oonfcrencoa, questionnaires, and letters in t:'p pipir. 
At tho same time^ the utaff sought ;o as:;es3 tliis oritlcixi., und to mak*; chan^;33 
along the lines thnt, i;i its Judgeifiontj ■vrxa indicated by tiie bulk of tho oritisiam. 

In staff dinoussion, and eonr.ultation with the strte botrd a generol approach 
was adopted for striving to n.ike of tlie papor a voice of the Left (going beyond the 
party), but directing itsolf to tlic broader mass novcmont. 

The revompod weekend papor was undertaken aa a pilot project in the direction 
of a. broader character and a more popular appool. 


FINAUCES « Aa of the end of October, even after a month's extension of tho 
fund drive, the drive was still aono $30,000 shore of the $150,000 goal. The paper 
■was faced with an accumulate indebtedness of $150,000 by the end of tho year, 

CIRCUUTIONi Because of a virtual halt in circulation activity, the paper's 
oombinad (daily and v/flokond^ subscription list declined by 14 percent between May 1 
and Oct, 1. WKi lo thc-.-e haa always been a dip in circtilatior. between May, tho 
height of tho circulation dvivo, and October, this year's decline v/as far sharper. 
Last year, for';o, tho deoline was 7 percent in the same period. Thus, the 
rate of deollno was twice as great this yoijr, 

POLITICAL OirCLCOK: Whatovor the long ranj^e perspective for tho party, and 
this is at the ooro of the pre -cor.vontion discu::3ion, the short haul - tlio next 
six months - is cloudoO with uncertainty, and it is unlikely that the critical 
situation vdthin tho organization will bo resolved qvdckly. 

Against this background, an intanso discussion has developed about tho paper's 
future, contored on tlie issue of whether it can continue as a daily, or should be 
transformed into a v/eokly. 



Arcurnants for a v;oo;:lyi 

1« Tho movonont, civon its presont nxunorioal slio and rola-bivo Isolation, 
just oarmot oar:"/ the burden of a di.ily prner, ccpooir.lly in view of tin f^^per's 
srall oircvlation arc' ..nrrow baso. If, by any c.lianco, tiircufrh a ovpor-huuvin ofl'ort, 
the movomont di:l ronli;e tlio finar-P3, i^: v.'omIJ. bo only at \,hu oxf nso oC other 
aotivitios v;hloh aro essentinl if v/o aro to bro;ik otit of our iaolabion. 

2. V.'ith our relatively "nesfer finar.oial roGourcos, wo o»\n at beot ouctair. 
the manpoTfor ar "i teol-ziical ffx^iliti.oa for putting ovit a poo." and iradoc/j' te daily. 

If the sono rot-'.rooa vore poi;rod into a weekly, we could pin- out a paj or or superior 
quality - politically and teolinloally - that ooald better attract end retain roud'-ro. 

This Is a positive pornpeotivo, and such a ptxper oould do a hotter Job of 
intorproting and analyzlnr; e/onts, of trecting iasuoe more r:lcillfully and t'lf.Uf^ht- 
fully, and oould bettor meet the otlior needs of ito roaderc, 

i/lth such a paper we oould strive for a radical improvement In oiroulation. 
As one comrade put it» it is preferable to have one paper a v.'e^k that roaches five 
people than to have five papors a .rook that roach only one per-ion. 

3, In tho Imraodiate future, it is not likely that thn party, an ar. independent 
foroe, will load ma's struf.i^les of any ooiiseqr 3noos. Therefore, tho need for a 
doily as an independent orr^.iizir.g and mobilizing instrument is groatly diminiohed. 

Arguments for maintainirf» the daily » 

1, Abandonment of the daily nc.v v/ould have the most adverse effect on the 
morale of the party, would have nnticnal and possibly international roporouasions, 
and v;ould feed the liq-.d.dati)nict ourrer'^s. 

