Full text of "The Northmen, Columbus and Cabot, 985-1503: The voyages of the Northmen"

See other formats

LIBRARY f ^

Brigham Young University
FROM •..^..

Call -^- Ace. 186905
No ^^B No

■^ 1..

.•'*

{•^

^T^u^

Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2011 with funding from
Brigham Young University

http://www.archive.org/details/northmencolumbusOOeiri

ORIGINAL NARRATIVES
OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY

REPRODUCED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE
AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION

General Editor, J. FRANKLIN JAMESON, Ph.D., LL.D., Litt.D.

DIRECTOR OF THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH IN THE
CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON

Narratives of Early Virginia (i 606-1 625)

Bradford's History of Plymouth Plantation (i 606-1 646)

WiNTHROp's Journal "History of New England"
(1630-1649) (2 vols.)

Narratives of Early Carolina (1650-1708)

Narratives of Early Maryland (1633-1684)

Narratives of Early Pennsylvania, West New Jersey,
AND Delaware (i 630-1 707)

Narratives of New Netherland (160 9- 1664)
Early English and French Voyages (1534-1608)
Voyages of Samuel de Champlain (152 8- 1543)
Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States (1528-

1543)
Spanish Exploration in the Southwest (154 2- 17 06)

Narratives of the Insurrections (1675-1690)
Narratives of the Indian Wars (1675-1699)
Johnson's Wonder- Working Providence ( 1628-165 i)
The Journal of Jasper Danckaerts (167 9- 16 80)
Early Narratives of the Northwest (1634-1699)
Narratives of the Witchcraft Cases (1648-1706)
The Northmen, Columbus, and Cabot (985-1503)

.^'[^ ORIGINAL NARRATIi^ES

^1^^. OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY

THE NORTHMEN
COLUMBUS AND CABOT

985—1503

THE VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

EDITED BY
JULIUS E. OLSON

PROFESSOR OF THE SCANDINAVIAN LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES
IN THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN

THE VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS
AND OF JOHN CABOT

EDITED BY

EDWARD GAYLORD BOURNE. Ph.D.

PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN YALE UNIVERSITY

WITH MAP OF COLUMBUS'S VOYAGES

186905

New York
BARNES & NOBLE, INC.

Assigned to Barnes & Noble, Inc., 1946

Reprinted, 1953

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

GENERAL PREFACE TO THE ORIGINAL NAR-
RATIVES OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY

At its annual meeting in December, 1902, the American
Historical Association approved and adopted the plan of the
present series, and the undersigned was chosen as its general
editor. The purpose of the series was to provide individual
readers of history, and the hbraries of schools and colleges,
with a comprehensive and well-rounded collection of those
classical narratives on which the early history of the United
States is founded, or of those narratives which, if not precisely
classical, hold the most important place as sources of American
history anterior to 1700. The reasons for undertaking such a
project are for the most part obvious. No modern history,
however excellent, can give the reader all that he can get from
the ipsissima verba of the first narrators. Argonauts or eye-
witnesses, vivacious explorers or captains courageous. There
are many cases in which secondary narrators have quite hidden
from view these first authorities, whom it is therefore a duty
to restore to their rightful position. In a still greater number
of instances, the primitive narrations have become so scarce
and expensive that no ordinary Ubrary can hope to possess
anything like a complete set of the classics of early American
history.

The series is to consist of such volumes as will illustrate
the early history of all the chief parts of the country, with an
additional volume of general index. The plan contemplates,
not a body of extracts, but in general the publication or repub-
lication of whole works or distinct parts of works. In the case
of narratives originally issued in some other language than
English, the best available translations will be used, or fresh
versions made. In a few instances, important narratives

vi GENERAL PREFACE

hitherto unprinted will be inserted. The Enghsh texts will
be taken from the earliest editions, or those having the highest
historical value, and will be reproduced with literal exactness.
The maps will be such as will give real help toward understand-
ing the events narrated in the volume. The special editors
of the individual works will supply introductions, setting forth
briefly the author^s career and opportunities, when known,
the status of the work in the literature of American history,
and its value as a source, and indicating previous editions;
and they will furnish such annotations, scholarly but simple,
as will enable the intelligent reader to understand and to esti-
mate rightly the statements of the text. The effort has been
made to secure for each text the most competent editor.

The results of all these endeavors will be laid before the
public in the confident hope that they will be widely useful in
making more real and more vivid the apprehension of early
American histor}^ The general editor would not have under-
taken the serious labors of preparation and supervision if he
had not felt sure that it was a genuine benefit to American his-
torical knowledge and American patriotism to make accessible,
in one collection, so large a body of pioneer narrative. No sub-
sequent sources can have quite the intellectual interest, none
quite the sentimental value, which attaches to these early
narrations, springing direct from the brains and hearts of the
nation's founders.

Sacra recognosces annalibus eruta priscis.

J. FRANKLIN JAMESON.
Cabnsoib Institution, Washington, D.C.

NOTE

Special acknowledgments and thanks are due to the repre-
sentatives of the late Arthur Middleton Reeves, who have kindly
permitted the use of his translations of the Vinland sagas, origi-
nally printed in his Finding of Wineland the Crood^ published in
London by the Clarendon Press in 1890 ; to the President and
Council of the Hakluyt Society, for permission to use Sir Clements
Markham's translation of the Journal of Columbus's first voyage,
printed in Vol. LXXXVI. of the publications of that Society
(London, 1893), and that of Dr. Chanca's letter and of the letter
of Columbus respecting his fourth voyage, by the late Mr. R. H.
Major, in their second and forty-third volumes. Select Letters
of Columbus (London, 1847, 1870); to the Honorable John Boyd
Thacher, of Albany, for permission to use his version of Las
Casas's narrative of the third voyage, as printed by him in his
Christopher Columh'$>s (New York, 1904), published by Messrs.
G. P. Putnam's Sons ; to Messrs. Houghton, Mifflin and Com-
pany for permission to use, out of the third volume of Winsor's
Narrative and Critical History of America^ the late Dr. Charles
Deane's translation, revised by Professor Bennet H. Nash, of the
second letter of Raimondo de Soncino respecting John Cabot V
expedition ; and to George Philip and Son, Limited, of London,
for permission to use the map in Markham's Life of Christopher
Columbus as the basis for the map in the present volume, showing
the routes of Columbus's four voyages.

CONTENTS

ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF THE VOYAGES OF THE

NORTHMEN

Edited by Professor JuLros E. Olson

Introduction 3

The Saga of Eric the Red 14

The Ancestry of Gudrid 14

The Colonization of Greenland 15

Gudrid's Father emigrates to Greenland 20

The Sibyl and the Famine in Greenland 21

Leif the Lucky and the Discovery of Vinland 23

Thorstein's Attempt to find Vinland 26 —

The Marriage of Gudrid to Thorstein 27

The Ancestry of Thorfinn Karlsefni ; his Marriage with Gudrid . 30

Karlsefni's Voyage to Vinland 31 ""

The First Winter in Vinland 34--

Description of Vinland and the Natives 36 —

The Uniped ; Snorri ; the Captured Natives 40

Biarni Grimolfson's Self-sacrifice 42

Karlsefni and Gudrid's Issue 43

The Vinland History of the Flat Island Book . , . , M

Eric the Red and the Colonization of Greenland \6 ■

Leif Ericson's Baptism in Norway 47

Biarni Herjulfson sights New Land 48 -

Biarni's visit to Norway 50

Leif 's Voyage of Exploration 50

The Discovery of Grapes 52

Thorvald's Expedition to Vinland 54

Thorfinn Karlsefni's Expedition to Vinland 59 -^

The Expedition of Freydis and her Companions 62

Karlsefni and Gudrid return to Iceland 65

From Adam of Bremen's Descriptio Insularum Aquilonis . . 67

From the Icelandic Annals 69

Annales Regit 69

From the Elder Skilholt Annals 69

X CONTENTS

PAGR

Papal Letters concerning the Bishopric of Gardar in Green-
land DURING the Fifteenth Century 70

Letter of Nicholas V 70

Letter of Alexander VI. 73

ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF THE VOYAGES OF

COLUMBUS
Edited by Professor Edward G. Bourne

Articles of Agreement between the Lords, the Catholic Sov-
ereigns, AND Christ6bal Colon 77

Columbus appointed Admiral and Viceroy of such Mainland and

Islands as he should Discover (tj)

Title granted by the Catholic Sovereigns to Christobal Colon
OF Admiral, Viceroy, and Governor of the Islands and

Mainland that may be Discovered 81

The Powers and Privileges of the Office of Admiral .... 82

Journal of the First Voyage of Columbus (o5y

Introduction 87

The Voyage to the Canaries ; repairs on the Pinta .... 91

The Double Reckoning of the Distances 94

Traces of the Nearness of Land 96

The Fears of the Sailors 99

The Chart 100

The Declination of the Compass 103

The Course changed from West to West-southwest . . . .107

The Light on Shore 109

The Island of Guanahani HO

The Natives HI

The Islands of Santa Maria and Fernandina 115

Description of the Natives of Fernandina 121

The Island of Isabella 123

Reports of the Island of Cuba ; Columbus takes it to be Cipango . 126

Products of the Islands 127

Arrival at Cuba 1^0

Columbus thinks it to be Cathay IH

He sends an Embassy to the Gran Can i37^

Return of the Messengers ; their Report 140

Products of Cuba 144

Planting the Cross 149

Martin Alonso Pinzdn sails away with the Pinta .... 152

Columbus returns to Cuba 153

Signs of Gold 154

Rumors of a Monstrous People • • • 156

CONTENTS xi

PAOB

The Eastern End of Cuba 158

Columbus outlines a Colonial Policy ••••••. '159 '^

The Natives. A Large Canoe 162

An Interview with the Natives 163

Discovery of Hayti 167

First View of Hayti 168

Further Description of the Island 171

Columbus names it Espanola 173

The Products of the Island 174

Visit to a Native Village 176

The Life of the People 177

Another Village Visited .180

Description of an Indian Cacique . 183

The Cacique visits the Ship of Columbus 185

Columbus anchors in the Bay of Acul (X^'

Description of Native Life 190

Trading with the Natives 194

A Large Village 196

Character of the Natives . • • 198

Wreck of the Santa Maria 199

Helpfulness of the Indians . • • • 201

The Cacique dines on Shipboard 202

Columbus plans to have a Garrison 204

Inquiries after the Source of the Gold •••••.. 206

Preparations to return to Spain 208

Spices and Pepper 209

The Garrison left at Navidad 210

The Return Voyage Begun 211

Columbus concludes that Cipango is in Espafiola . • • . 212

News of the Pinta 213

Return of Martin Pinzon with the Pinta 214

Comment on the Pinzons 216

The Harbor where Pinzon had Tarried 219

Samana Bay Discovered 221

The Caribs. Indians with Long Hair 223

Matinino, an Island inhabited by Women Only 226

Columbus takes the Direct Course for Spain . • . . . 228

Varieties of Sea Life 230

Continued Fine Weather 234

Finding their Position 235

A Terrible Storm 238

Columbus's Reflections 240

Prepares a Brief Report which is fastened in a Barrel • • . 241

The Storm Abates 242

Arrival at Santa Maria in the Azores 244

Xll

CONTENTS

PAOB

Suspicions and Hostility of the Governor 245

Columbus hampered by the Detention of Part of his Crew . . . 247

The Sailors are Restored 249

Violent Gale off Portugal 251

Columbus at Lisbon 252

Interview with the King of Portugal 254

Columbus leaves Lisbon 257

Arrival at Palos 257

Letter from Columbus to Luis de Santangel .

259

Introduction 261

The New Islands Discovered 263

Description of their People and Products 265

Description of Espanola 268

Value of the Discoveries to Spain 268

A Fort built and Garrisoned 269

The Customs of the Inhabitants 270

Letter from Columbus to Ferdinand and Isabella concerning

the Colonization and Commerce of Espanola . . . 273

The Regulations proposed for Settlements 274

The Regulations for Mining 275

The Regulations for Commerce 276

Letter of Dr. Chanca on the Second Voyage of Columbus

Introduction

The Outward Voyage. Stopping at the Canary Islands
First Impressions of the Lesser Antilles
Intercourse with the Inhabitants .
Their Cabins ; their Arts

The Caribbees

Indications of Cannibalism .

Customs of the Caribbees. They Eat their Captives

Return of Diego Marquez who had been Lost

A Clash with the Caribbees

Discovery and Description of Porto Rico

Arrival at Espanola

Following the Coast

Suspicious Circumstances ; Fears for the Spaniards left at

Navidad in Ruins and the Garrison All Dead

Vestiges of the Settlement .

Fixing upon the Site for a New Settlement

Columbus visits the Cacique Guacamari

Examining Guacamari's Wound .

Guacamari's Amazement at seeing Horses

The Site selected for the New Settlement named Isabella

Navidad

279

281
283
285
285
286
287
288
289
291
293
294
295
297
298
300
301
302
304
305
305
307

CONTENTS xiii

PAOB

The Food and Clothing of the Natives 308

The Products of the Country 310

Columbus sends out Exploring Parties to Cibao and Niti . . . 312

Conclusion 313

Narrative of the Third Voyage of Columbus as contained in

Las Casas's History 315

Introduction 317

The Start. Arrival at Madeira 319

Three Ships despatched direct to Espanola 320

Columbus goes to the Canary Islands 323

The Lepers' Colony on the Island of Boavista, one of the Cape Verde

Islands 324

Columbus at the Island of Santiago 325

He sails Southwest from the Cape Verdes. Intense Heat . . . 327

Signs of Land 327

The Course is changed to the West 328

Discovery of Trinidad 331

August 1, 1498, the Mainland of South America Sighted . . . 332

The Dangers of the Serpent's Mouth . 334

Intercourse with Indians of the Mainland 335

Their Appearance and Arms 336

Fauna and Flora 338

Exploring the Gulf of Paria 340

Trading with the Indians 343

Columbus retains Six Indians as Captives 343

Nuggets and Ornaments of Gold 345

Indian Cabins 346

Exploring the Western End of the Gulf 347

Columbus's Reflections upon his Discoveries 348

The Terrors and Perils of the Boca del Drago 354

The Northern Coast of Paria 355

Columbus suffers from Inflammation of the Eyes .... 357

Columbus begins to believe the Land is Mainland .... 358

His Reasons for not Exploring It 360

Observations of the Declination of the Needle 363

The Products of the Country 364

Arrival at Santo Domingo, August 31, 1498 366

Letter of Columbus to the Nurse of Prince John . . . 367

Introduction 369

The Injustice of the Treatment accorded to Columbus . . . 371

Conditions in Espanola upon his Arrival 373

The Rebellion of Adrian de Muxica 374

The Conduct of the Commander Bobadilla 375

His Unwise Concessions to the Colonist* 376

xiv CONTENTS

PAOI

Bad Character of Some of the Colonists 378

Bobadilla's Seizure of the Gold set apart by Columbus . . . 380

The Proper Standards by which Columbus should be Judged . . 381

Richness of the Mines in Espanola 382

Seizure of Columbus's Papers 383

Letter of Columbus on the Fourth Voyage 385

Introduction 387

Voyage to Espanola 389

A Terrible Storm 390

Storms on the Coast of Central America 391

Anxieties and Misfortunes of Columbus 392

Arrival at Veragua 394

Evidence that Columbus had reached the Extremity of Asia . . 395

Marinus's Views of the Extent of the Earth Confirmed . . . 396

Exploring the Coast of Veragua 398

Recurrences of Storms 399

Excursion into the Interior of Veragua 401

Difficulties with the Natives 402

Columbus's Vision 403

Decides to return to Spain 405

Columbus arrives at Jamaica 406

No one else knows where to find Veragua 407

Some Features of the Country 408

The Arts of the Natives 409

The Gold brought to Solomon from the Far East .... 412

The Recovery of Jerusalem 413

Retrospect. Columbus's Justification 415

His Distressing Plight in Jamaica 418

Map Showing the Routes, Outward and Return, of the Four

Voyages of Columbus 88

ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF THE VOYAGES OF JOHN

CABOT

Edited by Professor Edward G. Bourne

Introduction 421

Letter of Lorenzo Pasqualigo to His Brothers Alvise and

Francesco, Merchants in Venice 423

The First Letter of Raimondo de Soncino, Agent of the Duke

OF Milan, to the Duke 424

The Second Letter of Raimondo de Soncino to the Duke of

Milan 425

CONTENTS XV

PAGE

Despatch to Ferdinand and Isabella from Pedro de Ayala,
Junior Ambassador at the Court of England, July 25,
1498 429

ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF THE
VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

INTRODUCTION

The important documents from Norse sources that may be
classed as ^^ Original Narratives of Early American History ''
are the Icelandic sagas (prose narratives) that tell of the voy-
ages of Northmen to Vinland. There are two sagas that deal
mainly with these voyages, while in other Icelandic sagas and
annals there are a number of references to Vinland and adja-
cent regions. These two sagas are the ^^Saga of Eric the
Red'' and another, which, for the lack of a better name, we
may call the ^^ Vinland History of the Flat Island Book,'' but
which might well bear the same name as the other. This last
history is composed of two disjointed accounts found in a fine
vellum manuscript known as the Flat Island Book (Flateyjar-
bok), so-called because it was long owned by a family that
lived on Flat Island in Broad Firth, on the northwestern coast
of Iceland. Bishop Brynjolf, an enthusiastic collector, got
possession of this vellum, 'Hhe most extensive and most per-
fect of Icelandic manuscripts," and sent it, in 1662, with other
vellums, as a gift to King Frederick III. of Denmark, where
it still is one of the great treasures of the Royal Library.

On account of the beauty of the Flat Island vellum, and
the number of sagas that it contained (when printed it made
1700 octavo pages), it early attracted the attention of Old
Norse collectors and scholars, and hence the narrative relating
to Vinland that it contained came to be better known than the
vellum called Hauk's Book, containing the ^^Saga of Eric the
Red," and was the only account of Vinland that received
any particular attention from the scholars of the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries The Flat Island Book narrative

4 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

was also given first place in Rafn's Antiquitates Americanm
(Copenhagen, 1837). This ponderous volume contained all
the original sources, but it has given rise to much needless
controversy on the Norse voyages, for many of the author's
conclusions were soon found to be untenable. He failed to win-
now the sound historical material from that wliich was unsub-
stantiated or improbable. And so far as the original sources
are concerned, it was particularly unfortunate that he fol-
lowed in the footsteps of seventeenth and eighteenth century
scholars and gave precedence to the Flat Island Book narra-
tive. In various important respects this saga does not agree
with the account given in the ''Saga of Eric the Red,'' which
modem scholarship has pronounced the better and more reli-
able version, for reasons that we shall consider later.

The Flat Island Book consists of transcripts of various
sagas made by the Icelandic priests Jon Thordsson and Mag-
nus Thorhallsson. Very httle of their Uves is kno\vn, but
there is evidence to show that the most important portion of
the copying was completed about 1380. There is, however,
no information concerning the original from which the tran-
scripts were made. From internal evidence, however, Dr.
Storm of the University of Christiania thinks that this original
account was a late production, possibly of the fourteenth
century.^ It is, moreover, evident that this original account
was quite different from the one from which the existing ''Saga
of Eric the Red" was made, so that we have two distinct ac-
counts of the same set of events, both separately derived from
oral tradition, a fact which, on account of the lack of harmony
in details, has been the source of much confusion, but which
nevertheless gives strong testimony concerning the verity of
the Vinland tradition in its general outlines.

The saga which has best stood the test of modem criticism,
namely the "Saga of Eric the Red," has beyond this fact the

* Eiriks Saga Raudha (Copenhagen, 1891), p. xv.

INTRODUCTION 5

additional advantage of having come down to us in two dififer-
ent vellums. The one is found in Hauk^s Book, No. 544 of
the Arne-Magn2ean Collection in Copenhagen, and the other
is in No. 557 of the same collection. These two narratives
(in vellums 544 and 557) tell the same story. They are so
closely allied that the translation which appears in this vol-
ume has been made from a collation of both texts, that of
Hauk's Book (544) having been more closely followed.^ The
Hauk^s Book text is clearly legible; No. 557 is not in such
good condition.

Many facts in the life of Hauk Erlendsson, who with the
assistance of two secretaries made Hauk's Book, are known.
He was in 1294 made a '^lawman" in Iceland, and died in
Norway in 1334. There are reasons for believing that the
vellum bearing his name was written a number of years before
his death, probably during the period 1310-1320. Hauk was
particularly interested in the ^^Saga of Eric the Red,'' as he
was descended from Thorfinn Karlsefni, the principal charac-
ter of the saga, a fact that perhaps lends a certain authority
to this version as against that of the Flat Island Book. Hauk
brings the genealogical data of the saga down to his own time,
which is not done in No. 557, one fact among others which
shows that 557 is not a copy of 544.

The early history of AM. 557 is not known. The orthog-
raphy and hand indicate that it was made later than Hauk's
Book, probably in the early part of the fifteenth century.
Vigfusson considered it a better text than the Hauk's Book
version, though rougher and less carefully written.^ Other
critics (Jonsson and Gering) consider 544 the safer text.

In regard to the date of composition of the archetype, it
may be remarked that both 544 and 557 speak of Bishop Brand
*Hhe Elder,'' which presupposes a knowledge of the second

* A translation, with the title "The Story of Thorfinn Carlsemne," based
on AM. 557, may be found in Origines Islandicae, II. 610.
^ Origines Islandicae, II. 590.

6 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

Bishop Brand, whose accession occurred in 1263. Before this
date, therefore, the originals used in making 544 and 557 could
not have been written. But this mention of Bishop Brand
^'the Elder" does not, we think, give an adequate basis for
fixing the date of the composition of the saga, as Dr. Storm
believes, who places it somewhere between 1263 and 1300,
with an inclination toward the earlier date. Dr. Finnur
Jonsson,^ who accepts Dr. Storm's opinion in other respects,
says on this point : ^^The classic form of the saga and its vivid
and excellent tradition surely carry it back to about 1200. . . .
To assume that the saga was first written down about 1270
or after, I consider to be almost an impossibility. '' Nor does
this conservative opinion by Dr. Jonsson preclude the pos-
sibility, or even probability, that written accounts of the Vin-
land voyages existed before this date. Jolm Fiske's ^ well-
considered opinion of this same saga (544 and 557) has weight ;
^' Its general accuracy in the statement and grouping of so many
remote details is proof that its statements were controlled by
an exceedingly strong and steady tradition, — altogether too
strong and steady, in my opinion, to have been maintained
simply by word of mouth. '* And Vigfusson,^ in speaking of
the sagas in general, says: '^We believe that when once the
first saga was written down, the others were in quick succes-
sion committed to parchment, some still keeping their original
form through a succession of copies, others changed. The
saga time was short and transitory, as has been the case with
the highest literary periods of every nation, whether we look
at the age of Pericles in Athens, or of our own Elizabeth in
England, and that which was not written down quickly, in
due time, was lost and forgotten forever."

The absence of contemporary record has caused some

* Den oldnorske og oldislandske Litter aturs Historic (Copenhagen, 1901),
a. 648.

^ The Discovery of America, p. 212.

' Prolegomena, Sturlunga Saga, p. Ixix,

INTRODUCTION 7

American historians to view the narratives of the Vinland
voyages as ordinary hearsay. But it is important to remem-
ber that before the age of writing in Iceland there was a saga-
telling age, a most remarkable period of intellectual activity,
by means of which the deeds and events of the seething life
of the heroic age were carried over into the age of writing/
The general trustworthiness of this saga-telling period has been
attested in numerous ways from foreign records. Thus Snorri
Sturlason's ^^The Sagas of the Kings of Norway,'' one of the
great history books of the world, written in Iceland in the
thirteenth century, was based primarily on early tradition,
brought over the sea to Iceland. Yet the exactness of its
descriptions and the reliability of its statements have been
verified in countless cases by modem Norwegian historians.^

With reference to the Vinland voyages, there is proof of
an unusually strong tradition in the fact that it has come
down from two sources, the only case of such a phenomenon
among the Icelandic sagas proper. It does not invahdate the
general truth of the tradition that these two sources clash in
various matters. These disagreements are not so serious but
that fair-minded American scholars have found it ^^easy to
believe that the narratives contained in the sagas are true in

^ Snorri, the Icelandic historian, says that "it was more than 240 years
from the settlement of Iceland (about 870) before sagas began to be written"
and that '^Ari (1067-1148) was the first man who wrote in the vernacular
stories of things old and new."

^ "Among the mediaeval literatures of Europe, that of Iceland is un-
rivalled in the profusion of detail with which the facts of ordinary life are
recorded, and the clearness with which the individual character of number-
less real persons stands out from the historic background. . . . The Ice-
landers of the Saga-age were not a secluded self-centred race; they were
untiring in their desire to learn all that could be known of the lands round
about them, and it is to their zeal for this knowledge, their sound historical
sense, and their trained memories, that we owe much information regarding
the British Isles themselves from the ninth to the thirteenth century. The
contact of the Scandinavian peoples with the English race on the one hand,
and the Gaelic on the other, has been an important factor in the subsequent
history of Britain; and this is naturally a subject on which the Icelandic
evidence is of the highest value." Prefatory Note to Origines Islandicae.

8 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

their general outlines and important features.'' It lies within
the province of Old Norse scholarship to determine which of
the two Vinland sagas has the better literary and historical
antecedents. After this point has been established, the truth-
fulness and credibility of the selected narrative in its details
must be maintained on the internal evidence in conjunction
with the geographical and other data of early America. And
here American scholarship may legitimately speak.

These sagas have in recent years been subjected, especially
by Dr. Gustav Storm of Christiania,^ to most searching tex-
tual and historical criticism, and the result has been that the
simpler narrative of Hauk's Book and AM. 557 is pronounced
the more reliable account.^ In respect to hterary quality, it
has the characteristics of the Icelandic sagas proper, as dis-
tinguished from the later sagas by well-known literary men
hke Snorri. Where it grazes facts of Northern history it is
equally strong. Thus, there is serious question as to the first
sighting of land by Biarni Ilerjulfson, who is mentioned only
in the Flat Island narrative, and nowhere else in the rich
genealogical literature of Iceland, although his alleged father
was an important man, of whom there are rehable accounts.
On the other hand, the record of the ^^Saga of Eric the Red,''
giving the priority of discovery to Leif Ericson, can be col-
laterally confirmed.^ The whole account of Bianii seems sus-

* Studies on the Vinland Voyages (Copenhagen, 1889) and Eiriks Saga
Raudha (Copenhagen, 1891).

^ Of the same opinion are Professor Hugo Gering of Kiel, Zeitschrift fiir
deutsche Philologie, XXIV. (1892), and Professor Finnur Jonsson of Copen-
hagen, Den oldnorske og oldislandske Litteraturs Historie, H. 646.

^ The Kristni-Saga, which tells of the conversion of Iceland, says: "That
summer [1000] King Olaf [of Norway] went out of the country to Wendland
in the south, and he sent Leif Eric's son to Greenland to preach the faith
there. It was then that Leif discovered Vinland the Good. He also dis-
covered a crew on the wreck of a ship out in the deep sea, and so he got the
name of Leif the Lucky.'' For passages from other sagas that corroborate
Leif's discovery on his voyage from Norway to Greenland {i.e., in the year
that Olaf Tryggvason fell, namely, 1000), see Reeves, The Finding of Wine-
land the Good (London, 1895), pp. 7-18.

INTRODUCTION 9

picious, and the main facts, viewed with reference to Leif^s
discovery, run counter to Northern chronology and history.
There are, however, two incidental touches in the Flat Island
Book narrative, which are absent from the other saga, namely,
the observation concerning the length of the day in Vinland,
and the reference to finding ^Hhree skin-canoes, with three
men under each/' The improbabilities of the Flat Island
Book saga are easily detected, if one uses as a guide the simpler
narrative of the ^^Saga of Eric the Red," the only doubtful
part of which is the ^^uniped^' episode, a touch of mediaeval
superstition so palpable as not to be deceptive.

Aside from such things as picking grapes in the spring,
sipping sweet dew from the grass, and the presence of an appa-
rition, the Flat Island Book account, when read by itself, with
no attempt to make it harmonize with the statements of the
'^ Saga of Eric the Red'' or other facts of Scandinavian history,
is a sufficiently straightforward narrative. The difficulty be-
gins when it is placed in juxtaposition to these facts and state-
ments. It should not be and need not be discarded, but in
giving an account of the Vinland voyages it must be used with
circumspection. From an historical standpoint it must occupy
a subordinate place. If Rafn in his Antiquitates Americance
had given emphatic precedence to the saga as found in Hauk's
Book and AM. 557, had left to American scholars the Dighton
Rock and the Newport Tower, and had not been so confident
in the matter of identifying the exact localities that the ex-
plorers visited, he might have carried conviction, instead of
bringing confusion, to American scholars.

The general results of the work of the Norwegian scholar
Dr. Storm, together with a unique presentation of the original
narratives, are accessible in The Finding of Wineland (London,
1890 and 1895), by an American scholar, the late Arthur
Middleton Reeves. This work contains a lucid account of
the important investigations on the subject, photographs of

10 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

all the vellum pages that give the various narratives, a printed
text accompanying these, page by page and line by line, and
also translations into English. There is one phase of the sub-
ject that this work does not discuss : the identifications of the
regions visited by the Northmen. Dr. Storm, however, has
gone into this subject, and is convinced that Helluland, Mark-
land, and Vinland of the sagas, are Labrador, Newfoundland,
and Nova Scotia.^ The sailing directions in the ^^Saga of
Eric the Red'' are given with surprising detail. These, with
other observations, seem to fit Nova Scotia remarkably well.
Only one thing appears to speak against Storm's view, and
that is the abundance of grapes to which the Flat Island Book
account testifies. But coupled with this testimony are state-
ments (to say nothing of the unreliabihty of this saga in other
respects) that mdicate that the Icelandic narrators had come
to believe that grapes were gathered in the spring, thus in-
vaUdating the testimony as to abundance.

Whether the savages that the sagas describe were Indians
or Eskimos is a question of some interest. John Fiske ^ be-
lieves that the explorers came in contact with American Ind-
ians; Vigfusson, on the other hand, believes that the sagas
describe Eskimos. Here, however, the American has the
better right to an opinion.

On this point, it is of importance to call attention to the
fact that the Norse colonists in Greenland found no natives
there, only vestiges of them. They were at that time farther
north in Greenland ; the colonists came in contact with them
much later, — too late to admit of descriptions of them in
any of the classical Icelandic sagas, in which the Greenland
colonists play no inconspicuous part. Ari, the great authority
on early Norse history, speaking of the Greenland colonists,

* See, in support of Storm, Juul Dieserud's paper, "Norse Discoveries in
America," Bulletin of the American Geographical Society, Feb., 1901.
' Discovery of America, p. 182.

INTRODUCTION 11

says, in his Libellus Islandorum:^ ''They found there men's
habitations both east and west in the land [i.e., in both
the Eastern and Western settlements] both broken cayaks and
stone-smithery, whereby it may be seen that the same kind of
folk had been there as they which inhabited Vinland, and whom
the men of Greenland [i.e., the explorers] called Skrellings."

A sort of negative corroboration of this is offered by a work
of high rank, the famous Speculum Regale, written in Old
Norse in Norway in the middle of the thirteenth century. It
contains much trustworthy information on Greenland ; it tells,
''with bald common sense,'' of such characteristic things as
glaciers and northern lights, discusses the question as to
whether Greenland is an island or a peninsula, tells of exports
and imports, the climate, the means of subsistence, and espe-
cially the fauna, but not one word concerning any natives. More-
over Ivar Bardsen's account ^ of Greenland, which is entirely
trustworthy, gives a distinct impression that the colonists did
not come into conflict with the Eskimos until the fourteenth
century.

There is consequently no valid reason for doubting that
the savages described in the sagas were natives of Vinland
and Markland. But whether it can ever be satisfactorily
demonstrated that the Norse explorers came in contact with
Algonquin, Micmac, or Beothuk Indians, and just where they
landed, are not matters of essential importance. The incon-
trovertible facts of the various Norse expeditions are that Leif
Ericson and Thorfinn Karlsefni are as surely historical char-
acters as Christopher Columbus, that they visited, in the early
part of the eleventh century, some part of North America
where the grape grew, and that in that region the colonists
found savages, whose hostility upset their plans of permanent
settlement.

* See Origines Islandicae, I. 294.

* See notes 6 and 8 to Papal Letters, p. 71 of this volume.

12 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

According to the usually accepted chronology, Leif's voy-
age from Norway to Greenland (during which voyage he found
Vinland) was made in the year 1000, and Karlsefni's attempt
at colonization within the decade following. On the basis of
genealogical records (so often treacherous) some doubt has
recently been cast on this clu'onology by Vigfusson, in Origi-
nes Islandicae ^ (1905). Vigfusson died in 1889, sixteen years
before the pubhcation of this work. He had no opportmiity
to consider the investigations of Dr. Storm, who accepts with-
out question the first decade of the eleventh century for the
Vinland voyages. Nor do Storm's evidences and arguments on
this point appear in the work as pubhshed. Therefore we are
obhged to say of Vigfusson 's observations on the chronology
of the Vinland voyages, that they stand as question-marks
which call for confirmation.

We are surprised, moreover, to find that Origines Islandicae
prints the Flat Island Book story first, apparently on account
of the behef that this story contains the ^' truer account of the
first sighting of the American continent" by Biami Herjulfson.^
It is impossible to believe that this would have been done, if
the editors (Vigfusson and Powell) had known the results of
Dr. Storm's work, which is not mentioned. There is, further-
more, no attempt in the Origines Islandicae to refute or explain
away an opinion on AM. 557 expressed by the same authori-
ties, in 1879,^ to the effect that ^^it is free from grave errors of
fact which disfigure the latter [the Flat Island Book saga].''

* See note 1, p. 43.

^ In other respects the editors speak highly* of the saga as found in
Hauk's Book and AM. 557 : "This saga has never been so well known as the
other, though it is probably of even higher value. Unlike the other, it has
the form and style of one of the 'Islendinga Sogor' [the Icelandic sagas
proper]; its phrasing is broken, its dialogue is excellent, it contains situa-
tions of great pathos, such as the beautiful incident at the end of Bearne's
self-sacrifice, and scenes of high interest, such as that of the Sibyl's prophes)'-
ing in Greenland. . . ." II. 591.

' Icelandic Prose Reader (where AM. 557 is printed), notes, p. 377.

INTRODUCTION 13

We are almost forced to the conclusion that a hand less cun-
ning than Vigfusson's has had to do with the unfinished sec-
tion of the work.

In regard to the extract from Adam of Bremen, which we
print, it should be observed that its only importance Ues in
the fact that it corroborates the Icelandic tradition of a land
called Vinland, where there were grapes and '^unsown grain,''
and thus serves to strengthen faith in the trustworthiness of
the saga narrative. The annals and papal letters that follow
need no further discussion, we think, than that contained in
the annotations.

Besides the texts in Icelandic, already described, by Rafn,
Reeves, Vigfusson and Powell, and Storm, it may be mentioned
that the Flat Island text is given in Vol. I. of Flateyjar-boh, ed.
Vigfusson and Unger, Christiania, 1860. There are transla-
tions of both texts in Beamish, Discovery of North America by
the Northmen (London, 1841), in Slafter, Voyages of the North-
men (Boston, 1877), and in De Costa, Pre-Columbian Dis-
covery of America by the Northmen (Albany, 1901). But most
of these are confused in arrangement, and the best is that by
the late Mr. Reeves, which by the kind consent of his represen-
tatives we are permitted to use in this volume.

Julius E. Olson.

THE SAGA OF ERIC THE RED

Also called the Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefni^

The Saga of Eric the Red, also called the Saga of Thorfinn
Karlsefni and Snorri Thorhrandsson.^ — Olaf was the name of a
warrior-king, who was called Olaf the White. He was the son
of King Ingiald, Helgi's son, the son of Olaf, Gudraud's son,
son of Half dan Whiteleg, king of the Uplands-men.^ Olaf
engaged in a Western freebooting expedition and captured
Dublm in Ireland and the Shire of Dublin, over which he be-
came king/ He married Aud the Wealthy, daughter of Ketil
Flatnose, son of Biom Buna, a famous man of Norway. Their
son was called Thorstein the Red. Olaf was killed in battle
in Ireland, and Aud and Thorstein went then to the Hebrides ;
there Thorstein married Thurid, daughter of Eyvind Easter-
ling, sister of Helgi the Lean ; they had many children. Thor-
stein became a warrior-king, and entered into fellowship with
Earl Sigurd the Mighty, son of Eystein the Rattler. They
conquered Caithness and Sutherland, Ross and Moray, and
more than the half of Scotland. Over these Thorstein became
king, ere he was betrayed by the Scots, and was slain there
in battle. Aud was at Caithness when she heard of Thor-
stein's death; she thereupon caused a ship to be secretly
built in the forest, and when she was ready, she sailed out to
the Orkneys. There she bestowed Groa, Thorstein the Red's
daughter, in marriage ; she was the mother of Grelad, whom

* The translation that follows, by Arthur Middleton Reeves, is based on
the text of Hauk's Book, No. 544 of the Arna-Magnaean Collection, collated
with No. 557 of the same collection. In Origines Islandicaey II. 610, this
saga is called "The Story of Thorfinn Carlsemne."

' The rubrics here given in italics are found in the original manuscript.
' In eastern Norway.

* From 853 to 871.

THE SAGA OF ERIC THE RED 15

Earl Thorfinn, Skull-cleaver, married. After this Aud set
out to seek Iceland, and had on board her ship twenty free-
men. Aud arrived in Iceland, and passed the first winter at
Biamarhofn with her brother, Biom. Aud afterwards took
possession of all the Dale country between Dogurdar river
and Skraumuhlaups river. She Uved at Hvamm, and held
her orisons at Krossholar, where she caused crosses to be
erected, for she had been baptized and was a devout believer.
With her there came out [to Iceland] many distinguished men,
who had been captured in the Western freebooting expedition,
and were called slaves. Vifil was the name of one of these:
he was a highborn man, who had been taken captive in the
Western sea, and was called a slave, before Aud freed him;
now when Aud gave homesteads to the members of her crew,
Vifil asked wherefore she gave him no homestead as to the other
men. Aud replied, that this should make no difference to him,
saying, that he would be regarded as a distinguished man
wherever he was. She gave him Vifilsdal, and there he dwelt.
He married a woman whose name was . . . ; ^ their sons were
Thorbiom and Thorgeir. They were men of promise, and grew
up with their father.^

Eric the Red finds Greenland, — There was a man named
Thorvald; he was a son of Asvald, Ulf's son, Eyxna-Thori's
son. His son's name was Eric. He and his father went from
Jaederen ^ to Iceland, on account of manslaughter, and settled
on Homstrandir, and dwelt at Drangar. There Thorvald
died, and Eric then married Thorhild, a daughter of Jorund,
AtU's son, and Thorbiorg the Ship-chested, who had been
married before to Thorbiom of the Haukadal family. Eric
then removed from the North, and cleared land in Haukadal,
and dwelt at Ericsstadir by Vatnshom. Then Eric's thralls
caused a land-slide on Valthiof 's farm, Valthiofsstadir. Eyiolf

* A blank in the original manuscript.

' This introductory paragraph, giving at the end the ancestry of Gudrid,
the daughter of Thorbiom Vifilson and a prominent figure in the Vinland
voyages, seems to come first on account of the earlier historical allusions that
, it contains. The account of Gudrid is continued in the third paragraph.

' In southwestern Norway.

16 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

the Foul, Valthiof^s kinsman, slew the thralls near Skeids-
brekkur above Vatnshom. For this Eric killed Eyiolf the
Foul, and he also killed Duelling-Hrafn, at Leikskalar. Geir-
stein and Odd of Jorva, Eyiolf ^s kinsmen, conducted the prose-
cution for the slaying of their kinsmen, and Eric was, in conse-
quence, banished from Haukadal. He then took possession
of Brokey and Eyxney, and dwelt at Tradir on Sudrey, the
first winter. It was at this time that he loaned Thorgesthis
outer dais-boards ; ^ Eric afterguards went to Eyxney, and
dwelt at Ericsstad. He then demanded liis outer da'is-boards,
but did not obtain them. Eric then carried the outer dais-
boards away from Breidabolstad, and Thorgest gave chase.
They came to blows a short distance from the farm of Drangar.
There two of Thorgest 's sons were killed and certain other men
besides. After this each of them retained a considerable body
of men with him at his homo. Styr gave Eric his support,
as did also Eyiolf of Sviney, Thorbiorn, Vifil's son, and the sons
of Thorbrand of Alptafirth; while Thorgest was backed by
the sons of Thord the Yeller, and Thorgeir of Hitardal, Aslak
of Langadal and his son, Illugi. Eric and his people were con-
demned to outlawry at Thorsness-thing. He equipped his
ship for a voyage, in Ericsvag ; while Eyiolf concealed him in
Dimunarvag, when Thorgest and his people were searching for
him among the islands. He said to them, that it was his in-
tention to go in search of that land which Gunnbiom, son of
Ulf the Crow, saw when he was driven out of his course, west-
ward across the main, and discovered Gunnbioms-skerries.^
He told them that he would return again to his friends, if he
should succeed in finding that country. Thorbiorn, and Eyiolf,
and Styr accompanied Eric out beyond the islands, and they
parted with the greatest friendliness; Eric said to them that
he would render them similar aid, so far as it might He within
his power, if they should ever stand in need of his help. Eric

^ Movable planks used in constructing the lock-beds of the sleeping apart-
ment. They were often beautifully carved, and hence valuable.

^ An island midway between Iceland and Greenland, discovered in the
latter part of the ninth century. Gunnbiorn was a Norwegian. This island
is no longer above the surface.. See Fiske, The Discovery of America, p. 242

THE SAGA OF ERIC THE RED 17

sailed out to sea from Snaefells-iokul, and arrived at that ice-
mountain which is called Blacksark. Thence he sailed to the
southward, that he might ascertain whether there was habitable
country in that direction. He passed the first winter at
Ericsey, near the middle of the Western Settlement/ In the
following spring he proceeded to Ericsfirth, and selected a site
there for his homestead. That summer he explored the western
uninhabited region, remaining there for a long time, and as-
signing many local names there. The second winter he spent
at Ericsholms beyond Hvarfsgnipa. But the third summer
he sailed northward to Snaefell,^ and into Hrafnsfirth. He
beUeved then that he had reached the head of Ericsfirth;
he turned back then, and remained the third winter at
Ericsey at the mouth of Ericsfirth. The following summer
he sailed to Iceland, and landed in Breidafirth. He remained
that winter with Ingolf at Holmlatr. In the spring he and
Thorgest fought together, and Eric was defeated ; after this
a reconciliation was effected between them. That summer
Eric set out to colonize the land which he had discovered,
and which he called Greenland, because, he said, men would
be the more readily persuaded thither if the land had a good
name.^

^ This should read Eastern Settlement, evidently a clerical error in an
original manuscript, as both Hauk's Book and AM. 557 reproduce it. There
were two settlements in Greenland, the Eastern and Western, both, however,
to the westward of Cape Farewell, and between that cape on the south and
Disco Island on the north. Ericsey {i.e., Eric's Island) was at the mouth of
Ericsfirth, near the present Julianshaab. For further details on the geog-
raphy of these settlements, see Reeves, The Finding of Wineland the Good,
p. 166, (25), and Fiske, The Discovery of America, I. 158, note.

^ On the western coast of Greenland, about 70° N. Lat.

^ The saga up to this point is taken from Landnama-bok, the great Ice-
landic authority on early genealogy and history. It might well have in-
cluded one more paragraph (the succeeding one) , which gives an approximate
date to the colonization of Greenland: ''Ari, ThorgiFs son, says that that
summer twenty-five ships sailed to Greenland out of Borgfirth and Broadfirth ;
but fourteen only reached their destination ; some were driven back, and
some were lost. This was sixteen [S : fifteen] winters before Christianity
was legally adopted in Iceland." That is, in about 985, as Christianity was
accepted in 1000 (or 1001). There is a possible variation of a year in the
usually accepted date. See Origines Islandicae, I. 369.
c

18 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

Concerning Thorhiom. — Thorgeir, Vifirs son, married,
and took to wife Amora, daughter of Einar of Laugarbrekka,
Sigmund's son, son of Ketil Thistil, who settled Thistilsfirth.
Einar had another daughter named Hallveig ; she was married
to Thorbiorn, VifiPs son, who got with her Laugarbrekka-
land on HeUisvelHr. Thorbiorn moved thither, and became
a very distinguished man. He was an excellent husbandman,
and had a great estate. Gudrid was the name of Thorbiorn^s
daughter. She was the most beautiful of her sex, and in every
respect a very superior woman. There dwelt at Amarstapi
a man named Orm, whose wife^s name was Halldis. Orm
was a good husbandman, and a great friend of Thorbiorn, and
Gudrid lived with him for a long time as a foster-daughter.
There was a man named Thorgeir, who lived at Thorgeirsfell ;
he was very wealthy and had been manumitted ; he had a son
named Einar, who was a handsome, well-bred man, and very
showy in his dress. Einar w^as engaged in trading- voyages
from one country to the other, and had prospered in this. He
always spent his winters alternately either in Iceland or in
Norway.

Now it is to be told, that one autumn, when Einar was in
Iceland, he went with his wares out along Snaefellsness, with
the intention of selling them. He came to Amarstapi, and
Orm invited him to remain with him, and Einar accepted this
invitation, for there was a strong friendship [between Orm
and himself]. Einar^s wares were carried into a store-house,
where he unpacked them, and displayed them to Orm and the
men of his household, and asked Orm to take such of them as
he liked. Orm accepted this offer, and said that Einar was
a good merchant, and was greatly favored by fortune. Now,
while they were busied about the wares, a woman passed be-
fore the door of the store-house. Einar inquired of Orm:
^'Who was that handsome woman who passed before the door?
I have never seen her here before.^' Orm replies: ^^That is
Gudrid, my foster-child, the daughter of Thorbiorn of Laugar-
brekka." '^ She must be a good match,'' said Einar; ^^hasshe
had any suitors ?'' Orm rephes : '^ In good sooth she has been

THE SAGA OF ERIC THE RED 19

courted, friend, nor is she easily to be won, for it is believed
that both she and her father will be very particular in their
choice of a husband/^ '^Be that as it may,'^ quoth Einar,
'^she is a woman to whom I mean to pay my addresses, and I
would have thee present this matter to her father in my behalf,
and use every exertion to bring it to a favorable issue, and I
shall reward thee to the full of my friendship, if I am success-
ful. It may be that Thorbiom will regard the connection as
being to our mutual advantage, for [while] he is a most hon-
orable man and has a goodly home, his personal effects, I am
told, are somewhat on the wane ; but neither I nor my father
are lacking in lands or chattels, and Thorbiom would be greatly
aided thereby, if this match should be brought about."
'^Surely I believe myself to be thy friend," repHes Orm, '^and
yet I am by no means disposed to act in this matter, for Thor-
biom hath a very haughty spirit, and is moreover a most
ambitious man." Einar replied that he wished for nought
else than that his suit should be broached ; Orm replied, that
he should have his will. Einar fared again to the South until
he reached his home. Sometime after this, Thorbiom had
an autumn feast, as was his custom, for he was a man of high
position. Hither came Orm of Arnarstapi, and many other
of Thorbiorn^s friends. Orm came to speech with Thorbiom,
and said, that Einar of Thorgeirsfell had visited him not long
before, and that he was become a very promising man. Orm
now makes known the proposal of marriage in Einar's behalf,
and added that for some persons and for some reasons it might
be regarded as a very appropriate match: ^^thou mayest
greatly strengthen thyself thereby, master, by reason of the
property." Thorbiom answers: ^^ Little did I expect to hear
such words from thee, that I should marry my daughter to
the son of a thrall ; and that, because it seems to thee that my
means are diminishing, wherefore she shall not remain longer
with thee since thou deemest so mean a match as this suitable
for her." Orm afterward retumed to his home, and all of the
invited guests to their respective households, while Gudrid
remained behind with her father, and tarried at home that

20 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

winter. But in the spring Thorbiom gave an entertainment
to his friends, to which many came, and it was a noble feast,
and at the banquet Thorbiom called for silence, and spoke:
^'Here have I passed a goodly Hfetime, and have experienced
the good-will of men toward me, and their affection ; and, me-
thinks, our relations together have been pleasant ; but now I
begin to find myself in straitened circumstances, although my
estate has hitherto been accounted a respectable one. Now
will I rather abandon my farming, than lose my honor, and
rather leave the country, than bring disgrace upon my family ;
wherefore I have now concluded to put that promise to the
test, which my friend Eric the Red made, when we parted
company in Breidafirth. It is my present design to go to
Greenland tliis summer, if matters fare as I wish.'' The folk
were greatly astonished at this plan of Thorbiom 's, for he was
blessed with many friends, but they were convinced that he
was so firmly fixed m his purpose, that it would not avail to
endeavor to dissuade him from it. Thorbiom bestowed gifts
upon his guests, after which the feast came to an end, and the
folk retumed to their homes. Thorbiom sells his lands and
buys a ship, which was laid up at the mouth of Hraunhofn.
Thirty persons joined him in the voyage; among these were
Orm of Amarstapi, and his wife, and other of Thorbiom 's
friends, who would not part from him. Then they put to sea.
When they sailed the weather was favorable, but after they
came out upon the high-seas the fair wind failed, and there
came great gales, and they lost their way, and had a very
tedious voyage that summer. Then illness appeared among
their people, and Orm and his wife Halldis died, and the half
of their company. The sea began to run high, and they had a
very wearisome and wretched voyage in many ways, but ar-
rived, nevertheless, at Heriolfsness in Greenland, on the very
eve of winter.^ At Heriolfsness lived a man named Thorkel.
He was a man of ability and an excellent husbandman. He
received Thorbiom and all of his ship's company, and enter-
tained them well during the winter. At that time there was a

* ''Winter-night-tide" was about the middle of October.

THE SAGA OF EEIC THE RED 21

season of great dearth in Greenland ; those who had been at
the fisheries had had poor hauls, and some had not returned.
There was a certain woman there in the settlement, whose
name was Thorbiorg. She was a prophetess, and was called
Little Sibyl. She had had nine sisters, all of whom were
prophetesses, but she was the only one left alive. It was
Thorbiorg^s custom in the winters, to go to entertainments,
and she was especially sought after at the homes of those who
were curious to know their fate, or what manner of season
might be in store for them ; and inasmuch as Thorkel was the
chief yeoman in the neighborhood, it was thought to devolve
upon him to find out when the evil time, which was upon them,
would cease. Thorkel invited the prophetess to his home,
and careful preparations were made for her reception, accord-
ing to the custom which prevailed, when women of her kind
were to be entertained. A high seat was prepared for her,
in which a cushion filled with poultry feathers was placed.
When she came in the evening, with the man who had been
sent to meet her, she was clad in a dark-blue cloak, fastened
with a strap, and set with stones quite down to the hem.
She wore glass beads around her neck, and upon her head a
black lamb-skin hood, lined with white cat-skin. In her hands
she carried a staff, upon which there was a knob, which was
ornamented with brass, and set with stones up about the knob.
Circling her waist she wore a girdle of touch-wood, and attached
to it a great skin pouch, in which she kept the charms which
she used when she was practising her sorcery. She wore upon
her feet shaggy calf-skin shoes, with long, tough latchets, upon
the ends of which there were large brass buttons. She had cat-
skin gloves upon her hands, which were white inside and lined
with fur. When she entered, all of the folk felt it to be their
duty to offer her becoming greetings. She received the saluta-
tions of each individual according as he pleased her. Yeoman
Thorkel took the sibyl by the hand, and led her to the seat
which had been made ready for her. Thorkel bade her run
her eyes over man and beast and home. She had little to say
concerning all these. The tables were brought forth in the

22 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

evening, and it remains to be told what manner of food was
prepared for the prophetess. A porridge of goat's beestings
was made for her, and for meat there were dressed the hearts
of every kind of beast, which could be obtained there. She
had a brass spoon, and a knife with a handle of walrus tusk,
with a double hasp of brass around the haft, and from this
the point was broken. And when the tables were removed,
Yeoman Thorkel approaches Thorbiorg, and asks how she is
pleased with the home, and the character of the folk, and how
speedily she would be likely to become aware of that concerning
which he had questioned her, and which the people were anxious
to know. She replied that she could not give an opinion in
this matter before the morrow, after that she had slept there
through the night. And on the morrow, when the day was far
spent, such preparations were made as were necessary to enable
her to accomplish her soothsaying. She bade them bring her
those women, who knew the incantation, which she required to
work her spells, and which she called Warlocks ; but such women
were not to be found. Thereupon a search was made through-
out the house, to see whether any one knew this [incantation].
Then says Gudrid : ^'Although I am neither skilled in the black
art nor a sibyl, yet my foster-mother, Halldis, taught me in
Iceland that spell-song, which she called Warlocks." Thor-
biorg answered: ^'Then art thou wise in season !'' Gudrid
replies: ^^This is an incantation and ceremony of such a kind,
that I do not mean to lend it any aid, for that I am a Chris-
tian woman.'' Thorbiorg answers : ^^It might so be that thou
couldst give thy help to the company here, and still be no worse
woman than before ; however I leave it with Thorkel to pro-
vide for my needs." Thorkel now so urged Gudrid, that she
said she must needs comply with his wishes. The women then
made a ring round about, while Thorbiorg sat up on the spell-
da'is. Gudrid then sang the song, so sweet and well, that no
one remembered ever before to have heard the melody sung
with so fair a voice as this. The sorceress thanked her for the
song, and said: ^'She has indeed lured many spirits hither,
who think it pleasant to hear this song, those who were wont

THE SAGA OF ERIC THE KED 23

to forsake us hitherto and refuse to submit themselves to us.
Many things are now revealed to me, which hitherto have been
hidden, both from me and from others. And I am able to
announce that this period of famine will not endure longer,
but the season will mend as spring approaches. The visita-
tion of disease, which has been so long upon you, will disappear
sooner than expected. And thee, Gudrid, I shall reward out of
hand, for the assistance, which thou hast vouchsafed us, since
the fate in store for thee is now all made manifest to me. Thou
shalt make a most worthy match here in Greenland, but it
shall not be of long duration for thee, for thy future path leads
out to Iceland, and a lineage both great and goodly shall
spring from thee, and above thy line brighter rays of light
shall shine, than I have power clearly to unfold. And now
fare well and health to thee, my daughter!'' After this the
folk advanced to the sibyl, and each besought information con-
cerning that about which he was most curious. She was very
ready in her responses, and little of that which she foretold
failed of fulfilment. After this they came for her from a
neighboring farmstead, and she thereupon set out thither.
Thorbiorn was then sent for, since he had not been willing to
remain at home while such heathen rites were practising.
The weather improved speedily, when the spring opened,
even as Thorbiorg had prophesied. Thorbiorn equipped his
ship and sailed away, until he arrived at Brattahlid.^ Eric
received him with open arms, and said that it was well that he
had come thither. Thorbiorn and his household remained
with him during the winter, while quarters were provided
for the crew among the farmers. And the following spring
Eric gave Thorbiorn land on Stokkaness, where a goodly
farmstead was founded, and there he lived thenceforward.

Concerning Leif the Lucky and the Introduction of Chris-
tianity into Greenland. — Eric was married to a woman named
Thorhild, and had two sons; one of these was named Thor-
stein, and the other Leif. They were both promising men.
Thorstein lived at home with his father, and there was not at

^ The home of Eric the Red, in the Eastern Settlement.

24 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

that time a man in Greenland who was accounted of so great
promise as he. Leif had sailed to Norway/ where he was at
the court of King Olaf Tryggvason. When Leif sailed from
Greenland, in the summer, they were driven out of their course
to the Hebrides. It was late before they got fair winds thence,
and they remained there far into the summer. Leif became
enamored of a certain woman, whose name was Thorgunna.
She was a woman of fine family, and Leif observed that she
was possessed of rare intelligence. When Leif was preparing
for his departure Thorgunna asked to be permitted to accom-
pany him. Leif inquired whether she had in this the approval
of her kinsmen. She repHed that she did not care for it. Leif
responded that he did not deem it the part of wisdom to abduct
so high-bom a woman in a strange country, ^^and we so few in
number. '^ ^'It is by no means certain that thou shalt find
this to be the better decision," said Thorgunna. ^^I shall put
it to the proof, notwithstanding,'^ said Leif. ^'Then I tell
thee," said Thorgmma, ''that I am no longer a lone woman,
for I am pregnant, and upon thee I charge it. I foresee that
I shall give birth to a male child. And though thou give this
no heed, yet will I rear the boy, and send him to thee in Green-
land, when he shall be fit to take his place with other men.
And I foresee that thou wilt get as much profit of this son as
is thy due from this our parting ; moreover, I mean to come to
Greenland myself before the end comes." Leif gave her a gold
finger-ring, a Greenland wadmal mantle, and a belt of walrus-
tusk. This boy came to Greenland, and was called Thorgils.
Leif acknowledged his paternity, and some men will have it
that this Thorgils came to Iceland in the summer before the
Froda-wonder.^ However, this Thorgils was afterwards in
Greenland, and there seemed to be something not altogether
natural about him before the end came. Leif and his com-

^ This was evidently the first time that the voyage from Greenland to
Norway was accomplished without going by way of Iceland, and was a
remarkable achievement. The aim was evidently to avoid the dangerous
passage between Greenland and Iceland.

^ A reference to some strange happenings in the winter of 1000-1001
at the Icelandic farmstead Froda, as related in the Eyrbyggja Saga.

THE SAGA OF ERIC THE EED 26

panions sailed away from the Hebrides, and arrived in Nor-
way in the autumn/ Leif went to the court of King Olaf
Tryggvason.^ He was well received by the king, who felt
that he could see that Leif was a man of great accomplish-
ments. Upon one occasion the king came to speech with Leif,
and asks him, ^^Is it thy purpose to sail to Greenland in the
summer?'^ ^^It is my purpose,'' said Leif, ^'if it be your will."
'^I beheve it will be well," answers the king, ^^and thither thou
shalt go upon my errand, to proclaim Christianity there."
Leif repHed that the king should decide, but gave it as his be-
lief that it would be difficult to carry this mission to a success-
ful issue in Greenland. The king replied that he knew of no
man who would be better fitted for this undertaking, ^^and
in thy hands the cause will surely prosper." ^'This can only
be," said Leif, ^^if I enjoy the grace of your protection." Leif
put to sea when his ship was ready for the voyage. For a
long time he was tossed about upon the ocean, and came upon
lands of which he had previously had no knowledge. There
were self-sown wheat ^ fields and vines growing there. There
were also those trees there which are called ^^mausur,"^
and of all these they took specimens. Some of the timbers
were so large that they were used in building. Leif found men
upon a wreck, and took them home with him, and procured
quarters for them all during the winter. In this wise he showed

* Of the year 999. See next note.

2 King Olaf ruled from 995 to 1000. He fell at the battle of Svolder
(in the Baltic) in September, 1000. It was in the same year that Leif started
cut as the King's missionary to Greenland. See p. 43, note 1.

' A wild cereal of some sort. Fiske is convinced that it was Indian corn,
while Storm thinks it was wild rice, contending with much force that Indian
corn was a product entirely unknown to the explorers, and that they could
not by any possibility have confused it with wheat, even if they had found
it. There is, moreover, no indication in this saga that they found cultivated
fields. Storm cites Sir William Alexander, Encouragement to Colonies
(1624), who, in speaking of the products of Nova Scotia, refers, among other
things, to ''some eares of wheate, barly and rie growing there wild." He
also cites Jacques Cartier, who, in 1534, found in New Brunswick ''wild grain
Hke rye, which looked as though it had been sowed and cultivated.'' See
Reeves, p. 174, (50).

^ Supposed to be maple.

26 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

his nobleness and goodness, since he introduced Christianity
into the country, and saved the men from the wreck ; and he
was called Leif the Lucky ever after. Leif landed in Erics-
firth, and then went home to Brattahlid ; he was well received
by every one. He soon proclaimed Christianity throughout
the land, and the Catholic faith, and announced King Olaf
Tryggvason's messages to the people, telling them how much
excellence and how great glory accompanied this faith. Eric
was slow in forming the determination to forsake his old belief,
but Thiodhild ^ embraced the faith promptly, and caused a
church to be built at some distance from the house. This
building was called Thiodhild's Church, and there she and those
persons who had accepted Christianity, and they were many,
were wont to offer their prayers. Thiodhild would not have
intercourse with Eric after that she had received the faith,
whereat he was sorely vexed.

At this time there began to be much talk about a voyage
of exploration to that country which Leif had discovered.
The leader of this expedition w\as Thorstein Ericsson, who was
a good man and an intelligent, and blessed with many friends.
Eric was hkewise invited to join them, for the men believed
that his luck and foresight would be of great furtherance.
He was slow in deciding, but did not say nay, when his friends
besought him to go. They thereupon equipped that ship in
which Thorbiorn had come out, and twenty men were selected
for the expedition. They took httle cargo with them, nought
else save their weapons and provisions. On that morning
when Eric set out from his home he took with him a Httle
chest containing gold and silver ; he hid this treasure, and then
went his way. He had proceeded but a short distance, how-
ever, when he fell from his horse and broke his ribs and dis-
located his shoulder, whereat he cried ''Ai, ai!" By reason
of this accident he sent his wife word that she should procure
the treasure which he had concealed, for to the hiding of the
treasure he attributed his misfortune. Thereafter they sailed
cheerily out of Ericsfirth in high spirits over their plan. They

^ Also called Thorhild.

THE SAGA OF ERIC THE RED 27

were long tossed about upon the ocean, and could not lay the
course they wished. They came in sight of Iceland, and like-
wise saw birds from the Irish coast/ Their ship was, in sooth,
driven hither and thither over the sea. In the autumn they
turned back, worn out by toil, and exposure to the elements,
and exhausted by their labors, and arrived at Ericsfirth at
the very beginning of winter. Then said Eric, ^^More cheerful
were we in the summer, when we put out of the firth, but we
still hve, and it might have been much worse. ^^ Thorstein
answers, ^^It will be a princely deed to endeavor to look well
after the wants of all these men who are now in need, and to
make provision for them during the winter.'' Eric answers,
'^It is ever true, as it is said, that ^it is never clear ere the
answer comes/ and so it must be here. We will act now upon
thy counsel in this matter.'' All of the men, who were not
otherwise provided for, accompanied the father and son.
They landed thereupon, and went home to Brattahlid, where
they remained throughout the winter.

Thorstein Ericsson iveds Gudrid; Apparitions. — Now it
is to be told that Thorstein Ericsson sought Gudrid, Thor-
biom's daughter, in wedlock. His suit was favorably received
both by herself and by her father, and it was decided that
Thorstein should marry Gudrid, and the wedding was held at
BrattahHd in the autumn. The entertainment sped well,
and was very numerously attended. Thorstein had a home
in the Western Settlement at a certain farmstead, which is
called Lysufirth. A half interest in this property belonged
to a man named Thorstein, whose wife's name was Sigrid.
Thorstein went to Lysufirth, in the autumn, to his namesake,
and Gudrid bore him company. They were well received,
and remained there during the winter. It came to pass that
sickness appeared in their home early in the winter. Gard
was the name of the overseer there ; he had few friends ; he fell
sick first, and died. It was not long before one after another
fell sick and died. Then Thorstein, Eric's son, fell sick,
and Sigrid, the wife of Thorstein, his namesake ; and one even-

* That is, were near Ireland.

28 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

ing Sigrid wished to go to the house, which stood over against
the outer-door, and Gudrid accompanied her ; they were facing
the outer-door when Sigrid uttered a loud cry. '^We have
acted thoughtlessly," exclaimed Gudrid, ^^yet thou needest
not cry, though the cold strikes thee; let us go in again as
speedily as possible." Sigrid answers, ^^This may not be in
this present phght. All of the dead folk are drawn up here
before the door now ; among them I see thy husband, Thor-
stein, and I can see myself there, and it is distressful to look
upon." But directly this had passed she exclaimed, ^'Let us
go now, Gudrid; I no longer see the band!" The overseer
had vanished from her sight, whereas it had seemed to her be-
fore that he stood with a whip in his hand and made as if he
would scourge the flock. So they went in, and ere the morning
came she was dead, and a coffin was made ready for the corpse ;
and that same day the men planned to row out to fish, and
Thorstein accompanied them to the landing-place, and in the
twihght he went down to see their catch. Thorstein, Eric's
son, then sent word to his namesake that he should come to
him, saying that all was not as it should be there, for the house-
wife was endeavoring to rise to her feet, and wished to get in
under the clothes beside him, and when he entered the room
she was come up on the edge of the bed. He thereupon seized
her hands and held a pole-axe ^ before her breast. Thorstein,
Eric's son, died before night-fall. Thorstein, the master of the
house, bade Gudrid He down and sleep, saying that he would
keep watch over the bodies during the night; thus she did,
and early in the night, Thorstein, Eric's son, sat up and spoke
saying that he desired Gudrid to be called thither, for that it
was his wish to speak to her: 'It is God's will that this hour
be given me for my own and for the betterment of my condi-
tion." Thorstein, the master, went in search of Gudrid, and
waked her, and bade her cross herself, and pray God to help
her; *' Thorstein, Eric's son, has said to me that he wishes to
see thee ; thou must take counsel with thyself now, what thou

* The display of an axe seems to have been thought efficacious in laying
fetches. See Reeves, p. 171, (39), citing a passage from another saga.

1869()o

THE SAGA OF ERIC THE RED 29

wilt do, for I have no advice to give thee." She replies, "It
may be that this is intended to be one of those incidents which
shall afterward be held in remembrance, this strange event,
and it is my trust that God will keep watch over me ; where-
fore, under God's mercy, I shall venture to him and learn
what it is that he would say, for I may not escape this if it
be designed to bring me harm. I will do this, lest he go fur-
ther, for it is my beUef that the matter is a grave one.'' So
Gudrid went and drew near to Thorstein, and he seemed to her
to be weeping. He spoke a few words in her ear, in a low tone,
so that she alone could hear them ; but this he said so that all
could hear, that those persons would be blessed who kept well
the faith, and that it carried with it all help and consolation,
and yet many there were, said he, who kept it but ill. ^^This
is no proper usage which has obtained here in Greenland since
Christianity was introduced here, to inter men in unconsecrated
earth, with nought but a brief funeral service. It is my wish
that I be conveyed to the church, together with the others
who have died here ; Gard, however, I would have you burn
upon a pyre, as speedily as possible, since he has been the cause
of all of the apparitions which have been seen here during the
winter." He spoke to her also of her own destiny, and said that
she had a notable future in store for her, but he bade her be-
ware of marrying any Greenlander ; he directed her also to give
their property to the church and to the poor, and then sank
down again a second time. It had been the custom in Green-
land, after Christianity was introduced there, to bury persons
on the farmsteads where they died, in unconsecrated earth ; a
pole was erected in the ground, touching the breast of the dead,
and subsequently, when the priests came thither, the pole was
withdrawn and holy water poured in [the orifice], and the fu-
neral service held there, although it might be long thereafter.
The bodies of the dead were conveyed to the church at Erics-
firth, and the funeral services held there by the clergy. Thor-
biom died soon after this, and all of his property then passed
into Gudrid's possession. Eric took her to his home and care-
fully looked after her affairs.

30 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

Concerning Thord of Hofdi. — There was a man named
Thord, who hved at Hofdi on Hofdi-strands. He married
Fridgerd, daughter of Thori the Loiterer and Fridgerd, daugh-
ter of Kiarval the King of the Irish. Thord was a son of Biorn
Chestbutter, son of Thorvald Spine, Asleik's son, the son of
Biorn Iron-side, the son of Ragnar Shaggy-breeks. They had
a son named Snorri. He married Thorhild Ptarmigan, daugh-
ter of Thord the Yeller. Their son was Thord Horse-head.
Thorfinn Karlsefni ^ was the name of Thord's son. Thor-
finn^s mother's name was Thorunn. Thorfinn was engaged
in trading voyages, and was reputed to be a successful mer-
chant. One summer Karlsefni equipped his ship, with the
intention of saiUng to Greenland. Snorri, Thorbrand's son,
of Alptafirth accompanied him, and there were forty men on
board the ship with them. There was a man named Biarni,
Grimolf's son, a man from Breidafirth, and another named
Thorhall, Gamh's son, an East-firth man. They equipped their
ship, the same summer as Karlsefni, with the intention of
making a voyage to Greenland; they had also forty men
in their ship. When they were ready to sail, the two ships
put to sea together. It has not been recorded how long a
voyage they had; but it is to be told, that both of the ships
arrived at Ericsfirth in the autumn. Eric and other of the
inhabitants of the country rode to the ships, and a goodly trade
was soon estabhshed between them. Gudrid was requested
by the skippers to take such of their wares as she wished, while
Eric, on his part, showed great munificence in return, in that
he extended an invitation to both crews to accompany him
home for winter quarters at Brattahlid. The merchants ac-
cepted this invitation, and went with Eric. Their wares were
then conveyed to Brattahlid ; nor was there lack there of good
and commodious store-houses, in which to keep them; nor
was there wanting much of that, which they needed, and the
merchants were well pleased with their entertainment at Eric's

* Thorfinn Karlsefni, the explorer of the Vinland expeditions, was of
excellent family. His lineage is given at greater length in the Landnamor-
bok (Book of Settlements).

THE SAGA OF ERIC THE RED 31

home during that winter. Now as it drew toward Yule, Eric
became very taciturn, and less cheerful than had been his wont.
On one occasion Karlsefni entered into conversation with Eric,
and said: '^Hast thou aught weighing upon thee, Eric? The
folk have remarked, that thou art somewhat more silent than
thou hast been hitherto. Thou hast entertained us with great
liberality, and it behooves us to make such return as may lie
within our power. Do thou now but make known the cause of
thy melancholy.^' Eric answers: '^Ye accept hospitality
gracefully, arid in manly wise, and I am not pleased that ye
should be the sufferers by reason of our intercourse; rather
am I troubled at the thought, that it should be given out else-
where, that ye have never passed a worse Yule than this, now
drawing nigh, when Eric the Red was your host at Brattahlid
in Greenland.'^ '^There shall be no cause for that," replies
Karlsefni, '^we have malt, and meal, and corn in our ships,
and you are welcome to take of these whatsoever you wish,
and to provide as liberal an entertainment as seems fitting to
you." Eric accepts this offer, and preparations were made
for the Yule feast, and it was so sumptuous, that it seemed to
the people they had scarcely ever seen so grand an entertain-
ment before. And after Yule, Karlsefni broached the subject
of a marriage with Gudrid to Eric, for he assumed that with
him rested the right to bestow her hand in marriage. Eric
answers favorably, and says, that she would accomplish the
fate in store for her, adding that he had heard only good
reports of him. And, not to prolong this, the result was, that
Thorfinn was betrothed to Thurid,^ and the banquet was
augmented, and their wedding was celebrated ; and this befell
at Brattahlid during the winter.

Beginning of the Wineland Voyages. — About this time there
began to be much talk at Brattahlid, to the effect that Wineland
the Good should be explored, for, it was said, that country
must be possessed of many goodly qualities. And so it came
to pass, that Karlsefni and Snorri fitted out their ship, for the
purpose of going in search of that country in the spring. Biarni

^ Usually called Gudrid.

32 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

and Thorhall joined the expedition with their ship, and the
men who had borne them company. There was a man named
Thorvard; he was wedded to Freydis, a natural daughter of
Eric the Red. He also accompanied them, together with
Thorvald, Eric's son, and Thorhall, who was called the Hunts-
man. He had been for a long time with Eric as his hunter
and fisherman during the summer, and as his steward during
the winter. Thorhall was stout and swarthy, and of giant
stature ; he was a man of few words, though given to abusive
language, when he did speak, and he ever incited Eric to evil.
He was a poor Christian ; he had a wide knowledge of the un-
settled regions. He was on the same ship with Thorvard
and Thorvald. They had that ship which Thorbiom had
brought out. 'They had in all one hundred and sixty men,
when they sailed to the Western Settlement,^ and thence to
Bear Island. Thence they bore away to the southward two
^'doegr." ^ Then they saw land, and launched a boat, and ex-
plored the land, and found there large flat stones [hellur]^
and many of these were twelve ells wide; there were many
Arctic foxes there. They gave a name to the country, and
called it Helluland [the land of flat stones]. Then they sailed
with northerly winds two ''doegr,'' and land then lay before
them, and upon it was a great wood and many wild beasts;
an island lay off the land to the south-east, and there they
found a bear, and they called this Biamey [Bear Island],
while the land where the wood was they called Markland
[Forest-land]. Thence they sailed southward along the land
for a long time, and came to a cape; the land lay upon the
starboard; there were long strands and sandy banks there.
They rowed to the land and found upon the cape there the

^ There is doubt as to why the expedition sailed northwest to the Western
Settlement. Possibly Thorfinn desired to make a different start than Thor-
stein, whose expedition was a failure. See Reeves, p. 172, (45).

^ Doegr was a period of twelve hours. Reeves quotes the following from
an old Icelandic work : ''In the day there are two doegr; in the doegr twelve
hours." A doegr's sailing is estimated to have been about one hundred miles.
There is evidently a clerical error in this passage after the number of days'
saiUng. The words for "two" and ''seven" are very similar in old Norse.

THE SAGA OF ERIC THE RED 33

keel of a ship, and they called it there Kialarnes [Keelness] ;
they also called the strands Furdustrandir [Wonder-strands],
because they were so long to sail by/ Then the country be-
came indented with bays, and they steered their ships into a
bay. It was when Leif was with King Olaf Tryggvason, and he
bade him proclaim Christianity to Greenland, that the king
gave him two Gaels ; the man^s name was Haki, and the wom-
an^s Haekia. The king advised Leif to have recourse to these
people, if he should stand in need of fleetness, for they were
swifter than deer. Eric and Leif had tendered Karlsefni
the services of this couple. Now when they had sailed past
Wonder-strands, they put the Gaels ashore, and directed them
to run to the southward, and investigate the nature of the
country, and return again before the end of the third half-day.
They were each clad in a garment, which they called '^kiafaV^ ^
which was so fashioned, that it had a hood at the top, was open
at the sides, was sleeveless, and was fastened between the legs
with buttons and loops, while elsewhere they were naked.
Karlsefni and his companions cast anchor, and lay there dur-
ing their absence; and when they came again, one of them
carried a bunch of grapes, and the other an ear of new-sown
wheat. They went on board the ship, whereupon Karlsefni
and his followers held on their way, until they came to where
the coast was indented with bays. They stood into a bay
with their ships. There was an island out at the mouth of
the bay, about which there were strong currents, wherefore
they called it Straumey [Stream Isle]. There were so many
birds ^ there, that it was scarcely possible to step between

^ The language of the vellum AM. 557 is somewhat different in this and
the previous sentence. It does not say that ''they sailed southward along
the land for a long time, and came to a cape," but, ''when two doegr had
elapsed, they descried land, and they sailed off this land ; there was a cape
to which they came. They beat into the wind along this coast, having the
land upon the starboard side. This was a bleak coast, with long and sandy
shores. They went ashore in boats, and found the keel of a ship, so they
called it Keelness there ; they likewise gave a name to the strands and called
them Wonderstrands, because they were long to sail by.''

^ AM. 557 says biafal. Neither word has been identified.

^ Hauk's Book says "eider-ducks."

34 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

the eggs. They sailed through the firth, and called it Straum-
fiord [Streamfirth], and carried their cargoes ashore from the
ships, and established themselves there. They had brought
with them all kinds of live-stock. It was a fine country there.
There were mountains thereabouts. They occupied themselves
exclusively with the exploration of the country. They re-
mained there during the winter, and they had taken no thought
for this during the summer. The fishing began to fail, and
they began to fall short of food. Then Thorhall the Huntsman
disappeared. They had already prayed to God for food, but
it did not come as promptly as their necessities seemed to de-
mand. They searched for Thorhall for three half-days,
and found him on a projecting crag. He was lying there,
and looking up at the sky, with mouth and nostrils agape,
and mumbjing something. They asked him why he had gone
thither ; he replied, that this did not concern any one. They
asked him then to go home with them, and he did so. Soon
after this a whale appeared there, and they captured it, and
flensed it, and no one could tell what manner of whale it was ;
and when the cooks had prepared it, they ate of it, and were all
made ill by it. Then Thorhall, approaching them, says:
^^Did not the Red-beard ^ prove more helpful than your Christ ?
This is my reward for the verses which I composed to Thor,
the Trustworthy; seldom has he failed me.'' When the peo-
ple heard this, they cast the whale do\\Ti into the sea, and made
their appeals to God. The weather then improved, and they
could now row out to fish, and thenceforward they had no lack
of provisions, for they could hunt game on the land, gather eggs
on the island, and catch fish from the sea.

Concerning Karlsefni and Thorhall. — It is said, that Thor-
hall wished to sail to the northward beyond Wonder-strands,
in search of Wineland, while Karlsefni desired to proceed to
the southward, off the coast. Thorhall prepared for his voy-
age out below the island, having only nine men in his party,
for all of the remainder of the company went with Karlsefni.

' The god Thor.

THE SAGA OF ERIC THE RED 35

And one day when Thorhall was carrying water aboard his
ship, and was drinking, he recited this ditty : '

When I came, these brave men told me,

Here the best of drink I'd get,
Now with water-pail behold me, —

Wine and I are strangers yet.
Stooping at the spring, I've tested

All the wine this land affords;
Of its vaunted charms divested.

Poor indeed are its rewards.

And when they were ready, they hoisted sail; whereupon
Thorhall recited this ditty : ^

Comrades, let us now be faring

Homeward to our own again !
Let us try the sea-steed's daring,

Give the chafing courser rein.
Those who will may bide in quiet.

Let them praise their chosen land,
Feasting on a whale-steak diet,

In their home by Wonder-strand.

Then they sailed away to the northward past Wonder-strands
and Keelness, intending to cruise to the westward around the
cape. They encountered westerly gales, and were driven
ashore in Ireland,^ where they were grievously maltreated and
thrown into slavery. There Thorhall lost his life, according to
that which traders have related.

It is now to be told of Karlsefni, that he cruised southward

off the coast, with Snorri and Biami, and their people. They

«»>

^ The prose sense is: ''Men promised me, when I came hither, that I
should have the best of drink; it behooves me before all to blame the land.
See, oh, man ! how I must raise the pail ; instead of drinking wine, I have to
stoop to the spring" (Reeves).

^ The prose sense is: ''Let us return to our countrymen, leaving those
who like the country here, to cook their whale on Wonder-strand." From
an archaic form in these lines it is apparent that they are older than either
of the vellums, and must have been composed at least a century before Hauk's
Book was written; they may well be much older than the beginning of the
thirteenth century (Reeves). The antiquity of the verses of the saga is
also attested by a certain metrical irregularity, as in poetry of the tenth
and beginning of the eleventh centuries (Storm).

' In the next sentence the authority for this doubtful statement seems
to be placed upon "traders."

36 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

sailed for a long time, and until they came at last to a river,
which flowed down from the land into a lake, and so into the
sea. There were great bars at the mouth of the river, so
that it could only be entered at the height of the flood-tide.
Karlsefni and his men sailed into the mouth of the river, and
called it there Hop [a small land-locked bay]. They found
self-sown wheat-fields on the land there, wherever there were
hollows, and wherever there was hilly ground, there were vines.*
Every brook there was full of fish. They dug pits, on the shore
where the tide rose highest, and when the tide fell, there were
hahbut in the pits. There were great numbers of wild ani-
mals of all kinds in the woods. They remained there half a
month, and enjoyed themselves, and kept no watch. They had
their five-stock with them. Now one morning early, when
they looked about them, they saw a great number of skin-
canoes,^ and staves were brandished from the boats, with a
noise like flails, and they were revolved in the same direction
in which the sun moves. Then said Karlsefni: ^'What may
this betoken ?'' Snorri, Thorbrand's son, answers him:
^'It may be, that this is a signal of peace, wherefore let us take
a white shield and display it.'' And thus they did. There-
upon the strangers rowed toward them, and went upon the
land, marvelfing at those whom they saw before them. They
were swarthy men,^ and ill-looking, and the hair of their heads
was ugly. They had great eyes/ and were broad of cheek.

* Note the word "hollows" with reference to the contention that ''wild
wheat" is "wild rice." See p. 25, note 3.

^ "Skin-canoes," or kayaks, lead one to think of Eskimos. Both Storm
and Fiske think that the authorities of the saga-writer may have failed to
distinguish between bark-canoes and skin-canoes.

^ The vellum AM. 557 says "small men" instead of "swarthy men."
The explorers called them Skrcelingar, a disparaging epithet, meaning inferior
people, i.e., savages. The name is applied, in saga literature, to the natives of
Greenland as well as to the natives of Vinland. Storm thinks the latter
were the Micmac Indians of Nova Scotia.

* " Lescarbot, in his minute and elaborate description of the Micmacs of
Acadia, speaks with some emphasis of their large eyes. Dr. Storm quite
reasonably suggests that the Norse expression may refer to the size not of the
eyeball but of the eye-socket, which in the Indian face is apt to be large."
Fiske, The Discovery of America, p. 190.

THE SAGA OF EKIC THE RED 37

They tarried there for a time looking curiously at the people
they saw before them, and then rowed away, and to the south-
ward around the point.

(^T^arlsefni and his followers had built their huts above the
lake, some of their dwellings being near the lake, and others
farther away. Now they remained there that winter. No
snow came there, and all of their live-stock lived by grazing.^
And when spring opened, they discovered, early one morning,
a great number of skin-canoes, rowing from the south past
the cape, so numerous, that it looked as if coals had been
scattered broadcast out before the bay; and on every boat
staves were waved. Thereupon Karlsefni and his people dis-
played their shields, and when they came together, they began
to barter with each other. Especially did the strangers
wish to buy red cloth, for which they offered in exchange pel-
tries and quite gray skins. They also desired to buy swords
and spears, but Karlsefni and Snorri forbade this. In exchange
for perfect unsullied skins, the Skrellings would take red stuff
a span in length, which they would bind around their heads.
So their trade went on for a time, until Karlsefni and his peo-
ple began to grow short of cloth, when they divided it into such
narrow pieces, that it was not more than a finger's breadth
wide, but the Skrellings still continued to give just as much
for this as before, or more.

It so happened, that a buU,^ which belonged to Karlsefni
and his people, ran out from the woods, bellowing loudly.
This so terrified the Skrellings, that they sped out to their
canoes, and then rowed away to the southward along the coast.
For three entire weeks nothing more was seen of them. At

^ This would seem to place Vinland farther south than Nova Scotia, but
not necessarily. Storm cites the Frenchman Denys, who as colonist and
governor of Nova Scotia passed a number of years there, and in a work pub-
Hshed in 1672 says of the inner tracts of the land east of Port Royal that
''there is very little snow in the country, and very little winter." He adds :
''It is certain that the country produces the vine naturally, — that it bears
a grape that ripens perfectly, the berry as large as the muscat."

^ An animal unknown to the natives. As Fiske suggests, "It is the
unknown that frightens."

38 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

the end of this time, however, a great multitude of Skrelling
boats was discovered approaching from the south, as if a
stream were pouring down, and all of their staves were waved
in a direction contrary to the course of the sun, and the Skrel-
lings were all uttering loud cries. Thereupon Karlsefni and
his men took red sliields and displayed them. The Skrellings
sprang from their boats, and they met then, and fought to-
gether. There was a fierce shower of missiles, for the Skrel-
lings had war-slings. Karlsefni and Snorri observed, that the
Skrellings raised up on a pole a great ball-shaped body, al-
most the size of a sheep's belly, and nearly black in color,
and this they hurled from the pole up on the land above Karls-
efni's followers, and it made a frightful noise, where it fell.
Whereat a great fear seized upon Karlsefni, and all his men,
so that they could think of nought but flight, and of making
their escape up along the river bank, for it seemed to them,
that the troop of the Skrellings was rushing towards them from
every side, and they did not pause, until they came to certain
jutting crags, where they offered a stout resistance. Freydis
came out, and seeing that Karlsefni and his men were fleeing,
she cried: ''Why do ye flee from these wretches, such worthy
men as ye, when, meseems, ye might slaughter them Uke cattle.
Had I but a weapon, methinks, I would fight better than any
one of you!'' They gave no heed to her words. Freydis
sought to join them, but lagged behind, for she was not hale ; ^
she followed them, however, into the forest, while the Skrel-
Hngs pursued her; she found a dead man in front of her;
this was Thorbrand, Snorri 's son, his skull cleft by a flat stone ;
his naked sword lay beside him ; she took it up, and prepared
to defend herself with it. The SkrelUngs then approached her,
whereupon she stripped down her shift, and slapped her breast
with the naked sword. At this the Skrellings were terrified
and ran down to their boats, and rowed away. Karlsefni
and his companions, however, joined her and praised her valor.
Two of Karlsefni 's men had fallen, and a great number of the
Skrellings. Karlsefni's party had been overpowered by dint

* A euphemism for pregnant ; the original is eigi heil.

THE SAGA OF ERIC THE RED 39

of superior numbers. They now returned to their dwellings,
and bound up their wounds, and weighed carefully what throng
of men that could have been, which had seemed to descend
upon them from the land ; it now seemed to them, that there
could have been but the one party, that which came from the
boats, and that the other troop must have been an ocular de-
lusion. The Skrellings, moreover, foimd a dead man, and an
axe lay beside him. One of their number picked up the axe,
and struck at a tree with it, and one after another [they tested
it], and it seemed to them to be a treasure, and to cut well;
then one of their number seized it, and hewed at a stone with
it, so that the axe broke, whereat they concluded that it could
be of no use, since it would not withstand stone, and they cast
it away.

It now seemed clear to Karlsefni and his people, that
although the country thereabouts wa^ attractive, their life
would be one of constant dread and turmoil by reason of the
[hostility of the] inhabitants of the coimtry, so they forthwith
prepared to leave, and determined to return to their own coun-
try. They sailed to the northward off the coast, and found five
Skrellings, clad in skin-doublets, lying asleep near the sea.
There were vessels beside them, containing animal marrow,
mixed with blood. Karlsefni and his company concluded that
they must have been banished from their own land. They
put them to death. They afterwards found a cape, upon which
there was a great number of animals, and this cape looked as
if it were one cake of dung, by reason of the animals which
lay there at night. They now arrived again at Streamfirth,
where they found great abundance of all those things of which
they stood in need. Some men say, that Biami and Freydis
remained behind here with a hundred men, and went no fur-
ther; while Karlsefni and Snorri proceeded to the southward
with forty men, tarrying at Hop barely two months, and re-
turning again the same summer. Karlsefni then set out with
one ship, in search of Thorhall the Huntsman, but the greater
part of the company remained behind. They sailed to the
northward around Keelness, and then bore to the westward,

40 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

having land to the larboard/ The country there was a wooded
wilderness, as far as they could see, with scarcely an open space ;
and when they had journeyed a considerable distance, a river
flowed down from the east toward the west. They sailed into
the mouth of the river, and lay to by the southern bank.

The Slaying of Thorvaldj Ericas son. — It happened one
morning, that Karlsefni and his companions discovered in an
open space in the woods above them, a speck, which seemed
to shine toward them, and they shouted at it : it stirred, and
it was a Uniped,^ who skipped down to the bank of the river
by which they were lying. Thorvald, a son of Eric the Red,
was sitting at the helm, and the Uniped shot an arrow into
his inwards. Thorvald drew out the arrow, and exclaimed:
^' There is fat around my paunch; we have hit upon a fruitful
country, and yet we are not Hke to get much profit of it/'
Thorvald died soon after from this wound. Then the Uniped
ran away back toward the north. Karlsefni and his men
pursued him, and saw him from time to time. The last they
saw of him, he ran down into a creek. Then they turned back;
whereupon one of the men recited this ditty : ^

Eager, our men, up hill down dell,

Hunted a Uniped ;
Hearken, Karlsefni, while they tell

How swift the quarry fled !

Then they sailed away back toward the north, and beUeved
they had got sight of the land of the Unipeds ; nor were they
disposed to risk the hves of their men any longer. They con-
cluded that the mountains of Hop, and those which they had

^ Thus reaching the western coast of Cape Breton Island and Nova Scotia,
according to Storm.

' The Norse word is Ein-foetingr, one-footer. The mediaeval belief in a
country in which there lived a race of unipeds was not unknown in Iceland.
It has been suggested by Vigfusson that Thorvald being an important per-
sonage, his death must be adorned in some way. It is a singular fact that
Jacques Cartier brought back from his Canadian explorations reports of a
land peopled by a race of one-legged folk. See Reeves, The Finding of
Wineland, p. 177, (56).

^ The literal translation is : ''The men drove, it is quite true, a one-footer
down to the shore. The strange man ran hard over the banks. Hearken,
Karlsefni.'"

THE SAGA OF ERIC THE RED 4t

now found, formed one chain, and this appeared to be so be-
cause they were about an equal distance removed from Stream-
firth, in either direction/ They sailed back, and passed the
third winter at Streamfirth. Then the men began to divide
into factions, of which the women were the cause ; and those
who were without wives, endeavored to seize upon the wives
of those who were married, whence the greatest trouble arose.
Snorri, Karlsefni's son, was born the first autumn, and he was
three winters old when they took their departure. When
they sailed away from Wineland, they had a southerly wind,
and so came upon Markland, where they found five Skrellings,^
of whom one was bearded, two were women, and two were
children. Karlsefni and his people took the boys, but the
others escaped, and these SkrelHngs sank down into the earth.
They bore the lads away with them, and taught them to speak,
and they were baptized. They said, that their mother's name
was Vsetilldi, and their father's Uvsegi. They said, that kings
governed the Skrellings, one of whom was called Avalldamon,
and the other Valldidida.^ They stated, that there were no
houses there, and that the people lived in caves or holes. They
said, that there was a land on the other side over against their
country, which was inhabited by people who wore white gar-
ments, and yelled loudly, and carried poles before them, to

^ As skilled mariners the explorers were undoubtedly competent to make
such a deduction as this. If Storm and Dieserud are correct, the explorers
saw from the north coast of Nova Scotia the same mountains that they had
seen from the south coast.

^ The Beothuk Indians of Newfoundland, according to Storm.

^ Nothing can with certainty be extracted from these names. The
chances that they were incorrectly recorded are of course great. Storm
contends that they cannot be Eskimo. Captain Holm of the Danish navy,
an authority on the Eskimos, says, ''It is not impossible that the names may
have been derived from Eskimo originals.'' Fiske says, p. 189, note : ''There
is not the slightest reason for supposing that there were any Eskimos south
of Labrador so late as nine hundred years ago." In this connection Captain
Holm says: "It appears to me not sufficiently proven that the now extinct
race on America's east coast, the Beothuk, were Indians. I wish to direct
attention to the possibihty that in the Beothuk we may perhaps have one
of the transition links between the Indians and the Eskimo." See Reeves,
p„ 177, (57).

42 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

which rags were attached ; ^ and people beUeve that this must
have been Hvitramanna-land [White-men^s-land], or Ireland
the Great.^ Now they arrived in Greenland, and remained
during the winter with Eric the Red.

Biarni, Grimolf's son, and his companions were driven out
into the Atlantic/ and came into a sea, which was filled with
worms, and their ship began to sink beneath them. They had
a boat, which had been coated with seal-tar ; this the sea-worm
does not penetrate. They took their places in this boat,
and then discovered that it would not hold them all. Then
said Biami: ^' Since the boat will not hold more than half
of our men, it is my advice, that the men who are to go in the
boat, be chosen by lot, for this selection must not be made
according to rank." This seemed to them all such a manly
offer, that no one opposed it. So they adopted this plan, the
men casting lots ; and it fell to Biarni to go in the boat, and half
of the men with him, for it would not hold more. But when
the men were come into the boat, an Icelander, who was in
the ship, and who had accompanied Biami from Iceland, said :
'^Dost thou intend, Biami, to forsake me here?'^ ^^It must
be even so,'^ answers Biarni. ^^ Not such was the promise thou
gavest my father," he answers, ^'when I left Iceland with thee,
that thou wouldst thus part with me, when thou saidst, that
we should both share the same fate." ^^So be it, it shall not
rest thus," answers Biami; ^'do thou come hither, and I will
go to the ship, for I see that thou art eager for hfe." Biami
thereupon boarded the ship, and this man entered the boat,
and they went their way, until they came to Dublin in Ireland,
and there they told this tale ; now it is the behef of most peo-

* The description is clearly suggestive of processions of Christian priests,
in white vestments, with banners, and singing (Storm).

2 Vellum AM. 557 has not the words " Ireland the Great." As to '' White-
men 's-land " (mentioned also once in the Landnama-bok) , Storm traces its
quasi-historical origin to the Irish visitation of Iceland prior to the Norse
settlement. See Studies on the Vineland Voyages, p. 61. The explanation
is, however, hardly convincing. See Origines Islandicae, Vol. II., p. 025.

^ AM. 557 says ''Iceland's sea" {i.e., between Iceland and Markland),
and Hauk's Book, "Greenland's sea" {i.e., between Iceland and Greenland).

THE SAGA OF ERIC THE RED 43

pie, that Biami and his companions perished in the maggot-
sea, for they were never heard of afterward.

Karlsefni and his Wife Thurid^s Issue. — The following
summer Karlsefni sailed to Iceland and Gudrid with him, and
he went home to Reyniness. His mother beheved that he
had made a poor match, and she was not at home the first
winter. However, when she became convinced that Gudrid
was a very superior woman, she returned to her home, and they
Hved happily together. Hallfrid was a daughter of Snorri,
Karlsefni^s son, she was the mother of Bishop Thorlak,^ Ru-
nolf 's son. They had a son named Thorbiorn, whose daughter's
name was Thorunn, [she was] Bishop Biom's ^ mother. Thor-
geir was the name of a son of Snorri, Karlsefni's son, [he was]
the father of Ingveld, mother of Bishop Brand the Elder.
Steinimn was a daughter of Snorri, Karlsefni's son, who mar-
ried Einar, a son of Grundar-Ketil, a son of Thorvald Crook,
a son of Thori of Espihol. Their son was Thorstein the Unjust,
he was the father of Gudrun, who married Jorund of Keldur.
Their daughter was Halla, the mother of Flosi, the father of

^ Thorlak was born in 1085, consecrated bishop in 1118, and died Feb. 1,
1133. These dates are definitely known, and are important. ''The bishop ^s
birth-year being certainly known, one can reckon back, and according to the
regular allowances, we shall have Hallfrid born about 1060, and her father
about 1030, in Vinland, and Karlsefni as far back as 1000." Vigfusson in
Origines Islandicae, Vol. II., p. 592. Vigfusson seeks to corroborate the
above by other allied lineages. If his deductions are correct, they are
revolutionary with reference to the generally accepted chronology of the
Vinland voyages. He is convinced that Leif belongs to an older generation
than Karlsefni and his wife, and that Leif's declining years coincide with
Karlsefni 's appearance on the scene. The expeditions would then stand in
the year 1025-1035, or 1030-1040, while Leif may have headed the first
expedition, say in 1025. And he thinks that various things outside of the
genealogies point to this. See Introduction, p. 12, of this volume.

^ Biorn was consecrated bishop in 1147, and died in 1162. His successor
was Bishop Brand ''the Elder," who died in 1201. Both Hauk's Book and
AM. 557 refer to him as "the Elder"; hence the originals could not have
been written before the accession of the second bishop Brand, which was in
1263. He died the following year. AM. 557 concludes with the words
"Bishop Brand the Elder." But in Hauk's Book the genealogical informa-
tion is carried down to Hauk's own time. He was a descendant of Karls-
efni and Gudrid, through Snorri, born in Vinland.

44 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

Valgerd, the mother of Herra Erlend the Stout, the father of
Herra Hauk the Lawman. Another daughter of Flosi was
Thordis, the mother of Fru Ingigerd the Mighty. Her daughter
was Fru Hallbera, Abbess of Reyniness at Stad. Many other
great people m Iceland are descended from Karlsefni and
Thurid, who are not mentioned here. God be with us, Amen !

THE VINLAND HISTORY OF THE FLAT

ISLAND BOOK!

A Brief History of Eric the Red,^ — There was a man named
Thorvald, a son of Osvald, Ulf's son, Eyxna-Thori's son.
Thorvald and Eric the Red, his son, left Jaederen [in Norway],
on account of manslaughter, and went to Iceland. At that
time Iceland was extensively colonized. They first lived
at Drangar on Horn-strands, and there Thorvald died. Eric
then married Thorhild, the daughter of Jorund and Thorbiorg
the Ship-chested, who was then married to Thorbiorn of the
Haukadal family. Eric then removed from the north, and
made his home at Ericsstadir by Vatnshom. Eric and
Thorhild's son was called Leif.

After the killing of Eyiulf the Foul, and DueUing-Hrafn,
Eric was banished from Haukadal, and betook himself west-
ward to Breidafirth, settling in Eyxney at Ericsstadir. He
loaned his outer dais-boards to Thorgest, and could not get
these again when he demanded them. This gave rise to broils
and battles between himself and Thorgest, as Ericas Saga
relates. Eric was backed in the dispute by Styr Thorgrims-
son, Eyiulf of Sviney, the sons of Brand of Alptafirth and Thor-
biorn Vifilsson, while the Thorgesters were upheld by the sons
of Thord the Yeller and Thorgeir of Hitardal. Eric was de-
clared an outlaw at Thorsnessthing. He thereupon equipped
his ship for a voyage, in Ericsvag, and when he was ready to
sail, Styr and the others accompanied him out beyond the
islands. Eric told them, that it was his purpose to go in search

^ Reeves's translation. In Origines Islandicae, Vol. II., p. 598, this saga
is called ''The Story of the Wineland Voyages, commonly called The Story
of Eric the Red.''

2 The original word for "Brief History " also means ''section," "episode,"
"httle story," i.e., extract or abbreviated account.

46 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

of that country which Gunnbiom, son of Ulf the Crow, had
seen, when he was driven westward across the main, at the
time when he discovered Gunnbioms-skerries ; he added,
that he would return to his friends, if he should succeed in
finding this country. Eric sailed out from Snsefellsiokul,
and found the land. He gave the name of Midiokul to his
landfall; this is now called Blacksark. From thence he pro-
ceeded southward along the coast, in search of habitable land.
He passed the first winter at Ericsey, near the middle of the
Eastern Settlement, and the following spring he went to Erics-
firth, where he selected a dwelling-place. In the summer he
visited the western uninhabited country, and assigned names
to many of the localities. The second winter he remained at
Holmar by Hrafnsgnipa, and the third summer he sailed
northward to Snsefell, and all the way into Hrafnsfirth ; then
he said he had reached the head of Ericsfirth. He then re-
turned and passed the third winter in Ericsey at the mouth of
Ericsfirth. The next summer he sailed to Iceland, landing in
Breidafirth. He called the country, which he had discovered,
Greenland, because, he said, people would be attracted thither,
if the country had a good name. Eric spent the winter in
Iceland, and the following summer set out to colonize the coun-
try. He settled at Brattahlid in Ericsfirth, and learned men
say, that in this same summer, in which Eric set out to settle
Greenland, thirty-five ships sailed out of Breidafirth and Bor-
garfirth; fourteen of these arrived there safely, some were
driven back and some were lost. This was fifteen years before
Christianity was legally adopted in Iceland.^ During the same
summer Bishop Frederick ^ and Thorvald Kodransson went
abroad [from Iceland]. Of those men, who accompanied Eric
to Greenland, the following took possession of land there:
Heriulf, Heriulfsfirth, he dwelt at Heriulfsness ; Ketil, Ketils-

* About 985 (983-986). One vellum of the Landnama-bok (Book of
Settlements) says sixteen, the other fifteen years.

^ Bishop Frederick was from ^'Saxland" (Saxony). According to the
Kristni-Saga he came to Iceland "in the summer when the land had been
settled one-hundred-and-seven winters," i.e., in 981. He made but Httle
headwa}^ in preaching Christianity.

