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THE  WORKS 


OF 


HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT 


THE   WORKS 


OF 


HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT 


VOLUME   XVI 


HISTORY  OF  THE 

NORTH   MEXICAN   STATES   AND   TEXAS 


VOL.  II  1801—1889 


SAN  FRANCISCO 
THE  HISTORY  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS 

1889 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  year  1889,  by 
HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT, 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 

~ 


All  Ri  jhts  Reserved. 


Dt   UQ/T^-gN 

or  nte      ^ 
UNIVERSITY  1] 


CONTENTS  OF  THIS  VOLUME. 


CHAPTER  I. 

TEXAS    CLAIMED   BY   THE   UNITED    STATES 

1800-1810. 

PAGE 

Internal  Condition  of  Texas — Society  at  San  Antonia  de  Be  jar — 
Colonel  Pike — The  Provincial  Government — Nolan's  Inroad — His 
Defeat  and  Death — Gambling  for  Life — Bean's  Biography — Sale  of 
Louisiana  to  the  United  States — The  Boundary  Dispute — Preten 
sions  of  the  United  States— Preparations  for  Hostilities — The  Span 
ish  Troops  Cross  the  Sabine— General  Wilkinson  Takes  the  Field — • 
The  Spanish  Retire — Wilkinson  Marches  to  the  Sabine — A  Blood 
less  Campaign — The  Neutral  Ground  Convention — Improved  Condi 
tion  of  Texas — Desperadoes  Occupy  the  Neutral  Ground — Their 
Organization 1 


CHAPTER  II. 

INVASION   OF  TEXAS   BY   AMERICANS. 
1811-1814. 

Revolution  in  Favor  of  Independence — Zambrano's  Counter-revolution 
— Reestablishment  of  the  Royalist  Government — Bernardo  Gutier 
rez — Magee's  Scheme  of  Conquest — The  Americans  Occupy  Nacog- 
doches — La  Bahia  Falls  into  their  Hands — Governor  Salcedo 
Besieges  La  Bahia— Death  of  Magee— The  Battle  of  Rosillo— 
Defeat  of  the  Spanish  Army  -Surrender  of  San  Antonio — A  Repub 
lican  Government  Organized — Massacre  of  Salcedo  and  Other  Pris 
oners — Disgust  of  the  Americans — Defeat  of  Royalists  under 
Elizondo — Toledo  Takes  Command  of  the  Republican  Army — 
Approach  of  Arredondo — Battle  of  the  Medina — Destruction  of  the 
Americans — Elizondo 's  Executions — Pacification  of  the  Province. . .  17 

(v) 


vi  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  III. 

PRIVATEERING,    PIPACY,  AND   INVASIONS. 

1815-1821. 

PAGE 

The  Asylum  of  Mexican  Refugees— Herrera's  Privateering  Scheme — A 
Republican  Government  Established  at  Galveston — Havoc  Inflicted 
on  Spanish  Commerce — Arrival  of  Mina — Aury  and  Perry — The 
Descent  on  Soto  la  Marina — Parry's  March  to  Te.'as — Destruction 
of  his  Band — Aury  at  Matagorda  Bay — He  Leaves  Texas  for  Florida 
— The  Pirate  of  the  Gulf  and  the  Barratarians — Galveston  Occupied 
by  Lafitte — A  Spurious  Government — Piratical  Depredations — 
Laiitte  Expelled  from  Galveston — His  Biography — Lallemand's 
Champ  d'Asile — Settlement  of  the  Boundary  Question — Long's  Inva- 
vasion — Texas  Declared  a  Republic — Destruction  of  the  Expe 
dition  ....  33 


CHAPTER  IV. 

COLONIZATION   AND  THE   EMPRESARIO   SYSTEM. 

1819-1831. 

Spain  Relaxes  her  Exclusive  Policy — Biography  of  Moses  Austin — His 
Colonization  Scheme — He  Petitions  for  a  Land  Grant  in  Texas — His 
Sufferings  and  Death  — Internal  Affairs  of  Mexico — Beginning  of 
Austin's  Colony — Difficulties,  Dangers,  and  Losses — Stephen  Austin 
in  the  City  of  Mexico — Delay  and  Anxiety — Final  Success  of  his 
Petition — Discretionary  Powers  Granted  Austin — Progress  of  the 
Colony — Austin's  Government — Greedy  and  Discontented  Settlers — 
Erroneous  Idea  about  Immigrant  Criminals — Scattered  Settlements 
— A  New  Contract — The  Empresario  System — Colonization  Law  of 
Coahuila  and  Texas — Influx  of  Immigrants — Empresario  Enter 
prises—Their  Partial  Success— Progress  of  Texas 54 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE   STATE   OF  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

1800-1839. 

Despotism  in  Coahuila — Internal  Government — Resources  and  Condition 
of  the  Province — Character  of  the  People — Coahuila  during  the 
War  of  Independence — Formation  of  the  State  of  Coahuila  and 
Texas — Organization  of  a  Government — The  State  Constitution — 
Election  Laws — First  Constitutional  Congress — Viesca  Elected, 


CONTENTS.  vii 

PAOB 

Governor— Poverty  of  the  Treasury— Commercial  Intruders — Offers 
of  the  United  States  to  Purchase  Texas — The  Slave  Question  ill 
Texas — The  Colonists  Angry — Condition  of  the  Mexican  Peon — The 
Emancipation  Law — Exception  in  Favor  of  Texas — Persecution  of 
Spaniards — Subserviency  of  the  State  to  the  National  Government 
— Administration  of  Justice — Education  and  Religion — Monopoly 
Privileges  Granted  to  Colonists 77 


CHAPTER  VI. 

MEXICAN    OPPRESSION   AND  TEXAN   REVOLTS. 