Zm A daily ne'.vspoper acsumos a fighting oharaoter in relation to indues as 
they arise that oannot bo im artod to a woekly, A daily maintains a day to diy 
oontaot with its readers, posso.ices creator mobilizing ability, can be more flexible 
and timoiy in reacting to events, and is more effeotivo and oonsistent in the battle 
of ideas. 

3. The present period is a period of transition. Wo have himg on for IH 
years - if wo hang on for :six more months, we'll bo over tho hump and a strongthened, 
unified and more efeotivo party organization •rill bo able to crrry the burden. 
Together ;vlth this, there are tlio improvements in the ob;iective political situation, 
and the increasing pos:;ibilltios for re-establioi^dng old united front relationships 
and Inaugurating ne\f ones, 

4. A daily ties in vdth the perspectivo in the draft reaol-rtion for a party 
of action, which lo beet nrnred by a daily paper. 

Arguments for delaying decision until oonventioni 

1. A daily is dncirablej the real issue is v/hether it is feoaible. VV© vdll 
bo better able to gauge tho foasibillty when we see wiiat enorgos from tho oonvontlon, 

Z, J'ore time is required to explore possible alternativos before so fateful 
a. deolsion is taken. 

3, There Is considerable dlvergonoo of oplr.lon on tho dally vs. weekly iscue, 
and the period of pre-oonvontion discuosion might serve to further oltrify tho is-.uo, 
ODpeoially as it will bo oonnidored in relation to tho fundni.;ental ia:;uo of what sort 
of party and movement vill beat moot the needs of tho /jnorloan working olass at tWa 


After weighing tho argunonts above, the first question that faced tho board 
was whether it should or should not ma>:o a roooniiendation. The majority felt it was 
tho responsibility of the board to presont its opinions to tho party in tho form of 
recnmmordations, fully confident that the party oorforonoe would v/eigh those opinions 
(and all others) on their merits and v/ould reaoh its dooiaion on the basis of its 
independent Judgement, 

Tho issue then bailed dmm to - should wo reoommend poatponoment of any 
dooiaion until the convention, or should we nmr reooinmond transformation of the 
paper into a weekly. 


Generally, ovaryone favored waiting until the convention - I£ it oould be 
done. The rub I3 that for every month wo delay, the paper goes into the hole for 
§17,000, as agoinGt about v9,000 for a weekly. The difference in the monthly 
deficit for a daily or a weokly in tho next period la §8,000. T}iat moana about 
$24,000 if we wait until January, or $40,000 if we wait until March, 

Tho majority did not aoe v/here this monoy v/ould cone frame The majority 
felt that e.:tr.T.crdlnary action vrould be requii-cid to come close to fulflllnent of the 
fund driver let alona raise f.ny added oushion. 

Tho majority of the board present ( 6 for and 1 abstaining! with attending 
members ol the mr.nage?'.'-;ivt oormittec divided 3 lor and 3 opposed) dooideu to recommend 
a waoicly now. 

The majority oi-inlon was that In viovv of the failure to make tho full fund 
drive quota, the drop j.a circulation, the aocuiiv.?.ato.i debt, and the critical altua* 
tlon within the party^ there viva no realistic nibernative. 

We believed tto TToro faced v/ith a choice betwoen 801 organiied retreat new, or 
the danger of a rout luter. 

Spelled out the recommendation wasi 

1. That the conference reooninend golnf^ over to a weekly. 

2. That this reoomnondatlon be aub-aittod to a referendum vote v/ithln the 
party for a throe week period. Slnultanooualy, the popor would conduct a ballot 
among non-party readers, and would hold consultative sessions reprosentatlvo 
groups of non-party ruadors. 

3. If the referendum approved the recommendation, then tho state board 
together vrlth the manageTTient ooiimlttea would proceed to put it Into effect. 

Tt/o other recommendations wore approved 1 

1, That tho counties continue the fund drive until completion of tholr 
quotas . 

2. That the matter of moving the paper to Los Angeles be left open, since 
no ocimnitment has been secured from any printer to print tho paper, and no spoolflo 
bids as to coats were available as yet. 