VINLAND HISTORY OF THE FLAT ISLAND BOOK 47

firth ; Hrafn, Hrafnsfirth ; Solvi, Solvadal ; Helgi Thorbrands-
son, Alptafirth ; Thorbiom Gleamer, Siglufirth ; Eiiiar, Einars-
firth; Hafgrim, Hafgrimsfirth and Vatnahverfi; Amlaug,
Amlaugsfirth; while some went to the Western Settlement.

Leif the Lucky Baptized. — After that sixteen winters had
lapsed, from the time when Eric the Red went to colonize
Greenland, Leif, Ericas son, sailed out from Greenland to Nor-
way. He arrived in Drontheim in the autumn, when King
Olaf Tryggvason was come down from the north, out of Hala-
goland. Leif put in to Nidaros with his ship, and set out at
once to visit the king. King Olaf expounded the faith to hiili,
as he did to other heathen men who came to visit him. It
proved easy for the king to persuade Leif, and he was accord-
ingly baptized, together with all of his shipmates. Leif re-
mained throughout the winter with the king, by whom he was
well entertained.

Biarni goes in Quest of Greenland. — Heriulf was a son of
Bard Heriulf sson. He was a kinsman of Ingolf, the first colo-
nist. Ingolf allotted land to Heriulf between Vag and Rey-
kianess, and he dwelt at first at Drepstokk. Heriulf's wife^s
name was Thorgerd, and their son, whose name was Biarni^
was a most promising man. He formed an inclination for
voyaging while he was still young, and he prospered both in
property and pubhc esteem. It was his custom to pass his
winters alternately abroad and with his father. Biarni soon
became the owner of a trading-ship, and during the last winter
that he spent in Norway, [his father] Heriulf determined to
accompany Eric on his voyage to Greenland, and made his
preparations to give up his farm. Upon the ship with Heriulf
was a Christian man from the Hebrides, he it was who com-
posed the Sea-Rollers^ Song, which contains this stave : ^

Mine adventure to the Meek One,
Monk-heart-searcher, I commit now;

He, who heaven's halls doth govern,
Hold the hawk's-seat ever o'er me !

^ Hafgerdingar (sea-rollers) are supposed to have been earthquake waves,
and the lines evidently refer to such tidal-waves caused by an unusually

48 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

Heriulf settled at Heriulfsness, and was a most distinguished
man. Eric the Red dwelt at BrattahHd, where he was held in
the highest esteem, and all men paid him homage. These were
Eric's children : Leif , Thorvald, and Thorstein, and a daughter
whose name was Freydis; she was wedded to a man named
Thorvard, and they dwelt at Gardar, where the episcopal seat
now is. She was a very haughty woman, while Thorvard
was a man of little force of character, and Freydis had been
wedded to him chiefly because of his wealth. At that time the
people of Greenland were heathen.

^ Biami arrived with his ship at Eyrar [in Iceland] in the
summer of the same year, in the spring of which his father had
sailed away. Biami was much surprised when he heard this
news, and would not discharge his cargo. His shipmates in-
quired of him what he intended to do, and he rephed that it
was his purpose to keep to his custom, and make his home
for the winter with his father; ^^and I will take the ship to
Greenland, if you will bear me company.'' They all rephed
that they w^ould abide by his decision. Then said Biarni,
^'Our voyage must be regarded as foolhardy, seeing that no
one of us has ever been in the Greenland Sea." Nevertheless
they put out to sea when they were equipped for the voyage,
and sailed for three days, until the land was hidden by the
water, and then the fair wind died out, and north winds arose,
and fogs, and they knew not whither they were drifting, and
thus it lasted for many ^^doegr." Then they saw the sun again,
and were able to determine the quarters of the heavens;
they hoisted sail, and sailed that ^^doegr" through before they
saw land. They discussed among themselves what land it
could be, and Biami said that he did not believe that it could
be Greenland. They asked whether he wished to sail to this
land or not. ''It is my counsel" [said he], 'Ho sail close to
the land." They did so, and soon saw that the land was level,
and covered with woods, and that there were small hillocks

severe earthquake in the year 986. See Reeves, p. 180, (63). The prose
sense of the stave is : ''I beg the blessed friend of the monks to further oui
voyage. May the Lord of the heavens hold his hand over me."

VINLAND HISTORY OF THE FLAT ISLAND BOOK 49

upon it. They left the land on their larboard, and let the sheet
turn toward the land. They sailed for two ^'doegr^' before
they saw another land. They asked whether Biarni thought
this was Greenland yet. He rephed that he did not think
this any more like Greenland than the former, '^because in
Greenland there are said to be many great ice-mountains.^'
They soon approached this land, and saw that it was a flat
and wooded country. The fair wind failed them then, and the
crew took counsel together, and concluded that it would be wise
to land there, but Biarni would not consent to this. They
alleged that they were in need of both wood and water. ^'Ye
have no lack of either of these,'' says Biarni — a course, for-
sooth, which won him blame among his shipmates. He
bade them hoist sail, which they did, and turning the prow
from the land they sailed out upon the high seas, with south-
westerly gales, for three '^doegr," when they saw the third
land; this land was high and mountainous, with ice-moun-
tains upon it. They asked Biarni then whether he would land
there, and he rephed that he was not disposed to do so, ^^ be-
cause this land does not appear to me to offer any attractions."
Nor did they lower their sail, but held their course off the land,
and saw that it was an island. They left this land astern,
and held out to sea with the same fair wind. The wind waxed
amain, and Biarni directed them to reef, and not to sail at a
speed unbefitting their ship and rigging. They sailed now for
four ^^doegr," when they saw the fourth land. Again they
asked Biarni whether he thought this could be Greenland or not.
Biarni answers, ^^This is likest Greenland, according to that
which has been reported to me concerning it, and here we will
steer to the land." They directed their course thither, and
landed in the evening, below a cape upon which there was a
boat, and there, upon this cape, dwelt Heriulf,^ Biarni 's father,
whence the cape took its name, and was afterwards called Her-

* ** Certainly a marvellous coincidence, but it is quite in character with the
no less surprising accuracy with which the explorers of this history [i.e., the
Flat Island Book narrative] succeeded in finding ' Leif s-booths ' in a country
which was as strange to them as Greenland to Biarni." (Reeves.)
s

50 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

iulfsness. Biami now went to his father, gave up his voyag-
ing, and remained with his father while Heriulf hved, and con-
tinued to Hve there after his father.

Here begins the Brief History of the Greenlanders. — Next to
this is now to be told how Biami Heriulfsson came out from
Greenland on a visit to Earl Eric,^ by whom he was well re-
ceived. Biami gave an account of his travels [upon the occa-
sion] when he saw the lands, and the people thought that he
had been lacking in enterprise, since he had no report to give
concerning these countries, and the fact brought him reproach.
Biami was appointed one of the EarPs men, and went out to
Greenland the following summer. There was now much talk
about voyages of discovery. Leif, the son of Eric the Red,
of Brattahhd, visited Biami Heriulfsson and bought a ship
of him, and collected a crew, until they formed altogether a
company of thirty-five men. Leif invited his father, Eric,
to become the leader of the expedition, but Eric declined,
saying that he was then stricken in years, and adding that he
was less able to endure the exposure of sea-life than he had been.
Leif replied that he would nevertheless be the one who would
be most apt to bring good luck, and Eric yielded to Leif^s
solicitation, and rode from home when they were ready to sail.
When he was but a short distance from the ship, the horse
which Eric was riding stumbled, and he was thrown from his
back and wounded his foot, whereupon he exclaimed, ^^It is
not designed for me to discover more lands than the one in
which we are now living, nor can we now continue longer to-
gether.'^ Eric returned home to Brattahlid, and Leif pursued
his way to the ship with his companions, thirty-five men ; one
of the company was a German named Tyrker. They put the
ship in order, and when they were ready, they sailed out to sea,
and found first that land which Biami and his ship-mates found
last. They sailed up to the land and cast anchor, and launched
a boat and went ashore, and saw no grass there; great ice
mountains lay inland back from the sea, and it was as a [table-
land of] flat rock all the way from the sea to the ice moun-

* Earl Eric ruled in Norway from 1000 to 1015.

VINLAND HISTORY OF THE FLAT ISLAND BOOK 51

tains, and the country seemed to them to be entirely devoid of
good quahties. Then said Leif, ^^It has not come to pass with
us in regard to this land as with Biami, that we have not gone
upon it. To this country I will now give a name, and call it
Helluland/' They returned to the ship, put out to sea, and
found a second land. They sailed again to the land, and came
to anchor, and launched the boat, and went ashore. This
was a level wooded land, and there were broad stretches of
white sand, where they went, and the land was level by the
sea. Then said Leif, '^This land shall have a name after its
nature, and we will call it Markland." They returned to the
ship forthwith, and sailed away upon the main with north-east
winds, and were out two ^'dcegr'^ before they sighted land.
They sailed toward this land, and came to an island which lay
to the northward off the land. There they went ashore and
looked about them, the weather being fine, and they observed
that there was dew upon the grass, and it so happened that they
touched the dew with their hands, and touched their hands to
their mouths, and it seemed to them that they had never be-
fore tasted anything so sweet as this. They went aboard their
ship again and sailed into a certain sound, which lay between
the island and a cape, which jutted out from the land on the
north, and they stood in westering past the cape. At ebb-
tide there were broad reaches of shallow water there, and they
ran their ship aground there, and it was a long distance from
the ship to the ocean ; yet were they so anxious to go ashore
that they could not wait until the tide should rise under their
ship, but hastened to the land, where a certain river flows
out from a lake. As soon as the tide rose beneath their
ship, however, they took the boat and rowed to the ship,
which they conveyed up the river, and so into the lake,
where they cast anchor and carried their hammocks ashore
from the ship, and built themselves booths there. They
afterwards determined to establish themselves there for the
winter, and they accordingly built a large house. There was
no lack of salmon there either in the river or in the lake, and
larger salmon than they had ever seen before. The country

52 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

thereabouts seemed to be possessed of such good qualities that
cattle would need no fodder there during the winters. There
was no frost there in the winters, and the grass withered but
Httle. The days and nights there were of more nearly equal
length than in Greenland or Iceland. On the shortest day of
winter the sun was up between ^^eyktarstad'^ and ^'dagmala-
stad." ^ When they had completed their house Leif said to
his companions, ''I propose now to divide our company into
two groups, and to set about an exploration of the country;
one half of our party shall remain at home at the house, while
the other half shall investigate the land, and they must not
go beyond a point from which they can return home the same
evening, and are not to separate [from each other.] ^' Thus
they did for a time ; Leif himself, by turns, joined the explor-
ing party or remained behind at the house. Leif was a large
and powerful man, and of a most imposing bearing, a man of
sagacity, and a very just man in all things.

Leif the Lucky finds Men upon a Skerry at Sea, — It was
discovered one evening that one of their company was missing,
and this proved to be Tyrker, the German. Leif was sorely
troubled by this, for Tyrker had hved with Leif and his father
for a long time, and had been very devoted to Leif, when he
was a child. Leif severely reprimanded his companions, and
prepared to go in search of him, taking twelve men with him.
They had proceeded but a short distance from the house, when
they were met by Tyrker, whom they received most cordially.
Leif observed at once that his foster-father was in lively spirits.
Tyrker had a prominent forehead, restless eyes, small features,

^ These two words designate positions of the sun at two points of time.
Early commentators got much more definite results from this observation
than later ones, with scientific assistance, have succeeded in getting. Largely
on the basis of it, Rafn (in Antiquitates AmericanoB) , concluded that Vinland
was in Rhode Island. Both Storm and Reeves, after detailed investigation,
declare that it cannot be shown from this passage how far to the south Vin-
land was located. Captain Phythian, U.S.N., who has given the question
careful consideration, says: "The data furnished are not sufficiently definite
to warrant a more positive assertion than that the explorers could not have
been, when the record was made, farther north than Lat. [say] 49°. " See
Reeves, p. 181, (66).

VINLAND HISTORY OF THE FLAT ISLAND BOOK 53

was diminutive in stature, and rather a sorry-looking individual
withal, but was, nevertheless, a most capable handicraftsman.
Leif addressed him, and asked: ^^ Wherefore art thou so be-
lated, foster-father mine, and astray from the others?" In
the beginning Tyrker spoke for some time in German, rolling his
eyes, and grinning, and they could not understand him ; but
after a time he addressed them in the Northern tongue: ^'I
did not go much further [than you], and yet I have something
of novelty to relate. I have foimd vines and grapes." ^'Is
this indeed true, foster-father?" said Leif. '^Of a certainty
it is true," quoth he, '^for I was bom where there is no lack of
either grapes or vines." They slept the night through, and
on the morrow Leif said to his shipmates : ''We will now divide
our labors, and each day will either gather grapes or cut vines
and fell trees, so as to obtain a cargo of these for my ship."
They acted upon this advice, and it is said, that their after-boat
was filled with grapes. A cargo sufficient for the ship was cut,
and when the spring came, they made their ship ready, and
sailed away ; and from its products Leif gave the land a name,
and called it Wineland. They sailed out to sea, and had fair
winds until they sighted Greenland, and the fells below the
glaciers; then one of the men spoke up, and said, ''Why do
you steer the ship so much into the wind?" Leif answers:
"I have my mind upon my steering, but on other matters
as well. Do ye not see anything out of the common ?" They
repUed, that they saw nothing strange. "I do not know,"
says Leif, "whether it is a ship or a skerry that I see." Now
they saw it, and said, that it must be a skerry ; but he was so
much keener of sight than they, that he was able to discern
men upon the skerry. "I think it best to tack," says Leif,
"so that we may draw near to them, that we may be able to
render them assistance, if they should stand in need of it ; and
if they should not be peaceably disposed, we shall still have
better command of the situation than they." They ap-
proached the skerry, and lowering their sail, cast anchor, and
launched a second small boat, which they had brought with
them. Tyrker inquired who was the leader of the party.

54 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

He replied that his name was Thori, and that he was a Norse-
man; ^^ but what is thy name?'' Leif gave his name. ''Art
thou a son of Eric the Red of Brattahhd?'' says he. Leif
responded that he was. ''It is now my wish," says Leif,
"to take you all into my ship, and likewise so much of your
possessions as the ship will hold.'' This offer was accepted,
and [with their ship] thus laden, they held away to Ericsfirth,
and sailed until they arrived at Brattahlid. Having discharged
the cargo, Leif invited Thori, with his wife, Gudrid, and three
others, to make their home with him, and procured quarters
for the other members of the crew, both for his own and Thori 's
men. Leif rescued fifteen persons from the skerry. He was
afterward called Leif the Lucky. Leif had now goodly store
both of property and honor. There was serious illness that
winter in Thori 's party, and Thori and a great number of his
people died. Eric the Red also died that winter. There was
now much talk about Leif 's Wineland journey, and his brother,
Thorvald, held that the country had not been sufficiently ex-
plored. Thereupon Leif said to Thorvald: "If it be thy will,
brother, thou mayest go to Wineland with my ship, but I wish
the ship first to fetch the wood, which Thori had upon the
skerry." And so it was done.

Thorvald goes to Wineland. — Now Thorvald, with the
advice of his brother, Leif, prepared to make this voyage with
thirty men. They put their ship in order, and sailed out to
sea; and there is no account of their voyage before their
arrival at Leif's-booths in Wineland. They laid up their ship
there, and remained there quietly during the winter, supplying
themselves with food by fishing. In the spring, however,
Thorvald said that they should put their ship in order, and that
a few men should take the after-boat, and proceed along the
western coast, and explore [the region] thereabouts during the
summer. They found it a fair, well-wooded country; it was
but a short distance from the woods to the sea, and [there were]
white sands, as well as great numbers of islands and shallows.
They found neither dwelling of man nor lair of beast ; but in
one of the westerly islands, they found a wooden building for

VINLAND HISTORY OF THE FLAT ISLAND BOOK 55

the shelter of grain. They found no other trace of human
handiwork, and they turned back, and arrived at Leif 's-booths
in the autumn. The following summer Thorvald set out tow-
ard the east with the ship, and along the northern coast. They
were met by a high wind off a certain promontory, and were
driven ashore there, and damaged the keel of their ship, and
were compelled to remain there for a long time and repair the
injury to their vessel. Then said Thorvald to his companions :
^^I propose that we raise the keel upon this cape, and call it
Keebiess,'^ and so they did. Then they sailed away, to the
eastward off the land, and into the mouth of the adjoining
firth, and to a headland, which projected into the sea there,
and which was entirely covered with woods. They found an
anchorage for their ship, and put out the gangway to the land,
and Thorvald and all of his companions went ashore. ^^It
is a fair region here,^^ said he, ^^and here I should like to make
my home.'' They then returned to the ship, and discovered on
the sands, in beyond the headland, three mounds ; they went
up to these, and saw that they were three skin-canoes, with
three men under each. They thereupon divided their party,
and succeeded in seizing all of the men but one, who escaped
with his canoe. They killed the eight men, and then ascended
the headland again, and looked about them, and discovered
within the firth certain hillocks, which they concluded must be
habitations. They were then so overpowered with sleep
that they could not keep awake, and all fell into a [heavy]
slumber, from which they were awakened by the sound of a
cry uttered above them ; and the words of the cry were these :
^^ Awake, Thorvald, thou and all thy company, if thou wouldst
save thy hfe ; and board thy ship with all thy men, and sail
with all speed from the land !'' A countless number of skin-
canoes then advanced toward them from the inner part of the
firth, whereupon Thorvald exclaimed: ^^We must put out the
war-boards, on both sides of the ship, and defend ourselves to
the best of our ability, but offer little attack.'' This they did,
and the Skrellings, after they had shot at them for a time,
fled precipitately, each as best he could. Thorvald then in-

66 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

quired of his men, whether any of them had been wounded,
and they informed him that no one of them had received a
wound. ^'I have been wounded in my arm-pit/' says he;
'^an arrow flew in between the gunwale and the shield, below
my arm. Here is the shaft, and it will bring me to my end !
I counsel you now to retrace your way with the utmost speed.
But me ye shall convey to that headland which seemed to
me to offer so pleasant a dwelling-place ; thus it may be ful-
filled, that the truth sprang to my lips, when I expressed the
wish to abide there for a time. Ye shall bury me there, and
place a cross at my head, and another at my feet, and call it
Crossness for ever after. '^ At that time Christianity had ob-
tained in Greenland; Eric the Red died, however, before
[the introduction of] Christianity.

Thorvald died, and when they had carried out his injunc-
tions, they took their departure, and rejoined their companions,
and they told each other of the experiences which had befallen
them. They remained there during the winter, and gathered
grapes and wood with which to freight the ship. In the fol-
lowing spring they returned to Greenland, and arrived with
their ship in Ericsfirth, where they were able to recount great
tidings to Leif.

Thorstein Ericsson dies in the Western Settlement. — In
the meantime it had come to pass in Greenland, that Thorstein
of Ericsfirth had married, and taken to wife Gudrid, Thor-
biorn's daughter, [she] who had been the spouse of Thori
Eastman,^ as has been already related. Now Thorstein
Ericsson, being minded to make the voyage to Wineland after
the body of his brother, Thorvald, equipped the same ship, and
selected a crew of twenty-five men of good size and strength,
and taking with him his wife, Gudrid, when all was in readiness,
they sailed out into the open ocean, and out of sight of land.
They were driven hither and thither over the sea all that sum-

^ Evidently an incorrect statement. Landnama-bok, the authority on
genealogical matters, says: ''His son was Thorbiorn, father of Gudrid who
married Thorstein, son of Eric the Red, and afterwards Thorfinn Karlsefni."
Thori Eastman (the Norwegian) is not mentioned in the Landnama-bok.

VINLAND HISTORY OF THE FLAT ISLAND BOOK 57

mer, and lost all reckoning, and at the end of the first week
of winter they made the land at Lysufirth in Greenland, in the
Western Settlement. Thorstein set out in search of quarters
for his crew, and succeeded in procuring homes for all of his
shipmates ; but he and his wife were unprovided for, and re-
mained together upon the ship for two or more days. At this
time Christianity was still in its infancy in Greenland. It be-
fell, early one morning, that men came to their tent, and the
leader inquired who the people were within the tent. Thor-
stein replies: ^^We are twain,^' says he; ^^but who is it who
asks?" '^My name is Thorstein, and I am known as Thor-
stein the Swarthy, and my errand hither is to offer you two,
husband and wife, a home with me." Thorstein replied,
that he would consult with his wife, and she bidding him
decide, he accepted the invitation. '^I will come after you
on the morrow with a sumpter-horse, for I am not lacking
in means wherewith to provide for you both, although it will
be lonely living with me, since there are but two of us, my wife
and myself, for I, forsooth, am a very hard man to get on with ;
moreover, my faith is not the same as yours, albeit methinks
that is the better to which you hold." He returned for them
on the morrow, with the beast, and they took up their home
with Thorstein the Swarthy, and were well treated by him.
Gudrid was a woman of fine presence, and a clever woman,
and very happy in adapting herself to strangers.

Early in the winter Thorstein Ericsson ^s party was visited
by sickness, and many of his companions died. He caused
coffins to be made for the bodies of the dead, and had them con-
veyed to the ship, and bestowed there; ^^for it is my purpose
to have all the bodies taken to Ericsfirth in the summer."
It was not long before illness appeared in Thorstein's home,
and his wife, whose name was Grimhild, was first taken sick.
She was a very vigorous woman, and as strong as a man, but
the sickness mastered her; and soon thereafter Thorstein
Ericsson was seized with the illness, and they both lay ill at
the same time, and Grimhild, Thorstein the Swarthy's wife,
died, and when she was dead Thorstein went out of the roonj

58 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

to procure a deal, upon which to lay the corpse. Thereupon
Gudrid spoke. ''Do not be absent long, Thorstein mine!^'
says she. He replied, that so it should be. Thorstein Ericsson
then exclaimed: ''Our house-wife is acting now in a marvel-
lous fashion, for she is raising herself up on her elbow, and
stretching out her feet from the side of the bed, and groping
after her shoes.'' At that moment Thorstein, the master of
the house, entered, and Grimhild laid herself down, where-
withal every timber in the room creaked. Thorstein now
fashioned a coffin for Grimhild 's body, and bore it away,
and cared for it. He was a big man, and strong, but it called
for all [his strength], to enable him to remove the corpse from
the house. The illness grew upon Thorstein Ericsson, and he
died, whereat his wife, Gudrid, was sorely grieved. They were
all in the room at the time, and Gudrid was seated upon a
chair before the bench, upon which her husband, Thorstein,
was lying. Thorstein, the master of the house, then taking
Gudrid in his arms [carried her] from the chair, and seated
himself, with her, upon another bench, over against her hus-
band's body, and exerted himself in divers ways to console her,
and endeavored to reassure her, and promised her that he
would accompany her to Ericsfirth with the body of her hus-
band, Thorstein, and those of his companions: "I will like-
wise summon other persons hither," says he, "to attend upon
thee, and entertain thee." She thanked him. Then Thor-
stein Ericsson sat up, and exclaimed: "Where is Gudrid?"
Thrice he repeated the question, but Gudrid made no response.
She then asked Thorstein, the master, "Shall I give answer to
his question, or not?" Thorstein, the master, bade her make
no reply, and he then crossed the floor, and seated himself
upon the chair, with Gudrid in his lap, and spoke, saying:
"What dost thou wish, namesake?" After a little while,
Thorstein rephes: "I desire to tell Gudrid of the fate which
is in store for her, to the end that she may be better reconciled
to my death, for I am indeed come to a goodly resting-place.
This I have to tell thee, Gudrid, that thou art to marry an
Icelauder. and that ye are to have a long wedded life together,

VINLAND HISTORY OF THE FLAT ISLAND BOOK 59

and a numerous and noble progeny, illustrious, and famous,
of good odor and sweet virtues. Ye shall go from Greenland
to Norway, and thence to Iceland, where ye shall build your
home. There ye shall dwell together for a long time, but thou
shalt outlive him, and shalt then go abroad and to the South,
and shalt return to Iceland again, to thy home, and there a
church shall then be raised, and thou shalt abide there and take
the veil, and there thou shalt die.'^ When he had thus spoken,
Thorstein sank back again, and his body was laid out for burial,
and borne to the ship. Thorstein, the master, faithfully per-
formed all his promises to Gudrid. He sold his lands and live-
stock in the spring, and accompanied Gudrid to the ship, with
all his possessions. He put the ship in order, procured a crew,
and then sailed to Ericsfirth. The bodies of the dead were
now buried at the church, and Gudrid then went home to Leif
at Brattahlid, while Thorstein the Swarthy made a home for
himself on Ericsfirth, and remained there as long as he lived,
and was looked upon as a very superior man.

Of the Wineland Voyages of Thorfinn and his Companions. —
That same summer a ship came from Norway to Greenland.
The skipper's name was Thorfinn Karlsefni; he was a son of
Thord Horsehead, and a grandson of Snorri, the son of Thord
of Hofdi. Thorfinn Karlsefni, who was a very wealthy man,
passed the winter at Brattahlid with Leif Ericsson. He very
soon set his heart upon Gudrid, and sought her hand in mar-
riage ; she referred him to Leif for her answer, and was subse-
quently betrothed to him, and their marriage was celebrated
that same winter. A renewed discussion arose concerning
a Wineland voyage, and the folk urged Karlsefni to make the
venture, Gudrid joining with the others. He determined to
undertake the voyage, and assembled a company of sixty men
and five women, and entered into an agreement with his ship-
mates that they should each share equally in all the spoils of
the enterprise. They took with them all kinds of cattle,
as it was their intention to settle the country, if they could.
Karlsefni asked Leif for the house in Wineland, and he replied,
that he would lend it but not give it. They sailed out to sea

60 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

with the ship, and arrived safe and sound at Leif 's-booths, and
carried their hammocks ashore there. They were soon pro-
vided with an abundant and goodly supply of food, for a whale
of good size and quality was driven ashore there, and they
secured it, and flensed it, and had then no lack of provisions.
The cattle were turned out upon the land, and the males soon
became very restless and vicious; they had brought a bull
with them. Karlsefni caused trees to be felled, and to be
hewed into timbers, wherewith to load his ship, and the wood
was placed upon a cliff to dry. They gathered somewhat of
all of the valuable products of the land, grapes, and all kinds
of game and fish, and other good things. In the summer
succeeding the first winter, Skrellings were discovered. A
great troop of men came forth from out the woods. The
cattle were hard by, and the bull began to bellow and roar with
a great noise, whereat the Skrellings were frightened, and ran
away, with their packs wherein were gray furs, sables, and all
kinds of peltries. They fled towards Karlsefni's dwelling,
and sought to effect an entrance into the house, but Karlsefni
caused the doors to be defended [against them]. Neither
[people] could understand the other^s language. The Skrel-
lings put down their bundles then, and loosed them, and offered
their wares [for barter], and were especially anxious to ex-
change these for weapons, but Karlsefni forbade his men to
sell their weapons, and taking counsel with himself, he bade
the women carry out milk to the Skrellings, which they no
sooner saw, than they wanted to buy it, and nothing else. Now
the outcome of the Skrellings' trading was, that they carried
their wares away in their stomachs, while they left their packs
and peltries behind with Karlsefni and his companions, and
having accomplished this [exchange] they went away. Now
it is to be told, that Karlsefni caused a strong wooden palisade
to be constructed and set up around the house. It was at
this time that Gudrid, Karlsefni's wife, gave birth to a male
child, and the boy was called Snorri. In the early part of
the second winter the Skrellings came to them again, and
these were now much more numerous than before, and brought

VINLAND HISTORY OF THE FLAT ISLAND BOOK 61

with them the same wares as at first. Then said Karlsefni
to the women: ^^Do ye carry out now the same food, which
proved so profitable before, and nought else/' When they
saw this they cast their packs in over the palisade. Gudrid
was sitting within, in the doorway, beside the cradle of her in-
fant son, Snorri, when a shadow fell upon the door, and a
woman in a black namkirtle entered. She was short in stat-
ure, and wore a fillet about her head ; her hair was of a light
chestnut color, and she was pale of hue, and so big-eyed, that
never before had eyes so large been seen in a human skull.
She went up to where Gudrid was seated, and said: ^^What is
thy name?'' '^My name is Gudrid; but what is thy name?"
'^My name is Gudrid," says she. The housewife, Gudrid,
motioned her with her hand to a seat beside her ; but it so hap-
pened, that at that very instant Gudrid heard a great crash,
whereupon the woman vanished, and at that same moment
one of the Skrellings, who had tried to seize their weapons,
was killed by one of Karlsefni's followers. At this the Skrel-
lings fled precipitately, leaving their garments and wares be-
hind them; and not a soul, save Gudrid alone, beheld this
woman. ^^Now we must needs take counsel together," says
Karlsefni, ^^for that I believe they will visit us a third time,
in great numbers, and attack us. Let us now adopt this plan :
ten of our number shall go out upon the cape, and show them-
selves there, while the remainder of our company shall go into
the woods and hew a clearing for our cattle, when the troop
approaches from the forest. We will also take our bull, and
let him go in advance of us." The lie of the land was such that
the proposed meeting-place had the lake upon the one side,
and the forest upon the other. Karlsefni's advice was now
carried into execution. The Skrellings advanced to the spot
which Karlsefni had selected for the encounter, and a battle
was fought there, in which great numbers of the band of the
Skrellings were slain. There was one man among the Skrel-
lings, of large size and fine bearing, whom Karlsefni concluded
must be their chief. One of the Skrellings picked up an axe,
and having looked at it for a time, he brandished it about one

62 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

of his companions, and hewed at him, and on the instant the
man fell dead. Thereupon the big man seized the axe, and
after examining it for a moment, he hurled it as far as he could,
out into the sea ; then they fled helter-skelter into the woods,
and thus their intercourse came to an end. Karlsefni and his
party remained there throughout the winter, but in the spring
Karlsefni announces, that he is not minded to remain there
longer, but will return to Greenland. They now made ready
for the voyage, and carried away with them much booty in
vines and grapes, and peltries. They sailed out upon the high
seas, and brought their ship safely to Ericsfirth, where they
remained during the winter.

Freydis causes the Brothers to he put to Death. — There was
now much talk anew, about a Wineland-voyage, for this was
reckoned both a profitable and an honorable enterprise. The
same summer that Karlsefni arrived from Wineland, a ship
from Norway arrived in Greenland. This ship was commanded
by two brothers, Helgi and Finnbogi, who passed the winter
in Greenland. They were descended from an Icelandic family
of the East-firths. It is now to be added, that Freydis,^
Eric's daughter, set out from her home at Gardar, and waited
upon the brothers, Helgi and Finnbogi, and invited them to
sail with their vessel to Wineland, and to share with her equally
all of the good things which they might succeed in obtainmg
there. To this they agreed, and she departed thence to visit her
brother, Leif, and ask him to give her the house which he had
caused to be erected in Wineland, but he made her the same
answer [as that which he had given Karlsefni], saying, that he
would lend the house, but not give it. It was stipulated be-
tween Karlsefni and Freydis, that each should have on ship-
board thirty able-bodied men, besides the women ; but Freydis
immediately violated this compact, by concealing five men more
[than this number], and this the brothers did not discover
before they arrived in Wineland. They now put out to sea,
having agreed beforehand, that they would sail in company,

* This cruel virago plays a much less conspicuous part in the version of
Hauk's Book and AM. 557.

VINLAND HISTORY OF THE FLAT ISLAND BOOK 63

if possible, and although they were not far apart from each
other, the brothers arrived somewhat in advance, and carried
their belongings up to Leif^s house. Now when Freydis
arrived, her ship was discharged, and the baggage carried up
to the house, whereupon Freydis exclaimed: '^Why did you
carry your baggage in here ? ^^ ^^ Since we believed, ^^ said they,
^Hhat all promises made to us would be kept/' ^^It was to
me that Leif loaned the house,'' says she, ^^and not to you."
Whereupon Helgi exclaimed: ^^We brothers cannot hope to
rival thee in wrong-dealing." They thereupon carried their
baggage forth, and built a hut, above the sea, on the bank of
the lake, and put all in order about it; while Freydis caused
wood to be felled, with which to load her ship. The winter
now set in, and the brothers suggested, that they should amuse
themselves by playing games. This they did for a time, until
the folk began to disagree, when dissensions arose between
them, and the games came to an end, and the visits between
the houses ceased ; and thus it continued far into the winter.
One morning early, Freydis arose from her bed, and dressed
herself, but did not put on her shoes and stockings. A heavy
dew had fallen, and she took her husband's cloak, and wrapped
it about her, and then walked to the brothers' house, and up
to the door, which had been only partly closed by one of the
men, who had gone out a short time before. She pushed
the door open, and stood, silently, in the doorway for a time.
Finnbogi, who was lying on the innermost side of the room,
was awake, and said: ^^What dost thou wish here, Freydis?"
She answers: ^^I wish thee to rise, and go out with me, for I
would speak with thee." He did so, and they walked to a
tree, which lay close by the wall of the house, and seated them-
selves upon it. ^^How art thou pleased here?" says she.
He answers: ^^I am well pleased with the fruitfulness of the
land, but I am ill-content with the breach which has come
between us, for, methinks, there has been no cause for it."
^^It is even as thou sayest," says she, ^^and so it seems to me;
but my errand to thee is, that I wish to exchange ships with
you brothers, for that ye have a larger ship than I, and I wish

64 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

to depart from here." ^'To this I must accede," says he,
'^if it is thy pleasure." Therewith they parted, and she re-
turned home, and Finnbogi to his bed. She cUmbed up into
bed, and awakened Thorvard with her cold feet, and he asked
her why she was so cold and wet. She answered, with great
passion: ^'I have been to the brothers," says she, ^Ho try to
buy their ship, for I wished to have a larger vessel, but they
received my overtures so ill, that they struck me, and handled
me very roughly; what time thou, poor wretch, wilt neither
avenge my shame nor thy own, and I find, perforce, that I am
no longer in Greenland, moreover I shall part from thee unless
thou wreakest vengeance for this." And now he could stand
her taunts no longer, and ordered the men to rise at once, and
take their weapons, and this they did, and they then proceeded
directly to the house of the brothers, and entered it, while the
folk were asleep, and seized and bound them, and led each one
out, when he was bound; and as they came out, Freydis
caused each one to be slain. In this wise all of the men were
put to death, and only the women were left, and these no one
would kill. At this Freydis exclaimed: '^Hand me an axe !"
This was done, and she fell upon the five women, and left them
dead. They returned home, after this dreadful deed, and it
was very evident that Freydis was well content with her work.
She addressed her companions, saying: ^^If it be ordained for
us, to come again to Greenland, I shall contrive the death of
any man who shall speak of these events. We must give it
out, that we left them living here, when we came away."
Early in the spring, they equipped the ship, which had be-
longed to the brothers, and freighted it with all of the products
of the land, which they could obtain, and which the ship
would carry. Then they put out to sea, and, after a prosper-
ous voyage, arrived with their ship in Ericsfirth early in the
summer. Karlsefni was there, with his ship all ready to sail,
and was awaiting a fair wind; and people say, that a ship
richer laden, than that which he commanded, never left Green-
land.

Concerning Freydis, — Freydis now went to her home,

VIISTLAND HISTORY OF THE FLAT ISLAND BOOK 65

since it had remained unharmed during her absence. She be-
stowed Hberal gifts upon all of her companions, for she was
anxious to screen her guilt. She now established herself at
her home ; but her companions were not all so close-mouthed,
concerning their misdeeds and wickedness, that rumors did not
get abroad at last. These finally reached her brother, Leif,
and he thought it a most shameful story. He thereupon took
three of the men, wnb had been of Freydis's party, and forced
them all at the same time to a confession of the affair, and
their stories entirely agreed. '^I have no heart,^' says Leif,
^Ho punish my sister, Freydis, as she deserves, but this I pre-
dict of them, that there is little prosperity in store for their
offspring.'' Hence it came to pass, that no one from that time
forward thought them worthy of aught but evil. It now re-
mains to take up the story from the time when Karlsefni made
his ship ready, and sailed out to sea. He had a successful
voyage, and arrived in Norway safe and sound. He remained
there during the winter, and sold his wares, and both he and his
wife were received with great favor by the most distinguished
men of Norway. The following spring he put his ship in order
for the voyage to Iceland ; and when all his preparations had
been made, and his ship lying at the wharf, awaiting favorable
winds, there came to him a Southerner, a native of Bremen
in the Saxonland, who wished to buy his ^^ house-neat.'' ^
^^I do not wish to sell it," said he. ^^I will give thee half a
'mork' in gold for it," says the Southerner. This Karlsefni
thought a good offer, and accordingly closed the bargain.
The Southerner went his way, with the *^ house-neat," and
Karlsefni knew not what wood it was, but it was ^^mosur,"
come from Wineland.

Karlsefni sailed away, and arrived with his ship in the north
of Iceland, in Skagafirth. His vessel was beached there during
the winter, and in the spring he bought Glaumboeiar-land,
and made his home there, and dwelt there as long as he lived,
and was a man of the greatest prominence. From him and

^ '' A weather-vane, or other ornament at the point of the gable of a
house or upon a ship." (Fritzner.)

66 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

his wife, Gudrid, a numerous and goodly lineage is descended.
After Karlsefni's death; Gudrid, together with her son, Snorri,
who was born in Wineland, took charge of the farmstead;
and when Snorri was married, Gudrid went abroad, and made
a pilgrimage to the South, after which she returned again to
the home of her son, Snorri, who had caused a church to be
built at Glaumboer. Gudrid then took the veil and became an
anchorite, and lived there the rest of he^ays. Snorri had a
son, named Thorgeir, who was the father of Ingveld, the mother
of Bishop Brand. Hallfrid was the name of the daughter of
Snorri, Karlsefni's son ; she was the mother of Runolf, Bishop
Thorlak's father. Biorn was the name of [another] son of
Karlsefni and Gudrid; he was the father of Thorunn, the
mother of Bishop Biorn. Many men are descended from
Karlsefni, and he has been blessed with a numerous and
famous posterity; and of all men Karlsefni has given the most
exact accounts of all these voyages, of which something has
now been recounted.

FROM ADAM OF BREMEN'S ^ DESCRIPTIO
INSULARUM AQUILONIS

Moreover he ^ spoke of an island in that ocean ^ discov-
ered by many, which is called Vinland, for the reason that
vines grow wild there, which yield the best of wine. Moreover
that grain unsown * grows there abundantly, is not a fabu-
lous fancy, but, from the accounts of the Danes, we know to
be a fact. Beyond this island, it is said, that there is no habi-
table land in that ocean, but all those regions which are beyond
are filled with insupportable ice and boundless gloom, to which
Martian thus refers: ^'One day^s sail beyond Thile the sea is
frozen.^' This was essayed not long since by that very enter-

^ Adam of Bremen was a prebendary and writer on ecclesiastical history.
The Descriptio Insularum Aquilonis is an appendix to his Gesta Hamma-
burgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum. For the preparation of his work on the
''Northern Islands/' Adam spent some time at the Danish court, where he
obtained much information from the king, Svend Estridson (1047-1076), an
unusually well informed monarch. Adam's work was undoubtedly com-
pleted before the king's death, which occurred in 1076. The Descriptio
was first printed in Lindenbrog's edition of Adam's work, published in 1595,
which thus contains the first printed allusions to Vinland. Rafn gives a
facsimile of one of the manuscripts, for part of the passage.

^ Svend Estridson, king of Denmark.

^ Immediately before this extract, the author describes the islands in
the northern seas — among them Iceland — and then proceeds to speak
of newer lands ''deeper in the ocean," first of all Greenland, "far up towards
the Swedish or Riphaean mountains," distant five or seven days' sailing from
Norway, then Halagland, somewhat nearer, where the sun is above the
horizon fourteen days in summer, and lastly Vinland. That is, according
to Adam, Vinland was in a northern region.

* The reference to the "unsown grain," and vines in the preceding sen-
tence, are sufficiently characteristic to have enabled any one familiar with
the " Saga of Eric the Red " to identify the new land as Vinland, even though
it had not been named. It is interesting to note that the reference to
"unsown grain" does not appear in the Flat Island Book saga.

68 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

prising Northmen's prince, Harold/ who explored the extent
of the northern ocean with his ship, but was scarcely able by
retreating to escape in safety from the gulf's enormous abyss,
where before his eyes the vanisliing bounds of earth were hid-
den in gloom.

* Evidently a reference to Harold the Stern-ruler (Haardraade) . He
was a contemporary of Svend Estridson, and ruler in Norway from 1047 to
1066. The saga of Harold Haardraade in Snorri Sturlason's "Saga of the
Kings of Norway" contains no reference to any such expedition. Yet it
would be quite in keeping with the other adventures of this much-travelled
king to have undertaken such an expedition. It is to be noted that he did
not, according to Adam, go in search of Vinland.

FROM THE ICELANDIC ANNALS ^

ANNALES REGII

A.D. 1121. Bishop Eric^ of Greenland went in search of
Vinland.

FROM THE ELDER SKALHOLT^ ANNALS

A.D. 1347. There came also a ship from Greenland, less
in size than small Icelandic trading vessels. It came into the
outer Stream-firth.* It was without an anchor. There were
seventeen men on board, and they had sailed to Mark-
land,^ but had afterwards been driven hitlier by storms at sea.

^ Besides the Annales Regii, which are the most important, there are
several other Icelandic annals. All have, under the year 1121, the entry
given here, (facsimile in Rafn). It is the only information that they give
concerning Vinland, and is the last surviving mention of Vinland in the older
Icelandic records. It must be remarked, however, that there were no
contemporary annals as early as 1121 ; the earliest entries on Scandinavian
events are gleaned from various sources, especially the early historians.

^ According to the Landnama-bok he was an Icelander, his full name be-
ing Eric Gnupson. He is also known as Eric Uppsi. He was, according to
some accounts, the first bishop of Greenland. The exact date of his conse-
cration is not known; but the Lawman's Annals have, under date of 1112,
these words : "Bishop Eric's expedition," referring no doubt to his departure
from Iceland. There is no record of his consecration at Lund (Sweden),
the seat of the primate at that time, as in the case of his successor, Bishop
Arnold. In regard to Bishop Eric's seeking Vinland, there is no indication
anywhere why he went, or whether he ever returned. At any rate, the Green-
landers applied for a new bishop, and, according to the annals, one was con-
secrated in 1124; this was Bishop Arnold, and he reached Greenland the
following year. See ''The Tale of the Greenlanders, " in Origines Islandicae,
II. 748.

^ So called because the manuscript was found at Skalholt, in southern
Iceland. This entry (facsimile in Rafn) is corroborated, in abbreviated form,
by the Annals of Gottskalk, in these words : '' A ship came then from Green-
land, which had sailed to Markland, and there were eighteen men on board."

^ Stream-firth is on the western coast of Iceland.

^ One of the new lands mentioned in the sagas of the Vinland voyages.

PAPAL LETTERS CONCERNING THE BISH-
OPRIC OF GARDAR IN GREENLAND
DURING THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY'

LETTER OF NICHOLAS V., September 20, 1448

Called by a command from on high to preside over all the
churches in the exercise of our apostolic duty, with the Lord^s
help we employ all our solicitude in laboring for the salvation
of souls redeemed by the precious blood of Christ, and we
strive earnestly to restore to a state of peace and tranquillity,
not only those who are frequently tossed about by the storms
of impiety and error, but also those who are involved in the
hardships and whirlwinds of persecution. Profoundly im-

* In 1893 an American in Rome, Mr. J. C. Heywood, one of the papal
chamberlains, brought out, in a very small edition (twenty-five copies),
a book of photographic facsimiles of documents in the Vatican relating to
Greenland and the discovery of America, Documenta Selecta e Tabulario
Secreto Vaticano. The Latin text of those here presented may be found in
Fischer, Discoveries of the Northmen, pp. 49-51. A translation of all was
made for the Tennessee Historical Society by Rev. John B. Morris and
printed in Vol. IX. of the society's organ, the American Historical Maga-
zine. Using this translation, we have printed Letters IX. and X. as the
only ones that contain anything of particular interest concerning the Gar-
dar bishopric in Greenland, excepting, possibly, the following sentence from
Letter II. (December 4, 1276), to the Archbishop of Drontheim: "Your
Fraternity having been explicitly directed by letters apostohc to visit per-
sonally all parts of the kingdom of Norway, for the purpose of collecting
the tithes due the Holy Land, has informed us that this seems almost
impossible, when it is taken into consideration that the diocese of Gardar
in Greenland is so remote from your metropolitan see and kingdom, that
five years or more would be consumed in going thither and returning." It
has been inferred, on account of the length of this time, that the Vinland
colony was included. There is no documentary evidence of this. The
papal letters contain no reference to Vinland.

PAPAL LETTERS CONCERNING GREENLAND 71

pressed therefore with the responsibihty of our position, it is
not difficult to understand how our mind was filled with bit-
terness by the tearful lamentations ^ which have reached our
ears from our beloved children, the native and other inhabit-
ants of the island of Greenland, a region situated at the utter-
most end of the earth. The island, belonging ^ to the king-
dom of Norway, and under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the
Archbishop of Drontheim,^ received the faith of Christ almost
six ^ centuries ago, through the piety of blessed King Olaf, and
preserved it steadfastly and inviolably in accordance with the
tradition of the Roman Church, and the Apostolic See. After
their conversion, the people of this island, with untiring and
characteristic devotion, erected many temples ^ to the worship
of God and his saints, as well as a magnificent cathedral,^ in
which divine worship was diligently celebrated, until about
thirty "^ years ago, when God permitting it, a barbarous and
pagan fleet from neighboring shores * invaded the island, lay-

^ No record of these reports from Greenland has been found.

^ Both Iceland and Greenland came under Norwegian rule in 1261, dur-
ing the reign of Haakon Haakonson (1217-1263).

^ In Norway.

^ Only four and a half centuries before this time. Olaf Tryggvason, who
reigned from 995 to 1000, sent Leif Ericson as a missionary to Greenland in
the year 1000.

^ According to Northern chorography, the Eastern Settlement had one
hundred and ninety farmsteads, twelve churches, and two monasteries ; the
Western Settlement had ninety farmsteads and three churches.

^ The cathedral (hardly magnificent) was in the Eastern Settlement (i.e.,
in southern Greenland), no doubt the present Kakortok. The village of
Gardar, which gave its name to the bishopric, was at the present Kaksiarsuk.
The authority which makes this identification possible, is Ivar Bardsen's
description of Greenland written in that country in the fourteenth century.
He was for many years steward to the Gardar bishopric. An English
version of Bardsen's description is printed in Major's The Voyages of the
Venetian Brothers Zeno (London, 1873). See also Fiske, The Discovery of
America, pp. 239 and 242.

' That is, about 1418. The last notice of Greenland based on Northern
tradition is from the year 1409, telling of a marriage ceremony performed by
Endride Andreson, the last bishop. See Laing's The Sagas of the Norse
Kings (London, 1889), p. 177.

^ From Ivar Bardsen's description of Greenland it is known that the
Greenlanders first came in conflict with the Eskimos during the fourteenth

72 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

ing waste the land with fire and sword, and destroying the
sacred temples. Just nine parish churches were left standing.
To these are attached, it is said, parishes of very great extent.
These churches are left intact, because being situated in the
mountain fastnesses, they were inaccessible to the barbarian
hordes, who, after completing their work of destruction, led
captive to their shores the unfortunate inhabitants of both
sexes, and more particularly those who seemed best able to
bear the hardships of servitude and tyranny. But as the
same complaint sets forth, many of these captives, after a
time, returned to their native land. They set to work to re-
build their ruined homes, and were particularly desirous of
restoring divine worship to its former splendor. Because,
however, of their past calamities, as well as the added trials
of famine and want, they had not wherewith to support priests
or bishop. They have been consequently during these thirty
years past without the comfort and ministry of bishop or
priest, unless some one of a very zealous disposition, and at
long intervals, and in spite of danger from the raging sea,
ventured to visit the island and minister to them in those
churches which the barbarians had left standing. Having ac-
quainted us with this deplorable state of affairs, and knowing
our paternal solicitude, they have supplicated us to come to
their rescue in this their hour of spiritual need. Our hearts
have been moved by the prayers of the people of Greenland,
but not being sufficiently acquainted with the circumstances,

century. He was appointed to lead an expedition from the Eastern Settle-
ment against the Skrellings (Eskimos), who had taken possession of the
Western Settlement. When he arrived there the Skrellings had departed,
and they found nothing but ruins and some cattle running wild. See
Antiquitates Americance, p. 316.

The letter of Nicholas V. refers to an attack on the Western Settlement, of
which there is no other recorded evidence. It is not likely that it will ever
be possible to determine whether the settlement owed its final destruction
to the irruptions of the Eskimos, "to the ravages of pestilence, to the en-
forced neglect of the mother country — itself during the fifteenth century
too often in sore straits — to the iniquitous restrictions in commerce imposed
by the home government, or to a combination of several of these evils."
There was a regular succession of bishops from 1124 to the end of the four-
teenth, or perhaps the beginning of the fifteenth century.

PAPAL LETTERS CONCERNING GREENLAND 73

we direct and command you, or either of you/ beloved broth-
ers, who as we understand are the bishops Uving nearest to
that island, to institute a diligent inquiry as to whether things
are as they have been reported to us, and if you should find
them so, and the number of people warrant it, and if they
are in a condition to provide sufficiently, we command you or
either of you, to send worthy priests who will minister to them,
erect churches, govern parishes, and administer the sacraments.

Moreover, if you or either of you should deem it expedient,
and in this you will consult, of course, the metropolitan,^ if his
residence be not too far away from you, we empower you to
select and consecrate a bishop, having first required him to
take the usual oath to us and the Roman See. Be mindful,
however, that we burden your conscience with this work, and
we grant you, or either of you, full authority to carry it out,
even if there should exist any constitution of the Apostolic
See, general councils, canonical or other statutes to the con-
trary.

Given at Rome as dated above in the second year of our
pontificate.

LETTER OF ALEXANDER VI.; WRITTEN IN THE
FIRST YEARS OF HIS PONTIFICATE^

It has been reported to us that in the diocese of Gardar in
Greenland, situated at the confines af the known world, the
inhabitants, because of the scarcity of bread, wine and oil,
live for the most part on dried fish and milk products. Where-
fore because of the difficulty of passing through such immense
quantities of ice, and likewise because of the poverty of the
land, and the scant means of living, ships rarely visit its
shores. We have learned in fact that no vessel has touched
there during the past eighty years, and if a voyage be made
at all, it must be in the month of August, when the ice has

^ Addressed to the two bishops of Skalholt and Holar, in Iceland.
' The Archbishop of Drontheim in Norway.
^ Alexander VI. was pope from 1492 to 1503.

74 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

broken up. On this account, during eighty years no bishop
or priest has resided personally among those people, and by
reason of this, we are informed that many who were formerly
Catholics have forgotten the faith of their baptism, and that
no memory of the Christian religion is found, except a cor-
poral, which is shown to the people once a year, and on which
it is said the last priest who officiated there consecrated the
body of Christ a hundred years ago/ In consideration of
these things, Innocent the VIIL, our predecessor of happy
memory, wishing to provide a proper pastor for those forlorn
people, conferred with his brethren, of whom we were one,
and elected Matthias, our venerable brother, a member of the
Order of St. Benedict, as well as professed monk, at our sug-
gestion, and while we were still in minor orders, to be Bishop
of Gardar. This good man, fired with great zeal to recall
those people from the way of error to the practice of their
faith, is about to undertake this perilous voyage and labori-
ous duty.^ We, on our part, accordingly, recognizing the
pious and praiseworthy purpose of the same elect, and
wishing to succor in some manner his poverty, which is very
great indeed, command the officials of our chancery, as well
as those of our palace, under pain of excommunication ipso
facto to be incurred, that all apostoHc letters destined for the
church of Gardar, be written gratis for the glory of God alone,
without exacting or charging any stipend; and we command
the clergy and notaries of our palace to forward all letters to
the above mentioned bishop, without demanding any pay-
ment whatsoever for services rendered.

To him everything must be free, other things to the con-
trary notwithstanding.

* Evidently this is only an approximate statement.

* There are no records that this man ever reached either Greenland or
Iceland. The Greenland colony was not entirely forgotten by the home
government (Denmark-Norway). In the beginning of the sixteenth cen-
tury, Archbishop Valkendorf of Drontheim had agitated the question of
searching for the Greenland colony. During the reign of Frederick II.
of Denmark- Norway, Mogens Heinesen was in 1579 sent out, but he did
not reach the island. The Englishman John Davis, in 1585, visited the
western coast of Greenland, but found no Europeans.

ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF THE
VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS

ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT BETWEEN
THE LORDS THE CATHOLIC SOVER-
EIGNS AND CRISTOBAL COLON ^

The things prayed for, and which Your Highnesses give
and grant to Don Cristobal Colon ^ as some recompense for
what he is to discover in the Oceans, and for the voyage which
now, with the help of God, he has engaged to make therein in
the service of Your Highnesses, are the following :

Firstly, that Your Highnesses, as actual Lords of the said
Oceans, appoint from this date the said Don Cristobal Colon
to be your Admiral in all those islands and mainlands which

^ The Spanish text is that printed by Navarrete in his Coleccion de los
Viages y Descubrimientos, etc. (Madrid, 1825), II. 7-8, and taken from the
Archives of the Duke of Veragua. The translation is that of George F.
Barwick printed by Benjamin FrankUn Stevens in his Christopher Columbus
His Own Book of Privileges, 1502, etc. (London, 1893), pp. 42-45, with such
shght changes (chiefly of tenses) as were necessary to bring it into con-
formity with the text of Navarrete. This document is also given in English
translation in Memorials of Columbus (London, 1823), pp. 40-43. That
volume is a translation of G. B. Spotorno, Codice Diplomatico Colombo-
Americano (Genoa, 1823).

^ In this edition of the Narratives of the Voyages of Columbus his name
in the translation of the original documents will be given in the form used in
the originals. During his earlier years in Spain Columbus was known as
Colomo, the natural Spanish form corresponding to the Italian Colombo.
At some time prior to 1492 he adopted the form Colon, apparently to make
more probable his claim to be descended from a Roman general, Colonius,
and to be related to the French admiral, CouUon, called in contemporary
Italian sources Colombo, and Columbus in Latin. In modern texts of
Tacitus the Roman general's name is Cilonius, and modern research has
shown that the French admiral's real name was Caseneuve and that Coullon
wa^ a sobriquet added for some unknown reason. On the two French
naval commanders known as Colombo or Coullon and the baselessness of
Columbus's alleged relationship see Vignaud, Etudes Critiques sur la Vie de
Colomb, pp. 131 ff.

78 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

by his activity and industry shall be discovered or acquired
in the said oceans, during his lifetime, and likewise, after his
death, his heirs and successors one after another in perpetuity,
with all the pre-eminences and prerogatives appertaining to
the said office, and in the same manner as Don Alfonso En-
riques, your High Admiral of Castile,^ and his predecessors in
the said office held it in their districts. — It so pleases their
Highnesses. Juan de Coloma.

Likewise, that Your Highnesses appoint the said Don Cris-
tobal Colon to be your Viceroy and Governor General in all
the said islands and mainlands and in the islands which, as
aforesaid, he may discover and acquire ^ in the said seas ; and
that for the government of each and any of them he may
make choice of three persons for each office, and that Your
Higlinesses may select and choose the one who shall be most
serviceable to you; and thus the lands which our Lord shall
permit him to discover and acquire for the service of Your
Highnesses, will be the better governed. — It so pleases their
Highnesses. Juan de Coloma.

* In 1497 Columbus at his own request was supplied with a copy of the
ordinances establishing the admiralty of Castile so that he might have a docu-
mentary enumeration of his prerogatives in the Indies. This official copy
he preserved in the collection of his papers known as the Book of Privileges,
and the translation of the documents relating to the Admiralty of Castile is
given in Stevens's edition of the Book of Privileges, pp. 14 ff. This dignity
of Admiral comprised supreme or vice-regal authority on the sea and the
general range of legal jurisdiction in determining suits of law that is enjoyed
by modern courts of admiralty. A translation of Columbus's exposition of
his rights derived from his admiralty of the islands in the Ocean may be
found in P. L. Ford, Writings of Columbus (New York, 1892), pp. 177-198,
taken from Memorials of Columbus (London, 1823), pp. 205-223. For a
summary of these powers of. the Titulo that follows.

^ It is a remarkable fact that nothing is said in this patent of discovering
a route to the Indies. It is often said that the sole purpose of Columbus
was to discover such a route, yet it is clear that he expected to make some
new discoveries, and that if he did not, the sovereigns were under no specified
obligations to him. Patents are usually drawn on the lines indicated by the
petitioner. Can we conclude that the complete silence of the articles as
to the Indies means that Ferdinand and Isabella refused to make any promises
if Columbus only succeeded in reaching the known East Indies and could gain
for them no new possessions?

1492] ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT 79

Item, that of all and every kind of merchandise, whether
pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spices, and other objects
and merchandise whatsoever, of whatever kind, name and sort,
which may be bought, bartered, discovered, acquired and ob-
tained within the limits of the said Admiralty, Your High-
nesses grant from now henceforth to the said Don Cristobal,
and will that he may have and take for himself, the tenth part
of the whole, after deducting all the expenses which may be
incurred therein, so that of what shall remain clear and free
he may have and take the tenth part for himself, and may do
therewith as he pleases, the other nine parts being reserved
for Your Highnesses. — It so pleases their Highnesses. Juan
de Coloma.

Likewise, that if on account of the merchandise which he
might bring from the said islands and lands which thus, as
aforesaid, may be acquired or discovered, or of that which
may be taken in exchange for the same from other merchants
here, any suit should arise in the place where the said com-
merce and traffic shall be held and conducted; and if by the
pre-eminence of his office of Admiral it appertains to him to
take cognizance of such suit; it may please Your Highnesses
that he or his deputy, and not another judge, shall take cog-
nizance thereof and give judgment in the same from hence-
forth. — It so pleases their Highnesses, if it appertains to the
said office of Admiral, according as it was held by Admiral
Don Alfonso Enriques, and others his successors in their dis-
tricts, and if it be just. Juan de Coloma.

Item, that in all the vessels which may be equipped for
the said traffic and business, each time and whenever and as
often as they may be equipped, the said Don Cristobal Colon
may, if he chooses, contribute and pay the eighth part
of all that may be spent in the equipment, and that likewise
he may have and take the eighth part of the profits that may
result from such equipment. — It so pleases their Highnesses.
Juan de Coloma.

These are granted and despatched, with the rephes of Your
Highnesses at the end of each article, in the town of Santa Fe

^^ VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

de la Vega of Granada, on the seventeenth day of April m the
year of the nativity of our Saviour Jesus Christ, one thousand
four hundred and ninety-two. I the Eng. I the Queen
By command of the King and of the Queeu. Juan de Coloma'
Kegistered, Calcena. ,- . '

TITLE GRANTED BY THE CATHOLIC
SOVEREIGNS TO CRISTOBAL COLON OF
ADMIRAL, VICEROY AND GOVERNOR
OF THE ISLANDS AND MAINLAND THAT
MAY BE DISCOVERED 1

Don Ferdinand and Donna Isabella, by the grace of God
King and Queen of Castile, Leon, Aragon, Sicily, Granada,
Toledo, Valencia, Galicia, Majorca, Seville, Sardinia, Cordova,
Corsica, Murcia, Jaen, Algarbe, Algeciras, Gibraltar, and the
Canary Islands ; Count and Countess of Barcelona ; Lords of
Biscay and Molina ; Dukes of Athens and Neopatria ; Counts
of Roussillon and Cerdagne, Marquises of Oristano and Gozi-
ano; Forasmuch as you, Cristobal Colon, are going by our
command, with some of our ships and with our subjects, to
discover and acquire certain islands and mainland in the ocean,
and it is hoped that, by the help of God, some of the said
islands and mainland in the said ocean will be discovered and
acquired by your pains and industry ; and as it is a just and
reasonable thing that since you incur the said danger for our
service you should be rewarded for it, and since we desire to
honor and favor you on account of what is aforesaid, it is our
will and pleasure that you, the said Cristobal Colon, after you
have discovered and acquired the said islands and mainland in
the said ocean, or any of them whatsoever, shall be our Ad-
miral of the said islands and mainland which you may thus
discover and acquire, and shall be our Admiral and Viceroy

^Spanish text in Navarrete, II. 9-11. We omit the long preamble.
Spanish text and facsimile of Paris Codex in Stevens, Christopher Columbus
His Own Book of Privileges, pp. 49 ff. The translation is that of George F.
Barwick. This document is also to be found in Enghsh in Memorials of
Columbus (London, 1823), pp. 52-57.
0 81

82 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

and Governor therein, and shall be empowered from that time
forward to call and entitle yourself Don Cristobal Colon, and
that your sons and successors in the said office and charge may
Ukewise entitle and call themselves Don, and Admiral and
Viceroy and Governor thereof ; and that you may have power
to use and exercise the said office of Admiral, together with
the said office of Viceroy and Governor of the said islands and
mainland which you may thus discover and acquire, by your-
self or by your heutenants, and to hear and determine all the
suits and causes civil and criminal appertaining to the said
office of Admiralty, Viceroy, and Governor according as you
shall find by law, and as the Admirals of our kingdoms are
accustomed to use and exercise it; and may have power to
punish and chastise dehnquents, and exercise the said offices
of Admiralty, Viceroy, and Governor, you and your said
lieutenants, in all that concerns and appertains to the said
offices and to each of them; and that you shall have and
levy the fees and salaries annexed, belonging and appertain-
ing to the said offices and to each of them, according as our
High Admiral in the Admiralty of our kingdoms levies and is
accustomed to levy them. And by this our patent, or by the
transcript thereof signed by a public scrivener, we command
Prince Don Juan, our very dear and well beloved son, and
the Infantes, dukes, prelates, marquises, counts, masters of
orders, priors, commanders, and members of our council, and
auditors of our audiencia, alcaldes, and other justices whom-
soever of our household, court, and chancery, and sub-com-
manders, alcaldes of castles and fortified and unfortified
houses, and all councillors, assistants, regidores, alcaldes, bail-
iffs, judges, veinticuatros, jurats, knights, esquires, officers,
and liege men ^ of all the cities, towns, and places of our king-
doms and dominions, and of those which you may conquer

* Audiencia means the king's court of justice ; regidores are roughly equiv-
alent to members of a town council. The Navarrete text has corregidores,
town governors appointed by the king. Veinticuatros were town councillors,
so called because commonly 24 in number. Jurats were municipal executive
officers in Aragon. The original which is translated ''liege men" is Homes-
Buenos. Further explanations of these offices may be found in Hume,

1492] TITLE GRANTED TO COLUMBUS 83

and acquire, and the captains, masters, mates, officers, mari-
ners, and seamen, our natural subjects who now are or here-
after shall be, and each and any of them, that upon the said
islands and mainland in the said ocean being discovered and
acquired by you, and the oath and formality requisite in such
case having been made and done by you or by him who may
have your procuration,^ they shall have and hold you from
thenceforth for the whole of your life, and your son and suc-
cessor after you, and successor after successor for ever and
ever, as our Admiral of the said ocean, and as Viceroy and
Governor of the said islands and mainland, which you, the
said Don Cristobal Colon, may discover and acquire ; and they
shall treat with you, and with your said Heutenants whom
you may place in the said offices of Admiral, Viceroy, and
Governor, about everything appertaining thereto, and shall
pay and cause to be paid to you the salary, dues and other
things annexed and appertaining to the said offices, and shall
observe and cause to be observed toward you all the honors,
graces, favors, liberties, pre-eminences, prerogatives, exempt
tions, immunities, and all other things, and each of them,
which in virtue of the said offices of Admiral, Viceroy, and
Governor you shall be entitled to have and enjoy, and which
ought to be observed towards you in every respect fully and
completely so that nothing may be diminished therefrom ; and
that neither therein nor in any part thereof shall they place
or consent to place hindrance or obstacle against you ; for we
by this our patent from now henceforth grant to you the said
offices of Admiralty, Viceroy, and Governor, by right of in-
heritance for ever and ever, and we give you actual and pro-
spective possession thereof, and of each of them, and power
and authority to use and exercise it, and to collect the dues
and salaries annexed and appertaining to them and to each
of them, according to what is aforesaid. Concerning all that
is aforesaid, if it should be necessary and you should require

Spain, Its Greatness and Decay, pp. 18 ff., and in The Cambridge Modern
History, I. 348 ff.

^ Procuration = power of attorney.

84 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

it of them, we command our chancellor and notaries and the
other officers who are at the board of our seals to give, deliver,
pass, and seal for you our patent of privilege with the circle
of signatures, in the strongest, firmest, and most sufficient
manner that you may request and may find needful, and nei-
ther one nor the other of you or them shall do contrary hereto
in any manner, under penalty of our displeasure and of ten
thousand maravedis ^ to our chamber, upon every one who
shall do to the contrary. And further we command the man
who shall show them this our patent, to cite them to appear
before us in our court, wheresoever we may be, within fif-
teen days from the day of citation, under the said penalty,
under which we command every public scrivener who may be
summoned for this purpose, to give to the person who shall
show it to him a certificate thereof signed with his signature,
whereby we ma}^ know in what manner our command is exe-
cuted. Given in our city of Granada, on the thirtieth day of
the month of April, in the year of the nativity of our Lord
Jesus Christ one thousand four hundred and ninety-two.
I the King. I the Queen. I, Juan de Coloma, Secretary of
the King and of the Queen, our Lords, caused this to be writ-
ten by their command. Granted in form, Roderick, Doctor.
Registered, Sebastian de Olano. Francisco de Madrid, Chan-
cellor.

* The maravedi at this time was equal in coin value to about two-thirds
of a cent.

JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE
OF COLUMBUS

INTRODUCTION

The contents of Columbus's Journal of his first voyage were
first made known to the public in the epitome incorporated in
Ferdinand Columbus's life of the Admiral, which has come
down to us only in the Italian translation of Alfonso UUoa,
the Historie del S. D, Fernando Colombo nelle quali s^ha par-
ticolare e vera relazione della vita e de* fatti delV Ammiraglio
D. Christoforo Colombo suo padrej etc. (Venice, 1571). This
account is accessible in EngUsh in Churchiirs Voyages, Vol. II.,
and in Pinkerton's Voyages, Vol. XII.

Another epitome was prepared by Bartolome de Las Casas
and inserted in his Historia de las Indias. This account was
embodied in the main by Antonio de Herrera in his Historia
General de las Indias Occidentales (Madrid, 1601). It is ac-
cessible in Enghsh in John Stevens's translation of Herrera
(London, 1725-1726).

These independent epitomes of the original were supple-
mented in 1825 by the publication by the Spanish archivist
Martin Fernandez de Navarrete in his Coleccion de los Viages
y Descubrimientos que hicieron por mar los Espanoles desde fines
del sigh XV, of a considerably more detailed narrative (hke-
wise independently abridged from the original) which existed
in two copies in the archives of the Duke del Infantado. Na-
varrete says that the handwriting of the older copy is that of
Las Casas and that Las Casas had written some explanatory
notes in the margin. This longer narrative, here reprinted,
was first translated by Samuel Kettell of Boston and pub-
lished in 1827 under the title Personal Narrative of the First

S8 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS

Voyage of Columbus. The next translation was that of Clem-
ents R. Markham for the Hakluyt Society in 1893. A third
and very exact rendering appeared in 1903 in John Boyd
Thacher's Christopher Columbus, Vol. I.

The translation given here is that of Sir Clements R.
Markham with some shght revisions. When we recall the very
scanty and fragmentary knowledge which we have of the
Cabot voyages, and how few in fact of the great discoverers
of this era left personal narratives of their achievements, we
realize our singular good fortune in possessing so full a daily
record from the hand of Columbus himself which admits us
as it were '^ into the very presence of the Admiral to share his
thoughts and impressions as the strange panorama of his ex-
periences unfolded before him.'^ ^ Sir Clements R. Markham
declares the Journal ^'the most important document in the
whole range of the history of geographical discovery, because
it is a record of the enterprise which changed the whole face,
not only of that history, but of the history of mankind.^' ^

Edward G. Bourne.

* Bourne, Spain in America, p. 22.

' Journal of Christopher Columbics, p. viii.

the
ieSj

ner

I of
t92,
the
ery
ond
the
5 of
the
kiss
my
for-
II ds

his
•ned
ther

from

56 ff.
Tarco
oy of
s ad
read

\ft -/^■^•- '"4, \ r-'<^-i^-=T \, »^,-'

Sxond ■• •49$-'

T«.,< ■4»« i3«-|—

*•'*'•••

Voyi
ents
and
Tha(
1
Marl
scan
Cab(
of tl
reali
reco]
as it
thou
peri6
decl^
who)
it is
not (

JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE OF

COLUMBUS

This is the first voyage and the routes and direction taken hy the
Admiral Don Cristobal Colon when he discovered the Indies,
summarized; except the prologue made for the Sovereigns,
which is given word for word and commences in this manner

In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ

Because, 0 most Christian, and very high, very excellent,
and puissant Princes, King and Queen of the Spains and of
the islands of the Sea, our Lords, in this present year of 1492,
after your Highnesses had given an end to the war with the
Moors who reigned in Europe, and had finished it in the very
great city of Granada, where in this present year, on the second
day of the month of January, by force of arms, I saw the
royal banners of your Highnesses placed on the towers of
Alfambra,^ which is the fortress of that city, and I saw the
Moorish King come forth from the gates of the city and kiss
the royal hands of your Highnesses, and of the Prince my
Lord, and presently in that same month, acting on the infor-
mation that I had given to your Highnesses touching the lands
of India, and respecting a Prince who is called Gran Can,
which means in our language King of Kings, how he and his
ancestors had sent to Rome many times to ask for learned
men ^ of our holy faith to teach him, and how the Holy Father

^ The Alhambra.

^ This information Columbus is ordinarily supposed to have derived from
Toscanelli's letter which may be found in Fiske, Discovery of America, I. 356 ff .
and 11. App. The original source of the information, however, is Marco
Polo, and Columbus summarized the passage on the margin in his copy of
Marco Polo, Lib. i., ch. iv., as follows : " Magnus Kam misit legatos ad
pontificem : '' Raccolta Colomhiana, Part i, Tomo 2, p. 446. That he read

90 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

had never complied, insomuch that many people believing in
idolatries were lost by receiving doctrine of perdition : your
Highnesses, as Catholic Christians and Princes who love the
holy Christian faith, and the propagation of it, and who are
enemies to the sect of Mahoma and to all idolatries and here-
sies, resolved to send me, Cristobal Colon, to the said parts
of India to see the said princes, and the cities and lands, and
their disposition, with a view that they might be converted to
our holy faith ; ^ and ordered that I should not go by land to
the eastward, as had been customary, but that I should go by
way of the west, whither up to this day, we do not know for
certain that any one has gone.

Thus, after having turned out all the Jews from all your
kingdoms and lordships, in the same month of January,^ your
Highnesses gave orders to me that with a sufficient fleet I
should go to the said parts of India, and for this they made
great concessions to me, and ennobled me, so that hencefor-
ward I should be called Don, and should be Chief Admiral of
the Ocean Sea, perpetual Viceroy and Governor of all the
islands and continents that I should discover and gain, and
that I might hereafter discover and gain in the Ocean Sea,
and that my eldest son should succeed, and so on from genera-
tion to generation for ever.

I left the city of Granada on the 12th day of May, in the same
year of 1492, being Saturday, and came to the town of Palos,
which is a seaport ; where I equipped three vessels well suited
for such service ; and departed from that port, well supplied
with provisions and with many sailors, on the 3d day of August
of the same year, being Friday, half an hour before sunrise,

and annotated these passages before 1492 seems most probable. See
Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 10-15, and Vignaud, Toscanelli and Colum-
bus, p. 284.

^ It is interesting to notice the emphasis of the missionary motive in this
preamble. Nothing is said in regard to the search for a new route to the
Indies for commercial reasons. Nor is reference made to the expectation
of new discoveries which is prominent in the royal patent granted to Colum-
bus, see above p. 78.

' The edict of expulsion bears the date of March 30.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 91

taking the route to the islands of Canaria, belonging to your
Highnesses, which are in the said Ocean Sea, that I might
thence take my departure for navigating until I should arrive
at the Indies, and give the letters of your Highnesses to those
princes, so as to comply with my orders. As part of my duty
I thought it well to write an account of all the voyage very
punctually, noting from day to day all that I should do and
see, and that should happen, as will be seen further on. Also,
Lords Princes, I resolved to describe each night what passed
in the day, and to note each day how I navigated at night.
I propose to construct a new chart for navigating, on which
I shall delineate all the sea and lands of the Ocean in their
proper positions under their bearings ; and further, I propose
to prepare a book, and to put down all as it were in a picture,
by latitude from the equator, and western longitude. Above
all, I shall have accomplished much, for I shall forget sleep,
and shall work at the business of navigation, that so the ser-
vice may be performed ; all which will entail great labor.

Friday J 3d of August

We departed on Friday, the 3d of August, in the year 1492,
from the bar of Saltes, at 8 o^clock, and proceeded with a
strong sea breeze until sunset, towards the south, for 60 miles,
equal to 15 leagues ; ^ afterwards S.W. and W.S.W., which
was the course for the Canaries.

Saturday, Uh of August
They steered S.W. i S.

Sunday, 5th of August

They continued their course day and night more than 40
leagues.

* Columbus reckoned in Italian miles, four of which make a league,

(Navarrete.)

52 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

Monday y 6th of August

The rudder of the caravel Pinta became unshipped, and
Martin Alonso Pinzon, who was in command, beheved or sus-
pected that it was by contrivance of Gomes Rascon and
Cristobal Quintero, to whom the caravel belonged, for they
dreaded to go on that voyage. The Admiral says that, before
they sailed, these men had been displaying a certain back-
wardness, so to speak. The Admiral was much disturbed at
not being able to help the said caravel without danger, and
he says that he was eased of some anxiety when he reflected
that Martin Alonso Pinzon was a man of energy and ingenuity.
They made, during the day and night, 29 leagues.

Tuesday f 7th of August

The rudder of the Pinta was shipped and secured, and they
proceeded on a course for the island of Lanzarote, one of the
Canaries. They made, during the day and night, 25 leagues.

Wednesday J 8th of August

Opinions respecting their position varied among the pilots
of the three caravels; but that of the Admiral proved to be
nearer the truth. He wished to go to Gran Canaria, to leave
the caravel Pinta, because she was disabled by the faulty hang-
ing of her rudder, and was making water. He intended to
obtain another there if one could be found. They could not
reach the place that day.

Thursday J 9th of August

The Admiral was not able to reach Gomera until the night
of Sunday, while Martin Alonso remained on that coast of
Gran Canaria by order of the Admiral, because his vessel could
not be navigated. Afterwards the Admiral took her to
Canaria, and they repaired the Pinta very thoroughly through

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 93

the pains and labor of the Admiral, of Martin Alonso, and of
the rest. Finally they came to Gomera. They saw a great
fire issue from the mountain of the island of Tenerife, which
is of great height. They rigged the Pinta with square sails,
for she was lateen rigged; and the Admiral reached Gomera
on Sunday, the 2nd of September, with the Pinta repaired.

The Admiral says that many honorable Spanish gentlemen
who were at Gomera with Dona Ines Peraza, mother of Guillen
Peraza (who was afterwards the first Count of Gomera), and
who were natives of the island of Hierro, declared that every
year they saw land to the west of the Canaries; and others,
natives of Gomera, affirmed the same on oath. The Admiral
here says that he remembers, when in Portugal in the year
1484, a man came to the King from the island of Madeira, to
beg for a caravel to go to this land that was seen, who swore
that it could be seen every year, and always in the same way.^
He also says that he recollects the same thing being affirmed
in the islands of the Azores ; and all these lands were described
as in the same direction, and as being like each other, and of
the same size. Having taken in water, wood, and meat, and
all else that the men had who were left at Gomera by the Ad-
miral when he went to the island of Canaria to repair the cara-
vel Pintaj he finally made sail from the said island of Gomera^
with his three caravels, on Thursday, the 6th day of Sep-
tember.

Thursday, Qth of September

He departed on that day from the port of Gomera in the
morning, and shaped a course to go on his voyage; having
received tidings from a caravel that came from the island of
Hierro that three Portuguese caravels were off that island with
the object of taking him. (This must have been the result

^ On June 30, 1484, King John II. of Portugal granted to Fernam Domim
guez do Arco, ''resident in the island of Madeyra, if he finds it, an island which
he is now going in search of.'' Alguns Documentos do Archivo Nacional dn
Torre do Tombo, p. 56.

94 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

of the King's annoyance that Colon should have gone to Cas-
tile.) There was a calm all that day and night, and in the
morning he found himself between Gomera and Tenerife.

Friday y 7th of September

The calm continued all Friday and Saturday, imtil the
third hour of the night.

Saturday, Sth of September

At the third hour of Saturday night ^ it began to blow
from the N.E., and the Admiral shaped a course to the west.
He took in much sea over the bows, which retarded progress,
and 9 leagues were made in that day and night.

Sunday, 9th of September

This day the Admiral made 19 leagues, and he arranged
to reckon less than the number run, because if the voyage was
of long duration, the people would not be so terrified and dis-
heartened. In the night he made 120 miles, at the rate of 12
miles an hour, w^hich are 30 leagues. The sailors steered badly,
letting the ship fall off to N.E., and even more, respecting
which the Admiral complained many times.^

Monday J 10th of September

In this day and night he made 60 leagues, at the rate of
10 miles an hour, which are 2j leagues; but he only counted

* Tres horas de noche means three hours after sunset.

'"On this day [Sunday, Sept. 9] they lost sight of land; and many,
fearful of not being able to return for a long time to see it, sighed and shed
tears. But the admiral, after he had comforted all with big offers of much
land and wealth to keep them in hope and to lessen their fear which they
had of the long way, when that day the sailors reckoned the distance 18
leagues, said he had counted only 15, having decided to lessen the record so
that the crew would not think they were as far from Spain as in fact they
were." Historie del Signor Don Fernando Colombo (London ed., 1867),
pp. 61-62.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 95

48 leagues, that the people might not be alarmed if the voyage
should be long.

Tuesday, 11th of September

That day they sailed on their course, which was west, and
made 20 leagues and more. They saw a large piece of the mast
of a ship of 120 tons, but were unable to get it. In the night
they made nearly 20 leagues, but only counted 16, for the
reason already given.

Wednesday, 12th of September

That day, steering their course, they made 33 leagues
during the day and night, counting less.

Thursday, 13th of September

That day and night, steering their course, which was west,
they made 33 leagues, counting 3 or 4 less. The currents
were against them. On this day, at the commencement of the
night, the needles turned a half point to north-west, and in
the morning they turned somewhat more north-west.^

* Las Casas in his Historia, I. 267, says "on that day at nightfall the
needles northwested that is to say the fleur de lis which marks the north
was not pointing directly at it but verged somewhat to the left of north and
in the morning northeasted that is to say the fleur de lis pointed to right
of the north until sunset.''

The Historie agrees with the text of the Journal that the needle declined
more to the west, instead of shifting to an eastern declination.

The author of the /fis^one remarks : "This variation no one had ever
observed up to this time/' p. 62. "Columbus had crossed the point of no
variation, which was then near the meridian of Flores, in the Azores, and
found the variation no longer easterly, but more than a point westerly.
His explanation that the pole-star, by means of which the change was de-
tected, was not itself stationary, is very plausible. For the pole-star really
does describe a circle round the pole of the earth, equal in diameter to about
six times that of the sun ; but this is not equal to the change observed in
the direction of the needle." (Markham.)

96 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

Friday, lith of September

That day they navigated, on their westerly course, day
and night, 20 leagues, counting a httle less. Here those of
the caravel Nina reported that they had seen a tern ^ and a
boatswain bird,^ and these birds never go more than 25 leagues
from the land.^

Saturday J 15th of September

That day and night they made 27 leagues and rather more
on their west course ; and in the early part of the night there
fell from heaven into the sea a marvellous flame of fire, at a
distance of about 4 or 5 leagues from them.

Sunday, IQth of September

That day and night they steered their course west, making
39 leagues, but the Admiral only counted 36. There were
some clouds and small rain. The Admiral says that on that
day, and ever afterwards, they met with very temperate
breezes, so that there was great pleasure in enjoying the
mornings, nothing being wanted but the song of nightingales.
He says that the weather was like April in Andalusia. Here
they began to see many tufts of grass which were very green,
and appeared to have been quite recently torn from the land.
From this they judged that they were near some island, but

* Garjao. This word is not in the Spanish dictionaries that I have con-
sulted. The translator has followed the French translators MM. Chalu-
meau de Verneuil and de la Roquette who accepted the opinion of the
naturalist Cuvier that the Garjao was the hirondelle de mer, the Sterna
maxima or royal tern.

^ Rabo de junco, literally, reedtail, is the tropic bird or Phaethon. The
name "boatswain-bird" is applied to some other kinds of birds, besides
the tropic bird. Cf. Alfred Newton, Dictionary of Birds (London, 1896).
Ferdinand Columbus says: rabo di giunco, "a bird so called because it has
a long feather in its tail," p. 63.

^ This remark is, of course, not true of the tropic bird or rabo de
junco, as was abundantly proved on this voyage.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 97

not the main land, according to the Admiral, '^ because/' as
he says, ^^I make the main land to be more distant."

Monday y 17th of September

They proceeded on their west course, and made over 50
leagues in the day and night, but the Admiral only counted
47. They were aided by the current. They saw much very
fine grass and herbs from rocks, which came from the west.
They, therefore, considered that they were near land. The
pilots observed the north point, and found that the needles
turned a full point to the west of north. So the mariners were
alarmed and dejected, and did not give their reason. But the
Admiral knew, and ordered that the north should be again
observed at dawn. They then found that the needles were true.
The cause was that the star makes the movement, and not the
needles. At dawn, on that Monday, they saw much more
weed appearing, like herbs from rivers, in which they found a
live crab, which the Admiral kept. He says that these crabs
are certain signs of land. The sea-water was found to be less
salt than it had been since leaving the Canaries. The breezes
were always soft. Every one was pleased, and the best sailers
went ahead to sight the first land. They saw many tunny-
fish, and the crew of the Nina killed one. The Admiral here
says that these signs of land came from the west, ^^in which
direction I trust in that high God in whose hands are all vic-
tories that very soon we shall sight land.'' In that morning
he says that a white bird was seen which has not the habit
of sleeping on the sea, called rabo de junco (boatswain-bird).*

Tuesday, 18th of September

This day and night they made over 55 leagues, the Admiral
only counting 48. In all these days the sea was very smooth,
like the river at Seville. This day Martin Alonso, with the
Pinta, which was a fast sailer, did not wait, for he said to the

* See p. 96, note 2.

98 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

Admiral, from his caravel, that he had seen a great multitude
of birds flying westward, that he hoped to see land that night,
and that he therefore pressed onward. A great cloud appeared
in the north, which is a sign of the proximity of land.

Wednesday y 19th of September

The Admiral continued on his course, and during the day
and night he made but 25 leagues because it was calm. He
counted 22. This day, at 10 oVlock, a booby ^ came to the
ship, and in the afternoon another arrived, these birds not
generally going more than 20 leagues from the land. There
was also some drizzHng rain without wind, which is a sure
sign of land. The Admiral did not wish to cause delay by
beating to windward to ascertain whether land was near, but
he considered it certain that there were islands both to the
north and south of his position, (as indeed there were, and he
was passing through the middle of them). For his desire was
to press onwards to the Indies, the weather being fine. For
on his return, God willing, he could see all. These are his
own words. Here the pilots found their positions. He of the
Nina made the Canaries 440 leagues distant, the Pinta 420.
The pilot of the Admiral's ship made the distance exactly 400
leagues.

Thursday, 20th of September

This day the course was W.b.N., and as her head was all
round the compass owing to the calm that prevailed,^ the
ship made only 7 or 8 leagues. Two boobies came to the ship,

* Alcatraz. The rendering "booby" follows Cuvier's note to the
French translation. The "booby" is the "booby gannet." The Spanish
dictionaries give pelican as the meaning of Alcatraz. The gannets and the
pelicans were formerly classed together. The word Alcatraz was taken over
into English and corrupted to Albatros. Alfred Newton, Dictionary of Birds
(London, 1896), art. "Albatros."

^ More exactly, " He sailed this day toward the West a quarter northwest
and half the division [i.e., west by north and west by one eighth northwest]
because of the veering winds and calm that prevailed."

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 99

and afterwards 'another, a sign of the proximity of land. They
saw much weed, although none was seen on the previous day.
They caught a bird with the hand, which was hke a tern. But
it was a river-bird, not a sea-bird, the feet being hke those of
a gull. At dawn two or three land-birds came singing to the
ship, and they disappeared before sunset. Afterwards a
booby came from W.N.W., and flew to the S.W., which was a
sign that it left land in the W.N.W. ; for these birds sleep on
shore, and go to sea in the mornings in search of food, not
extending their flight more than 20 leagues from the land.

Friday, 21st of September

Most of the day it was calm, and later there was a little
wind. During the day and night they did not make good
more than 13 leagues. At dawn they saw so much weed that
the sea appeared to be covered with it, and it came from the
west. A booby was seen. The sea was very smooth, like a
river, and the air the best in the world. They saw a whale,
which is a sign that they were near land, because they always
keep near the shore.

Saturday, 22nd of September

They shaped a course W.N.W. more or less, her head turn-
ing from one to the other point, and made 30 leagues. Scarcely
any weed was seen. They saw some sandpipers and another
bird. Here the Admiral says: '^This contrary wind was very
necessary for me, because my people were much excited at
the thought that in these seas no wind ever blew in the direc-
tion of Spain." Part of the day there was no weed, and later
it was very thick.

Sunday, 23rd of September

They shaped a course N.W., and at times moi*e northerly;
occasionally they were on their, course, v^hiol; was west,
and they made about 22 leagues. 'They ^aw a dove and a

100 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

booby, another river-bird, and some white birds. There was
a great deal of weed, and they found crabs in it. The sea
being smooth and calm, the crew began to murmur, saying
that here there was no great sea, and that the wind would
never blow so that they could return to Spain. Afterwards
the sea rose very much, without wind, which astonished them.
The Admiral here says : '^ Thus the high sea was very necessary
to me, such as had not appeared but in the time of the Jews
when they went out of Egypt and murmured against Moses,
who dehvered them out of captivity.'^ ^

Monday, 2Uh of September

The Admiral went on his west course all day and night,
making 14 leagues. He counted 12. A booby came to the
ship, and many sandpipers.^

Tuesday, 25th of September

This day began with a calm, and afterwards there was
wind. They were on their west course until night. The Ad-
miral conversed with Martin Alonso Pinzon, captain of the
other caravel Pinta, respecting a chart which he had sent to
the caravel three days before, on which, as it would appear,

* The abridger of the original journal missed the point here and his epit-
ome is unintelligible. Las Casas says in his Historia, I. 275 : ''The Admiral
says in this place that the adverseness of the winds and the high sea were
very necessary to him since they freed the crew of their erroneous idea that
there would be no favorable sea and winds for their return and thereby they
received some relief of mind or were not in so great despair, yet even then
some objected, saying that that wind would not last, up to the Sunday
following, when they had nothing to answer when they saw the sea so high.
By which means, Cristdbal Colon says here, God dealt with him and with
them as he dealt with Moses and the Jews when he drew them from Egypt
showing signs to favor and aid him and to their confusion."

* Las Casas, Historia, I. 275-276, here describes with detail the discon-
tent of the sailors anu their plots to put Columbus out of the way. The
passage is translated in Tb/^.cher, Christopher Columbus, I. 524. The word
rendered "sandnip-ers" is ^pardelas, petrels. The French translation has
petrels tachetes, i.e., "pintado petrels," or cape pigeons.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 101

the Admiral had certainis lands depicted in that sea/ Martin
Alonso said that the ships were in the position on which the
islands were placed, and the Admiral rephed that so it appeared
to him : but it might be that they had not fallen in with them,
owing to the currents which had always set the ships to the
N.E., and that they had not made so much as the pilots re-
ported. The Admiral then asked for the chart to be returned,
and it was sent back on a line.^ The Admiral then began to

^ More exactly, "On which it seems the Admiral had painted cer-
tain islands." The Spanish reads: ^' donde segun parece tenia pintadas el
Almirante ciertas islas," etc. The question is whether Columbus made the
map or had it made. The rendering of the note is supported by the
French translators and by Harrisse.

^ Las Casas, I. 279, says: "This map is the one which Paul, the physi-
cian, the Florentine, sent, which I have in my possession with other articles
which belonged to the Admiral himself who discovered these Indies, and writ-
ings in his own hand which came into my possession. In it he depicted many
islands and the main land which were the beginning of India and in that
region the realms of the Grand Khan," etc. Las Casas does not tell us how
he knew that the Toscanelli map which he found in Columbus's papers was
the map that the Admiral used on the first voyage. That is the general
assumption of scholars, but there is no positive evidence of the fact. The
Toscanelli map is no longer extant, and all reconstructions of it are based on
the globe of Martin Behaim constructed in 1492. The reconstruction by
H. Wagner which may be seen in S. Ruge, Columbus, 2*® aufl. (Berlin, 1902)
is now accepted as the most successful.

According to the reckoning of the distances in the Journal, Columbus
was now about 550 leagues or 2200 Italian miles west of the Canaries. The
Toscanelli map was divided off into spaces each containing 250 miles. Colum-
bus was therefore nine spaces west of the Canaries. No reconstruction of
Toscanelli 's map puts any islands at nine spaces from the Canaries except
so far as the reconstructors insert the island of Antilia on the basis of Behaim 'sr
globe. The Antilia of Behaim according to Wagner was eight spaces wesi
of the Canaries. Again Ferdinand Columbus, in his Historie under date o\
October 7 (p. 72), says the sailors "had been frequently told by him that he
did not look for land until they had gone 750 leagues west from the Canaries,
at which distance he had told them he would have found Espanola then
called Cipango." 750 leagues or 3000 Italian miles would be 12 spaces
on the Toscanelli map. But according to the Toscanelli letter Cipango
was 10 spaces west of Antilia, and therefore 18 spaces or 4500 miles west
of the Canaries. Columbus then seems to have expected to find Cipango
some 1500 miles to the east of where it was placed on the Toscanelli map.
These considerations justify a very strong doubt whether Columbus was
shaping his course and basing his expectations on the data of the Tosca-
nelli letter and map, or whether the fact that Las Casas found what he

102 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

plot the position on it, with the pilot and mariners. At sun-
set Martin Alonso went up on the poop of his ship, and with
much joy called to the Admiral, claimmg the reward as he had
sighted land. When the Admiral heard this positively de-
clared, he says that he gave thanks to the Lord on his knees,
while Martin Alonso said the Gloria in excelsis with his people.
The Admiral's crew did the same. Those of the Nina all went
up on the mast and into the rigging, and declared that it was
land. It so seemed to the Admiral, and that it was distant
25 leagues. They all continued to declare it was land until
night. The Admiral ordered the course to be altered from
W. to S.W., in which direction the land had appeared. That
day they made 4 leagues on a west course, and 17 S.W. during
the night, m all 21 ; but the people were told that 13 was the
distance made good: for it was always feigned to them that
the distances were less, so that the voyage might not appear
so long. Thus two reckonings were kept on this voyage, the
shorter being feigned, and the longer being the true one. The
sea was very smooth, so that many sailors bathed alongside.
They saw many dorados^ and other fish.

Wednesday y 2&th of September

The Admiral continued on the west course imtil afternoon.
Then he altered course to S.W., imtil he made out that what
had been said to be land was only clouds. Day and night
they made 31 leagues, counting 24 for the people. The sea
was hke a river, the air pleasant and very mild.

Thursday, 27th of September

The course west, and distance made good during day and
night 24 leagues, 20 being counted for the people. Many
dorados came. One was killed. A boatswain-bird came.

took to be the Toscanelli map in the Admiral's papers proves that it was
that map which he had on his first voyage.

' Dorado is defined by Stevens as the dory or gilt head.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 103

Friday J 2Sth of September

The course was west, and the distance, owing to cahns,
only 14 leagues in day and night, 13 leagues being counted.
They met with little weed ; but caught two dorados, and more
in the other ships.

Saturday y 29th of September

The course was west, and they made 24 leagues, counting
21 for the people. Owing to calms, the distance made good
during day and night was not much. They saw a bird called
rabiforcado ^ (man-o'-war bird), which makes the boobies
vomit what they have swallowed, and eats it, maintaining
itself on nothing else. It is a sea-bird, but does not sleep on
the sea, and does not go more than 20 leagues from the land.
There are many of them at the Cape Verde Islands. After-
wards they saw two boobies. The air was very mild and agree-
able, and the Admiral says that nothing was wanting but to
hear the nightingale. The sea smooth as a river. Later,
three boobies and a man-o^-war bird were seen three times.
There was much weed.

Sunday, 30th of September

The western course was steered, and during the day and
night, owing to calms, only 14 leagues were made, 11 being
counted. Four boatswain-birds came to the ship, which is a
great sign of land, for so many birds of this kind together is a
sign that they are not straying or lost. They also twice saw
four boobies. There was much weed. Note that the stars
which are called Las Guardias (the Pointers^), when night

^ Rabiforcado, Portuguese. The Spanish form is rabihorcado. It means
''forked tail." The modern EngUsh equivalent is ''frigate bird." It is
"the Fregata aquila of most ornithologists, the Fregate of French and the
Rabihorcado of Spanish mariners." Newton, Dictionary of Birds, art.
"Frigate-Bird." Newton says that the name "man-of-war bird " has gen-
erally passed out of use in books.

^ Rather, the Guards, the name given to the two brightest stars in
the constellation of the Little Bear. The literal translation is : "the Guards,

104 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

comes on, are near the western point, and when dawn breaks
they are near the N.E. point; so that, during the whole night,
they do not appear to move more than three lines or 9 hours,
and this on each night. The Admiral says this, and also
that at nightfall the needles vary a point westerly, while at
dawn they agree exactly with the star. From this it would
appear that the north star has a movement Uke the other
stars, while the needles always point correctly.

Monday y 1st of October

Course west, and 25 leagues made good, counted for the
crew as 20 leagues. There was a heav}^ shower of rain. At
dawn the Admiral's pilot made the distance from Hierro 578
leagues to the west. The reduced reckonmg which the Admi-
ral showed to the crew made it 584 leagues; but the truth
which the Admiral observed and kept secret was 707.

Tuesday, 2nd of October

Course west, and during the day and night 39 leagues were
made good, counted for the crew as 30. The sea always
smooth. Many thanks be given to God, says the Admiral,
that the weed is coming from east to west, contrary to its usual
course. Many fish were seen, and one was killed. A white
bird was also seen that appeared to be a gull.

Wednesday, 3rd of October

They navigated on the usual course, and made good 47
leagues, counted as 40. Sandpipers appeared, and much
weed, some of it very old and some quite fresh and having
fruit. They saw no birds. The Admiral, therefore, thought
that they had left the islands behind them which were depicted

when night comes on, are near the arm on the side to the west, and when
dawn breaks they are on the line under the arm to the northeast, '^ etc.
What Columbus meant I cannot explain. Neither Navarrete nor the
French translators offer any suggestions.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 105

on the charts. The Admiral here says that he did not wish to
keep the ships beating about during the last week, and in the
last few days when there were so many signs of land, although
he had information of certain islands in this region. For he
wished to avoid delay, his object being to reach the Indies.
He says that to delay would not be wise/

Thursday J Uh of October

Course west, and 63 leagues made good during the day
and night, counted as 46. More than forty sandpipers came
to the ship in a flock, and two boobies, and a ship's boy hit one
with a stone. There also came a man-o'-war bird and a white
bird Uke a gull.

Friday J 5th of October

The Admiral steered his course, going 11 miles an hour, and
during the day and night they made good 57 leagues, as the
wind increased somewhat during the night : 45 were counted.
The sea was smooth and quiet. ^^To God," he says, ^'be
many thanks given, the air being pleasant and temperate, with
no weed, many sandpipers, and flying-fish coming on the deck
in numbers. '^

^ Las Casas, I. 282, adds to the foregoing under date of October 3 : "He
says here that it would not have been good sense to beat about and in that
way to be delayed in search of them [i.e., the islands] since he had favor-
able weather and his chief intention was to go in search of the Indies by
way of the west, and this was what he proposed to the King and Queen, and
they had sent him for that purpose. Because he would not turn back to beat
up and down to find the islands which the pilots believed to be there, par-
ticularly Martin Alonzo by the chart which, as was said, Cristobal Colon had
sent to his caravel for him to see, and it was their opinion that he ought
to turn, they began to stir up a mutiny, and the disagreement would have
gone farther if God had not stretched out his arm as he was wont, showing
immediately new signs of their being near land since now neither soft words
nor entreaties nor prudent reasoning of Cristdbal Colon availed to quiet
them and to persuade them to persevere." Ferdinand Columbus says
simply, " For this reason the crew began to be mutinous, persevering in
their complaints and plots/' p. 71. See page 108, note 1.

106 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

Saturday J Qth of October

The Admiral continued his west course, and during day and
night they made good 40 leagues, 33 being counted. This
night Martin Alonso said that it would be well to steer south of
west/ and it appeared to the Admiral that Martin Alonso did
not say this with respect to the island of Cipango.^ He saw
that if an error was made the land would not be reached so
quickly, and that consequently it would be better to go at
once to the continent and aftei*wards to the islands.

Sunday, 7th of October

The west course was continued ; for two hours they went
at the rate of 12 miles an hour, and afterwards 8 miles an hour.
They made good 23 leagues, counting 18 for the people. This
day, at simrise, the caravel Nina, which went ahead, being the
best sailer, and pushed forward as much as possible to sight
the land first, so as to enjoy the reward which the Sovereigns
had promised to whoever should see it first, hoisted a flag at
the mast-head and fired a gun, as a signal that she had sighted
land, for such was the Admiral's order. He had also ordered
that, at sunrise and sunset, all the ships should join him ; be-
cause those two times are most proper for seeing the greatest
distance, the haze clearing away. No land was seen during the
afternoon, as reported by the caravel Nina, and they passed
a great number of birds flying from N. to S.W. This gave rise
to the behef that the birds were either going to sleep on land,
or were flying from the winter which might be supposed to be
near in the land whence they were coming. The Admiral
was aware that most of the islands held by the Portuguese
were discovered by the flight of birds. For this reason he

^ A la cuarta del Oueste, d la parte del Sudueste, at the quarter from the
west toward the southwest, i.e., west by south.

^ Las Casas, in the Historia de las Indias, I. 283, writes, ''That night
Martin Alonso said that it would be well to sail west by south for the island
of Cipango which the map that Crist6bal Colon showed him represented.'
Cf. page 101, note 2.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 107

resolved to give up the west course, and to shape a course
W.S.W.for the two following days/ He began the new course
one hour before sunset. They made good, during the night,
about 5 leagues, and 23 in the day, altogether 28 leagues.

Monday J 8th of October

The course was W.S.W., and 11 J or 12 leagues were made
good in the day and night ; and at times it appears that they
went at the rate of 15 miles an hour during the night (if the
handwriting is not deceptive).^ The sea was like the river at
Seville. ^'Thanks be to God,^' says the Admiral, ^Hhe air
is very soft hke the April at Seville ; and it is a pleasure to be
here, so balmy are the breezes.^' The weed seemed to be very
fresh. There were many land-birds, and they took one that
was flying to the S.W. Tems,^ ducks, and a booby were also
seen.

Tuesday, 9th of October

The course was S.W., and they made 5 leagues. The
wind then changed, and the Admiral steered W. by N. 4 leagues.
Altogether, in day and night, they made 11 leagues by day
and 20J leagues by night; counted as 17 leagues altogether.
Throughout the night birds were heard passing.

Wednesday, 10th of October

The course was W.S.W., and they went at the rate of 10
miles an hour, occasionally 12 miles, and sometimes 7. During

^ Las Casas remarks, I. 285, '' If he had kept up the direct westerly course
and the impatience of the CastiHans had not hindered him, there is no doubt
that he would have struck the main land of Florida and from there to New
Spain, although the difficulties would have been unparalleled and the losses
unbearable that they would have met with, and it would have been a divine
miracle if he had ever returned to Castile."