1826-1832. 

Hayden  Edwards'  Grant— His  Difficulties  and  Want  of  Policy— Mexi 
cans  versus  Colonists — Annulment  of  Edwards'  Contract — John 
Dunn  Hunter — Discontent  of  the  Cherokees — The  Fredonian  Revolt 
— Covenant  with  Indian  Tribes — Delusive  Hopes— Red  Men's  Per 
fidy — Murder  of  Hunter  and  Fields  —Failure  of  the  Revolt — Prog 
ress  and  Condition  of  the  Colonies — Mexico's  Fears  of  Losing  Texas 
— Alaman's  Propositions — Law  of  April  6,  1830 — Military  Despotism 
— Establishment  of  Custom-houses — Ports  of  Texas  Closed — Demon 
strations  of  the  Colonists — Bradburn's  Outrages — Hostilities  at  Ana- 
huac— The  Turtle  Bayou  Resolutions —Capture  of  Fort  Velasco — 
Mutiny  at  Anahuac  and  Flight  of  Bradburn — Resolutions  of  the 
Ayuntamientos — Nacogdoches  Evacuated — Tranquillity  Restored 
in  Texas. . . 


CHAPTER  VII. 

PROPOSED   SEPARATION    OF  TEXAS   FROM   COAHT7ILA. 

1832-1835. 

Arguments  in  favor  of  Separation — The  Texan  Convention — A  Seces- 
sional  Constitution — Political  Affairs  in  the  Mexican  Capital— Santa 
Anna's  Craftness — Austin  Presents  a  Memorial  to  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment — Its  Reception — Austin  Injudicious — His  Arrest  for  Trea 
son — Dragged  from  Court  to  Court — His  Letter  to  the  Texans — 
Maillard's  Book — Santa  Anna  Dictator — Affairs  in  Coahuila — Texas 
Receives  Redress — Saltillo  versus  Monclova — Adjustment  of  Differ 
ences — Santa  Anna's  Decision  on  the  Texan  Petition — Almonte's 
Report — Population  of  Texas — Fraudulent  Sales  of  Public  Lands — 
Separatists  aud  Anti-separatists 130 


viii  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   VIII. 

EVENTS  LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS. 

1835. 

PAGE 

Coahuila  and  Texas  Protests — The  State  Legislature  Disbanded — Gov 
ernor  Viesca  Arrested — Tenoria  Ejected  from  Anahuac — Political 
Fencing — Zavala— Agitators  from  the  United  States — Public  Meet 
ings — Arrest  of  Zavala  and  Settlers  Ordered — Affair  of  the  Correo 
and  San  Felipe — Columbia's  Call  for  a  General  Consultation — Aus 
tin's  Return — His  Speech  at  Brazoria — Preparations  for  War — Gen 
eral  Cos  Arrives  at  Be  jar — A  Disputed  Cannon — The  Affair  of 
Gonzalez — Warlike  Enthusiasm — A  Permanent  Council  Established 
— Austin  Takes  the  Field— Capture  of  Goliad— United  States  Sym 
pathy—Land  Frauds — The  Consultation  Assembles — Its  Labors — 
Organization  of  a  Provisional  Government. ,,,.,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,  152 


CHAPTER  IX. 

SIEGE    AND    CAPTURE   OF    SAN    ANTONIO   DE    BEJAR. 

1835. 

Battle  of  Concepcion — The  Grass  Fight — Protracted  Siege — Dissatisfac 
tion  of  the  Volunteers — Burleson  Succeeds  Austin — Orders  and 
Counter-orders — Milam's  Call — Description  of  San  Antonio — The 
First  Assault — Steady  Advance  of  the  Texans — Death  of  Milam — 
His  Biography — Confusion  at  the  Alamo — Cos  Surrenders — Terms 
of  Capitulation — The  Volunteers  Disband — Aff  iir  at  Lipantitlan — 
The  Tampico  Tragedy — Discord  in  the  Government — Financial 
Matters — Houston's  Proclamation — Governor  Smith  and  the  Coun 
cil — Grant's  Scheme — Descent  on  Matamoros  Meditated — Smith 
Suspended— The  Effect  of  Discord , , ,  175 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE   ALAMO   AND   GOLIAD   MASSACRES. 

January-March   1836. 

Apathy  of  the  Texans — Santa  Anna's  Preparation  and  March — Descrip 
tion  of  the  Alamo — David  Crockett — The  Siege — Storming  of  the 
A*lamo — The  Assault — Hand-to-hand  Contests — Death  of  Bowie — A 
Holocaust — Victory  Dearly  Bought — Declaration  of  Independence 
— Names  of  the  Subscribers — Labors  of  the  Convention — A  Provi 
sional  Government  Organized— The  Constitution — Fannin's  Prepar- 


CONTENTS.  _« 

PAGE 

ations  at  Goliad — Destruction  of  Grant's  Party — Urrea's  Movements 
. — Capture  of  San  Patricio — Fannin's  Force — King's  Party  Shot — 
Assault  on  the  Mission  of  Refugio — Capture  of  Ward's  Command — 
Houston  at  Gonzalez — Movements  of  the  Mexican  Forces — Fannin 
Retreats  toward  Victoria — A  Fatal  Delay — Battle  of  Encinal  del 
Perdido — Surrender  of  Fannin — A  Barbarous  Massacre — Number 
of  the  Victims. . .  .201 


CHAPTER  XL 

SANTA   ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

1836-1837. 