While tho board did not see at this timo tho means for continuing daily 
publications, it also rooofrnisod that maintenance of a weakly would greutly t.vx the 
party's enerj^leo and resonroea, and would require a consistent and dotermlned fi(;ht. 

The board believed the poscibllltles for Tri.nnlng ouch a fight wore favorable 
because t 

1. The 0120,000 raltfod in the fund drive thus far represents a considerable 
achievement, in view of the situation within tho party, and deraonotrntes that tho 
base for a Marxiat paper la present on the Pacific Coast. 

2. The paper's circulation on a daily basis is twloe tho party momborchlp, 
and on the weekend I3 four times aa great. Indicating the paper retains a baae among 
non-party persona, a baae that could be expanded. 

3. The revamped v/eokond papet" represents a modest break through In the 
dlreotlon of the aort of paper needed, and the response to it Indloatoa that contin- 
uing changes oould generate enthusiasm for building olrculatlon. 

IVe believe that out of the present dlffloultios and profo'ind upheaval, a 
healthier and more effective party will emerge, and a Marxist paper la indlsponaable 
If auoh a party la to make Its full contribution to tho furtheranoe and dovelopnont 
of a popular anti -monopoly ooalition. 




Abernathy (Ralph D.) 2339 

Acheson (Dean) 2214,2286 

Albertson. William 2384 

Aleichem, Shalom 2379 

Alexander, Charlene. {Sf'e Mitchell, Charlene.) 