^ A remark by the abridger who noted the inconsistency between a total
of 48 miles for a day and night and even an occasional 15 miles per hour.

^ Grajaos. The translator assumed this to be the same as garjao; the
French translators, on the other hand, took it to be the same as grajos,
crows. In Portuguese dictionaries the word grajSlo is found as the name of
"an Indian bird."

108 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

the day and night they made 59 leagues, counted as no more
than 44. Here the people could endure no longer. They
complained of the length of the voyage. But the Admiral
cheered them up in the best way he could, giving them good
hopes of the advantages they might gain from it. He added
that, however much they might complain, he had to go to the
Indies, and that he would go on until he found them, with the
help of our Lord.^

Thursday J 11th of October

The course was W.S.W., and there was more sea than there
had been during the whole of the voyage. They saw sand-
pipers, and a green reed near the ship. Those of the caravel
Pinta saw a cane and a pole, and they took up another small
pole which appeared to have been worked with iron; also
another bit of cane, a land-plant, and a small board. The
crew of the caravel Nina also saw signs of land, and a small
branch covered with berries.^ Every one breathed afresh and
rejoiced at these signs. The run until sunset was 27 leagues.

After sunset the Admiral returned to his origmal west
course, and they went along at the rate of 12 miles an hour.
Up to two hours after midnight they had gone 90 miles, equal
to 22| leagues. As the caravel Pinta was a better sailer, and
went ahead of the Admiral, she found the land, and made the

^ The trouble with the captains and the sailors is told in greatest detail
by Oviedo, Historia de las Indias, lib. ii., cap. v. He is the source of the
story that the captains finally declared they would go on three days longer
and not another hour. Oviedo does not say that Columbus acquiesced in
this arrangement. Modern critics have been disposed to reject Oviedo's
account, but strictly interpreted, it is not inconsistent with our other sources.
Columbus recalls in his Journal, February 14, 1493, the terror of the situation
which was evidently more serious than the entry of October 10 would
imply. Peter Martyr too says that the sailors plotted to throw Columbus
overboard and adds: ''After the thirtieth day roused by madness they
declared they were going back," but that Columbus pacified them. De Rebus
Oceanicis, Dec. lib. i., fol. 2, ed. of 1574. Oviedo says that he derived in-
formation from Vicente Yanez Pinzon, "since with him I had a friendship
up to the year 1514 when he died." Historia de las Indias, ii., cap. xiii.

^ Escaramojos, Wild roses.

1492] JOUENAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 109

signals ordered by the Admiral. The land was first seen by a
sailor named Rodrigo de Triana/ But the Admiral, at ten
o^clock, being on the castle of the poop/ saw a Hght, though
it was so uncertain that he could not affirm it was land. He
called Pero Gutierrez, a gentleman of the King's bed-chamber,
and said that there seemed to be a hght, and that he should
look at it. He did so, and saw it.^ The Admiral said the same
to Rodrigo Sanchez of Segovia, whom the King and Queen
had sent with the fleet as inspector, but he could see nothing,
because he was not in a place whence anything could be seen.
After the Admiral had spoken he saw the light once or twice,
and it was like a wax candle rising and falling. It seemed to
few to be an indication of land ; but the Admiral made certain
that land was close. When they said the Salve, which all the
sailors were accustomed to sing in their way, the Admiral
asked and admonished the men to keep a good look-out on the
forecastle, and to watch well for land ; and to him who should
first cry out that he saw land, he would give a silk doublet,
besides the other rewards promised by the Sovereigns, which
were 10,000 maravedis to him who should first see it.* At
two hours after midnight the land was sighted at a distance of

* It was full moon on October 5. On the night of the 11th the moon rose
at 11 P.M. and at 2 a.m. on the morning of the 12th it was 39° above the
horizon. It would be shining brightly on the sandy shores of an island some
miles ahead, being in its third quarter, and a little behind Rodrigo de Triana,
when he sighted land at 2 a.m. (Markham.)

^ The high decks fore and aft were called castles. The name survives in
the English forecastle. Stevens gives poop alone as the English for Castilla
de popa.

^ Oviedo, lib. ii., cap. v., says that, as they were sailing along, a sailor, a
native of Lepe, cried out, ''Light," ''Land,'' but was immediately told that
the admiral had already seen it and remarked upon it.

* Columbus received this award. His claiming or accepting it under the
circumstances has been considered discreditable and a breach of faith by
many modern writers. Oviedo says the native of Lepe was so indignant at
not getting the reward that " he went over into Africa and denied the faith,"
i.e., became a Mohammedan. Las Casas seems to have seen no impropriety
in Columbus' accepting the award. He tells us, I. 289, that this annuity
was paid to Columbus throughout his life and was levied from the butcher
shops of Seville. A maravedi was equal to two-thirds of a cent.

110 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

two leagues. They shortened sail, and lay by under the main-
sail without the bonnets.

[Friday, 12th of October]

The vessels were hove to, waiting for dayhght; and on
Friday they arrived at a small island of the Lucayos, called,
in the language of the Indians, Guanahani.^ Presently they
saw naked people. The Admiral went on shore in the armed
boat, and Martin Alonso Pinzon, and Vicente Yaiiez, his
brother, who was captain of the Nina. The Admiral took the
royal standard, and the captains went with two banners of the
green cross, which the Admiral took in all the ships as a sign,
with an F and a Y ^ and a crown over each letter, one on one
side of the cross and the other on the other. Having landed,
they saw trees very green, and much water, and fruits of diverse
kinds. The Admiral called to the two captains, and to the
others who leaped on shore, and to Rodrigo Escovedo, secre-
tary of the whole fleet, and to Rodrigo Sanchez of Segovia,^ and
said that they should bear faithful testimony that he, in
presence of all, had taken, as he now took, possession of the
said island ^ for the King and for the Queen his Lords, making
the declarations that are required, as is now largely set forth
in the testimonies which were then made in writing.

Presently many inhabitants of the island assembled.
What follows is in the actual words of the Admiral in his book
of the first navigation and discovery of the Indies.^ '^I,^' he
says, ^Hhat we might form great friendship, for I knew that
they were a people who could be more easily freed and con-
verted to our holy faith by love than by force, gave to some

' Pronounced originally, according to Las Casas, I. 291, with the accent
on the last syllable. Guanahani is now generally accepted to have been
Watling Island. See Markham, Christopher Columbus, pp. 89-107, for a
lucid discussion of the landfall.

^ Fernando and Ysabel.

^ The royal inspector.

* Las Casas adds, L 293, ''To which he gave the name Sant Salvador."

* We have here perhaps the original title of what in its abridged form
we now call the Journal.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 111

of them red caps, and glass beads to put round their necks,
and many other things of httle value, which gave them great
pleasure, and made them so much our friends that it was a
marvel to see. They afterwards came to the ship's boats
where we were, swimming and bringing us parrots, cotton
threads in skeins, darts, and many other things; and we ex-
changed them for other things that we gave them, such as
glass beads and small bells. In fine, they took all, and gave
what they had with good will. It appeared to me to be a
race of people very poor in everything. They go as naked as
when their mothers bore them, and so do the women, although
I did not see more than one young girl. All I saw were youths,
none more than thirty years of age. They are very well made,
with very handsome bodies, and very good countenances.
Their hair is short and coarse, almost like the hairs of a horse's
tail. They wear the hairs brought down to the eyebrows,
except a few locks behind, which they wear long and never
cut. They paint themselves black, and they are the color of
the Canarians, neither black nor white. Some paint them-
selves white, others red, and others of what color they find.
Some paint their faces, others the whole body, some only
round the eyes, others only on the nose. They neither carry
nor know anything of arms, for I showed them swords, and
they took them by the blade and cut themselves through
ignorance. They have no iron, their darts being wands with-
out iron, some of them having a fish's tooth at the end, and
others being pointed in various ways. They are all of fair
stature and size, with good faces, and well made. I saw some
with marks of wounds on their bodies, and I made signs to.
ask what it was, and they gave me to understand that people
from other adjacent islands came with the intention of seiz-
ing them, and that they defended themselves. I believed,
and still believe, that they come here from the mainland to
take them prisoners. They should be good servants and
intelhgent, for I observed that they quickly took in what was
said to them, and I believe that they would easily be made
Christians, as it appeared to me that they had no rehgion

112 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

I, our Lord being pleased, will take hence, at the time of my de-
parture, six natives for your Highnesses, that they may learn
to speak. I saw no beast of any kind except parrots, on this
island." The above is in the words of the Admiral.

Saturday f 13th of October

'^As soon as dawn broke many of these people came to the
beach, all youths, as I have said, and all of good stature, a
very handsome people. Their hair is not curly, but loose and
coarse, like horse hair. In all the forehead is broad, more so
than in any other people I have hitherto seen. Their eyes
are very beautiful and not small, and themselves far from
black, but the color of the Canarians. Nor should anything
else be expected, as this island is in a line east and west from
the island of Hierro in the Canaries. Their legs are very
straight, all in one line, and no belly, but very well formed.
They came to the ship in small canoes, made out of the trunk
of a tree hke a long boat, and all of one piece, and wonder-
fully worked, considering the country. They are large, some
of them holding 40 to 45 men, others smaller, and some only
large enough to hold one man. They are propelled with a
paddle like a baker's shovel, and go at a marvellous rate. If
the canoe capsizes, they all promptly begin to swim, and to
bale it out with calabashes that they take with them. They
brought skeins of cotton thread, parrots, darts, and other small
things which it would be tedious to recount, and they give all
in exchange for anything that may be given to them. I was
attentive, and took trouble to ascertain if there was gold. I
saw that some of them had a small piece fastened in a hole they
have in the nose, and by signs I was able to make out that to
the south, or going from the island to the south, there was a
king who had great cups full, and who possessed a great
quantity. I tried to get them to go there, but afterwards I
saw that they had no inclination. I resolved to wait until
to-morrow in the afternoon and then to depart, shaping a course
to the S.W., for, according to what many of them told me.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 113

there was land to the S., to the S.W., and N.W., and that the
natives from the N.W. often came to attack them, and went
on to the S.W. in search of gold and precious stones.

^ ^ This island is rather large and very flat, with bright green
trees, much water, and a very large lake in the centre, without
any mountain, and the whole land so green that it is a pleasure
to look on it. The people are very docile, and for the longing to
possess our things, and not having anything to give in return,
they take what they can get, and presently swim away. Still,
they give away all they have got, for whatever may be given
to them, down to broken bits of crockery and glass. I saw
one give 16 skeins of cotton for three ceotis ^ of Portugal, equal
to one blanca of Spain, the skeins being as much as an arroha
of cotton thread. I shall keep it, and shall allow no one to
take it, preserving it all for your Highnesses, for it may be
obtained in abundance. It is grown in this island, though
the short time did not admit of my ascertaining this for a
certainty. Here also is found the gold they wear fastened in
their noses. But, in order not to lose time, I intend to go and
see if I can find the island of Cipango.^ Now, as it is night,
all the natives have gone on shore with their canoes/'

Sunday J lUh of October

''At dawn I ordered the ship's boat and the boats of the
caravels to be got ready, and I went along the coast of the isl-
and to the N.N.E., to see the other side, which was on the
other side to the east, and also to see the villages. Presently
I saw two or three, and the people all came to the shore, call-
ing out and giving thanks to God. Some of them brought us
water, others came with food, and when they saw that I did
not want to land, they got into the sea, and came swimming to
us. We understood that they asked us if we had come from
heaven. One old man came into the boat, and others cried

^ The Portuguese ceitil (pi. ceitis) was a small coin deriving its name from
Ceuta, opposite Gibraltar, in Africa, a Portuguese possession. The blanca
was one-half a maravedi, or about one-third of a cent.

' Cipango. Marco Polo's name for Japan.

114 VOYAGES 01 COLUMBUS [1492

out, in loud voices, to all the men and women, to come and
see the men who had come from heaven, and to bring them to
eat and drink. Many came, including women, each bringing
something, giving thanks to God, throwing themselves on the
ground and shouting to us to come on shore. But I was
afraid to land, seeing an extensive reef of rocks which sur-
rounded the island, with deep water between it and the shore
forming a port large enough for as many ships as there are in
Christendom, but with a very narrow entrance. It is true
that within this reef there are some sunken rocks, btit the sea
has no more motion than the water in a well. In order to see
all this I went this morning, that I might be able to give a full
account to your Highnesses, and also w^here a fortress might be
established. I saw a piece of land which appeared like an
island, although it is not one, and on it there were six houses.
It might be converted into an island in two days, though I do
not see that it would be necessary, for these people are very
simple as regards the use of arms, as your Highnesses will see
from the seven that I caused to be taken, to bring home and
leani our language and return ; unless your Highnesses should
order them all to be brought to Castile, or to be kept as cap-
tives on the same island; for with fifty men they can all be
subjugated and made to do what is required of them. Close
to the above peninsula there are gardens of the most beauti-
ful trees I ever saw, and with leaves as green as those of Cas-
tile in the month of April and May, and much water. I
examined all that port, and afterwards I returned to the ship
and made sail. I saw so many islands that I hardly knew
how to determine to which I should go first. Those natives
I had with me said, by signs, that there were so many that
they could not be numbered, and they gave the names of more
than a hundred. At last I looked out for the largest, and
resolved to shape a course for it, and so I did. It will be dis-
tant five leagues from this of San Salvador, and the others
some more, some less. All are very flat, and all are inhabited.
The natives make war on each other, although these are very
simple-minded and handsomely-formed people. '^

1492] JOUKNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE ll5

Monday, 15th of October

'^I had laid by during the night, with the fear of reaching
the land to anchor before daylight/ not knowing whether the
coast was clear of rocks, and at dawn I made sail. As the
island was more than 5 leagues distant and nearer 7, and the
tide checked my way, it was noon when we arrived at the said
island. I found that side facing towards the island of San
Salvador trended north and south with a length of 5 leagues,
and the other which I followed ran east and west for more than
10 leagues.^ As from this island I saw another larger one to
the west, I clued up ^ the sails, after having run all that day
until night, otherwise I could not have reached the western
cape. I gave the name of Santa Maria de la Concepcion ^
to the island, and almost as the sun set I anchored near the
said cape to ascertain if it contained gold. For the people I
had taken from the island of San Salvador told me that here
they wore very large rings of gold on their arms and legs. I
really beUeved that all they said was nonsense, invented that
they might escape. My desire was not to pass any island with-
out taking possession, so that, one having been taken, the same
may be said of all. I anchored, and remained until to-day,
Tuesday, when I went to the shore with the boats armed, and
landed. The people, who were numerous, went naked, and
were like those of the other island of San Salvador. They let
us go over the island, and gave us what we required. As the
wind changed to the S.E., I did not like to stay, and returned
to the ship. A large canoe was alongside the Nina, and one
of the men of the island of San Salvador, who was on board,
jumped into the sea and got into the canoe. In the middle
of the night before, another swam away behind the canoe,

^ Rather, ''I had lain to during the night for fear of reaching the land/'
etc.

^ These lengths are exaggerated.

^ The word is cargu^ and means " raised '* or ''hoisted." The same
word seven lines above was translated ''made sail.'' Las Casas in the
corresponding passage in his Historia uses alzar.

^ Identified as Rum Cay.

116 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

which fled, for there never was boat that could have overtaken
hex, seeing that in speed they have a great advantage/ So
they reached the land and left the canoe. Some of my people
went on shore in chase of them, but they all fled like fowls,
and the canoe they had left was brought alongside the caravel
Nina, whither, from another direction, another small canoe
came, with a man who wished to barter with skeins of cotton.
Some sailors jumped into the sea, because he would not come
on board the caravel, and seized him. I was on the poop of
my ship, and saw everything. So I sent for the man, gave
him a red cap, some small beads of green glass, which I put on
his arms, and small bells, which I put in his ears, and ordered
his canoe, which was also on board, to be returned to liim.
I sent him on shore, and presently made sail to go to the other
large island which was in sight to the westward. I also
ordered the other large canoe, which the caravel Nina was
towing astera, to be cast adrift ; and I soon saw that it reached
the land at the same time as the man to whom I had given
the above things. I had not wished to take the skein of cotton
that he offered me. All the others came round him and seemed
astonished, for it appeared clear to them that we were good
people. The other man who had fled might do us some harm,
because we had carried him off, and for that reason I ordered
this man to be set free and gave him the above things, that he
might think well of us, otherwise, when your Highnesses again
send an expedition, they might not be friendly. All the
presents I gave were not worth four maravedis. At 10 we
departed with the wind S.W., and made for the south, to reach
that other island, which is very large, and respecting which
all the men that I bring from San Salvador make signs that
there is much gold, and that they wear it as bracelets on the
arms, on the legs, in the ears and nose, and round the neck.

* A line is missing in the original. The text may be restored as follows,
beginning with the end of the preceding sentence, "jumped into the sea
and got into the canoe ; in the middle of the night before the other threw
[himself into the sea and swam off. The boat was lowered] and put after
the canoe which escaped since there never was a boat which could have
overtaken him, since we were far behind him."

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 117

The distance of this island from that of Santa Maria is 9 leagues
on a course east to west. All this part of the island trends
N.W. and S.E., and it appeared that this coast must have
a length of 28 leagues. It is very flat, without any mountain,
like San Salvador and Santa Maria, all being beach without
rocks, except that there are some sunken rocks near the land,
whence it is necessary to keep a good lookout when it is de-
sired to anchor, and not to come to very near the land; but
the water is always very clear, and the bottom is visible. At
a distance of two shots of a lombard, there is, off all these
islands, such a depth that the bottom cannot be reached.
These islands are very green and fertile, the climate very mild.
They may contain many things of which I have no knowledge,
for I do not wish to stop, in discovering and visiting many
islands, to find gold. These people make signs that it is worn
on the arms and legs ; and it must be gold, for they point to
some pieces that I have. I cannot err, with the help of our
Lord, in finding out where this gold has its origin. Being in
the middle of the channel between these two islands, that is to
say, that of Santa Maria and this large one, to which I give the
name of Femandina/ I came upon a man alone in a canoe
going from Santa Maria to Fernandina. He had a little of
their bread, about the size of a fist, a calabash of water, a
piece of brown earth powdered and then kneaded, and some
dried leaves, which must be a thing highly valued by them,^
for they bartered with it at San Salvador. He also had with
him a native basket with a string of glass beads, and two
hlancas, by which I knew that he had come from the island of
San Salvador, and had been to Santa Maria, and thence to
Fernandina. He came alongside the ship, and I made him
come on board as he desired, also getting the canoe inboard,
and taking care of all his property. I ordered him to be given
to eat bread and treacle, and also to drink : and so I shall take
him on to Fernandina, where I shall return everything to him,
in order that he may give a good account of us, that, our

* Long Island. (Markham.)

' Possibly a reference to tobacco.

118 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

Lord pleasing, when your Highnesses shall send here, those
who come may receive honor, and that the natives may give
them all they require."

Tuesday, \&th of October

''I sailed from the island of Santa Maria de la Concepcion
at about noon, to go to Femandina Island, which appeared
very large to the westward, and I navigated all that day with
Hght winds. I could not arrive in time to be able to see the
bottom, so as to drop the anchor on a clear place, for it is
necessary to be very careful not to lose the anchors. So I
stood off and on all that night until day, when I came to an
inhabited place where I anchored, and whence that man had
come that I found yesterday in the canoe in mid channel. He
had given such a good report of us that there was no want of
canoes alongside the ship all that night, which brought us
water and what they had to offer. I ordered each one to be
given something, such as a few beads, ten or twelve of those
made of glass on a thread, some timbrels made of brass such
as are worth a maravedi in Spain, and some straps, all which
they looked upon as most excellent. I also ordered them to
be given treacle to eat when they came on board. At three
o'clock ^ I sent the ship's boat on shore for water, and the
natives with good will showed my people where the water was,
and they themselves brought the full casks down to the boat,
and did all they could to please us.

^'This island is very large, and I have determined to sail
round it, because, so far as I can understand, there is a mine in
or near it. The island is eight leagues from Santa Maria, nearly
east and west ; and this point I had reached, as well as all the
coast, trends N.N.W. and S.S.E. I saw at least 20 leagues
of it, and then it had not ended. Now, as I am writing this, I
made sail with the wind at the south, to sail round the island,

* It should be ''about nine o'clock." The original is d horas de tercia,
which means "at the hour of tierce," i.e., the period between nine and
twelve.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 119

and to navigate until I find Samaot, which is the island or
city where there is gold, as all the natives say who are on board,
and as those of San Salvador and Santa Maria told us. These
people resemble those of the said islands, with the same lan-
guage and customs, except that these appear to me a rather
more domestic and tractable people, yet also more subtle.
For I observed that those who brought cotton and other trifles
to the ship, knew better than the others how to make a bar-
gain. In this island I saw cotton cloths made like mantles.
The people were better disposed, and the women wore in front
of their bodies a small piece of cotton which scarcely covered
them.

^^ It is a very green island, level and very fertile, and I have
no doubt that they sow and gather corn ^ all the year round,
as well as other things. I saw many trees very unhke those
of our country. Many of them have their branches growing
in different ways and all from one trunk, and one twig is one
form, and another in a different shape, and so unlike that it is
the greatest wonder in the world to see the great diversity;
thus one branch has leaves like those of a cane, and others
Uke those of a mastick tree : and on a single tree there are five
or six different kinds. Nor are these grafted, for it may be
said that grafting is unknown, the trees being wild, and un-
tended by these people. They do not know any religion, and
I believe they could easily be converted to Christianity, for
they are very intelligent. Here the fish are so unlike ours that
it is wonderful. Some are the shape of dories, and of the
finest colors in the world, blue, yellow, red, and other tints,
all painted in various ways, and the colors are so bright that
there is not a man who would not be astonished, and would not
take great delight in seeing them. There are also whales. I
saw no beasts on the land of any kind, except parrots and
lizards. A boy told me that he saw a large serpent. I saw

^ Panizo, literally "panic grass." Here Columbus seems to use the word
as descriptive of maize or Indian corn, and later the word came to have this
meaning. On the different species of panic grass, see Candolle, Origin of
Cultivated Plants (index under panicum).

120 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

neither sheep, nor goats, nor any other quadruped. It is
true I have been here a short time, since noon,^ yet I could not
have failed to see some if there had been any. I will write
respecting the circuit of this island after I have been round it/'

Wednesday, 17th of October

'^At noon I departed from the village ofif which I was
anchored, and where I took in water, to sail round this island
of Fernandina. The wind was S.W. and South. My wish
was to follow the coast of this island to the S.E., from where
I w^as, the whole coast trending N.N.W. and S.S.E. ; because
all the Indians I bring with me, and others, made signs to this
southern quarter, as the direction of the island they call
Samoet, where the gold is. Martin Alonso Pinzon, captain
of the caravel Pinta, on board of which I had three of the Ind-
ians, came to me and said that one of them had given him to
understand very positively that the island might be sailed
round much quicker by shaping a N.N.W. course. I saw that
the wind would not help me to take the course I desired, and
that it was fair for the other, so I made sail to the N.N.W,
When I was two leagues from the cape of the island, I discov-
ered a very wonderful harbor.^ It has one mouth, or, rather,
it may be said to have two, for there is an islet in the middle.
Both are very narrow, and within it is wide enough for a hun-
dred ships, if there was depth and a clean bottom, and the en-
trance was deep enough. It seemed desirable to explore it and
take soundings, so I anchored outside, and went in with all
the ship's boats, when we saw there was insufficient depth. As
I thought, when I first saw it, that it was the mouth of some
river, I ordered the water-casks to be brought. On shore I
found eight or ten men, who presently came to us and showed
us the village, whither I sent the people for water, some with
arms, and others with the casks; and, as it was some little
distance, I waited two hours for them.

^ Rather, '* since it is noon."

^ Port Clarence in Long Island. (Markham.)

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 121

^^ During that time I walked among the trees, which was
the most beautiful thing I had ever seen, beholding as much
verdure as in the month of May in Andalusia. The trees are
as unlike ours as* night from day, as are the fruits, the herbs,
the stones, and everything. It is true that some of the trees
bore some resemblance to those in Castile, but most of them
are very different, and some were so unlike that no one could
compare them to anything in Castile. The people were all
Uke those already mentioned : like them naked, and the same
size. They give what they possess in exchange for anything
that may be given to them. I here saw some of the ship's
boys bartering broken bits of glass and crockery for darts.
The men who went for water told me that they had been in the
houses of the natives, and that they were very plain and clean
inside. Their beds and bags for holding things ^ were like
nets of cotton.^ The houses are like booths, and very high,
with good chimneys.^ But, among many villages that I saw,
there was none that consisted of more than from twelve to
fifteen houses. Here they found that the married women
wore clouts of cotton, but not the young girls, except a few
who were over eighteen years of age. They had dogs, mas-
tiffs, and hounds ; ^ and here they found a man who had a piece
of gold in his nose, the size of half a castellano,^ on which they
saw letters. I quarrelled with these people because they would
not exchange or give what was required; as I wished to see

^ Rather, ''beds and hangings/* The original is paramentos de cosas,
but in the corresponding passage in his Historia, I. 310, Las Casas has yara-
mentos de casa, which is almost certainly the correct reading.

^ "These are called Hamacas in Espanola/' Las Casas, I. 310, where
will be found an elaborate description of them.

^ For ornament. Las Casas calls them caps or crowns, I. 311.

* Rather: ''mastiffs and beagles." Las Casas, I. 311, says the Admiral
called these dogs mastiffs from the report of the sailors. "If he had seen
them, he would not have called them so but that they resembled hounds.
These and the small ones never bark but merely a grunt in the throat."

^ The castellano was one-sixth of an ounce. Las Casas, I. 311, remarks:
"They were deceived in believing the marks to be letters since those people
are wont to work it in their fashion, since never anywhere in all the Inches
was there found any trace of money of gold or silver or other metal."

122 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

what and whose this money was ; and they repUed that they
were not accustomed to barter.

^^ After the water was taken I returned to the ship, made
sail, and shaped a course N.W., until I had discovered all the
part of the coast of the island which trends east to west.
Then all the Indians turned round and said that this island
was smaller than Samoet, and that it would be well to return
back so as to reach it sooner. The wind presently went down,
and then sprang up from W.N.W., which was contrary for us
to continue on the previous course. So I turned back, and
navigated all that night to E.S.E^ sometimes to east and to
S.E. This course was steered to keep me clear of the land,
for there were very heavy clouds and thick weather, which
did not admit of my approaching the land to anchor. On
that night it rained very heavily from midnight until nearly
dawn, and even afterwards the clouds threatened rain. We
found ourselves at the S.W. end of the island, where I hoped
to anchor imtil it cleared up, so as to see the other island
whither I have to go. On all these days, since I arrived in these
Indies, it has rained more or less. Your Highnesses may be-
lieve that this land is the best and most fertile, and with a good
cUmate, level, and as good as there is in the world.''

Thursday, 18th of October

'^ After it had cleared up I went before the wind, approach-
ing the island as near as I could, and anchored when it was no
longer light enough to keep under sail. But I did not go on
shore, and made sail at dawn. . . .''

Friday, 19th of October

^'I weighed the anchors at daylight, sending the caravel
Pinta on an E.S.E. course, the caravel Nina S.S.E., while I
shaped a S.E. course, giving orders that these courses were to
be steered until noon, and that then the two caravels should
alter course so as to join company with me. Before we had

1492] JOUKNAL OF THE FIKST VOYAGE 123

sailed for three hours we saw an island to the east, for which
we steered, and all three vessels arrived at the north point
before noon. Here there is an islet, and a reef of rocks to sea-
ward of it, besides one between the islet and the large island.
The men of San Salvador, whom I bring with me, called it
Saomete, and I gave it the name of Isabella.^ The wind was
north, and the said islet bore from the island of Fernandina,
whence I had taken my departure, east and west. Afterwards
we ran along the coast of the island, westward from the islet,
and found its length to be 12 leagues as far as a cape, which I
named Cabo Hermoso, at the western end. The island is
beautiful, and the coast very deep, without sunken rocks off
it. Outside the shore is rocky, but further in there is a sandy
beach, and here I anchored on that Friday night until morn-
ing. This coast and the part of the island I saw is almost
flat, and the island is very beautiful; for if the other islands
are lovely, this is more so. It has many very green trees,
which are very large. The land is higher than in the other
islands, and in it there are some hills, which cannot be called
mountains; and it appears that there is much water inland.
From this point to the N.E. the coast makes a great angle,
and there are many thick and extensive groves. I wanted
to go and anchor there, so as to go on shore and see so much
beauty ; but the water was shallow, and we could only anchor
at a distance from the land. The wind also was fair for going
to this cape, where I am now anchored, to which I gave the
name of Cabo Hermoso,^ because it is so. Thus it was that
I do not anchor in that angle, but as I saw this cape so green
and so beautiful, like all the other lands of these islands, I
scarcely knew which to visit first; for I can never tire my
eyes in looking at such lovely vegetation, so different from
ours. I believe that there are many herbs and many trees
that are worth much in Europe for dyes and for medicines;
but I do not know them, and this causes me great sorrow.
Arriving at this cape, I found the smell of the trees and flowers
so delicious that it seemed the pleasantest thing in the world.

^ Crooked Island. (Markham.) ^ Cape Beautiful.

124 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

To-morrow, before I leave this place, I shall go on shore to
see what there is at this cape. There are no people, but there
are villages in the interior, where, the Indians I bring with
me say, there is a king who has much gold. To-morrow I
intend to go so far inland as to find the village, and see and
have some speech with this king, who, according to the signs
they make, rules over all the neighboring islands, goes about
clothed, and wears much gold on his person. I do not give
much faith to what they say, as well because I do not under-
stand them well as because they are so poor in gold that even
a little that this king may have would appear much to them.
This cape, to which I have given the name of Cabo Fermoso,
is, I beheve, on an island separated from Saometo, and there
is another small islet between them. I did not try to examine
them in detail, because it could not be done in 50 years. For
my desire is to see and discover as much as I can before return-
ing to your Highnesses, our Lord willing, in April. It is true
that in the event of finding places where there is gold or spices
in quantity I should stop until I had collected as much as I
could. I, therefore, proceed in the hope of coming across
such places.'^

Saturday J 20th of October

'^To-day, at sunrise, I weighed the anchors from where I
was with the ship, and anchored off the S.W. point of the
island of Saometo, to which I gave the name of Cabo de la
Laguna, and to the island Isabella. My intention was to
navigate to the north-east and east from the south-east and
south, where, I understood from the Indians I brought with
me, was the village of the king. I found the sea so shallow
that I could not enter nor navigate in it, and I saw that to
follow a route by the south-east would be a great round. So
I determined to return by the route that I had taken from the
N.N.E. to the western part, and to sail round this island to
[reconnoitre it].

"I had so Uttle wind that I never could sail along the coast.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 125

except during the night. As it was dangerous to anchor off
these islands except in the day, when one can see where to let
go the anchor, for the bottom is all in patches, some clear and
some rocky, I lay to all this Sunday night. The caravels
anchored because they found themselves near the shore, and
they thought that, owing to the signals that they were in the
habit of making, I would come to anchor, but I did not wish
to do so."

Sunday, 21st of October

''At ten o'clock I arrived here, off this islet, and anchored,
as well as the caravels. After breakfast I went on shore,
and found only one house, in which there was no one, and I
supposed they had fled from fear, because all their property
was left in the house. I would not allow anything to be
touched, but set out with the captains and people to explore
the island. If the others already seen are very beautiful,
green, and fertile, this is much more so, with large trees and
very green. Here there are large lagoons with wonderful
vegetation on their banks. Throughout the island all is green,
and the herbage like April in Andalusia. The songs of the
birds were so pleasant that it seemed as if a man could never
wish to leave the place. The flocks of parrots concealed the
sun ; and the birds were so numerous, and of so many different
kinds, that it was wonderful. There are trees of a thousand
sorts, and all have their several fruits; and I feel the most
unhappy man in the world not to know them, for I am well
assured that they are all valuable. I bring home specimens of
them, and also of the land. Thus walking along round one
of the lakes I saw a serpent, which we killed, and I bring home
the skin for your Highnesses. As soon as it saw us it went
into the lagoon, and we followed, as the water was not very
deep, until we killed it with lances. It is 7 spans long, and I
believe that there are many Uke it in these lagoons.^ Here

* "The Indians of this island of Espaiiola call it iguana.^' Las Casas,
L 314. He gives a minute description of it.

126 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

I came upon some aloes, and I have determined to take ten
quintals on board to-morrow, for they tell me that they are
worth a good deal. Also, while in search of good water, we
came to a village about half a league from our anchorage.
The people, as soon as they heard us, all fled and left their
houses, hiding their property in the wood. I would not allow
a thing to be touched, even the value of a pin. Presently
some men among them came to us, and one came quite close.
I gave him some bells and glass beads, which made him very
content and happy. That our friendship might be further
increased, I resolved to ask him for something; I requested
him to get some water. After I had gone on board, the
natives came to the beach with calabashes full of water, and
they delighted much in giving it to us. I ordered another
string of glass beads to be presented to them, and they said
they would come again to-morrow. I wished to fill up all the
ships with water at this place, and, if there should be time, I
intended to search the island until I had had speech with the
king, and seen whether he had the gold of which I had heard.
I shall then shape a course for another much larger island, which
I believe to be Cipango, judging from the signs made by the
Indians I bring with me. They call it Cuba, and they say
that there are ships and many skilful sailors there. Beyond
this island there is another called Bosio,^ which they also say
is very large, and others we shall see as we pass, lying between.
According as I obtain tidings of gold or spices I shall settle
what should be done. I am still resolved to go to the main-
land and the city of Guisay,^ and to deliver the letters of your
Highnesses to the Gran Can, requesting a reply and returning
with it.''

* The names in the Spanish text are Colba and Bosio, errors in transcrip-
tion for Cuba and Bohio. Las Casas, I. 315, says in regard to the latter :
*'To call it Bohio was to misunderstand the interpreters, since throughout
all these islands, where the language is practically the same, they call the
huts in which they live bohio and this great island Espanola they called Hayti,
and they must have said that in Hayti there were great bohios."

' The name is spelled Quinsay in the Latin text of Marco Polo which
Columbus annotated.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 127

Monday, 22nd of October

'^AU last night and to-day I was here, waiting to see if the
king or other person would bring gold or anything of value.
Many of these people came, Hke those of the other islands,
equally naked, and equally painted, some white, some red,
some black, and others in many ways. They brought darts
and skeins of cotton to barter, which they exchanged with the
sailors for bits of glass, broken crockery, and pieces of earthen-
ware. Some of them had pieces of gold fastened in their
noses, which they willingly gave for a hawk^s bell and glass
beads. But there was so little that it counts for nothing. It is
true that they looked upon any little thing that I gave them
as a wonder, and they held our arrival to be a great marvel,
beUeving that we came from heaven. We got water for the
ships from a lagoon which is near the Cabo del Isleo (Cape of
the Islet), as we named it. In the said lagoon Martin Alonso
Pinzon, captain of the Pinta, killed another serpent 7 spans
long, hke the one we got yesterday. I made them gather here
as much of the aloe as they could find.''

Tuesday J 23rd of October

'^I desired to set out to-day for the island of Cuba, which
I think must be Cipango, according to the signs these people
make, indicative of its size and riches, and I did not delay
any more here nor [attempt to sail] . . .^ round this island
to the residence of this king or lord, and have speech with
him, as I had intended. This would cause me much delay,
and I see that there is no gold mine here. To sail round
would need several winds, for it does not blow here as men
may wish. It is better to go where there is great entertain-
ment, so I say that it is not reasonable to wait, but rather to
continue the voyage and inspect much land, until some very
profitable country is reached, my behef being that it will be
rich in spices. That I have no personal knowledge of these

* One or two words are missing in the original.

128 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

products causes me the greatest sorrow in the world, for I see
a thousand kinds of trees, each one with its own special fruit,
all green now as in Spain during the months of May and June,
as well as a thousand kinds of herbs with their flowers; yet
I know none of them except this aloe, of which I ordered a
quantity to be brought on board to bring to your Highnesses.
I have not made sail for Cuba because there is no wind, but a
dead calm with much rain. It rained a great deal yesterday
without causing any cold. On the contrary, the days are hot
and the nights cool, like May in Andalusia.'^

Wednesday J 2Uh of October

''At midnight I weighed the anchors and left the anchorage
at Cabo del Isleo, in the island of Isabella/ From the northern
side, where I was, I intended to go to the island of Cuba,
where I heard of the people who were very great, and had gold,
spices, merchandise, and large ships. They showed me that
the course thither would be W.S.W., and so I hold. For I
beheve that it is so, as all the Indians of these islands, as well
as those I brought with me in the ships, told me by signs. I
cannot understand their language, but I believe that it is of
the island of Cipango that they recount these wonders.^ On
the spheres I saw, and on the delineations of the map of the
world,^ Cipango is in this region. Sol shaped a course W.S.W.
until daylight, but at dawn it fell calm and began to rain, and
went on nearly all night. I remained thus, with Uttle wind,

* The translation here should be, "raised the anchors at the island of
Isabella at Cabo del Isleo, which is on the northern side where I tarried to
go to the island of Cuba, which I heard from this people is very great and
has gold," etc.

^ These two lines should read, "I believe that it is the island of Cipango
of which marvellous things are related."

^ The exact translation is, "On the spheres that I saw and on the paint-
ings of world-maps it is this region." The plural number is used in both
cases. Of the globes of this date, i.e., 1492 or earlier, that of Behaim is
the only one that has come down to us. Of the world maps Toscanelli 's,
no longer extant, may have been one, but it is to be noted that Columbus
uses the plural.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 129

until the afternoon, when it began to blow fresh. I set all the
sails in the ship, the mainsail with two bonnets, the foresail,
spritsail, mizzen, main topsail, and the boat's sail on the poop.
So I proceeded until nightfall, when the Cabo Verde of the
island of Femandina, which is at the S.W. end, bore N.W.
distant 7 leagues. As it was now blowing hard, and I did not
know how far it was to this island of Cuba, I resolved not to
go in search of it during the night ; all these islands being very
steep-to, with no bottom round them for a distance of two
shots of a lombard. The bottom is all in patches, one bit of
sand and another of rock, and for this reason it is not safe to
anchor without inspection with the eye. So I determined to
take in all the sails except the foresail, and to go on under that
reduced canvas. Soon the wind increased, while the route
was doubtful, and there was very thick weather, with rain. I
ordered the foresail to be furled, and we did not make two
leagues during that night."

Thursday, 25ih of October

'^I steered W.S.W. from after sunset until 9 o'clock,
making 5 leagues. Afterwards I altered course to west, and
went 8 miles an hour until one in the afternoon ; and from that
time until three made good 44 miles. Then land was sighted,
consisting of 7 or 8 islands, the group running north and south,
distant from us 5 leagues.''

Friday, 2&th of October

'^The ship was on the south side of the islands, which were
all low, distant 5 or 6 leagues. I anchored there. The Ind-
ians ^ on board said that thence to Cuba was a voyage in their
canoes of a day and a half ; these being small dug-outs without
a sail. Such are their canoes. I departed thence for Cuba,

^ Columbus's conviction that he has reached the Indies is registered by
his use from now on of the word " Indians " for the people.

130 YOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [U92

for by the signs the Indians made of its greatness, and of ite
gold and pearls, I thought that it must be Cipango."

Saturday f 27th of October

' ^ I weighed from these islands at sunrise, and gave them the
name of Las Islas de Arena, owing to the little depth the sea
had for a distance of 6 leagues to the southward of them.
We went 8 miles an hour on a S.S.W. course until one o'clock,
having made 40 miles. Until night we had run 28 miles on
the same course, and before dark the land was sighted. At
night there was much rain. The vessels, on Saturday until
sunset, made 17 leagues on a S.S.W. course.^'

Sunday, 2Sth of October

^'1 went thence in search of the island of Cuba on a S.S.W.
course, making for the nearest point of it, and entered a very
beautiful river without danger of sunken rocks or other im-
pediments. All the coast was clear of dangers up to the shore.
The mouth of the river was 12 brazas across, and it is wide
enough for a vessel to beat in.^ I anchored about a lombard-
shot inside. '^ The Admiral says that ^^he never beheld such
a beautiful place, with trees bordering the river, handsome,
green, and different from ours, having fruits and flowers each
one according to its nature. There are many birds, which sing
very sweetly. There are a great number of palm trees of a
different kind from those in Guinea and from ours, of a mid-
dlhig height, the trunks without that covering, and the leaves
very large, with which they thatch their houses. The country
is very level.'' The Admiral jumped into his boat and went
on shore. He came to two houses, which he believed to belong
to fishermen who had fled from fear. In one of them he found
a kind of dog that never barks, and in both there were nets of

^ This should be, "The mouth of the river is 12 fathoms deep and it is
wide enough," etc.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 131

palm-fibre and cordage, as well as horn fish-hooks, bone har-
poons, and other apparatus ^^for fishing, and several hearths.
He beheved that many people lived together in one house. He
gave orders that nothing in the houses should be touched, and
so it was done.'^ The herbage was as thick as in Andalusia
during April and May. He found much purslane and wild
amaranth.^ He returned to the boat and went up the river
for some distance, and he says it was great pleasure to see the
bright verdure, and the birds, which he could not leave to go
back. He says that this island is the most beautiful that eyes
have seen, full of good harbors and deep rivers, and the sea
appeared as if it never rose ; for the herbage on the beach nearly
reached the waves, which does not happen where the sea is
rough. (Up to that time they had not experienced a rough
sea among all those islands.) He says that the island is full
of very beautiful mountains, although they are not very ex-
tensive as regards length, but high; and all the country is
high like Sicily. It is abundantly supplied with water, as
they gathered from the Indians they had taken with them from
the island of Guanahani. These said by signs that there are
ten great rivers, and that they cannot go round the island in
twenty days. When they came near land with the ships,
two canoes came out ; and, when they saw the sailors get into
a boat and row about to find the depth of the river where
they could anchor, the canoes fled. The Indians say that in
this island there are gold mines and pearls, and the Admiral
saw a Hkely place for them and mussel-shells, which are signs
of them. He understood that large ships of the Gran Can
came here, and that from here to the mainland was a voyage
of ten days.^ The Admiral called this river and harbor San
Salvador.^

* Bledos. The French translators give cresson sauvage, wild cress, as
the equivalent.

^ Las Casas, I. 320, says Columbus understood "that from these to the
mainland would be a sail of ten days by reason of the notion he had derived
from the chart or picture which the Florentine sent him/'

^ Baracoa (Las Casas) ; Puerto Naranjo (Markham) ; Nipe (Navarre te) ;
Nuevitas (Thacher).

132 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

Monday J 29th of October

The Admiral weighed anchor from this port and sailed to
the westward, to go to the city, where, as it seemed, the Indians
said that there was a king. They doubled a point six leagues
to the N.W.,^ and then another point,^ then east ten leagues.
After another league he saw a river with no very large entrance,
to which he gave the name of Rio de la Luna.^ He went on
until the hour of vespers. He saw another river much larger
than the others, as the Indians told him by signs, and near he
saw goodly villages of houses. He called the river Rio de
Mares. '^ He sent two boats on shore to a village to communi-
cate, and one of the Indians he had brought with him, for now
they understood a little, and show themselves content with
Christians. All the men, women, and children fled, abandon-
ing their houses with all they contained. The Admiral gave
ordere that nothing should be touched. The houses were
better than those he had seen before, and he believed that the
houses would improve as he approached the mainland. They
were made like booths, very large, and looking like tents in a
camp without regular streets, but one here and another there.
Within they were clean and well swept, with the furniture well
made. All are of palm branches beautifully constructed.
They found many images in the shape of women, and many
heads hke masks,^ very well carved. It was not known
whether these were used as ornaments, or to be worshipped.
They had dogs which never bark, and wild birds tamed in their
houses. There was a wonderful supply of nets and other
fishing implements, but nothing was touched. He believed
that all the people on the coast were fishermen, who took the
fish inland, for this island is very large, and so beautiful, that
he is never tired of praising it. He says that he found trees

^ Punta de Mulas. (Navarrete.)
' Punta de Cabanas. (Navarrete.)
' Puerto de Banes. (Navarrete.)
* Puerto de las Nuevitas del Principe. (Navarrete.)
^ Las Casas, 1. 321, has " many heads well carved from wood." Possibly
these were totems.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 133

and fruits of very marvellous taste ; and adds that they must
have cows or other cattle, for he saw skulls which were like
those of cows/ The songs of the birds and the chirping of
crickets throughout the night lulled everyone to rest, while
the air was soft and healthy, and the nights neither hot nor
cold. On the voyage through the other islands there was great
heat, but here it is tempered like the month of May. He
attributed the heat of the other islands to their flatness, and
to the wind coming from the east, which is hot. The water
of the rivers was salt at the mouth, and they did not know
whence the natives got their drinking-water, though they have
sweet water in their houses. Ships are able to turn in this
river, both entering and coming out, and there are very good
leading-marks. He says that all this sea appears to be con-
stantly smooth, like the river at Seville, and the water suitable
for the growth of pearls. He found large shells unhke those
of Spain. Remarking on the position of the river and port,
to which he gave the name of San Salvador,^ he describes its
mountains as lofty and beautiful, like the Pena de las Enamo-
radas,^ and one of them has another Uttle hill on its summit,
like a graceful mosque. The other river and port, in which he
now was/ has two round mountains to the S.W., and a fine
low cape running out to the W.S.W.

Tuesday J 30th of October

He left the Rio de Mares and steered N.W., seeing a cape
covered with palm trees, to which he gave the name of Cabo
de Palmas,^ after having made good 15 leagues. The Indians
on board the caravel Pinta said that beyond that cape there was

^ Las Casas, I. 321, comments, ''These must have been skulls of the
manati, a very large fish, hke large calves, which has a skin with no scales
like a whale and its head is like that of a cow."

^ ''I believe that this port was Baracoa, which name Diego Velasquez,
the first of the Spaniards to settle Cuba, gave to the harbor of Asump-
cion." Las Casas, I. 322.

' Near Granada in Spain.

* Nuevitas del Principe. (Navarrete.)

^ *'Alto de Juan Danue." (Navarrete.)

134 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

a river/ and that from the river to Cuba it was four days'
journey. The captain of the Pinta reported that he under-
stood from that, that this Cuba was a city, and that the land
was a great continent trending far to the north. The king
of that country, he gathered, was at war with the Gran Can,
whom they called Cami, and his land or city Fava, with many
other names. The Admiral resolved to proceed to that river,
and to send a present, with the letter of the Sovereigns,^ to
the king of that land. For this service there was a sailor who
had been to Guinea, and some of the Indians of Guanahani
wished to go with him, and afterwards to return to their homes.
The Admiral calculated that he was forty-two degrees to the
north of the equinoctial line (but the handwriting is here
illegible).^ He says that he must attempt to reach the Gran
Can, who he thought was here or at the city of Cathay,^ which
belongs to him, and is very grand, as he was informed before
leaving Spain. All this land, he adds, is low and beautiful,
and the sea deep.

Wednesday J 31st of October

All Tuesday night he was beating to windward, and he saw
a river, but could not enter it because the entrance was nar-
row. The Indians fancied that the ships could enter wherever
their canoes could go. Navigating onwards, he came to a
cape running out very far, and surrounded by sunken rocks,^

* Rio Maximo. (Navarrete.)
' See above, p. 91.

' Rather, "The text here is corrupt.'' Las Casas, I. 324, gives the same
figures and adds, ''yet I think the text is erroneous." Navarrete says the
quadrants of that period measured the altitude double and so we should
take half of forty-two as the real altitude. If so, one wonders why there
was no explanation to this effect in the original journal which Las Casas
saw or why Las Casas was not familiar with this fact and did not make this
explanation. Ruge, Columbus, pp. 144, 145, says there were no such quad-
rants, and regards these estimates as proofs of Columbus's ignorance as a
scientific navigator.

* In Toscanelli's letter Cathay is a province in one place and a city
another.

' Boca de Carabelas grandes. (Navarrete.)

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 135

and he saw a bay where small vessels might take shelter. He
could not proceed because the wmd had come round to the
north, and all the coast runs N.W. and S.E. Another cape
further on ran out still more/ For these reasons, and because
the sky showed signs of a gale, he had to return to the Rio de
Mares.

Thursday J November the 1st

At sunrise the Admiral sent the boats on shore to the houses
that were there, and they found that all the people had fled.
After some time a man made his appearance. The Admiral
ordered that he should be left to himself, and the sailors re-
turned to the boats. After dinner, one of the Indians on board
was sent on shore. He called out from a distance that there
was nothing to fear, because the strangers were good people
and would do no harm to anyone, nor were they people of the
Gran Can, but they had given away their things in many islands
where they had been. The Indian then swam on shore, and
two of the natives took him by the arms and brought him to a
house, where they heard what he had to say. When they
were certain that no harm would be done to them they were
reassured, and presently more than sixteen canoes came to
the ships with cotton-thread and other trifles. The Admiral
ordered that nothing should be taken from them, that they
might understand that he sought for nothing but gold, which
they call nucay.^ Thus they went to and fro between the ships
and the shore all day, and they came to the Christians on shore
with confidence. The Admiral saw no gold whatever among
them, but he says that he saw one of them with a piece of
worked silver fastened to his nose. They said, by signs, that
within three days many merchants from inland would come to
buy the things brought by the Christians, and would give
information respecting the king of that land. So far as could

^ Punta del Maternillo. (Navarrete.)

^ Las Casas says, I. 326, *'I think the Christians did not understand,
for the language of all these islands is the same, and in this island of Espanola
gold is called caona."

136 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

be understood from their signs, he resided at a distance of
four days^ journey. They had sent many messengers in all
directions, with news of the arrival of the Admiral. ^' These
people, '^ says the Admiral, ^^are of the same appearance and
have the same customs as those of the other islands, without
any religion so far as I know, for up to this day I have never
seen the Indians on board say any prayer ; though they repeat
the Salve and Ave Maria with their hands raised to heaven,
and they make the sign of the cross. The language is also the
same, and they are all friends; but I believe that all these
islands are at war with the Gran Can, whom they called Cavila,
and his province Bafan. They all go naked hke the others. '^
This is what the Admiral says. ^'The river,'^ he adds, '^is
very deep, and the ships can enter the mouth, going close to
the shore. The sweet water does not come within a league
of the mouth. It is certain,'^ says the Admiral, ^Hhat this
is the mainland, and that I am in front of Zayto and
Guinsay, a hundred leagues, a little more or less, distant
the one from the other.* It is very clear that no one before
has been so far as this by sea. Yesterday, with wind from
the N.W., I found it cold.'^

Friday y 2nd of November

The Admiral decided upon sending two Spaniards, one
named Rodrigo de Jerez, who hved in Ayamonte, and the other
Luis de Torres, who had served in the household of the Ade-

^ The last words should be, ''distant from the one and from the other."
Las Casas, L 327, says : "Zayton and Quisay are certain cities or provincias
of the mainland which were depicted on the map of Paul the physician
as mentioned above." These Chinese cities were known from Marco Polo's
description of them. This passage in the Journal is very perplexing if it
assumes that Columbus was guided by the Toscanelli letter. Again a few
days earlier Columbus was sure that Cuba was Cipango, and now he is equally
certain that it is the mainland of Asia asserted by Toscanelli to be 26 spaces
or 6500 Italian miles west of Lisbon, but the next day his estimate of his
distance from Lisbon is 4568 miles. It would seem as if Columbus attached
no importance to the estimate of distances on the Toscanelli map which was
the only original information in it.

1492J JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 137

lantado of Murcia, and had been a Jew, knowing Hebrew,
Chaldee, and even some Arabic. With these men he sent two
Indians, one from among those he had brought from Guana-
hani, and another a native of the houses by the river-side.
He gave them strings of beads with which to buy food if they
should be in need, and ordered them to return in six days.
He gave them specimens of spices, to see if any were to be
found. Their instructions were to ask for the king of that land,
and they were told what to say on the part of the Sovereigns
of Castile, how they had sent the Admiral with letters and a
present, to inquire after his health and establish friendship,
favoring him in what he might desire from them. They were
to collect information respecting certain provinces, ports, and
rivers of which the Admiral had notice, and to ascertain their
distances from where he was.

This night the Admiral took an altitude with a quadrant,
and found that the distance from the equinoctial line was 42
degrees.^ He says that, by his reckoning, he finds that he has
gone over 1142 leagues from the island of Hierro.^ He still
believes that he has reached the mainland.

Saturday J 3rd of November

In the morning the Admiral got into the boat, and, as the
river is like a great lake at the mouth, forming a very excellent
port, very deep, and clear of rocks, with a good beach for
careening ships, and plenty of fuel, he explored it until he came
to fresh water at a distance of two leagues from the mouth.
He ascended a small mountain to obtain a view of the sur-
rounding country, but could see nothing, owing to the dense
foliage of the trees, which were very fresh and odoriferous,
so that he felt no doubt that there were aromatic herbs among
them. He said that all he saw was so beautiful that his eyes
could never tire of gazing upon such loveliness, nor his ears
of listening to the songs of birds. That day many canoes came

^ C/. p. 134, note 3.

' The true distance was 1105 leagues. (Navarrete.)

138 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

to the ships, to barter with cotton threads and with the nets
in which they sleep, called hamacas,

Sunday, Aih of November

At sunrise the Admiral again went away in the boat, and
landed to hunt the birds he had seen the day before. After
a time, Martin Alonso Pinzon came to him with two pieces of
cinnamon, and said that a Portuguese, who was one of his crew,
had seen an Indian carrying two very large bundles of it ; but
he had not bartered for it, because of the penalty imposed
by the Admiral on any one who bartered. He further said
that this Indian carried some brown things like nutmegs.
The master ^ of the Pinta said that he had found the cinnamon
trees. The Admiral went to the place, and found that they
were not cinnamon trees. The Admiral showed the Indians
some specimens of cinnamon and pepper he had brought from
Castile, and they knew it, and said, by signs, that there was
plenty in the vicinity, pointing to the S.E. He also showed
them gold and pearls, on which certain old men said that there
was an infinite quantity in a place called Bohioj^ and that the
people wore it on their necks, ears, arms, and legs, as well as
pearls. He further understood them to say that there were
great ships and much merchandise, all to the S.E. He also
understood that, far away, there were men with one eye,
and others with dogs' noses ^ who were cannibals, and that
when they captured an enemy, they beheaded him and drank
his blood, and cut off his private parts.

* Contramaestre is boatswain.

' " Bohio means in their language 'house/ and therefore it is to be sup-
posed that they did not understand the Indians, but that it was Hayti, which
is this island of Espailola where they made signs there was gold." Las Casas,
I. 329.

^ Columbus understood the natives to say these things because of his
strong preconceptions as to what he would find in the islands off the coast
of Asia based on his reading of the Book of Sir John Maundeville. Cf.
ch. XVIII. of that work, e.g., "a great and fair isle called Nacumera. . . .
And all the men and women have dogs' heads," and ch. xix., e.g., ''In one
of these isles are people of great stature, like giants, hideous to look upon;
and they have but one eye in the middle of the forehead."

1492] JOUEKAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 139

The Admiral then determined to return to the ship and wait
for the return of the two men he had sent, intending to depart
and seek for those lands, if his envoys brought some good news
touching what he desired. The Admiral further says: ''These
people are very gentle and timid; they go naked, as I have
said, without arms and without law. The country is very
fertile. The people have plenty of mames which are like carrots
and have the flavor of chestnuts ; and they have faxones and
beans of kinds very different from ours.^ They also have much
cotton, which they do not sow, as it is wild in the mountains,
and I beheve they collect it throughout the year, because I
saw pods empty, others full, and flowers all on one tree. There
are a thousand other kinds of fruits, which it is impossible for
me to write about, and all must be profitable. '^ All this the
Admiral says.

Monday J 5th of November

This morning the Admiral ordered the ship to be careened,
afterwards the other vessels, but not all at the same time.
Two were always to be at the anchorage, as a precaution;
although he says that these people were very safe, and that
without fear all the vessels might have been careened at the
same time. Things being in this state, the master ^ of the
Nina came to claim a reward from the Admiral because he
had found mastic, but he did not bring the specimen, as

^ Las Casas, I. 329, identifies the mames as ajes and batatas. The batatas,
whence our word ''potato/' is the sweet potato. Mames is more commonly-
written flames or ignames. This is the Guinea Negro name of the Dioscorea
sativa, in Enghsh " Yam." Ajes is the native West Indies name. See Peschel,
Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, p. 139, and Columbus's Journal, Dec. 13 and
Dec. 16. Faxones are the common haricot kidney beans or string beans,
Phaseolus vulgaris. This form of the name seems a confusion of the Spanish
jdsoles and the Portuguese feijoes. That Columbus, an Italian by birth who
had lived and married in Portugal and removed to Spain in middle life, should
occasionally make sHps in word-forms is not strange. More varieties of
this bean are indigenous in America than were known in Europe at the time
of the discoveries. Cf. De Candolle, Origin of Cultivated Plants, pp. 338 ff.

' The word is contramaestre, boatswain.

140 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

he had dropped it. The Admiral promised him a reward, and
sent Rodrigo Sanchez and master Diego to the trees. They
collected some, which was kept to present to the Sovereigns,
as well as the tree. The Admiral says that he knew it was
mastic, though it ought to be gathered at the proper season.
There is enough in that district for a yield of 1000 quintals
every year. The Admiral also found here a great deal of the
plant called aloe. He further says that the Puerto de Mares
is the best in the world, with the finest climate and the most
gentle people. As it has a high, rocky cape, a fortress might
be built, so that, in the event of the place becoming rich and
important, the merchants would be safe from any other na-
tions. He adds : ^^The Lord, in whose hands are all victories,
will ordain all things for his service. An Indian said by signs
that the mastic was good for pains in the stomach."

Tuesday, 6th of November

Yesterday, at night, says the Admiral, the two men came
back who had been sent to explore the interior. They said
that after walking 12 leagues they came to a village of 50
houses, where there were a thousand inhabitants, for many live
in one house. These houses are like very large booths. They
said that they were received with great solemnity, according
to custom, and all, both men and women, came out to see them.
They were lodged in the best houses, and the people touched
them, kissing their hands and feet, marvelling and believing
that they came from heaven, and so they gave them to under-
stand. They gave them to eat of what they had. When they
arrived, the chief people conducted them by the arms to the
principal house, gave them two chairs on which to sit, and
all the natives sat round them on the ground. The Indian
who came with them described the manner of living of the
Christians, and said that they were good people. Presently
the men went out, and the women came sitting round them
in the same way, kissing their hands and feet, and looking
to see if they were of flesh and bones Uke themselves. They

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 141

begged the Spaniards to remain with them at least five days.
The Spaniards showed the natives specimens of cinnamon,
pepper, and other spices which the Admiral had given them,
and they said, by signs, that there was plenty at a short dis-
tance from thence to S.E., but that there they did not know
whether there was any.^ Finding that they had no informa-
tion respecting cities, the Spaniards returned; and if they
had desired to take those who wished to accompany them,
more than 500 men and women would have come, because they
thought the Spaniards were returning to heaven. There came,
however, a principal man of the village and his son, with a
servant. The Admiral conversed with them, and showed
them much honor. They made signs respecting many lands
and islands in those parts. The Admiral thought of bringing
them to the Sovereigns. He says that he knew not what
fancy took them ; either from fear, or owing to the dark night,
they wanted to land. The ship was at the time high and dry,
but, not wishing to make them angry, he let them go on their
saying that they would return at dawn, but they never came
back. The two Christians met with many people on the road
going home, men and women with a half-burnt weed in their
hands, being the herbs they are accustomed to smoke.^ They

^ The last line should read, "but that they did not know whether there
was any in the place where they were."

^ The last line should read, "with a brand in their hand, [and] herbs to
smoke as they are accustomed to do." This is the earliest reference to smok-
ing tobacco. Las Casas, I. 332, describes the process as the natives practised
it : "These two Christians found on their way many people, men and women,
going to and from their villages and always the men with a brand in their
hands and certain herbs to take their smoke, which are dry herbs placed in a
certain leaf, also dry like the paper muskets which boys make at Easter
time. Having lighted one end of it, they suck at the other end or draw in with
the breath that smoke with which they make themselves drowsy and as if
drunk, and in that way, they say, cease to feel fatigue. These muskets, or
whatever we call them, they call tabacos. I knew Spaniards in this island
of Espanola who were accustomed to take them, who, when they were re-
buked for it as a vice, replied they could not give it up. I do not know
what pleasant taste or profit they found in them.'* Las Casas' last remarks
show that smoking was not yet common in his later life in Spain. The
paper muskets of Las Casas are blow-pipes. Oviedo, lib. v., cap. ii., gives
a detailed description of the use of tobacco. He says that the Indians

142 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

did not find villages on the road of more than five houses,
all receiving them with the same reverence. They saw many
kinds of trees, herbs, and sweet-smelling flowers; and birds
of many different kinds, unlike those of Spain, except the par-
tridges, geese, of which there are many, and singing nightin-
gales. They saw no quadrupeds except the dogs that do not
bark.^ The land is very fertile, and is cultivated with yams
and several kinds of beans different from ours, as well as corn.^
There were great quantities of cotton gathered, spun, and
worked up. In a single house they saw more than 500 arrohaSy^
and as much as 4000 quintals could be yielded every year.
The Admiral said that ^4t did not appear to be cultivated,
and that it bore all the year round. It is very fine, and has
a large boll. All that was possessed by these people they gave
at a very low price, and a great bundle of cotton was exchanged
for the point of a needle or other trifle. They are a people,''
says the Admiral, ^^ guileless and unwarhke. Men and women
go as naked as when their mothers bore them. It is true that
the women wear a very small piece of cotton-cloth which covers
their private parts and no more, and they are of very good
appearance, not very dark, less so than the Canarians. I hold,
most serene Princes, that if devout religious persons were here,
knowing the language, they would all turn Christians. I
trust in our Lord that your Highnesses will resolve upon this
with much dihgence, to bring so many great nations within
the Church, and to convert them ; as you have destroyed those
who would not confess the Father, the Son, and the Holy

smoked by inserting these tubes in the nostrils and that after two or three
inhalations they lost consciousness. He knew some Christians who used it
as an anesthetic when in great pain.

^ On this indigenous species of dumb dogs, cf. Oviedo, lib. xii. cap.
V. They have long been extinct in the Antilles. Oviedo says there were
none in Espanola when he WTote. He left the island in 1546.

^ This last part of this sentence should read, "and is cultivated with
mames, kidney beans, other beans, this same panic [i.e., Indian corn], etc."
The corresponding passage in the Historie of Ferdinand Columbus reads,
" and another grain like panic called by them mahiz of very excellent flavor
cooked or roasted or pounded in porridge (polenta)," p. 87.

• The arroba was 25 pounds and the quintal one hundred weight.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 143

Ghost. And after your days, all of us being mortal, may your
kingdoms remain in peace, and free from heresy and evil,
and may you be well received before the eternal Creator, to
whom I pray that you may have long life and great increase
of kingdoms and lordships, with the will and disposition to
increase the holy Christian rehgion as you have done hitherto.
Amen !^'

^^ To-day I got the ship afloat, and prepared to depart on
Thursday, in the name of God, and to steer S.E. in search
of gold and spices, and to discover land/'

These are the words of the Admiral, who intended to depart
on Thursday, but, the wind being contrary, he could not go
until the 12th of November.

Monday, 12th of November

The Admiral left the port and river of Mares before dawn
to visit the island called Babeque, so much talked of by the
Indians on board, where, according to their signs, the people
gather the gold on the beach at night with candles, and after-
wards beat it into bars with hammers/ To go thither it was
necessary to shape a course E. b. S. After having made 8
leagues along the coast, a river was sighted, and another 4
leagues brought them to another river, which appeared to be
of great volume, and larger than any they had yet seen. The
Admiral did not wish to stop nor to enter any of these rivers,
for two reasons: the first and principal one being that wind
and weather were favorable for going in search of the said
island of Babeque; the other, that, if there was a populous
and famous city near the sea, it would be visible, while, to go
up the rivers, small vessels are necessary, which those of the
expedition were not. Much time would thus be lost; more-
over, the exploration of such rivers is a separate enterprise.
All that coast was peopled near the river, to which the name of
Rio del Sol was given.

^ In Las Casas, I. 339, Bohio is mentioned with Babeque, and it is in
Bohio that the people were reported to gather gold on the beach.

144 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

The Admiral says that, on the previous Sunday, the 11th of
November, it seemed good to take some persons from amongst
those at Rio de Mares, to bring to the Sovereigns, that they
might learn our language, so as to be able to tell us what there
is in their lands. Returning, they would be the mouthpieces
of the Christians, and would adopt our customs and the things
of the faith. ^^I saw and knew^^ (says the Admiral) ''that
these people are without any rehgion, not idolaters, but very
gentle, not knowing what is evil, nor the sins of murder
and theft, being without arms, and so timid that a hundred
would fly before one Spaniard, although they joke with them.^
They, however, believe and know that there is a God in heaven,
and say that we have come from Heaven. At any prayer that
we say, they repeat, and make the sign of the cross. Thus
your Highnesses should resolve to make them Christians, for
I beheve that, if the work was begun, in a little time a multi-
tude of nations would be converted to our faith, with the ac-
quisition of great lordships, peoples, and riches for Spain.
Without doubt, there is in these lands a vast quantity of gold,
and the Indians I have on board do not speak without reason
when they say that in these islands there are places where they
dig out gold, and wear it on their necks, ears, arms, and legs,
the rings being very large. There are also precious stones,
pearls, and an infinity of spices. In this river of Mares, whence
we departed to-night, there is imdoubtedly a great quantity
of mastic, and much more could be raised, because the trees
may be planted, and will yield abundantly. The leaf and fruit
are like the mastic, but the tree and leaf are larger. As
Pliny describes it, I have seen it on the island of Chios in the
Archipelago. I ordered many of these trees to be tapped,
to see if any of them would yield resin ; but, as it rained all
the time I was in that river, I could not get any, except a very
httle, which I am bringing to your Highnesses. It may not be
the right season for tapping, which is, I beheve, when the trees
come forth after winter and begin to flower. But when I was
there the fruit was nearly ripe. Here also there is a great

* I.e., although the Spaniards may be only fooling with them.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 145

quantity of cotton, and 1 oelieve it would have a good sale
here without sending it to Spain, but to the great cities of the
Gran Can,^ which will be discovered without doubt, and many-
others ruled over by other lords, who will be pleased to serve
your Highnesses, and whither will be brought other commodi-
ties of Spain and of the Eastern lands; but these are to the
west as regards us. There is also here a great yield of aloes,^
though this is not a commodity that will yield great profit.
The mastic, however, is important, for it is only obtained
from the said island of Chios, and I believe the harvest is worth
50,000 ducats, if I remember right. ^ There is here, in the
mouth of the river, the best port I have seen up to this time,
wide, deep, and clear of rocks. It is an excellent site for a
town and fort, for any ship could come close up to the walls ;
the land is high, with a temperate climate, and very good
water.

^^ Yesterday a canoe came alongside the ship, with six
youths in it. Five came on board, and I ordered them to
be detained. They are now here. I afterwards sent to a
house on the western side of the river, and seized seven women,
old and young, and three children. I did this because the men
would behave better in Spain if they had women of their own
land, than without them. For on many occasions the men of
Guinea have been brought to learn the language in Portugal,
and afterwards, when they returned, and it was expected that

^ An interesting forecast of the future which may be compared with
John Cabot's; see one of the last pages of this volume.

^ Linaloe. Lignaloes or agallochum, to be distinguished from the medic-
inal aloes. Both were highly prized articles of mediaeval Oriental trade.
Lignaloes is mentioned by Marco Polo as one of the principal commodities
exchanged in the market of Zaitun. It is also frequently mentioned in the
Bible. C/. Numbers xxiv. 6, or Psalm xlv. 8. The aloes of Columbus were
probably the Barbadoes aloes of commerce, and the mastic the produce
of the Bursera gummifera. The last did not prove to be a commercial resin
like the mastic of Scio. See Encyclopoedia Britannica under Aloes and Mastic,
and Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Levant au Moyen Age, II. 581, 633.

^ The ducat being 9s. 2d. In the seventeenth century the value of
the mastic exported from Chios (Scio) was 30,000 ducats. Chios be-
longed to Genoa from 1346 to 1566, (Markham.)

146 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

they would be useful in their land, owing to the good company
they had enjoyed and the gifts they had received, they never
appeared after arriving. Others may not act thus. But^
having w^omen, they have the wish to perform what they are
required to do; besides, the women w^ould teach our people
their language, which is the same in all these islands, so that
those who make voyages in their canoes are understood every-
where- On the other hand, there are a thousand different lan-
guages in Guinea, and one native does not understand another.
^^The same night the husband of one of the women came
alongside in a canoe, who was father of the three children —
one boy and two girls. He asked me to let him come with
them, and besought me much. They are now all consoled at
being with one who is a relation of them all. He is a man of
about 45 years of age." All these are the words of the Admiral.
He also says that he had felt some cold, and that it would not
be wise to continue discoveries in a northerly direction in the
winter. On this Monday, until sunset, he steered a course
E. b. S., making 18 leagues, and reaching a cape, to which he
gave the name of Cabo de Cuba.

Tuesday J ISth of November

This night the ships were on a bowline, as the sailors say,
beating to windward without making any progress. At sun-
set they began to see an opening in the mountains, where two
very high peaks ^ were visible. It appeared that here was the
division between the land of Cuba and that of Bohio, and this
was affirmed by signs, by the Indians who were on board.
As soon as the day had dawned, the Admiral made sail toward
the land, passing a point which appeared at night to be distant
two leagues. He then entered a large gulf, 5 leagues to the
S.S.E., and there remained 5 more, to arrive at the point where,
between two great mountains, there appeared to be an open-
ing; but it could not be made out whether it was an inlet of
the sea. As he desired to go to the island called Babeque,

* Las Sierras del Cristal and Las Sierras de Moa. (Navarrete.)

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 147

where, according to the information he had received, there was
much gold; and as it bore east, and as no large town was in
sight, the wind freshening more than ever, he resolved to put
out to sea, and work to the east with a northerly wind. The
ship made 8 miles an hour, and from ten in the forenoon, when
that course was taken, until sunset, 56 miles, which is 14
leagues to the eastward from the Cabo de Cuba. The other
land of Bohio was left to leeward. Commencing from the cape
of the said gulf, he discovered, according to his reckoning, 80
miles, equal to 20 leagues, all that coast running E.S.E. and
W.N.W.

Wednesday, lUh of November

All last night the Admiral was beating to windward (he
said that it would be unreasonable to navigate among those
islands during the night, until they had been explored), for
the Indians said yesterday that it would take three days to
go from Rio de Mares to the island of Babeque, by which
should be understood days' journeys in their canoes equal to
about 7 leagues. The wind fell, and, the course being east,
sh,e could not lay her course nearer than S.E., and, owing to
other mischances, he was detained until the morning. At
sunrise he determined to go in search of a port, because the
wind had shifted from north to N.E., and, if a port could not
be found, it would be necessary to go back to the ports in the
island of Cuba, whence they came. The Admiral approached
the shore, having gone over 28 miles E.S.E. that night. He
steered south . . . miles to the land, where he saw many
islets and openings. As the wind was high and the sea rough,
he did not dare to risk an attempt to enter, but ran along the
coast W.N.W., looking out for a port, and saw many, but none
very clear of rocks. After having proceeded for 64 miles,
he found a very deep opening, a quarter of a mile wide, with
a good port and river. He ran in with her head S.S.W.,
afterwards south to S.E. The port ^ was spacious and very
deep, and he saw so many islands that he could not count them

' Puerto de Taxamo, in Cuba. (Navarrete.)

148 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

all, with very high land covered with trees of many kinds, and
an infinite number of palms. He was much astonished to see
so many lofty islands; and assured the Sovereigns that the
mountains and isles he had seen since yesterday seemed to him
to be second to none in the world ; so high and clear of clouds
and snow, with the sea at their bases so deep. He believes
that these islands are those innumerable ones that are depicted
on the maps of the world in the Far East.^ He beheved that
they yielded very great riches in precious stones and spices,
and that they extend much further to the south, widening out
in all directions. He gave the name of La Mar de Nuestra
Senora, and to the haven, which is near the mouth of the en-
trance to these islands, Puerto del Principe. He did not enter
it, but examined it from outside, until another time, on Satur-
day of the next week, as will there appear. He speaks highly
of the f ertihty, beauty, and height of the islands which he found
in this gulf, and he tells the Sovereigns not to wonder at his
praise of them, for that he has not told them the hundredth
part. Some of them seemed to reach to heaven, running
up into peaks like diamonds. Others rising to a great height
have a flat top hke a table. At their bases the sea is of a
great depth, with enough water for a very large carrack. All
are covered with fohage and without rocks.

Thursday, 15th of November

The Admiral went to examine these islands in the ships'
boats, and speaks marvels of them, how he found mastic,
and aloes without end. Some of them were cultivated with the
roots of which the Indians make bread; and he found that
fires had been hghted in several places. He saw no fresh water.
There were some natives, but they fled. In all parts of the sea
where the vessels were navigated he foimd a depth of 15 or
16 fathoms, and all basa, by which he means that the ground

* Cf. Fra Mauro's Map (1457-1459), Bourne, Spain in America, 14, and
Behaim's Globe, Winsor's Columbus, p. 186, or Fiske's Discovery of Amer-
ica, I. 422.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 149

is sand, and not rocks; a thing much desired by sailors, for
the rocks cut their anchor cables.

Friday, 16th of November

As in all parts, whether islands or mainlands, that he visited,
the Admiral always left a cross ; so, on this occasion, he went
in a boat to the entrance of these havens, and found two very
large trees on a point of land, one longer than the other. One
being placed over the other, made a cross, and he said that a
carpenter could not have made it better. He ordered a very
large and high cross to be made out of these timbers. He found
canes on the beach, and did not know where they had grown,
but thought they must have been brought down by some river,
and washed up on the beach (in which opinion he had reason).
He went to a creek on the south-east side of the entrance to
the port. Here, under a height of rock and stone Hke a cape,
there was depth enough for the largest carrack in the world
close in shore, and there was a corner where six ships might
He without anchors as in a room. It seemed to the Admiral
that a fortress might be built here at small cost, if at any time
any famous trade should arise in that sea of islands.

Returning to the ship, he found that the Indians who were
on board had fished up very large shells found in those seas.
He made the people examine them, to see if there was mother-
o^-pearl, which is in the shells where pearls grow. They found
a great deal, but no pearls, and their absence was attributed
to its not being the season, which is May and June. The sailors
found an animal which seemed to be a taso, or taxo.^ They
also fished with nets, and, among many others, caught a fish
which was exactly like a pig, not like a tunny, but all covered
with a very hard shell, without a soft place except the tail
and the eyes, and a hole underneath to discharge its superflu-
ities. It was ordered to be salted, to bring home for the Sov-
ereigns to see.^

^ Las Casas did not know the meaning of this word. In all probability
it is the Italian tasso, badger. C/. p. 139, notel. The animal, Cuvier sug-
gested, was probably the coati.

^ Cuvier conjectured this to be the trunk fish.

150 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

Saturday^ 17th of November

The Admiral got into the boat, and went to visit the islands
he had not yet seen to the S.W. He saw many more very
fertile and pleasant islands, with a great depth between them.
Some of them had springs of fresh water, and he beheved that
the water of those streams came from some sources at the sum-
mits of the mountains. He went on, and found a beach bor-
dering on very sweet water, which was very cold. There was
a beautiful meadow, and many very tall palms. They found
a large nut of the kind belonging to India, great rats,^ and
enormous crabs. He saw many birds, and there was a
strong smell of musk, which made him think it must be there.
This day the tw^o eldest of the six youths brought from the
Rio de Mares, who were on board the caravel Ninay made their
escape.

Sunday, 18th of November

The Admiral again went away with the boats, accompanied
by many of the sailors, to set up the cross which he had or-
dered to be made out of the two large trees at the entrance to
the Puerto del Principe, on a fair site cleared of trees, whence
tliere was an extensive and very beautiful view. He says that
there is a greater rise and fall of the sea there than in any
other port he has seen, and that this is no marvel, considering
the numerous islands. The tide is the reverse of ours, be-
cause here, when the moon is S.S.W., it is low water in the
port. He did not get under way, because it was Simday.

Monday, l^th of November

The Admiral got under way before sunrise, in a calm.
In the afternoon there was some wind from the east, and he
shaped a N.N.E. course. At sunset the Puerto del Principe
bore S.S.W. 7 leagues. He saw the island of Babeque bear-
ing due east about 60 miles. He steered N.E. all that night,

* The agouti.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 15i

making 60 miles, and up to ten o'clock of Tuesday another
dozen; altogether 18 leagues N.E. b. W.

Tuesday, 20th of November

They left Babeque, or the islands of Babeque, to the
E.S.E., the wind being contrary; and, seeing that no progress
was being made, and the sea was getting rough, the Admiral
determined to return to the Puerto del Principe, whence he had
started, which was 25 leagues distant. He did not wish
to go to the island he had called Isabella, which was twelve
leagues off, and where he might have anchored that night, for
two reasons : one was that he had seen two islands to the south
which he wished to explore ; the other, because the Indians he
brought with him, whom he had taken at the island of Guana-
hani, which he named San Salvador, eight leagues from
Isabella, might get away, and he said that he wanted them to
take to Spain. They thought that, when the Admiral had
found gold, he would let them return to their homes. He came
near the Puerto del Principe, but could not reach it, be-
cause it was night, and because the current drifted them to the
N.W. He turned her head to N.E. with a Hght wind. At
three o'clock in the morning the wind changed, and a course
was shaped E.N.E., the wind being S.S.W., and changing
at dawn to south and S.E. At sunset Puerto del Principe
bore nearly S.W. by W. 48 miles, which are 12 leagues.

Wednesday, 21st of November

At sunrise the Admiral steered east, with a southerly wind,
but made httle progress, owing to a contrary sea. At vespers
he had gone 24 miles. Afterwards the wind changed to east,
and he steered S. b. E., at sunset having gone 12 miles. Here
he found himself forty-two degrees north of the equinoctial
line, as in the port of Mares, but he says that he kept the
result from the quadrant in suspense until he reached the shore,
that it might be adjusted (as it would seem that he thought
i his distance was too great, and he had reason, it not being

152 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

possible, as these islands are only in . . . degrees)/ To
believe the quadrant was right he was led by seeing the north
star as high as in Castile. . . . Reinforcing this was the great
heat which he says he found there. . . . From this heat
which the Admiral says he endured there he argued that in
these Indies and where he was going there must be much
gold.'

This day Martin Alonso Pinzon parted company with the
caravel Pinta, in disobedience to and against the wish of the
Admiral, and out of avarice, thinking that an Indian who had
been put on board his caravel could show him where there was
much gold. So he parted company, not owing to bad weather,
but because he chose. Here the Admiral says : ^^He had done
and said many other things to me."

Thursday, 22nd of November

On Wednesday night the Admiral steered S.S.E., with the
wind east, but it was nearly calm. At 3 it began to blow
from N.N.E. ; and he continued to steer south to see the land
he had seen in that quarter. AVhen the sun rose he was as far
off as the day before, owing to adverse currents, the land being
40 miles off. This night Martin Alonso shaped a course to the
east, to go to the island of Babeque, where the Indians say
there is much gold. He did this in sight of the Admiral, from
whom he was distant 16 miles. The Admiral stood towards
the land all night. He shortened sail, and showed a lantern,
because Pinzon would thus have an opportunity of joining him,
the night being very clear, and the wind fair to come, if he had
wished to do so.

^ See p. 134, note 3. The words following " Port of Mares " should be
translated " but here he says that he has the quadrant hung up (or not in use)
until he reaches land to repair it. Since it seemed to him that this distance,"
etc. Las Casas omitted to insert the number of degrees in his comment.

^ The sentences omitted are comments of Las Casas on these reflections
of Columbus.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 153

Friday, 23rd of November

The Admiral stood towards the land all day, always steering
south with Httle wind, but the current would never let them
reach it, being as far off at sunset as in the morning. The wind
was E.N.E., and they could shape a southerly course, but
there was little of it. Beyond this cape there stretched out
another land or cape, also trending east, which the Indians
on board called Bohio. They said that it was very large, and
that there were people in it who had one eye in their fore-
heads, and others who were cannibals, and of whom they were
much afraid.^ When they saw that this course was taken,
they said that they could not talk to these people because they
would be eaten, and that they were very well armed. The
Admiral says that he well believes that there were such people,
and that if they are armed they must have some ability. He
thought that they may have captured some of the Indians,
and because they did not return to their homes, the others be-
Ueved that they had been eaten. They thought the same of
the Christians and of the Admiral when some of them first
saw the strangers.

Saturday J 2Uh of November

They navigated all night, and at 3 ^ they reached the level
island^ at the very same point they had come to the week
before, when they started for the island of Babeque. At first
the Admiral did not dare to approach the shore, because it seemed
that there would be a great surf in that mountain-girded bay.
Finally he reached the sea of Nuestra Senora, where there are
many islands, and entered a port near the mouth of the open-
ing to the islands. He says that if he had known of this port
before, he need not have occupied himself in exploring the
islands, and it would not have been necessary to go back. He,
however, considered that the time was well spent in examin-

1 See p. 138, note 3.

^ A la hora de tercia, about 9 a.m. See p. 118, note 1.

^ Cayo de Moa. (Navarrete.)

154 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

ing the islands. On nearing the land he sent in the boat to
sound, finding a good sandy bottom in 6 to 20 fathoms. He
entered the haven, poniting the ship's head S.W. and then
west, the flat island bearing north. This, with another island
near it, forms a harbor which would hold all the ships of Spain
safe from all winds. This entrance on the S.W. side is passed
by steering S.S.W., the outlet being to the west very deep
and wide. Thus a vessel can pass amidst these islands, and he
who approaches from the north, with a knowledge of them,
can pass along the coast. These islands are at the foot of a
great mountain-chain running east and west, which is longer
and higher than any others on this coast, where there are many.
A reef of rocks outside runs parallel with the said mountains,
like a bench, extending to the entrance. On the side of the
fiat island, and also to the S.E., there is another small reef,
but between them there is great width and depth. Within
the port, near the S.E. side of the entrance, they saw a large
and very fine river,* with more volume than any they had
yet met with, and fresh water could be taken from it as far as
the sea. At the entrance there is a bar, but within it is very
deep, 19 fathoms. The banks are lined with palms and many
other trees.

Sunday, 25th of November

Before sunrise the Admiral got into the boat, and went to see
a cape or point of land ^ to the S.E. of the flat island, about a
league and a half distant, because there appeared to be a good
river there. Presently, near to the S.E. side of the cape, at a dis-
tance of two cross-bow shots, he saw a large stream of beautiful
water falling from the mountains ^ above, with a loud noise.
He went to it, and saw some stones shining in its bed hke gold.'*

^ Rio de Moa. (Navarrete.)

' Punta del Mangle or del Guarico. (Navarrete.)

' Sierras de Moa. (Navarrete.)

* " These must have been margaseta stones which look like gold in streams
and of which there is an abundance in the rivers of these islands." Las
Casas, I. 346.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 155

He remembered that in the river Tagus, near its jimction with
the sea, there was gold ; so it seemed to him that this should
contain gold, and he ordered some of these stones to be col-
lected, to be brought to the Sovereigns. Just then the sailor
boys called out that they had found large pines. The Admiral
looked up the hill, and saw that they were so wonderfully large
that he could not exaggerate their height and straightness,
Hke stout yet fine spindles. He perceived that here there was
material for great store of planks and masts for the largest
ships in Spain. He saw oaks and arbutus trees, ^ with a good
river, and the means of making water-power.^ The climate
was temperate, owing to the height of the mountains. On the
beach he saw many other stones of the color of iron, and others
that some said were hke silver ore, all brought down by the
river. Here he obtained a new mast and yard for the mizzen
of the caravel Nina. He came to the mouth of the river, and
entered a creek which was deep and wide, at the foot of that
S.E. part of the cape, which would accommodate a hundred
ships without any anchor or hawsers. Eyes never beheld a
better harbor. The mountains are very high, whence descend
many limpid streams, and all the hills are covered with pines,
and an infinity of diverse and beautiful trees. Two or three
other rivers were not visited.

The Admiral described all this, in much detail, to the Sov-
ereigns, and declared that he had derived unspeakable joy
and pleasure at seeing it, more especially the pines, because they
enable as many ships as is desired to be built here, bringing
out the rigging, but finding here abundant supplies of wood
and provisions. He affirms that he has not enumerated a
hundredth part of what there is here, and that it pleased our
Lord always to show him one thing better than another, as
well on the ground and among the trees, herbs, fruits, and
flowers, as in the people, and always something different in
each place. It had been the same as regards the havens and

^ Madronos. Arbutus unedo or the Strawberry tree. The California
Madroiia is the Arbutus Menziesii.
^ Rather, ''for making sawmills."

156 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

the waters. Finally, he says that if it caused him who saw
it so much wonder, how much more will it affect those who hear
about it ; yet no one can beheve until he sees it.

Monday, 2Qth of November

At sunrise the Admiral weighed the anchors in the haven
of Santa Catalina, where he was behind the flat island, and
steered along the coast in the direction of Cabo del Pico, which
was S.E. He reached the cape late, because the wind failed,
and then saw another cape, S.E. b. E. 60 miles, which, when
20 miles off, was named Cabo de Campana, but it could not be
reached that day. They made good 32 miles during the day,
which is 8 leagues. During this time the Admiral noted nine
remarkable ports, ^ which all the sailors thought wonderfully
good, and five large rivers ; for they sailed close along the land,
so as to see everything. All along the coast there are very
high and beautiful mountains, not arid or rocky, but all acces-
sible, and very lovely. The valleys, hke the mountains, were
full of tall and fine trees, so that it was a glory to look upon
them, and there seemed to be many pines. Also, beyond the
said Cabo de Pico to the S.E. there are two islets, each about
two leagues round, and inside them three excellent havens
and two large rivers. Along the whole coast no inhabited
places were visible from the sea. There may have been some,
and there were indications of them, for, when the men landed,
they found signs of people and numerous remains of fires. The
Admiral conjectured that the land he saw to-day S.E. of the
Cabo de Campana was the island called by the Indians Bohio : ^
it looked as if this cape was separated from the mainland.
The Admiral says that all the people he has hitherto met with
have very great fear of those of Caniba or Canima. They affirm
that they five in the island of Bohio, which must be very large,
according to all accounts. The Admiral understood that those
of Caniba come to take people from their homes, they being

* Among these were the Bay of Yamanique, and the ports of Jaragua,
Taco, Cayaganueque, Nava, and Maravi. (Navarrete.)
' See p. 126, note 1.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 157

very cowardly, and without knowledge of arms. For this
cause it appears that these Indians do not settle on the sea-
coast, owing to being near the land of Caniba. When the na-
tives who were on board saw a course shaped for that land,
they feared to speak, thinking they were going to be eaten;
nor could they rid themselves of their fear. They declared that
the Canibas ^ had only one eye and dogs' faces. The Admiral
thought they lied, and was inclined to beheve that it was peo-
ple from the dominions of the Gran Can who took them into
captivity.

Tuesday^ 27th of November

Yesterday, at sunset, they arrived near a cape named
Campana by the Admiral; and, as the sky was clear and
the wind hght, he did not wish to run in close to the land and
anchor, although he had five or six singularly good havens
under his lee. The Admiral was attracted on the one hand
by the longing and delight he felt to gaze upon the beauty and
freshness of those lands, and on the other by a desire to com-
plete the work he had undertaken. For these reasons he re-
mained close hauled, and stood off and on during the night.
But, as the currents had set him more than 5 or 6 leagues to
the S.E. beyond where he had been at nightfall, passing the
land of Campana, he came in sight of a great opening beyond
that cape, which seemed to divide one land from another,
leaving an island between them. He decided to go back,
with the wind S.E., steering to the point where the opening
had appeared, where he found that it was only a large
bay ; ^ and at the end of it, on the S.E. side, there was a point
of land on which was a high and square-cut hill,^ which had
looked like an island. A breeze sprang up from the north,
and the Admiral continued on a S.E. course, to explore the
coast and discover all that was there. Presently he saw, at the

^ The original of the words Cannibal and Carib and Caribbean. Cf. also
p. 138, note 3.

^ The port of Baracoa. (Navarrete.)
' Monte del Yunque. (Navarrete.)

158 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

foot of the Cabo de Campana, a wonderfully good port/ and
a large river, and, a quarter of a league on, another river, and
a third, and a fourth to a seventh at similar distances, from the
furthest one to Cabo de Campana being 20 miles S.E. Most
of these rivers have wide and deep mouths, with excellent
havens for large ships, without sandbanks or sunken rocks.
Proceeding onwards from the last of these rivers, on a S.E.
course, they came to the largest inhabited place they had yet
seen, and a vast concourse of people came down to the beach
with loud shouts, all naked, with their darts in their hands.
The Admiral desired to have speech with them, so he furled
sails and anchored. The boats of the ship and the caravel
were sent on shore, with orders to do no harm whatever to the
Indians, but to give them presents. The Indians made as if
they would resist the landing, but, seeing that the boats of the
Spaniards continued to advance without fear, they retired
from the beach. Thinking that they would not be terrified
if only two or three landed, three Christians were put on shore,
who told them not to be afraid, in their own language, for they
had been able to learn a little from the natives who were on
board. But all ran away, neither great nor small remaining.
The Christians went to the houses, which were of straw, and
built Hke the others they had seen, but found no one in any of
them. They returned to the ships, and made sail at noon in
the direction of a fine cape ^ to the eastward, about 8 leagues
distant. Having gone about half a league, the Admiral saw,
on the south side of the same bay, a very remarkable harbor,^
and to the S.E. some wonderfully beautiful country Hke a
valley among the mountains, whence much smoke arose, in-
dicating a large population, with signs of much cultivation.
So he resolved to stop at this port, and see if he could have
any speech or intercourse with the inhabitants. It was so
that, if the Admiral had praised the other havens, he must
*3raise this still more for its lands, chmate, and people. He

* Port of Maravi. (Navarre te.)
' Punta de Maici. (Id.)
' Puerto de Baracoa. (Id.)

1492] JOUENAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 159

tells marvels of the beauty of the country and of the trees,
there being palms and pine trees ; and also of the great valley
which is not flat, but diversified by hill and dale, the most lovely
scene in the world. Many streams flow from it, which fall
from the mountains.

As soon as the ship was at anchor the Admiral jumped
into the boat, to get soundings in the port, which is the shape
of a hammer. When he was facing the entrance he found the
mouth of a river on the south side of sufficient width for a galley
to enter it, but so concealed that it is not visible until close to.
Entering it for the length of the boat, there was a depth of
from 5 to 8 fathoms. In passing up it the freshness and beauty
of the trees, the clearness of the water, and the birds, made it
all so dehghtful that he wished never to leave them. He said
to the men who were with him that to give a true relation
to the Sovereigns of the things they had seen, a thousand
tongues would not suffice, nor his hand to write it, for that it
was Hke a scene of enchantment. He desired that many
other prudent and credible witnesses might see it, and he was
sure that they would be as unable to exaggerate the scene as
he was.

The Admiral also says: — ^^How great the benefit that is
to be derived from this country would be, I cannot say. It
is certain that where there are such lands there must be an
infinite number of things that would be profitable. But I
did not remain long in one port, because I wished to see as
much of the country as possible, in order to make a report
upon it to your Highnesses; and besides, I do not know the
language, and these people neither understand me nor any other
in my company; while the Indians I have on board often
misunderstand. Moreover, I have not been able to see much
of the natives, because they often take to flight. But now,
if our Lord pleases, I will see as much as possible, and will
proceed by little and little, learning and comprehending ; and
I will make some of my followers learn the language. For I
have perceived that there is only one language up to this
point. After they understand the advantages, I shall labor

160 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

to make all these people Christians. They will become so
readily, because they have no religion nor idolatry, and your
Highnesses will send orders to build a city and fortress, and to
convert the people. I assure your Highnesses that it does not
appear to me that there can be a more fertile country nor a
better climate under the sun, with abundant supplies of water.
This is not Hke the rivers of Guinea, which are all pestilential.
I thank our Lord that, up to this time, there has not been a per-
son of my company who has had so much as a headache, or been
in bed from illness, except an old man who has suffered from
the stone all his life, and he was well again in two days. I
speak of all three vessels. If it will please God that your High-
nesses should send learned men out here, they will see the truth
of all I have said. I have related already how good a place
Rio de Mares would be for a town and fortress, and this is
perfectly true; but it bears no comparison with this place,
nor with the Mar de Nuestra Senora. For here there must be
a large population, and very valuable productions, which I
hope to discover before I return to Castile. I say that if
Christendom will find profit among these people, how much
more will Spain, to whom the whole country should be subject.
Your Highnesses ought not to consent that any stranger
should trade here, or put his foot in the country, except Catho-
Hc Christians, for this was the beginning and end of the
undertaking; namely, the increase and glory of the Christian
religion, and that no one should come to these parts who was
not a good Christian." ^

All the above are the Admiral's words. He ascended the
river for some distance, examined some branches of it, and,
returning to the mouth, he found some pleasant groves of trees,
like a delightful orchard. Here he came upon a boat or

^ With these suggestions for a colonial policy cf. Columbus's more de-
tailed programme in his letter to Ferdinand and Isabella, pp. 273-277
below. In the Spanish policy of exclusion of foreigners from the colonies the
religious motive, as here, was quite as influential as the spirit of trade
monopoly. Las Casas, in making the same quotation from the Journal, re-
marks, I. 351 : "All these are his exact words, although some of them are
not perfect Castilian, since that was not the Admiral's mother tongue."

U92] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 161

canoa, dug out of one tree, as big as a justa ^ of twelve
benches, fastened under a boat-house or bower made of wood,
and thatched with palm-leaves, so that it could be neither
injured by sun nor by the water. He says that here would
be the proper site for a town and fort, by reason of the good
port, good water, good land, and abundance of fuel.

Wednesday J 2Sth of November

The Admiral remained during this day, in consequence of
the rain and thick weather, though he might have run along
the coast, the wind being S.W., but he did not weigh, because
he was unacquainted with the coast beyond, and did not know
what danger there might be for the vessels. The sailors of
the two vessels went on shore to wash their clothes, and some
of them walked inland for a short distance. They found in-
dications of a large population, but the houses were all empty,
everyone having fled. They returned by the banks of another
river, larger than that which they knew of, at the port.

Thursday^ 29th of November

The rain and thick weather continuing, the Admiral did
not get under way. Some of the Christians went to another
village to the N.W., but found no one, and nothing in the
houses. On the road they met an old man who could not run
away, and caught him. They told him they did not wish to
do him any harm, gave him a few presents, and let him go.
The Admiral would have hked to have had speech with him,
for he was exceedingly satisfied with the dehghts of that land,
and wished that a settlement might be formed there, judging
that it must support a large population. In one house they
found a cake of wax,^ which was taken to the Sovereigns, the

^ The fusta was a long, low boat propelled by oars or a sail. It is
represented in earlier English by ''foist " and ''fuste.''

^ Las Casas, I. 353, remarks, "This wax was never made in the island
of Cuba, and this cake that was found came from the kingdom and provinces
of Yucatan, where there is an immense amount of very good yellow wax."
He supposes that it might have come from the wrecks of canoes engaged
in trade along the coast of Yucatan.

162 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

Admiral saying that where there was wax there were also a
thousand other good things. The sailors also found, in one
house, the head of a man in a basket, covered with another
basket, and fastened to a post of the house. They found the
same things in another village. The Admiral beheved that
they must be the heads of some founder, or principal ancestor
of a lineage, for the houses are built to contain a great num-
ber of people in each ; and these should be relations, and de-
scendants of a common ancestor.

Friday, 30th of November

They could not get under way to-day because the wind
was east, and dead against them. The Admiral sent 8 men
well armed, accompanied by two of the Indians he had on
board, to examine the villages inland, and get speech with the
people. They came to many houses, but found no one and
nothing, all having fled. They saw four youths who were
digging in their fields, but, as soon as they saw the Christians,
they ran away, and could not be overtaken. They marched
a long distance, and saw many villages and a most fertile
land, with much cultivation and many streams of water. Near
one river they saw a canoe dug out of a single tree, 95 palmos *
long, and capable of carrying 150 persons.

Saturday, 1st of December

They did not depart, because there was still a foul wind,
with much rain. The Admiral set up a cross at the entrance
of this port, which he called Puerto Santo,^ on some bare
rocks. The point is that which is on the S.E. side of the en-
trance ; but he who has to enter should make more over to the
N.W. ; for at the foot of both, near the rock, there are 12

^ About 70 feet. Las Casas adds the words, ''it was most beautiful,"
and continues, '' it is no wonder for there are in that island very thick and very
long and tall fragrant red cedars and commonly all their canoes are made
from these valuable trees."

^ Puerto de Baracoa. (Navarrete.)

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGK 163

fathoms and a very clean bottom. At the entrance of the port,
toward the S.E. point, there is a reef of rocks above water/
sufficiently far from the shore to enable one to pass between if
it is necessary, for both on the side of the rock and the shore
there is a depth of 12 to 15 fathoms ; and, on entering, a ship^s
head should be turned S.W.

Sunday J 2nd of December

The wind was still contrary, and they could not depart.
Every night the wind blows on the land, but no vessel need
be alarmed at all the gales in the world, for they cannot blow
home by reason of a reef of rocks at the opening to the haven,
etc. A sailor-boy found, at the mouth of the river, some stones
which looked as if they contained gold; so they were taken
to be shown to the Sovereigns. The Admiral says that there
are great rivers at the distance of a lombard shot.^

Monday, Srd of December

By reason of the continuance of an easterly wind the Ad-
miral did not leave this port. He arranged to visit a very
beautiful headland a quarter of a league to the S.E. of the
anchorage. He went with the boats and some armed men.
At the foot of the cape there was the mouth of a fair river,
and on entering it they found the width to be a hundred paces,
with a depth of one fathom. Inside they found 12, 5, 4, and
2 fathoms, so that it would hold all the ships there are in Spain.
Leaving the river, they came to a cove in which were five very

^ This reef actually exists on the S.E. side of the entrance to this port,
which is described with great accuracy by Columbus. (Navarrete.)

^ Lomharda is the same as homharda, bombard, the earliest type of
cannon. The name has nothing to do with Lombardy, but is simply the
form which was used in Castile in the fifteenth century while homharda was
used elsewhere in the peninsula and in Europe. The average-sized bom-
bard was a twenty-five pounder. Diccionario Enciclopedico Hispano- Ameri-
cano, art. lomhardo, based on Arautegui, Apuntes Histdricos sohre la Artil-
leria Espaflola en los Siglos XIV y XV,

164 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

large canoes/ so well constructed that it was a pleasure to
look at them. They were under spreadmg trees, and a path
led from them to a very well-built boat-house, so thatched that
neither sun nor rain could do any harm. Within it there was
another canoe made out of a single tree hke the others, hke a
fusta with 17 benches. It was a pleasant sight to look upon
such goodly work. The Admiral ascended a mountain, and
afterwards found the country level, and cultivated with many
things of that land, including such calabashes, as it was a glory
to look upon them.^ In the middle there was a large village,
and they came upon the people suddenly ; but, as soon as they
were seen, men and women took to flight. The Indian from
on board, who was with the Admiral, cried out to them that they
need not be afraid, as the strangers were good people. The
Admiral made him give them bells, copper ornaments, and glass
beads, green and yellow, with which they were well content.
He saw that they had no gold nor any other precious thing,
and that it would suffice to leave them in peace. The whole
district was well peopled, the rest having fled from fear. The
Admiral assures the Sovereigns that ten thousand of these
men would run from ten, so cowardly and timid are they.
No arms are carried by them, except wands,^ on the point of
which a short piece of wood is fixed, hardened by fire, and these
they are very ready to exchange. Returning to where he had
left the boats, he sent back some men up the hill, because he
fancied he had seen a large apiary. Before those he had sent

^ This line should be, " in which he saw five very large almadias [low, light
boats] which the Indians call canoas, like fustas, very beautiful and so well
constructed," etc. "Canoe" is one of the few Arawak Indian words to have
become familiar English.