Houston's  Retreat — His  Biography— Panic  of  the  Settlers — San  Felipe 
Burned — Santa  Anna's  Plans  and  Advance — His  Impetuous  Move 
ments — Removal  of  the  Government  to  Galveston— Harrisburg  in 
Ashes — Discontent  of  Houston's  Army — Its  Advance  to  the  San 
Jacinto — Santa  Anna  Burns  New  Washington — He  Marches  to 
Engage  Houston — Preliminary  Skirmishing — Mexican  Carelessness 
in  an  Enemy's  Front — Discussion  on  Houston's  Tactics — Burning 
of  Vince's  Bridge — Preparations  for  Battle — San  Jacinto  and 
Slaughter — Santa  Anna's  Flight  and  Capture — Negotiations  for 
Life — Filisola's  Retreat — Santa  Anna's  Dangerous  Position  and 
Final  Release .  .  238 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE   REPUBLIC   OF  TEXAS. 

1836-1838. 

Filisola  Superseded — Vain  Threats — The  Texan  Navy — Commissioners 
to  the  United  States — Mortit's  Report — General  Gaines  Crosses 
the  Sabine — Gorostiza's  Protest — He  Demands  his  Passports — Pas 
sive  Character  of  the  War — Return  of  Austin — The  Elections — 
Political  Parties — Houston  Chosen  President — Meeting  of  the  First 
Congress — Houston's  Inaugural  Address — His  Cabinet — Legislative 
Acts  of  Congress— The  National  Seal  and  Flag — Death  and  Biogra 
phy  of  Austin — Condition  of  the  Republic— Recognition  of  her  Inde 
pendence  by  the  United  States— Reopening  of  Congress— The  Slave 
Question — Passage  of  the  Land  Law — Its  Provisions — Brighter 
Prospects — Indian  Warfare — Financial  Operations — Latnar  Elected 
President.,  ...  279 


x  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   XIII. 

LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION, 
1838-1841. 

PAGB 

President's  Views  on  Annexation — His  Message  to  Congress — Origin  of 
the  Texan  Rangers — Financial  Matters — Hamilton's  Mission  to 
Europe — His  Failure  to  Effect  a  Loan — Indian  Warfare — The 
Nacogdoches  Revolt — Mexican  Intrigues — The  Mission  and  Death 
of  Flores — Expulsion  of  the  Cherokees — Fight  at  San  Antonio — An 
Indian  Raid — Massacre  of  the  Comanches — The  Federal  Campaign 
— Battle  of  Alcantro — Republic  of  the  Rio  Grande  Proclaimed — 
Treacherous  Allies— Battle  of  Saltillo— The  Santa  Fe  Expedition- 
Its  Object  and  Disastrous  Result — The  New  Capital — Recognition 
by  France  and  England— Ralations  with  Mexico — English  Media 
tion  Rejected — Houston  Reflected  President — Condition  of  the 
Republic 314 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

END   OF   THE   TEXAN    REPUBLIC* 
1841-1846. 

Houston's  Second  Admistration — Reduction  of  Expenses — Vasquez 
Takes  Be  jar —Correspondence  with  Santa  Anna— Operations  of  the 
Navy — The  Archive  War — Regulators  and  Moderators — England's 
Neutrality — Woll's  Inroad — Dawson's  Defeat — Somerville's  Dubious 
Conduct— Battle  of  Mier — Mexican  Guile — The  Charge  on  the 
Guard — A  Grievous  Mistake — The  Death-lottery — The  Prisoners  at 
Perote — Snively's  Expedition — Robinson's  Diplomacy — The  Armis 
tice — Rivalry  of  the  United  States  and  England — Anson  Jones 
Elected  President — Houston's  Farewell  Message — His  Difficult  Posi 
tion — Annexation — The  State  Constitution 344 


CHAPTER  XV. 

TEXAS  AS   A    STATE. 

1846-1859. 

Social  Condition  of  the  Texans — Population — Position  of  Malefac 
tors — Simplicity  of  Households — The  Literate  Element — Governor 
Henderson's  Inauguration — Texans'  Doings  in  the  Mexican  War — 
Wood's  Administration — Dispute  about  the  Possession  of  Santa  Fe — 
Governor  Bell— The  Texan  Debt— Pearce's  Bill— The  Santa  Fe  and 
Public  Debt  Questions — Scaling  the  Debt — Pease's  Administration 


CONTENTS.  xi 

PAGE 

— Prosperity — Indian  Depredations — Native  Colonies — Prospects  of 
Success — Vicious  Indian  Settlers — Angry  Frontier-men — A  Barbar 
ous  Massacre — Removal  of  the  Indian  Colonists — Final  Adjustment 
of  the  Public  Debt — Financial  Matters — Hostility  to  Mexicans — The 
Cart  War — Political  Parties— Biography  of  Rusk — Administration  of 
Ruimels — The  Slavery  Agitation — Houston  Elected  Governor 389 

CHAPTER    XVI. 

CIVIL    WAE. 

1859-1862. 

The  North  and  the  South — Houston's  Message — Reports  of  Committees 
on  Resolutions  of  South  Carolina— Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle — • 
Special  Session  of  the  Texan  Congress  Convened — A  Convention 
Illegally  Called — Surrender  of  General  Twiggs — Houston's  Speech 
at  Galveston — Texas  Secedes  from  the  Union — Proceedings  of  the 
Convention — Houston  Deposed — His  Protest — Clark  Installed  Pro 
visional  Governor — Indian  Settlement  on  Trinity  River — Cortina's 
Insurrection — His  Defeat  and  Flight — List  of  Senators  and  Repre 
sentatives—Commencement  of  the  Civil  War — Military  Operations 
— Invasion  of  New  Mexico— Its  Failure , , , , . , 427 

CHAPTER   XVII. 

PROGRESS   AND  END   OF  THE   WAR. 

1862-1865. 