Allen. James S 2384, 2385. 2400 

Anderson, Felix 2328 

Aptheker, Herbert 2384. 2400 

Baldwin, Hanson W 2314 

Bart, Philip 2384 

Batista (Fulgeneio) 2264 

Ben-Gurion, David 2321 

Bergman. Leibel 2360, 23a3 

Bernal, J. D 2313 

Bernstein (Eduard) 2331 

Bert, Erik 2384 

Bittelman (Alexander) 2400 

Blair, Fred 2384 

Blum, Emanuel 2384 

Bragdon, J. S 2309 

Bridges, Harry 2317 

Briggs, Cyril 2321 

Browder (Earl) 2254,2331 

Brown, Archie 2288, 2383 

Burnham, Louis 2384 

Burroughs, Nannie H 2339,2341 

Campos, Pedro Albizu 2301 

Castro, Fidel 2265 

Chaka, Edward 2384 

Chase, Homer Bates 2384 

Childs, Morris 2384 

Clark (Joseph) i 2370, 2371 

Clark (Joseph S.) 2287 

Colon, Jesus 2384 

Crenovich, Michael 2384 

Cresap, Mark W., Jr 2314 

Danllov 2380 

David (Benjamin J., Jr.) 2288,2359,238* 

Davis, Sam 2384 

Debs. Eugene 2243 

Dennis, Eugene 2356. 2370. 2372, 2373, 2875, 2384, 2391, 2400 

Dennis, Thomas DeWitt 2384 

DeSapio. Carmen 2287 

Dillon (Douglas) 2208 

Dimitroff (Georgi) 2353 

Dobbs, Benjamin 2384 

Dulles (John Fo.ster) 2205, 2208, 2213. 2310 

Eaton, Cyrus 2312 

Eisenhower (Dwight D.) 2208, 2211, 2213, 2309, 2314, 2320, 2367 

Engels (Friedrich) _ 2248 

Farley, Will 2317 

Fast. Howard 2370 

Figueiredo, Joseph 2383 

Fine (Benjamin) 2356,2359,2364 




Finletter, Thomas 2287 

Flynn, Elizabeth (Gurley) 2288, 2384 

Foster (William Z.) 2359, 2369, 2372, 2377. 2391 

Franco (Francisco) 2256. 2264, 2333 

Freeman (Orville) 2317 

Frie<llander, Miriam 2384 

Gannett. Betty 2384, 2400 

Gates (John W.) 2254. 2322, 2331, 2356. 2359, 2364, 2370, 2371. 2.387 

Gerson, Simon 2384, 2400 

Goldman 2381 

Gompers (Samuel) 2243 

Green, Gilbert 2289 

Green, Jacob 2.384 

Haaland, Xorman 2384 

Hall, Florence 2384 

Hall, Gus 2205, 2269, 2384 

Hallinan, Vincent 2374 

Harris, Roy 2346 

Hathaway, Clarence 2266. 2384 

Heale''-, Dorothy (Ray) 2.359, 23S4 

Heikkila (William) (also known as Kaino Heikkila) 2353 

Humphrey, Hubert H "_ 2313 

Ibarruri, Dolores 2333 

Izard, Ralph 2383 

Jackson, J. H 2340 

.Jackson, James E 2322-2324,2338.2384,2400 

Javits (Jacob K.) 2317 

Johnson, Arnold 2.384 

Johnson, Lyndon (B.) 2287 

Kalinin (Mikhail I.) 2379 

Keating (Kenneth B.) 2317 

Kennedy (John F.) 2286, 2292, 2294 

Keyserling, Leon 2314 

Khrushchev (Nikita S.) 2208. 