^ Rather, "He went up a mountain and then he found it all level and
planted with many things of the country and gourds so that it was glorious
to see it." De Candolle believes the calabash or gourd to have been intro-
duced into America from Africa. Cf. his Origin of Cultivated Plants, pp.
245 fif. Oviedo, however, in his Historia General y Natural de Indias, lib.
VIII., cap. VIII., says that the calahagas of the Indies were the same as
those in Spain and were cultivated not to eat but to use the shells as
vessels.

3 Rather, "rods."

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 165

could return, they were joined by many Indians, and they
went to the boats, where the Admiral was waiting with all his
people. One of the natives advanced into the river near the
stern of the boat, and made a long speech, which the Admiral
did not understand. At intervals the other Indians raised
their hands to Heaven, and shouted. The Admiral thought
he was assuring him that he was pleased at his arrival ; but he
saw the Indian who came from the ship change the color of
his face, and turn as yellow as wax, trembhng much, and let-
ting the Admiral know by signs that he should leave the river,
as they were going to kill him. He pointed to a cross-bow
which one of the Spaniards had, and showed it to the Indians,
and the Admiral let it be understood that they would all be
slain, because that cross-bow carried far and killed people.
He also took a sword and drew it out of the sheath, showing
it to them, and saying the same, which, when they had heard,
they all took to flight; while the Indian from the ship still
trembled from cowardice, though he was a tall, strong man.
The Admiral did not want to leave the river, but pulled tow-
ards the place where the natives had assembled in great num-
bers, all painted, and as naked as when their mothers bore
them. Some had tufts of feathers on their heads, and all had
their bundles of darts.

The Admiral says: ''I came to them, and gave them some
mouthfuls of bread, asking for the darts, for which I gave in
exchange copper ornaments, bells, and glass beads. This
made them peaceable, so that they came to the boats again,
and gave us what they had. The sailors had killed a turtle,
and the shell was in the boat in pieces. The sailor-boys gave
them some in exchange for a bundle of darts. These are like
the other people we have seen, and with the same belief that
we came from Heaven. They are ready to give whatever
thing they have in exchange for any trifle without saying it
is little ; and I believe they would do the same with gold and
spices if they had any. I saw a fine house, not very large,
and with two doors, as all the rest have. On entering, I saw
a marvellous work, there being rooms made in a peculiar way,

166 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

that I scarcely know how to describe it. Shells and other
things were fastened to the ceiling. I thought it was a temple,
and I called them and asked, by signs, whether prayers were
offered up there. They said that they were not, and one of
them climbed up and offered me all the things that were there,
of which I took some/'

Tuesday, Uh of December

The Admiral made sail with little wind, and left that port,
which he called Puerto Santo. After going two leagues, he
saw the great river ^ of which he spoke yesterday. Passing
along the land, and beating to windward on S.E. and W.N.W.
courses, they reached Cabo Lindo,^ which is E.S.E. 5 leagues
from Cabo del Monte. A league and a half from Cabo del
Monte there is an important but rather narrow river, which
seemed to have a good entrance, and to be deep. Three-
quarters of a league further on, the Admiral saw another very
large river, and he thought it must have its source at a great
distance. It had a hundred paces at its mouth, and no bar,
with a depth of 8 fathoms. The Admiral sent the boat in,
to take soundings, and they found the water fresh until it
enters the sea.

This river had great volume, and must have a large popu-
lation on its banks. Beyond Cabo Lindo there is a great bay,
which would be open for navigation to E.N.E. and S.E.
and S.S.W.

Wednesday J 5th of December

All this night they were beating to windward off Cape
Lindo, to reach the land to the east, and at sunrise the Admiral
sighted another cape,^ two and a half leagues to the east.
Having passed it, he saw that the land trended S. and S.W.^

* Rio Boma. (Navarrete.)
' Punta del Fraile. (Id.)

* Punta de los Azules. (Id.)

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 167

and presently saw a fine high cape in that direction, 7 leagues
distant/ He would have wished to go there, but his object
was to reach the island of Babeque, which, according to the
Indians, bore N.E. ; so he gave up the intention. He could not
go to Babeque either, because the wind was N.E. Looking
to the S.E., he saw land, which was a very large island, accord-
ing to the information of the Indians, well peopled, and called
by them Bohio.^ The Admiral says that the inhabitants of
Cuba, or Juana,^ and of all the other islands, are much afraid
of the inhabitants of Bohio, because they say that they eat
people. The Indians relate other things, by signs, which are
very wonderful; but tl;ie Admiral did not beheve them. He
only inferred that those of Bohio must have more cleverness
and cunning to be able to capture the others, who, however,
are very poor-spirited. The wind veered from N.E. to North,
so the Admiral determined to leave Cuba, or Juana, which, up
to this time, he had supposed to be the mainland, on account
of its size, having coasted along it for 120 leagues.* He shaped
a course S.E. b. E., the land he had sighted bearing S.E. ;
taking this precaution because the wind always veered from
N. to N.E. again, and thence to east and S.E. The wind in-
creased, and he made all sail, the current helping them; so
that they were making 8 miles an hour from the morning until
one in the afternoon (which is barely 6 hours, for they say
that the nights were nearly 15 hours). Afterwards they went
10 miles an hour, making good 88 miles by sunset, equal to
22 leagues, all to the S.E. As night was coming on, the

^ Las Casas, I. 359, says, "This high and beautiful cape whither he
would have liked to go I believe was Point Mayci, which is the extreme end
of Cuba toward the east." According to the modern maps of Cuba it must
have been one of the capes to the southwest of Point Maici.

^ Cf. note 57. Las Casas, I. 359, remarks, ''Its real name was Hayti,
the last syllable long and accented." He thinks it possible that the cape
first sighted may have been called Bohio.

^ Columbus gave Cuba the name Juana " in memory of Prince Juan the
heir of Castile." Historie, p. 83.

^ "In leaving the cape or eastern point of Cuba he gave it the name
Alpha and Omega, which means beginning and end, for he believed that this
cape was the end of the mainland in the Orient." Las Casas, I. 360.

168 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

Admiral ordered the caravel Nina, being a good sailer, to pro-
ceed ahead, so as to sight a harbor at dayUght. Arriving at
the entrance of a port which was like the Bay of Cadiz, while
it was still dark, a boat was sent in to take soundings, which
showed a hght from a lantern. Before the Admiral could beat
up to where the caravel was, hoping that the boat would show
a leading-mark for entering the port, the candle in the lantern
went out. The caravel, not seeing the hght, showed a Hght
to the Admiral, and, running down to him, related what had
happened. The boat's crew then showed another Hght, and
the caravel made for it ; but the Admiral could not do so, and
was standing off and on all night.

Thursday J 6th of December

When dayHght arrived the Admiral found himself four
leagues from the port, to which he gave the name of Puerto
Maria, ^ and to a fine cape bearing S.S.W. he gave the name of
Cabo de la Estrella.^ It seemed to be the furthest point of the
island towards the south, distant 28 miles. Another point of
land, like an island, appeared about 40 miles to the east. To
another fine point, 54 miles to the east, he gave the name of
Cabo del Elefante,^ and he called another, 28 miles to the S.E.,
Cabo de Cinquin. There was a great opening or bay, which
might be the mouth of a river,^ distant 20 miles. It seemed
that between Cabo del Elefante and that of Cinquin there was
a great opening,^ and some of the sailors said that it formed
an island, to which the name of Isla de la Tortuga ^ was given.
The island appeared to be very high land, not closed in with
mountains, but with beautiful valleys, well cultivated, the
srops appearing like the wheat on the plain of Cordova in May.

* The port of St. Nicholas Mole, in Hayti. (Navarrete.)
2 Cape of St. Nicholas. (Id.)

' Punta Palmista. (Id.)

* Puerto Escudo. (Id.)

^ The channel between Tortuga Island and the main.
® Tortoise.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 169

That night they saw many fires, and much smoke, as if from
workshops,*^ in the day time ; it appeared to be a signal made
by people who were at war. All the coast of this land trends
to the east.

At the hour of vespers the Admiral reached this port, to
which he gave the name of Puerto de San Nicolas, in honor
of St. Nicholas, whose day it was ; ^ and on entering it he was
astonished at its beauty and excellence. Although he had
given great praise to the ports of Cuba, he had no doubt that
this one not only equalled, but excelled them, and none of
them are hke it. At the entrance it is a league and a half wide,
and a vessePs head should be turned S.S.E., though, owing
to the great width, she may be steered on any bearing that is
convenient; proceeding on this course for two leagues.^ On
the south side of the entrance the coast forms a cape, and
thence the course is almost the same as far as a point where
there is a fine beach, and a plain covered with fruit-bearing
trees of many kinds ; so that the Admiral thought there must
be nutmegs and other spices among them, but he did not
know them, and they were not ripe. There is a river falling
into the harbor, near the middle of the beach. The depth of
this port is surprising, for, until reaching the land, for a dis-
tance of . . .* the lead did not reach the bottom at 40 fathoms ;
and up to this length there are 15 fathoms with a very clean
bottom. Throughout the port there is a depth of 15 fathoms,
with a clean bottom, at a short distance from the shore ; and
all along the coast there are soundings with clean bottom, and
not a single sunken rock. Inside, at the length of a boat's
oar from the land, there are 5 fathoms. Beyond the limit of
the port to the S.S.E. a thousand carracks could beat up.

^ Atalayas, " watchtowers.''

^ This method of giving names in honor of the saint on whose day a new
cape or river was discovered was very commonly followed during the period
of discoveries, and sometimes the date of a discovery, or the direction of a
voyage, or other data can be verified by comparing the names given with the
calendar.

^ This clause should be "It extends in this manner to the south-south-
east two leagues."

* A gap in the manuscript.

170 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

One branch of the port to the N.E. runs into the land for a
long half league, and always the same width, as if it had been
measured with a cord. Being in this creek, which is 25 paces
wide, the principal entrance to the harbor is not in sight, so
that it appears land-locked/ The depth of this creek is 11
fathoms throughout, all with clean bottom; and close to the
land, where one might put the gangboards on the grass, there
are eight fathoms.

The whole port is open to the air, and clear of trees. All
the island appeared to be more rocky than any that had been
discovered. The trees are smaller, and many of them of the
same kinds as are found in Spain, such as the ilex, the arbutus,
and others, and it is the same with the herbs. It is a very high
country, all open and clear, with a very fine air, and no such
cold has been met with elsewhere, though it cannot be called
cold except by comparison. Towards the front of the haven
there is a beautiful valley, watered by a river ; and in that dis-
trict there must be many inhabitants, judging from the number
of large canoes, like galleys, with 15 benches. All the natives
fled as soon as they saw the ships. The Indians who were on
board had such a longing to return to their homes that the
Admiral considered w^hether he should not take them back
when he should depart from here. They were already suspi-
cious, because he did not shape a course towards their country ;
whence he neither beheved what they said, nor could he under-
stand them, nor they him, properly. The Indians on board
had the greatest fear in the world of the people of this island.
In order to get speech of the people it would be necessary to
remain some days in harbor ; but the Admiral did not do so,
because he had to continue his discoveries, and because he
could not tell how long he might be detained. He trusted in
our Lord that the Indians he brought with him would under-
stand the language of the people of this island ; and afterwards
he would communicate with them, trusting that it might please
God's Majesty that he might find trade in gold before he re-
ti\rned.

' This is the "Carenero," within the port of St. Nicholas. (Navarrete.)

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 171

Friday, 7th of December

At daybreak the Admiral got under way, made sail,
and left the port of St. Nicholas. He went on with the wind
in the west for two leagues, until he reached the point which
forms the Carenero, when the angle in the coast bore S.E.,
and the Cabo de la Estrella was 24 miles to the S.W. Thence
he steered along the coast eastward to Cabo Cinquin about
48 miles, 20 of them being on an E.N.E. coast. All the coast
is very high, with a deep sea. Close in shore there are 20 to
30 fathoms, and at the distance of a lombard-shot there is no
bottom; all which the Admiral discovered that day, as he
sailed along the coast with the wind S.W., much to his satis-
faction. The cape, which runs out in the port of St. Nicholas
the length of a shot from a lombard, could be made an island
by cutting across it, while to sail round it is a circuit of 3 or 4
miles. All that land is very high, not clothed with very high
trees, but with ilex, arbutus, and others proper to the land of
Castile. Before reaching Cape Cinquin by two leagues, the
Admiral discovered a small roadstead ^ like an opening in the
mountains, through which he could see a very large valley, cov-
ered with crops hke barley, and he therefore judged that it must
sustain a large population. Behind there was a high range of
mountains. On reaching Cabo Cinquin, the Cabo de la Tortuga
bore N.E. 32 miles.^ Off Cabo Cinquin, at the distance of a
lombard-shot, there is a high rock, which is a good landmark.
The Admiral being there, he took the bearing of Cabo del Ele-
fante, which was E.S.E. about 70 miles,^ the intervening land
being very high. At a distance of 6 leagues there was a conspicu-
ous cape,^ and he saw many large valleys and plains, and high
mountains inland, all reminding him of Spain. After 8 leagues
he came to a very deep but narrow river, though a carrack

^ Accepting Navarrete's conjecture of abrezuela or anglezuela for the
reading agrezuela of the text.

^ It should be north 11 miles. (Navarrete.)

^ This is an error. It should be 15 miles. (Navarrete.) The direction
al Leste cuarta del Sueste is East by South.

'' Puerto Escudo. (Navarrete.)

172 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

might easily enter it, and the mouth without bar or rocks.
After 16 miles there was a wide and deep harbor/ with on bot-
tom at the entrance, nor, at 3 paces from the shore, less than
15 fathoms; and it runs inland a quarter of a league. It
being yet very early, only one o'clock in the afternoon, and the
wind being aft and blowing fresh, yet, as the sky threatened
much rain, and it was very thick, which is dangerous even on a
known coast, how much more in an unknown country, the
Admiral resolved to enter the port, which he called Puerto
de la Concepcion. He landed near a small river at the point
of the haven, flowing from valleys and plains, the beauty of
which was a marvel to behold. He took fishing-nets with him ;
and, before he landed, a mullet, hke those of Spain, jumped into
the boat, this being the first time they had seen fish resembling
the fish of Castile. The sailors caught and killed others
and soles and other fish like those of Castile. Walking a
short distance inland, the Admiral found much land under
cultivation, and heard the singing of nightingales and other
birds of Castile. Five men were seen, but they would not
stop, running away. The Admiral found myrtles and other
trees and plants, like those of Castile, and so also were the
land and mountains.^

Saturday, 8th of December

In this port there was heavy rain, with a fresh breeze from
the north. The harbor is protected from all winds except the
north ; but even this can do no harm whatever, because there
is a great surf outside, which prevents such a sea within the
river as would make a ship work on her cables. After midnight
the wind veered to N.E., and then to east, from which winds
this port is well sheltered by the island of Tortuga, distant
36 miles.'

^ Bahia Mosquito. (Navarrete.)

'Cuvier notes that neither the nightingale proper nor the Spanish
myrtle are found in America.

^ It should be 11 miles. (Navarrete.)

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 173

Sunday f 9th of December

To-day it rained, and the weather was wintry, Hke October
in Castile. No habitations had been seen except a very beau-
tiful house in the Puerto de S. Nicolas, which was better built
than any that had been in other parts. ^^The island is very
large, ^' says the Admiral: ^^it would not be much if it has a
circumference of 200 leagues. All the parts he had seen were
well cultivated. He beheved that the villages must be at a
distance from the sea, whither they went when the ships ar-
rived; for they all took to flight, taking everything with them,
and they made smoke-signals, hke a people at war.'' This port
has a width of a thousand paces at its entrance, equal to a quar-
ter of a league. There is neither bank nor reef within, and
there are scarcely soundings close in shore. Its length, run-
ning inland, is 3000 paces, all clean, and with a sandy bottom ;
so that any ship may anchor in it without fear, and enter it
without precaution. At the upper end there are the mouths
of two rivers, with the most beautiful champaign country,
almost hke the lands of Spain : these even have the advantage ;
for which reasons the Admiral gave the name of the said island
Isla Espanola.^

Monday, 10th of December

It blew hard from the N.E., which made them drag their
anchors half a cable's length. This surprised the Admiral,

^ I.e., Spanish Isle, not ''Little Spain," which is sometimes erroneously
given in explanation of the Latin Hispaniola. This last is a Latinized form
of Espaiiola and not a diminutive. Las Casas, I. 367, in the corresponding
passage, has ''Seeing the greatness and beauty of this island and its resem-
blance to Spain although much superior and that they had caught fish in it
like the fish of Castile and for other similar reasons he decided on December
9 when in the harbor of Concepcion to name this island Spanish Island."

At a period some time later than his first voyage Columbus decided that
Espanola and Cipango were the same and also identical with the Ophir of
the Bible. Cf. his marginal note to Landino's Italian translation of Pliny's
Natural History, "la isola de Feyti, vel de Ofir, vel de Cipango, a la quale
habio posto noma Spagnola." Raccolta Colombiana, pt. I., vol. II., p. 472.

174 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

who had seen that the anchors had taken good hold of the
ground. As he saw that the wind was foul for the direction in
which he wanted to steer, he sent six men on shore, well armed,
to go two or three leagues inland, and endeavor to open com-
munications with the natives. They came and returned with-
out having seen either people or houses. But they foimd some
hovels, wide roads, and some places where many fires had been
made. They saw excellent lands, and many mastic trees,
some specimens of which they took ; but this is not the time
for collecting it, as it does not coagulate.

Tuesday, 11th of December

The Admiral did not depart, because the wind was still
east and S.E. In front of this port, as has been said, is the
island of La Tortuga. It appears to be a large island, with the
coast almost hke that of Espanola, and the distance between
them is about ten leagues.^ It is well to know that from the
Cabo de Cinquin, opposite Tortuga, the coast trends to the
south. The Admiral had a great desire to see that channel
between these two islands, and to examine the island of Es-
panola, which is the most beautiful thing in the world. Ac-
cording to what the Indians said who were on board, he would
have to go to the island of Babeque. They declared that it
was very large, with great mountains, rivers, and valleys ; and
that the island of Bohio was larger than Juana, which they call
Cuba, and that it is not surrounded by water. They seem to
imply that there is mainland behind Espanola, and they call
it Caritaba, and say it is of vast extent. They have reason in
saying that the inhabitants are a clever race, for all the people
of these islands are in great fear of those of Caniba. So the
Admiral repeats, what he has said before, that Caniba is noth-
ing else but the Gran Can, who ought now to be very near.
He sends ships to capture the islanders ; and as they do not
return, their countrymen believe that they have been eaten.

* The distance is 11 miles. (Navarrete.)

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 175

Each day we understand better what the Indians say, and they
us, so that very often we are mtelhgible to each other. The
Admiral sent people on shore, who found a great deal of mas-
tic, but did not gather it. He says that the rains make it,
and that in Chios they collect it in March. In these lands,
being warmer, they might take it in January. They caught
many fish hke those of Castile — dace, salmon, hake, dory,
gilt heads, mullets, corbinas, shrimps,^ and they saw sardines.
They found many aloes.^

Wednesday J 12th of December

The Admiral did not leave the port to-day, for the same
reason : a contrary wind. He set up a great cross on the west
side of the entrance, on a very picturesque height, ^4n sign,^'
he says, ^Hhat your Highnesses hold this land for your own,
but chiefly as a sign of our Lord Jesus Christ.^' This being
done, three sailors strolled into the woods to see the trees and
bushes. Suddenly they came upon a crowd of people, all
naked hke the rest. They called to them, and went towards
them, but they ran away. At last they caught a woman ; for
I had ordered that some should be caught, that they might
be treated well, and made to lose their fear. This would be a
useful event, for it could scarcely be otherwise, considering
the beauty of the country. So they took the woman, who was
very young and beautiful, to the ship, where she talked to the
Indians on board; for they all speak the same language.
The Admiral caused her to be dressed, and gave her glass
beads, hawks' bells, and brass ornaments; then he sent her
back to the shore very courteously, according to his custom.

^ Camarones.

^ The proper English equivalents for these names in the original are hard
to find. The corbina was a black fish and the name is found in both Spanish
and Portuguese. Pdmpanos is translated '^giltheads/' but the name is
taken over into English as ''pompano.^' It must be remembered that in
many cases the names of European species were applied to American species
which resembled them but which were really distinct species of the same
genus.

176 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

He sent three of the crew with her, and three of the Indians he
had on board, that they might open communications with her
people. The sailors in the boat, who took her on shore, told
the Admiral that she did not want to leave the ship, but
would rather remain with the other women he had seized at
the port of Mares, in the island of Juana or Cuba. The In-
dians who went to put the woman on shore said that the natives
came in a canoe, which is their caravel, in which they navigate
from one place to another; but when they came to the en-
trance of the harbor, and saw the ships, they turned back,
left the canoe, and took the road to the village. The woman
pointed out the position of the village. She had a piece of
gold in her nose, which showed that there was gold in that
island.

Thursday, ISth of December

The three men who had been sent by the Admiral with the
woman returned at 3 o^clock in the morning, not having gone
with her to the village, because the distance appeared to be
long, or because they were afraid. They said that next day
many people would come to the ships, as they would have been
reassured by the news brought them by the woman. The
Admiral, with the desire of ascertaining whether there were
any profitable commodities in that land, being so beautiful
and fertile, and of having some speech with the people,
and being desirous of serving the Sovereigns, determined to
send again to the village, trusting in the news brought by the
woman that the Christians were good people. For this ser-
vice he selected nine men well armed, and suited for such an
enterprise, with whom an Indian went from those who were on
board. They reached the village, which is 4J leagues to the
S.E., and found that it was situated in a very large and open
valley. As soon as the inhabitants saw the Christians coming
they all fled inland, leaving all their goods behind them. The
village consisted of a thousand houses, with over three thou-
sand inhabitants. The Indian whom the Christians had brought

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIEST VOYAGE 177

with them ran after the fugitives, saying that they should have
no fear, for the Christians did not come from Cariba, but were
from Heaven, and that they gave many beautiful things to all
the people they met. They were so impressed with what he
said, that upwards of two thousand came close up to the Chris-
tians, putting their hands on their heads, which was a sign of
great reverence and friendship; and they were all trembling
until they were reassured. The Christians related that, as
soon as the natives had cast off their fear, they all went to the
houses, and each one brought what he had to eat, consisting
of yams,^ which are roots hke large radishes, which they sow
and cultivate in all their lands, and is their staple food. They
make bread of it, and roast it. The yam has the smell of a
chestnut, and anyone would think he was eating chestnuts.
They gave their guests bread and fish, and all they had. As
the Indians who came in the ship had understood that the
Admiral wanted to have some parrots, one of those who ac-
companied the Spaniards mentioned this, and the natives
brought out parrots, and gave them as many as they wanted,
without asking anything for them. The natives asked the
Spaniards not to go that night, and that they would give them
many other things that they had in the mountains. While
all these people were with the Spaniards, a great multitude
was seen to come, with the husband of the woman whom the
Admiral had honored and sent away. They wore hair over
their shoulders, and came to give thanks to the Christians
for the honor the Admiral had done them, and for the gifts.
The Christians reported to the Admiral that this was a hand-
somer and finer people than any that had hitherto been met
with. But the Admiral says that he does not see how they
can be a finer people than the others, giving to understand that
all those he had found in the other islands were very well
conditioned. As regards beauty, the Christians said there was
no comparison, both men and women, and that their skins
are whiter than the others. They saw two girls whose skins
were as white as any that could be seen in Spain. They also
' Rather, " bread of niames." Cf. note, p. 139.

178 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

said, with regard to the beauty of the country they saw, that
the best land in Castile could not be compared with it. The
Admiral also, comparing the lands they had seen before with
these, said that there was no comparison between them, nor
did the plain of Cordova come near them, the difference being
as great as between night and day. They said that all these
lands were cultivated, and that a very wide and large river
passed through the centre of the valley, and could irrigate
all the fields. All the trees were green and full of fruit, and
the plants tall and covered with flowers. The roads were
broad and good. The climate was hke April in Castile; the
nightingale and other birds sang as they do in Spain during
that month, and it was the most pleasant place in the world.
Some birds sing sweetly at night. The crickets and frogs are
heard a good deal. The fish are like those of Spain. They
saw much aloe and mastic, and cotton-fields. Gold was not
found, and it is not wonderful that it should not have been
found in so short a time.

Here the Admiral calculated the number of hours in the
day and night, and from sunrise to sunset. He found that
twenty half-hour glasses passed, though he says that here
there may be a mistake, either because they were not turned
with equal quickness, or because some sand may not have
passed. He also observed with a quadrant, and found that
he was 34 degrees from the equinoctial line/

Friday y \Uh of December

The Admiral left the Puerto de la Concepcion with the land-
breeze, but soon afterwards it fell calm (and this is experienced
every day by those who are on this coast). Later an east wind
sprang up, so he steered N.N.E., and arrived at the island of
Tortuga. He sighted a point which he named Punta Pierna,
E.N.E. of the end of the island 12 miles; and from thence

* Las Casas, L 373, says that at that season the length of the day in
Gspanola is somewhat over eleven hours. The correct latitude is 20°,

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 179

another point was seen and named Punta Lanzada, in the
same N.E. direction 16 miles. Thus from the end of Tortuga
to Punta Aguda the distance is 44 miles, which is 11 leagues
E.N.E. Along this route there are several long stretches of
beach. The island of Tortuga is very high, but not mountain-
ous, and is very beautiful and populous, like Espanola, and the
land is cultivated, so that it looked like the plain of Cordova.
Seeing that the wind was foul, and that he could not steer for
the island of Baneque,^ he determined to return to the Puerto
de la Concepcion whence he had come ; but he could not fetch
a river which is two leagues to the east of that port.

Saturday J 15ih of December

Once more the Admiral left the Puerto de la Concepcion,
but, on leaving the port, he was again met by a contrary east
wind. He stood over to Tortuga, and then steered with the
object of exploring the river he had been unable to reach yes-
terday; nor was he able to fetch the river this time, but he
anchored half a league to leeward of it, where there was clean
and good anchoring ground. As soon as the vessels were
secured, he went with the boats to the river, entering an arm
of the sea, which proved not to be the river. Returning, he
found the mouth, there being only one, and the current very
strong. He went in with the boats to find the villagers that
had been seen the day before. He ordered a tow-rope to be
got out and manned by the sailors, who hauled the boats up
for a distance of two lombard-shots. They could not get
further owing to the strength of the current. He saw some
houses, and the large valley where the villages were, and he
said that a more beautiful valley he had never seen, this river
flowing through the centre of it. He also saw people at the
entrance, but they all took to flight. He further says that
these people must be much hunted, for they live in such a
state of fear. When the ships arrived at any port, they pres-

* Elsewhere called Babeque. (Navarrete.)

180 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

ently made signals by fires on heights throughout the country ;
and this is done more in this island of Espanola and in Tor-
tuga, which is also a large island, than in the others that were
visited before. He called this valley Valle del Paraiso/ and
the river Guadalquivir ; because he says that it is the size of
the Guadalquivir at Cordova. The banks consist of shingle,
suitable for walking.^

Sunday J l&th of December

At midnight the Admiral made sail with the land-breeze
to get clear of that gulf. Passing along the coast of Espanola
on a bowline, for the wind had veered to the east, he met a
canoe in the middle of the gulf, with a single Indian in it. The
Admiral was surprised how he could have kept afloat with such
a gale blowing. Both the Indian and his canoe were taken on
board, and he was given glass beads, bells, and brass trinkets,
and taken in the ship, until she was off a village 17 miles from
the former anchorage, where the Admiral came to again. The
village appeared to have been lately built, for all the houses
were new. The Indian then went on shore in his canoe,
bringing the news that the Admiral and his companions were
good people ; although the intelligence had already been con-
veyed to the village from the place where the natives had their
interview with the six Spaniards. Presently more than five
hundred natives with their king came to the shore opposite
the ships, which were anchored very close to the land. Pres-
ently one by one, then many by many, came to the ship with-
out bringing anything with them, except that some had a few
grains of very fine gold in their ears and noses, which they
readily gave away. The Admiral ordered them all to be well
treated; and he says: '^for they are the best people in the
world, and the gentlest; and above all I entertain the hope
in our Lord that your Highnesses will make them all Christians,

^ Paradise Valley.

' Rather, "There are on the edges or banks of the shore many beautiful
stones and it is all suitable for walking." The Spanish text seems to be
defective.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 181

and that they will be all your subjects, for as yours I hold
them/' He also saw that they all treated the king with
respect, who was on the sea-shore. The Admiral sent him a
present, which he received in great state. He was a youth of
about 21 years of age, and he had with him an aged tutor,
and other councillors who advised and answered him, but he
uttered very few words. One of the Indians who had come in
the Admiral's ship spoke to him, telling him how the Christians
had come from Heaven, and how they came in search of gold,
and wished to find the island of Baneque. He said that it was
well, and that there was much gold in the said island. He
explained to the alguazil of the Admiral ^ that the way they
were going was the right way, and that in two days they would
be there; adding, that if they wanted anything from the
shore he would give it them with great pleasure. This king,
and all the others, go naked as their mothers bore them, as
do the women without any covering, and these were the most
beautiful men and women that had yet been met with. They
are fairly white, and if they were clothed and protected from
the sun and air, they would be almost as fair as people in
Spain. This land is cool, and the best that words can describe.
It is very high, yet the top of the highest mountain could be
ploughed with bullocks ; and all is diversified with plains and
valleys. In all Castile there is no land that can be compared
with this for beauty and fertility. All this island, as well as
the island of Tortuga, is cultivated like the plain of Cordova.
They raise on these lands crops of yams,^ which are small
branches, at the foot of which grow roots like carrots, which
serve as bread. They powder and knead them, and make them
into bread ; then they plant the same branch in another part,
which again sends out four or five of the same roots, which
are very nutritious, with the taste of chestnuts. Here they
have the largest the Admiral had seen in any part of the world,

^ Diego de Arana of Cordova, a near relation of Beatriz Henriquez, the
mother of the Admiral's son Fernando. (Markham.) Alguazil m^ans con-
stable.

^ Ajes. The same as mames. Cf. note, p. 139.

182 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

for he says that they have the same plant in Guinea. At this
place they were as thick as a man^s leg. All the people were
stout and lusty, not thin, like the natives that had been seen
before, and of a very pleasant manner, without religious be-
lief. The trees were so luxuriant that the leaves left off being
green, and were dark colored with verdure. It was a wonder-
ful thing to see those valleys, and rivers of sweet water, and
the cultivated fields, and land fit for cattle, though they have
none, for orchards, and for anything in the world that a man
could seek for.

In the afternoon the king came on board the ship, where
the Admiral received him in due form, and caused him to be
told that the ships belonged to the Sovereigns of Castile, who
were the greatest princes in the world. But neither the In-
dians who were on board, who acted as interpreters, nor the
king, believed a word of it. They maintained that the Span-
iards came from Heaven, and that the Sovereigns of Castile
must be in Heaven, and not in this world. They placed
Spanish food before the king to eat, and he ate a mouthful,
and gave the rest to his councillors and tutor, and to the rest
who came with him.

^^Your Highnesses may believe that these lands are so good
and fertile, especially these of the island of Espanola, that there
is no one who would know how to describe them, and no one
who could believe if he had not seen them. And your High-
nesses may believe that this island, and all the others, are as
much yours as Castile. Here there is only wanting a settle-
ment and the order to the people to do what is required. For
I, with the force I have under me, which is not large, could
march over all these islands without opposition. I have seen
only three sailors land, without wishing to do harm, and a mul-
titude of Indians fled before them. They have no arms, and
are without warlike instincts; they all go naked, and are so
timid that a thousand would not stand before three of our men.
So that they are good to be ordered about, to work and sow,
and do all that may be necessary, and to build towns, and they
should be taught to go about clothed and to adopt our customs.^'

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 183

Monday, 17th of December

It blew very hard during the night from E.N.E., but there

was not much sea, as this part of the coast is enclosed and

sheltered by the island of Tortuga. The sailors were sent

away to fish with nets. They had much intercourse with the

natives, who brought them certain arrows of the Caniba or

Canibales. They are made of reeds, pointed with sharp bits

of wood hardened by fire, and are very long. They pointed

out two men who wanted certain pieces of flesh on their bodies,

giving to understand that the Canibales had eaten them by

mouthfuls. The Admiral did not believe it. Some Christians

were again sent to the village, and, in exchange for glass beads,

obtained some pieces of gold beaten out into fine leaf. They

saw one man, whom the Admiral supposed to be Governor of

that province, called by them Cacique,^ with a piece of gold

leaf as large as a hand, and it appears that he wanted to barter

with it. He went into his house, and the other remained in the

open space outside. He cut the leaf into small pieces, and each

time he came out he brought a piece and exchanged it. When

he had no more left, he said by signs that he had sent for more,

and that he would bring it another day. The Admiral says

that all these things, and the manner of doing them, with their

gentleness and the information they gave, showed these people

to be more lively and intelHgent than any that had hitherto

been met with. In the afternoon a canoe arrived from the

island of Tortuga with a crew of forty men ; and when they

arrived on the beach, all the people of the village sat down in

sign of peace, and nearly all the crew came on shore. The

cacique rose by himself, and, with words that appeared to be

of a menacing character, made them go back to the canoe and

shove off. He took up stones from the beach and threw

them into the water, all having obediently gone back into the

canoe. He also took a stone and put it in the hands of my

Alguazil,^ that he might throw it. He had been sent on shore

^ This Indian word survives in modern Spanish with the meaning poHti-
cal boss.

' Diego de Arana.

184 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

with the Secretary ^ to see if the canoe had brought anything
of value. The alguazil did not wish to throw the stone.
That cacique showed that he was well disposed to the Admiral.
Presently the canoe departed, and afterwards they said to the
Admiral that there was more gold in Tortuga than in Espanola,
because it is nearer to Baneque. The Admiral did not think
that there were gold mines either in Espanola or Tortuga, but
that the gold was brought from Baneque in small quantities,
there being nothing to give in return. That land is so rich
that there is no necessity to work much to sustain Hfe, nor to
clothe themselves, as they go naked. He believed that they
were very near the source, and that our Lord would point out
where the gold has its origin. He had information that from
here to Baneque was four days' journey, about 34 leagues,
which might be traversed with a fair wind in a single day.

Tuesday y ISth of December

The Admiral remained at the same anchorage, because
there was no wind, and also because the cacique had said that
he had sent for gold. The Admiral did not expect much from
what might be brought, but he wanted to understand better
whence it came. Presently he ordered the ship and caravel
to be adorned with arms and dressed with flags, in honor of the
feast of Santa Maria de la 0,^ or commemoration of the Annun-
ciation, which was on that day, and many rounds were fired
from the lombards. The king of that island of Espanola had
got up very early and left his house, which is about five leagues
away, reaching the village at three in the morning. There

^ Rodrigo de Escobedo.

^ In Spain in earlier times the Annunciation was celebrated on December
18 to avoid having it come in Lent. When the Roman usage in regard to
Annunciation was adopted in Spain they instituted the Feast of our Lady's
Expectation on December 18. It was called "The Feast of O because the
first of the greater antiphons is said in the vespers of its vigil." Addis and
Arnold, Catholic Dictionary, under " ]\Iary." The series of anthems all begin
with "O."

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 185

were several men from the ship in the village, who had been sent
by the Admiral to see if any gold had arrived. They said that
the king came with two hundred men ; that he was carried in a
litter by four men ; and that he was a youth, as has already
been said. To-day, when the Admiral was dining under the
poop, the king came on board with all his people.

The Admiral says to the Sovereigns: ^^ Without doubt,
his state, and the reverence with which he is treated by all
his people, would appear good to your Highnesses, though they
all go naked. When he came on board, he found that I was
dining at a table under the poop, and, at a quick walk, he came
to sit down by me, and did not wish that I should give place by
coming to receive him or rising from the table, but that I should
go on with my dinner. I thought that he would like to eat
of our viands, and ordered them to be brought for him to eat.
When he came under the poop, he made signs with his hand that
all the rest should remain outside, and so they did, with the
greatest possible promptitude and reverence. They all sat on
the deck, except the men of mature age, whom I believe to be
his councillors and tutor, who came and sat at his feet. Of
the viands which I put before him, he took of each as much as
would serve to taste it, sending the rest to his people, who all
partook of the dishes. The same thing in drinking: he just
touched with his lips, giving the rest to his followers. They
were all of fine presence and very few words. What they did
say, so far as I could make out, was very clear and intelligent.
The two at his feet watched his mouth, speaking to him and
for him, and with much reverence. After dinner, an atten-
dant brought a girdle, made like those of Castile, but of differ-
ent material, which he took and gave to me, with pieces of
worked gold, very thin. I believe they get very little here,
but they say that they are very near the place where it is found,
and where there is plenty. I saw that he was pleased with some
drapery I had over my bed, so I gave it him, with some very
good amber beads I wore on my neck, some colored shoes, and
a bottle of orange-flower water. He was marvellously well
content, and both he and his tutor and councillors were very

186 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

sorry that they could not understand me, nor I them. How-
ever, I knew that they said that, if I wanted anything, the
whole island was at my disposal. I sent for some beads of
mine, with which, as a charm, I had a gold excelente,^ on which
your Highnesses were stamped. I showed it to him, and said,
as I had done yesterday, that your Highnesses ruled the best
part of the world, and that there were no princes so great. I
also showed him the royal standards, and the others with a
cross, of which he thought much. He said to his councillors
what great lords your Higlmesses must be to have sent me
from so far, even from Heaven to this country, without fear.
Many other things passed between them which I did not
understand, except that it was easy to see that they held
everything to be very wonderful.''

When it got late, and the king wanted to go, the Admiral
sent him on shore in his boat very honorably, and saluted him
with many guns. Having landed, he got into his Htter, and
departed with his 200 men, his son being carried behind on
the shoulders of an Indian, a man highly respected. All the
sailors and people from the ships were given to eat, and treated
with much honor wherever they hked to stop. One sailor
said that he had stopped in the road and seen all the things
given by the Admiral. A man carried each one before the
king, and these men appeared to be among those who were
most respected. His son came a good distance behind the
king, with a similar number of attendants, and the same with
a brother of the king, except that the brother went on foot,
supported under the arms by two honored attendants. This
brother came to the ship after the king, and the Admiral
presented him with some of the things used for barter. It
was then that the Admiral learnt that a king was called Cacique
in their language. This day little gold was got by barter, but
the Admiral heard from an old man that there were many
neighboring islands, at a distance of a hundred leagues or
more, as he understood, in which much gold is found; and
there is even one island that was all gold. In the others there

• The excelente was worth two castellanos or about $6 in coin value.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 187

was so much that it was said they gather it with sieves, and
they fuse it and make bars, and work it in a thousand ways.
They explained the work by signs. This old man pointed out
to the Admiral the direction and position, and he determined
to go there, saying that if the old man had not been a principal
councillor of the king he would detain him, and make him go,
too; or if he knew the language he would ask him, and he
beheved, as the old man was friendly with him and the other
Christians, that he would go of his own accord. But as these
people were now subjects of the King of Castile, and it would
not be right to injure them, he decided upon leaving him. The
Admiral set up a very large cross in the centre of the square
of that village, the Indians giving much help; they made
prayers and worshipped it, and, from the feeling they show,
the Admiral trusted in our Lord that all the people of those
islands would become Christians.

Wednesday J 19th of December

This night the Admiral got under way to leave the gulf
formed between the islands of Tortuga and Espanola, but at
dawn of day a breeze sprang up from the east, against which
he was unable to get clear of the strait between the two islands
during the whole day. At night he was unable to reach a port
which was in sight. ^ He made out four points of land, and a
great bay with a river, and beyond he saw a large bay,^ where
there was a village, with a valley behind it among high moun-
tains covered with trees, which appeared to be pines. Over
the Two Brothers there is a very high mountain-range running
N.E. and S.W., and E.S.E. from the Cabo de Torres is a small
island to which the Admiral gave the name of Santo Tomas,
because to-morrow was his vigil. The whole circuit of this
island alternates with capes and excellent harbors, so far as
could be judged from the sea. Before coming to the island on

* El Puerto de la Granja. (Navarrete.)
2 The bay of Puerto Margot. (M.)

188 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

the west side, there is a cape which runs far into the sea, in
part high, the rest low ; and for this reason the Admiral named
it Cabo Alto y Bajo.* From the road ^ of Torres East by South
60 miles, there is a mountain higher than any that reaches
the sea,^ and from a distance it looks like an island, owing to
a depression on the land side. It was named Monte Caribata,
because that province was called Caribata. It is very beau-
tiful, and covered with green trees, without snow or clouds.
The weather was then, as regards the air and temperature,
like March in Castile, and as regards vegetation, hke May.
The nights lasted 14 hours.*

Thursday, 20th of December

At sunrise they entered a port between the island of Santo
Tomas and the Cabo de Carabata,^ and anchored. This port
is very beautiful, and would hold all the ships in Christendom.
The entrance appears impossible from the sea to those who have
never entered, owing to some reefs of rocks which run from the
mountainous cape almost to the island. They are not placed
in a row, but one here, another there, some towards the sea,
others near the land. It is therefore necessary to keep a good
look-out for the entrances, which are wide and with a depth of
7 fathoms, so that they can be used without fear. Inside the
reefs there is a depth of 12 fathoms. A ship can He with a
cable made fast, against any wind that blows. At the entrance
of this port there is a channel on the west side of a sandy islet
with 7 fathoms, and many trees on its shore. But there are
many sunken rocks in that direction, and a look-out should be
kept up until the port is reached. Afterwards there is no need
to fear the greatest storm in the world. From this port a very
beautiful cultivated valley is in sight, descending from the S.E.,

^ Point and Island of Margot. (Navarrete.)

^ C amino for Cabo (?). (Markham.)

^ Mountain over Guarico. (Navarrete.)

* C/. p. 178, note.

^ Bahia de Acul. CNavarrete.)

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 189

surrounded by such lofty mountains that they appear to reach
the sky, and covered with green trees. Without doubt there
are mountains here which are higher than the island of Tenerife,
in the Canaries, which is held to be the highest yet known.* On
this side of the island of Santo Tomas, at a distance of a league,
there is another islet, and beyond it another, forming wonder-
ful harbors ; though a good look-out must be kept for sunken
rocks. The Admiral also saw villages, and smoke made by
them.

Friday J 21st of December

To-day the Admiral went with the ship's boats to examine
this port, which he found to be such that it could not be
equalled by any he had yet seen ; but, having praised the others
so much, he knew not how to express himself, fearing that he
will be looked upon as one who goes beyond the truth. He
therefore contents himself with saying that he had old sailors
with him who say the same. All the praises he has bestowed
on the other ports are true, and that this is better than any
of them is equally true. He further says: ^^I have traversed
the sea for 23 years,^ without leaving it for any time worth
counting, and I saw all the east and the west, going on the
route of the north, which is England, and I have been to
Guinea, but in all those parts there will not be found the per-
fection of harbors . . .^ always found . . .* better than
another, that I, with good care, saw written; and I again
affirm it was well written, that this one is better than all
others, and will hold all the ships of the world, secured with the

^ This conjecture proved to be wrong. The Peak of Teneriffe is over 12,000
ft. high, while 10,300 ft. (Mt. Tina) is the highest elevation in Santo Do-
mingo.

^ This is one of the passages used to determine the date of Columbus's
birth. By combining his statement quoted in the Historie of Ferdinand, ch.
IV., that he went to sea at 14, and this assertion that he followed the sea
steadily for 23 years, we find that he was 37 years old in 1484 or 1485, when
he left Portugal and ceased sea-faring till 1492.

* A gap of a line and a half in the manuscript.

* Another gap in the manuscript.

190 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

oldest cables."^ From the entrance to the end is a distance of
five leagues.^ The Admiral saw some very well cultivated
lands, although they are all so, and he sent two of the boat's
crew to the top of a hill to see if any village was near, for none
could be seen from the sea. At about ten o'clock that night,
certain Indians came in a canoe to see the Admiral and the
Christians, and they were given presents, with which they were
much pleased. The two men returned, and reported that they
had seen a very large village at a short distance from the sea.^
The Admiral ordered the boat to row towards the place where
the village was until they came near the land, when he saw two
Indians, who came to the shore apparently in a state of fear.
So he ordered the boats to stop, and the Indians that were
with the Admiral were told to assure the two natives that no
harm whatever was intended to them. Then they came nearer
the sea, and the Admiral nearer the land. As soon as the
natives had got rid of their fear, so many came that they
covered the ground, with women and children, giving a thou-
sand thanks. They ran hither and thither to bring us bread
made of niames, which they call ajes, which is very white and
good, and water in calabashes, and in earthen jars made Hke
those of Spain, and everything else they had and that they
thought the Admiral could want, and all so willingly and
cheerfully that it was wonderful. ^^It cannot be said that,
because what they gave was worth little, therefore they gave
liberally, because those who had pieces of gold gave as freely
as those who had a calabash of water ; and it is easy to know
when a thhig is given with a hearty desire to give." These
are the Admiral's words. '^ These people have no spears nor
any other arms, nor have any of the inhabitants of the whole

^ The mutilation of the text makes this passage difficult. The third line
literally is, "and I saw all the east [or perhaps better the Levant, el Levante]
and the west which means the way to England," etc. After the second gap
read : "better than the other which I with proper caution tried to describe."
After "world," read : "and [is] enclosed so that the oldest cable of the ship
would hold it fast."

' The distance is six miles. (Navarrete.)

» Aciil. (Id.)

1492] JOUENAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 191

island, which I beHeve to be very large. They go naked as
when their mothers bore them, both men and women. In
Juana and the other islands the women wear a small clout of
cotton in front, with which to cover their private parts, as large
as the flap of a man's breeches, especially after they have passed
the age of twelve years, but here neither old nor young do so.
Also, the men in the other islands jealously hide their women
from the Christians, but here they do not.'' The women
have very beautiful bodies, and they were the first to come
and give thanks to Heaven, and to bring what they had,
especially things to eat, such as bread of a]es, nuts/
and four or five kinds of fruits, some of which the Admiral
ordered to be preserved, to be taken to the Sovereigns. He
says that the women did not do less in other ports before they
were hidden; and he always gave orders that none of his
people should annoy them; that nothing should be taken
against their wills, and that everything that was taken should
be paid for. Finally, he says that no one could believe that
there could be such good-hearted people, so free to give,
anxious to let the Christians have all they wanted, and, wnen
visitors arrived, running to bring everything to them.

Afterwards the Admiral sent six Christians to the village
to see what it was like, and the natives showed them all the
honor they could devise, and gave them all they had ; for no
doubt was any longer entertained that the Admiral and all his
people had come from Heaven ; and the same was believed by
the Indians who were brought from the other islands, although
they had now been told what they ought to think. When the
six Christians had gone, some canoas came with people to ask
the Admiral to come to their village when he left the place
where he was. Canoa is a boat in which they navigate, some
large and others small. Seeing that this village of the chief
was on the road, and that many people were waiting there
for him, the Admiral went there ; but, before he could depart,
an enormous crowd came to the shore, men, women, and chil-

^ Gonze avellanada. The interpretation of the French translators is
followed. The word gonze is not given in the dictionaries.

192 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [H92

dren, crying out to him not to go, but to stay with them. The
messengers from the other chief, who had come to invite him,
were waiting with their canoes, that he might not go away,
but come to see their chief, and so he did. On arriving where
the chief was waiting for him with many things to eat, he or-
dered that all the people should sit down, and that the food
should be taken to the boats, where the Admiral was, on the
sea-shore. When he saw that the Admiral had received what
he sent, all or most of the Indians ran to the village, which
was near, to bring more food, parrots, and other things they
had, with such frankness of heart that it was marvellous. The
Admiral gave them glass beads, brass trinkets, and bells : not
because they asked for anything in return, but because it
seemed right, and, above all, because he now looked upon them
as future Christians, and subjects of the Sovereigns, as much
as the people of Castile. He further says that they want
nothing except to know the language and be under governance ;
for all they may be told to do will be done without any contra-
diction. The Admiral left this place to go to the ships, and
the people, men, women, and children, cried out to him not
to go, but remain with them. After the boats departed,
several canoes full of people followed after them to the ship,
who were received with much honor, and given to eat. There
had also come before another chief from the west, and many
people even came swimming, the ship being over a good half-
league from the shore. I sent certain persons to the chief,
who had gone back, to ask him about these islands. He
received them very well, and took them to his village, to give
them some large pieces of gold. They arrived at a large river,
which the Indians crossed by swimming. The Christians
were unable, so they turned back. In all this district there
are very high mountains which seem to reach the sky, so that
the mountain in the island of Tenerife appears as nothing
in height and beauty, and they are all green with trees. Be-
tween them there are very delicious valleys, and at the end
of this port, to the south, there is a valley so large that the end
of it is not visible, though no mountains intervene, so that it

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 193

seems to be 15 or 20 leagues long. A river iBows through it,
and it is all inhabited and cultivated, and as green as Castile
in May or June; but the night contains 14 hours, the land
being so far north. This port is very good for all the winds
that can blow, being enclosed and deep, and the shores peopled
by a good and gentle race without arms or evil designs. Any
ship may he within it without fear that other ships will enter
at night to attack her, because, although the entrance is over
two leagues wide, it is protected by reefs of rocks which are
barely awash ; and there is only a very narrow channel through
the reef, which looks as if it had been artificially made, leav-
ing an open door by which ships may enter. In the entrance
there are 7 fathoms of depth up to the shore of a small flat
island, which has a beach fringed with trees. The entrance
is on the west side, and a ship can come without fear until
she is close to the rock. On the N.W. side there are three
islands, and a great river a league from the cape on one side
of the port. It is the best harbor in the world, and the Ad-
miral gave it the name of Puerto de la Mar de Santo Tomas,
because to-day it was that Saint^s day. The Admiral called
it a sea, owing to its size.

Saturday J 22nd of December

At dawn the Admiral made sail to shape a course in search
of the islands which the Indians had told him contained much
gold, some of them having more gold than earth. But the
weather was not favorable, so he anchored again, and sent away
the boat to fish with a net. The lord of that land,^ who had
a place near there, sent a large canoe full of people, including
one of his principal attendants, to invite the Admiral to come
with the ships to his land, where he would give him all he
wanted. The chief sent, by this servant, a girdle which, in-

^ "This king was the great lord and king Guacanagari, one of the five
great kings and lordships of this island." Las Casas, I. 389.

194 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

stead of a purse/ had attached to it a mask with two large ears
made of beaten gold, the tongue, and the nose. These people
are very open-hearted, and whatever they are asked for they
give most willingly; while, when they themselves ask for
anything, they do so as if receiving a great favor. So says
the Admiral. They brought the canoe alongside the boat,
and gave the girdle to a boy; then they came on board with
their mission. It took a good part of the day before they could
be understood. Not even the Indians who were on board
understood them well, because they have some differences of
words for the names of things. At last their invitation was
understood by signs. The Admiral determined to start to-
morrow, although he did not usually sail on a Sunday, owing to
a devout feelmg, and not on account of any superstition what-
ever. But in the hope that these people would become
Christians through the willingness they show, and that they
will be subjects of the Sovereigns of Castile, and because he
now holds them to be so, and that they may serve with love,
he wished and endeavored to please them. Before leaving,
to-day, the Admiral sent six men to a large village three leagues
to the westward, because the chief had come the day before
and said that he had some pieces of gold. When the Chris-
tians arrived, the secretary of the Admiral, who was one of
them, took the chief by the hand. The Admiral had sent
him, to prevent the others from imposing upon the Indians.
As the Indians are so simple, and the Spaniards so avaricious
and grasping, it does not suffice that the Indians should give
them all they want in exchange for a bead or a bit of glass,
but the Spaniards would take everything without any return at
all. The Admiral always prohibits this, although, with the
exception of gold, the things given by the Indians are of little
value. But the Admiral, seeing the simpHcity of the Indians,

^ ''This girdle was of fine jewellery work, like misshapen pearls, made of
fish-bones white and colored interspersed, like embroidery, so sewed with a
thread of cotton and by such delicate skill that on the reverse side it looked
like delicate embroidery, although all white, which it was a pleasure to see/'
Las Casas, I. 389. From this we learn that wampum belts were in use
among the Indians of Espanola.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 19)

and that they will give a piece of gold in exchange for six
beads, gave the order that nothing should be received from
them unless something had been given in exchange. Thus
the chief took the secretary by the hand and led him to his
house, followed by the whole village, which was very large.
He made his guests eat, and the Indians brought them
many cotton fabrics, and spun-cotton in skeins. In the
afternoon the chief gave them three very fat geese and some
small pieces of gold. A great number of people went back
with them, carrying all the things they had got by barter,
and they also carried the Spaniards themselves across streams
and muddy places. The Admiral ordered some things to be
given to the chief, and both he and his people were very well
satisfied, truly believing that the Christians had come from
Heaven, so that they considered themselves fortunate in be-
holding them. On this day more than 120 canoes came to
the ships, all full of people, and all bringing something, es-
pecially their bread and fish, and fresh water in earthen jars.
They also brought seeds of good kinds, and there was a grain
which they put into a porringer of water and drank it. The
Indians who were on board said that this was very whole-
some.

Sunday^ 23rd of December

The Admiral could not go with the ships to that land
whither he had been invited by the chief, because there was no
wind. But he sent, with the three messengers who were
waiting for the boats, some people, including the secretary.
While they were gone, he sent two of the Indians he had on board
with him to the villages which were near the anchorage. They
returned to the ship with a chief, who brought the news that
there was a great quantity of gold in that island of Espanola,
and that people from other parts came to buy it. They said
that here the Admiral would find as much as he wanted.
Others came, who confirmed the statement that there was
much gold in the island, and explained the way it was collected.

196 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

The Admiral understood all this with much difficulty ; never-
theless, he concluded that there was a very great quantity in
those parts, and that, if he could find the place whence it was
got, there would be abundance; and, if not, there would be
nothing. He believed there must be a great deal, because,
during the three days that he had been in that port, he had
got several pieces of gold, and he could not believe that it
was brought from another land. '^Our Lord, who holds all
things in his hands, look upon me, and grant what shall be
for his service.^' These are the Admiral's words. He says
that, according to his reckoning, a thousand people had visited
the ship, all of them bringing something. Before they come
alongside, at a distance of a crossbow-shot, they stand up in
the canoe with what they bring in their hands, crying out,
''Take it! take it!" He also reckoned that 500 came to
the ship swimming, because they had no canoes, the ship
being near a league from the shore. Among the visitors,
five chiefs had come, sons of chiefs, with all their families of
wives and children, to see the Christians. The Admiral
ordered sometliing to be given to all, because such gifts were
all well employed. ''May our Lord favor me by his clemency,
that I may find this gold, I mean the mine of gold, which I
hold to be here, many saying that they know it." These are
his words. The boats arrived at night, and said that there was
a grand road as far as they went, and they found many canoes,
with people who went to see the Admiral and the Christians,
at the mountain of Caribatan. They held it for certain that, if
the Christmas festival was kept in that port,^ all the people of
the island would come, which they calculated to be larger
than England.^ All the people went with them to the village,^
which they said was the largest, and the best laid out with
streets, of any they had seen. The Admiral says it is part of
the Punta Santa,^ almost three leagues S.E. The canoes go

^ Port of Guarico. (Navarrete.)

^ This estimate was far too great. The island is about one-third the
size of Great Britain and one-half the size of England.
^ Guarico.
" It is now called San Honorato. (Navarrete.)

U92] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 197

very fast with paddles; so they went ahead to apprise the
Cacique, as they call the chief. Up to that time the Admiral
had not been able to understand whether Cacique meant
king or governor. They also have another name for a great
man — Nitayno; ^ but it was not clear whether they used it
for lord, or governor, or judge. At last the cacique came to
them, and joined them in the square, which was clean-swept,
as was all the village. The population numbered over 2,000
men. This king did great honor to the people from the ship,
and every inhabitant brought them something to eat and
drink. Afterwards the king gave each of them cotton cloths
such as women wear, with parrots for the Admiral, and some
pieces of gold. The people also gave cloths and other things
from their houses to the sailors; and as for the trifles they
got in return, they seemed to look upon them as rehcs. When
they wanted to return in the afternoon, he asked them to stay
until the next day, and all the people did the same. When
they saw that the Spaniards were determined to go, they ac-
companied them most of the way, carrying the gifts of the
cacique on their backs as far as the boats, which had been left
at the mouth of the river.

Monday, 2Mh of December

Before sunrise the Admiral got under way with the land-
breeze. Among the numerous Indians who had come to the
ship yesterday, and had made signs that there was gold in
the island, naming the places whence it was collected, the
Admiral noticed one who seemed more fully informed, or who
spoke with more willingness, so he asked him to come with the
Christians and show them the position of the gold mines. This
Indian has a companion or relation with him, and among other
places they mentioned where gold was found, they named
Cipango, which they called Civao.^ Here they said that there

^ "The fact is that Cacique was the word for king, and Nitayno for knight
and principal lord." Las Casas, I. 394.

^ The similarity between the names and the report of gold made Colum-
bus particularly confident of the identification.

198 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

was a great quantity of gold, and that the cacique carried
banners of beaten gold. But they added that it was very far
off to the eastward.

Here the Admiral addresses the following words to the
Sovereigns: ^^Your Highnesses may beheve that there is no
better nor gentler people in the world. Your Highnesses ought
to rejoice that they will soon become Christians, and that they
will be taught the good customs of your kingdom. A better
race there cannot be, and both the people and the lands are in
such quantity that I know not how to write it. I have spoken
in the superlative degree of the country and people of Juana,
which they call Cuba, but there is as much difference betw^een
them and this island and people as between day and night. I
believe that no one who should see them could say less than I
have said, and I repeat that the things and the great villages
of this island of Espanola, which they call Bohio, are wonder-
ful. All here have a loving manner and gentle speech, unlike
the others, who seem to be menacing when they speak. Both
men and women are of good stature, and not black. It is
true that they all paint, some with black, others with other
colors, but most with red. I know that they are tanned by
the sun, but this does not affect them much. Their houses
and villages are pretty, each with a chief, who acts as their
judge, and who is obeyed by them. All these lords use few
words, and have excellent manners. Most of their orders are
given by a sign with the hand, which is understood with sur-
prising quickness.'^ All these are the words of the Admiral.

He who would enter the sea of Santo Tome ^ ought to stand
for a good league across the mouth to a flat island in the middle,
which was named La Amiga,^ pointing her head towards it.
When the ship is within a stone 's-throw of it the course should be
altered to make for the eastern shore, leaving the west side,
and this shore, and not the other, should be kept on board,
because a great reef runs out from the west, and even beyond
that there are three sunken rocks. This reef comes within a

* Entrance of the Bay of Aciil. (Navarrete.)
' Isla de Ratos. (Id.)

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 199

lombard-shot of the Amiga island. Between them there are
seven fathoms at least, with a gravelly bottom. Within, a
harbor will be found large enough for all the ships in the world,
which would be there without need of cables. There is another
reef, with sunken rocks, on the east side of the island of Amiga,
which are extensive and run out to sea, reaching within two
leagues of the cape. But it appeared that between them there
was an entrance, within two lombard-shots of Amiga, on the
west side of Monte Caribatan, where there was a good and very
large port.^

Tuesday^ 25th of December. Christmas

Navigating yesterday, with little wind, from Santo Tome
to Punta Santa, and being a league from it, at about eleven
o'clock at night the Admiral went down to get some sleep,
for he had not had any rest for two days and a night. As
it was calm, the sailor who steered the ship thought he would go
to sleep, leaving the tiller in charge of a boy.^ The Admiral
had forbidden this throughout the voyage, whether it was
blowing or whether it was calm. The boys were never to be
entrusted with the helm. The Admiral had no anxiety
respecting sand-banks and rocks, because, when he sent the
boats to that king on Sunday, they had passed to the east of
Punta Santa at least three leagues and a half, and the sailors
had seen all the coast, and the rocks there are from Punta
Santa, for a distance of three leagues to the E.S.E. They
saw the course that should be taken, which had not been the
case before, during this voyage. It pleased our Lord that, at
twelve o'clock at night, when the Admiral had retired to rest,
and when all had fallen asleep, seeing that it was a dead calm
and the sea like glass, the tiller being in the hands of a boy, the
current carried the ship on one of the sand-banks. If it had
not been night the bank could have been seen, and the surf
on it could be heard for a good league. But the ship ran upon

^ Puerto Frances. (Navarrete.)

' Perhaps better "a young common sailor."

200 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

it SO gently that it could scarcely be felt. The boy, who felt
the helm and heard the rush of the sea, cried out. The Ad-
miral at once came up, and so quickly that no one had felt that
the ship was aground. Presently the master of the ship,^
whose watch it was, came on deck. The Admiral ordered him
and others to launch the boat, which was on the poop, and lay
out an anchor astern. The master, with several others, got
into the boat, and the Admiral thought that they did so with
the object of obeying his orders. But they did so in order to
take refuge with the caravel, which was half a league to lee-
ward. The caravel would not allow them to come on board,
acting judiciously, and they therefore returned to the ship;
but the caravel's boat arrived first. When the Admiral saw
that his own people fled in this way, the water rising and the
ship being across the sea, seeing no other course, he ordered
the masts to be cut away and the ship to be lightened as much
as possible, to see if she would come off. But, as the water
continued to rise, nothing more could be done. Her side fell
over across the sea, but it was nearly calm. Then the timbers
opened, and the ship was lost.^ The Admiral went to the cara-
vel to arrange about the reception of the ship's crew, and as a
hght breeze was blowmg from the land, and continued during
the greater part of the night, while it was imknown how far
the bank extended, he hove her to until dayhght. He then
went back to the ship, inside the reef ; first having sent a boat
on shore with Diego de Arana of Cordova, alguazil of the fleet,
and Pedro Gutierrez, gentleman of the king's bedchamber,
to inform the king, who had invited the ships to come on the
previous Saturday. His town was about a league and a half
from the sand-bank. They reported that he wept when he

^ The master, who was also the owner, of the Admirars ship was Juan
de la Cosa of Santona, afterwards well known as a draughtsman and pilot.
(Markham.)

' Rather, "Then the seams opened but not the ship." That is, the ship
was not stove. The word translated ''seams" is convpntos, which Las Casas,
I. 398, defines as los vagos que hay entre costillas y costillas. In this passage
he is using costillas not in the technical sense of costillas de nao. ''ribs," but
in the sense of "planks," as in costillas de cuha, "barrel staves."

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 201

heard the news, and he sent all his people with large canoes
to unload the ship. This was done, and they landed all there
was between decks in a very short time. Such was the great
promptitude and diligence shown by that king. He himself,
with brothers and relations, was actively assisting as well in
the ship as in the care of the property when it was landed, that
all might be properly guarded. Now and then he sent one of
his relations weeping to the Admiral, to console him, saying
that he must not feel sorrow or annoyance, for he would supply
all that was needed. The Admiral assured the Sovereigns
that there could not have been such good watch kept in any
part of Castile, for that there was not even a needle missing.
He ordered that all the property should be placed by some
houses which the king placed at his disposal, until they were
emptied, when everything would be stowed and guarded in
them. Armed men were placed round the stores to watch
all night. '^The king and all his people wept [says the Ad-
miral]. They are a loving people, without covetousness, and
fit for anything; and I assure your Highnesses that there is
no better land nor people. They love their neighbors as them-
selves, and their speech is the sweetest and gentlest in the
world, and always with a smile. Men and women go as naked
as when their mothers bore them. Your Highnesses should
beheve that they have very good customs among themselves.
The king is a man of remarkable presence, and with a certain
self-contained manner that is a pleasure to see. They have
good memories, wish to see everything, and ask the use of
what they see." All this is written by the Admiral.

Wednesday J 26th of December

To-day, at sunrise, the king of that land came to the cara-
vel Nina J where the Admiral was, and said to him, almost weep-
ing, that he need not be sorry, for that he would give him
all he had ; that he had placed two large houses at the disposal
of the Christians who were on shore, and that he would give
more if they were required, and as many canoes as could load
from the ship and discharge on shore, with as many people as

202 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

were wanted* This had all been done yesterday, without so
much as a needle being missed. ^'So honest are they/^ says the
Admiral, ^'without any covetousness for the goods of others,
and so above all was that virtuous king/' While the Admiral
was talking to him, another canoe arrived from a different place,
bringing some pieces of gold, which the people in the canoe
wanted to exchange for a hawk's bell ; for there was nothing
they desired more than these bells. They had scarcely come
alongside when they called and held up the gold, saying Chuq
chuq for the bells, for they are quite mad about them. After
the king had seen this, and when the canoes which came from
other places had departed, he called the Admiral and asked him
to give orders that one of the bells was to be kept for another
day, when he would bring four pieces of gold the size of a man's
hand. The Admiral rejoiced to hear this, and afterwards a
sailor, who came from the shore, told him that it was wonder-
ful what pieces of gold the men on shore were getting in ex-
change for next to nothing. For a needle they got a piece of
gold worth two castellanos, and that this was nothing to what
it would be within a month. The king rejoiced much when he
saw that the Admiral was pleased. He understood that his
friend wanted much gold, and he said, by signs, that he knew
where there was, in the vicinity, a very large quantity; so
that he must be in good heart, for he should have as much as he
wanted. He gave some account of it, especially saying that in
Cipango, which they call Cibao,^ it is so abundant that it is of
no value, and that they will bring it, although there is also
much more in the island of Espanola, which they call Bohio,
and in the province of Caritaba. The king dined on board the
caravel with the Admiral and afterwards went on shore, where
he received the Admiral with much honor. He gave him a
collation consisting of three or four kinds of ajes, with shrimps
and game, and other viands they have, besides the bread
they call cazavi.^ He then took the Admiral to see some groves

^ In reality Cibao was a part of Espanola.

^ Made from the manioc roots or ajes. Cassava biscuit can be got to-day
1 1 fancy grocery stores. It is rather insipid.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 203

of trees near the houses, and they were accompanied by at least
a thousand people, all naked. The lord had on a shirt and a
pair of gloves, given to him by the Admiral, and he was more
delighted with the gloves than with anything else. In his
manner of eating, both as regards the high-bred air and the
peculiar cleanliness he clearly showed his nobility. After he
had eaten, he remained some time at table, and they brought
him certain herbs, with which he rubbed his hands. The Ad-
miral thought that this was done to make them soft, and they
also gave him water for his hands. After the meal he took the
Admiral to the beach. The Admiral then sent for a Turkish
bow and a quiver of arrows, and took a shot at a man of his
company, who had been warned. The chief, who knew noth-
ing about arms, as they neither have them nor use them,
thought this a wonderful thing. He, however, began to talk
of those of Caniba, whom they call Caribes. They come to
capture the natives, and have bows and arrows without iron,
of which there is no memory in any of these lands, nor of steel,
nor any other metal except gold and copper. Of copper the
Admiral had only seen very httle. The Admiral said, by signs,
that the Sovereigns of Castile would order the Caribs to be
destroyed, and that all should be taken with their hands tied
together. He ordered a lombard and a hand-gun to be fired
off, and seeing the effect caused by its force and what the shots
penetrated, the king was astonished. When his people heard
the explosion they all fell on the ground. They brought the
Admiral a large mask, which had pieces of gold for the eyes and
ears and in other parts, and this they gave, with other trinkets
of gold that the same king had put on the head and round the
neck of the Admiral, and of other Christians, to whom they
also gave many pieces. The Admiral received much pleasure
and consolation from these things, which tempered the anxiety
and sorrow he felt at the loss of the ship. He knew our Lord
had caused the ship to stop here, that a settlement might be
formed. ^^From this,^' he says, ^'originated so many things
that, in truth, the disaster was really a piece of good fortune.
For it is certain that, if I had not lost the ship, I should have

204 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

gone on without anchoring in this place, which is within a great
bay, having two or three reefs of rock. I should not have
left people in the country during this voyage, nor even, if
I had desired to leave them, should I have been able to obtain
so much information, nor such supplies and provisions for a
fortress. And true it is that many people had asked me to
give them leave to remain. Now I have given orders for a
tower and a fort, both well built, and a large cellar, not because
I believe that such defences will be necessary. I believe that
with the force I have with me I could subjugate the whole
island, which I believe to be larger than Portugal, and the
population double.^ But they are naked and without arms,
and hopelessly timid. Still, it is advisable to build this tower,
being so far from your Highnesses. The people may thus
know the skill of the subjects of your Highnesses, and what they
can do ; and will obey them with love and fear. So they make
preparations to build the fortress, with provision of bread and
wine for more than a year, with seeds for sowing, the ship^s
boat, a caulker and carpenter, a gunner and cooper. Many
among these men have a great desire to serve your Highnesses
and to please me, by finding out where the mine is whence the
gold is brought. Thus everything is got in readiness to begin
the work. Above all, it was so calm that there was scarcely
wind or wave when the ship ran aground." This is what the
Admiral says; and he adds more to show that it was great
good luck, and the settled design of God, that the ship should
be lost in order that people might be left behind. If it had not
been for the treachery of the master and his boat^s crew, who
were all or mostly his countrymen,^ in neglecting to lay out the
anchor so as to haul the ship off in obedience to the Admiral's
orders, she would have been saved. In that case, the same
knowledge of the land as has been gained in these days would
not have been secured, for the Admiral always proceeded with

* In reality, three-quarters the size of Portugal.

' Juan de la Cosa, the master, was a native of Santoiia, on the north coast
of Spain. There were two other Santona men on board, and several from
the north coast. (Markham.)

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 205

the object of discovering, and never intended to stop more
than a day at any one place, unless he was detained by the wind.
Still, the ship was very heavy and unsuited for discovery. It
was the people of Palos who obhged him to take such a ship,
by not complying ^'with what they had promised to the King
and Queen, namely, to supply suitable vessels for this expe-
dition. This they did not do. Of all that there was on board
the ship, not a needle, nor a board, nor a nail was lost, for she
remained as whole as when she sailed, except that it was neces-
sary to cut away and level down in order to get out the jars
and merchandise, which were landed and carefully guarded.^'
He trusted in God that, when he returned from Spain, accord-
ing to his intention, he would find a tun of gold collected by
barter by those he was to leave behind, and that they would
have found the mine, and spices in such quantities that the
Sovereigns would, in three years, be able to undertake and fit
out an expedition to go and conquer the Holy Sepulchre.
"With this in view,'^ he says, ''I protested to your High-
nesses that all the profits of this my enterprise should be
spent in the conquest of Jerusalem, and your Highnesses
laughed and said that it pleased them, and that, without this,
they entertained that desire." These are the Admiral's words.

Thursday J 27th of December

The king of that land came alongside the caravel at sunrise,
and said that he had sent for gold, and that he would collect
all he could before the Admiral departed ; but he begged him
not to go. The king and one of his brothers, with another
very intimate relation, dined with the Admiral, and the two
latter said they wished to go to Castile with him. At this
time the news came that the caravel Pinta was in a river at
the end of this island. Presently the cacique sent a canoe
there, and the Admiral sent a sailor in it. For it was wonder-
ful how devoted the cacique was to the Admiral. The ne-
cessity was now evident of hurrying on preparations for the
return to Castile.

206 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

Friday, 2Sth of December

The Admiral went on shore to give orders and hurry on the
work of building the fort, and to settle ^;^at men should re-
main behind/ The king, it would seeni, had watched him
getting into the boat, and quickly went into his house, dis-
simulating, sending one of his brothers to receive the Admiral,
and conduct him to one of the houses that had been set aside
for the Spaniards, which was the largest and best in the town.
In it there was a couch made of palm matting, where they sat
down. Afterward the brother sent an attendant to say that
the Admiral was there, as if the king did not know that he had
come. The Admiral, however, believed that this was a feint
in order to do him honor more. The attendant gave the mes-
sage, and the cacique came in great haste, and put a large soft
piece of gold he had in his hand round the AdmiraFs neck.
They remained together until the evening, arranging what
had to be done.

Saturday, 29th of December

A very youthful nephew of the king came to the caravel
at sunrise, who showed a good understanding and disposition.
Ks the Admiral was always working to find out the origin of
the gold, he asked everyone, for he could now understand some-
ivhat by signs. This youth told him that, at a distance of
four days' journey, there was an island to the eastward called
Guarionex, and others called Macorix, Mayonic, Fuma, Cibao,
and Coroay,^ in which there was plenty of gold. The Admiral

* "He ordered then all his people to make great haste and the king
ordered his vassals to help him and as an immense number joined with the
Christians they managed so well and wath such diligence that in a matter of
ten days our stronghold was well made and as far as could be then constructed.
He named it the City of Christmas (Villa de la Navidad) because he had
arrived there on that day, and so to-day that harbor is called Navidad,
although there is no memory that there even has been a fort or any building
there, since it is overgrown with trees as large and tall as if fifty years had
passed, and I have seen them." Las Casas, I. 408.

^ These were not islands, but districts whose chiefs were called by the
same names. Cf. Las Casas, I. 410.

1492] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 207

wrote these names down, and now understood what had been
said by a brother of the king, who was annoyed with him, as
the Admiral understood. At other times the Admiral had
suspected that thft^i king had worked against his knowing
where the gold hado?ts origin and was collected, that he might
not go away to barter in another part of the island. For there
are such a number of places in this same island that it is wonder-
ful. After nightfall the king sent a large mask of gold, and
asked for a washhand basin and jug. The Admiral thought
he wanted them for patterns to copy from, and therefore sent
them.

Sunday J SOth of December

The Admiral went on shore to dinner, and came at a time
when five kings had arrived, all with their crowns, who were
subject to this king, named Guacanagari. They represented
a very good state of affairs, and the Admiral says to the Sov-
ereigns that it would have given them pleasure to see the man-
ner of their arrival. On landing, the Admiral was received
by the king, who led him by the arms to the same house where
he was yesterday, where there were chairs, and a couch on
which the Admiral sat. Presently the king took the crown
off his head and put it on the AdmiraFs head, and the Admiral
took from his neck a collar of beautiful beads of several differ-
ent colors, which looked very well in all its parts, and put it
on the king. He also took off a cloak of fine material, in which
he had dressed himself that day, and dressed the king in
it, and sent for some colored boots, which he put on his feet,
and he put a large silver ring on his finger, because he had heard
that he had admired greatly a silver ornament worn by one
of the sailors. The king was highly delighted and well satis-
fied, and two of those kings who were with him came with him
to where the Admiral was, and each gave him a piece of gold.
At this time an Indian came and reported that it was two days
since he left the caravel Pinta in a port to the eastward. The
Admiral returned to the caravel, and Vicente Anes/ the cap-

^ For Yanez. Vicente Yanez Pinzon.

208 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

tain, said that he had seen the rhubarb plant, and that they
had it on the island Amiga, which is at the entrance of the sea
of Santo Tome, six leagues off, and that he had recognized the
branches and roots. They say that j'}^^\barb forms small
branches above ground, and fruit like H > ^n mulberries, al-
most dry, and the stalk, near the root, is as yellow and delicate
as the best color for painting, and underground the root grows
like a large pear.

Monday y Slst of December

To-day the Admiral was occupied in seeing that water and
fuel were taken on board for the voyage to Spain, to give early
notice to the Sovereigns, that they might despatch ships to
complete the discoveries. For now the business appeared to
be so great and important that the Admiral was astonished.^
He did not wish to go until he had examined all the land to the
eastward, and explored the coast, so as to know the route to
Castile, with a view to sending sheep and cattle.^ But as he
had been left with only a single vessel, it did not appear prudent
to encounter the dangers that are inevitable in making dis-
coveries. He complained that all this inconvenience had been
caused by the caravel Pinta having parted company.

Tuesday, 1st of January, 1493

At midnight the Admiral sent a boat to the island Amiga
to bring the rhubarb. It returned at vespers with a bundle of
it. They did not bring more because they had no spade to
dig it up with; it was taken to be shown to the Sovereigns.
The king of that land said that he had sent many canoes for
gold. The canoe returned that had been sent for tidings of
the Pinta, without having found her. The sailor who went in

^ Rather, " For now the business appeared to be so great and important
that it was wonderful (said the Admiral) and he said he did not wish," etc.
^ The first suggestion of systematic colonization in the New World.

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 209

the canoe said that twenty leagues from there he had seen a
king who wore two large plates of gold on his head, but when
the Indians in the canoe spoke to him he took them off. He
also saw much gold on other people. The Admiral considered
that the King Guacanagari ought to have prohibited his people
from selling gold to the Christians, in order that it might all
pass through his hands. But the king knew the places, as
before stated, where there was such a quantity that it was not
valued. The supply of spices also is extensive, and is worth
more than pepper or manegueta.^ He left instructions to those
who wished to remain that they were to collect as much as
they could.

Wednesday, 2nd of January

In the morning the Admiral went on shore to take leave of
the King Guacanagari, and to depart from him in the name
of the Lord. He gave him one of his shirts. In order to show
him the force of the lombards, and what effect they had, he
ordered one to be loaded and fired into the side of the ship
that was on shore, for this was apposite to the conversation
respecting the Caribs, with whom Guacanagari was at war.
The king saw whence the lombard-shot came, and how it
passed through the side of the ship and went far away over the
sea. The Admiral also ordered a skirmish of the crews of the
ships, fully armed, saying to the cacique that he need have
no fear of the Caribs even if they should come. All this was
done that the king might look upon the men who were left
behind as friends, and that he might also have a proper fear
of them. The king took the Admiral to dinner at the house
where he was established, and the others who came with him.
The Admiral strongly recommended to his friendship Diego
de Arana, Pedro Gutierrez, and Rodrigo Escovedo, whom he
left jointly as his Ueutenants over the people who remained
behind, that all might be well regulated and governed for
the service of their Highnesses. The cacique showed much

^ See note 2 under Jan. 9, p. 218.

210 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

love for the Admiral, and great sorrow at his departure, espe-
cially when he saw him go on board. A relation of that king
said to the Admiral that he had ordered a statue of pure gold
to be made, as big as the Admiral, and that it would be brought
within ten days. The Admiral embarked with the intention
of sailing presently, but there was no wind.

He left on that island of Espanola, which the Indians called
Bohio, 39 men ^ with the fortress, and he says that they were
great friends of Guacanagari. The lieutenants placed over
them were Diego de Arana of Cordova, Pedro Gutierrez,
keeper of the king's drawing-room, and servant of the chief
butler, and Rodrigo de Escovedo, a native of Segovia, nephew
of Fray Rodrigo Perez, with all the powers he himself received
from the Sovereigns. He left behind all the merchandise
which had been provided for bartering, which was much, that
they might trade for gold. He also left the ship's boat, that
they, most of them being sailors, might go, when the time
seemed convenient, to discover the gold mine, in order that
the Admiral, on his return, might find much gold They were
also to fuid a good site for a town, for this was not altogether
a desirable port ; especially as the gold the natives brought
came from the east ; also, the farther to the east the nearer
to Spain. He also left seeds for sowing, and his officers, the
alguazil and secretary, as well as a ship's carpenter, a caulker,
a good gunner famihar with engineering (que sabe Men de in-
genios), a cooper, a physician, and a tailor, all being seamen
as well.^

Thursday f 3rd of January

The Admiral did not go to-day, because three of the Indians
whom he had brought from the islands, and who had staid
behind, arrived, and said that the others with their women

^ The actual number was 44, according to the official list given in a
document printed by Navarrete, which is a notice to the next of kin to apply
for wages due, dated Burgos, December 20, 1507. Markham reproduces this
list in his edition of Columbus's Journal.

' Las Casas gives the farewell speech of the Admiral to those who were
left behind at Navidad. I. 415. It is translated in Thacher's Columbus,
I. d-io

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 211

would be there at sunrise/ The sea also was rather rough,
so that they could not land from the boat. He determined
to depart to-morrow, with the grace of God. The Admiral
said that if he had the caravel Pinta with him he could make
sure of shipping a tun of gold, because he could then follow
the coasts of these islands, which he would not do alone, for
fear some accident might impede his return to Castile, and
prevent him from reporting all he had discovered to the Sov-
ereigns. If it was certain that the caravel Pinta would arrive
safely in Spain with Martin Alonso Pinzon, he would not hesi-
tate to act as he desired ; but as he had no certain tidings of
him, and as he might return and tell hes to the Sovereigns, that
he might not receive the punishment he deserved for having
done so much harm in having parted company without per-
mission, and impeded the good service that might have been
done, the Admiral could only trust in our Lord that he would
grant favorable weather, and remedy all things.

Friday J ^th of January

At sunrise the Admiral weighed the anchor, with little wind,
and turned her head N.W. to get clear of the reef, by another
channel wider than the one by which he entered, which, with
others, is very good for coming in front of the Villa de la Navi-
dad, in all which the least depth is from 3 to 9 fathoms. These
two channels run N.W. and S.E., and the reefs are long,
extending from the Cabo Santo to the Cabo de Sierpe for more
than six leagues, and then a good three leagues out to sea.
At a league outside Cabo Santo there are not more than 8
fathoms of depth, and inside that cape, on the east side, there
are many sunken rocks, and channels to enter between them.
All this coast trends N.W. and S.E., and it is all beach, with
the land very level for about a quarter of a league inland.

^ ** It is not known how many he took from this island but I beUeve he
took some, and altogether he carried ten or twelve Indians to Castile accord-
ing to the Portuguese History [Barros] and I saw them in Seville yet I did
not notice nor do I recollect that I counted them." Las Casas, I. 419.

212 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

After that distance there are very high mountains, and the
whole is peopled with a very good race, as they showed them-
selves to the Christians. Thus the Admiral navigated to the
east, shaping a course for a very high mountain, which looked
like an island, but is not one, being joined to the mamland by
a very low neck. The mountain has the shape of a very beau-
tiful tent. He gave it the name of Monte Cristi. It is due east
of Cabo Santo, at a distance of 18 leagues.^ That day, owing
to the light wind, they could not reach within six leagues of
Monte Cristi. He discovered four very low and sandy islets,^
with a reef extending N.W. and S.E. Inside, there is a large
gulf,^ which extends from this mountain co the S.E. at least
twenty leagues,^ which must all be shallow, with many sand-
banks, and inside numerous rivers which are not navigable.
At the same time the sailor who was sent in the canoe to get
tidings of the Pinta reported that he saw a river ^ into which
ships might enter. The Admiral anchored at a distance of 6
leagues ^ from Monte Cristi, in 19 fathoms, and so kept clear
of many rocks and reefs. Here he remained for the night.
The Admiral gives notice to those who would go to the Villa
de la Navidad that, to make Monte Cristi, he should stand off
the land two leagues, etc. (But as the coast is now known
it is not given here.) The Admiral concluded that Cipango
was in that island, and that it contained much gold, spices,
mastic, and rhubarb.

Saturday J 5th of January

At sunrise the Admiral made sail with the land-breeze,
and saw that to the S.S.E.^ of Monte Cristi, between it and an

^ It is N. 80° E. 70 leagues. (Navarrete.)

^ Los siete Hermanos. (Id.)

' Bahia de Manzanillo. (Id.)

* Should be S.W. three leagues.

^ Rio Tapion, in the Bahia de Manzanillo. {Id,)

" A mistake for three leagues. (Id.)

' Should be W.S.W. (Id.)

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 213

island, there seemed to be a good port to anchor in that night.
He shaped an E.S.E. course, afterward S.S.E., for six leagues
round the high land, and found a depth of 17 fathoms, with a
very clean bottom, going on for three leagues with the same
soundings. Afterwards it shallowed to 12 fathoms up to the
promontory of the mountain, and off the promontory, at one
league, the depth of 9 fathoms was found, the bottom clean,
and all fine sand. The Admiral followed the same course until
he came between the mountain and the island,^ where he found
3J fathoms at low water, a very good port, and here he anchored.^
He went in the boat to the islet, where he found remains of
fire and footmarks, showing that fishermen had been there.
Here they saw many stones painted in colors, or a quarry of
such stones, very beautifully worked by nature, suited for
the building of a church or other public work, like those he
found on the island of San Salvador. On this islet he also
found many plants of mastic. He says that this Monte
Cristi is very fine and high, but accessible, and of a very beau-
tiful shape, all the land round it being low, a very fine plain,
from which the height rises, looking at a distance like an island
disunited from other land. Beyond the mountain, to the east,
he saw a cape at a distance of 24 miles, which he named Cabo
del Becerro,^ whence to the mountain for two leagues there are
reefs of rocks, though it appeared as if there were navigable
channels between them. It would, however, be advisable to
approach in dayhght, and to send a boat ahead to sound.
From the mountain eastward to Cabo del Becerro, for four
leagues, there is a beach, and the land is low, but the rest is
very high, with beautiful mountains and some cultivation.
Inland, a chain of mountains runs N.E, and S.W., the most
beautiful he had seen, appearing like the hills of Cordova.
Some other very lofty mountains appear in the distance toward
the south and S.E., and very extensive green valleys with
large rivers : all this in such quantity that he did not believe

* Isla Cabra. (Navarrete.)

2 Anchorage of Monte Cristi. (Id.)

^ Punta Rucia. ( Id.)

214 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

he had exaggerated a thousandth part. Afterwards he saw,
to the eastward of the mountain, a land which appeared Hke
that of Monte Cristi in size and beauty. Further to the east
and N.E. there is land which is not so high, extending for some
hundred miles or near it.

Sunday y 6th of January

That port is sheltered from all winds, except north and
N.W., and these winds seldom blow in this region. Even
when the wind is from those quarters, shelter may be found
near the islet in 3 or 4 fathoms. At sunrise the Admiral made
sail to proceed along the coast, the course being east, except
that it is necessary to look out for several reefs of stone and
sand, within which there are good anchorages, with channels
leading to them. After noon it blew fresh from the east.
The Admiral ordered a sailor to go to the mast-head to look
out for reefs, and he saw the caravel Pinta coming, with the
wind aft, and she joined the Admiral.* As there was no place
to anchor, owing to the rocky bottom, the Admiral returned
for ten leagues to Monte Cristi, with the Pinta in company.
Martin Alonso Pinzon came on board the caravel Nina, where
the Admiral was, and excused himself by saying that he had
parted company against his will, giving reasons for it. But
the Admiral says that they were all false; and that on the
night when Pinzon parted company he was influenced by pride
and covetousness. He could not understand whence had
come the insolence and disloyalty with which Pinzon had
treated him during the voyage. The Admiral had taken no
notice, because he did not wish to give place to the evil works
of Satan, who desired to impede the voyage. It appeared that
one of the Indians, who had been put on board the caravel by
the Admiral with others, had said that there was much gold
in an island called Baneque, and, as Pinzon 's vessel was light
and swift, he determined to go there, parting company with

* Martin Alonso Pinzon had slipped away during the night of November 21.

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 'Ji5

the Admiral, who wished to remain and explore the coasts of
Juana and Espanola, with an easterly course. When Martin
Alonso arrived at the island of Baneque ^ he found no gold.
He then went to the coast of Espanola, on information from
the Indians that there was a great quantity of gold and many
mines in that island of Espanola, which the Indians call Bohio.
He thus arrived near the Villa de Navidad, about 15 leagues
from it, having then been absent more than twenty days, so
that the news brought by the Indians was correct, on account
of which the King Guacanagari sent a canoe, and the Admiral
put a sailor on board; but the Pinta must have gone before
the canoe arrived. The Admiral says that the Pinta obtained
much gold by barter, receiving large pieces the size of two
fingers in exchange for a needle. Martin Alonso took half,
dividing the other half among the crew. The Admiral then
says: ^^Thus I am convinced that our Lord miraculously
caused that vessel to remain here, this being the best place in
the whole island to form a settlement, and the nearest to the
gold mines.'' He also says that he knew of another great
island, to the south of the island of Juana, in which there is
more gold than in this island, so that they collect it in bits the
size of beans, while in Espanola they find the pieces the size
of grains of wheat. They call that island Yamaye.^ The
Admiral also heard of an island further east, in which there were
only women, having been told this by many people.^ He was
also informed that Yamaye and the island of Espanola were
ten days' journey in a canoe from the mainland, which would
be about 70 or 80 leagues, and that there the people wore
clothes.^

* Here probably the island of Iguana Grande.
' Jamaica.

' On this myth see below under January 15.

* It is remarkable that this report, which refers probably to Yucatan and
to the relatively high state of culture of the Mayas, drew no further comment
from Columbus. From our point of view it ought to have made a much
greater impression than we have evidence that it did ; from his point of view
that he was off Asia it was just what was to be expected and so is recorded
without comment.

216 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

Monday, 7th of January

This day the Admiral took the opportunity of calking the
caravel, and the sailors were sent to cut wood. They found
mastic and aloes in abundance.

Tuesday, 8th of January

As the wind was blowing fresh from the east and S.E.,
the Admiral did not get imder way this morning. He or-
dered the caravel to be filled up with wood and water and with
all other necessaries for the voyage. He wished to explore
all the coast of Espanola in this direction. But those he
appointed to the caravels as captains were brothers, namely,
Martin Alonso Pinzon and Vicente Anes. They also had fol-
lowers who were filled with pride and avarice, considering
that all now belonged to them, and unmindful of the honor
the Admiral had done them. They had not and did not obey
his orders, but did and said many unworthy thmgs against him ;
while Martin Alonso had deserted him from the 21st of Novem-
ber until the 6th of Januaiy without cause or reason, but
from disaffection. All these things had been endured in si-
lence by the Admiral in order to secure a good end to the voy-
age. He determined to return as quickly as possible, to get
rid of such an evil company, with whom he thought it neces-
sary to dissimulate, although they were a mutinous set, and
though he also had with him many good men ; for it was not
a fitting time for dealing out punishment.

The Admiral got into the boat and went up the river ^
which is near, toward the S.S.W. of Monte Cristi, a good
league. This is where the sailors went to get fresh water for
the ships. He found that the sand at the mouth of the river,
which is very large and deep, was full of very fine gold, and in
astonishing quantity. The Admiral thought that it was pul-

* This is the large river Yaqui, which contains much gold in its sand. It
was afterwards called the Santiago. (Navarrete.)

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 217

verized in the drift down the river, but in a short time he found
many grains as large as lentils, while there was a great deal of
the fine powder.

As the fresh water mixed with the salt when it entered the
sea, he ordered the boat to go up for the distance of a stone's-
throw. They filled the casks from the boat, and when they
went back to the caravel they found small bits of gold stick-
ing to the hoops of the casks and of the barrel. The Admiral
gave the name of Rio del Oro to the river.^ Inside the bar it
is very deep, though the mouth is shallow and very wide.
The distance to the Villa de la Navidad is 17 leagues,^ and there
are several large rivers on the intervening coast, especially
three which probably contain much more gold than this one,
because they are larger. This river is nearly the size of the
Guadalquivir at Cordova, and from it to the gold mines the
distance is not more than 20 leagues.^ The Admiral further
says that he did not care to take the sand coataiaing gold,
because their Highnesses would have it all as their property
at their town of Navidad ; and because his first object was now
to bring the news and to get rid of the evil company that was
with him, whom he had always said were a mutinous set.

Wednesday, 9th of January

The Admiral made sail at midnight, with the wind S.E.,
and shaped an E.N.E. course, arriving at a point named
Punta Roja,* which is 60 miles ^ east of Monte Cristi, and an-
chored under its lee three hours before nightfall. He did not
venture to go out at night, because there are many reefs, until
they are known. Afterwards, if, as will probably be the case,
channels are found between them, the anchorage, which is

* Afterwards called the Rio de Santiago. (Navarrete.)
' This should be 8 leagues. (Id.)

^ Las Casas, I. 429, says the distance to the mines was not 4 leagues.

* Punta Isabelica. (Id.)

^ The distance is lOJ leagues, or 42 of the ItaUan miles used by Columbus.
ild.)

218 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

good and well sheltered, will be profitable. The country be-
tween Monte Cristi and this point where the Admiral anchored
is very high land, with beautiful plains, the range running east
and west, all green and cultivated, with numerous streams of
water, so that it is wonderful to see such beauty. In all this
country there are many turtles, and the sailors took several
when they came on shore to lay their eggs at Monte Cristi,
as large as a great wooden buckler.

On the previous day, when the Admiral went to the Rio
del Oro, he saw three mermaids,* which rose well out of the sea ;
but they are not so beautiful as they are painted, though to
some extent they have the form of a human face. The Ad-
miral says that he had seen some, at other times, in Guinea,
on the coast of the Manequeta.^

The Admiral says that this night, in the name of our Lord,
he would set out on his homeward voyage without any further
delay whatever, for he had fomid what he sought, and he did
not wish to have further cause of offence with Martin Alonso
until their Highnesses should know the news of the voyage
and what had been done. Afterw^ards he says, ^'I will not
suffer the deeds of evil-disposed persons, with Uttle worth,
who, without respect for him to whom they owe their posi-
tions, presume to set up their own wills with little ceremony. '^

* The mermaids [Spanish, ''sirens"] of Columbus are the manatis, or
sea-cows, of the Caribbean Sea and great South American rivers. They are
now scarcely ever seen out at sea. Their resemblance to human beings,
when rising in the water, must have been very striking. They have small
rounded heads, and cervical vertebrae which form a neck, enabling the
animal to turn its head about. The fore limbs also, instead of being pectoral
fins, have the character of the arm and hand of the higher mammalia. These
pecuharities, and their very human way of suckling their young, holding
it by the forearm, which is movable at the elbow-joint, suggested the idea
of mermaids. The congener of the manati, which had been seen by Colum-
bus on the coast of Guinea, is the dugong. (Markham.)

^ Las Casas has "on the coast of Guinea where manequeta is gathered "
(I. 430). Amomum Melequeta, an herbaceous, reedlike plant, three to
five feet high, is found along the coast of Africa, from Sierra Leone to the
Congo. Its seeds were called ''Grains of Paradise," or maniguetta, and the
coast alluded to by Columbus, between Liberia and Cape Palmas, was hence
called the Grain Coast. The grains were used as a condiment, like pepper,
and in making the spiced wine called hippocras. (Markham.)

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 219

Thursday, 10th of January

He departed from the place where he had anchored, and
at sunset he reached a river, to which he gave the name of
Rio de Gracia, three leagues to the S.E. He came to at the
mouth/ where there is good anchorage on the east side. There
is a bar with no more than two fathoms of water, and very
narrow across the entrance. It is a good and well-sheltered
port, except that there are many shipworms,^ owing to which
the caravel Pinta, under Martin Alonso, received a good deal
of damage. He had been here bartering for 16 days, and got
much gold, which was what Martin Alonso wanted. As soon
as he heard from the Indians that the Admiral was on the
coast of the same island of Espaiiola, and that he could not
avoid him, Pinzon came to him. He wanted all the people
of the ship to swear that he had not been there more than six
days. But his treachery was so public that it could not be
concealed. He had made a law that half of all the gold that
was collected was his. When he left this port he took four
men and two girls by force. But the Admiral ordered that
they should be clothed and put on shore to return to their
homes. ^^This,'' the Admiral says, ^^is a service of your
Highnesses. For all the men and women are subjects of your
Highnesses, as well in this island as in the others. Here,
where your Highnesses already have a settlement, the people
ought to be treated with honor and favor, seeing that this
island has so much gold and such good spice-yielding lands."

Friday, 11th of January

At midnight the Admiral left the Rio de Gracia with the
land-breeze, and steered eastward until he came to a cape

^ Rio Chuzona chica. (Navarrete.)

^ Reading hroma (''shipworm'') for hruma ("mist") in the sentence :
sino que tiene mucha hruma. De la Roquette in the French translation
gives hruma the meaning of '' shipworm," supposing it to be a variant
form of hroma. The Italian translator of the letter on the fourth voyage
took hroma to be hruma, translated it pruina e hruma, and consequently
had Columbus's ship injured by frost near Panama ia April ! C/. Thacher,
Christopher Columhus, II. 625, 790.

220 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

named Belprado, at a distance of four leagues. To the S.E.
is the mountain to which he gave the name of Monte de Plata/
eight leagues distant. Thence from the cape Belprado to
E.S.E. is the point named Angel, eighteen leagues distant;
and from this point to the Monte de Plata there is a gulf,
with the most beautiful lands in the world, all high and fine
lands which extend far inland. Beyond there is a range of
high mountains running east and west, very grand and beauti-
ful. At the foot of this mountain there is a very good port,^
with 14 fathoms in the entrance. The mountain is very
high and beautiful, and all the country is well peopled. The
Admiral beheved there must be fine rivers and much gold.
At a distance of 4 leagues E.S.E. of Cabo del Angel there is a
cape named Punta del Hierro,^ and on the same course, 4
more leagues, a point is reached named Punta Seca.* Thence,
6 leagues further on, is Cabo Redondo,^ and further on Cabo
Frances, where a large bay ® is formed, but there did not
appear to be anchorage in it. A league further on is Cabo del
Buen Tiempo, and thence, a good league S.S.E., is Cabo
Tajado.^ Thence, to the south, another cape was sighted at a
distance of about 15 leagues. To-day great progress was made,
as wind and tide were favorable. The Admiral did not venture
to anchor for fear of the rocks, so he was hove-to all night.

Saturday J 12th of January

Towards dawn the Admiral filled and shaped a course to
the east with a fresh wind, running 20 miles before daylight,

^ So called because the summit is always covered with white or silver
clouds. Las Casas, I. 432. A monastery of Dominicans was afterwards
built on Monte de Plata, in which Las Casas began to write his history of the
Indies in the year 1527. Las Casas, IV. 254. (Markham.)

^ Puerto de Plata, where a flourishing seaport town was afterwards
established; founded by Ovando in 1502. It had fallen to decay in 1606.
(Markham.)

^ Punta Macuris. The distance is 3, not 4 leagues. (Navarrete.)

* Punta Sesua. The distance is only one league. (Id.)

^ Cabo de la Roca. It should be 5, not 6 leagues. {Id.)

' Bahia Escocesa. (Id.)

' Las Casas says that none of these names remained even in his time.
X. 432.

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIEST VOYAGE 221

and in two hours afterwards 24 miles. Thence he saw land
to the south/ and steered towards it, distant 48 miles. During
the night he must have run 28 miles N.N.E., to keep the vessels
out of danger. When he saw the land, he named one cape
that he saw Cabo de Padre y Hi jo, because at the east point
there are two rocks, one larger than the other.^ Afterwards,
at two leagues to the eastward, he saw a very fine bay between
two grand mountains. He saw that it was a very large port
with a very good approach; but, as it was very early in the
morning, and as the greater part of the time it was blowing
from the east, and then they had a N.N.W. breeze, he did not
wish to delay any more. He continued his course to the
east as far as a very high and beautiful cape, all of scarped
rock, to which he gave the name of Cabo del Enamorado,^
which was 32 miles to the east of the port named Puerto Sacro.^
On rounding the cape, another finer and loftier point came in
sight,^ like Cape St. Vincent in Portugal, 12 miles east of Cabo
del Enamorado. As soon as he was abreast of the Cabo del
Enamorado, the Admiral saw that there was a great bay^
between this and the next point, three leagues across, and in
the middle of it a small island.^ The depth is great at the
entrance close to the land. He anchored here in twelve fath-
oms, and sent the boat on shore for water, and to see if inter-
course could be opened with the natives, but they all fled.
He also anchored to ascertain whether this was all one laad
with the island of Espanola, and to make sure that this was a
gulf and not a channel, forming another island. He remained
astonished at the great size of Espanola.

^ This was the Peninsula of Samana. (Navarrete.)
^ Isla Yazual. (Id.)

^ Cabo Cabron, or Lover's Cape ; the extreme N.E. point of the island,
rising nearly 2000 feet above the sea. (Markham.)

* Puerto Yaqueron. (Navarrete.)

^ Cabo Samana ; called Cabo de San Theramo afterwards by ColumbuT"
(Markham.)