Operations  of  the  United  States  Navy — Recapture  of  Galveston  by  the 
Texans — Military  Despotism — Defeat  of  the  Federals  at  Sabine  Pass 
— Death  of  General  Houston— His  Character  and  Policy — Murrah 
Elected  Governor— Operations  of  the  Federals  on  the  Gulf  Coast— 
Attempt  against  Texas  by  Red  River — Brownsville  Taken  by  Cor 
tina — Administration  of  Murrah — Financial  Matters — The  Conscrip 
tion  Laws — Lamentable  Social  Condition  of  Texas — Industrial 
Progress — Cotton  Planters  —Reverses  of  the  Confederate  Arms — 
The  Last  Engagement , ,.,.,,,,, , 454 

CHAPTER   XVIIT. 

THE  RECONSTRUCTION   PERIOD. 

1865-1870. 

Governor  Hamilton — The  Question  of  Freedmen's  Rights— Lawlessness 
in  Texas — Emancipation  of  Slavery  Declared  in  Texas — Its  Effect — 
The  State  Convention — Throckmorton  Elected  Governor — A  Bold 
Message— Laws  Passed  by  the  Legislature— Discord  between  Presi- 


*5  CONTENTS. 

TAGB 

dent  Johnson  and  Congress — A  Rigorous  Act — Texas  under  Military 
Rule — Judicial  Districts — Throckmorton's  Difficulties  and  Removal 
— His  Views  on  the  Position — Pease  Appointed  Governor — Changes 
of  Military  Commanders — Registration  Questions — The  Reconstruc 
tion  Convention — Disagreements — The  General  Election — Amended 
Constitution  Ratified — Doings  of  the  Legislature 478 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

TEXAS   RESTORED. 

1871-1888. 

Administration  of  Governor  Davis — Message  to  the  Legislature — Repub 
lican  Measures — Party  Rivalry — Austin  the  Permanent  Capital — • 
Repeal  of  Obnoxious  Laws— Condition  of  the  Treasury — Republicans 
versus  Democrats — A  Dangerous  Crisis — Victory  of  the  Democrats 
— Coke  Elected  Governor — Condition  of  Affairs — The  New  Consti 
tution — Coke's  Criticisms — Governor  Hubbard — The  Salt  War — 
Finance — Governor  Roberts'  Policy — Indian  Affairs — The  Boundary 
Question 501 

CHAPTER   XX. 

INSTITUTIONAL   AND   EDUCATIONAL   MATTERS. 

1835-1888. 

Rapid  Progress — Population — Social  Advancement; — Decrease  of  Crime 
— The  State  Capitol — The  Huntsville  Penitentiary— Reform  of 
Abuses — Rusk  Penitentiary — Charitable  Institutions — Asylum  for 
the  Deaf  and  Dumb — The  Institute  for  the  Blind — Insane  Asylum 
— Development  of  Education — Appropriations  for  the  Establishment 
of  Free  Schools— The  Public  School  System— Statistics— Founding 
of  the  Texas  University — The  Agricultural  and  Mechanical  College 
— First  Protestant  Churches — Marriage  by  Bond  Legalized — Eccle 
siastical  Statistics — First  Printing  Press  in  Texas — Early  News 
papers — Texas  Editorial  and  Press  Association 528 

CHAPTER   XXI. 

INDUSTRIES,    COMMERCE,    AND    RAILROADS. 

1835-1888. 

Physical  Divisions — A  Forest  Region — The  Level  Prairies  of  the  Gulf 
Coast — Central  Highlands — A  Vast  Cattle  Region — The  Panhandle 
and  Staked  Plain — Climate  and  Rainfall— Cotton  Production— The 
Cereals— Progress  of  Agriculture— Cattle  Statistics— Stock  Trails 


CONTENTS.  xiii 

PAGE 

to  the  North — The  Texas  Fever — Wire  Fence  Troubles — Sheep  and 
Horses — Minerals — Manufacturing  and  Mechanical  Industries — - 
Foreign  Commerce — Imports  and  Exports — The  Postal  Service — • 
Railroad  Systems — The  Oldest  Lines — Houston  the  Natural  Centre 
— Narrow  Gauge  Lines — Liberality  of  the  State  Government — The 
Strike  at  Fort  Worth 551 

CHAPTER   XXII. 

CHIHUAHCTA  AND   DURANGO. 

1800-1845. 

Redivision  of  Provincias  Internas — Movements  During  the  War  of 
Independence — Cruz  Defends  the  Royal  Cause — Durango  Captured 
by  Negrete — Chihuahua  and  Durango  Made  Separate  States — Party 
Strife  and  Revolts — Liberals  and  Conservatives — Federal  Coalition 
in  the  North — Change  of  Governors  in  Durango — Apache  Raids  in 
Chihuahua — Decline  of  Presidio  Defences — Indian  Warfare — Scalp 
Hunting— Massacre  at  Janos  —The  Central  Regime — Federal  Oppo 
sition — Durango  Joins  Paredes'  Revolution 581 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

LATER  HISTORY   OF   CHIHUAHUA   AND    DURANGO. 

1843-1888. 

Preparations  for  War  with  the  United  States — Vidal  Defeated  by  Doni- 
phan — Battle  of  Sacramento — Doniphan  Occupies  Chihuahua — He 
Marches  to  Saltillo — Siege  and  Fall  of  Resales — Frontier  Defence — 
Failure  of  Military  Colonies — Indian  Raids  and  Scalp  Hunting — A 
Coalition  of  States — Sale  of  the  Mesilla  Valley — Plan  of  Ayutla 
Adopted— Cajen  Invades  Chihuahua  and  Durango — Victory  of  the 
Liberals — Entry  of  the  French — Juarez  flees  to  Chihuahua — Brin- 
court  Occupies  the  City — Departure  of  the  Invaders — Durango 
Opposes  the  Juaristas — Murder  of  Patom — Revolution  of  Porfirto 
Diaz — Lerdista's  Movements — Sierra  Mojada  Territory  Formed — • 
Suppression  of  Indian  Raids . .  „ 604 

CHAPTER   XXIV. 