2211, 2213-2215, 2286, 2292, 2295, 2308, 2312, 2314, 2315, 2319, 2320 

King. Martin Luther 2339 

Kushner, Sam 2266, 2384 

Krchmarek, Anthony 2384 

LaFoUette, Robert M 2243 

Lehman, Herbert 2287 

Lenin (V. I.) 2216, 2224, 2233, 2248, 2256. 2334. 2338, 2348, 2381 

Lightfoot, Claude 2384, 2400 

Lightfoot, Geraldine i 23M 

Lima (Albert) Mickey 2.3a3. 23W 

Lovcstone (Jay) 2254. 2331 

Luce, Henry (Booth) 2206 

Lumer, Hyman 2209, 2308, 2309. 2332. 2S84. 2400 

Marx (Karl) 2216. 2248.2256.2263 

McAdory, Mildred 2384 

McCarthy, Eugene J 2210 

McDonald, David J 2291 

McNamara (Pat) 2287 

Meany, George 2278, 2286, 2291-2294, 2296, 2342 

Meyers, George 2384 

Mikoyan (Anastas I.) 2317.2392 

Mitchell, Charlene (nee Alexander) 2384.2400 

Morray, Joseph P 2322 

Morris, George 2400 

Mujal ( Eusebio) 2264 

Xabried, Thomas 2319, 2384 

Nagy (Imre) 2357 

Nelson. Burt 2384. 2400 

Xilin. Pavel 2353 

(TDell, Hunter Pitts 2384 

Olson (Culbert L.) 2401 

Patterson, Ellis E 2401 

INDEX iii 


Piitterson, William L 2384 

Perlo (Victor) 234:1 

Perry, Pettis 2338, 2384, 2400 

Potash, Irving 2384 

Powell, Adam Clayton 2287 

Proctor, Roscoe 1 2383, 2384 

Proxmire (AVilliam) 2287 

Queen, Danny 23S4 

Ramelson 2379-2381 

Randolph. A. Phillip 2278. 22;J2. 2294, 2200, 2342 

Reston, .Tames 2314 

Reuther, Georpe 2342 

Reuther, Walter 2291, 2293, 2372,2397 

Revels, Hiram 2339 

Richmond. Al 2383,2384, 2400, 2401 

Roberts. Holland 23.")7. 2360 

Robertson, Ida M 2340,2341 

Robeson. Paul, Jr 2384 

Rockefeller, Nelson (A.) 2214,2286,2291,2314,2315 

Roosevelt. P>leanor 2287 

Roosevelt (Franklin Delano) 2229,2244 

Rosenbluth, Nathan 2384 

Rubin. Mortimer Daniel 2384 

Schneiderman (William) 2359, 2364 

Shevlyagin. D : 2371 

Shuttleworth ( F. L.) 2339 

Sobell. Morton 2289 

Stachel, Jacob (Jack) 2384 

Stalin (Josef) 2370 

Stanford, John 2384 

Stein (Sid) 2356,2359,2364,2372 

Strachey, John 2386 

Thompson, Robert 2289 

Todd 2358 

Togliatti, Palmiro 2333, 2392 

Toohey, Patrick 2384. 2400 

Tormey, James 2384 

Trujillo (Rafael L.) J 2264 

Truman (Harry S.) 2286 

Wachter. Douglas 2383 

Wachter, Saul 2383 

Wallace (Henry A.) 2244, 2245 

Waterman, A 2379 

Weinstock, Louis 2384 

Weinstone, William 2400 

Wells (Wesley) 2402 

West. James 2384 

Wheeler, Juanita 2383, 2384 

Winston. Henry 2289 

Winter, Carl 2400 

Wkiter, Helen Allison 2384 

Yates, Oleta (O'Connor) 2358.2359 


AFLr-CIO 2244, 2251. 2268, 2278, 2286, 2292-2294, 

2296, 2297, 2317, 2342, 2343, 2361, 2362 

Building Trades Council 2343 

Committee on Political Education (COPE) 2288,2297 

Abraham Lincoln Brigade 2355 

American Committee for the Protecticm of the Foreign Born 2304 

American l^ederation of Labor 2248, 2249 

Labor's League for Political Education 2297 

American Labor Party (New York) 2243,2244 

American Negro Labor Council 229^5 

Americans for Democratic Action 2287 

Atlantic Steel Company (Atlanta. Georgia) 2343 




Auto Workers, United 2286,2297 

Executive Board 2296 

Bethlehem Steel Co 2318 

British Labor Party 2247,2389 

Build the Press Committee 22<>7 

California State Association of Colored Women's Clubs 2340.2341 

Citizens Councils of America 2346 

Communist Party, Canada 2370 

Communist Party, China 2373,2387 

Communist Partv, Cuba (also known as Popular Sm-ialist Party, Cuba) 226."). 


Communist Party, France 2371 

Communist Party. Creat Britain 2370.2396 

Communist Party. India 2370.2393,2396 

Communist Party, Iraq , 2333 

Communist Party. Israel 2370 

Communist Party, Italy 2333, 2371, 2374, 2393. 2396-2398 

Eighth Congress 2392 

Communist Partv, Soviet Union : 

12th Party Congress. April 1923 2338 

16th Party Congress. .Tune 1930 2.338 

20th Partv Congress, February 19.')6, Moscow 220-"). 

2224. 2370. 2386, 2387. 2392 

21st Congress. January 27-February ;", 19.59, Moscow 2224, 2332 

Communist Party. Spain 2333 

Communist Party USA : 
National Structure : 

National Committee 2266, 

2284, 2301, 2322, 2330-2332, 2334-2336, 2347, 23.50-2352, 2355-23.58, 
2363. 2369-2377, 2400, 2401. 

Administrative Committee 2371 

Executive Committee 2322. 2.330. 2371, 2372, 2385, 2400 

National Education Commission 2273 

National Women's Commission 2271 

National Youth Conmiission 2273 

16th Xati<mal Convention, Februarv 9-12, 1957, New York Citv_ 2205. 
2206. 2320. 2330. 2.331. 2337, 23.50. 2356. 23.58. 23.59. 2369. 2371. 
2372, 2391. 
17th National Convention, December 10-13. 1959. New York 

City 2205-2384 

Districts : 