* The Bay of Samana. (Navarrete.)
' Cayo de Levantados. (Id,)

222 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

Sunday J 13th of January

The Admiral did not leave the port, because there was no
land-breeze with which to go out. He wished to shift to
another better port, because this was rather exposed. He
also wanted to wait, in that haven, the conjunction of the sun
and moon, which would take place on the 17th of this month,
and the opposition of the moon with Jupiter and conjunction
with Mercury, the sun being in opposition to Jupiter, which is
the cause of high winds. He sent the boat on shore to a beau-
tiful beach to obtain yams for food. They found some men
with bows and arrows, with whom they stopped to speak,
buying two bows and many arrows from them. They asked
one of them to come on board the caravel and see the Admiral ;
who says that he was very wanting in reverence, more so than
any native he had yet seen.^ His face was all stained with
charcoal,^ but in all parts there is the custom of painting the
body different colors. He wore his hair very long, brought
together and fastened behind, and put into a small net of
parrots' feathers. He was naked, hke all the others. The
Admiral supposed that he belonged to the Caribs, who eat
men,^ and that the gulf he had seen yesterday formed this part
of the land into an island by itself. The Admiral asked about
the Caribs, and he pointed to the east, near at hand, which
means that he saw the Admiral yesterday before he entered
the bay. The Indian said there was much gold to the east,
pointing to the poop of the caravel, which was a good size,
meaning that there were pieces as large. He called gold tuoh,
and did not understand caona, as they call it in the first part
of the island that was visited, nor nozay, the name in San
Salvador and the other islands. Copper or a base gold is

^ This should be, "who says that he was very ugly of countenance,
more so than the others that he had seen."

' Las Casas says, L 433, " Not charcoal but a certain dye they make
from a certain fruit."

^ Las Casas, I. 434, says there never were any cannibals in Espanola.

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 223

called tuoh in Espanola/ Of the island of Matinino this
Indian said that it was peopled by women without men,^ and
that in it there was much tuoh, which is gold or copper, and
that it is more to the east of Carib.^ He also spoke of the
island of Goanin/ where there was much tuob. The Admiral
says that he had received notices of these islands from many
persons; that in the other islands the natives were in great
fear of the Caribs, called by some of them Caniba, but in Es-
panola Carib. He thought they must be an audacious race,
for they go to all these islands and eat the people they can
capture. He understood a few words, and the Indians who
were on board comprehended more, there being a difference
in the languages owing to the great distance between the
various islands. The Admiral ordered that the Indian should
be fed, and given pieces of green and red cloth, and glass beads,
which they like very much, and then sent on shore. He was
told to bring gold if he had any, and it was believed that he
had, from some small things he brought with him. When the
boat reached the shore there were fifty-five men behind the
trees, naked, and with very long hair, as the women wear it
in Castile. Behind the head they wore plumes of feathers
of parrots and other birds, and each man carried a bow. The
Indian landed, and signed to the others to put down their
bows and arrows, and a piece of a staff, which is like . . .,^

^ Las Casas, I. 434, says that a section in the northeastern part
of Espanola "was inhabited by a tribe which called themselves Mazariges
and others Ciguayos and that they spoke different languages from the
rest of the island. I do not remember if they differed from each other
in speech since so many years have passed, and to-day there is no one
to inquire of, although I have talked many times with both genera-
tions; but more than fifty years have gone by.'' The Ciguayos, he adds,
were called so because they wore their hair long as women do in Cas-
tile. This passage shows that Las Casas was writing this part of his
history a half-century after he went first to Espanola, which was in 1502,
with Ovando.

^ See p. 226, note 4, under Jan. 15.

' Porto Rico. (Navarrete.)

* Las Casas, I. 434, says that Guanin was not the name of an island, but
the word for a kind of base gold.

^ A gap in the original manuscript.

224 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

very heavy, carried instead of a sword.^ As soon as they came
to the boat the crew laaded, and began to buy the bows and
arrows and other arms, in accordance with an order of the
Admiral. Having sold two bows, they did not want to give
more, but began to attack the Spaniards, and to take hold of
them. They were running back to pick up their bows and
arrows where they had laid them aside, and took cords in
their hands to bind the boat's crew. Seeing them rushing
down, and being prepared — for the Admiral always warned
them to be on their guard — the Spaniards attacked the
Indians, and gave one a slash with a knife in the buttocks,
womiding another in the breast with an arrow. Seeing that
they could gain little, although the Christians were oaly seven
and they numbered over fifty, they fled, so that none were
left, throwing bows and arrows awa3^^ The Christians
would have killed many, if the pilot, who was in command,
had not prevented them. The Spaniards presently returned
to the caravel with the boat. The Admiral regretted the affair
for one reason, and was pleased for another. They would
have fear of the Christians, and they were no doubt an ill-
conditioned people, probably Caribs, who eat men. But the
Admiral felt alarm lest they should do some harm to the 39
men left in the fortress and town of Navidad, in the event
of their coming here in their boat. Even if they are not
Caribs, they are a neighboring people, with similar habits,
and fearless, unlike the other inhabitants of the island, who are
timid, and without arms. The Admiral says all this, and adds
that he would have liked to have captured some of them.
He says that they lighted many smoke signals, as is the custom
in this island of Espanola.

^ Las Casas, I. 435, has, "and as word of a palm-tree board which is very-
hard and very hea\y, not sharp but blunt, about two fingers thick every-
where, with which as it is hard and heavy like iron, although a man has a
helmet on his head they will crush his skull to the brain with one blow."

^ "This was the first fight that there was in all the Indies and when
the blood of the Indians was shed." Las Casas, I. 436.

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 225

Monday y 14:th of January

This evening the Admiral wished to find the houses of the
Indians and to capture some of them, beheving them to be
Caribs. For, owing to the strong east and north-east winds
and the heavy sea, he had remained during the day. Many
Indians were seen on shore. The Admiral, therefore, ordered
the boat to be sent on shore, with the crew well armed. Pres-
ently the Indians came to the stern of the boat, including the
man who had been on board the day before, and had received
presents from the Admiral. With him there came a king,
who had given to the said Indian some beads in token of safety
and peace for the boat^s crew. This king, with three of his
followers, went on board the boat and came to the caravel.
The Admiral ordered them to be given biscuit and treacle
to eat, and gave the chief a red cap, some beads, and a piece
of red cloth. The others were also given pieces of cloth. The
chief said that next day he would bring a mask made of gold,
affirming that there was much here, and in Carib ^ and Mati-
nino.^ They afterwards went on shore well satisfied.

The Admiral here says that the caravels were making much
water, which entered by the keel; and he complains of the
caulkers at Palos, who caulked the vessels very badly, and ran
away when they saw that the Admiral had detected the bad-
ness of their work, and intended to oblige them to repair the
defect. But, notwithstanding that the caravels were making
much water, he trusted in the favor and mercy of our Lord,
for his high Majesty well knew how much controversy there
was before the expedition could be despatched from Castile,
that no one was in the Admiral's favor save Him alone who
knew his heart, and after God came your Highnesses, while
all others were against him without any reason. He further
says: ^^And this has been the cause that the royal crown of
your Highnesses has not a hundred miUions of revenue more

^ Porto Rico. Navarrete says it is certain that the Indians called
Porto Rico Isla de Carib.

^ Probably Martinique or Guadeloupe. (Navarrete.)

226 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

than after I entered your service, which is seven years ago in
this very month, the 20th of January/ The increase will take
place from now onwards. For the almighty God will remedy
all things/' ^ These are his words.

Tuesday J 15th of January

The Admiral now wished to depart, for there was nothing
to be gained by further delay, after these occurrences and the
tumult with the Indians. To-day he had heard that all the
gold was in the district of the town of Navidad, belonging to
their Higlinesses ; and that in the island of Carib ^ there was
much copper, as well as in Matinino. The intercourse at Carib
would, however, be difficult, because the natives are said to
eat human flesh. Their island would be in sight from thence,
and the Admiral determined to go there, as it was on the route,
and thence to Matinino, which was said to be entirely peopled
by women, without men.^ He would thus see both islands, and

* By this calculation the Admiral entered the service of the Catholic
Sovereigns on January 20, 1486. (Xavarrete.)

' " What would he have said if he had seen the millions and millions
(cuenios y millones) that the sovereigns have received from his labors since
his death?" Las Casas, I. 437.

' Porto Rico.

* Columbus had read in Marco Polo of the islands of Masculia and Femi-
NiNA in the Indian Seas and noted the passage in his copy. See ch. xxxiii.
of pt. III. of Marco Polo. On the other hand there is evidence for an in-
digenous Amazon myth in the New World. The earliest sketch of Ameri-
can folk-lore ever made, that of the Friar Ramon Pane in 1497, preserved
in Ferdinand Columbus's Historie and in a condensed form in Peter
Martyr's De Rebus Oceanicis (Dec. i., lib. ix.), tells the story of the culture-
hero Guagugiona, who set forth from the cave, up to that time the home of
mankind, " with all the women in search of other lands and he came to
Matinino, where at once he left the women and went away to another coun-
try," etc., Historie (London ed., 1867), p. 188. Ramon's name is errone-
ously given as Roman in the Historie. On the Amazons in Venezuela, see
Oviedo, lib. xxv., cap. xiv. It may be accepted that the Amazon myth
as given by Oviedo, from which the great river derived its name. River of
the Amazons, is a composite of an Arawak folk-tale like that preserved by
Ramon Pane overlaid with the details of the Marco Polo myth, which in
turn derives from the classical myth.

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 227

might take some of the natives. The Admiral sent the boat
on shore, but the king of that district had not come, for his
village was distant. He, however, sent his crown of gold, as
he had promised ; and many other natives came with cotton,
and bread made from yams, all with their bows and arrows.
After the bartering was finished, four youths came to the cara-
vel. They appeared to the Admiral to give such a clear ac-
count of the islands to the eastward, on the same route as
the Admiral would have to take, that he determined to take
them to Castile with him. He says that they had no iron nor
other metals ; at least none was seen, but it was impossible to
know much of the land in so short a time, owing to the diffi-
culty with the language, which the Admiral could not under-
stand except by guessing, nor could they know what was said to
them, in such a few days. The bows of these people are as
large as those of France or England. The arrows are similar
to the darts of the natives who have been met with previously,
which are made of young canes, which grow very straight, and
a yard and a half or two yards in length. They point them
with a piece of sharp wood, a span and a half long, and at the
end some of them fix a fishes tooth, but most of them anoint
it with an herb.^ They do not shoot as in other parts, but in a
certain way which cannot do much harm. Here they have a
great deal of fine and long cotton, and plenty of mastic.
The bows appeared to be of yew, and there is gold and copper.
There is also plenty of aji^^ which is their pepper, which is
more valuable than pepper, and all the people eat nothing
else, it being very wholesome. Fifty caravels might be an-
nually loaded with it from Espanola. The Admiral says that
he found a great deal of weed in this bay, the same as was met
with at sea when he came on this discovery. He therefore

^ Y los mas le ponen alii yerha, " and the most of them put on poi-
son." The description of these arrows corresponds exactly with that
given by Sir E. im Thurn of the poisoned arrows of the Indians of Guiana,
which still have *' adjustable wooden tips smeared with poison, which are
inserted in the socket at the end of a reed shaft." Among the Indians of
Guiana, p. 242.

^ Capsicum. (Markham.)

228 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

supposed that there were islands to the eastward, in the direc-
tion of the position where he began to meet with it; for he
considers it certain that this weed has its origin in shallow
water near the land, and, if this is the case, these Indies must
be very near the Canary Islands. For this reason he thought
the distance must be less than 400 leagues.

Wednesday J 16th of January

They got under way three hours before daylight, and
left the gulf, which was named Golfo de las Flechas,^ with the
land-breeze. Afterwards there was a west wind, which was
fair to go to the island of Carib on an E.N.E. course. This
was where the people hve of whom all the natives of the other
islands are so frightened, because they roam over the sea in
canoes without number, and eat the men they can capture.
The Admiral steered the course indicated by one of the four
Indians he took yesterday in the Puerto de las Flechas. After
having sailed about 64 miles, the Indians made signs that the
island was to the S.E.^ The Admiral ordered the sails to be
trimmed for that course, but, after having proceeded on it
for two leagues, the wind freshened from a quarter which was
very favorable for the voyage to Spain. The Admiral had
noticed that the crew were downhearted when he deviated
from the direct route home, reflecting that both caravels were
leaking badly, and that there was no help but in God. He
therefore gave up the course leading to the islands, and shaped
a direct course for Spain E.N.E. He sailed on this course,
making 48 miles, which is 12 leagues, by sunset. The Indians
said that by that route they would fall in with the island of
Matinino, peopled entirely by women without men, and the
Admiral wanted very much to take five or six of them to the
Sovereigns. But he doubted whether the Indians understood

* Gulf of the Arrows. This was the Bay of Samana, into which the river
Yuna flows. (Navarrete.)

^ Porto Rico. It would have been distant about 30 leagues.
(Navarrete.)

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 229

the route well, and he could not afford to delay, by reason of
the leaky condition of the caravels. He, however, believed the
story, and that, at certain seasons, men came to them from
the island of Carib, distant ten or twelve leagues. If males
were bom, they were sent to the island of the men; and if
females, they remained with their mothers.^ The Admiral
says that these two islands cannot have been more than 15
or 20 leagues to the S.E. from where he altered course, the
Indians not understanding how to point out the direction.
After losing sight of the cape, which was named San Theramo,^
which was left 16 leagues to the west, they went for 12 leagues
E.N.E. The weather was very fine.

Thursday y 17th of January

The wind went down at sunset yesterday, the caravels
having sailed 14 glasses, each a httle less than half-an-hour.
at 4 miles an hour, making 28 miles. Afterwards the wind
freshened, and they ran all that watch, which was 10 glasses.
Then another six until sunrise at 8 miles an hour, thus making
altogether 84 miles, equal to 21 leagues, to the E.N.E. , and
until sunset 44 miles, or 11 leagues, to the east. Here a
booby ^ came to the caravel, and afterwards another. The
Admiral saw a great deal of gulf-weed.

Friday J 18th of January

During the night they steered E.S.E., with little wind, for
40 miles, equal to 10 leagues, and then 30 miles, or 7J leagues,
until sunrise. All day they proceeded with Httle wind to
E.N.E. and N.E. by E., more or less, her head being sometimes

* "The sons remain with their mothers till the age of fourteen when they
go to join their fathers in their separate abode." Marco Polo, pt. iii.,
ch. XXXIII. Cf. p. 226, note 4.

2 Now called Cabod el Engano, the extreme eastern point of Espanola.
It had the same name when Las Casas wrote. (Markham.)

* Alcatraz.

230 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

north and at others N.N.E., and, counting one with the other,
they made 60 miles, or 15 leagues. There was little weed,
but yesterday and to-day the sea appeared to be full of tunnies.
The Admiral believed that from there they must go to the
tunny-fisheries of the Duke, of Conil and Cadiz/ He also
thought they were near some islands, because a frigate-bird ^
flew round the caravel, and afterwards went away to the S.S.E.
He said that to the S.E. of the island of Espanola were the
islands of Carib, Matinino^ and many others.

Saturday y 19th of January

During the night they made good 56 miles N.N.E., and
64 N.E. by N. After sunrise they steered N.E. with the wind
fresh from S.W., and afterwards W.S.W. 84 miles, equal to
21 leagues. The sea was again full of small tunnies. There
were boobies, frigate-birds, and tems.^

Sunday y 20th of January

It was calm during the night, with occasional slants of
wind, and they only made 20 miles to the N.E. After sunrise
they went 11 miles S.E., and then 36 miles N.N.E., equal to
9 leagues. They saw an immense quantity of small tunnies,
the air very soft and pleasant, like Seville in April or May,

* The almadrahas, or tunny fisheries of Rota, near Cadiz, were inherited
by the Duke, as well as those of Conil, a little fishing town 6 leagues east
of Cadiz. (Markham.)

' Un pescado (a fish), called the rabiforcado. For un pescado, we
should probably read una ave pescadora, and translate : a fishing bird, called
rabiforcado. See entry for September 29 and note.

' Alcatraces, rabos de juncos, and rabiforcados : boobies, boatswain-
birds, and frigate-birds. The translator has not been consistent in
selecting English equivalents for these names. In the entry of January 18
rabiforcado is frigate-bird; in that of January 19 rabo de junco is frigate-
bird ; in that of January 21 rabo de junco is boatswain-bird. September
14 garjao is the tern, while on January 19 the rabiforcado is the tern. On
these birds, see notes 11, 12, 13, and 20. See also Oviedo, Historia General
y natural de Zos Indias, lib. xiv., cap. i., for descriptions of these birds.

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 231

and the sea, for which God be given many thanks, always very
smooth. Frigate-birds, sandpipers,^ and other birds were
seen.

Monday y 21st of January

Yesterday, before sunset, they steered N.E. b. E., with the
wind east, at the rate of 8 miles an hour until midnight, equal
to 56 miles. Afterwards they steered N.N.E. 8 miles an hour,
so that they made 104 miles, or 26 leagues, during the night
N.E. by N. After sunrise they steered N.N.E. with the same
wind, which at times veered to N.E., and they made good 88
miles in the eleven hours of daylight, or 21 leagues: except
one that was lost by delay caused by closing with the Pinta
to communicate. The air was colder, and it seemed to get
colder as they went further north, and also that the nights
grew longer owing tb the narrowing of the sphere. Many
hoatswain-birds and terns ^ were seen, as well as other birds
but not so many fish, perhaps owing to the water being colder.
Much weed was seen.

Tuesday y 22nd of January

Yesterday, after sunset, they steered N.N.E. with an east
wind- They made 8 miles an hour during five glasses, and
three before the watch began, making eight glasses, equal to
72 miles, or 18 leagues. Afterwards they went N.E. by N.
for six glasses, which would be another 18 miles. Then, during
four glasses of the second watch N.E. at six miles an hour, or
three leagues. From that time to sunset, for eleven glasses,
E.N.E. at 6 leagues an hour,^ equal to seven leagues. Then

^ Rahiforcados y pardelas. Las Casas, I. 440, has aves pardelas. Tal-
hausen, Neues Spanisch-deutsches Worterbuch, defines pardelas as Peters-vogel,
i.e., petrel.

^ Rabos de juncos y pardelas. The translator vacillates between sand-
pipers and terns in rendering pardelas. Cf. January 28 and 31, but as has just
been noted ''petrels" is the proper word.

^ An error of the transcriber for miles. Each glass being half-an-hour,
going six miles an hour, they would have made 33 miles or 8^ leagues in five
hours and a half. (Navarrete.)

232 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

E.N.E. until 11 o'clock, 32 miles. Then the wind fell, and
they made no more during that day. The Indians swam about.
They saw boatswain-birds and much weed.

Wednesday J 23rd of January

To-night the wind was very changeable, but, making the
allowances apphed by good sailors, they made 84 miles, or
21 leagues, N.E. by N. Many times the caravel Nina had to
wait for the Pinta, because she sailed badly when on a bowline,
the mizzen being of httle use owing to the weakness of the
mast. He says that if her captain, that is, Martin Alonso
Pinzon, had taken the precaution to provide her with a good
mast in the Indies, where there are so many and such excellent
spars, instead of deserting his commander from motives of
avarice, he would have done better. They saw many boat-
swain-birds and much weed. The heavens have been clouded
over during these last days, but there has been no rain. The
sea has been as smooth as a river, for which many thanks be
given to God. After sunrise they went free, and made 30 miles,
or 7^ leagues N.E. During the rest of the day E.N.E. another
30 miles.

Thursday, 2^th of January

They made 44 miles, or 11 leagues, during the night,
allowing for many changes in the wind, which was generally
N.E. After sunrise until sunset E.N.E. 14 leagues.

Friday, 25th of January

They steered during part of the night E.N.E. for 13 glasses,
making 9J leagues. Then N.N.E. 6 miles. The wind fell,
and during the day they only made 28 miles E.N.E., or 7
leagues. The sailors killed a tunny and a very large shark,

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 233

which was very welcome, as they now had nothing but bread
and wine, and some yams from the Indies.

Saturday J 2Qth of January

This night they made 56 miles, or 14 leagues, E.S.E. After
sunrise they steered E.S.E. , and sometimes S.E., making 40
miles up to 11 o'clock. Afterwards they went on another
tack, and then on a bowline, 24 miles, or 6 leagues, to the north,
until night.

Sunday J 27th of January

Yesterday, after sunset, they steered N.E. and N.E. by N.
at the rate of five miles an hour, which in thirteen hours would
be 65 miles, or 16J leagues. After sunrise they steered N.E.
24 miles, or 6 leagues, until noon, and from that time until
sunset 3 leagues E.N.E.

Monday, 28th of January

All night they steered E.N.E. 36 miles, or 9 leagues. After
sunrise until sunset E.N.E. 20 miles, or 5 leagues. The
weather was temperate and pleasant. They saw boatswain-
birds, sandpipers,^ and much weed.

Tuesday, 29th of January

They steered E.N.E. 39 miles, or 9| leagues, and during
the whole day 8 leagues. The air was very pleasant, like
April in Castile, the sea smooth, and fish they call dorados ^
came on board.

^ Petrels.

^ The English equivalent is dory, or gilthead.

234 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

Wednesday, SOth of January

All this night they made 6 leagues E.N.E., and in the day
S.E. by S. 13J leagues. Boatswain-birds, much weed, and
many tunnies.

Thursday, 31st of January

This night they steered N.E. by N. 30 miles, and after-
wards N.E. 35 miles, or 16 leagues. From sunrise to night
E.N.E. 13J leagues. They saw boatswain-birds and tems.^

Friday, \st of February

They made 16| leagues E.N.E. during the night, and went
on the same course during the day 29J leagues. The sea very
smooth, thanks be to God.

Saturday, 2nd of February

They made 40 miles, or 10 leagues, E.N.E. this night. In
the daytime, with the same wind aft, they went 7 miles an
hour, so that in eleven hours they had gone 77 miles, or 9J
leagues. The sea was very smooth, thanks be to God, and the
air very soft. They saw the sea so covered with weed that,
if they had not known about it before, they would have been
fearful of sunken rocks. They saw terns.^

Sunday, 3rd of February

This night, the wind being aft and the sea very smooth,
thanks be to God, they made 29 leagues. The North Star
appeared very high, as it does off Cape St. Vincent. The

' Petrels.

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 235

Admiral was unable to take the altitude, either with the
astrolabe or with the quadrant, because the rolling caused
by the waves prevented it. That day he steered his course
E.N.E., going 10 miles an hour, so that in eleven hours he made
27 leagues.

Monday J ^th of February

During the night the course was N.E. by E., going twelve
miles an hour part of the time, and the rest ten miles. Thus
they made 130 miles, or 32 leagues and a half. The sky was
very threatening and rainy, and it was rather cold, by which
they knew that they had not yet reached the Azores. After
sunrise the course was altered to east. During the whole
day they made 77 miles, or 19i leagues.

Tuesday J 5th of February

This night they steered east, and made 55 miles, or 13J
leagues. In the day they were going ten miles an hour, and
in eleven hours made 110 miles, or 27 J leagues. They saw
sandpipers, and some small sticks, a sign that they were near
land.

Wednesday J Qth of February

They steered east during the night, going at the rate of
eleven miles an hour, so that in the thirteen hours of the night
they made 143 miles, or 35^ leagues. They saw many birds.
In the day they went 14 miles an hour, and made 154 miles,
or 38| leagues; so that, including night and day, they made
74 leagues, more or less. Vicente Anes ^ said that they had
left the island of Flores to the north and Madeira to the east.
Roldan ^ said that the island of Fayal, or San Gregorio, was

^ Vicente Yanez Pinzon.

^ Later a rich citizen of the city of Santo Domingo, Espafiola, where he
was known as Roldan the pilot. Las Casas, I. 443.

236 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

to the N.N.E. and Puerto Santo to east. There was much
weed.

Thursday y 7th of February

This night they steered east, going ten miles an hour, so
that in thirteen hours they made 130 miles, or 32^ leagues. In
the daytime the rate was eight miles an hour, in eleven hours
88 miles, or 22 leagues. This morning the Admiral found
himself 65 leagues south of the island of Flores, and the pilot
Pedro Alonso,^ being further north, according to his reckoning,
passed between Terceira and Santa Maria to the east, passing
to windward of the island of Madeira, twelve leagues further
north. The sailors saw a new kind of weed, of which there is
plenty in the islands of the Azores.

Friday, 8th of February

They went three miles an hour to the eastward for some
time during the night, and afterwards E.S.E., going twelve
miles an hour. From sunrise to noon they made 27 miles,
and the same distance from noon till sunset, equal to 13 leagues

S.S.E.

Saturday J 9th of February

For part of this night they went 3 leagues S.S.E. , and
afterwards S. by E., then N.E. 5 leagues imtil ten o'clock in
the forenoon, then 9 leagues east until dark.

Sunday, 10th of February

From simset they steered east all night, making 130 miles,
or 32 J leagues. During the day they went at the rate of nine

^ The name is also written Peralonso Nino. He made one of the first voy-
ages to the mainland of South America after the third voyage of Columbus.
See Ir\dng, Companions of Columbus. Bourne, Spain in America, p. 69.

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 237

miles an hour, making 99 miles, or 24| leagues, in eleven
hours.

In the caravel of the Admiral, Vicente Yanez and the two
pilots, Sancho Ruiz and Pedro Alonso Nino, and Roldan,
charted or plotted the route. They all made the posi-
tion a good deal beyond the islands of the Azores to the east,
and, navigating to the north, none of them touched Santa
Maria, which is the last of all the Azores. They made the
position five leagues beyond it, and were in the vicinity of
the islands of Madeira and Puerto Santo. But the Admiral
was very different from them in his reckoning, finding the posi-
tion very much in rear of theirs. This night he found the island
of Flores to the north, and to the east he made the direction
to be towards Nafe in Africa, passing to leeward of the island
of Madeira to the north . . . leagues.^ So that the pilots
were nearer to Castile than the Admiral by 150 leagues. The
Admiral says that, with the grace of God, when they reach the
land they will find out whose reckoning was most correct. He
also says that he went 263 leagues from the island of Hierro
to the place where he first saw the gulf-weed.

Monday, 11th of February

This night they went twelve miles an hour on their course,
and during the day they ran 16| leagues. They saw many
birds, from which they judged that land was near.

Tuesday, 12th of February

They went six miles an hour on an east course during the
night, altogether 73 miles, or IS^- leagues. At this time they
began to encounter bad weather with a heavy sea; and, if
the caravel had not been very well managed, she must have
been lost. During the day they made 11 or 12 leagues with
much difficulty and danger.

* A gap in the original manuscript.

238 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

Wednesday J ISth of February

From sunset until daylight there was great trouble with the
wind, and the high and tempestuous sea. There was light-
ning three times to the N.N.E. — a sign of a great storm
coming either from that quarter or its opposite. They were
lying-to most of the night, afterwards showing a little sail,
and made 52 miles, which is 13 leagues. In the day the wind
moderated a little, but it soon increased again. The sea was
terrific, the waves crossing each other, and straining the
vessels. They made 55 miles more, equal to 13J leagues.

Thursday, lith of February

This night the wind increased, and the waves were terrible,
rising against each other, and so shaking and straining the ves-
sel that she could make no headway, and was in danger of
being stove in. They carried the mainsail very closely reefed,
so as just to give her steerage- way, and proceeded thus for
three hours, making 20 miles. Meanwhile, the wind and sea
increased, and, seeing the great danger, the Admiral began to
run before it, there being nothing else to be done. The cara-
vel Pinta began to run before the wind at the same time, and
Martin Alonso ran her out of sight, ^ although the Admiral
kept showing lanterns all night, and the other answered.
It would seem that she could do no more, owing to the force
of the tempest, and she was taken far from the route of the
Admiral. He steered that night E.N.E., and made 54 miles,
equal to 13 leagues. At sunrise the wind blew still harder,
and the cross sea was terrific. They continued to show the
closely-reefed mainsail, to enable her to rise from between the

^ Martin Alonso Pinzon succeeded in bringing the caravel Pinta into
port at Bayona in Galicia. He went thence to Palos, arriving in the even-
ing of the same day as the Nina with the Admiral. Pinzon died very soon
afterwards. Oviedo [ I. 27] says: *'He went to Palos to his own house
and died after a few days since he went there very ill." (Markham.)

1493] JOUKNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 239

waves, or she would otherwise have been swamped. An E.N.E.
course was steered, and afterwards N.E. by E. for six hours,
making 7 J leagues. The Admiral ordered that a pilgrimage
should be made to Our Lady of Guadalupe,^ carrying a candle
of 6 lbs. of weight in wax, and that all the crew should take an
oath that the pilgrimage should be made by the man on whom
the lot fell. As many chick-peas were got as there were per-
sons on board, and on one a cross was cut with a knife. They
were then put into a cap and shaken up. The first who put
in his hand was the Admiral, and he drew out the chick-pea with
a cross, so the lot fell on him ; and he was bound to go on the
pilgrimage and fulfil the vow. Another lot was drawn, to go
on pilgrimage to Our Lady of Loreto, which is in the march
of Ancona, in the Papal territory, a house where Our Lady
works many and great miracles.^ The lot fell on a sailor of
the port of Santa Maria, named Pedro de Villa, and the Ad-
miral promised to pay his travelling expenses. Another pil-
grimage was agreed upon, to watch for one night in Santa
Clara at Moguer,^ and have a mass said, for which they again
used the chick-peas, including the one with a cross. The lot
again fell on the Admiral. After this the Admiral and all the
crew made a vow that, on arriving at the first land, they
would all go in procession, in their shirts, to say their prayers
in a church dedicated to Our Lady.

Besides these general vows made in common, each sailor
made a special vow; for no one expected to escape, holding
themselves for lost, owing to the fearful weather from which
they were suffering. The want of ballast increased the danger
of the ship, which had become light, owing to the consumption
of the provisions and water. On account of the favorable

' The Virgin of Guadalupe was the patroness of Estremadura. As many
of the early colonists went from Estremadura there came to be a good
number of her shrines in Mexico. Cf. R. Ford, Handbook for Spain,
index under ''Guadalupe."

^ A full account of the shrine at Loreto may be found in Addis and
Arnold, Catholic Dictionary, under ''Loreto."

3 "This is the house where the sailors of the country particularly have
their devotions." Las Casas, L 446. Moguer tvas a village near Palog.

240 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

weather enjoyed among the islands, the Admiral had omitted
to make provision for this need, thinking that ballast might
be taken on board at the island inhabited by women, which
he had intended to visit. The only thing to do was to fill the
barrels that had contained wine or fresh water with water
from the sea, and this supplied a remedy.

Here the Admiral writes of the causes which made him
fear that he would perish, and of others that gave him hope
that God would work his salvation, in order that such news
as he was bringing to the Sovereigns might not be lost. It
seemed to him that the strong desire he felt to bring such great
news, and to show that all he had said and offered to discover
had turned out true, suggested the fear that he would not be
able to do so, and that each stinging insect would be able to
thwart and impede the work. He attributes this fear to his
httle faith, and to his want of confidence in Divine Provi-
dence.

He was comforted, on the other hand, by the mercies of God
in having vouchsafed him such a victory, in the discoveries he
had made, and in that God had complied with all his desires
in Castile, after much adversity and many misfortunes. As
he had before put all his trust in God, who had heard him and
granted all he sought, he ought now to believe that God would
permit the completion of what had been begun, and ordain that he
should be saved. Especially as he had freed him on the voyage
out, when he had still greater reason to fear, from the trouble
caused by the sailors and people of his company, who all with
one voice declared their intention to return, and protested
that they would rise against him.^ But the eternal God gave
him force and valor to withstand them all, and in many other
marvellous ways had God shown his will in this voyage besides
those known to their Highnesses. Thus he ought not to fear
the present tempest, though his weakness and anxiety prevent
him from giving tranquillity to his mind. He says further
that it gave him great sorrow to think of the two sons he had
left at their studies in Cordova, who would be left orphans,

^ See page 108, note 1. and entry for October 10.

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 241

without father or mother/ in a strange land ; while the Sover-
eigns would not know of the services he had performed in
this voyage, nor would they receive the prosperous news
which would move them to help the orphans. To remedy
this, and that their Highnesses might know how our Lord
had granted a victory in all that could be desired respecting
the Indies/ and that they might understand that there were
no storms in those parts, which may be known by the herbs
and trees which grow even within the sea;^ also that the
Sovereigns might still have information, even if he perished
in the storm, he took a parchment and wrote on it as good an
account as he could of all he had discovered, entreating any
one who might pick it up to deliver it to the Sovereigns. He
rolled this parchment up in waxed cloth, fastened it very
securely, ordered a large wooden barrel to be brought, and put
it inside, so that no one else knew what it was. They thought
that it was some act of devotion, and so he ordered the barrel
to be thrown into the sea. Afterwards, in the showers and
squalls, the wind veered to the west, and they went before it,
only with the foresail, in a very confused sea, for five hours.
They made 2 J leagues N.E. They had taken in the reefed
mainsail, for fear some wave of the sea should carry all away.^

^ As Beatriz Enriquez, the mother of Ferdinand, was still living, this pas-
sage has occasioned much perplexity. A glance at the corresponding passage,
quoted in direct discourse from this entry in the Journal, in the Historie of
Ferdinand, shows that the words ''orphans without father or mother '' were
not in the original Journal, if we can trust this transcript. On the other
hand. Las Casas, in his Historia, I. 447, where he used the original Journal and
not the abridgment that has come down to us, has the words "huerfanos de
padre y madre en tierra estrana/' It may be that Ferdinand noted the error
of the original Journal and quietly corrected it.

^ In Ferdinand's text nothing is said explicitly about the Indies.

^ There is nothing corresponding to this in Ferdinand's extract from the
Journal. Was this omission also a case of pious revision?

The Admiral thought that there could be no great storms in the countries
he had discovered, because trees (mangroves) actually grew with their roots
in the sea. The herbage on the beach nearly reached the waves, which does
not happen when the sea is rough. (Markham.)

^ Ferdinand Columbus has preserved in his life of his father the exact
words of the Journal for the last two pages of the entry for February 14.
The extract is given here to illustrate the character of the work of the epito-

242 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

Friday J 15th of February

Last night, after sunset, the sky began to clear towards
the west, showing that the wind was inchned to come from

mizer who prepared the text of the Journal as it has come down to us.
"I should have borne this fortune with less distress if my life alone had been
in peril, since I am aware that I am in debt to the Most High Creator for my
life and because at other times I have found myself so near to death that al-
most nothing remained but to suffer it. But what caused me boundless
grief and trouble was the reflection that, now that Our Lord had been pleased
to enlighten me with the faith and with the certainty of this undertaking
in which he had already given me the victory, that just now, when our
gainsayers were to be convinced and your Highnesses were to receive from me
glory and enlargement of your high estate, the Divine Majesty should will
to block it with my death. Tliis last would have been more endurable if
it did not involve that of the people I brought with me with the promise
of a very prosperous issue. They seeing themselves in such a plight not only
cursed their coming but even the fear or the restraint which after my per-
suasions prevented them from turning back from the way as many times they
were resolved to do. And above all this my grief was redoubled at the vision
before my eyes and at the recollection of two little sons that I had left at
their studies in Cordova without succor in a strange land and without my
having rendered (or at least without its being made manifest) the service for
which one might trust that your Highnesses would remember them.

" And although on the one hand I was comforted by the faith that I had
that Our Lord would never suffer a work which would highly exalt his Church,
which at length after so much opposition and such labors I had brought to
the last stage, to remain unaccomplished and that I should be broken ; on
the other hand, I thought that, either on account of my demerits or to
prevent my enjoying so much glory in this world, it was his pleasure to take
it away from me, and so while thus in perplexity I bethought myself of the
venture of your Highnesses who even if I should die and the ship be lost,
might find means of not losing a victory already achieved and that it might
be possible in some way for the news of the success of my voyage to come
to your ears; wherefore I wrote on a parchment with the brevity that the
time demanded how I had discovered the lands that I had promised to, and
in how many days ; and the route I had followed ; and the goodness of the
countries, and the quality of their inhabitants and how they were the vassals
of your Highnesses who had possession of all that had been found by me.
This writing folded and sealed I directed to your Highnesses with the super-
scription or promise of a thousand ducats to him who should deliver it thus
unopened, in order that, if some foreigners should find it, the truth of this
superscription might prevent them from disposing of the information which
was inside. And I straightway had a large cask brought and having wrapped
the writing in a waxed cloth and put it into a kind of tart or cake of wax I
placed it in the barrel which, stoutly hooped, I then threw into the sea. All
believed that it was some act of devotion. Then because I thought it might

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 243

that quarter. The admiral added the bonnet ^ to the mainsail.
The sea was still very high, although it had gone down slightly.
They steered E.N.E., and went four miles an hour, which made
13 leagues during the eleven hours of the night. After sunrise
they sighted land. It appeared from the bows to bear E.N.E.
Some said it was the island of Madeira, others that it was the
rock of Cintra, in Portugal, near Lisbon. Presently the wind
headed to E.N.E. , and a heavy sea came from the west, the
caravel being 5 leagues from the land. The Admiral found by
his reckoning that he was close to the Azores, and believed
that this was one of them. The pilots and sailors thought
it was the land of Castile.^

Saturday J 16th of February

All that night the Admiral was standing ofif and on to keep
clear of the land, which they now knew to be an island, some-
times standing N.E., at others N.N.E., until sunrise, when they
tacked to the south to reach the island, which was now con-
cealed by a great mist. Another island was in sight from
the poop, at a distance of eight leagues. Afterwards, from
sunrise until dark, they were tacking to reach the land
against a strong wind and head-sea. At the time of repeat-
ing the Salve, which is just before dark, some of the men
saw a light to leeward, and it seemed that it must be on the
island they first saw yesterday. All night they were beating
to windward, and going as near as they could, so as to see some
way to the island at sunrise. That night the Admiral got a Uttle
rest, for he had not slept nor been able to sleep since Wed-
nesday, and he had lost the use of his legs from long exposure

not arrive safely and the ships were all the while approaching Castile I made
another package like that and placed it on the upper part of the poop in
order that if the ship should sink the barrel might float at the will of fate."

^ The bonnet was a small sail usually cut to a third the size of the mizzen,
or a fourth of the mainsail. It was secured through eyelet-holes to the leech
of the mainsail, in the manner of a studding sail. (Navarrete.)

^ On this day the Admiral dated the letter to Santangel, the escribano de
racion^ which is given below on pp. 263-272.

244 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

to the wet and cold. At sunrise^ he steered S.S.W., and
reached the island at night, but could not make out what
island it was, owing to the thick weather.

Monday, 18th of February

Yesterday, after sunset, the Admiral was sailing round the
island, to see where he could anchor and open communications.
He let go one anchor, which he presently lost, and then stood
off and on all night. After sunrise he again reached the north
side of the island, where he anchored, and sent the boat on
shore. They had speech with the people, and found that it was
the island of Santa Maria, one of the Azores. They pointed
out the port ^ to which the caravel should go. They said that
they had never seen such stormy weather as there had been
for the last fifteen days, and they wondered how the caravel
could have escaped. They gave many thanks to God, and
showed great joy at the news that the Admiral had discovered
the Indies. The Admiral says that his navigation had been
very certain, and that he had laid his route down on
the chart. Many thanks were due to our Lord, although there
had been some delay. But he was sure that he was in the
region of the Azores, and that this was one of them. He pre-
tended to have gone over more ground, to mislead the pilots
and mariners who pricked off the charts, in order that he might
remain master of that route to the Indies, as, in fact, he did.
For none of the others kept an accurate reckoning, so that no
one but himself could be sure of the route to the Indies.

Tuesday, 19th of February

After sunset three natives of the island came to the beach
and hailed. The Admiral sent the boat, which returned with
fowls and fresh bread. It was carnival time, and they brought

* This was on Sunday, 17th of February. (Navarrete.)
2 The port of San Lorenzo. {Id.)

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 245

other things which were sent by the captain of the island,
named Juan de Castaiieda, saying that he knew the Admiral
very well, and that he did not come to see him because it was
night, but that at dawn he would come with more refreshments,
bringing with him three men of the boat^s crew, whom he did
not send back owing to the great pleasure he derived from
hearing their account of the voyage. The Admiral ordered
much respect to be shown to the messengers, and that
they should be given beds to sleep in that night, because it
was late, and the town was far off. As on the previous Thurs-
day, when they were in the midst of the storm, they had made
a vow to go in procession to a church of Our Lady as soon as
they came to land, the Admiral arranged that half the crew
should go to comply with their obhgation to a small chapel,
like a hermitage, near the shore; and that he would himself
go afterwards with the rest. Beheving that it was a peaceful
land, and confiding in the offers of the captain of the island,
and in the peace that existed between Spain and Portugal,
he asked the three men to go to the town and arrange for a
priest to come and say mass. The half of the crew then went
in their shirts, in compliance with their vow. While they were
at their prayers, all the people of the town, horse and foot,
with the captain at their head, came and took them all pris-
oners. The Admiral, suspecting nothing, was waiting for
the boat to take him and the rest to accompHsh the vow.
At 11 o'clock, seeing that they did not come back, he feared
that they had been detained, or that the boat had been
swamped, all the island being surrounded by high rocks. He
could not see what had taken place, because the hermitage
was round a point. He got up the anchor, and made sail
until he was in full view of the hermitage, and he saw many
of the horsemen dismount and get into the boat with arms.
They came to the caravel to seize the Admiral. The captain
stood up in the boat, and asked for an assurance of safety
from the Admiral, who rephed that he granted it ; but, what
outrage was this, that he saw none of his people in the boat ?
The Admiral added that they might come on board, and that

246 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

he would do all that might be proper. The Admiral tried,
with fair words, to get hold of this captain, that he might
recover his own people, not considering that he broke faith
by giving him security, because he had offered peace and se-
curity, and had then broken his word. The captain, as he
came with an evil intention, would not come on board. See-
ing that he did not come alongside, the Admiral asked that
he might be told the reason for the detention of his men, an
act which would displease the King of Portugal, because the
Portuguese received much honor in the territories of the King
of Castile, and were as safe as if they were in Lisbon. He
further said that the Sovereigns had given him letters of recom-
mendation to all the Lords and Princes of the world, which he
would show the captain if he would come on board; that he
was the Admiral of the Ocean Sea, and Viceroy of the Indies,
which belonged to their Highnesses,* and that he would show
the commissions signed with their signatures, and attested
by their seals, which he held up from a distance. He added
that his Sovereigns were in friendship and amity with the
King of Portugal, and had ordered that all honor should be
shown to ships that came from Portugal. Further, that if the
captain did not surrender his people, he would still go on to
Castile, as he had quite sufficient to navigate as far as Seville,
in which case the captain and his followers would be severely
punished for their offence. Then the captain and those with
him replied that they did not know the King and Queen of
Castile there, nor their letters, nor were they afraid of them,
and they would give the Admiral to understand that this was
Portugal, almost menacing him. On hearing this the Admiral
was much moved, thinking that some cause of disagreement
might have arisen between the two kingdoms during his
absence, yet he could not endure that they should not be
answered reasonably. Afterwards he turned to the captain,

* The incredulity of the Portuguese governor as to these assertions was
natural. The title Admiral of the Ooean Sea was novel and this was the first
time it was announced that Spain or any other European power had posses-
sions in the Indies.

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 247

and said that he should go to the port with the caravel, and
that all that had been done would be reported to the King
his Lord. The Admiral made those who were in the caravel
bear witness to what he said, calling to the captain and all
the others, and promising that he would not leave the caravel
until a hundred Portuguese had been taken to Castile, and all
that island had been laid waste. He then returned to anchor
in the port where he was first, the wind being very unfavor-
able for doing anything else.

Wednesday, 20th of February

The Admiral ordered the ship to be repaired, and the casks
to be filled alongside for ballast. This was a very bad port,
and he feared he might have to cut the cables. This was so,
and he made sail for the island of San Miguel ; but there is no
good port in any of the Azores for the weather they then ex-
perienced, and there was no other remedy but to go to sea.

Thursday y 21st of February

Yesterday the Admiral left that island of Santa Maria for
that of San Miguel, to see if a port could be found to shelter
his vessel from the bad weather. There was much wind and a
high sea, and he was sailing until night without being able to
see either one land or the other, owing to the thick weather
caused by wind and sea. The Admiral says he was in much
anxiety, because he only had three sailors who knew their
business, the rest knowing nothing of seamanship.^ He was
lying-to all that night, in great danger and trouble. Our
Lord showed him mercy in that the waves came in one direc-
tion, for if there had been a cross sea they would have suffered
much more. After sunrise the island of San Miguel was not
in sight, so the Admiral determined to return to Santa Maria,
to see if he could recover his people and boat, and the anchors
and cables he had left there.

* Half the crew were still detained on shore.

248 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

The Admiral says that he was astonished at the bad
weather he encountered in the region of these islands. In
the Indies he had navigated throughout the winter without
the necessity for anchoring, and always had fine weather,
never having seen the sea for a single hour in such a state
that it could not be navigated easily. But among these islands
he had suffered from such terrible storms. The same had
happened in going out as far as the Canary Islands, but as
soon as they were passed there was always fine weather, both
in sea and air. In concluding these remarks, he observes
that the sacred theologians and wise men ^ said well when they
placed the terrestrial paradise in the Far East, because it is
a most temperate region. Hence these lands that he had now
discovered must, he says, be in the extreme East.

Friday, 22nd of February

Yesterday the Admiral anchored off Santa Maria, in the
place or port where he had first anchored. Presently a man
came down to some rocks at the edge of the beach, signaUing
that they were not to go away. Soon afterwards the boat
came with five sailors, two priests, and a scrivener. They
asked for safety, and when it was granted by the Admiral,
they came on board, and as it was night they slept on board,
the Admiral showing them all the civihty he could. In the
morning they asked to be shown the authority of the Sover-
eigns of Castile, by which the voyage had been made. The
Admiral felt that they did this to give some color of right to
what they had done, and to show that they had right on their
side. As they were unable to secure the person of the Admiral,
whom they intended to get into their power when they
came with the boat armed, they now feared that their game
might not turn out so well, thinking, with some fear, of what
the Admiral had threatened, and which he proposed to put into

^ That the site of the Garden of Eden was to be found in the Orient
was a common beUef in the Middle Ages and later. Cj. the Book of Sir
John Mandeville, ch. xxx.

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 249

execution. In order to get his people released, the Admiral
displayed the general letter of the Sovereigns to all Princes
and Lords, and other documents, and having given them of
what he had, the Portuguese went on shore satisfied, and
presently released all the crew and the boat. The Admiral
heard from them that if he had been captured also, they never
would have been released, for the captain said that those were
the orders of the King his Lord.

Saturday, 23rd of February

Yesterday the weather began to improve, and the Admiral
got under way to seek a better anchorage, where he could
take in wood and stones for ballast ; but he did not find one
until the hour of compline.^

Sunday J 2Mh of February

He anchored yesterday in the afternoon, to take in wood
and stones, but the sea was so rough that they could not land
from the boat, and during the first watch it came on to blow
from the west and S.W. He ordered sail to be made, owing
to the great danger there is off these islands in being at anchor
with a southerly gale, and as the wind was S.W. it would go
round to south. As it was a good wind for Castile, he gave
up his intention of taking in wood and stones, and shaped
an easterly course until sunset, going seven miles an hour for
six hours and a half, equal to 45^ miles. After sunset he made
six miles an hour, or 66 miles in eleven hours, altogether 111
miles, equal to 28 leagues.

Monday, 25th of February

Yesterday, after sunset, the caravel went at the rate of
; five miles an hour on an easterly course, and in the eleven

* The last of the canonical hours of prayer, about nine in the evening.

250 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

hours of the night she made 65 miles, equal to 16i leagues.
From sum'ise to sunset they made another 16^ leagues with
a smooth sea, thanks be to God. A. v: .ge bird, Uke an
eagle, came to the caravel.

Tuesday J 26th of February

Yesterday night the caravel steered her course in a smooth
sea, thanks be to God. Most of the time she was going eight
miles an hour, and made a hundred miles, equal to 25 leagues.
After sumise there was little wind and some rain-showers.
They made about 8 leagues E.N.E.

Wednesday, 27th of February

During the night and day she was off her course, owing to
contrary winds and a heavy sea. She was found to be 125
leagues from Cape St. Vincent, and 80 from the island of
Madeira, 106 from Santa Maria. It was very troublesome to
have such bad weather just when they were at the very door
of their home.

Thursday, 28th of February

The same weather during the night, with the wind from
south and S.E., sometimes shifting to N.E. and E.N.E., and
it was the same all day.

Friday, 1st of March

To-night the course was E.N.E. , and they made twelve
leagues. During the day, 23J leagues on the same course.

Saturday, 2nd of March

The course was E.N.E., and distance made good 28 leagues
during the night, and 20 in the day.

1493] JOUENAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 261

Sunday, 3rd of March

After sunset the course was east ; but a squall came down,
split all the sails, and the vessel was in great danger; but
God was pleased to dehver them. They drew lots for send-
ing a pilgrim in a shirt to Santa Maria de la Cinta at Huelva,
and the lot fell on the Admiral. The whole crew also made a
vow to fast on bread and water during the first Saturday after
their arrival in port. They had made 60 miles before the sails
were split. Afterwards they ran under bare poles, owing to
the force of the gale and the heavy sea. They saw signs of
the neighborhood of land, finding themselves near Lisbon.

Monday, ith of March

During the night they were exposed to a terrible storm,
expecting to be overwhelmed by the cross-seas, while the wind
seemed to raise the caravel into the air, and there was rain and
lightning in several directions. The Admiral prayed to our
Lord to preserve them, and in the first watch it pleased our
Lord to show land, which was reported by the sailors. As
it was advisable not to reach it before it was known whether
there was any port to which he could run for shelter, the
Admiral set the mainsail, as there was no other course but to
proceed, though in great danger. Thus God preserved them
until daylight, though all the time they were in infinite fear
and trouble. When it was fight, the Admiral knew the land,
which was the rock of Cintra, near the river of Lisbon, and he
resolved to run in because there was nothing else to be done.
So terrible was the storm, that in the village of Cascaes, at
the mouth of the river, the people were praying for the little
vessel all that morning. After they were inside, the people
came off, looking upon their escape as a miracle. At the third
hour they passed Rastelo, within the river of Lisbon, where
they were told that such a winter, with so many storms, had
never before been known, and that 25 ships had been lost in

252 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

Flanders, while others had been wind-bound in the river for
four months. Presently the Admiral wrote to the king of
Portugal, who was then at a distance of nine leagues, to state
that the Sovereigns of Castile had ordered him to enter the
ports of his Highness, and ask for what he required for pay-
ment, and requesting that the king would give permission
for the caravel to come to Lisbon, because some ruffians,
hearing that he had much gold on board, might attempt a
robbery in an unfrequented port, knowing that they did not
come from Guinea, but from the Lidies/

Tuesday J 5th of March

To-day the great ship of the King of Portugal was also at
anchor off Rastelo, with the best provision of artillery and
arms that the Admiral had ever seen. The master of her,
named Bartolome Diaz, of Lisbon, came in an armed boat to
the caravel, and ordered the Admiral to get into the boat,
to go and give an account of himself to the agents of the king
and to the captain of that ship. The Admiral replied that he
was the Admiral of the Sovereigns of Castile, and that he would
not give an account to any such persons, nor would he leave
the ship except by force, as he had not the power to resist.
The master replied that he must then send the master of the
caravel. The Admiral answered that neither the master nor
any other person should go except by force, for if he allowed
anyone to go, it would be as if he went himself ; and that such
was the custom of the Admirals of the Sovereigns of Castile,
rather to die than to submit, or to let any of their people sub-
mit. The master then moderated his tone, and told the Ad-
miral that if that was his determination he might do as he
pleased. He, however, requested that he might be shown the
letters of the Kings of Castile, if they were on board. The
Admiral readily showed them, and the master returned to the

^ On this day the Admiral probably wrote the postscript to his letter to
Santangel written at sea on February 15.

1493] JOUENAL OF THE FIEST VOYAGE 253

ship and reported what had happened to the captain, named
Alvaro Dama. That officer, making great festival with
trumpets and drums, came to the caravel to visit the Admiral,
and offered to do all that he might require/

Wednesday J 6th of March

As soon as it was known that the Admiral came from the
Indies, it was wonderful how many people came from Lisbon
to see him and the Indians, giving thanks to our Lord, and
saying that the heavenly Majesty had given all this to the
Sovereigns of Castile as a reward for their faith and their
great desire to serve God.

Thursday J 7th of March

To-day an immense number of people came to the caravel,
including many knights, and amongst them the agents of the
king, and all gave infinite thanks to our Lord for so wide an
increase of Christianity granted by our Lord to the Sover-
eigns of Castile ; and they said that they received it because
their Highnesses had worked and labored for the increase of
the reUgion of Christ.

Friday, Sth of March

To-day the Admiral received a letter from the king of
Portugal,^ brought by Don Martin de Norona, asking him to

* Modern scholars have too hastily identified this Bartolome Diaz with
the discoverer of the Cape of Good Hope. There is no evidence for this except
the identity of the name. Against the supposition are the facts that neither
Columbus, Las Casas, nor Ferdinand remark upon this meeting with the
most eminent Portuguese navigator of the time, and that this Diaz is a subor-
dinate officer on this ship who is sent to summon Columbus to report to the
captain. That the great admiral of 1486-1487 would in 1493 be a simple
Patron on a single ship is incredible.

^ Joao II.

254 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

visit him where he was, as the weather was not suitable for
the departure of the caravel. He complied, to prevent sus-
picion, although he did not wish to go, and went to pass the
night at Sacanben. The king had given orders to his officers
that all that the Admiral, his crew, and the caravel were in
need of should be given without payment, and that all the
Admiral wanted should be compUed with.

Saturday y 9th of March

To-day the Admiral left Sacanben, to go where the king was
residing, which was at Valparaiso, nine leagues from Lisbon.
Owing to the rain, he did not arrive until night. The king
caused him to be received very honorably by the principal
officers of his household; and the king himself received the
Admiral with great favor, making him sit down, and talking
very pleasantly. He offered to give orders that everything
should be done for the service of the Sovereigns of Castile,
and said that the successful termination of the voyage had given
him great pleasure. He said further that he understood that,
in the capitulation between the Sovereigns and himself, that
conquest belonged to him.^ The Admiral rephed that he
had not seen the capitulation, nor knew more than that the
Sovereigns had ordered him not to go either to La Mina ^ or
to any other port of Guinea, and that this had been ordered
to be proclaimed in all the ports of Andalusia before he sailed.
The king graciously replied that he held it for certain that
there would be no necessity for any arbitrators. The Admiral
was assigned as a guest to the Prior of Clato, who was the

^ The treaty of AlcaQovas signed by Portugal September 8, 1479, and by
Spain March 6, 1480. In it Ferdinand and Isabella relinquished all rights
to make discoveries along the coast of Africa and retained of the African
islands only the Canaries. The Spanish text is printed in Alguns Documentos
da Torre do Tomho (Lisbon, 1892), pp. 45-46. See also Vignaud, Toscanelli
and Columbus, pp. 61-64.

' " The Mine," more commonly El Mina, a station established on the Gold
Coast by Diogo de Azambuja in 1482. The full name in Portuguese was S.
Jorge da Mina, St. George of the Mine.

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 255

principal person in that place, and from whom he received
many favors and civilities.

Sunday J 10th of March

To-day, after mass, the king repeated that if the Admiral
wanted anything he should have it. He conversed much with
the Admiral respecting his voyage, always ordering him to
sit down, and treating him with great favor.

Monday, 11th of March

To-day the Admiral took leave of the king, who entrusted
him with some messages to the Sovereigns, and always treating
him with much friendhness.^ He departed after dinner, Don

^ The Portuguese historian Ruide Pina, in his Cronica D'El Rey Joao,
gives an account of Columbus^s meeting with the king which is contemporary.
From his official position as chief chronicler and head of the national archives
and from the details which he mentions it is safe to conclude that he was an
eye-witness.

"In the following year, 1493, while the king was in the place of the Val
do Paraiso which is above the Monastery of Sancta Maria das Vertudes,
on account of the great pestilences which prevailed in the principal places in
this district, on the sixth of March there arrived at Restello in Lisbon Chris-
tovam Colombo, an Italian who came from the discovery of the islands of
Gpango and Antilia which he had accomplished by the command of the
sovereigns of Castile from which land he brought with him the first speci-
mens of the people, gold and some other things that they have ; and he was
entitled Admiral of them. And the king being informed of this, commanded
him to come before liim and he showed that he felt disgusted and grieved
because he believed that this discovery was made within the seas and bounds
of his lordship of Guinea which was prohibited and likewise because the said
Admiral was somewhat raised from his condition and in the account of his
affairs always went beyond the bounds of the truth and made this thing in
gold, silver, and riches much greater than it was. The king was accused of
negligence in withdrawing from him for not giving him credit and authority
in regard to this discovery for which he had first come to make request of him.
And although the king was urged to consent to have him slain there, since
with his death the prosecution of this enterprise so far as the sovereigns of
Castile were concerned would cease on account of the decease of the dis-
coverer ; and that this could be done without suspicion if he consented and

256 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

Martin de Norona being sent with him, and all the knights set
out with him, and went with him some distance, to do him
honor. Afterwards he came to a monastery of San Antonio,
near a place called Villafranca, where the Queen was residing.
The Admiral went to do her reverence and to kiss her hand,
because she had sent to say that he was not to go without
seeing her. The Duke ^ and the Marquis were with her, and
the Admiral was received with much honor. He departed at
night, and went to sleep at Llandra.

Tuesday, 12th of March

To-day, as he was leaving Llandra to return to the caravel,
an esquire of the king arrived, with an offer that if he desired
to go to Castile by land, that he should be supplied with
lodgings, and beasts, and all that was necessary. When the
Admiral took leave of him, he ordered a mule to be suppHed
to him, and another for his pilot, who was with him, and he
says that the pilot received a present of twenty espadines,"^
He said this that the Sovereigns might know all that was done.
He arrived on board the caravel that night.

ordered it, since as he was discourteous and greatly elated they could get
involved with him in such a way that each one of these his faults would
seem to be the true cause of his death ; yet the king like a most God-fearing
prince not only forbade this but on the contrary did him honor and showed
him kindness and therewith sent him away.'' Collecgdb de Livros Ineditos de
Historia Portugueza, II. 178-179. It will be noted that according to this
account Columbus said he had discovered Cipango and Antilia, a mythical
island which is represented on the maps of the fifteenth century, and that
Columbus is called Colombo his Italian name, and not Colom or Colon.

^ This may have been her brother, the Duke of Be jar, afterwards King
Manoel.

^ Espadim : a Portuguese gold piece coined by Joao II. Las Casas,
I. 466, says: ''20 Espadinos, a matter of 20 ducats." The Espadim con-
tained 58 to 65 grains of gold. W. C. Hazlitt, Coinage of European Nations^
sub voce. King Joao II. gave Columbus's pilot almost exactly the sum
which Henry VII. gave to John Cabot, which was £10. In the French
translation and the translation in J. B. Thacher's Christopher Columbus
the word espadines is erroneously taken to be Spanish and rendered
'' Epees," and " small short swords."

1493] JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE 257

Wednesday J Idth of March

To-day, at 8 o^clock, with the flood tide, and the wind
N.N.W., the Admiral got under way and made sail for Se-
ville.

Thursday, 14:th of March

Yesterday, after sunset, a southerly course was steered,
and before sunrise they were off Cape St. Vincent, which is
in Portugal. Afterwards he shaped a course to the east for
Saltes, and went on all day with little wind, ''antil now that
the ship is off Furon."

Friday, 15th of March

Yesterday, after sunset, she went on her course with little
wind, and at sunrise she was off Saltes. At noon, with the tide
rising, they crossed the bar of Saltes, and reached the port
which they had left on the 3rd of August of the year before.^
The Admiral says that so ends this journal, unless it becomes
necessary to go to Barcelona by sea, having received news that
their Highnesses are in that city, to give an account of all his
voyage which our Lord had permitted him to make, and saw
fit to set forth in him. For, assuredly, he held with a firm
and strong knowledge that His High Majesty made all things
good, and that all is good except sin. Nor can he value or
think of anything being done without His consent. ^'I know
respecting this voyage, '^ says the Admiral, ^Hhat he has
miraculously shown his will, as may be seen from this journal,
setting forth the numerous miracles that have been displayed
in the voyage, and in me who was so long at the court of your
Highnesses, working in opposition to and against the opinions
of so many chief persons of your household, who were all

' Having been absent 225 days.

258 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

against me, looking upon this enterprise as folly. But I hope,
in our Lord, that it will be a great benefit to Christianity, for
so it has ever appeared/' These are the final words of the
Admiral Don Cristoval Colon respecting his first voyage to the
Indies and their discovery.

LETTER FROM COLUMBUS TO LUIS DE

SANTANGEL

INTRODUCTION

This letter, the earliest published narrative of Columbus's
first voyage, was issued in Barcelona in April, 1493, not far
from the time when the discoverer was received in state by
the King and Queen. The Escribano de Radon, to whom it
was addressed, was Luis de Santangel, who had deeply inter-
ested himself in the project of Columbus and had advanced
money to enable Queen Isabella to meet the expenses of the
voyage. He, no doubt, placed a copy in the hands of the
printer. Only two printed copies of this Spanish letter, as
it is called, have come down to us. One is a folio of the first
imprint, discovered and reproduced in 1889. Of this the unique
copy is in the Lenox Library in New York. The other is a
quarto of the second and slightly corrected imprint, first made
known in 1852 and first reproduced in 1866. Facsimiles of
both are given in Thacher's Christopher Columbus, II. 17-20
and 33-40.

Columbus sent a duplicate of this letter with some slight
changes to Gabriel Sanxis (Spanish form, Sanchez), the
treasurer of Aragon, from whose hands a copy came into the
possession of Leander de Cosco, who translated it into Latin,
April 29, 1493.

This Latin version was published in Rome, probably in
May, 1493, and this issue was rapidly followed by reprints in
Rome, Basel, Paris, and Antwerp. It is to this Latin version
that the European world outside of Spain was indebted for
its first knowledge of the new discoveries.

261

262 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS

A poetical paraphrase in Italian by Giuliano Dati was
published in Rome in June, 1493. This is reprinted in Major's
Select Letters of Columbus. The first German edition of the
letter was published in Strassburg in 1497.

In the years 1493-1497 the Santangel letter was printed
twice in Spanish, and the duphcate of it, the Sanchez letter,
was printed nine times in Latin, five times in Dati's Italian
paraphrase, and once in German. Until the publication in
1571 of the Historie, the Italian translation of Ferdinand
Columbus's biography of his father, which contains an abridg-
ment of Columbus's Journal, these letters and the account in
Peter Martyr's Decades de Rebus Oceanicis, were the only
sources of information in regard to the first voyage accessible
to the world at large. The translation here given is that con-
tained in Quaritch's The Spanish Letter of Columbus (London,
1893), with a few minor changes in the wording. An English
translation of the Latin or Sanchez letter may be found in the
first edition of Major's Select Letters of Columbus (London,
1847). This version is reprinted in P. L. Ford's Writings of
Christopher Columbus, New York, 1892. By an error in the
title of the first edition, Rome, 1493, Sanchez's Christian
name is given as Raphael.

The text of the Santangel letter published by Navarrete
in 1825 was derived from a manuscript preserved in the
Spanish Archives at Simancas. It 1858 the Brazihan scholar
Varnhagen published an edition of the Sanchez letter from a
manuscript discovered by him in Valencia. Neither of these
manuscripts, however, has the authority of the first printed

editions.

E. G. B.

LETTER FROM COLUMBUS TO LUIS DE

SANTANGEL

Sir : As I know that you will have pleasure from the great
victory which our Lord hath given me in my voyage, I write
you this, by which you shall know that in thirty-three days
I passed over to the Indies with the fleet which the most
illustrious King and Queen, our Lords, gave me; where I
found very many islands peopled with inhabitants beyond
number. And, of them all, I have taken possession for their
Highnesses, with proclamation and the royal standard dis-
played ; and I was not gainsaid. To the first which I found,
I gave the name Sant Salvador, in commemoration of His
High Majesty, who marvellously hath given all this: the Ind-
ians call it Guanaham.^ The second I named the Island of
Santa Maria de Concepcion, the third Ferrandina, the fourth.
Fair Island,^ the fifth La Isla Juana ; and so for each one a
new name. When I reached Juana, I followed its coast west-
wardly, and found it so large that I thought it might be main-
land, the province of Cathay. And as I did not thus find any
towns and villages on the sea-coast, save small hamlets with
the people whereof I could not get speech, because they all
fled away forthwith, I went on further in the same direction,
thinking I should not miss of great cities or towns. And at
the end of many leagues, seeing that there was no change,
and that the coast was bearing me northwards, whereunto my
desire was contrary, since the winter was already confronting
us, I formed the purpose of making from thence to the South,
and as the wind also blew against me, I determined not to
wait for other weather and turned back as far as a port agreed

^ Guanahani in the Journal; see entry covering October 11 and 12.
' The original text has Isla bella, which was a misprint for Isabella. C/.
Journal, October 20.

263

264 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

upon ; from which I sent two men into the country to learn if
there were a king, or any great cities. They travelled for
three days, and found innumerable small villages and a num-
berless population, but nought of ruling authority ; wherefore
they returned/ I understood sufficiently from other Indians
whom I had already taken, that this land, in its continuous-
ness, was an island;^ and so I followed its coast eastwardly
for a hundred and seven leagues as far as where it terminated;
from which headland I saw another island to the east, eighteen
leagues distant from this, to which I at once gave the name
La Spanola.^ And I proceeded thither, and followed the
northern coast, as with La Juana, eastwardly for a hundi'ed and
eighty-eight great leagues in a direct easterly course, as with
La Juana. The which, and all the others, are most fertile
to an excessive degree, and this extremely so. In it, there are
many havens on the sea-coast, incomparable with any others
that I know in Christendom, and plenty of rivers so good and
great that it is a marvel. The lands thereof are high, and in
it are very many ranges of hills, and most lofty mountains
incomparably beyond the island of Tenerife,^ all most beauti-
ful in a thousand shapes, and all accessible, and full of trees
of a thousand kinds, so lofty that they seem to reach the sky.
And I am assured that they never lose their foliage; as may
be imagined, since I saw them as green and as beautiful as
they are in Spain during May. And some of them were in
flower, some in fruit, some in another stage according to their
kind. And the nightingale was singing, and other birds of a
thousand sorts, in the month of November, there where I was
going. There are palm-trees of six or eight species, wondrous to
see for their beautiful variety ; but so are the other trees, and
fruits, and plants therein. There are wonderful pine-groves,
and very large plains of verdure, and there is honey, and many
kinds of birds, and many various fruits. In the earth there are

^ Cf. Journal, November 2 and 6.

' Cf. Journal, November 1, for Columbus's strong inclination to regard
Cuba as mainland.

' Cf. Journal, December 9.

* C/. Journal, December 20 and note.

1492] LETTER TO LUIS DE SANTANGEL 265

many mines of metals; and there is a population of incalcu-
lable number/ Espanola is a marvel; the mountains and hills,
and plains, and fields, and the soil, so beautiful and rich for
planting and sowing, for breeding cattle of all sorts, for build-
ing of towns and villages. There could be no beheving, with-
out seeing, such harbors as are here, as well as the many and
great rivers, and excellent waters, most of which contain gold.
In the trees and fruits and plants, there are great diversities
from those of Juana. In this, there are many spiceries, and
great mines of gold and other metals. The people of this
island, and of all the others that I have found and seen, or not
seen, all go naked, men and women, just as their mothers
bring them forth ; although some women cover a single place
with the leaf of a plant, or a cotton something which they make
for that purpose. They have no iron or steel, nor any weapons ;
nor are they fit thereunto; not because they be not a well-
formed people and of fair stature, but that they are most won-
drously timorous. They have no other weapons than the
stems of reeds in their seeding state, on the end of which they
fix little sharpened stakes. Even these, they dare not use;
for many times has it happened that I sent two or three men
ashore to some village to parley, and countless numbers of them
saUied forth, but as soon as they saw those approach, they
fied away in such wise that even a father would not wait for
his son. And this was not because any hurt had ever been
done to any of them : — on the contrary, at every headland
where I have gone and been able to hold speech with them, I
gave them of everything which I had, as well cloth as many
other things, without accepting aught therefor ; — but such they
are, incurably timid. It is true that since they have become
more assured, and are losing that terror, they are artless and
generous with what they have, to such a degree as no one would

^ The prevalent Spanish estimate of the population of Espanola at
the time of the first colonization was 1,100,000. The modern ethnologist
and critical historian, Oscar Peschel, placed it at less than 300,000 and more
than 200,000. The estimates of Indian population by the early writers
were almost invariably greatly exaggerated. C/. Bourne, Spain in
America, pp. 213-214j and notes.

266 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

believe but him who had seen it. Of anything they have, if it
be asked for, they never say no, but do rather invite the per-
son to accept it, and show as much lovingness as though they
would give their hearts. And whether it be a thing of value,
or one of little worth, they are straightways content with what-
soever trifle of whatsoever kind may be given them in return
for it. I forbade that anything so worthless as fragments of
broken platters, and pieces of broken glass, and strap buckles,*
should be given them; although when they were able to get
such things, they seemed to think they had the best jewel in
the world, for it was the hap of a sailor to get, in exchange for
a strap,* gold to the weight of two and a half castellanos,^ and
others much more for other things of far less value; while
for new blancas ^ they gave everything they had, even though
it were [the worth of] two or three gold castellanos, or one or
two arrobas of spun * cotton. They took even pieces of broken
barrel-hoops, and gave whatever they had, like senseless brutes ;
insomuch that it seemed to me bad. I forbade it, and I gave
gratuitously a thousand useful things that I carried, in order
that they may conceive affection, and furthermore may be-
come Christians ; for they are inclined to the love and service
of their Highnesses and of all the Castilian nation, and they
strive to combine in giving us things which they have in abun-
dance, and of which we are in need. And they knew no sect,
nor idolatry ; save that they all believe that power and good-
ness are in the sky, and they believed very firmly that I,
with these ships and crews, came from the sky; and in such
opinion, they received me at every place where I landed,
after they had lost their terror. And this comes not because
they are ignorant: on the contrary, they are men of very
subtle wit, who navigate all those seas, and who give a mar-
vellously good account of everything, but because they never

^ Cabos de agugetas. Rather the metallic tips of lacings or straps. Agugeta
is a leather lacing or strap. The contemporary Latin translator used
bingidae, shoe-straps, shoe-latchets.

^ The castellano was one-sixth of an ounce of gold.

^ Blancas were little coins worth about one-third of a cent.

* The arroba was 25 pounds.

1492] LETTER TO LUIS DE SANTANGEL 267

saw men wearing clothes nor the like of our ships. And as
soon as I arrived in the Indies, in the first island that I found,
I took some of them by force, to the intent that they should
learn [our speech] and give me information of what there was
in those parts. And so it was, that very soon they understood
[us] and we them, what by speech or what by signs; and
those [Indians] have been of much service. To this day I
carry them [with me] who are still of the opinion that I come
from Heaven [as appears] from much conversation which they
have had with me. And they were the first to proclaim it
wherever I arrived ; and the others went running from house
to house and to the neighboring villages, with loud cries of
'Tome! come to see the people from Heaven!'' Then, as
soon as their minds were reassured about us, every one came,
men as well as women, so that there remained none behind,
big or little; and they all brought something to eat and
drink, which they gave with wondrous lovingness. They have
in all the islands very many canoaSj^ after the manner of row-
ing-galleys,^ some larger, some smaller ; and a good many are
larger than a galley of eighteen benches. They are not so
wide, because they are made of a single log of timber, but a
galley could not keep up with them in rowing, for their motion
is a thing beyond beUef. And with these, they navigate
through all those islands, which are numberless, and ply their
traffic. I have seen some of those canoas with seventy and
eighty men in them, each one with his oar. In all those
islands, I saw not much diversity in the looks of the people,
nor in their manners and language; but they all understand
each other, which is a thing of singular advantage for what I
hope their Highnesses will decide upon for converting them to
our holy faith, unto which they are well disposed. I have
already told how I had gone a hundred and seven leagues, in
a straight fine from West to East, along the sea-coast of the
Island of Juana ; according to which itinerary, I can declare
that that island is larger than England and Scotland com-

* The first appearance of this West Indian word in Europe.

* Fustas de remo.

268 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

bined;^ as, over and above those hundred and seven leagues,
there remain for me, on the western side, two provinces whereto
I did not go — one of which they call A van, where the people
are born with tails ^ — which provinces cannot be less in
length than fifty or sixty leagues, according to what may be
understood from the Indians with me, who know all the islands.
This other, Espanola, has a greater circumference than the
whole of Spain from Col[ibre in Catal]unya, by the sea-coast,
as far as Fuente Ravia in Biscay ; since, along one of its four
sides, I went for a hundred and eighty-eight great leagues in
a straight line from west to east.^ This is [a land] to be de-
sired, — and once seen, never to be rehnquished — in which
(although, indeed, I have taken possession of them all for
their Higlmesses, and all are more richly endowed than I
have skill and power to say, and I hold them all in the name
of their Higlmesses who can dispose thereof as much and as
completely as of the kingdoms of Castile) in this Espanola,
in the place most suitable and best for its proximity to the
gold mines, and for traffic with the mainland both on this
side and with that over there belonging to the Great Can,'*
where there will be great commerce and profit, I took pos-
session of a large town which I named the city of Navidad.^
And I have made fortification there, and a fort (which by this

* C/. Journal, December 23, and note. The reader will observe the tone
of exaggeration in the letter as compared with the Journal.

^ Marco Polo reported that in the kingdom of Lambri in Sumatra "there
are men who have tails like dogs, larger than a palm, and who are covered
with hair." Marco Polo, pt. iii., ch. xiv. See Yule's note on the legend
of men with tails. Yule's Marco Polo, II. 284. The name Avan (Anan in
the Latin letter) does not occur in the Journal. Bernaldez, Historia de las
Reyes Catolicos, II. 19, gives Albao as one of the provinces of Espanola. As
this name is not found in his chief source. Dr. Chanca's letter, he may have
got it from Columbus and through a lapse of memory transferred it from
Cuba to Espanola.

^ The area of Spain is about 191,000 square miles; that of Espanola or
Hayti is 28,000. The extreme length of Hayti is 407 miles.

* That is, with the mainland of Europe on this side of the Atlantic and
with the mainland on that side of the ocean belonging to the Great Can, i.e.,
China.

* I.e., Nativity, Christmas, because the wreck occurred on that day.
C/. Journal, December 25 and January 4, and note to entry of December 28.

1492] LETTER TO LUIS DE SANTANGEL 269

time will have been completely finished) and I have left therein
men enough for such a purpose, with arms and artillery, and
provisions for more than a year, and a boat, and a [man who
is] master of all seacraft for making others ; and great friend-
ship with the king of that land, to such a degree that he prided
himself on calling and holding me as his brother. And even
though his mind might change towards attacking those men,
neither he nor his people know what arms are, and go naked.
As I have already said, they are the most timorous creatures
there are in the world, so that the men who remain there are
alone sufficient to destroy all that land, and the island is
without personal danger for them if they know how to behave
themselves. It seems to me that in all those islands, the men
are all content with a single wife ; and to their chief or king
they give as many as twenty. The women, it appears to me,
do more work than the men. Nor have I been able to learn
whether they held personal property, for it seemed to me
that whatever one had, they all took share of, especially of
eatable things. Down to the present, I have not found in
those islands any monstrous men, as many expected,^ but on
the contrary all the people are very comely ; nor are they black
like those in Guinea, but have flowing hair; and they are not
begotten where there is an excessive violence of the rays of
the sun. It is true that the sun is there very strong, although
it is twenty-six degrees distant from the equinoctial line.^
In those islands, where there are lofty mountains, the cold
was very keen there, this winter; but they endure it by
being accustomed thereto, and by the help of the meats which
they eat with many and inordinately hot spices. Thus I
have not found, nor had any information of monsters, except

* Columbus had read in the Imago Mundi of Pierre d'Ailly and noted in
the margin the passage which says that in the ends of the earth there ''were
monsters of such a horrid aspect that it were hard to say whether they were
men or beasts." Raccolta Colomhiana, pt. I., vol. II., p. 468. Cf. also the
stories in the Book of Sir John Mandeville, chs. xxvii. and xxviii.

^ Columbus apparently revised his estimate of the latitude on the return,
without, however, correcting his Journal; cf, entries for October 30 and
November 21.

270 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1492

of an island which is here the second in the approach to the
Indies, which is inhabited by a people whom, in all the islands,
they regard as very ferocious, who eat human flesh. These
have many canoes with which they run through all the
islands of India, and plunder and take as much as they can.
They are no more ill-shapen than the others, but have the
custom of wearing their hair long, like women ; and they use
bows and arrows of the same reed stems, with a point of wood
at the top, for lack of iron which they have not. Amongst
those other tribes who are excessively cowardly, these are
ferocious; but I hold them as nothing more than the others.
These are they who have to do with the women of Matinino ^
— which is the first island that is encountered in the passage
from Spain to the Indies — in which there are no men. Those
women practise no female usages, but have bows and arrows of
reed such as above mentioned ; and they arm and cover them-
selves with plates of copper of which they have much. In
another island, which they assure me is larger than Espanola,
the people have no hair. In this there is incalculable gold;
and concerning these and the rest I bring Indians with me as
witnesses. And in conclusion, to speak only of what has been
done in this voyage, which has been so hastily performed, their
Highnesses may see that I shall give them as much gold as
they may need, with very little aid which their Highnesses
will give me; spices and cotton at once, as much as their
Highnesses will order to be shipped, and as much as they
.^hall order to be shipped of mastic, — which till now has never
been found except in Greece, in the island of Xio,^ and the
Seignory sells it for what it likes; and aloe-wood as much
as they shall order to be shipped; and slaves as many
as they shall order to be shipped, — and these shall be from
idolators. And I believe that I have discovered rhubarb
and cinnamon, and I shall find that the men whom I am leav-

* See Journal, January 15, and note. The island is identified with Mar-
tinique.

^ See Journal, November 12, and note. The Seignory was the govern-
ment of Genoa to which Chios [Scio] belonged at this time.

1492] LETTER TO LUIS DE SANTANGEL 271

ing there will have discovered a thousand other things of value ;
as I made no delay at any point, so long as the wind gave me
an opportunity of sailing, except only in the town of Navidad
till I had left things safely arranged and well established.
And in truth I should have done much more if the ships had
served me as well as might reasonably have been expected.
This is enough; and [thanks to] Eternal God our Lord who
gives to all those who walk His way, victory over things which
seem impossible ; and this was signally one such, for although
men have talked or written of those lands, ^ it was all by con-
jecture, without confirmation from eyesight, amounting only
to this much that the hearers for the most part listened and
judged that there was more fable in it than anything actual,
however trifling. Since thus our Redeemer has given to our
most illustrious King and Queen, and to their famous kingdoms,
this victory in so high a matter, Christendom should have
rejoicing therein and make great festivals, and give solemn
thanks to the Holy Trinity for the great exaltation they shall
have by the conversion of so many peoples to our holy faith ;
and next for the temporal benefit which will bring hither re-
freshment and profit, not only to Spain, but to all Christians.
This briefly, in accordance with the facts. Dated, on the
caravel, off the Canary Islands,^ the 15 February of the year
1493.

At your command,

The Admiral.

Postscript which came within the Letter

After having written this letter, and being in the sea of
Castile, there rose upon me so much wind. South and South-

^ Such writers, for example, as Pierre d'Ailly, Marco Polo, and the author
of the Book of Sir John Mandeville, from whom Columbus had derived most
of his preconceptions which often biassed or misled him in interpreting the
signs of the natives.

^ According to the Journal, Columbus thought he was off the Azores,
February 15.

272 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS

east/ that it has caused me to lighten the vessels; however,
I ran hither to-day into this port of Lisbon, which was the
greatest wonder in the world; where I decided to write to
their Highnesses. I have always found the seasons like May
in all the Indies, whither I passed in thirty-three days, and
returned in twenty-eight, but that these storms have delayed
me twenty-three days running about this sea.^ All the sea-
men say here that there never has been so bad a winter, nor
so many shipwrecks.

Dated the 14th of March.^

Colom sent this letter to the Escrivano de Racion.^ Of
the islands found in the Indies. Received with another for
their Highnesses.^

* The storm of March 3d ; see Journal.

' The time of the return voyage, Hke that of the outgoing voyage, is
reckoned as that consumed in making the Atlantic passage from the last
island left on one side to the first one reached on the other. Just how the
twenty-three days is to be explained is not altogether clear. The editor
of Quaritch's The Spanish Letter of Columbus supposed Columbus to refer
to the time which elapsed from February 16, when he arrived at the Azores,
to March 13, when he left Lisbon.

^ Columbus arrived at Lisbon March 4, and he is supposed by R. H.
Major to have wTitten the postscript there, but not to have despatched the
letter until he reached Se\ille, March 15, when he redated it March 14.

* The Escrivano de Racion in the kingdom of Aragon was the high steward
or controller of the king's household expenditures. In Castile the corre-
sponding official was the contador mayor, chief auditor or steward. Navar-
rete, I. 167.

^ No longer extant. These lines are a memorandum appended to the
text by Santangel or the printer, and might have been used as a title, as
the similar memorandum was used in the publication of the Latin letter.
The Admiral's name is spelled as in the Arijnles of Agreement ** Colom."

LETTER FROM COLUMBUS TO FERDI-
NAND AND ISABELLA CONCERNING
THE COLONIZATION AND COMMERCE
OF ESPANOLA^

Most High and Powerful Lords : In obedience to what
your Highnesses command me, I shall state what occurs to
me for the peophng and management of the Spanish Island ^
and of all others, whether already discovered or hereafter to
be discovered, submitting myself, however, to any better
opinion.

^ The original text of this letter will be most accessible in Thacher, Chris-
topher Columbus, III. 100-113. It is there accompanied by a facsimile of
the original manuscript and an English translation. The translation here
given is a revision of that made by Dr. Jose Ignacio Rodriguez of Washing-
ton and printed in the Report of the American Historical Association, 1894,
pp. 452-455, as part of a paper by W. E. Curtis on Autographs of Chris-
topher Columbus. The text was first printed by Justo Zaragoza in his
Cartas de Indias, etc. (Madrid, 1877). It was first translated by George
Dexter in the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. XVI.
This translation, which contains some errors which seriously affect the meaning,
is also to be found in P. L. Ford, Writings of Christopher Columbus, pp. 67-74.
Zaragoza placed the date of this letter in 1497. It is the opinion of the
present editor that it should be placed between the first and the second
voyage. The arguments advanced by Lollis in favor of 1493 are conclu-
sive. See Raccolta Colombiana, parte I., tomo I., pp. Ixxv-lxxx.

The letter is of great importance as the first draft of a systematic colonial
policy for the newly discovered islands. Several of its suggestions were
incorporated in the letter of instructions which the Sovereigns gave Colum-
bus May 29, 1493, for the second voyage. See Navarrete, Viages, II.
66-72. It was supplemented in 1494 by the memorandum which the
Admiral sent back to the sovereigns by Antonio de Torres and the two
together entitle Columbus to be considered the pioneer lawgiver as well
as the discoverer of the New World. Cf. Bourne, Spain in America, pp.
204-206.

^ La ysla Espanola. So translated, for so it would sound to the Sovereigns.
There had not been time for Espanola to sound hke a proper name.
T 273

274 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

In the first place, in regard to the Spanish Island: that
there should go there settlers up to the number of two thou-
sand * who may want to go so as to render the possession of
the country safer and cause it to be more profitable and help-
ful in the intercourse and traffic with the neighboring islands.

Likewise, that in the said island three or four towns be
founded at convenient places, and the settlers be properly
distributed among said places and towns.

Likewise, in order to secure the better and prompter settle-
ment of the said island, that the privilege of getting gold be
granted exclusively to those who actually settle and build
dwelling-houses in the settlement where they may be, in
order that all may live close to each other and more safely.

Likewise, that in each place and settlement there be a mayor ^
or mayors and a clerk ^ according to the use and custom of
Castile.

Likewise, that a church be built, and that priests or friars
be sent there for the administration of the sacraments, and
for divine worship and the conversion of the Indians.

Likewise, that no settler be allowed to go and gather gold
unless with a permit from the governor or mayor of the town
in which he lives, to be given only upon his promising under
oath to return to the place of his residence and faithfully
report all the gold which he may have gathered, this to be
done once a month, or once a week, as the time may be as-
signed to him, the said report to be entered on the proper
registry by the clerk of the town in the presence of the mayor,
and if so deemed advisable, in the presence of a friar or priest
selected for the purpose.

Likewise, that all the gold so gathered be melted forthwith,
and stamped with such a stamp as the town may have devised
and selected, and that it be weighed and that the share of that
gold which belongs to your Highnesses be given and deUv-

* See Bourne, Spain in America^ pp. 34-35, for the actual equipment of
the second voyage.
' Alcalde.
^ Escribano del pueblo.

1493] LETTER CONCERNING ESPANOLA 276

ered to the mayor of the town, the proper record thereof being
made by the clerk and by the priest or friar, so that it may not
pass through only one hand and may so render the concealing
of the truth impossible.

Likewise, that all the gold which may be found without
the mark or seal aforesaid in the possession of any one who for-
merly had reported once as aforesaid, be forfeited and divided
by halves, one for the informer and the other for your High-
nesses.

Likewise, that one per cent, of all the gold gathered be set
apart and appropriated for building churches, and providing
for their proper furnishing and ornamentation, and to the sup-
port of the priests or friars having them in their charge, and,
if so deemed advisable, for the payment of some compensa-
tion to the mayors and clerks of the respective towns, so as to
cause them to fulfil their duties faithfully, and that the balance
be delivered to the governor and treasurer sent there by your
Highnesses.

Likewise, in regard to the division of the gold and of the
share which belongs to your Highnesses, I am of the opinion
that it should be entrusted to the said governor and treasurer,
because the amount of the gold found may sometimes be large
and sometimes small, and, if so deemed advisable, that the
share of your Highnesses be established for one year to be
one-haK, the other half going to the gatherers, reserving for a
future time to make some other and better provision, if nec-
essary.

Likewise, that if the mayors and clerks commit any fraud
or consent to it, the proper punishment be inflicted upon them,
and that a penalty be hkewise imposed upon those settlers
who do not report in full the whole amount of the gold which is
in their possession.

Likewise, that there be a treasurer * in the said island, who

* As the King and Queen on May 7, 1493, appointed Gomez Teilo to go
with Columbus on the second voyage to act as receiver of the royal dues,
Thacher argues strongly, on the ground that this recommendation presumably
antedates the appointment of a treasurer, that this letter of Columbus's
was written earlier than May 7, 1493.

276 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

shall receive all the gold belonging to your Highnesses, and
shall have a clerk to make and keep the proper record of the
receipts, and that the mayors and clerks of the respective towns
be given the proper vouchers for everything which they may
dehver to the said treasurer.

Likewise, that whereas the extreme anxiety of the colo-
nists to gather gold may induce them to neglect all other busi-
ness and occupations, it seems to me that prohibition should
be made to them to engage in the search of gold during some
season of the year, so as to give all other business, profitable
to the island, an opportunity to be established and carried on.

Likewise, that as far as the business of discovering other
lands is concerned,^ it is my opinion that permission to do
so should be given to everyone who desires to embark in it,
and that some hberality should be shown in reducing the fifth
to be given away, so as to encourage as many as possible for
entering into such undertakings.

And now I shall set forth my opinion as to the manner of
sending vessels to the said Spanish Island, and the regulation
of this subject which must be made, which is as follows : That
no vessels should be allowed to unload their cargoes except
at one or two ports designated for that purpose, and that a
record should be made of all that they carry and unload ; and
that no vessels should be allowed either to leave the island
except from the same ports, after a record has been made also
of all that they have taken on board, so that nothing can be
concealed.

Likewise, in regard to the gold to be brought from the island
to Castile, that the whole of it, whether belonging to your
Highnesses or to some private individual, must be kept in a
chest, with two keys, one to be kept by the master of the vessel
and the other by some person chosen by the. governor and the
treasurer, and that an official record must be made of every-

* Such an authorization was given by the sovereigns, April 10, 1495, reserv-
ing Columbus's rights to one-eighth of the trade. Navarre te, II. 166-167.
The Admiral protested that this authorization led to infringement of his
rights and it was in so far revoked, June 2, 1497.

1493] LETTER CONCERNING ESPANOLA 277

thing put in the said chest, in order that each one may have
what is his, and that any other gold, much or httle, found
outside of the said chest in any manner be forfeited to the
benefit of your Highnesses, so as to cause the transaction to
be made faithfully.

Likewise, that all vessels coming from the said island must
come to unload to the port of Cadiz, and that no person shall
be allowed to leave the vessels or get in them until such person
or persons of the said city as may be appointed for this purpose
by your Highnesses go on board the same vessels, to whom
the masters must declare all that they have brought, and show
the statement of everything they have in the cargoes, so that
it may be seen and proved whether the said ships have brought
anything hidden and not declared in the manifests at the time
of shipment.

Likewise, that in the presence of the Justice of the said
city of Cadiz and of whosoever may be deputed for the purpose
by your Highnesses, the said chest shall be opened in which
the gold is to be brought and that to each one be given what
belongs to him.^

May your Highnesses keep me in their minds, while I, on
my part, shall ever pray to God our Lord to preserve the lives
of your Highnesses and enlarge their dominions.

S.A.S.
X.M.Y.
Xpo Ferens.^

Sent by the admiral.

^ On the development of the fiscal and commercial regulations of the
Spanish colonial administration, see Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 282-301
and 337 ; Moses, Establishment of Spanish Rule in America, pp. 27-67.

^ The formal signature of Columbus which he enjoined upon his heir in
his deed of entail, February 28, 1498. See P. L. Ford, Writings of Christopher
Columbus, p. 90. If this letter was written, as is supposed, in 1493, this is
the earliest use of this monogram. Its meaning has never been determined.
The various conjectures are presented by Thacher, Christopher Columbus,
III. 454-458.

LETTER OF DR. CHANCA ON THE SEC
OND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS

INTRODUCTION

Dr. Chanca of Seville volunteered to go to the Indies,
and on May 23, 1493, the King and Queen appointed him
surgeon (Navarrete, Viages, II. 54). This letter was written
to the cabildo or town council of Seville and is the first narra-
tive of one of Columbus's voyages that we have exactly as it
was written by a private observer. It is also the first descrip-
tion of the natives that we have from an observer of
scientific training. The original text was first printed by
Navarrete in his Viages in 1825. The original manuscript
or a copy came into the possession of the historian Ber-
naldez, who embodied it with a few trifling changes and
omissions in his Historia de Los Reyes CatolicoSj chs. cxix.,
cxx. (Seville ed., 1870), Vol. II., pp. 5-36.

Columbus kept a journal on this voyage which is no longer
extant. Abridgments of it are preserved to us in the Historie
of Ferdinand Columbus and in the Historia de las Indias of
Las Casas. There are other contemporary narratives of the
voyage from private hands, but they are either made up from
conversations with those who went on the voyage, like the
letters of Simone Verde, printed in Harrisse, Christophe Co-
lomh, II. 68-78, or the account in Books ii. and iii. of the first
decade of Peter Martyr's De Rebus OceaniciSy or a literary
embelhshment of some private letters Uke the translation into
Latin by Nicolo Syllacio of some letters he received from
Guillelmo Coma who went on the voyage. The Syllacio-
Coma letter and Peter Martyr's account in its earliest pub-
Ushed form, the Venetian Libretto de tutta la Navigatione dc Re

281

282 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS

de Spagna de le hole et Terreni novamente Trovaii, are acces-
sible in English in Thacher, Christopher Columbus^ II. 243-262,
489-502. These two narratives gave the European pubUc its
first knowledge of the second voyage. The Syllacio-Coma
letter was published late in 1494 or early in 1495, and the
Libretto in Venice in 1504.

The translation of Dr. Chanca's letter given here is that of
R. H. Major. It has been carefully revised to bring it into
closer conformity to the original. Any noteworthy changes
will be indicated. Attention may be called to a somewhat
important correction of the text on p. 304.

Of Dr. Chanca personally little or nothing is known be-
yond what has been mentioned except that he devoted him-
self with zeal and self-sacrifice to his duties. In the report of
the Second Voyage which Columbus prepared January 30,
1494, and sent off by Antonio de Torres February 2, he charged
Torres as follows in regard to Dr. Chanca. ^'You will inform
their Highnesses of the labor that Dr. Chanca is performing
on account of the many that are ill and the lack of suppHes
and that with all this he is conducting himself with great dili-
gence and kindness in everything that concerns his duties,^'
etc. Major, Select Letters of Columbus^ pp. 93, 94.

E. G. B.

LETTER OF DR. CHANCA ON THE
SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS

A letter addressed to the Town Council of Seville by Dr. Chanca,
a native of that city, and physician to the fleet of Columbus^
on his second voyage to the Indies^ describing the principal
events which occurred during that voyage

Most noble Lord : —

Since the occurrences which I relate in private letters to
other persons are not of such general interest as those which
are contained in this epistle, I have resolved to give you a
distinct narrative of the events of our voyage, as well as to
treat of the other matters which form the subject of my peti-
tion to your Lordship. The news I have to communicate are
as follows: The expedition which their CathoHc Majesties
sent, by Divine permission, from Spain to the Indies, under
the command of Christopher Columbus, Admiral of the Ocean,
left Cadiz on the twenty-fifth of September, of the year [1493,
with seventeen ships well equipped and with 1200 fighting
men or a little less,]^ with wind and weather favorable for the
voyage. This weather lasted two days, during which time we
managed to make nearly fifty leagues; the weather then
changing, we made httle or no progress for the next two days ;
it pleased God, however, after this, to restore us fine weather,
so that in two days more we reached the Great Canary. Here
we put into harbor, which we were obliged to do, to repair
one of the ships which made a great deal of water ; we remained
all that day, and on the following set sail again, but were
several times becalmed, so that we were four or five days

^ There is a gap here in the text of the original which has been filled
by taking the corresponding words in Bernaldez's text.

283

284 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

before we reached Gomera. We had to remain at Gomera
some days ^ to lay in our stores of meat, wood, and as much
water as we could stow, preparatory to the long voyage which
we expected to make without seeing land: thus through the
delay at these two ports, and being calmed one day after leav-
ing Gomera, we were nineteen or twenty days before we
arrived at the island of Ferro. After this we had, by the
goodness of God, a return of fine weather, more continuous
than any fleet ever enjoyed during so long a voyage, so that
leaving Ferro on the thirteenth of October, within twenty
days we came in sight of land ; and we should have seen it in
fourteen or fifteen days, if the ship Capitana ^ had been as
good a sailer as the other vessels ; for many times the others
had to shorten sail, because they were leaving us much behind.
During all this time we had great good fortune, for throughout
the voyage we encountered no storm, with the exception of
one on St. Simon's eve,^ which for four hours put us in consid-
erable jeopardy.

On the first Sunday after All Saints, namely the third of
November, about dawTi, a pilot of the flagship cried out,
^^The reward, I see the land !''

The joy of the people was so great, that it was wonderful
to hear their cries and exclamations of pleasure ; and they had
good reason to be delighted ; for they had become so wearied
of bad hving, and of working the water out of the ships, that
all sighed most anxiously for land. The pilots of the fleet
reckoned on that day, that between leaving Ferro and first
reaching land, we had made eight hundred leagues; others
said seven hundred and eighty (so that the difference was not
great), and three hundred more between Ferro and Cadiz,
making in all eleven hundred leagues ; I do not therefore feel

* Major here translated algun dia "one day." It should be "some days."
Bernaldez has algunos dias, and Coma says the tarry at Gomera was nearly
six days.

^ La nao Capitana means the flagship. The name of the flagship on the
second voyage was Marigalante. Historie of Ferdinand Columbus, cap.
XLV. (London, ed. 1867), p. 137.

3 October 27.

1493] DR. CHANCA ON THE SECOND VOYAGE 285

as one who had not seen enough of the water. On the morning
of the aforesaid Sunday, we saw lying before us an island, and
soon on the right hand another appeared : the first ^ was high
and mountainous, on the side nearest to us; the other ^
flat, and very thickly wooded. As soon as it became hghter,
other islands began to appear on both sides; so that on that
day, there were six islands to be seen lying in different direc-
tions, and most of them of considerable size. We directed
our course towards that which we had first seen, and reaching
the coast, we proceeded more than a league in search of a
port where we might anchor, but without finding one; all
that part of the island which met our view, appeared moun-
tainous, very beautiful, and green even up to the water, which
was delightful to see, for at that season, there is scarcely any
thing green in our own country. When we found that there
was no harbor there, the Admiral decided that we should go
to the other island, which appeared on the right, and which
was at four or five leagues distance ; one vessel however still
remained on the first island all that day seeking for a harbor,
in case it should be necessary to return thither. At length,
having found a good one, where they saw both people and
dwellings, they returned that night to the fleet, which had put
into harbor at the other island,^ and there the Admiral, accom-
panied by a great number of men, landed with the royal banner
in his hands, and took formal possession on behalf of their
Majesties. This island was filled with an astonishingly thick
growth of wood ; the variety of unknown trees, some bearing
fruit and some flowers, was surprising, and indeed every spot
was covered with verdure. We found there a tree whose leaf
had the finest smell of cloves that I have ever met with ; it was
like a laurel leaf, but not so large : but I think it was a species of
laurel. There were wild fruits of various kinds, some of which
our men, not very prudently, tasted ; and upon only touching

^ The island of Dominica, which is so called from having been discovered
on a Sunday. Historie, p. 137.

^ The island Marigalante, which was so called from the name of the ship
in which Columbus sailed. Historie, ibid.

' Marigalante.

286 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

them with their tongues, their countenances became inflamed/
and such great heat and pain followed, that they seemed to
be mad, and were obliged to resort to refrigerants to cure
themselves. We found no signs of any people in this island,
and concluded it was uninhabited; we remained only two
hours, for it was very late when we landed, and on the follow-
ing morning we left for another very large island,^ situated
below this at the distance of seven or eight leagues. We
approached it under the side of a great mountain, that seemed
almost to reach the skies, in the middle of which rose a peak,
higher than all the rest of the mountain, whence many streams
diverged into different channels, especially towards the part
at which we arrived. At three leagues distance, we could see
a fall of water as broad as an ox, which discharged itself from
such a height that it appeared to fall from the sky ; it was seen
from so great a distance that it occasioned many wagers to
be laid on board the ships, some maintaining that it was but
a series of white rocks, and others that it was water. When
we came nearer to it, it showed itself distinctly, and it was
the most beautiful thing in the world to see from how great
a height and from what a small space so large a fall of water
was discharged. As soon as we neared the island the Admiral
ordered a light caravel to run along the coast to search for a
harbor ; the captain put into land in a boat, and seeing some
houses, leapt on shore and went up to them, the inhabitants
fleeing at sight of our men; he then went into the houses
and there found various household articles that had been left
unremoved, from which he took two parrots, very large and
quite different from any we had before seen; he found a
great quantity of cotton, both spun and prepared for spinning,
and articles of food, of all of which he brought away a por-
tion; besides these, he also brought away four or five bones
of human arms and legs. On seeing these we suspected that

^ One would infer from this that it was the fruit of the manzanillo, which
produces similar effects. (Navarrete.) On the Manzanillo (Manchineel), see
Oviedo, lib. ix., cap. xii. He says the Caribs used it in making their
arrow poisons.

' Guadeloupe.