UNITED   SONORA  AND   SINALOA. 

1800-1830. 

Progress  of  Settlements — Invasion  by  Hermosillo— Capture  of  Rosario 
— Defeat  of  Hermosillo  at  San  Ignaciode  Piastla — Campaign  against 
the  Apaches— Last  Colonial  Rulers — Uprising  of  the  Opatas — The 


xiv  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Empire  Welcomed— Sonor a  and  Sinaloa  Neglected— Petition  for 
Reforms— Federalism  Favored — Separation  of  Sonora  Ignored — 
Form  of  Government— Grievances  and  Revolt  of  the  Yaquis— Oper 
ations  of  Banderas— Suppression  of  the  Uprising— Expulsion  of 
Spaniards — Hardy's  Visit — Separation  of  Sonora  and  Sinaloa — 
Population , , , , ,,,,„,,,,  628 

CHAPTER   XXV. 

SONORA  AND  SINALOA  AS  SEPARATE  STATES* 
1830-1851. 

Sonora 's  First  Legislature — Leading  Towns— Indians  versus  Whites — 
Banderas'  Scheme— His  Defeat  and  Death—  War  with  the  Yaquis 
— Expeditions  against  the  Apaches— Party  Struggles — Governor 
Gandara— Urrea  Proclaims  Federalism — He  is  Recognized  by  Sina 
loa— Gandara's  Counter-revolution— The  Yaquis  Roused  by  Gandara 
—War  between  Federalists  and  Centralists— Alternate  Successes — 
Changes  of  Rulers — War  with  the  United  States — Guaymas  Bom 
barded—Americans  Take  Possession— Mazatlan  Captured— Migra 
tion  from  Sonora  to  California — Troubles  with  Apaches — Changes 
in  the  Administration ,,...,,,,.,,,,  649 

CHAPTER   XXVI. 

FILIBUSTERING   INVASIONS   FROM   CALIFORNIA. 

1852-1854. 

Raousset  de  Boulbon's  Early  Career— His  Schemes — Pindray's  Frontier 
Colony — Raousset's  Grant — Arrival  in  Sonora — Hostility  of  Officials 
— Capture  of  Hermosillo — Raousset  Attacked  with  Fever — Retires 
to  Guaymas — The  Adventurers  Capitulate — New  Schemes  of  the 
Frenchman — The  Compania  Restauradora — Raousset  Goes  to 
Mexico — A  Second  Expedition  Planned — The  Return  to  Sonora — 
Raousset  Duped  by  Yanez — The  Mexican  Barracks  at  Guaymas — 
Plan  of  Attack — Assault  of  the  Filibusters — Their  Defeat — Disposal 
of  the  Prisoners — Execution  of  Raousset — His  Character , , , , ,  673 

CHAPTER   XXVII. 

FRENCH   OPERATIONS   IN   SONORA  AND  SINALOA, 

1854-1866. 

Effect  of  the  Gadsden  Purchase— Crabb's  Colony  Scheme— Gandara's 
Revolt  and  Defeat— Crabb's  Defeat  at  Caborca— The  Whole  Party 
Shot — Jecker's  Survey  and  Troubles —Conservative  Reaction  in 


CONTENTS.  XT 

PAGE 

Sinaloa — Frequent  Revolutions — Triumph  of  Liberals  in  Sonora — 
The  French  Occupy  Guaymas — Gandara's  Operations — Sonora  Held 
by  Imperialists — Struggles  of  the  Liberals — Departure  of  the  French 
— Tanori  Shot — Sonora  Free — Lozadu  Besieges  Mazatlan — The 
French  Capture  the  Fort — Victory  of  Resales — Castagny's  Opera 
tions — Alternate  Successes  of  Liberals  and  Imperialists — Loz  Aids 
the  Latter— The  French  Reembark  and  Retire 693 

CHAPTER   XXVIII. 


REVOLUTIONS   AND    COUNTER-REVOLUTIONS. 

1867-1887. 

Party  Quarrels — Uprising  of  the  Yaquis — Vega's  Piratical  Raid  on 
Guaymas — Leyva's  Revolution  against  Juarez— Its  Failure — Revo 
lution  in  Sinaloa  and  Sequel — Contest  in  Sonora  Regarding  the 
Constitution — Mariscal  Sent  to  Restore  Order — The  Lerdo  Election 
Troubles — Sinaloa  Yields  to  the  Portirists — Mariscal  Governor  of 
Sonora — Change  of  Governors — Appearance  of  Yellow  Fever — Rev 
olution  in  Sinaloa  by  Ramirez — His  Defeat  and  Death — Marquez  de 
Leon  Invades  Sonora — Is  Compelled  to  Retire — Withdraws  to  Cali 
fornia—Wars  with  the  Apaches— Their  Final  Subjugation, , ,,,....  700 

CHAPTER   XXIX. 

LOWER   CALIFORNIA. 

1800-1848. 

Separation  from  Alta  California  Decreed — Foreign  Trade — Vessels  Vis 
iting  the  Coast — Cochrane's  Raid  on  Loreto — More  Liberty  Granted 
to  Indians — Federal  System  Established — Political  Divisions — Mis 
sions  Secularized — Party  Factions — The  Californias  Reunited — 
Frontier  Quarrels— Hardy's  Pearl-fishing  Scheme — United  States 
Designs — Americans  Occupy  La  Paz— Selfridge  Takes  Mulege — 
Patriotic  Rising  at  San  Jose  del  Cabo — Californians  Attack  La  Paz 
— The  American  Garrison  Relieved — San  Jose  Besieged — Retreat  of 
the  Californians — Battle  of  San  Vicente — Burton's  Operations — • 
Expedition  to  Todos  Santos — End  of  the  War — Lower  California 
Restored  to  Mexico , ,.,,,,,.,,,,,,, 705 

CHAPTER  XXX, 

LOWER   CALIFORNIA. 