East Pennsylvania and Delaware District 2384 

Illinois District 2.384 

Indiana District 2384 

Maryland and District of Columbia District 2.384 

Michigan District 2306, 2384 

Minnesota District 2384 

Missouri District 2384 

New England District 2384 

New .Jersey District 2384 

New York District 2384 

Northern California District 2.350-2.364. 2372, 2.383, 2.384 

District Board 23.54 

District Committee 2350-2357, 2375 

Oakland Club 2351, 2352 

San Francisco County 2.3.50, 23.58, 2369 

AFL Section 2.3.50-2364, 2369. 2.370. 237.5, 2.37(i 

Building Trades Club 2370 

Metal Trades Club 2358, 23.59. 2362, 2370, 2372. 2375 

Section Committee 23.50-2364 

County Committee 2355, 2363, 2364. 2375, 2376 

Industrial Section 2368 

Ohio District 2384 

Oregon District 2384 


Coniiminlst Party T'SA — Continued 

1 )istricts — ( Vntiiinod Page 

South Distri<-t 2384 

Southern California District 2384 

District Coinniittee.- 2356 

Moranda Smith Section : West Jefferson Club 2325 

Washiiiiitoii District 2:^72. 2384 

Wisconsin District 2384 


California 2375 

Manafienient Coniiiiittee 2401 

State Board 2401-2404 

New York State: 

Industrial Division 2318 

State Conunittee 2266. 2370, 2371 

Confederac'ion Trabajadores de Cuba (C.T.C.) (Confederation of Cuban 

Workers) 2264 

Conference on Economic Progress, Inflation: Cause and Cure (June 

1959) 2314 

Congress of Industrial Organizations 2243, 2248. 2249 

Political Action Coniniittee 2297 

Democratic Clubs (California) 2287 

Democratic Party 2243-2246, 2286-2288,2314 

National Committee — Advisory Council 2314 

Economic Club 2291 

Electrical Workers, International Brotherhood of 2343 

LmnU 26 2343 

Fraternal Council of Churches 2339 

General Dynamics Corp 2314 

Cenenil Electric Co 2314 

Iiulci)en(lent Voters of California 2363 

Inter-American Regional Organization of Workers (ORIT) 2264 

International II : 

4th Congress, 1896, London 2338 

International Paper Co 2343 

Ku Klux Klan 2344 

Labor Party. Creat Britain. (Sec British Labor Party.) 

Lib-ral Party 2287 

Lockheed Aircraft Corp 2314 

Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen, Brotherhood of 2343 

London International Congress, 1896. (See entry under International II.) 

Long.shoremen's and Warehousemen's Union. International 2361 

Los Angeles Community Relations Council 2344 

Manufacturing Chemists Association 2315 

Maritime Union, National 2355 

Michigan Commonwealth Federation 2243 

Mine. Mill, and Smelter Workers, International T'nion of 2368 

Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party 2243 

Montgomery Improvement Association 2339 

Nati<mal Association f(»r the Advancement of Colored People 2283. 

2339, 2340, 2342, 234.'? 

National Association of Manufacturers 2291 

National Baptist Convention, September 19, 19.59. San Francisco 2.340 

National Council of the Churches of Christ in the U.S.A.. Department of 

Racial and Cultural Relations 2.345 

National Foreign Trade Convention. New York 2207 

Xegro Voters Association 2288 

New Century Publishers 23.55 

ORIT. (See Inter- American Regional Organization of Workers.) 

Papermakers and Paperworkers. United Brotherhood of 2343 

Pasadena-Altadena Community Relations Council 2344 

Plasterer's and Cement Masons' International Ass<x'iati<m of the United 

States and Canada. ()i>erative 2343 

Plumbing and Pipe Fitting Industry of the I^nitetl States and Canada, 

United Association of Journeymen and Apprentices of the 2.343 

Popular Socialist Party, Ciiba. (See Communist Party, Cuba. ) 

Populist Party 2243. 2245 

Progressive Party 2243, 2245 



Pnlp, Sulphite and Pajier Mill Workers. International Brotherhood of 2343 

Railroad Trainmen, Brotherhood of 2343 

■Relijarious Society of Friends : 

American Friends Service Committee, Southern oflSce 234") 

Repuhlican Party 2243. 2246, 2286. 22S7 

San Francisco Chaniher of Commerce 2361 

San Francisco Lahor Council: 