1493] DR. CHANCA ON THE SECOND VOYAGE 287

we were amongst the Caribbee islands, whose inhabitants eat
human flesh ; for the Admiral, guided by the information re-
specting their situation which he had received from the
Indians of the islands discovered in his former voyage, had
directed his course with a view to their discovery, both be-
cause they were the nearest to Spain, and because this was
the direct track for the island of Espanola, where he had left
some of his people. Thither, by the goodness of God and the
wise management of the Admiral, we came in as straight a
track as if we had sailed by a well known and frequented
route. This island is very large, and on the side where we
arrived it seemed to us to be twenty-five leagues in length.
We sailed more than two leagues along the shore in search of
a harbor; on the part towards which we moved appeared
very high mountains, and on that which we left extensive
plains ; on the sea-coast there were a few small villages, whose
inhabitants fled as soon as they saw the sails : at length after
proceeding two leagues we found a port late in the evening.
That night the Admiral resolved that some of the men should
land at break of day in order to confer with the natives, and
learn what sort of people they were; although it was sus-
pected, from the appearance of those who had fled at our
approach, that they were naked, like those whom the Admiral
had seen in his former voyage. That morning certain captains
started out; one of them arrived at the dinner hour, and
brought away a boy of about fourteen years of age, as it after-
wards appeared, who said that he was one of the prisoners
taken by these people. The others divided themselves, and
one party took a little boy whom a man was leading by the
hand, but who left him and fled ; this boy they sent on board
immediately with some of our men ; others remained, and took
certain women, natives of the island, together with other women
from among the captives who came of their own accord. One
captain of this last company, not knowing that any intelli-
gence of the people had been obtained, advanced farther into
the island and lost himself, with the six men who accompanied
him : they could not find their way back until after four days,

288 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

when they hghted upon the sea-shore, and following the line
of coast returned to the fleet/ We had already looked upon
them as killed and eaten by the people that are called Carib-
bees ; for we could not account for their long absence in any
other way, since they had among them some pilots who by
their knowledge of the stars could navigate either to or from
Spain, so that we imagined that they could not lose themselves
in so small a space. On this first day of our landing several
men and women came on the beach up to the water's edge,
and gazed at the ships in astonishment at so novel a sight;
and when a boat pushed on shore in order to speak with them,
they cried out, '^tayno, tayno,'' ^ which is as much as to say,
'^good, good,'' and waited for the landing of the sailors,
standing by the boat in such a manner that they might escape
when they pleased. The result was, that none of the men
could be persuaded to join us, and only two were taken by
force, who were secured and led away. More than twenty
women of the captives were taken with their own consent,
and other women, natives of the island, were surprised and
carried off; several of the boys, who were captives, came to
us fleeing from the natives of the island who had taken them
prisoners. We remained eight days in this port in conse-
quence of the loss of the aforesaid captain, and went many
times on shore, passing amongst the dwellings and villages
which were on the coast ; we found a vast number of human
bones and skulls hung up about the houses, hke vessels in-

* It was Diego Marquez, the inspector, who with eight other men went
on shore into the interior of the island, without permission from the Admiral,
who caused him to be sought for by parties of men with trumpets, but
without success. One of those who were sent out with this object was
Alonzo Ojeda, who took with him forty men, and on their return they re-
ported that they had found many aromatic plants, a variety of birds, and
some considerable rivers. The wanderers were not able to find their way
to the ships until the 8th of November. [Navarrete, condensed from Las
Casas, Historia de las Indias, II. 7-8.]

^ Tayno was also the tribal name of these people, who differentiated them-
selves from the Caribs. Peter Martyr reports the assertions of the followers
of Guacamari that they were Taynos not Caribs : ''Se Tainos, id est, nobiles
esse, non Canibales, inclamitant." De Rebus Oceanicis, Dec. i., lib. ii.,
p. 25. (Cologne ed. of 1574.)

1493] DR. CHANCA ON THE SECOND VOYAGE 289

tended for holding various things.^ There were very few
men to be seen here, and the women informed us that this was
in consequence of ten canoes having gone to make an attack
upon other islands. These islanders appeared to us to be
more civilized than those that we had hitherto seen; for
although all the Indians have houses of straw, yet the houses
of these people are constructed in a much superior fashion,
are better stocked with provisions, and exhibit more evidences
of industry, both on the part of -the men and the women.
They had a considerable quantity of cotton, both spun and
prepared for spinning, and many cotton sheets, so well woven
as to be no way inferior to those of our country. We inquired
of the women, who were prisoners in the island, what people
these islanders were ; they replied that they were Caribbees.
As soon as they learned that we abhorred such people,^ on
account of their evil practice of eating human flesh, they were
much delighted ; and, after that, if they brought forward any
woman or man of the Caribbees, they informed us (but se-
cretly) that they were such, still evincing by their dread of
their conquerors, that they belonged to a vanquished nation,
though they knew them all to be in our power.

We were enabled to distinguish which of the women were
Caribbees, and which were not, by the Caribbees wearing
on each leg two bands of woven cotton, the one fastened round
the knee, and the other round the ankle ; by this means they
make the calves of their legs large, and the above-mentioned
parts very small, which I imagine that they regard as a mark
of elegance: by this pecuharity we distinguished them.^

^ Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, II. 8, remarks of these bones, ''They
must have belonged to lords or persons whom they loved since it is not
probable that they belonged to those they ate, because if they ate as many as
some say, the cabins would not hold all the bones and skulls, and it seems
that after having eaten them there would be no object in keeping the skulls
and bones for relics unless they belonged to some very notable enemies.
The whole matter is a puzzle."

^ The name Caribe here obviously has begun to have the meaning " can-
nibal," which is in origin the same word.

^ This practice still survives among the Caribs. Im Thurn describes it in
almost the same words as Dr. Chanca. See Among the Indians of Guiana, p. 1 92.
u

290 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

The habits of these Caribbees are brutal. There are three
islands : this is called Turuqueira ; the other, which was the
first that we saw, is called Ceyre ; the third is called Ayay : ^
all these are alike as if they were of one race, who do no injury
to each other ; but each and all of them wage war against the
other neighboring islands, and for the purpose of attacking
them, make voyages of a hundred and fifty leagues at sea, with
their numerous canoes, which are a small Ivind of craft with one
mast. Their arms are arrows, in the place of iron weapons,
and as they have no iron, some of them point their arrows
with tortoise-shell, and others make their arrow-heads of fish
spines, which are naturally barbed hke coarse saws: these
prove dangerous weapons to a naked people like the Indians,
and may cause death or severe injury, but to men of our
nation, are not very formidable. In their attacks upon the
neighboring islands, these people capture as many of the
women as they can, especially those who are young and beau-
tiful, and keep them for servants and to have as concubines ;
and so great a number do they carry off, that in fifty houses
no men were to be seen; and out of the number of the cap-
tives, more than twenty were young girls. These women
also say that the Caribbees use them with such cruelty as would
scarcely be beheved; and that they eat the children which
they bear to them, and only bring up those which they have
by their native wives. Such of their male enemies as they can
take ahve, they bring to their houses to slaughter them, and
those who are killed they devour at once. They say that
man's flesh is so good, that there is nothing Hke it in the world ;
and this is pretty evident, for of the bones which we found
in their houses, they had gnawed everything that could be
gnawed, so that nothing remained of them, but what from its
great hardness, could not be eaten: in one of the houses we
found the neck of a man, cooking in a pot. When they take
any boys prisoners, they cut off their member and make use

^ These are the native names for Dominica (Ceyre) and Guadeloupe
(Turuqueira and Ayay), which consists of two islands separated by a narrow
channel.

1493] DR. CHANCA ON THE SECOND VOYAGE 291

of them as servants until they grow up to manhood, and then
when they wish to make a feast they kill and eat them ; for
they say that the flesh of boys and women is not good to eat.
Three of these boys came fleeing to us thus mutilated.

At the end of four days arrived the captain who had lost
himself with his companions, of whose return we had by this
time given up all hope ; for other parties had been twice sent
out to seek him, one of which came back on the same day
that he rejoined us, without having gained any information
respecting the wanderers; we rejoiced at their arrival, re-
garding it as a new accession to our numbers. The captain
and the men who accompanied him brought back some women
and boys, ten in number. Neither this party, nor those who
went out to seek them, had seen any of the men of the island,
which must have arisen either from their having fled, or pos-
sibly from there being but very few men in that locahty ; for,
as the women informed us, ten canoes had gone away to make
an attack upon the neighboring islands. The wanderers had
returned from the mountains in such an emaciated condition,
that it was distressing to see them ; when we asked them how
it was that they lost themselves, they said that the trees were
so thick and close that they could not see the sky; some
of them who were mariners had climbed the trees to get a
sight of the stars, but could never see them, and if they had not
found their way to the sea-coast, it would have been impos-
sible to have returned to the fleet. We left this island eight
days after our arrival.^ The next day at noon we saw another
island, not very large,^ at about twelve leagues distance from
the one we were leaving; the greater part of the first day of
our departure we were kept close in to the coast of this island
by a calm, but as the Indian women whom we brought with
us said that it was not inhabited, but had been dispeopled by
the Caribbees, we made no stay in it. On that evening we
saw another island;^ and in the night finding there were

* They left on Sunday, the 10th of November. Las Casas, Historia, II. 9.

* The island Montserrat. Las Casas, ibid.

^ The island of St. Martin. Las Casas, ibid.

292 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

some sandbanks near, we dropped anchor, not venturing to
proceed until the morning. On the morrow another island
appeared, of considerable size, but we touched at none of these
because we were anxious to convey consolation to our people
who had been left in Espanola ; but it did not please God to
grant us our desire, as will hereafter appear. Another day
at the dinner hour we arrived at an island which seemed to be
worth the finding, for judging by the extent of cultivation in
it, it appeared very populous. We went thither and put into
harbor, when the Admiral immediately sent on shore a well
manned barge to hold speech with the Indians, in order to
ascertain what race they were, and also because we considered
it necessary to gain some information respecting our course;
although it afterwards plainly appeared that the Admiral, who
had never made that passage before, had taken a very correct
route. But as matters of doubt should always be brought
to as great a certainty as possible by inquiry, he wished that
communication should be held with the natives at once, and
some of the men who went in the barge leapt on shore and went
up to a village, whence the inhabitants had already withdrawn
and hidden themselves. They took in this island five or six
women and some boys, most of whom were captives, like those
in the other island ; we learned from the women whom we had
brought with us, that the natives of this place also were Car-
ibbees. As this barge was about to return to the ships with
the capture which they had made, a canoe came along the
coast containing four men, two women, and a boy ; and when
they saw the fleet they were so stupefied with amazement,
that for a good hour they remained motionless at the distance
of nearly two cannon shots from the ships. In this position
they were seen by those who were in the barge and also by all
the fleet. Meanwhile those in the barge moved towards the
canoe, but so close in shore, that the Indians, in their perplex-
ity and astonishment as to what all this could mean, never
saw them, until they were so near that escape was impos-
sible ; for our men pressed on them so rapidly that they could
not get away, although they made considerable effort to do sOc

1493] DR. CHANCA ON THE SECOND VOYAGE 293

When the Caribbees saw that all attempt at flight was
useless, they most courageously took to their bows, both
women and men ; I say most courageously, because they were
only four men and two women, and our people were twenty-
five in number. Two of our men were wounded by the
Indians, one with two arrow-shots in his breast, and another
with one in his side, and if it had not happened that they
carried shields and wooden bucklers, and that they soon got
near them with the barge and upset their canoe, most of them
would have been killed with their arrows. After their canoe
was upset, they remained in the water swimming and occa-
sionally wading (for there were shallows in that part), still
using their bows as much as they could, so that our men had
enough to do to take them; and after all there was one of
them whom they were unable to secure till he had received a
mortal wound with a lance, and whom thus wounded they
took to the ships. The difference between these Caribbees
and the other Indians, with respect to dress, consists in their
wearing their hair very long, while the latter have it dipt
and paint their heads with crosses and a hundred thousand
different devices, each according to his fancy; which they
do with sharpened reeds. All of them, both the Caribbees
and the others, are beardless, so that it is a rare thing to find
a man with a beard : the Caribbees whom we took had their
eyes and eyebrows stained, which I imagine they do from
ostentation and to give them a more frightful appearance.
One of these captives said, that in an island belonging to them
called Cayre ^ (which is the first we saw, though we did not go
to it), there is a great quantity of gold; and that if we were
to take them nails and tools with which to make their canoes,
we might bring away as much gold as we liked. On the same
day we left that island, having been there no more than six
or seven hours ; and steering for another point of land ^ which
appeared to lie in our intended course, we reached it by night.
On the morning of the following day we coasted along it, and

* Dominica.

^ Santa Cruz. November 14. Las Casas, ibid.

294 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

found it to be a large extent of country, but not continuous,
for it was divided into more than forty islets/ The land was
very high and most of it barren, an appearance which we have
never observed in any of the islands visited by us before or
since : the surface of the ground seemed to suggest the prob-
ability of its containing metals. None of us went on shore here,
but a small latteen caravel went up to one of the islets and
found in it some fishermen's huts; the Indian women whom
we brought with us said they were not inhabited. We pro-
ceeded along the coast the greater part of that day, and on
the evening of the next we discovered another island called
Burenquen,^ which we judged to be thirty leagues in length,
for we were coasting along it the whole of one day. This island
is very beautiful and apparently fertile; hither the Caribbees
come with the view of subduing the inhabitants, and often
carry away many of the people. These islanders have no
boats nor any knowledge of navigation ; but, as our captives
inform us, they use bows as well as the Caribbees, and if by
chance when they are attacked they succeed in taking any of
their invaders, they will eat them in like manner as the Car-
ibbees themselves in the contrary event would devour them.
We remained two days in this island, and a great number of
our men went on shore, but could never get speech of the na-
tives, who had all fled, from fear of the Caribbees. All the
above-mentioned islands were discovered in this voyage,
the Admiral having seen nothing of them in his former voyage ;
they are all very beautiful and possess a most luxuriant soil,
but this last island appeared to exceed all the others in beauty.
Here terminated the islands, which on the side towards Spain
had not been seen before by the Admiral, although we regard
it as a matter of certainty that there is land more than forty
leagues beyond the foremost of these newly discovered islands,
on the side nearest to Spain. We believe this to be the case,

^ The Admiral named the largest of these islands St. Ursula, and all the
others The Eleven Thousand Virgins. Las Casas, Historia, II. 10.

^ The island of Porto Rico, to which the Admiral ''gave the name of St.
John the Baptist, which we now call Sant Juan and which the Indians called
Boriquen.'* Las Casas, II. 10.

1493] DR. CHANCA ON THE SECOND VOYAGE 295

because two days before we saw land we observed some birds
called rabihorcados/ marine birds of prey which do not sit
or sleep upon the water, making circumvolutions in the air
at the close of evening previous to taking their flight towards
land for the night. These birds could not be going to settle
at more than twelve or fifteen leagues distance, because it
was late in the evening, and this was on our right hand on
the side towards Spain; from which we all judged that there
was land there still undiscovered ; but we did not go in search
of it, because it would have taken us round out of our intended
route. I hope that in a few voyages it will be discovered.
It was at dawn that we left the before-mentioned island of
Burenquen,^ and on that day before nightfall we caught sight
of land, which though not recognized by any of those who had
come hither in the former voyage, we believed to be Espanola,
from the information given us by the Indian women whom
we had with us; and in this island we remain at present.^
Between this island and Burenquen another island appeared
at a distance, but of no great size. When we reached Espanola
the land, at the part where we approached it, was low and very
flat,* on seeing which, a general doubt arose as to its identity ;
for neither the Admiral nor his companions, on the previous
voyage, had seen it on this side.

The island being large, is divided into provinces; the part
which we first touched at, is called Hayti; another province
adjoining it, they call Xamana;^ and the next province is
named Bohio,^ where we now are. These provinces are again
subdivided, for they are of great extent. Those who have
seen the length of its coast, state that it is two hundred leagues
long, and I myself should judge it not to be less than a hun-

^ See note to Journal, September 29. Frigate-bird is the accepted
English name; a species of pelican.
^ Porto Rico.

^ On Friday, the 22d of November, the Admiral first caught sight of the
island of EspaHola. Las Casas, II. 10.

^ Cape Engano, in the island of Espanola. (Navarrete.)

* Preserved in the Bay of Samana.

* See Journal, October 21. and note.

296 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

dred and fifty leagues: as to its breadth, nothing is hitherto
known; it is now forty days since a caravel left us with the
view of circumnavigating it/ and is not yet returned. The
country is very remarkable, and contains a vast number of
large rivers, and extensive chains of mountains, with broad
open valleys, and the mountains are very high ; it does not ap-
pear that the grass is ever cut throughout the year. I do not
think they have any winter in this part, for at Christmas were
found many birds-nests, some containing the young birds, and
others containing eggs. No four-footed animal has ever been
seen in this or any of the other islands, except some dogs of
various colors, as in our own country, but in shape hke large
house-dogs ; ^ and also some little animals, in color and fur
hke a rabbit, and the size of a young rabbit, with long tails,
and feet like those of a rat ; these animals climb up the trees,
and many who have tasted them, say they are very good to
eat : ^ there are not any wild beasts.

There are great numbers of small snakes, and some
lizards, but not many ; for the Indians consider them as great
a luxury as we do pheasants; they are of the same size as
ours, but different in shape. In a small adjacent island ^
(close by a harbor called Monte Cristo, where we stayed sev-
eral days), our men saw an enormous kind of lizard, which

^ Of this voyage of exploration there seems to be no record. Our natural
sources, the Historie and Las Casas, are silent. Columbus suspended his
writing in his Journal from December 11, 1493, till March 12, 1494. Antonio
de Torres sailed for Spain February 2, 1494, when Dr. Chanca sent off his
letter. Probably this exploration was begun about December 20.

* Unos gosques grandes. The French translation has gros carlins,
''large pug-dogs." Bernaldez calls these dogs, gozcos pequehos, ''small
curs." " Cur " is the common meaning for gozque or gosque. See Oviedo,
lib. XII., cap. v., for a description of these native dogs which soon became
extinct.

' Bernaldez, 11. 34, supplies the native name, Utia. Oviedo, lib. xii.,
cap. I., describes the hutia. When he wrote it had become so scarce as
to be seen only on rare occasions. It was extinct in Du Tertre's time, a
century later. Of the four allied species described by Oviedo, the hutia,
the quemi, the mohuy, and the cori (agouti), only the last has survived to
the present day.

* Cabra, or Goat Island, between Puerto de Plata and Cas Rouge Point
(Major.)

1493] DE. CHANCA ON THE SECOND VOYAGE 297

they said was as large round as a calf, with a tail as long as a
lance, which they often went out to kill : but bulky as it was,
it got into the sea, so that they could not catch it/ There are,
both in this and the other islands, an infinite number of birds
Uke those in our own country, and many others such as we
had never seen. No kind of domestic fowl has been seen here,
with the exception of some ducks in the houses in Zuruquia;
these ducks were larger than those of Spain, though smaller
than geese, — very pretty, with flat crests on their heads,
most of them as white as snow, but some black*

We ran along the coast of this island nearly a hundred
leagues, concluding, that within this range we should find
the spot where the Admiral had left some of his men, and
which we supposed to be about the middle of the coast. As
we passed by the province called Xamana, we sent on shore
one of the Indians, who had been taken in the previous voy-
age, clothed, and carrying some trifles, which the Admiral had
ordered to be given him. On that day died one of our sailors,
a Biscayan, who had been wounded in the affray with the Car-
ibbees, when they were captured, as I have already described,
through their want of caution. As we were proceeding along
the coast, an opportunity was afforded for a boat to go on
shore to bury him, the boat being accompanied by two cara-
vels to protect it. When they reached the shore, a great num-
ber of Indians came out to the boat, some of them wearing
necklaces and ear-rings of gold, and expressed a wish to accom-
pany the Spaniards to the ships ; but our men refused to take
them, because they had not received permission from the Ad-
miral. When the Indians found that they would not take
them, two of them got into a small canoe, and went up to one
of the caravels that had put in to shore; they were received
on board with great kindness, and taken to the AdmiraPs
ship, where, through the medium of an interpreter, they re-
lated that a certain king had sent them to ascertain who we
were, and to invite us to land, adding that they had plenty
of gold, and also of provisions, to which we should be welcome.

* Apparently the cayman or South American alligator.

298 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

The Admiral desired that shirts, and caps, and other trifles,
should be given to each of them, and said that as he was going
to the place where Guacamari dwelt, he would not stop then,
but that another time there would be an opportunity of see-
ing him, and with that they departed. We continued our
route till we came to an harbor called Monte Cristi, where we
remained two days, in order to observe the character of the
land ; for the Admiral had an objection to the spot where his
men had been left with the view of making a settlement. We
went on shore therefore to see the character of the land : there
was a large river of excellent water close by ; ^ but the ground
svas inundated, and very ill-calculated for habitation. As
ive went on making our observations on the river and the land,
ksome of our men found two dead bodies by the river's side,
one with a rope round his neck, and the other with one round
his foot; this was on the first day of our landing. On the
following day they found two other corpses farther on, and
tt)ne of these was observed to have a great quantity of beard;
this was regarded as a very suspicious circumstance by many
of our people, because, as I have already said, all the Indians
are beardless. This harbor is twelve leagues ^ from the place
where the Spaniards had been left under the protection of
Guacamari,^ the king of that province, whom I suppose to be
one of the chief men of the island. After two days we set sail
for that spot, but as it was late when we arrived there, ^ and
there were some shoals, where the Admiral's ship had been lost,
we did not venture to put in close to the shore, but remained
that night at a httle less than a league from the coast, waiting
until the morning, w^hen we might enter securely. On that
evening, a canoe, containing five or six Indians, came out at a

^ The river Yaque.

' It is only seven leagues. (Navarrete.)

' This chief's name is Guacanagari in Las Casas, Historia de las Indias,
and in the Historie of Ferdinand Columbus, Goathanari in the Syllacio-
Coma letter, Guacanari in Bernaldez and Guaccanarillus in Peter Martyr's
De Rebus Oceanicis.

* The admiral anchored at the entrance of the harbor of Navidad, on
Wednesday, the 27th of November, towards midnight. Las Casas,

IL n.

1493] DR. CHANCA ON THE SECOND VOYAGE 299

considerable distance from where we were, and approached
us with great celerity. • The Admiral beUeving that he insured
our safety by keeping the sails set, would not wait for them ;
they, however, perseveringly rowed up to us within a can-
non shot ^ and then stopped to look at us ; but when they saw
that we did not wait for them, they put back and went away.
After we had anchored that night at the spot in question,^
the Admiral ordered two cannons to be fired, to see if the
Spaniards, who had remained with Guacamari, would fire in
return, for they also had cannons with them; but when we
received no reply, and could not perceive any fires, nor the
slightest symptom of habitations on the spot, the spirits of
our people became much depressed, and they began to enter-
tain the suspicion which the circumstances were naturally
calculated to excite. While all were in this desponding mood,
and when four or five hours of the night had passed away, the
same canoe which we had seen in the evening, came up, and
the Indians with a loud voice addressed the captain of the
caravel, which they first approached, inquiring for the Ad-
miral ; ^ they were conducted to the Admiral's vessel, but would
not go on board till he had spoken to them, and they had
asked for a light, in order to assure themselves that it was he
who conversed with them. One of them was a cousin of
Guacamari, who had been sent by him once before: it ap-
peared, that after they had turned back the previous evening,
they had been charged by Guacamari with two masks of gold
as a present; one for the Admiral, the other for a captain who
had accompanied him on the former voyage. They remained
on board for three hours, talking with the Admiral in the
presence of all of us, he showing much pleasure in their con-
versation, and inquiring respecting the welfare of the Span-
iards whom he had left behind. Guacamari 's cousin replied,
that those who remained were all well, but that some of them

^ See Journal of First Voyage, December 25.

^ The Bay of Caracol, four leagues west of Fort Dauphin. (Major.)

^ ''Toward midnight a canoe came full of Indians and reached the ship

of the Admiral, and they called for him saying ' Almirante, Almirante. ' "

Las Casas, II. 11.

300 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

had died of disease, and others had been killed in quarrels that
had arisen amongst them; and that Guacamari was at some
distance, lying ill of a wound in his leg, which was the occa-
sion of his not appearing, but that he would come on the next
day. He said also that two kings named Caonabo and May-
reni, had come to fight with him and that they had burned the
village. The Indians then departed, saying they would return
on the following day with the said Guacamari, and left us
consoled for that night. On the morning of the next day, we
were expecting that Guacamari would come; and, in the
meantime, some of our men landed by command of the Ad-
miral, and went to the spot where the Spaniards had formerly
been: they found the building which they had inhabited,
and which they had in some degree fortified with a paHsade,
burnt and levelled with the ground; they found also some
cloaks and clothing which the Indians had brought to throw
upon the house. They observed too that the Indians who
were seen near the spot, looked very shy, and dared not ap-
proach, but, on the contrary, fled from them. This appeared
strange to us, for the Admiral had told us that in the former
voyage, when he arrived at this place, so many came in canoes
to see us, that there was no keeping them off ; and as we now
saw that they were suspicious of us, it gave us a very unfav-
orable impression. We threw trifles, such as hawk bells ^ and
beads, towards them, in order to conciliate them, but only four,
a relation of Guacamari 's and three others, took courage to
enter the boat, and were rowed on board. When they were
asked concerning the Spaniards, they replied that all of them
were dead ; we had been told this already by one of the Ind-
ians whom we had brought from Spain, and who had con-
versed with the two Indians that on the former occasion came
on board with their canoe, but we had not believed it. Gua-
camari's kinsman was asked who had killed them; he re-
plied that the king of Caonabo and king Mayreni had made an
attack upon them, and burnt the buildings on the spot, that

* The hawk bell was a small open bell used in hawking. The discoverers
used hawk bells as a small measure as of gold dust.

1493] DR. CHANCA ON THE SECOND VOYAGE 301

many were wounded in the affray, and among them Guacamari,
who had received a wound in his thigh, and had retired to
some distance. He also stated that he wished to go and fetch
him ; upon which some trifles were given to him, and he took
his departure for the place of Guacamari's abode. All that
day we remained in expectation of them, and when we saw
that they did not come, many suspected that the Indians who
had been on board the night before, had been drowned; for
they had had wine given them two or three times, and they
had come in a small canoe that might be easily upset. The next
morning the Admiral went on shore, taking some of us with
him ; we went to the spot where the settlement had been, and
found it utterly destroyed by fire, and the clothes of the
Spaniards lying about upon the grass, but on that occasion
we saw no dead body. There were many different opinions
amongst us; some suspecting that Guacamari himself was
concerned in the betrayal and death of the Christians ; others
thought not, because his own residence was burnt : so that it
remained a very doubtful question. The Admiral ordered all
the ground which had been occupied by the fortifications of
the Spaniards to be searched, for he had left orders with them
to bury all the gold that they might get. While this was
being done, the Admiral wished to examine a spot at about a
league's distance, which seemed to be suitable for building a
town, for it was already time to do so ; — and some of us
went thither with him, making our observations of the land
as we went along the coast, until we reached a village of seven
or eight houses, which the Indians forsook when they saw us
approach, carrying away what they could, and leaving the
things which they could not remove, hidden amongst the grass,
around the houses. These people are so like beasts that they
have not even the sense to select a fitting place to Uve in;
those who dwell on the shore, build for themselves the most
miserable hovels that can be imagined, and all the houses are
so covered with grass and dampness, that I am amazed at the
way they live. In these houses we found many things belong-
ing to the Spaniards, which it could not be supposed they

302 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

would have bartered ; such as a very handsome Moorish mantle,
which had not been unfolded since it was brought from Spain,
stockings and pieces of cloth, also an anchor belonging to the
ship which the Admiral had lost here on the previous voyage ;
with other articles, which the more confirmed our suspicions.
On examining some things which had been put away to keep
in a basket, closely woven and very secure, we found a man's
head kept with great care; this we judged might be the
head of a father, or mother, or of some person whom they
much regarded : ^ I have since heard that many were found in
the same state, which makes me believe that our first impres-
sion was the true one. After this we returned. We went
on the same day to the site of the settlement; and when we
arrived, we found many Indians, who had regained their
courage, bartering gold with our men: they had bartered to
the extent of a mark ; ^ we also learned that they had shown
where the bodies of eleven of the dead Spaniards were laid,
which were already covered with the grass that had grown
over them ; and they all with one voice asserted that Caonabo
and Mayreni had killed them; but notwithstanding all this,
we began to hear complaints that one of the Spaniards had
taken three women to himself, and another four ; from whence
we drew the inference that jealousy was the cause of the mis-
fortune that had occurred. On the next morning, as no spot
in that vicinity appeared suitable for our making a settle-
ment, the Admiral ordered a caravel to go in one direction to
look for a convenient locahty, while some of us went with him
another way. In the course of our explorations, we discov-
ered a harbor, of great security, and a very favorable situation
for a settlement ; but as it was far from where we wanted to
have the gold mine, the Admiral decided to settle only in some
spot which would give us greater certainty of attaining that
object, provided the position of the land should prove equally

^ See above, p. 289, note 1.

^ The mark was a weight of eight ounces, two-thirds of a Troy pound.
The mark of gold in Spain was equivalent to 50 cascellanos, or in bullion
value to-day about $150.

1493] DR. CHANCA ON THE SECOND VOYAGE 303

convenient. On our return, we found the other caravel ar-
rived, in which Melchior ^ and four or five other trustworthy
men had been exploring with a similar object. They reported
that as they went along the coast, a canoe came out to them
in which were two Indians, one of whom was the brother of
Guacamari, and was recognized by a pilot who was in the
caravel. When he asked them ^^who goes there/^ they re-
plied that Guacamari sent to beg the Spaniards to come on
shore, as he had his settlement near, with nearly fifty houses.
The chief men of the party then went on shore in the boat,
proceeded to the place where Guacamari was, and found him
stretched on his bed, complaining of a severe wound. They
conferred with him, and inquired respecting the Spaniards;
his reply was, in accordance with the account already given
by the others, viz. — that they had been killed by Caonabo
and Mayreni, who also had wounded him in the thigh; which
he showed to them bandaged up : on seeing which, they con-
cluded that his statement was correct. At their departure
he gave to each of them a jewel of gold, according to his esti-
mation of their respective merits. The Indians beat the gold
into very thin plates, in order to make masks of it, and to be
able to set it in bitumen ; if it were not so prepared it could not
be mounted ; other ornaments they make of it, to wear on the
head and to hang in the ears and nostrils, for these also they
require it to be thin; since they set no store by it as wealth
but only for adornment. Guacamari desired them by signs
and as well as he was able, to tell the Admiral that as he was
thus wounded, he prayed him to have the goodness to come
to see him. The sailors told this to the Admiral when he
arrived. The next morning he resolved to go thither, for the
spot could be reached in three hours, being scarcely three
leagues distance from the place where we were; but as it
would be the dinner-hour when we arrived, we dined before
we went on shore. After dinner, the Admiral gave orders that

' Melchior Maldonado, apparently the Melchiorius from whom Peter
Martyr derived some of his material for his account of the second voyage.
See his De Rebus Oceanicis, ed. 1574, p. 26.

304 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

all the captains should come with their barges to proceed to
the shore, for already on that morning, previous to our de-
parture, the aforesaid brother of Guacamari had come to speak
with the Admiral to urge him to come to the place where Gua-
camari was. Then the Admiral went on shore accompanied
by all the principal officers, so richly dressed that they would
have made a fine appearance even in any of our chief cities.
He took with him some articles as presents, having already
received from Guacamari a certain quantity of gold, and it
was reasonable that he should make a commensurate response
to his acts and expressions of good-will : Guacamari had also
provided himself with a present. When we arrived, we found
him stretched upon his bed, which was made of cotton net-
work, and, according to their custom, suspended.^ He did not
arise, but made from his bed the best gesture of courtesy of
which he was capable. He showed much feeling with tears
in his eyes for the death of the Spaniards, and began speaking
on the subject, with explaining to the best of his power, how
some died of disease, others had gone to Caonabo in search of
the mine of gold, and had there been killed, and that the rest
had been attacked and slain in their own town. According
to the appearance of the dead bodies, it was not two months
since this had happened. Then he presented the Admiral
with eight marks and a half of gold and five or six belts worked
with stones ^ of various colors, and a cap of similar jewel- work,
which I think they must value very highly, because in it was

^ The familiar hammock.

'The original reads ''cinco o seiscientos labrados de pedreria," which
Major translated "five or six hundred pieces of jewellery," and Thacher
"five or six hundred cut stones." The dictionaries recognize labrado as
a noun only in the plural labrados, "tilled lands." Turning to Bernaldez,
Historia de los Reyes Catolicos, in which Dr. Chanca's letter was copied almost
bodily, we find, II. 27, "cinco 6 seis labrados de pedreria," which presents
the same difficulty. The omission of cientos is notable, however. I think the
original text of Dr. Chanca's letter read "cinco 6 seis cintos labrados de
pedreria," i.e., five or six belts worked with jewellery. Cintos being written
blindly was copied cientos by Antonio de Aspa, from whom our text of Dr.
Chanca's letter has come down (Navarre te, I. 224), and was omitted perhaps
accidentally in Bernaldez 's copy. This conjecture is rendered almost certain
by the Historie, where it is recorded that "the Cacique gave the Admiral

1493] DR. CHANCA ON THE SECOND VOYAGE 305

a jewel, which was presented to him with great reverence. It
appears to me that these people put more value upon coppei
than gold. The surgeon of the fleet and myself being present,
the Admiral told Guacamari that we were skilled in the treat-
ment of human disorders, and wished that he would shew us
his wound; he rephed that he was wilhng; upon which 1
said it would be necessary that he should, if possible, go out
of the house, because we could not see well on account of the
place being darkened by the crowd of people ; to this he con-
sented, I think more from timidity than inclination, and left
the house leaning on the arm of the Admiral. After he was
seated, the surgeon approached him and began to untie the
bandage ; then he told the Admiral that the wound was made
with a cihaj by which he meant with a stone. When the
wound was uncovered, we went up to examine it : it is certain
that there was no more wound on that leg than on the other,
although he cunningly pretended that it pained him much.
Ignorant as we were of the facts, it was impossible to come to
a definite conclusion. There were certainly many proofs of
an invasion by a hostile people, so that the Admiral was at a
loss what to do ; he with many others thought, however, that
for the present, and until they could ascertain the truth, they
ought to conceal their distrust ; for after ascertaining it, they
would be able to claim whatever indemnity they thought
proper. That evening Guacamari accompanied the Admiral
to the ships, and when they showed him the horses and other
objects of interest, their novelty struck him with the greatest
amazement;^ he took supper on board, and returned that

eight belts worked with small beads made of white, green, and red stones,"
p. 148, London ed. of 1867. This passage enables us to correct the text of
Las Casas, II. 14, changing ''ochocientas cuentas menudas de piedra,"
"eight hundred small beads of stone," to ''ocho cintos de cuentas menudas,"
etc., "eight belts of small beads," and again, ciento de oro to cinto de oro.
In the Syllacio-Coma letter the gift is halteos duodecim, "twelve belts."
Thacher, Columbus, II. 235. Cf. Las Casas's description of the girdle or
belt that this chief wore when Columbus first saw him, Dec. 22, above, p. 194.
^ These were not only the first horses seen in the New World since the
extinction of the prehistoric varieties, but the first large quadrupeds the
West Indians had seen.

306 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [149^

evening to his house. The Admiral told him that he wished
to settle there and to build houses ; to which he assented, but
said that the place was not wholesome, because it was very
damp : and so it most certainly was.

All this passed through the interpretation of two of the
Indians who had gone to Spain in the last voyage, and who
were the sole survivors of seven who had embarked with us;
five died on the voyage, and these but narrowly escaped.
The next day we anchored in that port: Guacamari sent to
know when the Admiral intended leaving, and was told that he
would do so on the morrow. The same day Guacamari^s
brother, and others with him, came on board, bringing gold
to barter: on the day of our departure also they bartered a
great quantity of gold. There were ten women on board, of
those who had been taken in the Caribbee islands, principally
from Boriquen, and it was observed that the brother of Gua-
camari spoke with them ; we think that he told them to make
an effort to escape that night; for certainly during our first
sleep they dropped themselves quietly into the water, and
went on shore, so that by the time they were missed they had
reached such a distance that only four could be taken by the
boats which went in pursuit, and these were secured when just
leaving the water: they had to swim considerably more than
half a league. The next morning the Admiral sent to desire
that Guacamari would cause search to be made for the women
who had escaped in the night, and that he would send them
back to the ships. When the messengers arrived they found
the place forsaken and not a soul there; this made many
openly declare their suspicions, but others said they might
have removed to another village, as was their custom. That
day we remained quiet, because the weather was unfavorable
for our departure. On the next morning the Admiral resolved
that as the wind was adverse, it would be well to go with the
boats to inspect a harbor on the coast at two leagues distance
further up,^ to see if the formation of the land was favorable
for a settlement ; and we went thither with all the ship's boats,

* Port Dauphin. (Navarrete.)

1493] DR. CHANCA ON THE SECOND VOYAGE 307

leaving the ships in the harbor. As we moved along the coast
the people manifested a sense of insecurity, and when we
reached the spot to which we were bound all the natives had
fled. While we were walking about this place we found an
Indian stretched on the hill-side, close by the houses, with a
gaping wound in his shoulder caused by a dart, so that he had
been disabled from fleeing any further. The natives of this
island fight with sharp darts, which they shoot with straps
in the same manner as boys in Spain shoot their little darts,
and with these they shoot with considerable skill to a great
distance ; and certainly upon an unarmed people these weapons
are calculated to do serious injury. The man told us that
Caonab6 and his people had wounded him and burnt the
houses of Guacamari. Thus we are still kept in uncertainty
respecting the death of our people, on account of the paucity
of information on which to form an opinion, and the conflicting
and equivocal character of the evidence we have obtained.
We did not find the position of the land in this port favorable
for healthy habitation, and the Admiral resolved upon return-
ing along the upper coast by which we had come from Spain,
because we had had tidings of gold in that direction. But the
weather was so adverse that it cost more labor to sail thirty
leagues in a backward direction than the whole voyage from
Spain; so that, what with the contrary wind and the length
of the passage, three months had elapsed when we landed.^
It pleased God, however, that through the check upon our
progress caused by contrary winds, we succeeded in finding the
best and most suitable spot that we could have selected for a
settlement, where there was an excellent harbor ^ and abun-
dance of fish, an article of which we stand in great need from
the scarcity of meat. The fish caught here are very singular
and more wholesome than those of Spain. The chmate does

^ That is, three months from the time the fleet left Spain, September 25,
1493. Neither the Historie nor Las Casas mentions the date of landing.
In the Syllacio-Coma letter the date is given as "eight days from Christmas."
See Thacher, Columbus, II. 236, 257.

' Port Isabelique, or Isabella, ten leagues to the east of Monte Cr\sti.
(Navarrete.)

308 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

not allow the fish to be kept from one day to another, for it is
hot and moist, so that all animal food ^ spoils very quickly.
The land is very rich for all purposes ; near the harbor there
are two rivers: one large,^ and another of moderate breadth
somewhat near it ; the water is of a very remarkable quality.
On the bank of it is being built a city called Marta/ one side
of which is bounded by the water with a ravine of cleft rock,
so that at that part there is no need of fortification ; the other
half is girt with a plantation of trees so thick that a rabbit could
scarcely pass through it ; and so green that fire will never be
able to burn it. A channel has been commenced for a branch
of the river, which the managers say they will lead through
the middle of the settlement, and will place on it grist-mills
and saw-mills and mills of other kinds requiring to be worked
by water. Great quantities of vegetables have been planted,
which certainly attain a more luxuriant growth here in eight
days than they would in Spain in twenty. We are frequently
visited by numbers of Indians, among whom are some of their
caciques or chiefs, and many women. They all come loaded
with ages,^ which are like turnips, very excellent for food, which
we dressed in various ways. This food was so nutritious as to
prove a great support to all of us after the privations we
endured when at sea, which were more severe than ever were
suffered by man; for as we could not tell what weather it
would please God to send us on our voyage, we were obliged

^ Cosas introfatibles in the Spanish. The translation follows the French
version. The text perhaps is corrupt. The word introfatibles is not found in
any of the Spanish dictionaries nor is it a learned compound whose meaning
is apparent from its etymology. Professor H. R. Lang suggests that cosas
corruptibles may be the proper reading. The sentence is omitted in the
corresponding passage in Bernaldez, II. 30.

^ The river Isabella.

^ I can offer no explanation for this name, which is found only in Dr.
Chanca's letter. Bernaldez, who copied Dr. Chanca, gives Isabela as the name
of the city, II. 30, and the Historie and Las Casas, who preserve for us the gist
of Columbus's own narrative, both say that "he named the city Isabela in
memory of Queen Isabela.'' Las Casas, II. 21. Historie, p. 150.

* Yams, the Dioscorea sativa. Columbus had seen the yam in Guinea and
applied the African negro name, igname, flame, whence the English, yam.
See note to Journal, November 4.

1493] DR. CHANCA ON THE SECOND VOYAGE 309

to limit ourselves most rigorously with regard to food, in order
that, at all events, we might at least have the means of sup-
porting life. This age the Caribbees call nabi, and the Indians
hage} The Indians barter gold, provisions, and everything
they bring with them, for tips of lacings, beads, and pins,
and pieces of porringers and dishes. They all, as I have said,
go naked as they were born, except the women of this island,
who have their private parts covered, some with a covering
of cotton, which they bind round their hips, while others use
grass and leaves of trees. ^ When they wish to adorn them-
selves, both men and women paint themselves, some black,
others white, and various colors, in so many devices that the
effect is very laughable ; ^ they shave some parts of their heads,
and in others wear long tufts of matted hair, which have an
indescribably ridiculous appearance : in short, whatever would
be looked upon in our country as characteristic of a madman,
is here regarded by the highest of the Indians as a mark of
distinction.

In our present position, we are in the neighborhood of
many mines of gold, not one of which, we are told, is more
than twenty or twenty-five leagues off : the Indians say that
some of them are in Niti, in the possession of Caonabo, who
killed the Christians; the others are in another place called
Cibao, which, if it please God, we shall see with our eyes be-
fore many days are over ; indeed we should go there at once,
but that we have so many things to provide that we are not
equal to it at present. One third of our people have fallen
sick within the last four or five days, which I think has prin-
cipally arisen from the toil and privations of the journey;
another cause has been the variableness of the climate; but
I hope in our Lord that all will be restored to health. My
idea of this people is, that if we could converse with them,

^ By the Indians Dr. Chanca means the Tainos, the native inhabitants of
Espanola.

^ " Every woman wears a tiny apron called a queyu, suspended by
tying its strings around her waist.'' Im Thurn, Among the Indians oj
Guiana, 194.

' On this body painting, see Im Thurn, ibid.

310 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

they would all become converted, for they do whatever they
see us do, making genuflections before the altars at the Ave
Maria and the other parts of the devotional service, and
making the sign of the cross. They all say that they wish to
be Christians, although in truth they are idolaters, for in their
houses they have many kinds of figures; when asked what
such a figure was, they would reply it is a thing of Turey, by
which they meant ^^of Heaven/^ I made a pretence of throw-
ing them on the fire, which grieved them so that they began
to weep: they believe that everything we bring comes from
Heaven, and therefore call it Turey ^ which, as I have already
said, means heaven in their language. The first day that I
went on shore to sleep, was the Lord's day. The little time
that we have spent on land, has been so much occupied in
seeking for a fitting spot for the settlement, and in providing
necessaries, that we have had little opportunity of becoming
acquainted with the products of the soil, yet although the
time has been so short, many marvellous things have been
seen. We have met with trees bearing wool, of a sufficiently
fine quahty (according to the opinion of those who are ac-
quainted with the art) to be woven into good cloth ; there are
so many of these trees that we might load the caravels with
wool, although it is troublesome to collect, for the trees are
very thorny,^ but some means may be easily found of over-
coming this difficulty. There are also cotton trees, perennials,
as large as peach trees, which produce cotton in the greatest
abundance.^ We found trees producing wax as good both in
color and smell as bees- wax and equally useful for burning;
indeed there is no great difference between them.^ There are
vast numbers of trees which yield surprisingly fine turpentine ;

* A species of the A^. 0. Bombaceae; perhaps the Eriodendron anjractuosum.
(Major.) The EngUsh name is silk-cotton tree. The fibre, however, cannot
be woven. Von Martius suggests the Bombax ceiba.

* Cf. Hazard, Santo Domingo, p. 350, "the cotton plant which instead of
being a simple bush planted from the seed each year, is here a tree, growing
two or three years, which needs only to be trimmed and pruned to produce
a large yield of the finest cotton."

' Probably the so-called Carnauba wax or perhaps palm-tree wax. Cf.
the Encyclopoedia Britannica, art. " Wax."

1493] DR. CHANCA ON THE SECOND VOYAGE 311

and there is also a great abundance of tragacanth, also very
good. We found other trees which I think bear nutmegs,
because the bark tastes and smells hke that spice, but at pres-
ent there is no fruit on them ; I saw one root of ginger, which an
Indian wore hanging round his neck. There are also aloes;
not like those which we have hitherto seen in Spain, but no
doubt they are one of the species used by us doctors/
A sort of cinnamon also has been found ; but, to tell the truth,
it is not so fine as that with which we are already acquainted
in Spain. I do not know whether this arises from ignorance
of the proper season to gather it, or whether the soil does not
produce better. We have also seen some lemon-colored
myrobolans ; at this season they are all lying under the trees,
and have a bitter flavor, arising, I think, from the rottenness
occasioned by the moisture of the ground; but the taste of
such parts as have remained sound, is that of the genuine
myrobolan.^ There is also very good mastic.^ None of the
natives of these islands, as far as we have yet seen, possess
any iron; they have, however, many tools, such as axes
and adzes, made of stone, which are so handsome and well
finished, that it is wonderful how they contrive to make them
without the use of iron. Their food consists of bread, made
of the roots of a vegetable which is between a tree and a vege-
table, and the age,"^ which I have already described as being
hke the turnip, and very good food; they use, to season it,
a spice called agi,^ which they also eat with fish, and such

^ The Spanish here is linaloe, but the reference seems to be to the medi-
cinal aloes and not to lign aloes. On lign aloes, see Columbus's Journal, No-
vember 12, and note.

2 The myrobolan is an East Indian fruit with a stone, of the prune genus.
Crude or preserved myrobolans were a more important article of commerce
in the Middle Ages than now. There were five varieties, one of which, the
Mirobalani citrini, were so named because they were lemon-colored. Heyd,
Histoire du Commerce du Levant au Moyen-Age, II. 641. A species of myro-
bolan grows in South America.

3 The product of the Bursera gummifera.

* Cf. Columbus's Journal, November 4, and note.

^ Agi, also written Axi, is the Capsicum annuum or Spanish pepper. Most
of the cayenne or red pepper of commerce comes from the allied species,

312 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1493

birds as they can catch of the many kinds which abound in the
island. They have, besides, a kind of grain hke hazel-nuts,
very good to eat. They eat all the snakes, and lizards, and
spiders, and worms, that they find upon the ground ; ^ so that,
to my fancy, their bestiahty is greater than that of any beast
upon the face of the earth. The Admiral had at one time
determined to leave the search for the mines until he had
first despatched the ships which were to return to Spain, on
account of the great sickness which had prevailed among the
men,^ but afterwards he resolved upon sending two bands
under the command of two captains, the one to Cibao, and
the other to Niti, where, as I have already said, Caonabo
lived. These parties went, one of them returning on the
twentieth, and the other on the twenty-first of January. The
party that went to Cibao saw gold in so many places as to
seem almost incredible, for in truth they found it in more
than fifty streamlets and rivers, as well as upon their banks;
so that, the captain said they had only to seek throughout
that province, and they would find as much as they wished.
He brought specimens from the different parts, namely, from

Capsicum frutescens. In Mexico the name of this indigenous pepper plant
was Quauhchilli, Chili tree. Chili was taken over into Spanish as the common
name for capsicum and has come down in EngUsh in the famiUar ChiU sauce.
See Peschel, ZeitaUer der Entdeckungen, p. 139; De CandoUe, Origin of
Cultivated Plants, pp. 289-290. Encyclopcedia Britannica, art. ''Cayenne
Pepper."

^ Cf. Im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana, 266.

' The Admiral, ''having described the country at length and the condition
in which he was and where he had settled for the Catholic sovereigns and
sending them the specimen of gold which Guacanagari had given him and
that which Hojeda had brought, and informing them of all that he saw to be
needed, despatched the twelve ships before mentioned, placing in command
of them all Antonio de Torres, brother of the nurse of the prince Don Juan,
to whom he intrusted the gold and all his despatches. They made sail
the 2d of February, 1494.'' Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, II. 25-26.
Columbus's letter to Ferdinand and Isabella mentioned here has not been pre-
served. That part of it which related to future needs was apparently dupli-
cated in the " memorial " which he gave to Torres. This document is
given in English in Thacher, Christopher Columbus, II. 297-308, and Major,
Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, ed. 1870, pp. 72-107. See p. 73,
ibid., for a reference to letters of the Admiral no longer extant.

1493] DR. CHANCA ON THE SECOND VOYAGE 313

the sand of the rivers and small springs. It is thought, that
by digging, it will be found in greater pieces, for the Indians
neither know how to dig nor have the means of digging more
than a hand's depth. The other captain, who went to Niti,
returned also with news of a great quantity of gold in three
or four places ; of which he hkewise brought specimens.^

Thus, surely, their Highnesses the King and Queen may
henceforth regard themselves as the most prosperous and
wealthy sovereigns in the world; never yet, since the crea-
tion, has such a thing been seen or read of; for on the re-
turn of the ships from their next voyage, they will be able to
carry back such a quantity of gold as will fill with amaze-
ment all who hear of it. Here I think I shall do well to break
off my narrative. I think those who do not know me, who
hear these things, may consider me prolix, and a man who has
exaggerated somewhat, but God is my witness, that I have not
exceeded, by one tittle, the bounds of truth.^

* Alonso de Hojeda was sent to explore the region of Cibao with fifteen
men. He found Cibao to be fifteen or twenty leagues from Isabella. The
other exploring party was headed by Gines de Gorbalan. Further details
of these expeditions are given in the Syllacio-Coma letter. Thacher, Colum-
bus, II. 258-260. According to Coma, or his translator Syllacio, Cibao was
identified with the Sheba of the Bible. Columbus, on the other hand,
identified Cibao and Cipango. C/., e.g., Peter Martyr, De Rebus Oceanicis,
ed. 1574, p. 31.

^ " The preceding is the transcript of that part of Doctor Chanca's
letter, which refers to intelligence respecting the Indies. The remainder
of the letter does not bear upon the subject, but treats of private matters,
in which Doctor Chanca requests the interference and support of the Town
Council of Seville (of which city he was a native), in behalf of his family
and property, which he had left in the said city. This letter reached
Seville in the month of [March] in the year fourteen hundred and ninety-
three [four]." This note is no doubt from the hand of Friar Antonio de
Aspa, who formed the collection of papers in which Navarrete found
the text of Dr. Chanca's letter. The collection was made about the middle
of the sixteenth century. See Navarrete, II. 224. The returning fleet
arrived at Cadiz in March, 1494. Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Catolicos,
(ed. 1870), II. 37.

NARRATIVE OF THE THIRD VOYAGE OF

COLUMBUS AS CONTAINED IN LAS

CASAS'S HISTORY

INTRODUCTION

The narrative given here of the third voyage of Columbus
in which he discovered the mainland of South America is
taken from the Historia de las Indias of Las Casas. In pre-
paring his History Las Casas had the use of a larger body of
Columbus^s papers than has come down to us. Among these
papers was a journal of this third voyage which was incor-
porated in a condensed form by Las Casas in his History, just
as he did in the case of the journals of the first and second
voyages. This narrative is found in the second volume of the
Historia de las Indias, pp. 220-317. The translation is, as is
mentioned in the preface to this volume, that given in John
Boyd Thacher's Christopher Columbus,

In certain places the text differs slightly from that in the
printed edition of Las Casas, as Mr. Thacher followed the
critical text of Cesare de LoUis prepared for the Raccolta
Colomhiana by a collation of the manuscript in the Archives
at Madrid with the recently discovered autograph manuscript
of Las Casas. Mr. Thacher, following LoUis, omitted passages
that were obviously comments on the text by Las Casas.
These have been supplied either from Mr. Thacher's notes or
translated by the editor from the printed text. The editor
has gone over the whole translation and can testify to its
exceptional accuracy. A few slight changes have been made
in the wording for the sake of greater clearness or exactness.

Columbus described this voyage in a letter to Ferdinand and
Isabella. This letter is included in Major^s Select Letters of
Columbus and in P. L. Ford's Writings of Columbus. This

317

318 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS

letter is of great importance in the study of Columbus's geo-
graphical ideas. Other contemporary accounts of this voyage
are contained in Ferdinand Columbus's Histories the life of his
father, where the journal abridged by Las Casas is still further
condensed, in Peter Martyr's De Rebus OceaniciSy Dec. i.,
lib. VI., and in the letter of Simone Verde and the three
letters of Angelo Trivigiano which will be found in Harrisse,
Christophe Colomb, II. 95-98 and 119-123.

E. G. B.

NARRATIVE OF THE THIRD VOYAGE OF
COLUMBUS AS CONTAINED IN LAS
CASAS'S HISTORY

May so-August 31, 1498

He started then (our First Admiral)/ ''in the name of the
Most Holy Trinity'^ (as he says and as he was always ac-
customed to say) from the port of San Lucar de Barrameda,
Wednesday, May 30, 1498, with the intention of discovering
new land not yet discovered, with his six ships, ''greatly
fatigued,'' he says, "with my voyage, since as I was hoping
for some quietude, when I left the Indies, I experienced double
hardships/' they being the result of the labors, new obstacles
and difficulties with which he obtained the funds for his start-
ing upon the expedition and the annoyances in connection
therewith received from the royal officials and the hindrance
and the evil reports the people around about the Sovereigns
gave concerning the affairs in the Indies, wherefore it ap-
peared to him that what he already had done was not suffi-
cient but that he must renew his labors to gain new credit.
And because war had then broken out with France,' he had
news of a French fleet which was waiting for the Admiral
beyond the Cape of St. Vincent, to capture him. On this

* I.e., the first Admiral of the Ocean and the Indies where Las Casas was
when he was writing.

^ This clause is probably an explanatory remark by Las Casas. It is
misleading. The war in Naples growing out of the invasion of Italy by
Charles VIII. of France, in which Ferdinand had taken an active part against
the French, had been brought to a close so far as concerned France and
Spain by a truce in March, 1497. The treaty of peace was signed Awrust />,
1498.

310

320 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

account he decided to steal away as they say and make a
detour, directing his course straight to the island of Madeira.

He arrived at the island of Puerto Sancto, Thursday, June
7, where he stopped to take wood, water and supphes and to
hear mass, and he found all the island disturbed and all the
farms, goods and flocks guarded, fearing that the new-comers
might be French ; and then that night he left for the island of
Madeira and arrived there the following Sunday, June 10. He
was very well received in the town ^ and with much rejoicing,
because he was well known there, having been a citizen thereof
during some time.^ He remained there six days, providing
himself fully with water and wood and the other necessities
for his journey.

Saturday, June 16, he left the island of Madeira with his
six ships and arrived at the island of Gomera^ the following
Tuesday. At this island he found a French corsair with a
French vessel and two large ships which the corsair had taken
from the Castihans, and when the Frenchman saw the six
vessels of the Admiral he left his anchors and one vessel and
fled with the other vessel. The Admiral sent a ship after him
and when the six Spaniards who were being carried away on
the captured ship saw this ship coming to their aid, they
attacked six Frenchmen who were guarding them and by force
they placed them below decks and thus brought them back.

Here in the island of Gomera the Admiral determined to
send three ships directly to the island of Espanola, so that, if
he should be detained here, they might give news of him and
cheer and console the Christians with the supplies : and prin-
cipally that they might give joy to his brothers, the Adelan-

* Funchal.

^ This positive assertion that Columbus had lived in Funchal, Madeira,
has been overlooked by Vignaud and Harrisse. Vignaud, Etudes Critiques
sur la Vie de Colomh avant ses Decouvertes (Paris, 1905), p. 443, note 9, rejects
as unauthenticated the tradition that Columbus lived in Madeira, without
adequate grounds it seems to me. Diego Columbus told Las Casas in 1519
that he was born in the neighboring island of Puerto Santo and that his
father had hved there. Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, I. 54. This pas-
sage is not noted by Vignaud.

' One of the Canary Islands.

1498] LAS CASAS ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 321

tado ^ and Don Diego, who were very desirous of hearing from
him. He named Pedro de Arana, a native of Cordova, as
captain of one ship, — a very honorable and prudent man,
whom I knew very well, brother of the mother of Don Fer-
dinand Columbus,'^ the second son of the Admiral, and cousin
of that Arana who remained in the fortress with the 38 men
whom the Admiral on his return found dead. The other cap-
tain of the second ship was called Alonso Sanchez de Carvajal,
governor of the city of Bagea, an honorable gentleman. The
third captain for the remaining ship was Juan Antonio Co-
lumbo,^ a Genoese, a relation of the Admiral, a very capable
and prudent man and one of authority, with whom I had
frequent conversation.

He gave them suitable instructions, in which instructions
he ordered that, one week one captain, and another week an-
other, each by turns should be captain-general of all the ships,
as regarded the navigation and the placing of the night lantern,
which is a lighted lantern placed in the stern of the ship in
order that the other ships may know and follow where the
captain guides. He ordered them to go to the west, quarter
south-west,^ for 850 leagues and told them that then they
would arrive at the island of Dominica. From Dominica they
should go west-north-west and they would then reach the
island of Sant Juan,^ and it would be the southern part of it,
because that was the direct way to go to the New Isabella,*

* The Adelantado was Bartholomew Columbus. The title Adelantado was
given in Spain to the military and political governors of border provinces.
In this use it was transplanted to America in the earlier days. Cf. Moses,
The Establishment of Spanish Rule in America, pp. 68-69.

^ Beatrix Enriquez.

' This Juan Antonio Columbo seems to have been a first cousin of the
admiral. Cf. Markham, Christopher Columbus, pp. 2 and 187. It is to be
noted that he retained in Spain his family name and did not follow the
discoverer in changing his name to Colon. On this change of name, see
above, p. 77, note 2.

* I.e., west by south.

* Porto Rico.

* Founded in the summer of 1496 by Bartholomew Columbus in ac-
cordance with the directions of the Admiral to establish a new settlement
on the south side of the island. Las Casas, II. 136.

322 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

which now is Santo Domingo. Having passed the island of
Sant Juan, they should leave the island of Mona to the north
and from there they should make for the point of this Es-
panola/ which he called Sant Raphael, which now is the Cabo
del Engano, from there to Saona, which he says makes a good
harbor between it and this Espanola. Seven leagues farther
there is another island, which is called Santa Catherina, and
from there to the New Isabella, which is the port of Santo
Domingo, the distance is 25 leagues. And he told the captains
that wherever they should arrive and land they should pur-
chase all that they needed by barter and that for the little
they might give the Indians, although they might be the
canibales,^ who are said to eat human flesh, they would ob-
tain what they wished and the Indians would give them all
that they had ; and if they should undertake to procure things
by force, the Indians would conceal themselves and remain
hostile. He says further in the instructions that he was
going by the Cape Verde Islands (which he says were called
in ancient times Gorgodes ^ or according to others Hesperides)
and that he was going in the name of the Holy Trinity with
the intention of navigating to the south of these islands so as
to arrive below the equinoctial line and to follow the course
to the west until this island of Espanola should lie to the
northwest, to see if there are islands or lands. ^^Our Lord,''
he says, ^^ guides me and gives me things which may serve
Him and the King and Queen, our Lords, and which
may be for the honor of the Christians, for I beUeve that no

* "This Espanola/' so frequently repeated, is one of the indications that
Las Casas was writing in Espanola.

' Canihales, here used still as a tribal name equivalent to Caribbees.

' The correct form of this name is Gargades. Columbus's knowledge of
them was derived indirectly from Pliny's Natural History, book vi., ch.
XXXVII., through Cardinal d' Ailly's Imago Mundi. Cf. Columbus's marginal
note to ch. xxxxi. of that work: '^ De situ Gorgodum insule nunc de Capite
Viride vel Antonii dicitur." Raccolta Colombiana, parte I., vol. II., p. 395.
According to Pliny's location of them they were probably the Canaries.
Pliny's knowledge of the location of the Hesperides is naturally vague,
but his text would support their identification with the Cape Verde
Islands.

1498] LAS CASAS ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 323

one has ever gone this way and that this sea is entirely
unknown." ^ And here the Admiral finished his instruc-
tions.

Having then taken water and wood and other provisions,
especially cheese, of which there are many and good ones
there, the Admiral made sail with his six ships on Thursday,
June 21, towards the island of Hierro,^ which is distant from
Gomera about fifteen leagues, and of the seven Canaries is
the one farthest to the west. Passing it, the Admiral took
his course with one ship and two caravels for the islands of
Cape Verde, and dismissed the other three ships in the name
of the Holy Trinity ; and he says that he entreated the Holy
Trinity to care for him and for all of them ; and at the setting
of the sun they separated and the three ships took their course
for this island. Here the Admiral makes mention to the
Sovereigns of the agreement they had made with the King
of Portugal that the Portuguese should not go to the west-
ward of the Azores and Cape Verde Islands, and also mentions
how the Sovereigns sent for him that he should be present at
the meetings in regard to the partition,^ and that he could not
go on account of the grave illness which he had incurred in
the discovery of the mainland of the Indies, that is to say of
Cuba, which he always regarded as the mainland even until
the present time as he could not circumnavigate it. He adds
further that then occurred the death of Don Juan, before he
could carry out the matter.^

* In this Columbus was mistaken, although he had no means of knowing
it in 1498. Vasco da Gama had sailed in that sea the preceding summer.
Cf. Bourne, Spain in America, p. 72.

* Ferro.

' August 16, 1494, the sovereigns included in the letter despatched to
Columbus by Torres the essential articles of the Treaty of Tordesillas, signed
June 7, 1494, and asked him if he could not co-operate in locating the De-
marcation Line. Navarrete, Coleccion de Viages, II. 155; Harrisse, Diplo-
matic History of America, pp. 80-81.

* Columbus's illness began in September, 1494, and it was five months
before he was fully recovered. Ferdinand Columbus, Historic, ed. 1867,
p. 177. The death of Prince John took place October 4, 1497. No actual
scientific conference to locate the line took place till that at Badajoz in 1524.
See Bourne, Essays in Historical Criticism, pp. 205-211.

324 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

Then the Admiral continuing on his way arrived at the
Cape Verde Islands, which according to what he says, have a
false name, because he never saw anything green but all things
dry and sterile. The first thing he saw was the island of La
Sal, Wednesday, June 27: and it is a small island. From
there he went to another which is called Buenavista and is
very sterile, where he anchored in a bay, and near it is a very
small island. To this island come all the lepers of Portugal
to be cured and there are not more than six or seven houses
on it. The Admiral ordered the boats to go to land to provide
themselves with salt and flesh, because there are a great num-
ber of goats on the island. There came to the ships a steward ^
to whom that island belonged, named Roderigo Alonso, notary
public of the exchequer ^ of the King of Portugal, who offered
to the Admiral what there was on the island of which he might
be in need. The Admiral thanked him and ordered that he
should be given some supplies from Castile, which he enjoyed
very much.

Here he relates how the lepers came there to be cured be-
cause of the great abundance of turtles on that island, which
commonly are as large as shields. By eating the flesh and
constantly bathing in the blood of these turtles, the lepers
become cured. ^ The turtles in infinite number come there
three months in the year, June, July, and August, from the
mainland, which is Ethiopia,^ to lay eggs in the sand and with
the claws and legs they scratch places in the sand and spawn

* Mayordomo.

' Escribano de la hacienda. In 1497 Rodrigo Affonso, a member of the
king's council, was granted the northern of the two captaincies into which
Sao Thiago was divided and also the wild cattle on the island of Boavista
(Buenavista in Spanish). D'Avezac, lies de VAfrique (Paris, 1848), p. 218.
The word mayorciomo, translated "steward," here stands for the high Por-
tuguese title of honor Mordomo mdr da Casa Real, sl title in its origin similar
to the majores domus or mayors of the palace of the early French kings.
Escribano de la hacienda del Rey means rather the king's treasurer.

' This account of Boavista and its lepers is not noticed in the histories
of the Cape Verde Islands so far as I know.

* From Pliny's time through the Middle Ages the name Ethiopia embraced
all tropical Africa. He calls the Atlantic in the tropics the ''Ethiopian Sea."
Pliny's Natural History, book vi., chs. xxxv. and xxxvi.

1498] LAS CASAS ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 325

more than five hundred eggs, as large as those of a hen except
that they have not a hard shell but a tender membrane which
covers the yolk, like the membrane which covers the yolk of
the hen's egg after taking off the hard shell. They cover the
eggs in the sand as a person would do, and there the sun
hatches them, and the httle Uve turtles come out and then
run in search of the sea as if they had come out of it alive.
They take the turtles there in this manner: At night with
hghts which are torches of dry wood, they go searching for
the track of the turtle which is easily traced, and find the
turtle tired and sleeping. They come up quickly and turn it
over with the belly up and leave it, sure that it cannot turn
itself back, and go in search of another. And the Indians do
the same in the sea ; if they come upon one asleep and turn it
over it remains safe for them to take it whenever they wish.
The Indians, however, have another greater device for taking
them on the sea, which will be explained God wilhng when we
give a description of Cuba.^

The healthy persons on that island of Buenavista who lead
a laborious life were six or seven residents who have no water
except brackish water from wells and whose employment is to
kill the big goats and salt the skins and send them to Portugal
in the caravels which come there for them, of which in one
year they kill so many and send so many skins that they are
worth 2000 ducats to the notary pubUc, to whom the island
belonged. Such a great multitude of goats, male and female,
have been grown there, from only eight original head. Those
who live there neither eat bread nor drink wine during four
or five months, nor anything else except goat flesh or fish or
turtles. All this they told to the Admiral.

He left there Saturday, June 30, at night for the island of
Santiago, where he arrived on Sunday at the hour of vespers,
because it is distant 28 leagues : and this is the principal one
of the Cape Verde Islands. He wished to take from this island
a herd of black cattle in order to carry them to Espanola as

* A remark by Las Casas, of which many are interspersed with the material
from Columbus's Journal of this voyage.

326 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

the Sovereigns had ordered, and he was there eight days and
could not get them ; and because the island is very unhealthy
since men are burned with heat there and his people commenced
to fall ill, he decided to leave it. The Admiral says again
that he wishes to go to the south, because he intends with the
aid of the Most Holy Trinity, to find islands and lands, that
God may be served and their Highnesses and Christianity
may have pleasure, and that he wishes to see what was the
idea of King Don Juan of Portugal, who said that there was
mainland to the south: and because of this, he says that he
had a contention with the Sovereigns of Castile, and finally
the Admiral says that it was concluded that the King of
Portugal should have 370 leagues to the west from the islands
of the Azores ^ and Cape Verde, from north to south, from pole
to pole. And the Admiral says further that the said King
Don Juan was certain that within those Hmits famous lands
and things must be found. ^ Certain principal inhabitants of
the island of Santiago came to see them and they said that to
the south-west of the island of Huego, which is one of the
Cape Verde Islands distant 12 leagues from this, may be seen
an island, and that the King Don Juan was greatly inclined
to send to make discoveries to the south-west, and that
canoes had been found which start from the coast of Guinea
and navigate to the west with merchandise. Here the Admiral
says again as if he was speaking with the Sovereigns, — ^^He
that is Three and One guides me by His pity and mercy
that I may serve Him and give great pleasure to your
Highnesses and to all Christianity, as was done in the dis-
covery of the Indies which resounded throughout all the
world."

* The Tordesillas line was 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands
alone.

' This reason for the desire of King John of Portugal to have the Demar-
cation Line moved further west has escaped all the writers on the subject.
If Columbus reported the king's ideas correctly, we may have here a clew
to one of the reasons why Cabral went so far to the southwest in 1500 that
he discovered Brazil when on his voyage to India, and perhaps, also one of
the reasons why Vasco da Gama struck off so boldly into the South Atlantic.
C/. Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 72, 74.

1498] LAS CASAS ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 327

Wednesday, July 4, he ordered sail made from that island
in which he says that since he arrived there he never saw the
sun or the stars, but that the heavens were covered with
such a thick mist that it seemed they could cut it with a
knife and the heat was so very intense that they were tor-
mented, and he ordered the course laid to the way of the
south-west, which is the route leading from these islands to
the south, in the name, he says, of the Holy and Indivisible
Trinity, because then he would be on a parallel with the land
of the sierra of Loa ^ and cape of Sancta Ana in Guinea, which
is below the equinoctial line, where he says that below that
Une of the world are found more gold and things of value;
and that after, he would navigate, the Lord pleasing, to the
west, and from there would go to this Espanola, in which
route he would prove the theory of the King John aforesaid ;
and that he thought to investigate the report of the Indians
of this Espanola who said that there had come to Espanola
from the south and south-east, a black people who have the
tops of their spears made of a metal which they call guaniriy
of which he had sent samples to the Sovereigns to have them
assayed, when it was found that of 32 parts, 18 were of gold,
6 of silver and 8 of copper.

Following this course to the south-west he commenced to
find grasses like those encountered in the direct way to these
Indies; and the Admiral says here that after having gone
480 miles which make 120 leagues, that at nightfall he took
the latitude and found that the North Star was in five degrees.
Yet it seems to me that he must have gone more than 200
leagues, and that the text is in error because it is necessary
to traverse more than 200 leagues on that course from the
Cape Verde Islands and Santiago whence he started to put
a ship within five degrees of the equator, as any sailor will ob-
serve who will judge it by the map and by the latitude. And
he says that there, Friday, July 13, the wind deserted him
and he entered into heat so great and so ardent that he feared
the ships would take fire and the people perish. The ceasing

* Sierra Leone.

328 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

of the wind and coming of the excessive and consuming heat
was so unexpected and sudden that there was no person who
dared to descend below to care for the butts of wine and
water, which swelled, breaking the hoops of the casks; the
wheat burned like fire; the pork and salted meat roasted
and putrefied. This ardent heat lasted eight days. The
first day was clear with a sun which burned them. God sent
them less suffering because the seven following days it rained
and was clouded; however with all this, they could not find
any hope of saving themselves from perishing and from being
burned, and if the other seven days had been like the first,
clear and with the sun, the Admiral says here that it would
have been impossible for a man of them to have escaped ahve.
And thus they were divinely succored by the coming of some
showers and by the days being cloudy. He determined from
this, if God should give him wind in order to escape from this
suffering, to run to the west some days, and then if he found
himself in any moderation of temperature .to return to the
south, which was the way he desired to follow. ^^May our
Lord,'^ says he, ^' guide me and give me grace that I may
serve Him, and bring pleasing news to your Highnesses.'' He
says he remembered, being in this burning latitude, that when
he came to the Indies in the past voyages, always when he
reached 100 leagues toward the west from the Azores Islands
he found a change in the temperature from north to south,
and for this he wished to go to the west to reach the said
place.

The Admiral must have been on that same parallel or rather
meridian, on which Hanno the Carthaginian was with his
fleet, who departing from Cadiz and going out into the Ocean
to the left^ of Lybia or Ethiopia after thirty days' voyaging
toward the south, among other distresses that he suffered the
heat and fire were so intense that it seemed as if they were
roasting ; they heard such thundering and lightning that their
ears pained them and their eyes were blinded and it appeared
no otherwise than as if flames of fire fell from heaven. Amianus

* As one faces north.

1498] LAS CASAS ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 329

narrates this — a Greek historian, a follower of the truth, and
very famous — inthe History of India near the end, and Ludovico
Celio quotes it in Book i., ch. xxii., of the Lediones Antiguas,^
Returning to these days of toil : —

Saturday, which they counted July 14, the Guards ^ being
on the left hand, he says the North was in seven degrees : he
saw black and white jays,^ which are birds that do not go far
from land, and from this he considered it a sign of land. He
was sick at this point of the journey, from gout and from not
sleeping; but because of this he did not cease to watch and
work with great care and dihgence.

Sunday and Monday, they saw the same birds and more
swallows, and some fish appeared which they called botos^^
which are little smaller than great calves, and which have
the head very blunt. The Admiral says here incidentally that
the Azores Islands which in ancient times were called Case-
terides,^ were situated at the end of the fifth clime.^

Thursday, July 19, there was such intense and ardent heat
that they thought the men and ships would burn, but as our
Lord at sight of the affhctions which He gives is accustomed

* On Hanno's voyage see Encyclopcedia Britannica under his name. There
was no Greek historian Amianus ; the name should be Arrianus, who wrote
the history of Alexander the Great's expedition to India and a history of
India. The reference is to the latter work, ch. xliii., sects. 11, 12.

Ludovico Celio: Ludovico Ricchieri, born about 1450. He was for a
time a professor in the Academy at Milan. He took the Latin name
Rhodiginus from his birthplace Rovigo, and sometimes his name appears
in full as Ludovicus Coelius Richerius Rhodiginus. His Antiquarum Lec-
tionum Lihri XVI. was published at Venice in 1516, at Paris in 1517, and
in an extended form at Basel, 1542. It is a collection of passages from
the classical authors relating to all branches of knowledge, with a critical
commentary.

2 The Guards, " the two brightest stars in Ursa Minor." (Tolhausen.)
' Grajos. The meaning given in the dictionaries for grajo is ''daw."

* This word, as a name of a fish, is Portuguese. It means ''blunted."

^ See PUny, Natural History, book iv., ch. xxxvi. The Cassiterides are
commonly identified with the Scilly Islands.

^ The fifth clime or climate is a term in Ptolemy's geographical system.
The fifth climate was a strip 255 Roman miles in width lying between 41 °
and 45° north latitude. Cf. Raccolta Columbiana, Parte I., Tomo 2, p. 293.
The latitude of the Azores is about 37°-40°.

330 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

by interfering to the contrary to alleviate them, He succored
him by His mercy at the end of seven or eight days, giving
him very good weather to get away from that fire; with
which good weather he navigated towards the west 17
days, always intending to return to the south, and place him-
self, as above said, in such a region, that this Espanola should
be to the north or septentrioii, where he thought he must find
land before or beyond the said place: and thus he intended
to repair the ships which were already opening from the past
heat, and the supplies, of which he had a large quantity, be-
cause of the necessity of taking them to this island and the
great difficulty in getting them from Castile, and which were
becoming worthless and damaged.

Sunday, July 22, in the afternoon, as they were going with
good weather, they saw innumerable birds pass from the west-
south-west to the north-east : he says that they were a great
sign of land. They saw the same the Monday following and
the days after, on one of which days a pelican came to the
ship of the Admiral, and many others appeared another day,
and there were other birds which are called ^^ frigate pelicans." ^

On the seventeenth day of the good weather which they
were experiencing, the Admiral was hoping to see land, be-
cause of the said signs of the birds, and as he did not see it
Monday, or the next day, Tuesday, July 31, as they lacked
water, he decided to change his route, and this was to the west,
and to go to the right, and make for the island of Dominica,
or some of the islands of the Canibales, which to-day are called
the Caribes, and thus he ordered the course to the north,
quarter north-east, and went that way until midday. ^^But
as His Divine Majesty," he says, '^has always used mercy
with me, a sailor from Guelva,^ my servant, who was called
Alonso Perez, by chance and conjecture ascended to the
round top and saw land to the west, and he was 15 leagues
from it, and that part which appeared were three rocks or

^ The names are alcatraz and rahihorcado. See above, note to Journal of
First Voyage, p. 98, note 1, and p. 103, note 1.
^ Huelva, near Palos.

1498] LAS CASAS ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 331

mountains." These are his words. He named this land ^^The
Island of the Trinity/' ^ because he had determined that the
first land he discovered should be named thus. '^ And it pleased
our Lord," he says, '^by His Exalted Majesty, that the first
lands seen were three rocks all united at the base, I say three
mountains, all at one time and in one glance." ^^His High
Power by His pity guides me," he says, ^^in such a manner,
that He may have much service, and your Highnesses much
pleasure: as it is certain that the discovery of this land in
this place was as great a miracle as the discovery of the first
voyage." These are his words. He gave infinite thanks to
God as was his custom, and all praised the divine goodness,
and with great rejoicings and merriment the Salve Regina^
was sung with other devout songs which contain praises of
God and our Lady, according to the custom of sailors, at least
our sailors of Spain, who in tribulations and rejoicings are
accustomed to say them.

Here he makes a digression and recapitulation of the services
he has rendered the Sovereigns, and of the will he always had
keen to serve them, '^not as false tongues," says he, ^^and as
false witnesses from envy said." ^ And surely, I believe
that such as these God took for instruments to chasten him
because he loved him since many without cause and without
object maligned him and disturbed these efforts, and brought
it about that the Sovereigns grew lukewarm and wearied of
expense and of keeping up their attachment and expectation
that these Indies were likely to be of profit, at least that it
should be more than the expenses with increase that came to
them. He repeats a mention of the heat he suffered, and how
they were nevertheless now going by the same parallel, except
they had drawn near to the land when he ordered the course
directed to the west, because the land emits coolness from its

' Trinidad.

^ Salve Regina, one of the great hymns to the Virgin in the Catholic
service. "The antiphon said after Lauds and CompHne from Trinity
Sunday to Advent.'' Addis and Arnold, Catholic Dictionary.

^ I.e., that his will was not to serve the sovereigns but to advance himself.

332 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

fountains and rivers, and by its waters causes moderation and
softness; and because of this he says the Portuguese who go
to Guinea which is below the equinoctial hne are able to navi-
gate because they go along the coast. He says further, that
now he was in the same parallel from which the King of
Portugal brought gold, from which he beheved that whoever
would search those seas would find things of value. He con-
fesses here that there is no man in the world for whom God
has shown so much grace, and entreats Him that He will furnish
something from which their Highnesses and Christianity may
receive great pleasure; and he says that, although he should
not find any other thing of benefit except these beautiful
lands, which are so green and full of groves and palms, that
they are superior to the gardens of Valencia in May, they
would deserve to be highly valued. And in this he speaks
the truth and later on he will place a still higher value on it
with much reason. He says that it is a miraculous thing that
the Sovereigns of Castile should have lands so near the equinoc-
tial as 6 degrees, Ysabela being distant from the said hne 24
degrees.

Having seen the land then to the great consolation of all,
he left the course which he desired to follow in search of some
of the islands of the Canibales in order to provide himself with
water, of which he was greatly in need, and made a short ex-
cursion towards the land which he had seen, towards a cape
which appeared to be to the west, which he called ^Tabo de
la Galera,'' ^ from a great rock which it had, which from a dis-
tance appeared like a galley saihng. They arrived there at
the hour of compline.^ They saw a good harbor but it was
not deep, and the Admiral regretted that they could not enter
it. He pursued his course to the point he had seen, which
was seven leagues toward the south. He did not find a har-
bor. On all the coast he found that the groves reached to
the sea, the most beautiful coast that eyes ever saw. He says
that this island must be large ; a canoe appeared at a distance

* Cape of the Galley. To-day, Cape Galeota.

' The last of the canonical hours of prayer, after sunset or early evening.

1498J LAS CASAS ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 333

filled with people who must have been fishing, and made
towards the land to some houses which appeared there. The
land was very cultivated and high and beautiful.

Wednesday, August 1, he ran down the coast toward the
west, five leagues, and arrived at a point, where he anchored
with all three ships, and took water from fountains and
streams. They found signs of people, instruments for fishing,
signs of goats, but they were only of deer of which there are
many in those lands. He says that they found aloes and
great groves of palms, and very beautiful lands: ^^for which
infinite thanks may be given to the Holy Trinity.'' These are
his words. He saw much tilled land along the coast and
many settlements. He saw from there towards the south, an-
other island, which is distant more than 20 leagues. (And he
might well say five hundred since this is the mainland which,
as he saw a part of it, seemed to him to be an island); to
this he gave the name of ^^Ysla Sancta.'' He says here that
he would not take any Indians in order not to disturb the land.
From the Cape of Galera to the point where he took the water,
which I beUeved he named '^Punta de la Playa,'' he says
that having been a great way, and running east-west (he
should say that he went from east to west) there was no port
in all that way, but the land was well populated and tilled,
and with many trees and thick groves, the most beautiful
thing in the world, the trees reaching to the sea. Here it
may be remarked that when the trees of the country grow
down to the water's edge it indicates that such a coast is not
exposed to high seas, because when the coast is so exposed
trees do not grow down to the water, but there is an open
sandy shore. The current, surgente, which is that which comes
down, and the montante, which is that which ascends from
below, he says appear to be great. The island which hes to
the south he says is very large, because he was already go-
ing along with the mainland in sight although he did not
think so, but that it was an island.

He says that he came to search for a harbor along the island
of Trinidad, Thursday, August 2, and arrived at the cape of

334 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

the island of Trinidad, which is a point, to which he gave the
name '^Punta del Arenal/' ^ which is to the west: so that
he had in a sense already entered in the gulf which he called
'^de la Ballena," ^ where he underwent great danger of losing
his ships, and he as yet did not know that he was becoming
encircled by land as will be seen. This gulf is a wonderful
thing and dangerous on account of the very great river that
flows into it which is called the Yuyapari,^ the last syllable
long. It comes from more than 300 and I believe more than
400 leagues, and it has been traversed for 300 leagues up
(Stream partly with a skip, partly with brigantines and partly
with large canoes. And since the force of the water is very
great at all times and particularly so in this season of July
and August in which the Admiral was there, which is the
season of high water as in Castile in October and November,
and since it wants naturally to get to the sea, and the sea
with its great mass under the same natural impulse wants to
break upon the land, and since this gulf is enclosed by the
mainland on one side and on the other by the island of Trinidad,
and since it is very narrow for such a violent force of contrary
waters, it must needs be that when they meet a terrific struggle
takes place and a conflict most perilous for those that find
themselves in that place.

He says here that the island of Trinidad is large, because
from the Cape of Galera to the Point of Arenal, where he was
at the present time, he says it is 35 leagues. I say that it
is more than 45, as he that desires may see by the charts,
although now those names are not written on the charts as
they have been forgotten, and to understand the matter they
must consider the course the Admiral pursued until he arrived
there, and at what point he first saw land, and from there
where he went till he stopped, and in that way, one will find
out what he called the Cape of Galera and what the Point

* Sandy Point.

' Of the whale.

' One of the native names of the Orinoco, here referring to one of the
northern branch mouths. A detailed map of the region is given in
Winsor's Columbus, p. 35S.

1498] LAS CASAS ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 335

of Arenal. It is not a matter of surprise that the Admiral did
not make an accurate estimate of the leagues of the island
because he went along it piece by piece.

He ordered tha^his people should land on this Point of
Arenal, the end of ™e island toward the west, to enjoy them-
selves and obtain recreation, because they had become wearied
and fatigued; who found the land very much trampled by
deer, although they believed they were goats. This Thursday,
August 2, a large canoe came from towards the east, in which
came twenty-five men, and having arrived at the distance of a
lombard shot, they ceased to row, and cried out many words.
The Admiral believed, and I also believe, that they were ask-
ing what people they were, as the others of the Indies were
accustomed to do, to which they did not respond in words,
but by showing them certain small boxes of brass and other
shining things, in order that they should come to the ship,
coaxing them with motions of the body and signs. They ap-
proached somewhat, and afterwards became terrified by the
ship; and as they would not approach, the Admiral ordered
a tambourine player to come up to the poop deck of the ship
and that the young boys of the ship should dance, thinking
to please them. But they did not understand it thus, but
rather, as they saw dancing and playing, taking it for a signal
of war, they distrusted them. They left all their oars and
laid hold of their bows and arrows ; and each one embracing
his wooden shield, they commenced to shoot a great cloud of
arrows. Having seen this, the Admiral ordered the playing
and dancing to cease, and that some cross-bows should be
drawn on deck and two of them shot off at them, nothing
more than to frighten them. The Indians then, having shot
the arrows, went to one of the two caravels, and suddenly,
without fear, placed themselves below the poop, and the pilot
of the caravel, also without any fear, glided down from the
poop and entered with them in the canoe with some things
which he gave them; and when he was with them he gave
a smock frock and a bonnet to one of them who appeared to
be the principal man. They took them and as if in gratitude

336 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

for what had been given them, by signs said to him that he
should go to land with them, and there they would give him
what they had. He accepted and they went away to land.
The pilot entered the boat and went to-^^ permission of the
Admiral on the ship, and when they sdhpthat he did not go
directly with him, they did not expect him longer, and so they
went away and neither the Admiral nor any other ever saw
them more. From the sudden change in their bearing be-
cause of the playing on the tambourine and the dancing, it
appears that this must be considered among them a sign of
hostihty.

A servant of the Admiral, called Bernaldo de Ibarro, who
was on this voyage with him, told me and gave it to me in
writing and I have this writing in my possession to-day, that
a cacique came to the ship of the Admiral and was wearing
upon his head a diadem of gold ; and he went to the Admiral
who was wearing a scarlet cap and greeted him and kissed
his own diadem, and with the other hand he removed the cap
of the Admiral and placed upon him the diadem, and he him-
self put upon his own head the scarlet cap, appearing very
content and pleased.

The Admiral says here that these were all youths and very
well shaped and adorned, although I do not beheve they wore
much silk or brocade, with which, also, I believe the Spaniards
and the Admiral might be more pleased; but they came
armed with bows and arrows and wooden shields. They were
not as short as others he had seen in the Indies and they
were whiter, and of very good movements and handsome
bodies, the hair long and smooth and cut in the manner of
Castile. They had the head tied with a large handkerchief
of cotton, symmetrically woven in colors, which the Admiral
believed to be the almaigar;^ he says that others had this
cloth around them, and they covered themselves with it in

* "A sort of veil, or head attire used by the Moorish women, made of
thin silk, striped of several colors, and shagged at the ends, which hangs
down on the back." John Stevens, A New Dictionary, Spanish and English,
etc. (London. 1726.^

1498] LAS CASAS ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 337

place of trousers. He says that they are not black although
they are near the equinoctial/ but of an Indian color hke
all the others he has found. They are of very fine stature,
go naked, are warhke, wear the hair very long like the women
in Castile, carry bows and arrows with plumes, and at the end
of the arrows a sharp bone with a point like a fish-hook, and
they carry wooden shields, which he had not seen before;
and according to the signs and gestures which they made, he
says he could understand from them that they believed the
Admiral came from the south, from which he judged that there
must be great lands toward the south, and he said well since
the mainland is so large that it occupies a large part of the
south.

The temperature of this land, he says, is very high, and ac-
cording to him this causes the color of the people, and the
hair which is all flowing, and the very thick groves which
abound everywhere. He says it must be beheved that when
once the boundary is passed, 100 leagues to the west of the
Azores, that many times he has said that there is a change
in the sky and the sea and the temperature, ^^and this,^^ he
says, '*is manifest, '' because here where he was, so near to
the equinoctial line, each morning, he says, it was cool and
the sun was in Leo. What he says is very true, since I who
write this have been there and required a robe nights and
mornings especially at Navidad.^

The waters were running toward the west with a current
stronger than the river of Seville ; the water of the sea rose
and fell 65 paces and more, as in Barrameda so that they are
able to beach carracks;^ he says that the current flows very

^ The exploration of the west coast of Africa, the only equatorial regions
then known to Europeans, had led to the conclusion that black was the
natural color of the inhabitants of the tropics.

^ The Navidad referred to by Las Casas was near the Gulf of Paria.
(Thacher.)

' Poner d monte carracas. Poner d monte is not given in the Spanish dic-
tionaries, and is apparently a sea phrase identical with the Portuguese "por
um navio a monte," to beach or ground a vessel. The translator went
entirely astray in this passage. See Thacher's Columbus, II. 388. The
figure here given and the use of word 'pasos, normally, a land measure of

338 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

strongly going between these two islands, Trinidad and that
one which he called Sancta, and the land which afterwards
and farther on he called Isla de Gracia. And he calls the
mainland an island, since he was already between the two
which are two leagues apart which [i.e., the channel] is like
a river as it appears on the map. They found fruits ^ like
those of this Espanola, and the trees and the soil, and the
temperature of the sky. In this Espanola they found few
fruits native to the soil. The temperature of that country is
much higher than it is in this Espanola, except in the mines of
Cibao and in some other districts, as has been said above.

They found hostias or oysters, very large, infinite fish,
parrots as large as hens, he says. In this land and in all the
mainland the parrots are larger than any of those in these
islands and are green, the color being very light, but those of
the islands are of a green somewhat darker. Those of the
mainland have the yellow with spots and the upper part of
the wings with reddish spots, and some are of yellow plumage ;
those of the islands have no yellow, the neck being red with
spots. The parrots of Espanola have a httle white over the
back; those of Cuba have that part red and they are very
pretty. Those of the island of San Juan I believe are similar
to those of this island [Espanola] and I have not observed
this feature in those of Jamaica. Finally it appears that
those of each island are somewhat different. In this main-
land where the Admiral is now, there is a species of parrots
which I believe are found nowhere else, very large, not much

length, instead of braza, " fathom, " would seem to indicate that the 65
paces refers to the extent of shore laid bare, and not to the height of the
tide. The corresponding passage in the Historie reads : " so that it seemed
a rapid river both day and night and at all hours, notwithstanding the
fact that the water rose and fell along the shore (per la spiaggia) more
than sixty paces between the waves (alle marette) as it is wont to do in
San Lucar di Barrameda where the waters [of the river] are high since
although the water rises and falls it never ceases to run toward the
sea," Historie (London ed.), p- 229. In this passage maree, " tides," should
be read instead of marette.

^ Accepting the emendation of de LoUis which substitutes fructas for
JuenteSf '' springs."

U98J LAS CASAS ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 339

smaller than hens, reddish with blue and black feathers in the
wings. These never speak nor are attractive except in ap-
pearance. They are called by the Indians guacamayas. It is
marvellous how all the other kinds can speak except the small-
est, which are called xaxaues.

Being at this Point of Arenal, which is the end of the
island of Trinidad, they saw toward the north, quarter north-
east,^ a distance of 15 leagues, a cape or point of the same
mainland, and this is that which is called Paria. The Admiral
believing that it was another distinct island named it ^'Isla
de Gracia^': which island he says goes to the west [Oeste]
which is the west [poniente], and that it is a very high land.
And he says truly, for through all that land run great chains
of very high moimtains.

Saturday, August 4, he determined to go to the said island
of Gracia and raised the anchors and made sail from the said
Point of Arenal, where he was anchored; and because that
strait by which he entered into the Gulf of Ballena was not
more than two leagues wide between Trinidad on one side and
the mainland on the other, the fresh water came out very
swiftly. There came from the direction of the Arenal, on the
island of Trinidad, such a great current from the south, like a
mighty flood (and it was because of the great force of the river
Yuyapari which is toward the south and which he had not yet
seen), with such great thundering and noise, that all were
frightened and did not think to escape from it, and when the
water of the sea withstood it, coming in opposition, the sea
was raised making a great and very high swelP of water which
raised the ship and placed it on top of the swell, a thing which
was never heard of nor seen, and raised the anchors of the
other ship which must have been already cast and forced it
toward the sea, and the Admiral made sail to get away from
the said slope. '^It pleased God not to injure us,^^ says the
Admiral here, and when he wrote this thing to the Sovereigns
he said, ^^even to-day I feel the fear in my body which I felt

* /.e., north by east. ' Loma,

340 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

lest it should upset the ship when it came under her." ^ For
this great danger, he named the mouth ''Boca de la Sierpe." ^
Having reached that land which he saw in that direction
and beheved was an island, he saw near that cape two small
islands in the middle of another channel which is made by that
cape which he called Cabo de Lapa and another cape of the
Trinidad which he called Cabo Boto, because of being thick
and blunt, — the one island he named El Caracol, the other El
Delfin.^ It is only five leagues in this strait between the Point
of Paria and Cape Boto of Trinidad, and the said islands are
in the middle of the strait. The impetus of the great river
Yuyapari and the tempestuous waves of the sea make the
entrance and exit by this strait greatly dangerous, and because
the Admiral experienced this difficulty and also danger, he
called that difficult entrance Boca del Drago^ and thus it is
called to this day. He went along the coast of the mainland
of Paria,^ which he believed to be an island, and named it
Isla de Gracia, towards the west in search of a harbor. From
the point of the Arenal, which is one cape of Trinidad as has
been said, and is towards the south, as far as the other Cape
Boto, which is of the same island and is towards the sea, the
Admiral says it is 26 large leagues, and this part appears to be
the width of the island, and these two said capes are north
and south. There were great currents, the one against the
other; there came many showers as it was the rainy season,
as aforesaid. The Isla de Gracia is, as has been said, mainland.
The Admiral says that it is a very high land and all full of
trees which reach to the sea; this is because the gulf being
surrounded by land, there is no surf and no waves which break
on the land as where the shores are uncovered. He says that,
being at the point or end of it, he saw an island of very high

^ Las Casas here quotes Columbus's letter to Ferdinand and Isabella on
this voyage. See Major, Select Letters of Columbus, p. 123.

' Serpent's mouth. The name is still retained.

' Lapa means barnacle ; caracol, periwinkle ; and delfin, dolphin.

* Dragon's mouth. The name is still retained.

^ Le., along the south shore of the peninsula of Paria in the Gulf of
Paria.

1498] LAS CASAS ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 341

land to the north-east, which might be 26 leagues from there.
He named it '^Belaforma/^ because it must have looked very
well from a distance, yet all this is the mainland, which, as
the ships changed their position from one side to the other
within the gulf enclosed by land, some inlets appeared as if
they separated lands which might be detached, and these the
Admiral called islands; for such was his opinion.^

He navigated Sunday, August 5, five leagues from the point
of the Cape of Lapa, which is the eastern end of the island of
Gracia. He saw very good harbors adjacent to each other,
and almost all this sea he says is a harbor, because it is sur-
rounded by islands and there are no waves. He called the parts
of the mainland which disclosed themselves to him ^^ islands,''
but there are only the island of Trinidad and the mainland,
which inclose the gulf which he now calls the sea. He sent
the boats to land and found fish and fire, and traces of people,
and a great house visible to the view. From there he went
eight leagues where he found good harbors. This part of this
island of Gracia he says is very high land, and there are many
valleys, and '^all must be populated,'' says he, because he
saw it all cultivated. There are many rivers because each
valley has its own from league to league; they found many
fruits, and grapes like [our] grapes and of good taste, and
myrobolans ^ very good, and others like apples, and others,
he says, like oranges, and the inside is like figs. They found
numberless monkeys.^ The waters, he says, are the best that
they saw. ^'This island," he says, '^is all full of harbors,
this sea is fresh, although not wholly so, but brackish like that
of Carthagena"; farther down he says that it is fresh like the
river of Seville, and this was caused when it encountered some
current of water from the sea, which made that of the river
ealty.

^ The grammatical form of this sentence follows the original, which is
irregular.

2 See p. 311, note 2.

' Gatos paules (Cat-Pauls) . A species of African monkey was so called
in Spain. The name occurs in Marco Polo. On its history and meaning,
see Yule's Marco Polo, II. 372.

342 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

He sailed to a small port Monday, August 6, five leagues,
from whence he went out and saw people, and then a canoe
with four men came to the caravel which was nearest the land,
and the pilot called the Indians as if he wished to go to land
with them, and in drawing near and entering he submerged
the canoe, and they commenced swimming; he caught them
and brought them to the Admiral. He says that they are of
the color of all the others of the Indies. They wear the hair
(some of them) very long, others as with us ; none of them have
the hair cut as in Espanola and in the other lands. They
are of very fine stature and all well grown; they have the
genital member tied and covered, and the women all go naked
as their mothers gave them birth. This is what the Admiral
says, but I have been, as I said above, within 30 leagues of
this land yet I never saw women that did not have their pri-
vate parts, at least, covered.^ The Admiral must have meant
that they went as their mothers bore them as to the rest of
the body.

^^To these Indians,'' says the Admiral, ''as soon as they
were here, I gave hawks' bells and beads and sugar, and sent
them to land, where there was a great battle among them, and
after they knew the good treatment, all wished to come to
the ships. Those who had canoes came and they were many,
and to all we gave a good welcome and held friendly conver-
sation with them, giving them the things which pleased them."
The Admiral asked them questions and they replied, but they
did not understand each other. They brought them bread
and water and some beverage like new wine; they are very
much adorned with bows and arrows and wooden shields,
and they almost all carry arrows poisoned.

Tuesday, August 7, there came an infinite number of Ind-
ians by land and by sea and all brought with them bread and
maize and things to eat and pitchers of beverages, some white,
hke milk, tasting like wine, some green, and some of different
colors; he beheves that all are made from fruits. Most or

* Im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana, p. 193, says, " Indians after
babyhood are never seen perfectly naked."

1498] LAS CASAS ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 343

all of it is made from maize but as the maize itself is white
or violet and reddish, it causes the wine to be of different colors.
I do not know of what the green wine is made. They all
brought their bows and poisoned arrows, very pointed ; ^
they gave nothing for beads, but would give as much as they
had for hawks ^ bells, and asked nothing else. They gave a
great deal for brass. It is certain that they hold this in high
estimation and they gave in this Espaiiola for a little brass
as much gold as any one would ask, and I beheve that in the
beginning it was always thus in all these Indies. They
called it turey as if it came from Heaven because they called
Heaven hureyo,^ They find in it I do not know what odor,
but one which is agreeable to them. Here the Admiral says
whatever they gave them from Castile they smelled it as soon
as it was given them. They brought parrots of two or three
kinds, especially the very large ones hke those in the island of
Guadeloupe, he says, with the large tail. They brought
handkerchiefs of cotton very symmetrically woven and worked
in colors hke those brought from Guinea, from the rivers of
the Sierra Leona and of no difference, and he says that they
cannot communicate with the latter, because from where he
now is to Guinea the distance is more than 800 leagues ; below
he says that these handkerchiefs resemble almayzars? He
desired, he says, to take a half-dozen Indians, in order to carry
them with him, and says that he could not take them because
they all went away from the ships before nightfall.

But Wednesday, August 8, a canoe came with 12 men to
the caravel and they took them all, and brought them to the
ship of the Admiral, and from them he chose six and sent the
others to land. From this it appears that the Admiral did it

^ Flechas con hierha muy d punto, literally, arrows with grass very sharp.
Gaffarel, Histoire de la Decouverte de VAmerique, II. 196, interprets this to
mean arrows feathered with grass; but hierha used in connection with
arrows usually means poison. Cf. Oviedo, lib. ix., title of cap. xii., " Del
drbol 6 man(^anillo con cuya fructa los indios caribes flecheros hagen la
hierha con que tiran e pelean."

^ Hureyos is Tureyosinih^ printed edition of Las Casas, an obvious correc-
tion of the manuscript reading. On turey, see above, p. 310.

^ See above, p. 336, note 1.

344 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

without scruple as he did many other times in the first navi-
gation, it not appearing to him that it was an injustice and an
offence against God and his neighbor to take free men against
their will, separating fathers from their sons and wives from
their husbands and [not reflecting] that according to natural
law they were married, and that other men could not take
these women, or those men other women, without sin and
perhaps a mortal sin of which the Admiral was the efficient
cause — and there was the further circumstance that these
people came to the ships under tacit security and promised
confidence which should have been observed toward them;
and bevond this, the scandal and the hatred of the Christians
not only there, but in all the earth and among the peoples
that should hear of this.

He made sail then towards a point which he calls ^^de
TAguja," ^ he does not say when he gave it this name, and
from there he says that he discovered the most beautiful
lands that have been seen and the most populated, and ar-
riving at one place which for its beauty he called Jardines,^
where there were an infinite number of houses and people,
and those whom he had taken told him there were people
who were clothed, for which reason he decided to anchor, and
infinite canoes came to the ships. These are his words. Each
one, he says, wore his cloth so woven in colors, that it appeared
an almayzar, with one tied on the head and the other cover-
ing the rest, as has been already explained. Of these people
who now came to the ships, some he says wore gold leaf ^ on
the breast, and one of the Indians he had taken told him there
was much gold there, and that they made large mirrors of it,
and they showed how they gathered it. He says mirrors,
wherefore the Admiral must have given some mirrors and the
Indian must have said by signs that of the gold they made
those things, for they did not understand the language. He
says that, as he was going hastily along there, because he was

^ Needle. Alcatrazes, to-day. (Navarrete.) ' Gardens.
' Ojas de oro. The translator took ojas (hojas) for ojos and rendered
it " eyes of gold." See Thacher, Columbus, II. 393.