1848-1888. 

New  Political  Division— A  Military  Colony  Established— Filibustering 
Designs— Walker— His  Plans  against  Sonora  Thwarted— Enrollment 


rvif  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

of  Men  in  California — Descent  on  Lower  California — Proclaims  a 
Republic  at  La  Paz — Walker  Retires  to  Todos  Santos  Bay — Arrival 
of  Reinforcements — Capture  of  Santo  Tomas — The  Republic  of 
Sonora  Proclaimed — Dissension  Among  the  Filibusters — The  March 
into  Sonora — Collapse  of  the  Expedition — Political  Matters — Con 
vict  Uprising — Strife  for  Power — Frontier  Troubles — Arrival  of 
French  Vessels — Colonization  Plans — Orchilla  Gathering — Revolt 
against  Governor  Davilos — Change  of  Governors — Marquez'  Revolt 
— Prospects  of  Progress  . , , , , , , 716 


CHAPTER   XXXI. 

INSTITUTIONAL. 
1800-1888. 

Frontier  Military  Forces  in  Colonial  Times— War  for  Independence — 
Government — Officers  and  Districts — Revenue — Chihuahua,  Du- 
rango,  Sinaloa,  Sonora,  and  Lower  California — Crime  and  Punish 
ment — Fusion  of  Races — Aboriginal  Peoples — Judiciary  and  Codes 
— Colonization — Education . .  ,  740 


CHAPTER    XXXII. 

RESOURCES  AND  COMMERCE. 

Obstacles  to  Progress  of  Agriculture — Production  and  Crops— Stock- 
raising — Mining — Effect  of  Indians  on  Development — Districts  in 
Different  States — Metals,  Minerals,  and  Precious  Stones — Pearl 
Fishing — Manufactures — Cotton  Mills— Trade — Imports  and  Ex 
ports — Smuggling  —  Coast  Trade  —  Steamer  Lines — Roads  and 
Canals— Railways 748 


[I  STORY 


OF   THE 


NORTH   MEXICAN   STATES 
AND    TEXAS. 


CHAPTER   I. 

TEXAS   CLAIMED   BY   THE  UNITED   STATES. 
1800-1810. 

INTERNAL  CONDITION  or  TEXAS— SOCIETY  AT  SAN  ANTONIA  DE  BEJAR — COLO 
NEL  PIKE— THE  PROVINCIAL  GOVERNMENT — NOLAN'S  INROAD— His  DE 
FEAT  AND  DEATH— GAMBLING  FOR  LIFE — BEAN'S  BIOGRAPHY— SALE  OF 
LOUISIANA  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES— THE  BOUNDARY  DISPUTE — PRETEN 
SIONS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES — PREPARATIONS  FOR  HOSTILITIES — THE 
SPANISH  TROOPS  CROSS  THE  SABINE — GENERAL  WILKINSON  TAKES  THE 
FIELD — THE  SPANISH  RETIRE — WILKINSON  MARCHES  TO  THE  SABINE — 
A  BLOODLESS  CAMPAIGN — THE  NEUTRAL-GROUND  CONVENTION  —  IM 
PROVED  CONDITION  OF  .  TEXAS  —  DESPERADOES  OCCUPY  THE  NEUTRAL 
GROUND — THEIR  ORGANIZATION. 

WITH  the  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century  Texas 
began  to  emerge  from  that  slough  of  stagnation  in 
which  she  had  been  so  long  buried.  Henceforth  she 
became  an  object  of  attention  and  a  field  of  strife, 
until  finally  she  rose  to  the  dignity  of  an  independent 
republic.  But  her  elevation  was  not  due  to  internal 
development.  It  was  the  effect  of  external  influences 
and  the  advent  of  another  race  of  men;  the  Anglo- 
American  element  gained  for  her  a  name  in  the  his 
tory  of  the  New  World. 

What  the  population  of  Texas  was  at  the  beginning 
of  this  century  cannot  be  definitely  ascertained,  but 
according  to  reports  published  by  the  Tribunal  del 

VOL.  II.    L 


2  TEXAS  CLAIMED  BY  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

Consulado,  it  was  estimated  to  be  about  21, 000  in  1805, 
its  area  being  a  little  over  7,000  square  leagues.1 
Major  Pike,  who  passed  through  the  province  in  1807, 
says :  "  The  population  of  Texas  may  be  estimated  at 
7,000.  These  are  principally  Spanish  Creoles,  some 
French,  some  Americans,  and  a  few  civilized  Indians 
and  half-breeds."2  But  this  number  did  not  include 
the  wild  Indian  tribes.  It  was,  indeed,  a  desolate 
country.  The  only  settlements  of  any  importance 
were  San  Antonio  de  Bejar,  with  about  2,000  inhabi 
tants  ;  La  Bahia  del  Espiritu  Santo — now  Goliad — 
about  1,400;3  and  Nacogdoches,  with  500  inhabitants. 
Scattered  in  the  interior  were  a  few  military  stations, 
and  here  and  there  a  mission  still  existed,4  round  which 
were  settled  a  few  miserable  Indian  proselytes.  What 
little  trade  there  was,  was  carried  on  with  Mexico  by 
way  of  Monterey  and  Monclova,  and  with  New  Or 
leans  through  Natchitoches,  the  latter  being  contra 
band;  nor  was  it  until  1806  that  Texas  was  allowed  a 
port,  when  the  Bahia  de  San  Bernardo  was  opened  as 
a  puerto  menor  by  royal  order  of  September  28,  1805.5 
The  exchange  for  merchandise  was  specie,  horses,  and 
mules. 