Executive Committee 2361 

Sheffield Steel Co. (Houston, Tex.) 2343 

Simmons Mattress (San Francisco) 2366 

Social Democratic Party (SPD), We.stern Germany 2389 

Socialist Party (Italy) 2374 

Socialist Party (U.S.A.) 2243.2245 

Southern Rei:ional Council 2348 

Atlanta Ga. Chapter 2345,2346 

Steelworkers of America, United 2343,2368 

Stockholm Peace Appeal. ( See World Peace Appeal. ) 

Teamsters. Chauffeurs. Warehousemen and Helpers of America, Inter- 
national Brotherhood of 2294,2366,2368,2370 

Todd Shipyard 2318 

Twenty-Sixth of July Movement (Cuba) 2265 

United Nations 2308, 2312 

U.S. Government: 

Agriculture Department 2268 

Farmers Home Administration, Farm Ownership Division 2345 

Atomic Enerpry Commission 2328 

Commerce Department 2315 

Defense Department 2314 

House of Representatives — Committee on Un-American Activities 2289 

Labor Department 2316 

President's Commission on Civil Rights 2281,2286,2287 

President's Committee on Government Contracts 2341 


Committee on Government Operations — Select Committee To In- 
vestigate Improper Activities in Labor-Management Relations. 2290, 

2292, 2370 
Committee on Judiciary : 

Subcommittee on Internal Security 2289 

State Department 2321 

Subversive Activities Control Board 2316 

Urban League 2286 

Volunteers for the Worker 2267 

Wa.shington (State) Commonwealth Federation 2243 

Westinghouse Electric Corp 2314 

White Citizens Councils 2344 

Woodworkers of America. International 2295 

World Federation of Trade Unions 2249 

World Peace Appeal (also known as Stockholm Peace Appeal or Petition)- 2208 
World Youth Festival : 

Seventh, July 26-August 4, 1959, Vienna 2272 


Communist 2371 

Comrade Vanka 2353 

Daily Worker 2322 

Declaration of the Conference of 12 Communist Parties (Moscow, Novem- 
ber 1957) (also known as Declaration of Communist and Workers 

Parties of Socialist Countries) 2224,2330,2333,2355,2371,2387,2393 

Fortune (July 1958) 2308 

Intimidation, Reprisal and Violence in the South's Racial Crisis (docu- 
ment) 2346 

Labor's Economic Review (.Tune-Julv 1959) 2309 

Labor Fact Book No. 14 2327 

Left Wing Communism, An Infantile Disorder 2334 

^larxism and the National Question 2338 

Marxism Today 2379 

Monthly Review 2390 

INDEX vil 


Morninp Froiheit 2322 

XAACr l!t.">S Annual Report : Progress and Portents 2343 

Nation's Husiuess (October I'.r.O) 2311,2312 

Nejiro in Southern Agriculture, The 2345 

On The .Tewisli Question (Lenin) 2381 

People's World ( formerly Daily People's World) 2361, 

23()2. '2:M\4, 2:m\ 2370, 2377, 2401-2404 

Political Affairs 22r)3, 23(n. 2331, 2376, 2400 

Pride of State ' 2322 

Prometheus Paperbacks 2353 

Rijrht of Nations to Self-Deterniination 2338 

Selected Works (V. I. Lenin), Volume IV and V 2338 

Southern Refrioiial Council, Special Report of the 2348 

Theoretical Asjiects of the Nejiro Question 2284 

Toward A Socialist America 2386 

War Economy and Crisis 2309 

AVar. Peace and Change (1931) 2310 

Worker, The 2253, 2265-2267, 2301, 2303, 2305, 2307, 2318, 2331, 2357 

Midwest Edition 2266 

World Marxist Review (July 1959) 2322 


3 9999 05706 3156 

This book should be returned to 
the Library on or before the last date 
stamped below. 

A fine is incurred by retaining it 
beyond the specified time. 

Please return promptly. 












. .1 






• 1 












t. ^