1498] LAS CASAS ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 345

losing the supplies which it had cost him so much labor to
obtain, and this island Espanola is more than 300 leagues
from there, he did not tarry, which he would have wished very
much in order to discover much more land, and says that it
is all full of very beautiful islands, much populated, and very
high lands and valleys and plains, and all are very large.
The people are much more politic than those of Espanola
and warlike, and there are handsome houses. If the Admiral
had seen the kingdom of Xaragua as did his brother the
Adelantado and the court of the King Behechio ^ he would not
have made so absolute a statement.

Arriving at the point of Aguja, he says that he saw another
island to the south 15 leagues which ran south-east and
north-west, very large, and very high land, and he called it
Sabeta, and in the afternoon he saw another to the west, very
high land. All these islands I understand to be pieces of the
mainland which by reason of the inlets and valleys that sepa-
rate them seem to be distinct islands notwithstanding that he
went clear inside the gulf which he called Ballena enclosed as
is said by land ; and this seems clear since when one is, as he
was, within the said gulf no land bears off to the south, except
the mainland ; next, the islands which he mentioned were not
islands but pieces of the mainland which he judged to be
islands.

He anchored at the place he had named the Jardines, and
then there came an infinite number of canoes, large and small,
full of people, according to what he says. Afterwards in the
afternoon there came more from all the territory, many of
whom wore at the neck pieces of gold of the size of horseshoes.
It appeared that they had a great deal of it : but they gave it
all for hawks ^ bells and he did not take it. And this is strange
that a man as provident as the Admiral and desiring to make
discoveries should not have seized this opportunity for trad-
ing, as he did on his first voyage. Yet he had some specimens
from them and it was of very poor quality so that it appeared
plated. They said, as well as he could understand by signs,

* Le., in Espanola.

346 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

that there were some islands there where there was much of
that gold, but that the people were canibales, and the Admiral
says here that this word ^'Canibales'' every one there held
as a cause for enmity, or perhaps they said so because they
did not wish the Christians to go yonder, but that they should
remain there all their hfe. The Christians saw one Indian
with a grain of gold as large as an apple.

Another time there came an infinite number of canoes
loaded with people, and all wore gold and necklaces, and
beads of infinite kinds, and had handkerchiefs tied on their
heads as they had hair well cut, and they appeared very well.
It rained a great deal, and for this reason the people ceased
to go and come. Some women came who wore on the arms
strings . of beads, and mingled with them were pearls or
aljofars,^ very fine, not like the colored ones which were
found on the islands of Babueca; they traded for some of
them, and he says that he would send them to their High-
nesses.

I never knew of these pearls that were found in the islands
of Babueca, which are near Puerto de Plata, in this Espanola ;
and these besides are low under the water and not islands, and
they are very dangerous to ships that pass that way if they
are not aware of them ; and so they have the name Abre el Ojo.^

The Admiral asked the Indians where they found them or
fished them, and they showed him some mother-of-pearl
where they are formed; and they replied to him by very
clear signs, that they grow and are gathered towards the west,
behind that island, which was the Cape of Lapa, the Point
of Paria and mainland, which he believed to be an island,
but it was the mainland. He sent the boats to land to know
if there was any new thing which he had not seen, and they
found the people so tractable, says the Admiral, that, ^^ although
the sailors did not go intending to land, there came two prin-
cipal persons with all the village, who induced them to descend
and who took them to a large house, built near two streams

* Irregularly shaped pearls, seed pearls.
' "Keep your eyes open."

1498] LAS CASAS ON THE THIKD VOYAGE 347

and not round, like a camp-tent, in the manner of the houses
of the islands, where they received them very well and made
them a feast and gave them a collation, bread and fruit of
many kinds ; and the drink was a white beverage which had a
great value, which every one brought there, at this time,
and some of it is tinted and better than the other, as the wine
with us. The men were all together at one end of the house
and the women at the other. Having taken the collation at
the house of the older man, the younger conducted them to
the other house, where they went through the same function.
It appeared that one must be the cacique and lord, and the
other must be his son. Afterwards the sailors returned to
the boats and with them went back to the ships, very pleased
with this people.^' These are all the words of the Admiral.
He says further: ^^They are of very handsome stature, and
all uniformly large," and whiter than any other he had seen in
these Indies, and that yesterday he saw many as white as we
are, and with better hair and well cut, and of very good speech.
'^No lands in the world can be more green and beautiful or
more populated ; moreover the temperature since I have been
in this island," says he, ^^is, I say, cool enough each morning
for a hned gown, although it is so near the equinoctial line;
the sea is however fresh. They called the island Paria." All
are the words of the Admiral. He called the mainland an
island, however, because so he believed it to be.

Friday, August 10, he ordered sail to be made and went
to the west of that which he thought to be an island, and
travelled five leagues and anchored. For fear of not finding
bottom, he went to search for an opening [mouth] by which
to get out of that gulf, within which he was going, encircled
by mainland and islands, although he did not believe it to be
mainland, and he says it is certain that that was an island,
because the Indians said thus, and thus it appean/he did not
understand them. From there he saw another island facing
the south, which he called Ysabeta,^ which extends from the
south-east to north-west, afterwards another which he called

* Isabela in the printed text.

348 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

La Tramontana/ a high land and very beautiful, and it seemed
that it ran from north to south. It appeared very large.
This was the mainland. The Indians whom he had taken
said — according to what he understood — that the people
there were Canihales and that yonder was where the gold was
found and that the pearls which they had given the Admiral
they had sought and found on the northern part of Paria toward
the west. The water of that sea he says was as fresh as that
of the river of Seville and in the same manner muddy. He
would have wished to go to those islands except for turning
backward because of the haste he felt in order not to lose
the suppUes that he was taking for the Christians of Espaiiola,
which with so much labor, difficulty and fatigue he had gathered
for them ; and as being a thing for the sake of which he had
suffered much, he repeats this about the provisions or supplies
many times. He says he believes that in those islands he had
seen, there must be things of value because they are all large
and high lands with valleys and plains and with many waters
and very well cultivated and populated and the people of very
good speech, as their gestures showed. These are the words
of the Admiral.

He says also that if the pearls are born as Pliny ^ says from
the dew which falls in the oysters while they are open, there
is good reason for having them there because much dew falls
in that place and there are an infinite number of oysters and
very large ones and because there are no tempests there, but
the sea is always calm, a sign of which is that the trees enter
into the sea, which shows there is never a storm there, and
every branch of the trees which were in the water (and there
are also roots of certain trees in the sea, which according to
the language of this Espanola are called mangles ^), was full of
an infinite number of oysters so that breaking a branch, it
comes out full of oysters attached to it. They are white

* The north wind.

' Phny, Natural History, book ix., ch. liv.

' The name is still used. It is the Rhicopharia mangle. See the
description of it in Thompson's Alcedo's Geographical and Historical Dic-
tionary oj America and the West Indies, Appendix.

1498] LAS CASAS ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 349

within, and their flesh also, and very savory, not salt but fresh
and they require some salt, and he says that they do not know
or spring from mother-of-pearl. Wherever the pearls are
generated, he says, they are extremely fine and they pierce
them as in Venice. As for this that the Admiral says that the
branches were full of oysters there, we say that those oysters
that he saw and that are on the branches above the water and
a little under the water are not those that produce pearls,
but another species ; because those that bear pearls are more
careful from their natural instinct to hide themselves as much
further under water as they can than those he saw on the
branches. . . /

Returning to where I dropped the thread of the history,,
at this place the Admiral mentions many points of land and
islands and the names he had given them, but it does not ap-
pear when. In this and elsewhere the Admiral shows himself
to be a native of another country and of another tongue, be-
cause he does not apprehend all the signification of the Cas-
tilian words nor the manner of using them. He gave names
to the Punta Seca, the Ysla Ysabeta, the Ysla Tramontana,
the Punta Liana, Punta Sara, assuming them to be known,
although he has said nothing of them or of any of them. He
says that all that sea is fresh, and he does not know from whence
it proceeds, because it did not appear to have the flow from
great rivers, and that, if it had them, he says it would not
cease to be a marvel. But he was mistaken in thinking
there were no rivers, since the river Yuyapari furnished so
great a flow of fresh water, as well as others which come from
near there.

Desiring to get out of this Gulf of Ballena, where he was
encircled by mainland and La Trinidad, as already said, in
going to the west by that coast of the mainland, which he
called ^'de Gracia^^ towards the point Seca, although he does
not say where it was, he found two fathoms of water, no more.
He sent the small caravel to see if there was an outlet to the

^ Las Casas here inserts a long disquisition on pearls which is omitted.
It covers pp. 246-252 of the printed edition, Vol. II.

360 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

north, because, in front of the mainland and of the other
which he called Ysabeta, to the west, there appeared a very-
high and beautiful island. The caravel returned, and said
that they found a great gulf, and in it four great openings which
appeared small gulfs, and at the end of each one a river. This
gulf he named Golpho de las Perlas, although I believe there
are no pearls there. It appears that this was the inside corner
of all this great gulf,^ in which the Admiral was going enclosed
by the mainland and the island of Trinidad ; those four bays
or openings, the Admiral believed were four islands, and that
there did not appear to be a sign of a river, which would make
all that gulf, of 40 leagues of sea, all fresh; but the sailors
affirmed that those openings were mouths of rivers. And
they say true, at least in regard to two of these openings,
because by one comes the great river Yuyapari and by the
other comes another great river which to-day is called the
river of Camari.^

The Admiral would have liked very much to find out the
truth of this secret, which was the cause of this great gulf
being 40 leagues in length by 26 in width, containing fresh
water, which was a thing, he says, for wonder, (and he was
certainly right), and also to penetrate the secrets of those lands,
where he did not believe it to be possible that there were
not things of value, or that they were not in the Indies, espe-
cially from having found there traces of gold and pearls and
the news of them, and discovered such lands, so many and such
people in them ; from which the things there and their riches
might easily be known; but because the supplies he was
carrying for the people who were in this Espanola, and which
he carried that they who were in the mines gathering gold
might have food, were being lost, which food and supplies he
had gathered with great difficulty and fatigue, he did not
allow himself to be detained, and he says that, if he had the

* I.e., the western end of the Gulf of Paria.

' These mouths of the Orinoco suppUed the fresh water, but they can
hardly be the streams referred to by the sailors who explored the western
end of the Gulf of Paria- Las Casas had no good map of this region.

1498] LAS CASAS ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 351

hope of having more as quickly, he would postpone deliver-
ing them, in order to discover more lands and see the secrets
of them ; and finally he resolves to follow that which is most
sure, and come to this island, and send from it moneys to
Castile to bring supplies and people under hire, and at the
earliest opportunity to send also his brother, the Adelantado,
to prosecute his discovery and find great things, as he hoped
they would be found, to serve our Lord and the Sover-
eigns.

Yet, just at the best time, the thread was cut, as will
appear, of these his good desires, and he says thus: ''Our
Lord guides me by His pity and presents me things with which
He may be served, and your Highnesses may have great
pleasure, and certainly they ought to have pleasure, because
here they have such a noble thing and so royal for great
princes. And it is a great error to believe any one who speaks
evil to them of this undertaking, but to abhor them, because
there is not to be found a prince who has had so much grace
from our Lord, and so much victory from a thing so signal
and of so much honor to their high estate and realms, and by
which God may receive endlessly more services and the people
of Spain more refreshment and gains. Because it has been
seen that there are infinite things of value, and although now
this that I say may not be known, the time will come when it
will be accounted of great excellence, and to the great reproach
of those persons who oppose this project to your Highnesses;
and although they may have expended something in this
matter, it has been in a cause more noble and of greater ac-
count than any undertaking of any other prince until now,
nor was it proper to withdraw from it hastily, but to proceed
and give me aid and favor ; because the Sovereigns of Port-
ugal spent and had courage to spend in Guinea, for four or
five years, money and people, before they received any bene-
fit, and afterward God gave them advantages and gold. For
certainly, if the people of the kingdom of Portugal be counted,
and those of them who died in this undertaking of Guinea be
enumerated, it would be found that they are more than half

352 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

of the kingdom ; ^ and certainly, it would be the greatest thing
to have in Spain a revenue which would come from this under-
taking. Your Highnesses would leave nothing of greater
memory ; and they may examine, and discover that no prince
of Castile may be found, and I have not found such by history
or by tradition, — who has ever gained land outside of Spain.
And your Highnesses will gain these lands, so very great,
which are another world,^ and where Christianity will have
so great pleasure, and our faith in time so great an increase.^
All this I say with very honest intention, and because I desire
that Your Highnesses may be the greatest Lords in the world,^
I say Lords of it all ; and that it may all be with great service
and contentment of the Holy Trinity, for which at the end of
their days they may have the glory of Paradise, and not for
that which concerns me myself, whose hope is in His High Maj-
esty, that Your Highnesses will soon see the truth of it, and

^ Columbus elaborated this point in his letter to Ferdinand and Isabella.
Major, Select Letters of Columbus, p. 113. Columbus's estimate of the
sacrifice of lives in the exploration of the west coast of Africa must be con-
sidered a most gross exaggeration. The contemporary narratives of those
explorations give no such impression.

' Cf. Columbus's letter to the sovereigns, "Your Highnesses have here
another world." Major, Select Letters of Columbus, p. 148, and the letter to
the nurse of Prince John, p. 381, post. "I have placed under the dominion
of the King and Queen our sovereigns another world." These passages
clearly show that Columbus during and after this voyage realized that he
accomplished something quite different from merely reaching Asia by a
western route. He had found a hitherto unknown portion of the world,
unknown to the ancients or to Marco Polo, but not for that reason necessarily
physically detached from the known Asia. For a fuller discussion of the
meaning of the phrase "another world," "New World," and of Columbus's
ideas of what he had done, see Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 94-98, and the
facsimile of the Bartholomew Columbus map, opposite p. 96.

' A noteworthy prediction. In fact the discovery of the New World has
effected a most momentous change in the relative strength and range of
Christianity among the world-religions. During the Middle Ages Christianity
lost more ground territorially than it gained. Since the discovery of America
its gain has been steady.

* Such in fact their Highnesses' grandson, Charles I. (V. as Emperor),
was during his long reign, and such during a part of his reign if not the
whole, was their great-grandson Philip II. See Oviedo's reflections upon
Columbus's career. Bourne, Spain in America, p. 82.

1498] LAS CASAS ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 353

this is my ardent desire.'' All these are the actual words of
the Admiral. . . .^

So, in order to get out of this gulf, within which he was
surrounded by land on all parts, with the intention already
told of saving the supplies which he carried, which were being
lost, in coming to this island of Espanola, — Saturday, August
11, at the appearance of the moon, he raised the anchors,
spread the sails, and navigated toward the east {el leste),
that is towards the place where the sun rises, ^ because he was
in the corner of the gulf where was the river Yuyapari as was
said above, in order to go out between the Point of Paria and
the mainland, which he called the Punta or Cabo de Lapa,
and the land he named Ysla de Gracia, and between the
cape which he called Cabo Boto of the island of Trinidad.

He arrived at a very good harbor, which he called Puerto
de Gatos,^ which is connected with the mouth where are the
two little islands of the Caracol and Delfin, between the capes
of Lapa and Cape Boto. And this occurred Sunday, August 12.

He anchored near the said harbor, in order to go out by the
said mouth in the morning. He found another port near there,
to examine which he sent a boat. It was very good. They
found certain houses of fishermen, and much water and very
fresh. He named it Puerto de las Cabanas.'* They found,
he says, myrobolans on the land : near the sea, infinite oy-
sters attached to the branches of the trees which enter into
the sea, the mouths open to receive the dew which drops from
the leaves and which engenders the pearls, as Pliny says and
as is alleged in the vocabulary which is called Catholicon,^

^ Las Casas here comments at some length on these remarks of Columbus
and the great significance of his discoveries. The passage omitted takes up
pp. 255 (line six from bottom) to 258.

^ Las Casas explains leste, which would seem to have been either peculiar
to sailors or at least not in common usage then for "east."

^ Probably gatos in the sense of gatos paules, monkeys, noted above,
p. 341, as very plentiful. ■* Port of the Cabins.

^ The Catholicon was one of the earliest Latin lexicons of modern times
and the first to be printed. It was compiled by Johannes de Janua (Giovanni
Balbi of Genoa) toward the end of the thirteenth century and first printed
at Mainz in 1460, and very frequently later.
2a

354 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

Monday, August 13, at the rising of the moon, he weighed
anchor from where he was, and came towards the Cape of Lapa,
which is Paria, in order to go to the north by the mouth called
Del Drago, for the following cause and danger in which he
saw himself there; the Mouth of the Dragon, he says, is a
strait which is between the Point of Lapa, the end of the island
of Gracia, which is at the east end of the land of Paria and
between Cape Boto which is the western end of the island of
Trinidad. He says it is about a league and a half between the
two capes. This must be after having passed four little islands
which he says lie in the centre of the channel, although now
we do not really see more than two, by which he could not go
out, and there remained of the strait only a league and a half
in the passage. From the Punta de la Lapa to the Cabo de
Boto it is five leagues. Arriving at the said mouth at the
hour of tierce,^ he found a great struggle between the fresh
water striving to go out to the sea and the salt water of the
sea striving to enter into the gulf, and it was so strong and
fearful, that it raised a great swell, like a very high hill, and
with this, both waters made a noise and thundering, from east
to west, very great and fearful, with currents of water, and
after one came four great waves one after the other, which
made contending currents; here they thought to perish, no
less than in the other mouth of the Sierpe by the Cape of
Arenal when they entered into the gulf. This danger was
doubly more than the other, because the wind with which they
hoped to get out died away, and they wished to anchor, because
there was no remedy other than that, although it was not
without danger from the fierceness of the waters, but they did
not find bottom, because the sea was very deep there. They
feared that the wind having calmed, the fresh or salt water
might throw them on the rocks with their currents, when
there would be no help. It is related that the Admiral here
said, although I did not find it written with his own hand as
I found the above, that if they escaped from that place they

^ The third of the canonical hours of prayer, about nine o'clock in the
morning.

1498] LAS CASAS ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 355

could report that they escaped from the mouth of the dragon,
and for this reason that name was given to it and with reason.

It pleased the goodness of God that from the same danger
safety and deliverance came to them and the current of the
fresh water overcame the current of the salt water and carried
the ships safely out, and thus they were placed in security;
because when God wills that one or many shall be kept alive,
water is a remedy for them.^ Thus they went out, Monday,
August 13, from the said dangerous Gulf and Mouth of the
Dragon. He says that there are 48 leagues from the first
land of La Trinidad to the gulf which the sailors discovered
whom he sent in the caravel, where they saw the rivers and
he did not believe them, which gulf he called ^^de las Perlas,''
and this is the interior angle of all the large gulf, which he
called ^^de la Ballena,'' where he travelled so many days en-
circled by land. I add that it is a good 50 leagues, as appears
from the chart.

Having gone out of the gulf and the Boca del Drago and
having passed his danger, he decides to go to the west by the
coast below ^ of the mainland, believing yet that it was the
island of Gracia,inorderto get abreast, on the right, of the said
Gulf of the Pearls, north and south, and to go around it,^and see
whence comes so great abundance of water, and to see if it
proceeded from rivers, as the sailors affirmed and which he
says he did not believe because he had not heard that either the
Ganges, the Nile or the Euphrates * carried so much fresh

^ El agua les es medicina, i.e., a means of curing the ill.

^ Abajo. Las Casas views the mainland as extending up from the sea.
Columbus was going west along the north shore of the peninsula of Paria.

^ I.e., to go west along the north shore of this supposed island until
looking south he was to the right of it and abreast of the Gulf of Pearls.

^ Three of the greatest known rivers, each of which drained a vast range of
territory. This narrative reveals the gradual dawning upon Columbus
of the fact that he had discovered a hitherto unknown continental mass.
In his letter to the sovereigns his conviction is settled and his efforts to adjust
it with previous knowledge and the geographical traditions of the ages
are most interesting. See Major, Select Letters of Columbus, pp. 134 et seqq.
"Ptolemy," he says, on p. 136, ''and the others who have written upon the
globe had no information respecting this part of the world, for it was most
unknown."

366 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

water. The reason which moved him was because he did not
see lands large enough to give birth to such great rivers,
^^ unless indeed/^ he says, ^Hhat this is mainland.'^ These are
his words. So that he was already beginning to suspect that
the land of Gracia which he believed to be an island is mainland,
which it certainly was and is, and the sailors had been right,
from which land there came such a quantity of water from
the rivers, Yuvapari and the other which flows out near it,
which we now call Camari, and others which must empty there,
so that, going in search of that Gulf of the Pearls, where the
said rivers empty, thinking to find it surrounded by land,
considering it an island and to see if there was an entrance
there, or an outlet to the south, and if he did not find
it, he says he would affirm then that it was a river, and
that both were a great wonder, — he went down the coast
that Monday until the setting of the sun.

He saw that the coast was filled with good harbors and a
very high land; by that lower coast he saw many islands
toward the north and many capes on the mainland, to all of
which he gave names : to one, Cabo de Conchas ; to another,
Cabo Luengo; to another, Cabo de Sabor; to another, Cabo
Rico. A high and very beautiful land. He says that on that
way there are many harbors and veiy large gulfs which must
be populated, and the farther he went to the west he saw the
land more level and more beautiful. On going out of the
mouth, he saw an island to the north, which might be 26
leagues from the north, and named it La Isla de la Asuncion ;
he saw another island and named it La Concepcion, and three
other small islands together he called Los Testigos.^ They are
called this to-day. Another near them he called El Romero,
and three other little small islands he called Las Guardias.
Afterwards he arrived near the Isla Margarita, and called it
Margarita, and another near it he named El Martinet.

This Margarita is an island 15 leagues long, and 5 or 6
wide, and is very green and beautiful on the coast and is very
good within, for which reason it is inhabited; it has near it

* The Witnesses.

1498] LAS CASAS ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 357

extending lengthwise east and west, three small islands, and
two behind them extending north and south. The Admiral
did not see more than the three, as he was going along the
southern part of Margarita. It is six or seven leagues from
the mainland, and this makes a small gulf between it and the
mainland, and in the middle of the gulf are two small islands,
east and west, beside each other: the one is called Coche,
which means deer, and the other Cubagua, which is the one
we have described in chapter 136, and said that there are an
infinite quantity of pearls gathered there. So that the Ad-
miral, although he did not know that the pearls were formed in
this gulf, appears to have divined that fact in naming it Mar-
garita ; he was very near it, although he does not express it,
because he says he was nine leagues from the island of Martinet,
which he says was near Margarita, on the northern part, and
he says near it, because as he was going along the southern
part of Margarita, it appeared to be near, although it was
eight or nine leagues away ; and this is the small island to the
north, near Margarita, which is now called Blanca, and is
distant eight or nine leagues from Margarita as I said. For
here it seems that the Admiral must have been close to or
near Margarita and I beheve that he anchored because the
wind failed him. Finally of all the names that he gave to the
islands and capes of the mainland which he took for the
island of Gracia none have lasted or are used to-day except
Trinidad, Boca del Drago, Los Testigos, and Margarita.

There the eyes of the Admiral became very bad from not
sleeping. Because always, as he was in so many dangers
sailing among islands, it was his custom himself to watch on
deck, and whoever takes ships with cargo should for the most
part do that very thing, hke the pilots, and he says that he
found himself more fatigued here than when he discovered
the other mainland, which is the island of Cuba, (which he
regarded as mainland even until now), because his eyes were
bloodshot ; and thus his labors on the sea were incompar-
able. For this reason he was in bed this night, and therefore
he found himself farther out in the sea than he would have

358 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

been if he had himself watched, from which he did not trust
himself to the sailors, nor should any one who is a diligent
and perfect pilot trust to anybody, because dependent on him
and on his head are all those who go in the ship, and that
which is most necessary and proper to his office is to watch
and not sleep all the time while he navigates.

The Admiral appears to have gone down the coast after he
came out of the Mouth of the Dragon, yesterday Monday and
to-day Tuesday, 30 or 40 leagues at least, although he does
not say so, as he complains that he did not write all that he
had to write, as he could not on account of his being so ill
here. And as he saw that the land was becoming very ex-
tended below to the wTst, and appeared more level and more
beautiful, and the Gulf of the Pearls which was in the back
part of the gulf, or fresh-water sea, whence the river of Yuya-
pari flowed, in the search of which he was going, had no out-
let, which he hoped to see, believing that this mainland was an
island, he now became conscious that a land so great was not
an island, but mainland, and as if speaking with the Sover-
eigns, he says here: '^I believe that this is mainland, very
great, which until to-day has not been known. And reason
aids me greatly because of this being such a great river and
because of this sea which is fresh, and next the saying of Es-
dras aids me, in the 4th book, chapter 6th, which says that
the six parts of the world are of dry land and the one of water.^
Which book St. Ambrose approves in his Examenon ^ and St.
Augustine on the passage, 'Morietur filius mens Christus,'

* The reference is to //. Esdras, vi. 42, in the Apocrypha of the English
Bible. The Apocryphal books of I. and II. Esdras were known as III. and
IV. Esdras in the Middle Ages, and the canonical books in the Vulgate called
I. and II. Esdras are called Ezra and Nehemiah in the English Bible. II. Es-
dras is an apocalyptic work and dates from the close of the first century
A.D. The passage to which Columbus referred reads as follows: "Upon the
third day thou didst command that the waters should be gathered in the
seventh part of the earth; six parts hast thou dried up, and kept them, to
the intent that of these some being planted of God and tilled might serve
thee."

' The reference is wrong, as Las Casas points out two or three pages fur-
ther on (II. 266) ; it should be to the treatise De Bono Mortis^ cap. 10.

1498] LAS CASAS ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 359

as Francisco de Mayrones alleges.^ And further, I am sup-
ported by the sayings of many Canibales Indians, whom I
took at other times, who said that to the south of them was
mainland, and at that time I was on the island of Guadeloupe,
and also I heard it from others of the island of Sancta Cruz
and of Sant Juan, and they said that in it there was much gold,
and, as your Highnesses know, a very short time ago, there
was no other land known than that which Ptolemy wrote of,
and there was not in my time any one who would believe that
one could navigate from Spain to the Indies; about which
matter I was seven years in your Court, and there were few
who understood it ; and finally the very great courage of your
Highnesses caused it to be tried, against the opinion of those
who contradicted it. And now the truth appears, and it
will appear before long, much greater ; and if this is mainland,
it is a thing of wonder, and it will be so among all the learned,
since so great a river flows out that it makes a fresh-water sea
of 48 leagues/^ These are his words. . . ?

Having finished this digression let us return then to our
history and to what the Admiral resolved to do in the place
where he was, and that is, going as fast as possible, he wished
to come to this Espanola, for some reasons which impelled
him greatly: one, because he was going with great anxiety

* Francis de Mayrones was an eminent Scotist philosopher. He died in
1327. Columbus here quotes from his Theologicae Veritates (Venice, 1493).
See Raccolta Colombiana, Parte I., tomo II., p. 377. Las Casas (II. 266)
was unable to verify the citation from St. Augustine.

^ The passage omitted. Las Casas, II. 265-307, consists first, pp. 265-267,
of his comments on these words of Columbus, and second, pp. 268-274, of
a criticism of Vespucci's claim to have made a voyage in 1497 to this region
of Paria, and of his narratives and the naming of America from him. This
criticism is translated with Las Casas 's other trenchant criticisms of Vespucci's
work and claims by Sir Clements R. Markham in his Letters of Amerigo
Vespucci (London, 1894), pp. 68 et seq. These passages are very interest-
ing as perhaps the earliest piece of detailed critical work relating to the
discoveries, and they still constitute the cornerstone of the case against
Vespucci. The third portion of the omitted passage, pp. 275-306, is a long
essay on the location of the earthly paradise which Columbus placed in this
new mainland he had just discovered. Cf. Columbus's letter on the Third
Voyage. Major, Select Letters of Columbus, pp. 140-146.

>^'0 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

aaa affliction, as he had not had news of the condition of this
island for so many days ; and it would seem that he had some
premonition of the disorder and the losses and the travail
which with the rising of Francisco Roldan^ all this land and
his brothers were suffering; the other in order to despatch
immediately the Adelantado, his brother, with three ships, to
continue his discovery of the mainland which he had already
begun to explore; and it is certain that if Francisco Roldan
with his rebeUion and shamelessuess had not prevented him,
the Admiral or his brother for him would have discovered
the mainland as far as New Spain; but, according to the
decree of Divine Providence, the hour of its discovery had not
come, nor was the permission recalled ^ by which many were
being enabled to distinguish themselves in unjust works under
color of making discoveries.

The third cause which hastened him in coming to this island,
was from seeing that the supplies were spoiling and being lost,
of which he had such great need for the relief of those who
were here, which made liim weep again, considering that he
had obtained them with great difficulties and fatigues, and he
says that, if they are lost, he has no hope of getting others,
from the great opposition he always encountered from those
who counselled the Sovereigns, ^^who," he says here, ''are
not friends nor desire the honor of the high condition of their
Highnesses, the persons who have spoken evil to them of such
a noble undertaking. Nor was the cost so great that it should
not be expended, although benefits might not be had quickly
to recompense it, since the service was very great which was
rendered our Lord in spreading His Holy Name through un-

* On the Roldan revolt, see Irving, Christopher Columbus, II. 199 et seqq.

' April 10, 1495, the sovereigns authorized independent exploring expe-
ditions. Columbus protested that such expeditions infringed upon his
rights, and so, June 2, 1497, the sovereigns modified their ordinance and
prohibited any infringements. Apparently Las Casas is in error in saying
the permission had not been recalled in 1498, but the independent voyages
of Hojeda and Pinzon, who first explored the northern coast of South America
(Paria) in 1499-1500, may have led him to conclude that the authorization
had not been recalled.

1498 LAS CASAS ON THE THIED VOYAGE 361

known lands. And besides this, it would be a much greater
memorial than any Prince had left, spiritual and temporal/'
And the Admiral says further, '^And for this the revenue of
a good bishopric or archbishopric would be well secured, and
I say,'' says he, ^^as good as the best in Spain, since there
are here so many resources and as yet no priesthood. They
may have heard that here there are infinite peoples, which
may have determined the sending here of learned and in-
telligent persons and friends of Christ to try and make them
Christians and commence the work; the estabhshment of
which bishopric I am very sure will be made, please our Lord,
and the revenues will soon come from here and be carried
there." These are his words. How much truth he spoke and
how clear a case there was of inattention and remissness and
lukewarmness of charity in the men of that day, spiritual or
ecclesiastical and temporal, who held the power and resources,
not to make provision for the healing and conversion of these
peoples, so disposed and ready to receive the faith, the day of
universal judgment will reveal.

The fourth cause for coming to this island and not stopping
to discover more, which he would have very much wished, as
he says, was because the seamen did not come prepared to
make discoveries, since he says that he did not dare to say in
Castile that he came with intention to make discoveries, be-
cause they would have placed some impediments in his way,
or would have demanded more money of him than he had,
and he says that the people were becoming very tired. The
fifth cause, was because the ships he had were large for making
discoveries, as the one was of more than 100 tons and
the other more than 70, and only smaller ones are needed
to make discoveries; and because of the ship which he took
on his first voyage being large, he lost it in the harbor of
Navidad, kingdom of the King Guacanagari.^ Also the sixth
reason which very much constrained him to leave the dis-
coveries and come to this island, was because of having his
eyes almost lost from not sleeping, from the long and continued

* See Journal of First Voyage, December 25.

362 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

watches or vigils he had had ; and in this place he says thus :
^^May it please our Lord to free me from this malady/' he
says. ^'He well knows that I did not suffer these fatigues in
order to find treasures for myself, since surely I recognize that
all is vanity which is done in this age, save that which is for
the honor and service of God, which is not to amass pomps
or riches, nor the many other things we use in this world, in
which we are more inclined than to the things which can save
us/' These are his words.

Truly this man had a good Christian purpose and was very
contented with his own estate and desired in a moderate
degree to maintain himself in it, and to rest from such sore
travail, which he fully merited; yet the result of his sweat
and toil was to impose a greater burden on the Sovereigns,
and I do not know what greater was necessary than had already
fallen to them, and even he had imposed obligations on them,
except that he kept seeing that little importance was made of
his distinguished services that he had performed, and that all
at once the estimation of these Indies which was held at first
was declining and coming to naught, through those that had
the ears of the Sovereigns, so that he feared each day greater
disfavors and that the Sovereigns might give up the whole
business and thus his sweat and travail be entirely lost.

Having determined, then, to come as quickly as he could
to this island, Wednesday, August 15, which was the day of
the Assumption of Our Lady, after the rising of the sun, he
ordered the anchors weighed from where he was anchored,
which must have been within the small gulf which Margarita
and the other islands make with the mainland (and he must
have been near Margarita as we said above, ch. 139), and
sailed on the way to this island; and, pursuing his way, he
saw very clearly Margarita and the little islands which were
there, and also, the farther away he went, he discovered
more high land of the continent. And he went that day
from sunrise to sunset 63 leagues, because of the great cur-
rents which supplemented the wind. . . }

* The passage omitted^ II. 309-313, of the printed edition, gives an

1498] LAS CASAS ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 363

Let us return to the voyage of the Admiral, whom we left
started from the neighborhood of the island of Margarita, and
he went that day, Wednesday, 63 leagues from sun to sun, as
they say. The next day, Thursday, August 16, he navigated
to the north-west, quarter of the north,^ 26 leagues, with the
sea calm, ^Hhanks be to God,'' as he always said. He tells
here a wonderful thing, that when he left the Canaries for
this Espanola, having gone 300 leagues to the west, then the
needles declined to the north-west ^ one quarter, and the North
Star did not rise but 5 degrees, and now in this voyage it
has not declined to the north-west ^ until last night, when it
declined more than a quarter and a half, and some needles
declined a half wind which are two quarters ; ^ and this hap-
pened suddenly last night. And he says each night he was
marvelling at such a change in the heavens, and of the tempera-
ture there, so near the equinoctial line, which he experienced
in all this voyage, after having found land; especially the
sun being in Leo, where, as has been told, in the mornings a
loose gown was worn, and where the people of that place —
Gracia — were actually whiter than the people who have been
seen in the Indies. He also found in the place where he now
came, that the North Star was in 14 degrees when the Guar-
dians * had passed from the head after two hours and a half.
Here he again exhorted the Sovereigns to esteem this affair
highly, since he had shown them that there was in this land
gold, and he had seen in it minerals without number, which
will have to be extracted with intelligence, industry and labor,
since even the iron, as much as there is, cannot be taken out
without these sacrifices; and he has taken them a nugget of

account of the voyage and arrival of the vessels which came to Espanola
directly from the Canaries.

^ Northwest by north.

^ Northeast in the printed text.

' The circle of the horizon, represented by the compass card, was conceived
of as divided into eight winds and each wind into halves and quarters, the
quarters corresponding to the modern points of the compass, which are
thirty-two in number. The dechnation observed was two points of the
compass, or 22° 30'.

* See above, p. 329, note 2.

364 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1498

20 ounces and many others, and where this is, it must be
beUeved there is plenty, and he took their Highnesses a lump
of copper originally of six arrohas^^ lapis-lazuh, gum-lac, amber,
cotton, pepper, cinnamon, a great quantity of Brazil-wood,
aromatic gum,^ white and yellow sandalwood, flax, aloes,
ginger, incense, myrobolans of all kinds, very fine pearls and
pearls of a reddish color, which Marco Polo says are worth
more than the white ones,^ and that may well be so in some
parts just as it is the case with the shells that are gathered
in Canaria and are sold for so great a price in the Mine of
Portugal. ^' There are infinite kinds of spices which have
been seen of which I do not care to speak for fear of prolixity."
All these are his words.

As to what he says of cinnamon, and aloes and ginger,
incense, myrobolans, sandal woods, I never saw them in this
island, at least I did not recognize them; what he says of
flax must mean cabuya * which are leaves like the cavila from
which thread is made and cloth or linen can be made from
it, but it is more like hemp cloth than linen. There are two
sorts of it, cabuya and nequen; cabuya is coarse and rough
and nequen is soft and delicate. Both are words of this
island Espanola. Storax gum I never smelled except in the
island of Cuba, but I did not see it, and this is certain that
in Cuba there must be trees of it, or of a gum that smells like
it, because we never smelled it except in the fires that the
Indians make of wood that they burn in their houses. It is
a most perfect perfume, certainly. I never knew of incense
being found in these islands.

Returning to the journey, Friday, August 17, he went 37
leagues, the sea being smooth, 'Ho God our Lord,'^ he says,
''may infinite thanks be given." He says that not finding
islands now, assures him that that land from whence he came
is a vast mainland, or where the Earthly Paradise is, "be«

* An arroba was twenty-five pounds.

' Estoraque, officinal storax, a gum used for incense.
■ C/. Marco Polo, bk. iii., ch. ii.

* Pita, the fibre of the American agave.

1498] LAS CASAS ON THE THIRD VOYAGE 365

cause all say that it is at the end of the east, and this is the
Earthly Paradise/^ ^ says he.

Saturday, between day and night, he went 39 leagues.

Sunday, August 19, he went in the day and the night 33
leagues, and reached land; and this was a very small island
which he called Madama Beata, and which is now commonly
so called. This is a small island of a matter of a league and
a half close by this island of Espanola, and distant from this
port of Sancto Domingo about 50 leagues and distant 15
leagues from the port of Yaquino, which is more to the west.
There is next to it another smaller one which has a small but
somewhat high mountain, which from a distance looks Uke a
sail, and he named it Alto Velo.^ He believed that the Beata
was a small island which he called Sancta Catherina when he
came by this southern coast, from the discovery of the island
of Cuba, and distant from this port of Sancto Domingo 25
leagues, and is next to this island. It weighed upon him to
have fallen off in his course so much, and he says it should
not be counted strange, since during the nights he was from
caution beating about to windward, for fear of running against
some islands or shoals; there was therefore reason for this
error, and thus in not following a straight course, the cur-
rents, which are very strong here, and which flow down
towards the mainland and the west, must have carried the
ships, without realizing it, so low. They run so violently
there toward La Beata that it has happened that a ship has
been eight months in those waters without being able to
reach this port and that much of delay in coming from there
here, has happened many times.

Therefore he anchored now between the Beata and this
island, between which there are two leagues of sea, Monday,
August 20. He then sent the boats to land to call Indians,

* C/. the letter on the Third Voyage, Major, Select Letters of Columbus,
p. 140, for Columbus's reasoning and beliefs about the Earthly Paradise or
Garden of Eden ; for Las Casas's discussion of the question, see Historia de
las Indias, II. 275-306.

* High sail.

366 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS

as there were villages there, in order to write of his arrival
to the Adelantado ; having come at midday, he despatched
them. Twice there came to the ship six Indians, and one of
them carried a crossbow with its cord, and nut and rack,^
which caused him no small surprise, and he said, ^'May it
please God that no one is dead." And because from Sancto
Domingo the three ships must have been seen to pass down-
ward, and concluding that it certainly was the Admiral as he
was expecting him each day, the Adelantado started then in
a caravel and overtook the Admiral here. They both were
very much pleased to see each other. The Admiral having
asked him about the condition of the country, the Adelantado
recounted to him how Francisco Roldan had arisen with 80
men, with all the rest of the occurrences which had passed
in this island, since he left it. What he felt on hearing such
news, there is small need to recite.

He left there, Wednesday, August 22, and finally with some
difficulty because of the many currents and the north-east
breezes which are continuous and contrary there he arrived
at this port of Sancto Domingo, Friday, the last day of August
of the said year 1498, having set out from Isabela for Castile,
Thursday the tenth day of March, 1496, so that he delayed
in returning to this island two years and a half less nine days.

^ The rack was used to bend the crossbow.

LETTER OF COLUMBUS TO THE NURSE

OF PRINCE JOHN

INTRODUCTION

This letter was addressed by Columbus 'to Dona Juana
de Torres, who had been a nurse of the lately deceased royal
prince John, the son of Ferdinand and Isabella, and who was
the sister of Antonio de Torres, who had accompanied Colum-
bus on his second voyage and was subsequently a com-
mander in other voyages to the New World. It was probably
written on shipboard when Columbus was sent back to Spain
in irons in the autumn of the year 1500. It is at once a cry
of distress and an impassioned self-defence, and is one of the
most important of the Admiral's writings for the student of
his career and character.

In the letter to Santangel the discoverer announces his
success in his long projected undertaking ; in the letter to the
nurse he is at the lowest point in the startling reverse of for-
tune that befell him because of the troubles in Santo Domingo,
and in the letter on the fourth voyage he appears as one strug-
gling against the most adverse circumstances to vindicate his
career, and to demonstrate the value of what he had previously
accomplished, and to crown those achievements by actually
attaining the coast of Asia. Columbus regarded his defence
as set forth in this letter as of such importance that he in-
cluded it in the four codices or collections of documents and
papers prepared in duplicate before his last voyage to authen-
ticate his titles and honors and to secure their inheritance by
his son. The text of the letter from which the present trans-
lation was made is that of the Paris Codex of the Book of
Privileges, as it is called. This is regarded by Harrisse as the

2 B 36M

370 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS

best. The translation is by George F. Barwick of the British
Museum, and was originally published in Christopher Columbus,
Facsimile of his Own Book of Privileges, 1502, edited by B. F.
Stevens (London, 1903). The letter remained unpublished
until it was printed in Spotomo's Codice Diplomatico in 1822.
In 1825 it appeared again in Navarrete's Viages, in a slightly
varying text. It was first published in Enghsh in the trans-
lation of the Codice Diplomatico issued in London in 1823 under
the title of Memorials of Columbus, etc.

£j. G. B.

TRANSCRIPT OF A LETTER WHICH THE
ADMIRAL OF THE INDIES SENT TO
THE NURSE OF PRINCE DON JOHN
OF CASTILE

IN THE YEAR 1500 WHEN HE WAS RETURNING
FROM THE INDIES AS A PRISONER

Most virtuous Lady : —

Though niy complaint of the world is new, its habit of ill-
using is very ancient. I have had a thousand struggles with
it, and have thus far withstood them all, but now neither arms
nor counsels avail me, and it cruelly keeps me under water.
Hope in the Creator of all men sustains me; His help was
always very ready; on another occasion, and not long ago,
when I was still more overwhelmed, he raised me with his
right arm, saying, 0 man of little faith, arise, it is I; be not
afraid.^

I came with so much cordial affection to serve these Princes,
and have served them with such service, as has never been
heard of or seen.

Of the new heaven and earth which our Lord made, when
Saint John was writing the Apocalypse,^ after what was spoken
by the mouth of Isaiah,^ he made me the messenger, and
showed me where it lay. In all men there was disbelief, but
to the Queen my Lady He gave the spirit of understanding,

* An echo of the words of Jesus to Peter when he began to sink, " O thou
of little faith, wherefore didst thou doubt?" Matthew , xiv. 31.

^ Revelation, xxi. 1. ''And I saw a new heaven and a new earth; for
the first heaven and the first earth were passed away."

' "For, behold, I create new heavens and a new earth." Isaiahf lxv. 17.

371

372 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1500

and great courage, and made her heiress of all, as a dear and
much loved daughter. I went to take possession of all this
in her royal name. They sought to make amends to her for
the ignorance they had all shown by passing over their little
knowledge, and talking of obstacles and expenses. Her High-
ness, on the other hand, approved of it, and supported it as
far as she was able.

Seven years passed in discussion, and nine in execution.^
During this time very remarkable and noteworthy things oc-
curred whereof no idea at all had been formed. I have arrived
at, and am in such a condition that there is no person so vile
but thinks he may insult me; he shall be reckoned in the
world as valor itself who is courageous enough not to consent
to it.

If I were to steal the Indies or the land which lies towards
them,^ of which I am now speaking, from the altar of Saint
Peter, and give them to the Moors, they could not show
greater enmity towards me in Spain. Who would believe such
a thing where there was always so much magnanimity ?

I should have much desired to free myself from this affair
had it been honorable towards my Queen to do so. The sup-
port of Our Lord and of Her Highness made me persevere;
and to alleviate in some measure the sorrows which death had
caused her,^ I undertook a fresh voyage to the new heaven
and earth which up to that time had remained hidden; and
if it is not held there in esteem like the other voyages to the
Indies, that is no wonder because it came to be looked upon
as my work.

The Holy Spirit inflamed Saint Peter and twelve others
with him, and they all fought here below, and their toils
and hardships were many, but last of all they gained the
victory.

» 1485-1491 inc. and 1492-1500 inc.

' Sy yo rohara las Yndias o tierra que jaz fase ellas, etc. In the trans-
lation jaz fase is taken to stand for yace hacia. This supposition makes
sense and is probably correct. The reading of the other text is " que san
face ellas." Navarrete says that neither one is intelligible.

' The death of Prince John, October 4, 1497.

1500] LETTER TO THE NURSE OF PRINCE JOHN 373

This voyage to Paria ^ I thought would somewhat appease
them on account of the pearls, and of the discovery of gold
in Espanola. I ordered the pearls to be collected and fished
for by people with whom an arrangement was made that I
should return for them, and, as I understood, they were to
be measured by the bushel.^ If I did not write about this to
their Highnesses, it was because I wished to have first of all
done the same thing with the gold. The result to me in this
has been the same as in many other things ; I should not have
lost them nor my honor, if I had sought my own advantage,
and had allowed Espanola to be ruined, or if my privileges
and contracts had been observed. And I say just the same
about the gold w^hich I had then collected, and [for] which
with such great afflictions and toils I have, by divine power,
almost perfected [the arrangements].

When I went from Paria I found almost half the people of
Espanola in revolt,^ and they have waged war against me
until now, as against a Moor; and the Indians on the other
side grievously [harassed me]. At this time Hojeda arrived ^
and tried to put the finishing stroke : he said that their High-
nesses had sent him with promises of gifts, franchises and pay ;
he gathered together a great band, for in the whole of Espanola
there are very few save vagabonds, and not one with wife
and children. This Hojeda gave me great trouble; he was
obHged to depart, and left word that he would soon return
with more ships and people, and that he had left the royal
person of the Queen our Lady at the point of death. Then
Vincent Yanez^ arrived with four caravels; there was dis-

^ The name given to that part of the mainland of South America which
Columbus discovered on his third voyage.

^ I.e., so great was their abundance.

' On this revolt, see Bourne, Spain in America, p. 49 et seqq., and in greater
detail, Irving, Columbus, ed. 1868, II. 109 et seqq.

^ Hojeda sailed in May, 1499. Las Casas's account of his voyage is
translated by Markham in his Letters of Amerigo Vespucci, Hakluyt Society
(London, 1894), p. 78 et seqq. See also Irving, Columbus, III. 23-42
He was accompanied on this voyage by Amerigo Vespucci.

^ Vicente Yanez Pinzon set sail from Palos, November 18, 1499. For his
voyage, see Irving, Columbus, III. 49-58.

374 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1500

turbance and mistrust, but no mischief; the Indians talked
of many others at the Canibales [Caribbee Islands] and in
Paria; and afterwards spread the news of six other caravels,
which were brought by a brother of the Alcalde,^ but it was
with mahcious intent. This occurred at the very last, when
the hope that their Highnesses would ever send any ships to
the Indies was almost abandoned, nor did we expect them;
and it was commonly reported that her Highness was dead.

A certain Adrian about this time endeavored to rise in
rebellion again, as he had done previously, but Our Lord did
not permit his evil purpose to succeed. I had purposed in
myself never to touch a hair of anybody's head, but I lament
to say that with this man, owing to his ingratitude, it was
not possible to keep that resolve as I had intended ; I should
not have done less to my brother, if he had sought to kill me,
and steal the dominion which my King and Queen had given
me in trust.^ This Adrian, as it appears, had sent Don Fer-
dinand ^ to Xaragua to collect some of his followers, and there
a dispute arose with the Alcalde from which a deadly contest
ensued, but he [Adrian] did not effect his purpose. The
Alcalde seized him and a part of his band, and the fact was
that he would have executed them if I had not prevented it;
they were kept prisoners awaiting a caravel in which they
might depart. The news of Hojeda which I told them, made
them lose the hope that he would now come again.

For six months I had been prepared to return to their High-
nesses with the good news of the gold, and to escape from
governing a dissolute people, who fear neither God, nor their
King and Queen, being full of vices and wickedness. I could
have paid the people in full with six hundred thousand,^ and
for this purpose I had four millions of tenths and somewhat

* The Alcalde was Roldan, the leader of the revolt. He was alcalde
mayor of the city of Isabela and of the whole island, i.e., the chief justice.
Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, II. 124.

' On the career in Espanola of Adrian de Muxica and his execution, see
Irving, Columbus, II. 283 et seqq.

^ Ferdinand de Guevara. See Irving, Columbus, II. 283 et seqq.

' I.e., maravedis, equivalent to about $4000.

1500] LETTER TO THE NURSE OF PRINCE JOHN 375

more, besides the third of the gold. Before my departure I
many times begged their Highnesses to send there, at my
expense, some one to take charge of the administration of
justice; and after finding the Alcalde in arms I renewed my
supplications to have either some troops or at least some
servant of theirs with letters patent; for my reputation is
such that even if I build churches and hospitals, they will
always be called dens of thieves. They did indeed make pro-
vision at last, but it was the very contrary of what the matter
demanded: may it be successful, since it was according to
their good pleasure.

I was there for two years without being able to gain a decree
of favor for myself or for those who went there, yet this man ^
brought a coffer full; whether they will all redound to their
[Highnesses'] service, God knows. Indeed, to begin with,
there are exemptions for twenty years, which is a man's life-
time; and gold is collected to such an extent that there was
one person who became worth five marks ^ in four hours ;
whereof I will speak more fully later on.

If it would please their Highnesses to remove the grounds
of a common saying of those who know my labors, that the
calumny of the people has done me more harm than much
service and the maintenance of their [Highnesses'] property
and dominion has done me good, it would be a charity, and I
should be re-established in my honor, and it would be talked
about all over the world; for the undertaking is of such a
nature that it must daily become more famous and in higher
esteem.

When the commander Bobadilla came to Santo Domingo,^
I was at La Vega, and the Adelantado * at Xaragua, where
that Adrian had made a stand, but then all was quiet, and

^ Bobadilla, the successor of Columbus as governor, who sent him back
in chains.

^ A mark was eight ounces or two-thirds of a Troy pound. Here it is
probably the silver mark as a measure of value, which was about $3.25. If
the word is used as a measure of weight of gold, it would be about $150.

^ Bobadilla arrived at Santo Domingo August 23, 1500.

* Bartholomew Columbus.

376 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1600

the land rich and all men at peace. On the second day after
his arrival he created himself Governor, and appointed officers
and made executions, and proclaimed immunities of gold and
tenths and in general of everything else for twenty years,
which is a man^s lifetime, and that he came to pay everybody
in full up to that day, even though they had not rendered
service ; and he pubhcly notified that, as for me, he had charge
to send me in irons, and my brothers likewise, as he has done,
and that I should nevermore return thither, nor any other of
my family; alleging a thousand disgraceful and discourteous
things about me. All this took place on the second day after
his arrival, as I have said, and while I was absent at a distance,
without my knowing either of him or of his arrival.

Some letters of their Highnesses signed in blank, of which
he brought a number, he filled up and sent to the Alcalde and
to his company, with favors and commendations; to me he
never sent either letter or messenger, nor has he done so to
this day. Imagine what any one holding my office would
think when one who endeavored to rob their Highnesses, and
who has done so much evil and mischief, is honored and
favored, while he who maintained it at such risks is degraded.

When I heard this, I thought that this affair would be like
that of Hojeda or one of the others, but I restrained myself
when I learnt for certain from the friars that their Highnesses
had sent him. I wrote to him that his arrival was welcome,
and that I was prepared to go to the Court and had sold all I
possessed by auction ; and that with respect to the immunities
he should not be hasty, for both that matter and the govern-
ment I would hand over to him immediately as smooth as my
palm. And I wrote to the same effect to the friars, but
neither he nor they gave me any answer. On the contrary,
he put himself in a warlike attitude, and compelled all who
went there to take an oath to him as Governor; and they
told me that it was for twenty years.

Directly I knew of those immunities, I thought that I would
repair such a great error and that he would be pleased, for he
gave them without the need or occasion necessary in so vast

1500] LETTER TO THE NURSE OF PRINCE JOHN 377

a matter; and he gave to vagabond people what would have
been excessive for a man who had brought wife and children.
So I announced by word and letters that he could not use his
patents because mine were those in force ; and I showed them
the immunities which Juan Aguado ^ brought. All this was
done by me in order to gain time, so that their Highnesses
might be informed of the condition of the country, and that
they might have an opportunity of issuing fresh commands as
to what would best promote their service in that respect.

It is useless to publish such immunities in the Indies; to
the settlers who have taken up residence it is a pure gain, for
the best lands are given to them, and at a low valuation they
will be worth two hundred thousand at the end of the four
years when the period of residence is ended, without their
digging a spadeful in them. I would not speak thus if the
settlers were married, but there are not six among them all
who are not on the lookout to gather what they can and de-
part "speedily. It would be a good thing if people should go
from Castile, and also if it were known who and what they
are, and if the country could be settled with honest people.

I had agreed with those settlers that they should pay the
third of the gold, and the tenths, and this at their own request ;
and they received it as a great favor from their Highnesses.
I reproved them when I heard that they ceased to do this,
and hoped that the Commander would do likewise, but he
did the contrary. He incensed them against me by saying
that I wanted to deprive them of what their Highnesses had
given them ; and he endeavored to set them at variance with
me, and did so ; and he induced them to write to their High-
nesses that they should never again send me back to the gov-
ernment, and I likewise make the same supplication to them
for myself and for my whole family, as long as there are not
different inhabitants. And he together with them ordered in-
quisitions concerning me for wickednesses the like whereof

^ Juan Aguado arrived from Spain in October, 1495. Las Casas, Historia
de las Indias, II. 109 et seqq., gives a full account of his mission. See
also Irving, Columbus, ed. 1868^ II. 77 et seqq.

378 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1500

were never known in hell. Our Lord, who rescued Daniel and
the three children/ is present with the same wisdom and
power as he had then, and with the same means, if it should
please him and be in accordance with his will.

I should know how to remedy all this, and the rest of what
has been said and has taken place since I have been in the
Indies, if my disposition would allow me to seek my own
advantage, and if it seemed honorable to me to do so, but
the maintenance of justice and the extension of the dominion
of Her Highness has hitherto kept me down. Now that so
much gold is found, a dispute arises as to which brings more
profit, whether to go about robbing or to go to the mines. A
hundred castellanos ^ are as easily obtained for a woman as
for a farm, and it is very general, and there are plenty of
dealers who go about looking for girls ; those from nine to ten
are now in demand, and for all ages a good price must be paid.

I assert that the violence of the calumny of turbulent per-
sons has injured me more than my sei'vices have profited me;
which is a bad example for the present and for the future. I
take my oath that a number of men have gone to the Indies
who did not deserve water in the sight of God and of the world ;
and now they are returning thither, and leave is granted them.^

I assert that when I declared that the Commander ^ could
not grant immunities, I did what he desired, although I told
him that it was to cause delay until their Highnesses should
receive information from the country, and should command
anew what might be for their service. He excited their enmity
against me, and he seems, from what took place and from his
behavior, to have come as my enemy and as a very vehement
one; or else the report is true that he has spent much to ob-

^ Cf. Daniel, chs. iii. and vi.

^ The castellano was one-sixth of an ounce, or in value about $3.

' See Bourne, iSpain in America, p. 50, for Columbus's bitter characteriza-
tion of the Spaniards in Espailola in 1498, and p. 46 for the royal authori-
zation in June, 1497, to transport criminals to the island. The terrible
consequences of this policy led the Spanish government later to adopt
the strictest regulations controlling emigration to the New World. Cf.
Spain in America, ch. xvi.

* Bobadilla was a knight commander of the military order of Calatrava.

1600] LETTER TO THE NURSE OF PRINCE JOHN 379

tain this emplojmient. I do not know more about it than
what I hear. I never heard of an inquisitor gathering rebels
together and accepting them, and others devoid of credit and
unworthy of it, as witnesses against their governor.

If their Highnesses were to make a general inquisition there,
I assure you that they would look upon it as a great wonder
that the island does not founder.

I think your Ladyship will remember that when, after
losing my sails, I was driven into Lisbon by a tempest, I was
falsely accused of having gone there to the King in order to
give him the Indies. Their Highnesses afterwards learned
the contrary, and that it was entirely malicious. Although
I may know but little, I do not think anyone considers me so
stupid as not to know that even if the Indies were mine I
could not uphold myself without the help of some prince. If
this be so, where could I find better support and security than
in the King and Que(;n our Lords, who have raised me from
nothing to such great honor, and are the most exalted princes
of the world on sea and on land, and who consider that I have
rendered them service, and preserve to me my privileges and
rewards; and if anyone infringes them, their Highnesses in-
crease them still more, as was seen in the case of Juan Aguado ;
and they order great honor to be conferred upon me, and, as I
have already said, their Highnesses have received service from
me, and keep my sons in their household ; ^ all which could
by no means happen with another prince, for where there is
no affection, everything else fails.

I have now spoken thus in reply to a malicious slander,
but against my will, as it is a thing which should not recur to
memory even in dreams ; for the Commander Bobadilla mali-
ciously seeks in this way to set his own conduct and actions in
a brighter light ; but I shall easily show him that his small
knowledge and great cowardice, together with his inordinate
cupidity, have caused him to fail therein.

^ Diego Columbus had been appointed a page to Prince John in 1492.
Navarrete, Viages, II. 17. At this time, 1500, both Diego and Ferdinand
were pages in the Queen's household. Historie, ed. 1867, p. 276.

380 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1500

I have already said that I wrote to him and to the friars,
and immediately set out, as I told him, almost alone, because
all the people were with the Adelantado, and likewise in order
to prevent suspicion on his part. When he heard this, he
seized Don Diego ^ and sent him on board a caravel loaded
with irons, and did the same to me upon my arrival, and after-
wards to the Adelantado when he came ; nor did I speak to
him any more, nor to this day has he allowed anyone to speak
to me; and I take my oath that I cannot understand why I
am made a prisoner. He made it his first business to seize the
gold, which he did without measuring or weighing it, and in
my absence ; he said that he wanted it to pay the people, and
according to what I hear he assigned the chief part to himself
and sent fresh exchangers for the exchanges. Of this gold I
had put aside certain specimens, very big lumps, like the eggs
of geese, hens, and pullets, and of many other shapes, which
some persons had collected in a short space of time, in order that
their Highnesses might be gladdened, and might comprehend
the business upon seeing a quantity of large stones full of gold.
This collection was the first to be given away, with malicious
intent, so that their Highnesses should not hold the matter
in any account until he has feathered his nest, which he is in
great haste to do. Gold which is for melting diminishes at
the fire ; some chains which would weigh about twenty marks
have never been seen again. I have been more distressed about
this matter of the gold than even about the pearls, because
I have not brought it to Her Highness. .

The Commander at once set to work upon anything which
he thought would injure me. I have already said that with
six hundred thousand I could pay everyone without defraud-
ing anybody, and that I had more than four millions of tenths
and constabulary [dues], without touching the gold. He made
some free gifts which are ridiculous, though I believe that he
began by assigning the chief part to himself. Their High-
nesses will find it out when they order an account to be obtained
from him, especially if I should be present thereat. He does
* The younger brother of the Admiral.

1500] LETTER TO THE NURSE OF PRINCE JOHN 381

nothing but reiterate that a large sum is owing, and it is what
I have said, and even less. I have been much distressed that
there should be sent concerning me an inquisitor who is aware
that if the inquisition which he returns is very grave he will
remain in possession of the government.

Would that it had pleased our Lord that their Highnesses
had sent him or some one else two years ago, for I know that
I should now be free from scandal and infamy, and that my
honor would not be taken from me, nor should I lose it. God
is just, and will make known the why and the wherefore.

They judge me over there as they would a governor who had
gone to Sicily, or to a city or town placed under regular gov-
ernment, and where the laws can be observed in their entirety
without fear of ruining everything; and I am greatly injured
thereby. I ought to be judged as a captain who went from
Spain to the Indies to conquer a numerous and warlike people,
whose customs and religion are very contrary to ours; who
live in rocks and mountains, without fixed settlements, and
not like ourselves; and where, by the divine will, I have
placed under the dominion of the King and Queen, our sov-
ereigns, another world, ^ through which Spain, which was reck-
oned a poor country, has become the richest. I ought to be
judged as a captain who for such a long time up to this day has
borne arms without laying them aside for an hour, and by
gentlemen adventurers and by customs and not by letters, ^
unless they were Greeks or Romans, or others of modern
times of whom there are so many and such noble examples in
Spain ;^ or otherwise I receive great injury, because in the
Indies there is neither town nor settlement.

^ Un otro mundo. See note, p. 352 above.

^ Caballeros de conquistas y del uso, y no de letras. This should be :
** Knights of Conquests and by profession and not of letters." I.e., by
nobles that have actually been conquerors and had conquered territory
awarded to them and who are knights by practice or profession and not
gentlemen of letters.

' What this means is not altogether clear. Apparently Columbus
means that men of letters or lawyers in Greece and Rome, great conquer-
ing nations, would know what standards to apply in his case, and that
there were some such men of breadth in Spain.

382 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1600

The gate to the gold and pearls is now open, and plenty of
everything — precious stones, spices, and a thousand other
things — may be surely expected, and never could a worse
misfortune befall me; for by the name of our Lord the first
voyage would yield them just as much as would the traffic
of Arabia Felix as far as Mecca, as I wrote to their Highnesses
by Antonio de Torres in my reply respecting the repartition
of the sea and land with the Portuguese; and afterwards it
would equal that of Calicut, as I told them and put in writing at
the monastery of Mejorada.

The news of the gold that I said I would give is, that on the
day of the Nativity, while I was much tormented, being
harassed by wicked Christians and by Indians, and when I
was on the point of giving up everything and, if possible,
escaping from life, our Lord miraculously comforted me and
said, ^^Fear not violence, I will provide for all things; the
seven years of the term of the gold have not elapsed, and in
that and in everything else I will afford thee a remedy. '^ On
that day I learned that there were eighty leagues of land with
mines at every point thereof. The opinion now is that it is
all one. Some have collected a hundred and twenty castel-
lanos in one day, and others ninety, and even the number ot
two hundred and fifty has been reached. From fifty to sev-
enty, and in many more cases from fifteen to fifty, is consid-
ered a good day's work, and many carry it on. The usual
quantity is from six to twelve, and any one obtaining less than
this is not satisfied. It seems too that these mines are like
others, and do not yield equally every day. The mines are
new, and so are the workers: it is the opinion of everybody
that even if all Castile were to go there, every individual, how-
ever inexpert he might be, would not obtain less than one or two
castellanos daily, and now it is only commencing. It is true
that they keep Indians, but the business is in the hands of the
Christians. Behold what discernment Bobadilla had, when he
gave up everything for nothing, and four millions of tenths,
without any reason or even being requested, and without first
notifying it to their Highnesses. And this is not the only loss.

1500] LETTEK TO THE NURSE OF PRINCE JOHN 383

I know that my errors have not been committed with the
intention of doing evil, and I beheve that their Highnesses
regard the matter just as I state it; and I know and see that
they deal mercifully even with those who maliciously act to
their disservice. I believe and consider it very certain that
their clemency will be both greater and more abundant towards
me, for I fell therein through ignorance and the force of cir-
cumstances, as they will know fully hereafter; and I indeed
am their creature, and they will look upon my services, and
will acknowledge day by day that they are much profited.
They will place everything in the balance, even as Holy Scrip-
ture tells us good and evil will be at the day of judgment. If,
however, they command that another person do judge me,
which I cannot believe, and that it be by inquisition in the
Indies, I very humbly beseech them to send thither two
conscientious .and honorable persons at my expense, who I
believe will easily, now that gold is discovered, find five
marks in four hours. In either case it is needful for them to
provide for this matter.

The Commander on his arrival at Santo Domingo took up
^ his abode in my house, and just as he found it so he appro-
priated everything to himself. Well and good; perhaps he
was in want of it. A pirate never acted thus towards a mer-
chant. About my papers I have a greater grievance, for he
has so completely deprived me of them that I have never been
able to obtain a single one from him; and those that would
have been most useful in my exculpation are precisely those
which he has kept most concealed. Behold the just and
honest inquisitor! Whatever he may have done, they tell
me that there has been an end to justice, except in an arbi-
trary form. God our Lord is present with his strength and
wisdom, as of old, and always punishes in the end, especially
ingratitude and injuries.

LETTER OF COLUMBUS ON THE FOURTH

VOYAGE

INTRODUCTION

The letter on Columbus^s last voyage when he explored the
coast of Central America and of the Isthmus of Panama was
written when he was shipwrecked on the island of Jamaica,
1503. It is his last important writing and one of great sig-
nificance in understanding his geographical conceptions.

The Spanish text of this letter is not older than the six-
teenth century and perhaps not older than the seventeenth.
The Spanish text was first published by Navarrete in his
Coleccion de los Viages y Descuhrimientos, 1825. An Italian
translation, however, was published in 1505 and is commonly
known as the Letter a Rarissima. Mr. John Boyd Thacher
has reproduced this early Italian translation in facsimile in his
Christopher Columbus, accompanied by a translation into
English. Cesare de Lollis prepared a critical edition of the
Spanish text for the Raccolta Colombiana, which was carefully
collated with and in some instances corrected by this con-
temporary translation. Most of his changes in punctuation
and textual emendations have been adopted in the present
edition, and attention is called to them in the notes.

The translation is that of R. H. Major as published in the
revised edition of his Select Letters of Columbus. It has been care-
fully revised by the present editor, and some important changes
have been made. As hitherto pubHshcd in English a good
many passages in this letter have been so confused and ob-
scure and some so absolutely unintelligible, that the late
Justin Winsor characterized this last of the important
writings of Columbus as " a sorrowful index of his wander-

387

388 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS

ing reason." ^ Almost every one of these passages has
yielded up the secret of its meaning either through a more
exact translation or in the hght of the textual emendations
suggested by de Lollis or proposed by the present editor.
Among such revisions and textual emendations attention
may be called to those discussed on pp. 392, 396, 397. As
here published this letter of Columbus is as coherent and
intelligible as his other writings.

The editor wishes here to acknowledge his obligations to
Professor Henry R. Lang of Yale University, whom he has
consulted in regard to perplexing passages or possible emen-
dations, and from whom he has received valuable assistance.

The other important accounts of this voyage, or of the part
of it covered by this letter, are the brief report by Diego de
Porras, of which a translation is given in Thacher^s Columbus,
and those by Ferdinand Columbus in the Historie and Peter
Martyr in his De Rebus Oceanicis. On this voyage Las Casas's
source was the account of Ferdinand Columbus. Lollis
presents some striking evidence to show that the accounts of
Ferdinand Columbus and Peter Martjo* were based upon the
same original, a lost narrative of the Admiral. It will be re-
membered, however, that Ferdinand accompanied his father
on this voyage, and although only a boy of thirteen his narrative
contains several passages of vivid personal recollection. The
editor has carefully compared Ferdinand's narrative with the
account in this letter and noted the important differences.

E. G. B.

* Christopher Columbus, p 459 ; c/. also the passages quoted on p. 460.

THE FOURTH VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS

A Letter written by Don Christohal Colony Viceroy and Ad-
miral of the IndieSj to the most Christian and mighty King
and Queen of Spain^ our Sovereigns, in which are described
the events of his voyage, and the countries, provinces, cities,
rivers and other marvellous matters therein discovered, as
well as the places where gold and other substances of great
richness and value are to be found

Most Serene, and very high and mighty Princes, the King
and Queen our Sovereigns : —

My passage from Cadiz to the Canary occupied four days,
and thence to the Indies sixteen days. From which I wrote,
that my intention was to expedite my voyage as much as pos-
sible while I had good vessels, good crews and stores, and
that Jamaica was the place to which I was bound. I wrote
this in Dominica : ^ —

Up to the period of my reaching these shores I experienced
most excellent weather, but the night of my arrival came on
with a dreadful tempest, and the same bad weather has con-
tinued ever since. On reaching the island of Espanola ^ I
despatched a packet of letters, by which I begged as a favor
that a ship should be supplied me at my own cost in lieu of
one of those that I had brought with me, which had become
unsea worthy, and could no longer carry sail. The letters
were taken, and your Highnesses will know if a reply has
been given to them. For my part I was forbidden to go on

^ The punctuation of this first paragraph has been changed in the fight
of the contemporary Itafian translation known as the Lettera Rarissima,
which is given in facsimile and English translation in Thacher's Christopher
Columbus, II. 671 et seqq.

2 June 29. Las Casas, III. 29.

389

590 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1602

shore ; ^ the hearts of my people failed them lest I should take
them further, and they said that if any danger were to befall
them, they should receive no succor, but, on the contrary,
in all probability have some great affront offered them. More-
over every man had it in his power to tell me that the new
Governor would have the superintendence of the countries
that I might acquire.^

The tempest was terrible throughout the night, all the
ships were separated, and each one driven to the last ex-
tremity, without hope of anything but death; each of them
also looked upon the loss of the rest as a matter of certainty.
What man was ever born, not even excepting Job, who would
not have been ready to die of despair at finding himself as I
then was, in anxious fear for my own safety, and that of my
son, my brother ^ and my friends, and yet refused permission
either to land or to put into harbor on the shores which by
God's mercy I had gained for Spain sweating blood ?

But to return to the ships: although the tempest had so
completely separated them from me as to leave me single,
yet the Lord restored them to me in His own good time. The
ship which we had the greatest fear for, had put out to sea
to escape [being blown] toward the island. The Gallega * lost
her boat and a great part of her provisions, which latter loss
indeed all the ships suffered. The vessel in which I was, though
dreadfully buffeted, was saved by our Lord's mercy from any
injury whatever; my brother went in the ship that was un-
sound, and he under God was the cause of its being saved.

* By the letter of the King and Queen, March 14, 1502, Columbus had
been forbidden to call at Espafiola on the outward voyage. Las Casas,
Historia de las Indias, III. 26.

' The new governor, Ovando, who had been sent out to supersede Boba-
dilla, had reached Santo Domingo in April of this year, 1502.

^ Columbus was accompanied by his younger son Ferdinand and his
elder brother Bartholomew. Las Casas, III. 25.

* The translation here follows Lollis's emendation of the text which
changed the printed text, " habia, echado d la mar, par escapar, fa^ta la isola
la Gallega; perdio la barca," etc., to "habia echado a la marj por escapar
jasta la isla; la Gallega perdio la barca." One of the ships was named La
Gallega, and there is no island of that name in that regioa.

1502] HIS LETTER ON THE FOURTH VOYAGE 391

With this tempest I struggled on till I reached Jamaica, and
there the sea became calm, but there was a strong current
which carried me as far as the Queen's Garden ^ without seeing
land. Hence as opportunity afforded I pushed on for the
mainland, in spite of the wind and a fearful contrary current,
against which I contended for sixty days, and after all only
made seventy leagues. All this time I was unable to get into
harbor, nor was there any cessation of the tempest, which
was one continuation of rain, thunder and lightning ; indeed it
seemed as if it were the end of the world. I at length reached
the Cape of Gracias a Dios, and after that the Lord granted
me fair wind and tide ; this was on the twelfth of September.^

^ Columbus set forth from the harbor of Santo Domingo in the storm,
Friday, July 1 . The ships found refuge in the harbor of Azua on the follow-
ing Sunday, July 3. (Ferdinand Columbus in the Historie, ed. 1867, pp. 286-
287.) Azua is about 50 miles west of Santo Domingo in a straight line, but
much farther by water. After a rest and repairs the Admiral sailed to Ya-
quimo, the present Jacmel in the territory of Hayti, into which port he went
to escape another storm. He left Yaquimo, July 14. (Las Casas, III. 108 ;
Ferdinand Columbus, Historie, p. 289.) He then passed south of Jamaica,
and was carried by the currents northwest till he reached the Queen's Garden,
a group of many small islands south of Cuba and east of the Isle of Pines,
so named by him in 1494 on his exploration of the coast of Cuba.

^ From the Queen's Garden he sailed south July 27 (the Porras narrative
of this voyage, Navarrete, II. 283; in English in Thacher, Columbus,
II. 640 et seqq.), and after a passage of ninety leagues sighted an island Satur-
day, July 30. (Porras in Thacher, II. 643.) This was the island of
Guanaja about twelve leagues north of Trujillo, Honduras. (Las Casas, III.
109.) Here a landing was made and a canoe was encountered which was
covered with an awning and contained Indians well clothed and a load of
merchandise. Notwithstanding these indications of a more advanced culture
than had hitherto been found, the Admiral decided not to explore the country
of these Indians, which would have led him into Yucatan and possibly Mexico,
but to search for the strait which he supposed separated Asia from the con-
tinental mass he had discovered on his third voyage (Paria, South America).
He struck the mainland near Trujillo, naming the point Caxinas. At or
near this place they landed Sunday, August 14, to say mass. (Las Casas, III.
112; Ferdinand Columbus, ^zs^om, p. 295.) From this point he coasted
very slowly, sailing in sight of land by day and anchoring at night, distressed
by storms and headwinds, some days losing as much ground as could be
gained in two, till September 12, when he reached Cape Gracias a Dios.
(Las Casas, III. 113; Historie, p. 297; Porras narrative in Thacher,
Columbus, II. 644.) It will be seen from this collation of the sources that
the statements in our text are far from exacts that they are in fact a very

392 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1502

Eighty-eight days did this fearful tempest continue, during
which I was at sea, and saw neither sun nor stars; my ships
lay exposed, with sails torn, and anchors, rigging, cables,
boats and a great quantity of provisions lost; my people
were very weak and humbled in spirit, many of them prom-
ising to lead a religious life, and all making vows and promis-
ing to perform pilgrimages, while some of them would fre-
quently go to their messmates to make confession/ Other
tempests have been experienced, but never of so long a dura-
tion or so fearful as this : many whom we looked upon as brave
men, on several occasions showed considerable trepidation;
but the distress of my son who was with me grieved me to the
soul, and the more when I considered his tender age, for he
was but thirteen years old, and he enduring so much toil for
so long a time. Our Lord, however, gaveTiim strength even
to enable him to encourage the rest, and he worked as if he
had been eighty years at sea, and all this was a consolation to
me. I myself had fallen sick, and was many times at the
point of death, but from a httle cabin that I had caused to be

general and greatly exaggerated recollection of a most trying experience.
It will be remembered that Ferdinand was on this voyage, but his narrative
says nothing of any storm between July 14 when he left the Queen's Gardens
and the arrival at Guanaja, a passage which Porras says took three days.
This passage, however. Las Casas describes apparently on the basis of this
letter as having taken sixty days {Historia, III. 108). Next the text of
the Historie presents a difficulty, for it places the tedious stormy voyage of
sixty leagues and seventy days between Caxinas (Trujillo) and Cape Gracias
a Dios {Historie^ p. 296), although in another place it gives the beginning of
this coasting as after August 14 and the date of arrival at the Cape as Sep-
tember 12. This last chronological difficulty may perhaps be accounted for
in this way: The original manuscript of the Historie may have had ''XXX
dias," which a copyist or the Italian translator may have taken for "LXX
dias."

* A review of the chronology of the voyage in the preceding note will
show that no such storm of eighty-eight days' duration could have occurred
in the first part of this voyage. Columbus was only seventy-four days in
going from Santo Domingo to Cabo Gracias a Dios. Either the text is wrong
or his memory was at fault. The most probable conclusion is that in copying
either LXXXVIII got substituted for XXVIII or Ochenta y ocho for Veinte
y ocho. In that case we should have almost exactly the time spent in going
from Trujillo to Cape Gracias a Dios, August 14 to September 12, and exact
agreement* between our text, the Historie, and the Porras narrative.

1502] HIS LETTER ON THE FOURTH VOYAGE 393

constructed on deck, I directed our course. My brother was
in the ship that was in the worst condition and the most ex-
posed to danger ; and my grief on this account was the greater
that I brought him with me against his will.

Such is my fate, that the twenty years of service * through
which I have passed with so much toil and danger, have prof-
ited me nothing, and at this very day I do not possess a roof
Tn Spain that I can call my own; if I wish to eat or sleep,
I have nowhere to go but to the inn or tavern, and most times
lack wherewith to pay the bill. Another anxiety wrung my
very heartstrings, which was the thought of my son Diego,
whom I had left an orphan in Spain, and dispossessed of my
honor and property, although I had looked upon it as a cer-
tainty, that your Majesties, as just and grateful Princes, would
restore it to him in all respects with increase.^

I reached the land of Cariay,^ where I stopped to repair
my vessels and take in provisions, as well as to afford relaxa-
tion to the men, who had become very weak. I myself (who,
as I said before, had been several times at the point of death)
gained information respecting the gold mines of which I was
in search, in the province of Ciamba ; ^ and two Indians con-
ducted me to Carambaru,^ where the people (who go naked)

^ Twenty years, speaking approximately. This letter was written in 1503,
and Columbus entered the service of Spain in 1485.

^ Diego was the heir of his father's titles. He was appointed governor
of the Indies in 1508, but a prolonged lawsuit was necessary to establish his
claims to inherit his father's rights.

^ Their course was down the Mosquito coast. Cariay was near the mouth
of the San Juan River of Nicaragua. Las Casas gives the date of the arrival
at Cariari, as he gives the name, as September 17 (III. 114). The Historie
gives the date as September 5 and the name as Cariai (p. 297).

^ Peter Martyr, De Rebus Oceanicis (ed. 1574), p. 239, says that Columbus
called Ciamba the region which the inhabitants called Quiriquetana, a name
which it would seem still survives in Chiriqui Lagoon just east of Almirante
Bay. The name "Ciamba" appears on Martin Behaim's globe, 1492, as a
province corresponding to Cochin-China. It is described in Marco Polo
under the name "Chamba"; see Yule's Marco Polo, II. 248-252 (bk.
III., ch. v.).

* Carambaru is the present Almirante Bay, about on the border between
Costa Rica and Panama. Las Casas describes the bay as six leagues long
and over three broad with many islands and coves. He gives the name

394 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1502

wear golden mirrors round their necks, which they will neither
sell, give, nor part with for any consideration. They named
to me many places on the sea-coast where there were both
gold and mines. The last that they mentioned was Veragua,'
which was five-and-twenty leagues distant from the place
where we then were. I started with the intention of visiting
all of them, but when I had reached the middle of my journey
I learned that there were other mines at so short a distance
that they might be reached in two days. I determined on
sending to see them. It was on the eve of St. Simon and St.
Jude,^ which was the day fixed for our departure ; but that
night there arose so violent a storm, that we were forced to
go wherever it drove us, and the Indian who was to conduct
us to the mines was with us all the time. As I had found every
thing true that had been told me in the different places which
I had visited, I felt satisfied it would be the same with respect
to Ciguare,^ which according to their account, is nine days

as Caravard (III. 118). Ferdinand Columbus's account is practically
identical.

^ Veragua in this letter includes practically all of the present republic of
Panama. The western quarter of it was granted to Luis Colon, the Admiral's
grandson, in 1537, as a dukedom in partial compensation for his renouncing
his hereditary rights. Hence the title Dukes of Veragua borne by the Admi-
ral's descendants. The name still survives in geography in that of the
little island Escudo de Veragua, which lies off the northern coast.

^ The eve or vigil of St. Simon and St. Jude is October 27. According to
the narrative in the Historie, on October 7, they went ashore at the channel
of Cerabora (Carambaru). A few days later they went on to Aburema.
October 17 they left Aburema and went twelve leagues to Guaigo, where they
landed. Thence they went to Cateva (Catiba, Las Casas) and cast anchor in
a large river (the Chagres). Thence easterly to Cobra va; thence to five
towns, among which was Beragua (Veragua) ; the next day to Cubiga. The
distance from Cerabora to Cubiga was fifty leagues. Without landing, the
Admiral went on to Belporto (Puerto Bello), which he so named. C' Puerto
Bello, which was a matter of six leagues from what we now call El Nombre
de Dios." Las Casas, IIL 121.) He arrived at Puerto Bello November 2,
and remained there seven days on account of the rains and bad weather.
{Historie, pp. 302-306.) Apparently Columbus put this period of bad weather
a few days too early in his recollection of it.

' Ciguare. An outlying province of the Mayas lying on the Pacific side
of southern Costa Rica. Peter Martyr, De Rebus Oceanicis, p. 240, says,
"In this great tract (i.e., where the Admiral was) are two districts, the near
one called Taia, and the further one Maia."

1502] HIS LETTER ON THE FOURTH VOYAGE 395

journey across the country westward : they tell me there is a
great quantity of gold there, and that the inhabitants wear
coral ornaments on their heads, and very large coral bracelets
and anklets, with which article also they adorn and inlay
their seats, boxes, and tables. They also said that the women
there wore necklaces hanging down to their shoulders. All
the people agree in the report I now repeat, and their account
is so favorable that I should be content with the tithe of the
advantages that their description holds out. They are all
likewise acquainted with the pepper-plant ; ^ according to the
account of these people, the inhabitants of Ciguare are accus-
tomed to hold fairs and markets for carrying on their commerce,
and they showed me also the mode and form in which they
transact their various exchanges ; others assert that their ships
carry cannon, and that the men go clothed and use bows
and arrows, swords and cuirasses, and that on shore they have
horses which they use in battle, and that they wear rich
clothes and have good things.^ They also say that the sea sur-
rounds Ciguare, and that at ten days' journey from thence is
the river Ganges ; these lands appear to hold the same relation
to Veragua, as Tortosa to Fontarabia, or Pisa to Venice.^
When I left Carambaru and reached the places in its neighbor-
hood, which I have mentioned above as being spoken of
by the Indians, I found the customs of the people correspond
with the accounts that had been given of them, except as re-
garded the golden mirrors: any man who had one of them
would willingly part with it for three hawks '-bells, ^ although
they were equivalent in weight to ten or fifteen ducats. These
people resemble the natives of Espanola in all their habits.

^ See p. 311, note 5.

' Probably casas, houses, should be the reading here. In the correspond-
ing passage of the contemporary Italian version the word is ''houses.'' This
information, mixed as it is with Columbus's misinterpretations of the Indian
signs and distorted by his preconceptions, was first made public in the
Italian translation of this letter in 1505 and then gave Europe its first inti-
mations of the culture of the Mayas.

^ I.e., in being on either side of a peninsula, Tortosa and Fontarabia
being on opposite sides of the narrowest part of the Spanish peninsula.

* See p. 300, note 1.

396 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1602

They have various modes of collecting the gold, none of which
will bear comparison with the plans adopted by the Christians.
All that I have here stated is from hearsay. This, how-
ever, I know, that in the year ninety-four I sailed twenty-
four degrees to the westward in nine hours, ^ and there can be
no mistake upon the subject, because there was an eclipse;
the sun was in Libra and the moon in Aries.^ What I had
learned by the mouth of these people I already knew in detail
from books. Ptolemy thought that he had satisfactorily cor-
rected ^ Marinus, and yet this latter appears to have come very
near to the truth. Ptolemy placed Catigara ^ at a distance of
twelve lines to the west of his meridian, which he fixes at
two degrees and a third beyond Cape St. Vincent, in Portugal.
Marinus comprised the earth and its limits in fifteen hnes.'"^

^ The Spanish reads, "Lo que yo se es que el ano de noventa y cuatro en
veinte y cuatros grados al Poniente en termino de nueve horas." The trans-
lation in the text and that in Thacher (II. 687) of the Italian makes nonsense.
The translation should be "what I know is that in the year '94 (1494) I
sailed westward on the 24th parallel (lit. on 24 degrees) a total of nine hours
(lit. to a limit of nine hours)." That is, he reckoned that he had gone
^\ round the world on the 24th parallel, and he knew it because there was an
edipse by which he found out the difference in time between Europe and
where he was. The "termino" of nine hours refers to the western limit of
his exploration of the southern coast of Cuba when he concluded it v/as a
projection of the mainland of Asia. After reaching the conclusion that this
is the correct interpretation of this passage, I discovered that it had been
given by Humboldt in his Kritische Untersuchungen iiber die historische
Entwickelung der gcographischen Ke?intnisse von der Neuen Welt, I. 553, and
by Peschel in his Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, p. 97, note 2. It may be objected
to this explanation that in reality Columbus had only gone about 75 degrees
west of Cape St. Vincent in Portugal. The accurate calculation of longitude
at that time, however, was impossible, and as will be seen in the following
note Columbus's calculation was biassed by powerful preconceptions.

^ In his LibrodeProfecias Columbus recorded the data of this eclipse which
took place February 29, 1494, from which he drew the conclusion, "The
difference between the middle of the island Jamaica in the Indies and the
island of Cadiz in Spain is seven hours and fifteen minutes." Navarrete,
Viages, II. 272.

^ Reading remendiado or remendado instead of remedado.

* Catigara was in China on the east side of the Gulf of Tonquin.

^ Marinus of Tyre divided the earth into 24 meridians, 15 degrees or
one hour apart. His first meridian passed the Fortunate Isles, which he sup-
posed to be 2J degrees west of Cape St. Vincent, and his fifteenth through

1502] HIS LETTER ON THE FOURTH VOYAGE 397

Marinus on Ethiopia gives a description covering more than
twenty-four degrees beyond the equinoctial hne, and now that
the Portuguese have sailed there they find it correct/ Ptolemy
says also that the most southern land is the first boundary,
and that it does not go lower down than fifteen degrees and a
third.^ The world is but small; out of seven divisions of it

Catigara, southeastern China. The inhabited world embraced fifteen of
these Unes, 225 degrees, and the unknown portion east of India and west
of Spain, nine lines, or hours, or 135 degrees. Cj. Vignaud, Toscanelli and
Columbus, p. 74; Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography, II. 519 et seqq.
Columbus, therefore, according to his calculations, had in 1494 completely
covered this unknown section and reached India (or China), and so had demon-
strated the correctness of Marinus's views. In reality his strong preconcep-
tions as to where he was distorted his calculations of the longitude. Ptolemy
corrected Marinus's estimate of 225 degrees from Cape St. Vincent to Sera
in China, and, as noted in Columbus's letter, placed Catigara in China (on the
east side of the Gulf of Tonquin) at twelve lines or 180 degrees west of his
meridian (2^ degrees west of Cape St. Vincent) . If Ptolemy was right, Colum-
bus had not reached India (or more exactly China) or come, on his own calcu-
lation, within 45 degrees or 2700 geographical miles of it measured on the
equator. The outline reproduction of the map of Bartholomew Columbus
made after his return from this voyage given in Channing's Student's History
of the United States, p. 27 (photographic reproduction in Bourne, Spain in
America, p. 96) illustrates the Admiral's ideas and conclusions. This region
{i.e., Costa Rica and Panama) is a southern extension of Cochin-China and
Cambodia and is connected with Mondo Novo, i.e., South America,

^ The translation here adopts the emended text of Lollis, substituting
''ali[e]nde" for "al Indo" in the sentence ''Marino en Ethiopia escribe al
Indo la linea equinoQial." Raccolta Colomhiana, parte I., tomo II., p. 184.
The translation of the unamended text as printed by Major was ''the same
author describes the Indus in Ethiopia as being more than four and twenty
degrees from the equinoctial line." Apparently the 24 should be 44. With
these changes the statements in the text agree with Columbus's marginalia
to the Imago Mundi, where he notes that the Cape of Good Hope is Agesinba
and that Bartholomew Diaz found it to be 45 degrees south of the equator.
"This," he goes on, "agrees with the dictum of Marinus, whom Ptolemy
corrects, in regard to the expedition to the Garamantes, who said it traversed
27,500 stadia beyond the equinoctial." Raccolta Colomhiana, parte II.,
tomo II., p. 377. On Marinus 's exaggerated estimate of the distance covered
by the Romans in tropical Africa, see Bunbury, History of Ancient Geog-
raphy, II. 524.

^ This is unintelligible. The Spanish is, "Tolomeo diz que la tierra mas
austral es el plazo primero." The meaning of plazo is not " boundary " but
*' term " (allotted time). The reading should be: "la tierra mas austral
es el praso promontorio," and the translation should be, "Ptolemy says that
the most southern land is the promontory of Prasum," etc. Prasum promon-

398 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1502

the dry part occupies six, and the seventh is entirely covered
by water/ Experience has shown it, and I have written it
with quotations from the Holy Scripture, in other letters,
where I have treated of the situation of the terrestrial para-
dise, as approved by the Holy Church ; ^ and I say that the
world is not so large as vulgar opinion makes it, and that one
degree of the equinoctial hne measures fifty-six miles and two-
thirds ; and this may be proved to a nicety.^

But I leave this subject, which it is not my intention now
to treat upon, but simply to give a narrative of my laborious
and painful voyage, although of all my voyages it is the most
honorable and advantageous. I have said that on the eve
of St. Simon and St. Jude I ran before the wind wherever it
took me, without power to resist it ; at length I found shelter
for ten days from the roughness of the sea and the tempest
overhead, and resolved not to attempt to go back to the
mines, which I regarded as already in our possession.^ When
I started in pursuance of my voyage it was under a heavy
rain, and reaching the harbor of Bastimentos I put in, though

torium was Ptolemy's southern limit of the world. He placed it at about
16 degrees south latitude. See Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography,
II. 572, and Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, art. "Prasum
Promontorium " ; also Ptolemy's Geography, bk. iv., ch. ix., the descrip-
tive matter relating to Map 4 on Africa.

^ //. Esdras, vi. 42, see p. 358, note 1.

' See the Letter of Columbus on his Third Voyage. Major, Select Letters
of Columbus, p. 141.

^ Ptolemy reckoned the length of the degree on the equator at 62^
miles. The shorter measurement of 56f was the estimate adopted by the
Arab astronomer Alfragan in the ninth century and known to Columbus
through Cardinal d'Ailly's Imago Mundi, the source of much if not most of
his information on the geographical knowledge and opinions of former times.
Cardinal d'Ailly's source of information about Alfragan was Roger
Bacon's Opus Majus. Columbus was deeply impressed with Alfragan's
estimate of the length of the degree and annotated the passages in the
Imago Mundi. Of. Raccolta Colomhiana, Parte I., tomo II., pp. 378, 407,
and frequently. See this whole question in Vignaud, Toscanelli and Colum-
bus, p. 79 et seqq.

* In Puerto Bello. See p. 394, note 2. Porto Bello, to use the Angli-
cized form, became the great shipping port on the north side of the
isthmus for the trade with Peru. Cf. Bourne, Spain in America, p. 292

1502] HIS LETTER ON THE FOURTH VOYAGE 399

much against my will/ The storm and a rapid current kept
me in for fourteen days, when I again set sail, but not with
favorable weather. After I had made fifteen leagues with great
exertions, the wind and the current drove me back ^ again
with great fury, but in again making for the port which I had
quitted, I found on the way another port, which I named
Retrete, where I put in for shelter with as much risk as regret,
the ships being in sad condition, and my crews and myself
exceedingly fatigued.^ I remained there fifteen days, kept in
by stress of weather, and when I fancied my troubles were at
an end, I found them only begun. It was then that I changed
my resolution with respect to proceeding to the mines, and
proposed doing something in the interim, until the weather
should prove more favorable for my voyage.^ I had already
made four leagues when the storm recommenced, and wearied
me to such a degree that I absolutely knew not what to do;
my wound reopened, and for nine days my life was despaired
of ; never was the sea seen so high, so terrific, and so covered
with foam ; not only did the wind oppose our proceeding on-
ward, but it also rendered it highly dangerous to run in for
any headland, and kept me in that sea which seemed to me
as a sea of blood, seething like a cauldron on a mighty fire.
Never did the sky look more fearful ; during one day and one
night it burned like a furnace, and every instant I looked to
see if my masts and my sails were not destroyed; these

* Columbus left Porto Bello November 9 and went eight leagues, but the
next day he turned back four and took refuge at what is now Nombre de
Dios. From the abundance of maize fields he named it Port of Provisions
(Puerto de Bastimentos) . Historie, p. 306.

^ Me reposd atrds il viento, etc. For reposd the text apparently should
be either repuso, "put back/' or rempujd, ''drove back/' and the transla-
tion is based on this supposition.

' They remained at Bastimentos till November 23, when they went on to
Guiga, but did not tarry but pushed on to a little harbor (November 26),
which the Admiral called Retrete (Closet) because it was so small that it
could hold only five or six vessels and the entrance was only fifteen or twenty
paces wide. Historie, p. 306.

" That is, Columbus turns back to explore the mines on account of the
violence of the east and northeast winds. This was December 5. Historie^
p. 309.

400 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1502

flashes came with such alarming fury that we all thought the
ships must have been consumed. All this time the waters
from heaven never ceased, not to say that it rained, for it was
Uke a repetition of the deluge. The men were at this time so
crushed in spirit that they longed for death as a dehverance
from so many martyrdoms. Twice already had the ships
suffered loss in boats, anchors, and rigging, and were now lying
bare without sails.

When it pleased our Lord, I returned to Puerto Gordo,^
where I recruited my condition as well as I could. I then
once more turned towards Veragua ; for my voyage, although
I was [ready] for it, the wind and current were still contrary.^
I arrived at nearly the same spot as before, and there again
the wind and currents still opposed my progress ; and once
again I was compelled to put into port, not daring to await the
opposition of Saturn ^ with Mars so tossed on an exposed
coast; for it almost always brings on a tempest or severe
weather. This was on Christmas-day, about the hour of
mass.

Thus, after all these fatigues, I had once more to return to
the spot from whence I started ; and when the new year had
set in, I returned again to my task : but although I had fine
weather for my voyage, the ships were no longer in a sailing
condition, and my people were either dying or very sick. On
the day of the Epiphany,^ I reached Veragua in a state of ex-

^ Not mentioned in the Historic by name. It was the place where they
stayed from December 26 to January 3 to repair the ship Gallega as appears in
the Prohanzas del Almirante. Navarrete, Viages, III. 600. It was between
Rio de los Lagartos and Puerto Bello. LolHs, Raccolta Colombiana, Parte I.,
tomo II., p. 187.

^ Adopting de LoUis's text and punctuation.

^ La oposicion de Saturno con Marte tan desvaratado en costa brava, adopt-
ing de LoUis's text following the suggestion of the contemporary Italian
translation. According to the doctrines of astrology the influence of Saturn
was malign. *' When Saturn is in the first degree of Aries, and any other
Planet in the first degree of Libra, they being now an hundred and eighty
degrees each from other, are said to be in Opposition: A bad Aspect."
William Lilly, Christian Astrology (London, 1647), p. 27.

^ Epiphany, January 6. It will be remembered that Columbus had
passed Veragua the previous October when working eastward. See p. 394,

1503] HIS LETTER ON THE FOURTH VOYAGE 401

haustion ; there, by our Lord's goodness, I found a river and a
safe harbor, although at the entrance there were only ten
spans of water. I succeeded in making an entry, but with
great difficulty; and on the following day the storm recom-
menced, and had I been still on the outside at that time, I
should have been unable to enter on account of the reef. It
rained without ceasing until the fourteenth of February, so
that I could find no opportunity of penetrating into the in-
terior, nor of recruiting my condition in any respect what-
ever ; and on the twenty-fourth of January, when I considered
myself in perfect safety, the river suddenly rose with great
violence to a considerable height, breaking my cables and the
breastfasts,^ and nearly carrying away my ships altogether,
which certainly appeared to me to be in greater danger than
ever. Our Lord, however, brought a remedy as He has al-
ways done. I do not know if any one else ever suffered
greater trials.

On the sixth of February, while it was still raining, I sent
seventy men on shore to go into the interior, and at five
leagues' distance they found several mines. The Indians who
went with them conducted them to a very lofty mountain,
and thence showing them the country all around, as far as the
eye could reach, told them there was gold in every part, and
that, towards the west, the mines extended twenty days' jour-
ney ; they also recounted the names of the towns and villages
where there was more or less of it. I afterwards learned that

note 2. He now found he could enter the river of Veragua, but found
another near by called by the Indians Yebra, but which Columbus named
Belem in memory of the coming of the three kings (the wise men of the East)
to Bethlehem. (Las Casas, III. 128 ; Porras in Thacher, II. 645.) The name
is still preserved attached to the river.

^ Proeses. In nautical Spanish prois or proiza is a breastfast or headfast,
that is a large cable for fastening a ship to a wharf or another ship. In
Portuguese proiz is a stone or tree on shore to which the hawsers are fastened.
Major interpreted it in this sense, translating the words las amarras y proeses,
"the cables and the supports to which they were fastened.'^ The interpre-
tation given first seems to me the correct one, especially as Ferdinand says
that the flood came so suddenly that they could not get the cables on land.
Historic, p. 315.
2d

401^ VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1503

the Quibian/ who had lent these Indians, had ordered them to
show the distant mines, and which belonged to an enemy of
his ; but that in his own territory one man might, if he would,
collect in ten days as much as a child could carry.^ I bring
with me some Indians, his servants, who are witnesses of this
fact. The boats went up to the spot where the dweUings of
these people are situated; and, after four hours, my brother
returned with the guides, all of them bringing back gold which
they had collected at that place. The gold must be abundant,
and of good quality, for none of these men had ever seen
mines before; very many of them had never seen pure gold,
and most of them were seamen and lads. Having building
materials in abundance, I established a settlement, and made
many presents to the Quibian, which is the name they gave
to the lord of the country. I plainly saw that harmony
would not last long, for the natives are of a very rough disposi-
tion, and the Spaniards very encroaching; and, moreover, I
had taken possession of land belonging to the Quibian. When
he saw what we did, and found the traffic increasing, he re-
solved upon burning the houses, and putting us all to death;
but his project did not succeed, for we took him prisoner,
together with his wives, his children, and his servants. His
captivity, it is true, lasted but a short time, for he eluded the
custody of a trustworthy man, into whose charge he had been
given, with a guard of men ; and his sons escaped from a ship,
in which they had been placed under the special charge of the
master.

* Quibian is a title, as indicated a few lines further on, and not a proper
name as Major, Irving, Markham, and others following Las Casas have taken
it to be. The Spanish is uniformly "El Quibian." Peter Martyr says:
"They call a kinglet (regulus) Cacicus, as we have said elsewhere, in other
places Quebi, in some places also Tiba. A chief, in some places Sacchus, in
others Jura." De Rebus Oceanicis, p. 24L

' " Una mozada de oro." Mozada is not given in any of the Spanish
dictionaries I have consulted. The Academy dictionary gives mojada as a
square measure, deriving it from the low Latin modiata from modius. Perhaps
one should read mojada instead of mozada and give it a meaning similar to
that of modius or about a peck. Major's translation follows the explana-
tion of De Verneuil, who says : " Mozada signijie la mesure que peut porter
un jeune gargon."

1503] HIS LETTER ON THE FOURTH VOYAGE 403

In the month of January the mouth of the river was en-
tirely closed up/ and in April the vessels were so eaten by the
ship worm/ that they could scarcely be kept above water. At
this time the river forced a channel for itself, by which I man-
aged, with great difficulty, to extricate three of them after I
had unloaded them. The boats were then sent back into the
river for water and salt, but the sea became so high and fu-
rious, that it afforded them no chance of exit; upon which
the Indians collected themselves together in great numbers,
and made an attack upon the boats, and at length massacred
the men..^ My brother, and all the rest of our people, were in
a ship which remained inside; I was alone, outside, upon that
dangerous coast, suffering from a severe fever and worn with
fatigue. All hope of escape was gone. I toiled up to the
highest part of the ship, and, with a voice of fear crying, and
very urgently, I called upon your Highnesses' war-captains
in every direction for help, but there was no reply.
At length, groaning with exhaustion, I fell asleep, and
heard a compassionate voice address me thus : ^^0 fool,
and slow to believe and to serve thy God, the God of all!
what did He do more for Moses, or for David his servant,
than He has done for thee? From thine infancy He has
kept thee under His constant and watchful care. When He
saw thee arrived at an age which suited His designs respecting
thee. He brought wonderful renown to thy name throughout

^ The mouth of the river was closed by sand thrown up by the violent
storms outside. Historie, p. 321.