I8oc.  Mex.  Geog.,  ii.  20. 

zExped.,  ap.,  part  iii.  33.  The  author  of  the  pamphlet  Pretensiones  de 
los  Anglo- Americanos,  Mexico,  1820,  pp.  7 — and  who  was  probably  the  gov 
ernor  Cordero,  since,  while  speaking  of  affairs  in  Texas  in  1800,  he  says,  '  Yo 
mandaba  entonces  la  frontera ' — states  on  page  3  that  the  Americans  assigned 
less  than  0,000  inhabitants  to  the  three  settlements  of  San  Antonio,  La  Bahfa, 
and  Nacogdoches,  and  their  districts.  Pap.  Var.,  157,  no.  4.  Fernando  Na- 
varro  y  Noriega  gives  3,334  as  the  number  of  inhabitants  under  the  govern 
ment  of  Texas  in  1810.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  vii.  138.  Arispe,  Mem.  Coah.,  12,  in 
Pamphlet*,  i.,  gives  7,000  as  the  number  in  1811. 

3  Almonte  gives  these  for  the  year  1806.  Not.  Estad.  Tej.,  25. 

4Cancelada  supplies  the  following  list  for  1811:  Around  the  capital  San 
Fernando:  Mission  of  la  Concepcion,  distant  1  1.;  San  Jos6  de  Agayo,  1  1. ; 
San  Antonio  de  66 jar,  2^  1. ;  San  Juan  Capistrano,  3^  1. ;  San  Francisco  de  la 
Espada,  4  1  Around  the  Presidio  of  Espirito  Santo:  Mission  of  the  Rosario, 
distant  1^  1.;  Refugio,  12  1.  There  were  also  16  ranches,  'que  sin  dexar  de 
obedecer  a  las  Antoridades  no  viven  en  continua  sociedad. '  'ihe  total  popula 
tion  of  all  these  places  is  given  as  4,000  of  both  sexes;  that  of  the  wild  Indian 
tribes  as  over  14,000.  Rulna  de  N.  Esp.,  41.  Arispe  mentions  only  four 
missions  as  existing  in  the  above-named  year;  namely,  San  Jose",  de  la  Espada, 
San  Bernardo,  and  el  Refugio.  Mem.  Coah.,  in  Pamphlets,  i.  11.  In  1812 
the  missions  were  suppressed  by  the  Spanish  government,  and  the  Indians 
dispersed.  Shea,  Hist.  Cath.  Mis.,  87. 
Var.,  i.  f.  132. 


SAN  ANTONIO  SOCIETY.  3 

Most  of  the  inhabitants,  even  those  in  the  capital, 
San  Antonio,  were  of  roaming  inclinations,  induced 
by  love  of  the  chase.  The  buffalo  and  wild  horse 
abounded  in  great  numbers,  and  the  pursuit  of  them 
was  a  source  of  both  pleasure  and  profit.  The  gov 
ernor,  Antonio  Cordero — who  succeeded  Juan  Bau- 
tista  Guazabal  in  1806 — checked,  however,  in  some 
degree  this  disposition  to  lead  a  wandering  life,  and 
compelled  attention  to  agriculture.6  Yet  in  this  small, 
rough  community  there  was  not  wanting  somewhat  of 
the  amenities,  and  even  refinement,  of  civilized  society. 
This  was  to  be  found  among  the  Spanish  residents, 

6  By  restricting  the  buffalo  hunts  to  certain  seasons,  and  obliging  every 
man  of  family  to  cultivate  so  many  acres  of  land.  Pike's  Exp.,  ap.,  part  iii. 
34.  This  writer,  Major  Zebulon  Montgomery  Pike,  of  the  6th  regiment  of  the 
U.  S.  infantry,  was  commissioned  under  instructions  of  Pres.  Jefferson  to  ex- 

Elore  the  sources  of  the  Mississippi,  in  which  undertaking  he  was  engaged 
com  August  1805  to  April  1806.  In  July  of  the  latter  year  he  was  sent  by 
Gen.  Wilkinson  to  explore  the  Arkansas  and  Red  rivers,  his  party  consisting 
of  23  persons.  The  commandant  of  Nacogdoches  became  informed  of  the 
projected  expedition  while  Pike  was  making  his  preparations  at  St  Louis,  and 
a  strong  force  of  100  dragoons  and  500  mounted  militia  was  sent  by  the  gov 
ernment  at  the  Mexican  capital  to  intercept  him.  Pike,  however,  had  got 
lost,  and  was  undiscovered  by  the  Spanish  troops,  though  they  descended  the 
Red  River  600  miles.  Meantime  the  explorer  had  made  his  way  to  the  Rio 
Grande,  where  he  and  his  party  were  taken  by  the  authorities  of  New  Mexico 
and  conducted  to  Santa  Fe\  He  was  thence  sent  to  Chihuahua,  where  Nemesio 
Salcedo,  the  captain-general  of  the  provincias  interims,  resided.  After  an  in 
vestigation  into  the  object  of  his  expedition  and  sone  detention,  he  was  sent 
with  a  portion  of  his  party  to  Natchitoches,  in  Louisiana,  then  in  possession 
of  the  U.  S.  On  his  arrival  in  the  U.  S.  he  published,  in  the  form  of  a  jour 
nal,  an  account  of  his  expeditions,  under  the  title:  An  Account  of  Expeditions 
to  the  Sources  of  the  Mississippi,  and  through  the  Western  Parts  of  Louisiana  to 
the  Sources  of  the  Arkansaw,  Kans,  La  Platte,  and  Pierre  Jaun-  Rivers;  per 
formed  by  order  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  during  the  years  1805, 