2 The teredo.

^ During the weeks that he was shut in the River Belem Columbus had
his brother explore the country. The prospects for a successful colony led
him to build a small settlement and to plan to return to Spain for re-enforce-
ments and supplies. The story is told in detail in the Historie and by Irving,
Columbus, II. 425-450, and more briefly by Markham, Columbus, pp. 259-
267. This was the first settlement projected on the American Continent.
The hostility of the Indians culminating in this attack rendered the execution
of the project impracticable. In the manuscript copy of Las Casas's His-
toria de las Indias Las Casas noted on the margin of the passage containing
the account of this incident, ''This was the first settlement that the Span-
iards made on the mainland, although in a short time it came to naught.''
See Thacher, Columbus, II. 608.

404 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1503

all the land. He gave thee for thine own the Indies, which
form so rich a portion of the world, and thou hast divided
them as it pleased thee, for He gave thee power to do so. He
gave thee also the keys of those barriers of the ocean sea which
were closed with such mighty chains ; ^ and thou wast obeyed
through many lands, and gained an honorable fame throughout
Christendom. What did he more for the people of Israel, when
he brought them out of Egypt ?^ or for David, whom from a
shepherd He made to be king in Judea ? Turn to Him, and
acknowledge thine error — His mercy is infinite. Thine old
age shall not prevent thee from accomphshing any great under-
taking. He holds under His sway many very great pos-
sessions. Abraham had exceeded a hundred years of age
when he begat Isaac ; nor was Sarah young. Thou criest out
for uncertain help: answer, who has afflicted thee so much
and so often, God or the world? The privileges promised by
God, He never fails in bestowing; nor does He ever declare,
after a service has been rendered Him, that such was not agree-
able with His intention, or that He had regarded the matter
in another Hght ; nor does he inflict suffering, in order to give
effect to the manifestation of His power. His word goes ac
cording to the letter; and He performs all his promises with
interest. This is [his] custom. Thus I have told thee what
thy Creator has done for thee, and what He does for all men.
Just now He gave me a specimen of the reward of so many
toils and dangers incurred by thee in the service of others. '' ^
I heard all this, as it were, in a trance ; but I had no answer
to give in definite words, and could but weep for my errors.

^ De Lollis points out that these striking words are a paraphrase of the
famous Unes in Seneca's Medea, Chorus, Act II.: —

Venient annis saecula seris

Quibus Oceanus vincula rerum

Laxet, et ingens pateat tellus,

Tethysque novos detegat orbes

Nee sit terris ultima Thule.
Columbus copied these verses into his Libro de las Profecias and translated
them. Navarrete, Viages, II. 272.

' Accepting de Lollis 's emended text.

1603] HIS LETTER ON THE FOURTH VOYAGE 405

He who spoke to me, whoever it was, concluded by saying, —
V'^ Fear not, but trust; all,.thgse_tribulations are recorded on
marble, and not without cause? T arose as soon as I could ;
and at the end of nine days there came fine weather, but not
sufficiently so to allow of drawing the vessels out of the river.
I collected the men who were on land, and, in fact, all of them
that I could, because there were not enough to admit of one
party remaining on shore while another stayed on board to
work the vessels. I myself should have remained with my men
to defend the settlement, had your Highnesses known of it;
but the fear that ships might never reach the spot where we
were, as well as the thought, that when provision is to be
made for bringing help, everything will be provided,^ made
me decide upon leaving. I departed, in the name of the
Holy Trinity, on Easter night,^ with the ships rotten, worm-
eaten and full of holes. One of them I left at Belen, with
a supply of necessaries; I did the same at Belpuerto. I then
had only two left, and they in the same state as the others.
I was without boats or provisions, and in this condition I
had to cross seven thousand miles of sea ; or, as an alterna-
tive, to die on the passage with my son, my brother, and so
many of my people. Let those who are accustomed to find-
ing fault and censuring ask, while they sit in security at
home, *^Why did you not do so and so under such circum-
stances?'' I wish they now had this voyage to make.
I verily believe that another journey of another kind awaits
them, or our faith is nothing.

On the thirteenth of May I reached the province of Mago
[Mango],^ which borders on Cathay, and thence I started

^ " Quando se aia de pro veer de socorro, se proveera de todo."

2 April 16, 1503.

^ Cuba. According to Ferdinand Columbus the course was as follows :
The Admiral followed the coast of the isthmus eastward beyond El Retrete
to a place he named Marmoro (near Pun to de Mosquitos) somewhat west of
the entrance to the Gulf of Darien ; then May 1 in response to the urgency of
the pilots he turned north. May 10 they sighted two little islands, Caymanos
Chicos, and the 12th they reached the Queen's Garden just south of Cuba
(see p. 391, note 1). The next day they landed in Cuba and secured
supplies. It is significant of the tenacity of Columbus's conviction that

406 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1603

for the island of Espafiola. I sailed two days with a good
wind, after which it became contrary. The route that I fol-
lowed called forth all my care to avoid the numerous islands,
that I might not be stranded on the shoals that lie in their
neighborhood. The sea was very tempestuous, and I was
driven backward under bare poles. I anchored at an island,
where I lost, at one stroke, three anchors; and, at midnight,
when the weather was such that the world appeared to be
coming to an end, the cables of the other ship broke, and it
came down upon my vessel with such force that it was a
wonder we were not dashed to pieces ; the single anchor that
remained to me was, next to the Lord, our only preservation.
After six days, when the weather became calm, I resumed my
journey, having already lost all my tackle; my ships were
pierced by borers more than a honey-comb and the crew en-
tirely paralyzed with fear and in despair. I reached the
island a little beyond the point at which I first arrived at it,
and there I turned in to recover myself after the storm ;^ but
I afterwards put into a much safer port in the same island.
After eight days I put to sea again, and reached Jamaica by
the end of June ; ^ but always beating against contrary winds,
and with the ships in the worst possible condition. With
three pumps, and the use of pots and kettles, we could scarcely
clear the water that came into the ship, there being no remedy
but this for the mischief done by the ship-worm. I steered in

Cuba was a part of the mainland of Asia that he here calls it Mago (i.e.,
Mango). June 12, 1494, when he had explored the southern coast of Cuba,
he reached this conviction and compelled his officers and crew to take oath
that "it (i.e., Cuba) is mainland and in particular the province of Mango."
Navarrete, Viages, II. 144. (The affidavits are translated in Thacher, Columbus,
II. 327.) Mangi (southern China) is described by Marco Polo at great length.
In the second Toscanelli letter Quinsay is said to be '' in the province of
Mangi, i.e., near the province of Cathay.'' It is noted several times in
Columbus's marginalia to Marco Polo.

^ Alli me tome a reposar atrds la jortuna. De Lollis, following the Italian
translation, reads : Alli me tornd a reposar atrds la jortuna, etc. '' There the
storm returned to drive me back ; I stopped in the same island in a safer
port." As this gives an unknown meaning to reposar , he suggests that Colum-
bus may have written repujar, " to drive."

2 June 23. Historie, p. 334.

1503] HIS LETTER ON THE FOURTH VOYAGE 407

such a manner as to come as near as possible to Espanola,
from which we were twenty-eight leagues distant, but I after-
wards wished I had not done so, for the other ship which was
half under water was obliged to run in for a port. I deter-
mined on keeping the sea in spite of the weather, and my
vessel was on the very point of sinking when our Lord miracu-
lously brought us upon land. Who will believe what I now
write ? I assert that in this letter I have not related one hun-
dredth part of the wonderful events that occurred in this
voyage; those who were with the Admiral can bear witness
to it. If your Highnesses would be graciously pleased to send
to my help a ship of above sixty-four tons, with two hundred
quintals of biscuits and other provisions, there would then be
sufficient to carry me and my crew from Espanola to Spain.
I have already said that there are not twenty-eight leagues
between Jamaica and Espaiiola ; and I should not have gone
there, even if the ships had been in a fit condition for so doing,
because your Highnesses ordered me not to land there. God
knows if this command has proved of any service. I send this
letter by means of and by the hands of Indians; it will be a
miracle if it reaches its destination.

This is the account I have to give of my voyage. The men
who accompanied me were a hundred and fifty in number,
among whom were many calculated for pilots and good sailors,
but none of them can explain whither I went nor whence I
came ; ^ the reason is very simple : I started from a point
above the port of Brazil ^ in Espaiiola. The storm prevented
me from following my intended route, for I was obliged to
go wherever the wind drove me ; at the same time I fell very
sick, and there was no one who had navigated in these parts

^ On the contrary the narrative of Diego de Porras, which he prepared after
his return to Spain in November, 1504, is a much clearer account of the
voyage in most respects than this letter of Columbus's. For it, see Thacher,
Columbus, II. 640-646. Porras relates that during this voyage the Admiral
took all the charts away that the seamen had had. Thacher, Columbus^
II. 646.

"^ ^^El puerto de Jaquimo [Jacmel], which he called the port of Brasil.'
Las Casas, Historia, III. 108.

408 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1503

before. However, after some days, the wind and sea became
tranquil, and the storm was succeeded by a calm, but accom-
panied with rapid currents. I put into harbor at an island
called Isla de las Pozas, and then steered for mainland ; ^
but it is impossible to give a correct account of all our move-
ments, because I was carried away by the current so many days
without seeing land. I ascertained, however, by the compass
and by observation, that I moved parallel with the coast of
the mainland. No one could tell under what part of the
heavens we were, and when I set out from there to come to the
island of Espanola, the pilots thought we had come to the
island of St. John, whereas it was the land of Mango, four hun-
dred leagues to the westward of where they said.^ Let them
answer and say if they know where Veragua is situated. I
assert that they can give no other account than that they
went to lands, where there was an abundance of gold, and this
they can certify surely enough ; but they do not know the way
to return thither for such a purpose; they would be obliged
to go on a voyage of discovery as much as if they had never
been there before.

There is a mode of reckoning derived from astronomy which
is sure and safe, and a sufficient guide to any one who under-
stands it. This resembles a prophetic vision.^ The Indies
ships ^ do not sail except with the wind abaft, but this is not
because they are badly built or clumsy, but because the strong
currents in those parts, together with the wind, render it im-
possible to sail with the bowline,^ for in one day they would
lose as much way as they might have made in seven ; for the
same reason I could make no use of caravels, even though they

' Cuba.

^ The pilots thought that they were east of Espanola when Columbus
turned north, and consequently thought that Cuba (Mango) was Porto
Rico (San Juan). Cf. Historie, p. 333.

' I.e., in that it is clear to one who understands it, and bhnd to one
who does not.

* Las naos de las Indias, i.e., the large ships for the Indies, i.e., Espanola.

' Bow-lines are ropes employed to keep the windward edges of the prin-
cipal sails steady, and are only used when the wind is so unfavorable tliat
the sails must be all braced sideways, or close hauled to the wind. (Major.)

1503] HIS LETTER ON THE FOURTH VOYAGE 409

were Portuguese lateens.* This is the cause that they do
not sail unless with a regular breeze, and they will sometimes
stay in harbor waiting for this seven or eight months at a
time ; nor is this anything wonderful, for the same very often
occurs in Spain.

The nation of which Pope Pius II. describes the situa-
tion and characteristics has now been found,^ excepting
the horses with the saddles and poitrels and bridles of gold;
but this is not to be wondered at, for the lands on the sea-
coast are only inhabited by fishermen, and moreover I made
no stay there, because I was in haste to proceed on my voyage.
In Cariay ^ and the neighboring country there are great en-
chanters of a very fearful character. They would have given
the world to prevent my remaining there an hour. When I
arrived they sent me immediately two girls very showily
dressed; the eldest could not be more than eleven years of
age and the other seven, and both exhibited so much im-
modesty, that more could not be expected from public women ;
they carried concealed about them a magic powder ; when they
came I gave them some articles to dress themselves out with,
and directly sent them back to the shore.* I saw here, built

^ I.e., rigged with lateen sails in the Portuguese fashion.

^ Columbus, in his marginal notes to his copy of the Historia Rerum
uhique Gestarum of Pope Pius II. (Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini; Venice, 1477),
summarized the description of the Massagetae in ch. xii. in part as follows :
they "use golden girths and golden bridles and silver breast-pieces and have
no iron but plenty of copper and gold." Raccolta Colomhiana, parte I.,
tomo II., P- 300. This description of the Massagetae goes back to Herodotus.
While some habits ascribed to the Massagetae were like what Columbus
observed in Veragua, their home was nowhere near eastern China.

3 See p. 393, note 3.

^ The account in the Historie is radically at variance with this. The girls
were brought on board and ''showed themselves very brave since although
the Christians in looks, acts, and race were very strange, they gave no
signs of distress or sadness, but maintained a cheerful and modest (honesto)
bearing, wherefore they were very well treated by the Admiral who gave them
clothes and something to eat and then sent them back.'^ Historie, p. 299.
Ferdinand gives the ages as eight and fourteen and says nothing of witchcraft
except that the Indians were frightened and thought they were being be-
witched when Bartholomew the next day ordered the ships' clerks to write
down the rephes he got to his questions ; ibid.

410 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1603

on a mountain, a sepulchre as large as a house, and elaborately
sculptured ; the body lay uncovered and embalmed in it. They
also spoke to me of other very excellent works of art/ There
are many species of animals both small and large, and very
different from those of our country. I had a present of two
pigs, and an Irish dog w^as afraid to face them. A cross-
bowman had wounded an animal like a monkey,^ except that
it was larger, and had a face like a man's; the arrow had
pierced it from the neck to the tail, and since it was fierce
he was obliged to cut off an arm and a leg ; the pig bristled
up on seeing it and tried to get away. I, when I saw this,
ordered the begare ^ as it is called to be thrown to the pig
where he was, and though the animal was nearly dead, and
the arrow had passed quite through his body, yet he threw
his tail round the snout of the boar, and then holding him
firmly, seized him by the nape of the neck with his remaining
hand, as if he were engaged with an enemy. This action was
so novel and so extraordinary, that I have thought it worth
while to describe it here. There is a great variety of animals
here, but they all die of harra^ I saw some very large
fowls (the feathers of which resemble wool),^ lions, stags,
fallow-deer and birds.

When we were so harassed with our troubles at sea, some
of our men imagined that we were under the influence of

* A specimen of the Maya sculptures, of which such imposing remains
are found in Yucatan. The translation follows Lollis's emendation, which
substitutes mirrado for mirando.

^ Goto paulo. On this name, see p. 341, note 3. Ferdinand, in the
Historie, relates this incident in more detail, from which it is clear that the
pigs were peccaries which had been captured by the men. On the other hand,
Ulloa, the Italian translator of the Historie, mistranslated gato paulo by
"gatto," ''cat.''

^ Begare. Columbus in recollecting this incident transferred to the mon-
key the Indian name of the wild pigs. The begare is the "peccary," a native
of America. Oviedo, Hb. xii., cap. xx, gives baquira as the name of wild pigs
in Nicaragua, and baquira and begare are obviously identical.

* For the word barra no explanation can be offered except what is
derived from the context. As the Italian has diverse malattie, ^' divers
diseases," de Lollis suggests that barra should be varias and that maladias
was somehow dropped from the text.

^ Leones. The American lion or puma.

1603] HIS LETTER ON THE FOURTH VOYAGE 411

sorcery, and even to this day entertain the same notion.
Some of the people whom I discovered eat men, as was evi-
denced by the brutahty of their countenances. They say that
there are great mines of copper in the country, of which they
make hatchets ^ and other elaborate articles both cast and
soldered; they also make of it forges, with all the apparatus
of the goldsmith, and crucibles. The inhabitants go clothed;
and in that province I saw some large sheets of cotton very
elaborately and cleverly worked, and others very delicately
painted in colors.^ They tell me that more inland towards
Cathay they have them interwoven with gold. For want of
an interpreter we were able to learn but very little respecting
these countries, or what they contain. Although the coun-
try is very thickly peopled, yet each nation has a very different
language; indeed so much so, that they can no more under-
stand each other than we understand the Arabs. I think,
however, that this applies to the barbarians on the sea-coast,
and not to the people who live more inland. When I dis-
covered the Indies, I said that they composed the richest lord-
ship in the world ; I spoke of gold and pearls and precious
stones, of spices and the traffic that might be carried on in
them; and because all these things were not forthcoming at
once I was abused. This punishment causes me to refrain
from relating anything but what the natives tell me. One
thing I can venture upon stating, because there are so many
witnesses of it, viz., that in this land of Veragua I saw more
signs of gold in the first two days than I saw in Espafiola
during fours years, and that there is not a more fertile or
better cultivated country in all the world, nor one whose in-
habitants are more timid ; added to which there is a good har-
bor, a beautiful river, and the whole place is capable of being
easily put into a state of defence. All this tends to the se-
curity of the^ <3hristians and the permanency of their sover-^

^ A misunderstanding. The Mayas made no metal tools. Brinton,
The American Race, p. 156.

^ Possibly Columbus may have seen some Maya codices, of which such
remarkable specimens have been preserved.

412 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1503

eignty, while it affords the hope of great increase and honor
to the Christian rehgion; moreover the road hither will be
as short as that to Espanola, because there is a certainty of
a fair wind for the passage. Your Highnesses are as much
lords of this country as of Xerez or Toledo; your ships if
they should go there, go to your own house. From there they
will take gold ; in other lands to have what there is in them,
they will have to take it by force or retire empty-handed,
and on the land they will have to trust their persons in the
hands of a savage.^

Of the other [matter] that I refrain from saying, I have
already said w^hy I kept silent. I do not speak so, neither
[do I say] that I make a threefold affirmation in all that I
have ever said or written nor that I am at the source.^ The
Genoese, Venetians and all other nations that possess pearls,
precious stones, and other articles of value, take them to the
ends of the world to exchange them for gold. Gold is most
excellent; gold is treasure, and he who possesses it does all
C^ he wishes to in this world, and succeeds in helping souls
into paradise. They say that when one of the lords of the
country of Veragua dies, they bury all the gold he possessed
with his body. There were brought to Solomon at one jour-
ney ^ six hundred and sixty-six quintals of gold, besides what
the merchants and sailors brought, and that which was paid
in Arabia. Of this gold he made two hundred lances * and three
hundred shields, and the flooring^ which was to be above them

^ Considering Columbus's experience at Veragua this account exhibits
boundless optimism. Still it is not to be forgotten that through the conquest
of Mexico to the north this prediction was rather strikingly fulfilled.

^ It is not clear to what Columbus refers in this sentence.

^ De un camino. The texts to which Columbus refers just below show
that this should read de un aTio, in one year.

* In the Latin version of Josephus used by Columbus the Greek Ovpeos,
a target, was rendered lancea. See Raccolta Colomhiana, parte I., tomo
II., p. 367.

^ Tablado. In the Italian translation tavolato, a "partition wall,"
"wainscoting," also "floor." Tablado also means "scaffold" and
" stage" or "staging." We have here a curious series of mistakes. The
Greek text of Josephus has iKTriofiara, " cups." The old Latin translator,
perhaps having a defective text, took cKTrw/xura apparently to be equivalent

1603] HIS LETTER ON THE FOURTH VOYAGE 413

was also of gold, and ornamented with precious stones ; many
other things he made hkewise of gold, and a great number of
vessels of great size, which he enriched with precious stones.
This is related by Josephus in his Chronicle De Antiquita-
tibus ; mention is also made of it in the Chronicles and in
the Book of Kings/ Josephus thinks that this gold was found
in the Aurea ; ^ if it were so, I contend that these mines of
the Aurea are identical with those of Veragua, which, as I
have said before, extends westward twenty days' journey, and
they are at an equal distance from the Pole and the Line.^
Solomon bought all of it, — gold, precious stones, and silver,
— but your Majesties need only send to seek them to have them
at your pleasure. David, in his will, left three thousand quin-
tals of Indian gold to Solomon, to assist in building the Temple ;
and, according to Josephus, it came from these lands/ Jeru-
salem and Mount Sion are to be rebuilt by the hands of Chris-
tians, who it is to be God told by the mouth of His prophet in
the fourteenth Psalm/ The Abbot Joaquim said that he who

to Trw/xara, which has as its secondary meaning, ^'Hds," and translated it
by the uncommon word coopercula, 'Mids'' (c/. Georges, Lateinischdeutsches
Handworterbuch, sub voce cooperculum) . The meaning of this word Columbus
guessed at, not having the text before him to see the connection, and from
its derivation from cooperio, " to cover," took it to be a '' covering " in the
sense of flooring, or perhaps ceiling, above where the shields were hung " in
the house of the forest of Lebanon," and rendered it tablado. The whole
passage from the old Latin version (published in 1470 and frequently
later), Columbus copied into a fly-leaf of his copy of the Historia Rerum
ubique Gestarum of Pope Pius II. See Raccolta Colombiana, parte I., tomo
XL, pp. 366-367.

^ Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, bk. viii., ch. vii., sect. 4 ; /. Kings,
X. 14, 15; //. Chronicles, ix. 13, 14.

^ The Chersonesus Aurea of Ptolemy, or the Malay Peninsula.

' That is, Veragua and the Golden Chersonese are in the same
latitude.

* Josephus wrote that the gold came from the ''Land of Gold," "a terra
que vocatur aurea,'' as the passage in the Latin version reads. The Greek
is, aTTo T^s XP^^V^ KaXovfievrjs yrj<s. Josephus gives no further identification
of the location.

^ I have not been able to verify this reference. There is nothing in the
fourteenth Psalm relating to this matter, nor is the fourteenth Psalm men-
tioned among the many citations from the Psalms in the Libro de las
Profecias.

414 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS £1603

should do this was to come from Spain ; ^ Saint Jerome showed
the holy woman the way to accomplish it ; ^ and the emperor
of Cathay, a long time ago, sent for wise men to instruct him
in the faith of Christ.^ Who will offer himself for this work ? *
Should any one do so, I pledge myself, in the name of God,
to convey him safely thither, provided the Lord permits me
to return to Spain.

The people who have sailed with me have passed through
incredible toil and danger, and I beseech your Highnesses,
since they are poor, to pay them promptly, and to be gracious
to each of them according to their respective merits; for I
can safely assert, that to my behef they are the bearers of the
best news that ever was carried to Spain. With respect to
the gold which belongs to the Quibian of Veragua, and other
chiefs in the neighboring country, although it appears by the
accounts we have received of it to be very abundant, I do not
think it would be well or desirable, on the part of your High-
nesses, to take possession of it in the way of plunder ; by fair
dealing, scandal and disrepute will be avoided, and all the gold
will thus reach your Highnesses' treasury without the loss of
a grain.

* In his Libro de las Profecias Columbus wrote, "El abad Johachin,
calabres, diso que habia de salir de Espana quien havia de redificar la Casa
del Monte Sion." ''The abbot Joachim, the Calabrian, said that he who
was destined to rebuild the House of Mount Sion was to come from Spain."
Lollis remarks that Columbus interpreted in his own way the ''Oraculum
Turcicum," which concludes the thirty prophecies of Joachim of Flora in
regard to the popes. In the edition (Venice, 1589) which Lollis had seen,
this prophecy was interpreted to mean Charles VIII. of France. Raccolta
Colomhiana, parte II., tomo II., p. ^3.

^ The reference to St. Jerome I have not found in Columbus's marginalia.

' The father and uncle of Marco Polo had been given this mission by
Cublay Kaan. See Marco Polo, bk. i., ch. vii. Opposite the passage in
his copy of the Latin Marco Polo which he had, Columbus wrote, "magnuskam
misit legatos ad pontificem." Raccolta Colomhiana, parte II., tomo II., p. 446.

* The recovery of the Holy Sepulchre had been long a cherished object
with Columbus. See the Journal of the First Voyage, December 26; the
letter to Pope Alexander VI., February, 1502 (Navarrete, Viages, II. 280),
and his Libro de Profecias, a collection of Scripture texts compiled under his
supervision relating to the restoration of Zion, etc. Raccolta Colomhiana^
parte I., tomo II., pp. 77-160.

1503] HIS LETTER ON THE FOURTH VOYAGE 415

With one month of fair weather I shall complete my voy-
age. As I was deficient in ships, I did not persist in delaying
my course ; but in everything that concerns your Highnesses'
service, I trust in Him who made me, and I hope also that
my health will be re-established. I think your Highnesses
will remember that I had intended to build some ships in a
new manner, but the shortness of the time did not permit
it. I had certainly foreseen how things would be. I think
more of this opening for commerce, and of the lordship over
such extensive mines, than of all that has been done in the
Indies.^ This is not a child to be left to the care of a step-
mother.

I never think of Espaiiola, and Paria, and the other coun-
tries, without shedding tears. I thought that what had oc-
curred there would have been an example for others; on the
contrary, these settlements are now in a languid state, although
not dead, and the malady is incurable, or at least very exten-
sive. Let him who brought the evil come now and cure it, if
he knows the remedy, or how to apply it; but when a dis-
turbance is on foot, every one is ready to take the lead. It
used to be the custom to give thanks and promotion to him
who placed his person in jeopardy; but there is no justice in
allowing the man who opposed this undertaking, to enjoy the
fruits of it with his children. Those who left the Indies,
avoiding the toils consequent upon the enterprise, and speak-
ing evil of it and me, have since returned with official appoint-
ments, — such is the case now in Veragua : it is an evil exam-
ple, and profitless both as regards the business in which we
are embarked, and as respects the general maintenance of
justice. The fear of this, with other sufficient considerations,
which I clearly foresaw, caused me to beg your Highnesses,
previously to my coming to discover these islands and main-
land, to grant me permission to govern in your royal name.
Your Highnesses granted my request ; and it was a privilege
and treaty granted under the royal seal and oath, by which I

^ An opinion abundantly justified through the conquest of Mexico and
the estabUshment of the kingdom of New Spain.

416 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS [1503

was nominated viceroy, and admiral, and governor-general of
all: and your Highnesses limited the extent of my govern-
ment to a hundred leagues beyond the Azores and Cape Verde
islands, by a line passing from one pole to the other, and gave
me ample power over all that I might discover beyond this
line; all which is more fully described in the official docu-
ment/

But the most important affair of all, and that which cries
most loudly for redress, remains inexplicable to this moment.
For seven years was I at your royal court, where every one to
whom the enterprise was mentioned treated it as ridiculous;
but now there is not a man, down to the very tailors, who does
not beg to be allowed to become a discoverer. There is reason,
to believe, that they make the voyage only for plunder, and
that they are permitted to do so, to the great disparagement
of my honor, and the detriment of the undertaking itself.^
It is right to give God His own, — and to Caesar^ that which
belongs to him.^ This is a just sentiment, and proceeds
from just feelings. The lands in this part of the world, which
are now under your Higlmesses^ sway, are richer and more ex-
tensive than those of any other Christian power, and yet, after
that I had, by the Divine will, placed them under your high
and royal sovereignty, and was on the point of bringing your
majesties into the receipt of a very great and unexpected
revenue ; and while I was waiting for ships, to convey me in
safety, and with a heart full of jo}", to your royal presence,
victoriously to announce the news of the gold that I had dis-
covered, I was arrested and thrown, with my two brothers,

^ See the Capitulation, pp. 77, 78 above. The Hmit mentioned was fixed
by the Papal Demarcation line; the limit agreed upon by Spain and
Portugal was 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands.

^ A reference to such voyages as those of Vicente Yanez Pinzon, Hojeda,
Diego de Lepe, and Rodrigo de Bastidas which occurred in 1499-1502. Cj.
Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 67-71, and for details Irving, Columbus, III.
15-62.

' Accepting de Lollis's emendation a Cesar instead of the MS. reading
a^etar which Navarrete printed aceptar. The Italian has a Cesaro.

* " Render therefore unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's; and unto
God, the things which are God's." Matthew, xxii. 21.

1503] HIS LETTER ON THE FOURTH VOYAGE 417

loaded with irons, into a ship, stripped, and very ill-treated,
without being allowed any appeal to justice/

Who could believe, that a poor foreigner would have risen
against your Highnesses, in such a place, without any motive
or argument on his side; without even the assistance of any
other prince upon which to rely ; but on the contrary, amongst
your own vassals and natural subjects, and with my sons stay-
ing at your royal court ? I was twenty-eight years old when
I came into your Highnesses' service,^ and now I have not a
hair upon me that is not gray; my body is infirm, and all
that was left to me, as well as to my brothers, has been taken
away and sold, even to the frock that I wore, to my great dis-
honor. I cannot but beheve that this was done without your
royal permission. The restitution of my honor, the reparation
of my losses, and the punishment of those who have inflicted
them, will redound to the honor of your royal character; a
similar punishment also is due to those who plundered me of
my pearls, and who have brought a disparagement upon the
privileges of my admiralty. Great and unexampled will be
the glory and fame of your Highnesses, if you do this ; and the
memory of your Highnesses, as just and grateful sovereigns,
will survive as a bright example to Spain in future ages. The
honest devotedness I have always shown to your Majesties'
service, and the so unmerited outrage with which it has been
repaid, will not allow my soul to keep silence, however much
I may wish it : I implore your Highnesses to forgive my com-
plaints. I am indeed in as ruined a condition as I have re-
lated ; hitherto I have wept over others ; — may Heaven now

^ At Espanola in 1500 by Bobadilla. Cf. the letter to the nurse above,
p. 380.

^ This is one of the most important passages bearing upon the age of
Columbus. As he came to Spain at the end of 1484 according to Ferdi-
nand Columbus, Historie, ch. xii., Peschel fixed his birth in 1456, Zeitalter
der Entdeckungen, p. 76. The majority of modern critics, however, have
agreed upon the basis of notarial documents in Genoa that 1446 was the
date of his birth and propose therefore to emend the text here by substituting
"treinta y ocho" for ''veinte y ocho." On the various dates set for his
birth see Vignaud, The Real Birth-date of Christopher Columbus. Vignaud
fixes upon 1451.
2s

418 VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS

have mercy upon me, and may the earth weep for me. JWith
regard to temporal things, I have not even a blanca,\Jor an
offering; and in spiritual things, I have ceased here in the
Indies from observing the prescribed forms of rehgion. SoU-
tary in my trouble, sick, and in daily expectation of death,
surrounded by a million of hostile savages full of cruelty, and
thus separated from the blessed sacraments of our holy Church,
how will my soul be forgotten if it be separated from the body
in this foreign land? Weep for me, whoever has charity,
truth, and justice ! I did not come out on this voyage to
gain to myself honor or wealth; this is a certain fact, for at
that time all hope of such a thing was dead. I do not He
when I say, that I went to your Highnesses with honest pur-
pose of heart, and sincere zeal in your cause. I humbly
beseech your Highnesses, that if it please God to rescue me
from this place, you will graciously sanction my pilgrimage
to Rome and other holy places. May the Holy Trinity pro-
tect your Highnesses^ hves, and add to the prosperity of your
exalted position.

Done in the Indies, in the island of Jamaica, on the seventh
of July, in the year one thousand five hundred and three.

^ Blanca, a copper coin worth about one-third of a cent.

ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF THE
VOYAGES OF JOHN CABOT

INTRODUCTION

John Cabot, the Venetian sailor who took the first English
ship across the Atlantic, was not a writer like Columbus, and
consequently our knowledge of his projects and his achieve-
ments is limited to what is derived from the reports of other
men who knew him or his son and from certain official docu-
ments. In general our material may be classified into: (a)
English official documents, (b) reports derived from John
Cabot himself, and (c) reports or records derived more or less
directly from Sebastian Cabot. The materials in a and b are
harmonious ; those in classes b and c, on the other hand, are
practically irreconcilable. The result of this conflict of testi-
mony has been to discredit Sebastian Cabot and to lead many
scholars to believe that he tried to ascribe to himself what his
father did. Other critics reluctant to bring so serious a charge
against a man who held honorable positions in Spain and later
in England believe that the material in class c relates to the
second voyage — that of 1498, and that by a mistake it was in
the minds of the narrators confused with the voyage of 1497.
For a presentation of all the original material the reader
may be referred to H. Harrisse, John Cabot the Discoverer of
North America J and Sebastian his Son (London, 1896), and to
G. E. Weare, CaboVs Discovery of North America (London,
1897). G. P. Winship, Cabot Bibliography (London, 1900),
gives a complete guide to the Cabot literature. For a brief
account of the voyages and of the Cabot question see E. G.
Bourne, Spain in America (New York, 1904), pp. 54-63. The
most important recent monograph is H. P. Biggar, The Voy-

421

422 VOYAGES OF JOHN CABOT

ages of the Cahots and of the Corte-RealSj in Revue Hispanique,
tome X. (Paris, 1903).

The material presented here consists of the private letters
of two Italians sojourning in London in 1497-1498, and the
official despatch of the junior Spanish ambassador at the Eng-
Ush court.

E. G. B.

THE VOYAGES OF JOHN CABOT

LETTER OF LORENZO PASQUALIGO TO HIS
BROTHERS ALVISE AND FRANCESCO, MER-
CHANTS IN VENICE^

The Venetian, our countryman, who went with a ship from
Bristol to find new islands, has returned, and says that 700
leagues hence he discovered mainland, the territory of the
Grand Cham (Gram Cam)? He coasted for 300 leagues and
landed ; he did not see any person, but he has brought hither
to the King certain snares which had been set to catch game,
and a needle for making nets ; he also found some cut trees,
wherefore he supposed there were inhabitants. Being in doubt
he returned to his ship.

He was three months on the voyage, and this is certain,
and on his return he saw two islands ^ but would not land,

^ This letter was received in Venice on September 23, 1497, and a copy
of it was incorporated by Marino Sanuto in his diary. It was first brought
to Hght by Rawdon Brown in his Ragguagli sulla Vita e sulle Opere di Marin
Sanuto, etc. (Venezia, 1837). It was pubhshed in EngHsh in a generally
accessible form in 1864 in the Calendar of State Papers, Venetian Series,
I. 262, edited by Rawdon Brown. The translation here given is a revision
of Brown's version. Another translation is printed in Markham, The Journal
of Columbus (London, 1893).

^ This reference to the Grand Cham probably indicates familiarity with
Columbus's views of what he had discovered as expressed in his letters to
Santangel and to Sanchez; see above, p. 268.

The landfall of John Cabot has been the subject of prolonged discussion.
Labrador, Newfoundland, and Cape Breton are the principal places advocated.
Of late years, owing to the vigorous and learned arguments of Dr. S. E.
Dawson there has been an increasing disposition to accept Cape Breton on
Cape Breton Island as the most probable location. See Winship, Cabot
Bibliography, for the literature.

^ The words ''to starboard " have been inserted at this point in all English
translations. Biggar has pointed out that the words al dreto so translated
are Venetian dialect for addietro, which is an alternate form for the more

423

424 VOYAGES OF JOHN CABOT [1497

SO as not to lose time, as he was short of provisions. The
King is much pleased with this. He says that the tides are
slack and do not flow as they do here.

The King has promised that in the spring our country-
man shall have ten ships, armed to his order, and at his re-
quest has conceded him all the prisoners, except traitors, to
go with him as he has requested. The King has also given
him money wherewith to amuse himself till then,^ and he is
now at Bristol with his wife, who is also Venetian, and with
his sons ; his name is Zuam Talbot,^ and he is styled the great
admiral. Vast honor is paid him; he dresses in silk, and
these English run after him like mad people, so that he can
enlist as many of them as he pleases, and a number of our
own rogues besides.

The discoverer of these things planted on his new-found
land a large cross, with one flag of England and another of
St. Mark, by reason of his being a Venetian, so that our ban-
ner has floated very far afield.

London, 23 August 1497.

FIRST LETTER OF RAIMONDO DE SONCINO,
AGENT OF THE DUKE OF MILAN, TO THE DUKE '

. . . Also some months ago his Majesty sent out a Vene-
tian, who is a very good mariner, and has good skill in dis-
covering new islands, and he has returned safe, and has found
two very large and fertile new islands; having likewise dis-
common indietro, back. The earlier translators thought al dreto equivalent
to al dritto, on the right. Al tornar al dreto means simply ''in going back."

^ " August 10, 1497 : To hym that founde the New Isle, 10£. " British
Museum, Add. MSS. No. 7099, 12 Henry VII., fol. 41. From Weare,
Cabot's Discovery of North America, 124.

^ So in Sanuto's text. This form indicates perhaps that Pasqualigo had
only heard the name and not seen it written.

' This letter was found in the archives of the Sforza family in Milan. The
manuscript is apparently no longer extant. There are two somewhat diver-
gent texts. The one translated here is the one sent by Rawdon Brown to the
Public Record Office in London. Both are printed in Weare, Cabot's Discovery,
pp. 142-143. The translation given here is by Rawdon Brown as printed
in the Calendar of State Papers, Venetian Series, I. 259-260.

1497] LETTERS OF RAIMONDO DE SONCINO 425

covered the Seven Cities/ 400 leagues from England, on the
western passage. This next spring his Majesty means to
send him with fifteen or twenty ships.

SECOND LETTER OF RAIMONDO DE SONCINO TO

THE DUKE OF MILAN '

Most Illustrious and Excellent My Lord: —

Perhaps among your Excellency's many occupations, it
may not displease you to learn how his Majesty here has won
a part of Asia without a stroke of the sword. There is in
this kingdom a Venetian fellow, Master John Caboto by name,
of fine mind, greatly skilled in navigation, who seeing that
those most serene kings, first he of Portugal, and then the one
of Spain, have occupied unknown islands, determined to make
a like acquisition for his Majesty aforesaid.^ And having ob-
tained royal grants that he should have the usufruct of all
that he should discover, provided that the ownership of the
same is reserved to the crown, with a small ship and eighteen
persons he committed himself to fortune ; and having set out
from Bristol, a western port of this kingdom, and passed the
western limits of Ireland, and then standing to the north-
ward he began to sail toward the Oriental regions, leaving
(after a few days) the North Star on his right hand; and,

^ The Seven Cities was a legendary island in the Atlantic. They are all
placed and named on the legendary island of Antilia on the map of Grazioso
Benincasa in 1482. See E. G. Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 6 and 7, and
Kretschmer, Die Entdeckung Amerikas, Atlas, plate 4. Columbus reported
in Portugal that he had discovered AntiHa (see p. 225, note 1) ; hence the deduc-
tion either of John Cabot or of Raimondo that the region explored by Cabot,
being far to the west in the ocean, was the same as that visited by Columbus.
Cf. also art. " Brazil, Island of," Encyclopaedia Britannica.

^ This letter is preserved in the Archivio di Stato in Milan. It was first
published in the Annuario Scientifico del 1865 (Milan, 1866). It was first
printed in English in Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America, III.
54-55 (Boston, 1884), in the chapter by Charles Deane, entitled ''The Voy-
ages of the Cabots." This translation was revised by Professor B. H. Nash
of Harvard University and is given here with only one or two slight changes.

^ In this passage Cabot's immediate impulse is attributed to the voyages
of Columbus and their results.

426 VOYAGES OF JOHN CABOT [1497

having wandered about considerably, at last he struck main-
land, where, having planted the royal banner and taken pos-
session on behalf of this King, and taken certain tokens, he
has returned thence. The said Master John, as being foreign-
bom and poor, would not be beUeved if his comrades, who are
almost all Enghshmen and from Bristol, did not testify that
what he says is true. This Master Jolm has the description
of the world in a chart, and also in a solid globe which he has
made, and he shows where he landed, and that going toward
the east he passed considerably beyond the country of the
Tanais.^ And they say that it is a very good and temperate
country, and they think that Brazil-wood ^ and silk grow
there; and they affirm that that sea is covered with fishes,

^ No satisfactory explanation of this can be given. Bellemo, in the Rac-
colta Colombiana, pt. III., vol. I., p. 197, interprets this sentence to mean that
Cabot showed on the globe the place he had reached on the voyage and then
to that statement the remark is added, referring to earlier journeys, " and going
toward the east he has passed considerably beyond the land of the Tanais."
Tanais is the Latin name for the Don, and at the mouth of the Don was the im-
portant Venetian trading station of La Tana. Cf. Biggar, Voyages of the
Cabots and Corte-Reals, pp. 33-34, note. Biggar dissents from this interpreta-
tion. I would offer the conjecture that " the land of the Tanais "stands for the
land of Tana. In Marco Polo the kingdom of Tana, on the western side of
India, is described as powerful and having an extensive commerce. See
Marco Polo, pt. iii., ch. xxx. Raimondo, if unfamiliar with Marco
Polo, would understand La Tana by Tana and then naturally assume that
"the country of Tana" was a sHp for "country of the Tanais." Cabot on
the other hand might have heard of Tana when in Mecca without getting
any very definite idea of its location except that it was far to the East in
India. The phrase "toward the East," like the one earlier in the letter
"toward the Oriental regions," is used of the ultimate destination, not the
direction, and of the destination as a known spot always thought of in
Europe as "the East."

^ El hrasilio for el legno brasilio. Brazil wood was an East Indian red
wood imported into Europe. It is the Caesalpina sappan. Its bright color
led to its being compared to glowing coals, brazia, brascia, etc., Eng. brazier,
and then to its being called, as it were, "glowing coals wood," lignum brasile,
lignum brasilium, etc., and in Italian most commonly brasile and verzino, a
popular corruption. Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Levant au Moyen-Age,
II. 587. On the transference of the name of this wood to a mythical island
in the Atlantic and then, after the discoveries, to the present country of
Brazil which produced dye-woods similar to Brasilio, see Yule's art. "Brazil,
Island of," Encyclopaedia Britannica, and Winsor, Narrative and Critical His-
tory, I. 49-51.

1497] LETTERS OF RAIMONDO DE SONCINO 427

which are caught not only with the net but with baskets, a
stone being tied to them in order that the baskets may sink
in the water. And this I heard the said Master John relate.
And the aforesaid Englishmen, his comrades, say that they
will bring so many fishes that this kingdom will no longer
have need of Iceland, from which country there comes a very
great store of fish which are called stock-fish.^ But Master
John has set his mind on something greater; for he expects
to go farther on toward the East ^ from that place already oc-
cupied, constantly hugging the shore, until he shall be over
against an island, by him called Cipango, situated in the
equinoctial region, where he thinks all the spices of the world,
and also the precious stones, originate ; ^ and he says that in
former times he was at Mecca, whither spices are brought by
caravans from distant countries,* and that those who brought
them, on being asked where the said spices grow, answered
that they do not know, but that other caravans come to their
homes with this merchandise from distant countries, and these
[caravans] again say that they are brought to them from other

^ Stochfissi. The English word ''stockfish'' Italianized. Of the EngHsh
fish trade with Iceland, Biggar gives a full account, Voyages of the Cabots,
pp. 53-62, making frequent citations from G. W. Dasent, Icelandic Annals,
IV. 427-437. He quotes also a passage from the Libell of English Policy,
1436, beginning :

" Of Yseland to wryte is lytille nede
Save of stokfische ;" etc.

^ El Levante, here again as a known place, oriented from Europe. His
destination, not the direction of his route.

' In Cabot's mind the Cipango of Marco Polo is confused with the Spice
Islands. Marco Polo says nothing of the production of spices in his account
of Cipango. The confusion is probably to be traced to Columbus's reports
that he had discovered Cipango and that the islands he had discovered
produced spices.

* From 1425 Jiddah on the east shore of the Red Sea rapidly displaced
Aden as an emporium of the spice trade where the cargoes were transshipped
from Indian to Egyptian vessels. Jiddah is the port of entry for Mecca,
distant about forty-five miles, and Mecca became a great spice market. See
Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Levant au Moyen-Age, II. 445 et seqq., and
Biggar, Voyages of the Cabots and Corte-Reals, pp. 31-36. Biggar quotes
interesting passages on the Mecca trade from The Travels of Ludovico di
Varthema, Hakluyt Society (London. 1863).

428 VOYAGES OF JOHN CABOT [1497

remote regions. And he argues thus, — that if the Orientals
affirmed to the Southerners that these things come from a
distance from them, and so from hand to hand, presupposing
the rotundity of the earth, it must be that the last ones get
them at the North toward the West ; * and he said it in such a
way, that, having nothing to gain or lose by it, I too beheve it :
and what is more, the King here, who is wise and not lavish,
likewise puts some faith in him ; for (ever) since his return he
has made good provision for him, as the same Master John
tells me. And it is said that, in the spring, his Majesty afore-
named will fit out some ships, and will besides give him all the
convicts, and they will go to that country to make a colony,
by means of which they hope to estabhsh in London a greater
emporium of spices than there is in Alexandria; and the
chief men of the enterprise are of Bristol, great sailors, who,
now that they know where to go, say that it is not a voyage
of more than fifteen days, nor do they ever have storms after
they get away from Hibernia. I have also talked with a Bur-
gundian, a comrade of Master John^s, who confirms every-
thing, and wishes to return thither because the Admiral (for
so Master John already entitles himself) ^ has given him an
island ; and he has given another one to a barber of his from
Castiglione-of-Genoa, and both of them regard themselves as
Counts, nor does my Lord the Admiral esteem himself any-
thing less than a Prince. I think that with this expedition
there will go several poor Italian monks, who have all been
promised bishoprics. And, as I have become a friend of the
AdmiraPs, if I wished to go thither I should get an archbish-
opric. But I have thought that the benefices which your

^ I.e.y a place far enough east from Arabia to be thought of as west
from Europe. After making all due allowances one may be excused for feeling
some misgiving whether John Cabot actually ever was in Mecca. While some
of the spices and eastern commodities were brought overland by caravan
from Ormuz or Bassora, the greater part came by water to Jiddah. At Jiddah
he could hardly have failed to get fairly accurate information as to where
the spices came from. That one who had seen that great commerce should
have remained so much in the dark as to conclude that spices came from
northeastern Asia is strange enough.

^ In imitation of Columbus.

1498] DESPATCH OF PEDRO DE AYALA 429

Excellency has in store for me are a surer thing; and there-
fore I beg that if these should fall vacant in my absence, you
will cause possession to be given to me, taking measures to
do this rather where it is needed, in order that they be not
taken from me by others, who because they are present can
be more dihgent than I, who in this country have been brought
to the pass of eating ten or twelve dishes at every meal, and
sitting at table three hours at a time twice a day,^ for the sake
of your Excellency, to whom I humbly commend myself.

Your Excellency's

Very humble servant,

Raimondo.
London, Dec. 18, 1497.

DESPATCH TO FERDINAND AND ISABELLA FROM
PEDRO DE AYALA JUNIOR AMBASSADOR AT THE
COURT OF ENGLAND, JULY 25, 1498'

I THINK your Majesties have already heard that the King
of England has equipped a fleet in order to discover certain
islands and mainland which he was informed some people from

1 English social joys in the fifteenth century did not appeal to the more
refined Italians. An interesting parallel to this comment of Raimondo de
Soncino is to be found in Vespasiano's life of Poggio. "Pope Martin sent
him with letters to England. He strongly condemned their life, consuming
the time in eating and drinking. He was used to say in pleasantry that
oftentimes being invited by those prelates or English gentlemen to dinner or
to supper and staying four hours at the table he must needs rise from the table
many times to wash his eyes with cold water so as not to fall asleep." Ves-
pasiano da Bisticci, Vite di Uomini Illustri del Secolo XV. (Florence, 1859),
p. 420.

^ The original is in the archives at Simancas partly in cipher. It was dis-
covered and deciphered by Bergenroth and published in the Calendar of
State Papers, Spanish Series, I., pp. 176-177. The Spanish text was published
by Harrisse, Jean et Sebastien Cabot, pp. 329-330, and in Weare, Cabot's
Discovery, pp. 160-161. Bergenroth 's translation is given here, carefully
revised. The contents of this letter were briefly summarized in a despatch
to the Catholic sovereigns by Dr. Puebla, their senior ambassador, which was
transmitted at or about the same time with that of Ayala. The Puebla
despatch, which contains nothing not in the Ayala despatch, can be seen in
Weare, p. 159.

430 VOYAGES OF JOHN CABOT

Bristol, who manned a few ships ^ for the same purpose last
year, had found. I have seen the map which the discoverer
has made, who is another Genoese, hke Colon [and ?] ^ who has
been in Seville and in Lisbon, asking assistance for this dis-
covery. The people of Bristol have, for the last seven years,
sent out every year two, three, or four Hght ships (caravelas),
in search of the island of Brazil and the seven cities,^ accord-
ing to the fancy of this Genoese. The King determined to
send out [slnps], because, the year before, they brought cer-
tain news that they had found land. The fleet consisted of
five vessels, which carried provisions for one year. It is said
that one of them, in which another Fai [Friar ?] Bull * went,
has returned to Ireland in great distress, the ship being much
damaged. The Genoese continued his voyage. I, having
seen the route which they took, and the distance they sailed,
find that what they have found, or what they are in search of,
is what your Highnesses already possess since it is, in fine,
what fell to your Highnesses by the treaty with Portugal.^
It is expected that they will be back in the month of Sep-
tember. I inform your Highnesses in regard to it. The king of
England has often spoken to me on this subject. He hoped
to derive great advantage from it. I think it is not further
distant than four hundred leagues. I told him that, in my
opinion, the land was already in the possession of your Majes-
ties; but, though I gave him my reasons, he did not like it.
Because I believe that your Highnesses will presently receive
information in regard to all this matter, and the chart or map
which this man has made, I do not now send it ; it is here and
it, according to my opinion, is false, in order to make it appear
that they are not the said islands.

^ In this Ayala would seem to have been misinformed. Cf. pp. 423, 425.

^ The "and" is not in the original, but is supplied by all the editors. It
is not absolutely certain that it belongs there. If it does, the passage implies
that Cabot had recently been in Seville and Lisbon to enlist interest in his
second voyage.

' This information is not elsewhere confirmed. On Brazil and the Seven
Cities, see p. 426, note 2, and p. 425, note 1.

* One Friar Buil went with Columbus on his second voyage.

5 The treaty of Tordesillas, June 7, 1494; see p. 323, note 8.

INDEX

Aburema, 394 n.

Actil, Bay of, 188 n., 197, 198 n.

Adam of Bremen, and reliability of
Vinland tradition, 13; Descriptio
Insularum Aquilonis, extract, 67-
68.

Aden, decline of spice trade, 427 n.

Admiral, office of, 78 n., 79.

Affonso, Rodrigo, and Columbus, 324.

Agesinba, identified by Columbus
with Cape of Good Hope, 397 n.

Aguado, Juan, 377, 379.

Aguja, Point of, 344, 345.

Alcagovas, Treaty of, 254 n.

Alexander VI., pope, letter concern-
ing projected voyage of newly
appointed Bishop of Gardar, 73-74.

Almirante Bay, 393 n.

Alonso, Roderigo, see Affonso, Rodrigo.

*'Alto de Juan Danue," 133 n.

Alto Velo, mountain, 365.

Alto y Bajo, Cabo, 188.

America and Vinland voyages, 7-13;
and Asia, 126, 131, 134, 135, 136,
145, 157, 174, 268; mainland dis-
covered by John Cabot, 423; main-
land discovered by Columbus, 333.

Amianus, see Arrianus.

Amiga, La, island, 198, 199, 208.

Angel, Cabo del, 220.

Antilia, legendary island, 101 n., 425 n.

Arana, Diego de, 183 n. ; sent ashore,
200; remains in Espanola, 209-210;
mentioned, 321.

Arana, Pedro de, despatched to Es-
panola, 321.

Arena, Las Islas de, 130.

Arenal, Punta del, 334.

Arnarstapi, Gudrid in, 18.

Arnlaug, settles in Greenland, 47.

Arnold, Bishop of Greenland, 69 n.

Arrianus, history of India, 329 n.

Asia, Columbus believes Cuba to be
part of, 396 n. ; and John Cabot's
landfall, 425.

Aslak of Langadal, 16.

Asuncion, Isla de la, 356.

Aud the Wealthy, 14; in Iceland, 15.

Avalldamon, reported to be a king of
the Skrellings, 41.

Ayala, Pedro de, despatch to Ferdi-
nand and Isabella, 429-430.

Ayay, see Guadeloupe.

Azores, reports of land to westward,
93; mentioned, 236, 237, 329;
Columbus at, 243-249; and De-
marcation Line, 323, 326, 416.

Azua, Columbus in, 391 n.

Azules, Punta de los, 166 n.

Babeque, Columbus sails towards, 143,
147; reports of gold, 181, 184, 214^
215; sighted, 150-151; Martin
Alonso Pinzon seeks, 152, 214-215;
Columbus seeks, 167, 179; described
by Indians, 174.

Babueca, island, 346.

Bafan, 136.

BaUena, Gulf of, 334, 339, 345, 349, 355.

Baneque, see Babeque.

Banes, Puerto de, 132 n.

Baracoa, Puerto de, 131 n.-133 n.;
Columbus enters, 158 n.-159; inland
explorations, 161-162; Columbus
sets up cross, 162; Columbus sails
from, 166.

Bardsen, Ivar, account of Greenland,
11, 71 n.

Bassora, spice caravans, 428 n.

Bastidas, Rodrigo de, voyage, 416 n.

Bastimentos, harbor of, Columbus in,
398-399.

Becerro, Cabo del, 213.

Behechio, an Indian ruler, 345.

431

432

INDEX

Belem, river, 401 n. ; settlement near,
403 n.

Belprado, Cape, 220.

Belpuerto, 394 n., 399 n., 405.

Beothuk Indians, 41 n.

Biarney, 32.

Biarni, Grimolf's son, 30; accompanies
expedition to Vinland, 31-32, 35;
fate, 39, 42-43.

Biarni Herjulfson, and discovery of
America, 8-9, 12; voyage, 48-50.

Blacksark, discovered, 17, 46.

Boavista, Columbus at, 324-325.

Bobadilla, Francisco de, 375; gover-
nor, 376; and Columbus, 376-383,
417 n,; proclaims immunities, 376;
takes Columbus prisoner, 380; dis-
tributes gold, 380; appropriates
Columbus's house, 383.

Bohio, 126, 146, 147; inhabitants, 153,
156, 167; sighted, 167; size, 174;
reports of gold, 202; Columbus in,
295.

Boma, Rio, 166 n.

Boto, Cape, 340, 353, 354.

Brand of Alptafirth, sons of, 45.

Brand, Bishop, the Elder, and chronol-
ogy of Vinland voyages, 6-7, 43 n.

Brattahlid, Eric in, 23, 27, 46, 48, 50;
Biarni and Thorfinn Karlsefni in,
30-31; Leif arrives, 54; Gudrid
comes to, 59.

Brazil, discovery, 326 n.

Brazil, mythical island, 426 n., 430.

Brazil, port of, Espaflola, 407.

Breidabolstad, 16.

Breidafirth, Eric goes to, 17, 45, 46.

Bristol, and expedition of John Cabot,
423, 425, 428, 430; and search for
the Seven Cities, 430.

Brokey, Eric takes possession, 16.

Buen Tiempo, Cabo del, 220.

Bull, Friar, 430.

Burenquen, 294-295. See also Porto
Rico.

Cabaflas, Puerto de las, 353.

Cabaflas, Punta de, 132 n.

Cabo Rico, 356.

Cabo Santo, 211, 212.

Cabot, John, sources of information,
421-422; letter of Lorenzo Pas-
qualigo, 423-424; voyage of 1497,

423-424; landfall, 423 n., 426; re-
ception, 424, 428; new voyage pro-
posed, 428; and title admiral, 428;
map, 426, 430.

Cabot, Sebastian, and father's voyages,
421.

Cabra, 213 n., 296 n.

Cabral, route of, 326 n.

Cabron, Cabo, 221 n.

Cadiz, and proposed inspection of
ships from Indies, 277; Columbus's
departure, 283.

Caithness, conquered by Thorstein the
Red and Earl Sigurd the Mighty,
14.

Cambodia, supposed connection of
Costa Rica and Panama with, 397 n.

Campana, Cabo de, Columbus ap-
proaches, 156-158.

Canaries, Columbus at, 92-94, 283-
284, 320-323; French ship at, 320;
pearls, 364.

Caonabd, King, and fate of first settle-
ment in Espaiiola, 300, 303, 304,
307; mentioned, 312.

Cape Breton Island, and Karlsefni 's
voyages, 40 n. ; and landfall of John
Cabot, 423 n.

Cape Verde Islands, 103; and Hes-
perides, 322; and Demarcation
Line, 323, 326, 416; Columbus at,
324-326.

Carabelas grandes, Boca de, 134 n.

Caracol, Bay of, Columbus anchors in,
299 n.

Caracol, El, island, 340, 353.

Carambaru, 393, 394 n.

Cariay, 393; Indians of, 409.

Carib, island of, 223, 225, 226, 229, 230.
See also Porto Rico.

Caribata, Cabo de, 188.

Caribata, Monte, described, 188; men-
tioned, 196, 199.

Caribs, 203; houses, 286, 289; re-
ported cannibalism, 286, 288-290;
industry, 289; appearance, 289,
293; treatment of captives, 290-
291; several captured, 292, 293;
fight with Spaniards, 293; and
natives of Porto Rico, 294; men-
tioned, 322, 330, 348, 359.

Caritaba, province of, reports of gold,
202.

INDEX

433

Carvajal, Alonso Sanchez de, de-
spatched to Espanola, 321.

Cascaes, Columbus at, 251.

Cassiterides, Columbus identifies with
Azores, 329.

Castaneda, Juan de, attempt to seize
Columbus, 245-248.

Cateva, 394 n.

Cathay, Columbus's desire to reach,
134; supposed proximity to Cuba,
405; emperor's embassy to Rome,
414.

Catholicism, in Greenland, 70-74;
Columbus urges its establishment in
Espanola, 274-275, 361.

Catiba, Columbus in, 394 n.

Catigara, location, 396-397.

Caxinas, Point, named, 391 n.; men-
tioned, 392 n.

Caymanos Chicos, islands, sighted,
405 n.

Cayre, 293. See also Dominica.

Central America, exploration of coast,
387.

Cerabora, see Carambaru.

Ceyre, 290. See also Dominica.

Chanca, Dr., letter to Cabildo of Seville,
280-313.

China, Columbus's belief that he had
reached, 397 n.

Christianity, introduced into Green-
land, 23-26; m Greenland, 29, 56,
57,71-74; in Iceland, 46; and New
World, 352.

Chuzona chica, Rio, 219 n.

Ciamba, province of, 393.

Cibao, 197; reports of gold, 202;
mentioned, 206; explored, 312-
313; mines, 338.

Ciguare, described by natives, 394-395.

Cinquin, Cabo de, 168; Columbus
approaches, 171, 174.

Cipango, 101 n.; Columbus desires to
find, 113; Cuba mistaken for, 126,
127, 128, 130; mentioned, 197, 202,
212.

Clato, Prior of, entertains Columbus,
254.

Cobrava, 394 n.

Coche, 357.

Cochin-China, Costa Rica and Panama
believed to be southern extension of,
397 n. I

Colon, see Columbus.

Colonization, plan of Columbus for
Espafiola, 273-277.

Columbo, Juan Antonio, despatched
to Espanola, 321.

Columbus, Bartholomew, in Espa-
nola, 321; mentioned, 345; pro-
jected exploring expedition, 360;
meets admiral, 366; in Paragua,
375; taken prisoner, 380; map,
397 n.

Columbus, Christopher, contract, 77-
80; patent, 81-84; first voyage,
89-258; departure, 90; at Canaries,
92-94; signs of land, 96-100;
landfall, 108-109; takes possession,
110; desire to reach Cipango, 113;
at Santa Maria de la Concepcion,
115; at Fernandina, 120; believes
Cuba to be Cipango, 126; discovers
Cuba, 130; along coast, 144-168;
Martin Alonso Pinzon deserts, 152;
at Espanola, 169-228; reappearance
of Pinzon, 214; and disaffection of
Pinzons, 216-219; homeward voy-
age, 228-258; storm, 241; at
Azores, 244-249; puts in at Portu-
gal, 251-256; reception by King of
Portugal, 251-256; arrival, 257; let-
ter to Santangel, 263-272 ; and Cuba,
263; and Espanola, 264; duration of
first voyage, 272; plan for coloniza-
tion and commerce of Espanola,
273-277; second voyage, 278-313;
sources of information, 281-282; at
Canaries, 283-284; at Dominica,
284-285; at Guadeloupe, 286-291;
at Porto Rico, 294-295; at Es-
panola, 295-313; finds settlement
destroyed, 300; visits Cacique, 304;
building of city, 308; sickness, 309,
312; third voyage, 314-366; sources
of information, 317-318; prepara-
tions, 319; reception in Madeira,
320; at Canaries, 320; at Cape
Verde Islands, 324-326; sends ships
ahead to Espanola, 320-323; in-
structions concerning treatment of
Indians, 322; proposed route, 322,
326, 327; and Demarcation Line,
326, 382; signs of land, 329-330;
Trinidad sighted, 331; mainland of
South America discovered, 333; at

434

INDEX

Trinidad, 335-339; along coast,
331-351, 353-358, 362; and a New
World, 352, 355, 356; in Boca del
Drago, 354; near Margarita, 356-
357, 362; anxiety about Espanola,
359-360; reasons for hastening to
Espafiola, 359-362; and Earthly
Paradise, 364-365; arrival in Es-
panola, 365, 366; misfortunes, 371;
aid of Isabella, 371-372; in dis-
favor, 372, 375, 378-379; revolt in
Espafiola, 374; and Bobadilla, 376-
383; letter on fourth voyage, sig-
nificance, 387; fourth voyage, 389-
418; outward voyage, 389; ar-
rival at Espafiola, 389; forbidden
to land, 390; storm, 390-392; at
Queen's Garden, 391; along coast
of Central America, 391-403, 405;
search for strait, 391 n.; illness,
392-393, 399; geographical con-
ceptions, 396-398; and Earthly
Paradise, 398 ; illness, 399 ; tempest,
399-400 ; sends out exploring party,
401; trouble with Indians, 402-
403; establishes settlement, 402;
reaches Cuba, 406; in Jamaica,
406; one ship puts into a port of
Espafiola, 407; urges colonization
of Veragua, 411-413; deplores con-
dition of Spanish settlements, 415;
complains of ill-treatment, 416-418.

Columbus, Diego, brother of Columbus,
in Espafiola, 321 ; taken prisoner, 380.

Columbus, Diego, son of Columbus,
page to Prince Jolm, 379; men-
tioned, 393.

Columbus, Ferdinand, 241 n., 321;
page in Queen's household, 379;
accoimt of fourth voyage, 318, 388,
392 n.

Commerce, plan of Columbus for
Espafiola, 273-277; value of Span-
ish colonies predicted, 415.

Concepcion, La, island, 356.

Concepcion, Puerto de la, Columbus
in, 172-179.

Conchas, Cabo de, 356.

Coroay, 206.

Cosa, Juan de la, master of Santa
Maria, 200; mentioned, 204.

Costa Rica, supposed connection with
Cambodia, 397 n.

Crooked Island, 123.

Cuba, mistaken for Cipango, 126-130;
described by Indians, 130-136; dis-
covered, 136; mistaken for mainland
of Asia, 134, 263, 323, 405, 406;
explorations, 136-148; Columbus
returns, 153; Columbus leaves, 167;
mentioned, 176, 263-264, 267, 364,
391 n.; Columbus lands on fourth
voyage, 405.

Cuba, Cabo de, 146, 147.

Cubagua, reports of pearls, 357.

Cubiga, 394 n.

Dama, Alvaro, 253.

Darien, Gulf oL 405 n.

Davis, John, voyage to Greenland, 74 n.

Delfin, El, 340, 353.

Demarcation Line, and Columbus, 326;

Papal, 416; agreement between

Spain and Portugal, 416.
Diaz, Bartolom6, 252, 397 n.
Dimunarvag, 16.
Dogurdar River, country between, and

Skraumuhlaups River, occupied by

Aud, 15.
Dominica, discovered, 285; described

285; mentioned, 290, 321; report of

gold, 293; Columbus heads for, 330.
Drago, Boca del, named, 340; Co-
lumbus's ships in peril in, 354-355.
Drangar, 16, 45.
Drepstokk, Heriulf at, 47.
Drontheim, Leif arrives in, 47.
Drontheim, Archbishop of, papal

letter to, 70 n.; jurisdiction, 71.
Drontheim, Archbishop Valkendorf

of, 74 n.
Dublin, captured by King Olaf, 14.
Duelling-Hrafn, killed by Eric the

Red, 16, 45.

Earthly Paradise, Columbus and, 364-
365.

Einar of Laugarbrekka, 18.

Einar, of Einarsfirth, settles in Green-
land, 47.

Einar, son of Thorgeir, 18; sues for
Gudrid's hand, 19.

Elefante, Cabo del, 168, 171.

Enamorado, Cabo del, 221.

Engafio, Cabo del, 229 n., 295 n., 321.

Enriquez, Beatrix, 321.

INDEX

435

Eric, Earl, visited by Biarni Her-
julfson, 150.

Eric the Red, saga of, 3-5, 14-43;
goes to Iceland, 14, 45; in Drangar
and Haukadal, 15-16, 45; voyage,
16-17, 45-46; discovers Greenland,
16, 17, 46; return to Iceland, 17,
46; fight with Thorgest, 17; names
and colonizes Greenland, 17, 46;
mentioned, 20; welcomes Thor-
biorn to Eastern Settlement, 23;
unwilling to embrace Christianity,
26; and expedition to land discov-
ered by Leif, 26-27, 50; receives
Gudrid, 29; welcomes Biarni and
Thorfinn Karlsefni, 30, 42; men-
tioned, 31, 33, 56; at Brattahlid,
48; death, 54.

Eric Gnupson, Bishop of Greenland,
expedition, 69.

Eric Uppsi, see Eric Gnupson.

Ericsey, Eric the Red at, 17, 46.

Ericsfirth, Eric the Red at, 17, 46;
mentioned, 26, 27, 29, 30, 54, 55, 59,
64.

Ericsholms, Erie in, 17.

Ericsstad, Eric at, 16.

Ericsstadir, Eric the Red in, 15, 45.

Ericsvag, 16, 45.

Escocesa, Bahia, 220 n.

Escobedo, Rodrigo de, 110, 184; re-
mains in Espanola, 209, 210.

Escudo, Puerto, 168 n., 171 n.

Eskimos, and Vinland, 10, 41 n.; and
Greenlanders, 71 n.-72 n.

Espanola discovered, 168; named,
173, 264; natives, 175-177, 180-
187, 190-196, 198, 201-203, 205-
210, 222-225, 265-269, 297-307;
products, 177, 178; climate, 178;
description, 181-182, 192-193, 264-
268; Columbus praises land and
people, 198, 201, 202; first settle-
ment, 204, 206, 268; reports of gold,
215; coast explored, 215-228; rec-
ommendations of Columbus for
colonization and commerce, 273-
277; return of Columbus, 295;
scenery, 296 ; fate of first settlement,
300-304; building of city Isabella,
308; products, 310-312; ships de-
spatched to, 320-323; supplies for,
348-350, 353; revolts, 360, 366,

373; colonists, 373, 374-377; arrival
of Bobadilla, 375-378; Columbus
taken prisoner, 380; mining, 382;
Columbus forbidden to land, 390;
and Columbus's fourth voyage, 406-
408; condition, 415.

Estrella, Cabo de la, 168, 171.

Exploring expeditions, independent,
authorized by Ferdinand and Isa-
bella, 360.

Eyiulf of Sviney, 16, 45.

Eyiulf the Foul, 15, 16, 45.

Eyrar, Biarni arrives at, 48.

Ejrxney, 16, 45.

Fava, 134.

Fayal, mentioned, 235.

Ferdinand and Isabella, contract with
Columbus, 77-80; and route to
Indies, 78; patent to Columbus,
81-84; war with Moors, 89; and
Demarcation Line, 323, 326; and
Columbus, 331; authorize inde-
pendent exploring expeditions, 360;
and Hojeda, 373; and Bobadilla,
376 ; and Columbus's fourth voyage,
389-418.

Femandina, discovered, 116-117, 263;
Columbus approaches, 118; natives,
119; described, 119; coast ex-
plored, 120-122; sighted, 129.

Ferro, island of, 93, 104, 112, 137,
237, 284, 323.

Finnbogi, voyage to Wineland, 62,
63; death, 64.

Flat Island Book, 3; composition, 4;
"The Vinland History," and col«
lateral sources, 8-9; reliability oi
"Vinland History" questioned, 8-'
10, 12.

Flechas, Golfo de las, 228.

Flechas, Puerto de las, Columbus in,
222-228.

Flores, island, 235-237.

Fortunate Isles, and first meridian of
Marinus, 396 n.

Fraile, Punta del, 166 n.

Frances, Cabo, 220.

Frances, Puerto, 199 n.

Frederick, Bishop, in Iceland, 46.

Freydis, 32; drives ofif Skrellings, 38;
fate, 39; marriage, 48; voyage to
Vinland, 62-64; and death of Helgi

436

INDEX

and Finnbogi, 63-64; return, 64-

65.
Froda-wonder, 24.
Fuma, 206.

Funchal, Columbus in, 320.
Furdustrandir, see Wonder-strands.

Galeota, Cape, Columbus sees, 332 n.

Galera, Cabo de la, 332.

Gallega, La, ship of Columbus on fourth
voyage, 390.

Gama, Vasco da, 323 n.; in south
Atlantic, 323 n., 326 n.

Gard, overseer at Lysufirth, death,
27, 29.

Gardar, Freydis at, 48; Freydis
leaves, 62 ; bishopric of, in fifteenth
century, 70-74.

Gatos, Puerto de, 353.

Geirstein, 16.

Geography, Columbus's conceptions
of world, 387, 396-398.

GlaumbcBiar-land, Thorfinn Karlsefni
in, 65.

Glaumboer, church in, 66.

Gomera, Columbus at, 93, 284, 320;
mentioned, 94.

Gomera, Count of, see Peraza, Guillen.

Good Hope, Cape of, 397 n.

Gordo, Puerto, 400.

Gottskalk, Annals of, quoted, 69 n.

Government of Espailola, Columbus's
plan, 274; Columbus's desire to be
relieved, 375; Bobadilla's arrival,
375-376 ; immunities proclaimed,
376-378.

Gracia, Isla de, 338-341.

Gracia, Rio de, 219.

Gracias d Dios, Cape, 391, 392 n.

Gran Can, 89; embassy to Rome,
89; and Columbus's belief that he
has reached Asia, 126, 131, 134,
135, 136, 145, 157, 174, 268; and
Cabot's landfall, 423.

Gran Canaria, Columbus at, 92, 283.

Granja, Puerto de la, 187 n.

Greenland, Norse colonists, 10; dis-
covery, 17; explored, 17; named,
17; colonization, 17; Thorbiorn in
Western Settlement, 20-23; in-
troduction of Christianity, 23-26;
sickness in Western Settlement, 27-
29, 57-59; Biarni and Thorfinn

Karlsefni in, 30-32, 59; return of
Thorfinn Karlsefni, 62; Helgi and
Finnbogi in, 62; mentioned, 67 n.;
bishopric of Gardar, 71-74; con-
ditions in colony, 71-74.

Grimhild, death and burial, 57, 58.

Guacamari, see Guacanagarl.

Guacanagarl, Indian cacique, 193 n.,
207; Columbus takes leave of, 209-
210; mentioned, 298-300, 303, 361;
suspected of treachery, 301, 305-
307; receives Columbus, 304-305.

Guadalquivir River, 180.

Guadeloupe, 225 n., 290 n.; Columbus
at, 286; mentioned, 343; natives re-
port mainland to south, 359.

Guaigo, 394 n.

Guanahani, discovered, 110, 263; Co-
lumbus takes possession of, 110;
natives, 111-113; mentioned, 131,
134, 151.

Guanaja, Columbus at, 391 n., 392 n.

Guarico, 188 n., 196 n.

Guarionex, 206.

Gudrid, ancestry, 15 n., 18; in Arnar-
stapi, 18; return to Laugarbrekka,
19; and prophecy of Thorbiorg,
22-23; marries Thorstein Ericson,
27, 56; in Western Settlement,
Greenland, 27-29, 57-59; goes to
Eastern Settlement, 29, 59; marries
Thorfinn Karlsefni, 31, 59; goes to
Iceland, 43; descendants, 43-44, 66;
accompanies Thorfinn Karlsefni to
Vinland, 60-61; in Iceland, 66.

Guevara, Ferdinand de, in Xaragua,
374.

Guiga, 399 n.

Guinea, 145; and reported trade of
canoes with land to west, 326;
navigation of Portuguese, 332; ex-
ploration, 351-352.

Guisay, see Quinsay.

Gunnbiorn, son of Ulf the Crow, voy-
age, 16, 46.

Gunnbiorns-skerries, discovered, 16, 46.

Gutierrez, Pedro, 109; sent ashore,
200; remains in Espafiola, 209-210.

Haekia, in Vinland, 33.

Hafgrim, settles in Greenland, 47.

Haki, in Vinland, 33.

Halldis, 18; death, 20; mentioned, 22.

INDEX

437

Hallveig, daughter of Einar, 18.

Hanno, voyage, 328.

Harold, the Stern-ruler, King of Nor-
way, voyage, 68.

Haukadal, Eric the Red in, 15; Eric
banished, 16, 45.

Hauk Erlendsson, book, 3-5; re-
liability, 8.

Hayti, 168 n., 295, 391 n.

Hebrides, Aud and Thorstein go to,
14; Leif in, 24-25.

Helgi, voyage to Wineland, 62-63;
death, 64.

Helgi Thorbrandsson, settles in Green-
land, 47.

Helluland, identification, 10; named,
51; explored, 32,

Henry VII., of England, reception of
John Cabot, 424; plan of second
voyage, 425, 428; preparations for
second voyage, 429.

Heriulf, accompanies Eric the Red to
Greenland, 46-47; at Heriulf sness,
48-49.

Heriulf sness, Thorbiorn arrives in, 20;
Heriulf at, 46, 48-49.

Hermoso, Cabo, 123, 124.

Hesperides, and Cape Verde Islands,
322 n.

Hierro, island, see Ferro.

Hierro, Punta del, 220.

Hojeda, Alonso de, 312 n. ; explores
Cibao, 313 n.; voyage, 360, 416 n.;
arrival in Espanola, 373; mentioned,
376.

Holar, Bishop of, ordered to inquire
into affairs of Gardar bishopric, 73.

Holmar, Eric winters at, 46.

Holmlatr, Eric spends winter in, 17.

Hop, Karlsefni at, 36, 39, 40-41.

Horn-Strands, 45.

Hrafn, settles in Greenland, 47.

Hrafnsfirth, Eric enters, 17, 46.

Hrafnsgnipa, 46.

Huego, reports of land to the south-
west, 326.

Hvamm, Aud in, 15.

Hvarfsgnipa, 17.

Hvitramanna-land, 42.

Ibarro, Bemaldo de, quoted, 336.
Iceland, saga-telling period, 7; Eric
and Thorvald in, 15, 45 ; mentioned.

17, 18; the Froda-wonder, 24;
Thorfinn Karlsefni sails to, 43, 65;
Biarni Herjulfson in, 48; extracts
from A nnales regii, 69 ; English fish
trade, 427.

Iguana Grande, island, 215 n.

lUugi, son of Aslak, 16.

Indians, trade with Columbus, 111-
113, 119, 121, 127, 135, 142, 165,
194-195; enslaved, 112, 144, 145,
267, 287, 292, 293, 343-344; Co-
lumbus's policy towards, 110, 116-
118, 126, 192, 194, 195, 322; named,
110; and tobacco-smoking, 141;
signal fires, 180, 224; fight with
Spaniards, 224, 292-293; weapons,
307; of Guanahani, 110-112; of
Santa Maria de la Concepcion, 115-
116; of Fernandina, 119-122; of
Cuba, 139-142; of Espanola, 175-
177, 180-187, 190-196, 198, 201-
203, 205-210, 222-225, 265-269,
297-307; at Trinidad, 335-336; of
mainland of South America, 342-
344, 347; of Veragua, 402. See
also Caribs and Mayas.

Ingolf, colonist of Iceland, 17, 47.

Innocent VIII., pope, elects Matthias
Bishop of Gardar, 74.

Ireland, Thorhall driven ashore on, 35.

Ireland the Great, see Hvitramanna-
land.

Isabelica, Punta, 217 n.

Isabella, aids Columbus, 371-372;
reports of illness, 373. See also
Ferdinand and Isabella.

Isabella, in Espanola, preparations for
city, 308; Columbus's departure,
366; mentioned, 321, 322.

Isabella, island, discovered by Colum-
bus, 123, 124, 263; Columbus leaves
128; mentioned, 151.

Isleo, Cabo del, 127, 128.

Jacmel, 407 n.

Jaederen, Thorvald and Eric the Red
leave, 15, 45.

Jamaica, 215, 338; Columbus's ship-
wreck, 387; Columbus bound for,
389; Columbus reaches, 406.

Jardines, described, 344; natives,
345-346.

Jerez, Rodrigo de, 136.

438

INDEX

Jerome, St., 414.

Jews, expulsion from Spain, 90.

Jiddah, spice trade, 427 n.

Joachim, Abbot, prophecy, 413-414.

John II., of Portugal, grant to Fernam
Dominguez do Arco, 93 n. ; receives
Columbus, 253-255; and Demar-
cation Line, 323, 326.

John, prince of Castile, 323, 369.

Jon Thordsson, and Flat Island Book, 4.

Juana, see Cuba.

Karlsefni, see Thorfinn Karlsefni.
Keelness, 33, 35, 39, 55.
Ketil, settles in Greenland, 46.
Kialarnes, see Keelness.

Labrador, and John Cabot's first
voyage, 423 n.

Lagartos, Rio de los, 400 n.

Lanzada, Punta, 179.

Lanzarote, 92.

Lapa, Cape of, 340; pearl fisheries
near, 346 ; Columbus near, 353, 354.

La Vega, Columbus at, 375.

Leif Ericson, and discovery of America,
8, 11; date of voyage, 12, 43 n.; in
Norway, 24-25, 47; discovery, 25,
50-54 ; introduces Christianity in
Greenland, 26; mentioned, 33, 59,
62, 63; displeasure at Freydis, 65.

Leif's-booths in Vinland, Thorvald
reaches, 54-55; Thorfinn Karls-
efni *s arrival, 60.

Leikskalar, Eric at, 16.

Lepe, Diego de, voyage, 416 n.

Levantados, Cayo de, 221 n.

Lindo, Cabo, 166.

Lisbon, Columbus driven into river
by tempest, 251, 379; John Cabot's
presence in, alleged, 430.

Liana, Punta, 349.

Llandra, Columbus at, 256.

Long Island, 117 n.

Lucayos, discovered, 110.

Luengo, Cabo, 356.

Luna, Rio de la, 132.

Lybia, voyage of Hanno from, 328.

Lysufirth, 27, 57.

Macorix, 206.

Macuris, Punta, 220 n.

Madama Beata, island, named, 365.

Madeira, 236, 243, 250; Columbus at,
320.

Magnus Thorhallsson, and Flat Island
Book, 4.

Mago, see Mango.

Maici, Punta de, 158 n.

Maldonado, Melchior, explores Es-
panola, 302-303.

Mango, Cuba mistaken for, 405, 408.

Manzanillo, Bahia de, 212 n.

Maravi, Port of, 158 n.

Mares, Puerto de, advantages for
settlement, 140; Columbus leaves,
143.

Mares, Rio de, Columbus in, 132, 133,
135, 144 ; mentioned, 147, 160, 176.

Margarita, discovered, 356; Columbus
leaves vicinity, 362-363.

Margot, Puerto, 187 n., 188 n.

Maria, Puerto, 168.

Marigalante, ship, 284 n.

Marigalante, island, 285.

Marinus, conception of worid, 396-397.

Markland, identification, 10; natives,
1 1 ; expedition of Thorfinn Karis-
efni, 32, 41; named by Leif, 51;
mentioned, 69.

Marmoro, 405 n.

Marquez, Diego, 288.

Martian, quoted, 67.

Martinet, El, island, 356-357.

Martinique, 225 n.

Martyr, Peter, account of Columbus's
fourth voyage, 388.

Maternillo, Punta del, 135 n.

Matinino, island, inhabitants, 223
225, 270; copper reported, 226
Columbus desires to see, 228-229
mentioned, 230.

Matthias, elected Bishop of Gardar, 74.

Mayas, 215 n.; culture, 394 n.; sculp-
tures, 409-410; animals, 410; lan-
guage, 411.

Mayonic, 206.

Mayreni, King, reported to have
killed Spaniards, 300, 302, 303.

Mayrones, Francis de, quoted, 359.

Mecca, Cabot in, 426 n., 427; spice
trade of, 427 n.

Micmac Indians, appearance, 36 n.

Midiokul, 46.

Mines, Espafiola, 382; of Spanish
colonies, value predicted, 415.

INDEX

439

Missions, need in New World, 274, 361.

Moa, Rio de, 154 n.

Moa, Sierras de, 154 n.

Mogens Heinesen, 74 n.

Mona, island of, 322.

Monte, Cabo del, 166.

Monte Cristi, 212; described, 213;

mentioned, 216, 218, 296; harbor

described, 298.
Montserrat, 291 n.
Moray, conquered by Thorstein the

Red and Earl Sigurd the Mighty, 14.
Mosquito, Bahia, 172 n.
Mosquito Coast, Columbus on, 393 n.
Mosquitos, Punto de, 405 n.
Moya, Cayo de, 153.
Mulas, Punta de, 132 n.
Muxica, Adrian de, revolt, 374.

Navidad, fort built, 206; Columbus
leaves settlement, 209-211, 268-
269, 271; gold, 217; anxiety of
Columbus about, 224; Columbus
finds settlement destroyed, 298-304;
mentioned, 361.

Navigation, between Spain and Es-
pafiola, recommendations of Co-
lumbus, 276-277; compass, 363 n. ;
difficulties due to strong currents,
408-409.

New Spain, discovery postponed by
Roldan's revolt, 360.

Nicholas V., letter to Bishops of
Skalholt and Holar, 70-73.

Nidaros, Leif reaches, 47.

Nina, ship, 96, 97, 102; crew report
land, 106; mentioned, 108, 116,
122, 139; Indians escape from, 115-
116, 150; new fittings, 155; Co-
lumbus on, 201.

Niflo, Pedro Alonso, 236.

Nipe, 131 n.

Niti, 309, 312; reports of gold, 313.

Nombre de Dios, 394 n., 399.

Norofia, D. Martin de, 253; escorts
Columbus, 256.

North America, voyages of Northmen,
25, 50-54, 47-49; 54-56, 31-42, 59-
62, 62-64, 67, 69; Cabot's landfall,
422.

Northmen in America, sources, 3-13;
identification of localities, 10; dates,
12, 43 n.

Norway, Eric the Red and Thorvald
leave, 15, 45; Leif in, 25, 47; Thor-
finn Karlsefni sails from, 59; Thor-
finn Karlsefni in, 65.

Nova Scotia, and Northmen, 10; Ind-
ians, 36 n.; climate, 37 n.; and
voyage of Thorfinn Karlsefni, 40 n.,
41 n.

Nuestra Seflora, Mar de, 148; Colum-
bus re-enters, 153; mentioned, 160.

Nuevitas del Principe, Puerto de las,
131 n., 132 n.

Odd, of Jorva, 16.

Olaf the White, King, in Ireland, 14.

Olaf Tryggvason, King of Norway, 24 ;
and Christianity in Greenland, 25-
26, 71; and Leif Ericson, 25, 33,
47.

Orinoco, Columbus near mouth, 334 n.

Orkneys, Aud the Wealthy sails to, 14.

Orm of Arnarstapi, 18 ; entertains
Gudrid, 18-19; starts with Thor-
biorn to Greenland, 20; death, 20.

Oro, Rio del, 217, 218.

Ovando, and Columbus, 390.

Padre y Hijo, Cabo de, 221.

Palmas, Cabo de, 133.

Palmista, Punta, 168 n.

Panama, coast explored, 387, 394 n.;
supposed connection with Cam-
bodia, 397 n.

Paria, discovery, 339, 373; described,
340, 341; pearls, 346, 348, 373;
natives, 346-347; Columbus near,
353, 354; explored by Hojeda and
Pinzon, 360 n. ; condition, 415.

Paria, Gulf of, 337 n., 340 n., 350 n.

Peraza, Dofla Ines, 93.

Peraza, Guillen, 93.

P6rez, Alonso, sights land, 330.

Perlas, Golpho de las, 350; Columbus
explores, 355, 356, 358.

Pico, Cabo de, 156.

Pierna, Punta, 178.

Pinta, ship, rudder disabled, 92; re-
paired, 92-93; sails ahead of Ad-
miral's ship, 97-98; crew sights
land, 108-109; mentioned, 120, 122,
133, 138, 211; leaves other ships,
152; news, 205, 207; reappearance,
214; oncoast of Espaflola, 215, 219;

440

INDEX

weakness of mast, 232; leaves
Nina, 238.

Pinzon, Martin Alonso, at the Canaries,
92; sails ahead of Columbus, 97-
98; and Columbus, 100-101; claims
to see land, 102; advises course, 106,
120; at Guanahani, 110; mentioned,
120, 127, 134, 138, 211, 232; leaves
Admiral's fleet, 152; rejoins Nina,
214; on coast of Espanola, 215,
219 ; Columbus disapproves of, 214,
216; runs Pinta ahead of Nina, 238.

Pinzon, Vicente Yanez, 108 n. ; at
Guanahani, 110; at Espanola, 207;
disaffection, 216; quoted, 235;
charts route, 237; voyage, 360 n.,
373, 416 n.

Plata, Monte de, 220.

Plata, Puerto de, 220 n., 296 n., 346.

Playa, Punta de la, 333.

Pliny, quoted, 324, 348, 353.

Polo, Marco, 364, 393 n., 406 n., 426 n.

Porras, Diego de, report of fourth
voyage of Columbus, 388, 407 n.

Port Clarence, Long Island, 120 n.

Porto Rico, 223, 225; reports of gold,
225; copper reported, 226; loca-
tion, 230; Columbus at, 294-295;
mentioned, 321, 338, 359, 408.

Portugal, relations with Spain, 246.
Columbus received in, 253-256;
and Demarcation Line, 323, 416 n.,
430; and treaty of Tordesillas, 430.

Pozas, Isla de las, 408.

Principe, Puerto del, 148; Columbus
leaves, 150; Columbus returns tow-
ards, 151.

Ptolemy, geographical system, 329 n.,
396-397.

Puerto Sancto, Columbus at, 320.

Puerto Santo, in Cuba, Columbus at,
162-166; natives, 164-165.

Punta Santa, 196, 199.

Queen's Garden, islands, 391, 405 n.
Quinsay, and Columbus's belief in

Asian landfall, 126, 136 n., 406 n.
Quintero, Crist6bal, and the Pinta, 92.

Rascon, Gomes, and the Pinta, 92.
Rastelo, Columbus passes, 251; ship

of King of Portugal near, 252.
Ratos, Isla de, 198 n.

Redondo, Cabo, 220.
Retrete, harbor, 399, 405 n.
Re5miness, Thorfinn Karlsefni in, 43.
Ricchieri, Ludovico, Antiquarum Leo

tionum Libri XVI., 329 n.
Rico, Cabo, 356.
Roca, Cabo de la, 220 n.
Roja, Punta, 217.
Roldan, the pilot, 235; charts route,

237.
Roldan, Francisco, revolt, 360, 366,

373-374; and Bobadilla, 376.
Romero, El, island, 356.
Ross, conquered by Thorstein the

Red and Earl Sigurd the Mighty, 14.
Rucia, Punta, 213 n.
Ruiz, Sancho, charts route, 237.
Rum Cay, 115.

Sabeta, 345.

Sabor, Cabo de, 356.

Sacro, Puerto, 221.

Saga-age, in Iceland, 7.

St. Martin, island, 291 n.

St. Nicholas Mole, Hayti, 168 n.

St. Ursula, island, 294 n.

Sal, La, island, Columbus near, 324.

Saltes, bar of, 91; Columbus crosses,
257.

Samana, Bay of, described, 221;
Columbus leaves, 228; mentioned,
295 n.

Samana, peninsula, 221 n.

Samaot, 119, 120,122.

San Honorato, 196 n.

San Juan, see Porto Rico.

San Juan River, Nicaragua, 393 n.

San Miguel, Columbus approaches,
247.

San Nicolas, Puerto de, described, 169-
170.

San Salvador, name given by Colum-
bus to landfall, 114, 115, 151, 263;
natives, 116-117.

San Salvador, name given by Colum-
bus to river and port in Cuba, 131,
133.

San Theramo, Cape, 229.

Sanchez, Rodrigo, 109; at Guanahani,
110; in Cuba, 140.

Sancta Ana, Cape, 327.

Santa Catalina, harbor, 156.

Santa Catherina, island, 322, 365.

INDEX

441

Santa Cruz, island, 293 n.; reported
proximity of mainland, 359.

Santa Maria de la Concepcion, dis-
covered, 115, 263; mentioned, 117;
Columbus sails from, 118.

Santa Maria, Azores, Columbus reaches,
236; attempted seizure of Colum-
bus at, 245-249; mentioned, 250.

Santangel, Luis de, Columbus's letter
to, 243 n., 252 n., 259-272, 369.

Santo Domingo, 321-322, 365; Colum-
bus's arrival, 366; revolts, 369;
Bobadilla's arrival, 375-383; depar-
ture of Columbus, 391 n.

Santo Tomas, island, 187, 188, 189,
198, 199, 208.

Sao Thiago, Columbus at, 324 n., 325-
326.

Saometo, see Isabella, island.

Saona, 322.

Sara, Punta, 349.

Scotland, and Thorstein the Red, 14.

Seca, Punta, 220, 349.

Sera, distance from Cape St. Vincent,
estimated by Ptolemy, 397 n.

Sesua, Punta, 220 n.

Seven Cities, myth, and John Cabot's
voyage, 425.

Seville, letter of Dr. Chanca to Ca-
bildo of, 280-313.

Sierpe, Boca de la, named, 340; men-
tioned, 354.

Sierpe, Cabo de, 211.

Siete Hermanos, Los, 212 n.

Sigrid, wife of Thorstein of Lysufirth,
death, 27, 28.

Sigurd the Mighty, Earl, 14.

Skagafirth, Karlsefni arrives at, 65.

Skalholt, Bishop of, ordered to in-
quire into affairs of Gardar bishopric,
73.

Skalholt annals, extract, 69.

Skrellings, 11; appearance, 36; trade
with Northmen, 37; attack North-
men, 38-39; of Markland, 41;
attack Thorvald, 55; trade with
Thorfinn Karlsefni, 60; attack Thor-
finn Karlsefni, 61-62.

Slave-trade, Indian, 378.

Slavery, Indian, and Columbus, 344.

Snaefell, Eric sails to, 17, 46.

Snaefells-iokul, Eric sails from, 17, 46.

Snaefellsness, 18.

Snorri, son of Thorfinn Karlsefni, 41,
43, 60, 66.

Snorri, Thorbrand's son, 30; accom-
panies Thorfinn Karlsefni to Green-
land, 30; accompanies Thorfinn
Karlsefni to Vinland, 31, 35-36,
38-39.

Snorri Thorbrandsson, saga of Thor-
finn Karlsefni and, see Eric the Red,
saga of.

Social life in Greenland in tenth cen-
tury, soothsaying, 21-23; Yule
feast, 31.

Sol, Rio del, 143.

Solvi, settles in Greenland, 47.

Soncino, Raimondo de, first letter to
Duke of Milan, 424-425; second
letter, 425-429.

Soothsaying, an exhibition in Green-
land, 21-23.

South America, Columbus on coast,
331-363; explorations of Hojeda
and Pinzon, 360 n.; Earthly Para-
dise, 364-365; first settlement of
Spaniards, 403 n.; and Asia, 397 n.

Spain, Columbus's suggestions of colo-
nial poHcy for, 160, 273-277; and
Demarcation Line, 323, 416 n., 430;
and Columbus's discoveries, 351,
352, 360-361, 363-364, 390.

Spice Islands, Cipango confused by
Cabot with, 427 n.

Spice trade of the East, 427 n.

Stokkaness, Thorbiorn settles at, 23.

Straumey, 33.

Straumfiord, 34. See Streamfirth.

Streamfirth, arrival of Thorfinn Karls-
efni and Snorri, 39; Thorfinn Karls-
efni in, 41; arrival of ship from
Greenland, 69.

Stjn* Thorgrimsson, 16, 45; accom-
panies Eric on voyage, 45.

Sudrey, 16.

Sutherland, conquered by Thorstein
the Red and Earl Sigurd the Mighty,
14.

Svend Estridson, king of Denmark,
67, 68.

Tajado, Cabo, 220.
Tanais, country of, 426.
Tapion, Rio, 212 n.
Taxamo, Puerto de, 147 n.

442

INDEX

fello, Gomez, appointed receiver of
royal dues, 275 n.

Tenerife, Columbus near, 93.

Terceira, Pedro Alonso Niilo near, 236.

Testigos, Los, discovered, 356.

Thiodhild, see Thorhild.

Thorbiorg, called Little Sibyl, pro-
phesies, 21-23.

Thorbiorn, Vifil's son, 15, 16; gives
feasts, 19, 20; goes to Greenland,
20; sails to Brattahlid, 23; men-
tioned, 26, 27, 45; death, 29.

Thorbiorn Gleamer, settles in Green-
land, 47.

Thorbrand, of Alptafirth, sons of, 16.

Thorbrand, son of Snorri, 38.

Thord of Hofdi, descendants, 30.

Thord the Yeller, sons of, 16, 45.

Thorfinn Karlsefni, and Hauk's book,
5; and North America, 11; date of
voyages, 12, 43 n.; in Greenland,
30-31; marries Gudrid, 31, 59;
voyage, 31-42, 59-62; in Norway,
66; in Iceland, 43, 65; descendants,
43-44, 66.

Thorfinn Karlsefni, saga of, see 'Eric
the Red, saga of.

Thorgeir of Hitardal, 16, 45.

Thorgeir of Thorgeirsfell, 18.

Thorgeir, Vifil's son, in Iceland, 15;
marriage, 18.

Thorgest, quarrels with Eric the Red,
16, 45; defeats Eric, 17.

Thorgils, son of Leif, 24.

Thorgunna, 24.

Thorhall the Huntsman, 30 ; accom-
panies expedition of Thorfinn Karls-
efni, 32; asks aid of Thor, 34;
sails in search of Vinland, 34-35;
fate, 35; Thorstein Karlsefni goes
in search of, 39.

Thorhild, wife of Eric, 15, 23, 45;
embraces Christianity, 26.

Thori Eastman, in Greenland, 54;
death, 54.

Thorkel, entertains Thorbiorn, 20-21.

Thoriak, Bishop, 43 n.

Thorsnessthing, 16, 45.

Thorstein Ericson, 23; leads expedi-
tion towards land discovered by
Leif, 26, 56; failure, 27, 56-57;
weds Gudrid, 27, 56; in Western
Settlement, 27, 57; death, 28-58;

prophecy of Gudrid's fate, 29, 58-
59; mentioned, 48.

Thorstein of Lysufirth, entertains
Thorstein Ericson and Gudrid, 27-
28, 57-58; accompanies Gudrid to
Ericsfirth, 59.

Thorstein the Red, and Scots, 14.

Thorvald, father of Eric, goes to Ice-
land, 15, 45.

Thorvald, son of Eric, and the Uniped,
40; mentioned, 48; voyage to
Wineland, 54-56; death, 56.

Thorvald Kodransson, 46.

Thorvard, accompanies expedition of
Karlsefni, 32; marriage, 48; and
death of Helgi and Finnbogi, 64.

Thurid, daughter of Eyvind Easter-
ling, 14.

Thurid, daughter of Thorbiorn Vifilson,
see Gudrid.

Tobacco-smoking, earliest reference,
141 n.

Tordesillas, Treaty of, 323 n., 326 n.,
430.

Torres, Antonio de, sent back to Spain,
312 n.; mentioned, 369; and Co-
lumbus's letter to sovereigns con-
cerning Demarcation Line, 382.

Torres, Dofla Juana de, Columbus's
letter to, 369-383.

Torres, Luis de, sent ashore at Cuba,
136.

Torres, Cabo de, 187, 188.

Tortuga Island, 168, 172, 174; Co-
lumbus reaches, 178; described,
179; natives, 180, 183; reports of
gold, 184.

Toscanelli map, 101 n.

Tradir, Eric at, 16.

Tramontana, La, island, 348, 349.

Triana, Rodrigo de, sights land, 109.

Trinidad, discovered, 331; Columbus
seeks harbor, 333; size, 334, 340;
Columbus's crew lands, 335; Ind-
ians, 335-336; climate, 337; fruits,
338; animals, 338-339.

Trivigliano, Angelo, letters of, men-
tioned, 318.

Trujillo, Columbus near, 391 n.,
392 n.

Turuqueira, 290.

Tyrker, accompanies Leif on voyage
of discovery, 50; in Vinland, 52-53.

INDEX

443

"Uniped" episode, 40.
Uvfiegi, 41.

Vaetilldi, 41.

Valldidida, reported to be a king of the
Skrellings, 41.

Valle del Paraiso, 180.

Valparaiso, Portugal, Columbus at,
254.

Valthiof, and Eric the Red, 16.

Valthiofsstadir, landslide caused by
Eric's thralls at, 15.

Vatnshorn, 15, 16, 45.

Veragua, report of mines, 394; Co-
lumbus reaches, 400-401; explored,
401; mines found, 401; natives,
401-402; signs of gold, 411; ad-
vantages for settlement, 411-412;
and Columbus's mythological geog-
raphy, 413; gold of Quibian, 414;
official appointments, 415.

Verde, Cabo, 129.

Verde, Simone, letter of, mentioned,
318.

Vespucci, Amerigo, and naming of
America, 359 n.

Vifil, freed by Aud, 15.

Vifilsdal, given by Aud to Vifil, 15.

Vinland, and Northmen, sources, 3-13;
verity of tradition, 4, 7-8, 11, 13;
location, 10, 37 n., 67 n.; natives,
10-11; chronology of voyages, 12,
43 n.; Leif's discovery, 25, 50-54;

^ Thorstein Ericson's attempt, 26-
27 ; voyage of Biarni Herjulfson,
47-49; Thorvald's voyage, 54-56;

Thorfinn Karlsefni's expedition, 31-
42, 59-62; expedition of Finnbogi
and Freydis, 62-64; described by
Adam of Bremen, 67; Bishop Eric's
expedition, 69.
Voyages, Gunnbiorn, 16, 46; Eric the
Red, 16-17, 45-46; Leif Ericson,
25, 50-54; Thorstein Ericson, 26-
27; Biarni Herjulfson, 47-49 ; Thor-
vald, 54-56; Thorfinn Karlsefni,
31-42, 59-62; Finnbogi and Frey-
dis, 62-64; Bishop Eric, 69; Co-
lumbus's first, 89-258, 263-272;
second, 278-313; third, 314-366;
fourth, 389-418; John Cabot (1497),
423-424.

Watling Island, 110 n.
Wonder-strands, 33, 34, 35.

Xamand, 295, 297.

Xaragud, 345; and Adrian de Muxica's
revolt, 374, 375.

Yamaye, see Jamaica.

Yaqui River, 216 n., 298 n.

Yaquino, port, 365, 391 n.

Yazual, Isla, see Padre y Hijo, Cabo de.

Yebra, river, 401 n.

Ysabeta, island, 347, 349, 350,

Yucatan, and the Mayas, 215 n., 410 n.

Yuyapari, 334, 339, 340, 349, 350, 353.

Zayto, and Columbus's belief that

he had reached Asia, 136.
Zuruquia, 297.

',>'

BRIGHAM YOUNG UNIVERSITY

3 1197 01031 3218

Internet Archive Audio

Featured

Top

Images

Featured

Top

Software

Featured

Top

Books

Featured

Top

Video

Featured

Top

Mobile Apps

Browser Extensions

Archive-It Subscription

Save Page Now

Full text of "The Northmen, Columbus and Cabot, 985-1503: The voyages of the Northmen"

See other formats