1806,  and  1807.     And  a  Tour  through  the  Interior  Parts  of  New  Spain,  when 
conducted  through  these  provinces  by  order  of  the  Captain-General  in  the  year 

1807.  Philadelphia,   1810.    8vo,  pp.  277,  with  3  appendices,  pp.  65,  52,  87. 
lables.     This  work  was  reprinted  in  London  in  1811,  in  4to,  pp.  436,  under 
the  title:  Exploratory  Travels  through  the  Western  Territories  of  North  Amer 
ica,  etc.     It  was  also  translated  into  French  in  1811  by  M.  Bresson,  2  vols, 
8vo;  and  into  Dutch  at  Amsterdam  in  1812,  2  vols,  8vo.     Pike  gives  a  good 
description  of  the  countries  through  which  he  journeyed,  and  their  resources, 
as  well  as  of  the  manners,  morals,  and  customs  of  their  inhabitants.     With 
regard  to  New  Spain,  he  appears  to  have  been  somewhat  partial,  owing  to  the 
kindness  and  hospitality  which  he  received  from  the  people.     He  says:   '  Those 
reasons  have  induced  me  to  omit  many  transactions,  and  draw  a  veil  over 
various  habits  and  customs  which  might  appear  in  an  unfavorable  point  of 
view,  at  the  same  time  that  I  have  dwelt  with  delight  on  their  virtues. '     Pike 
was  born  at  Lamberton,  N.  J.,  Jan.  5,  1779;  in  1813  he  was  made  brigadier- 
general,  and  appointed  to  command  the  land  forces  in  the  expedition  against 
York — now  Toronto.     On  April  27th  he  attacked  the  place,  and  after  carrying 
one  battery,  was  mortally  wounded  by  the  explosion  of  the  British  magazine. 


4  TEXAS  CLAIMED  BY  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

many  of  whom  had  come  from  leading  cities  in  Spain, 
or  from  the  viceregal  court ;  and  though  most  of  the 
inhabitants  of  San  Antonio  dwelt  in  miserable  houses, 
with  mud  walls  and  grass-thatched  roofs,  the  upper 
class  enlivened  social  intercourse  by  dinner-parties  and 
balls,  at  which  refinement  of  manners  was  noticeable, 
and  cheerful,  bright  conversation  gladdened  the  enter 
tainments.7  The  example  of  this  class  was  not  with 
out  effect.  A  degree  of  politeness  was  infused  into 
the  Creoles  and  half-breeds,  modifying  the  tendency  to 
ruffian  bearing  and  coarseness,  which  are  the  products 
of  a  wild  frontier  life  and  isolation  from  the  world. 

The  province  of  Texas,  as  also  that  of  Coahuila, 
was  subject  to  the  government  of  the  commandant 
general  of  the  provincias  internas,  who  resided  at  Chi 
huahua,  and  whose  powers  were  independent  of  the 
viceroy.  Each  province  was  ruled  by  a  military  and 
political  governor,  who  by  his  delegated  powers  had 
cognizance  of  all  causes,  being  dependent,  as  regards 
military  matters,  on  the  commandant  general.  In 
fiscal  affairs  he  was  subject  to  the  intendant  at  San 
Luis  Potosi,  with  recourse  to  the  supreme  council  of 
finance  at  the  city  of  Mexico.  In  regard  to  his  ad 
ministration  of  justice,  appeals  could  be  made  only  to 
the  audiencia  of  Nueva  Galicia.8  The  consequences 
of  this  arrangement  are  self-evident.  So  great  were 
the  distances  of  the  places  where  appeals  could  be 
made  that  recourse  to  these  could  be  had  but  by  few 
persons;  and  as  the  magistrates — generally  military 
men — had  no  legal  adviser,  justice  could  not  be  prop 
erly  administered  even  under  the  best  disposed  gov 
ernor,  while  the  system  afforded  every  opportunity 
for  the  exercise  of  tyranny.  In  ecclesiastical  matters 

7  Pike  regarded  San  Antonio  as  one  of  the  most  delightful  places  that  he 
visited  in  the  Spanish  provinces.  Id.,  ap.,  part  iii.  34. 

8  Arispe,  Mem.  Coah.,  9,  in  Pamphlet*,  i.     In  1803  Juan  Bautista  Guaza- 
bel  was  appointed  governor  of  Texas,  succeeded  in  1806  by  Antonia  Cordero, 
who  had  previously  been  governor  of  Coahuila.     Pike  says  of  this  latter  prov 
ince:    'Military  and   ecclesiastical  power  is  all   that  is  known  or  acknowl 
edged,  .  .The  governor's  civil  salary  is  4,000  dollars  per  annum.'  Exped.,  ap., 
part  iii.  29. 


INCOMING  AMERICANS.  5 

the  same  difficulty  presented  itself,  questions  that 
arose  having  to  be  referred  to  the  episcopal  chair  in 
Nuevo  Leon.9 

But  the  time  had  approached  when  the  first  indica 
tions  of  a  distant  influence  that  was  to  bear  on  the 
future  destiny  of  Texas  were  manifested.  The  spirit 
of  adventure  which  led  Daniel  Boone  into  the  wilder 
ness  of  Kentucky  was  abroad  on  the  margins  of  those 
unknown  lands  that  lay  beyond  the  frontier  settle 
ments  of  the  United  States,  and  the  Anglo-American 
race  was  pushing  westward  and  southward.  Bold, 
restless  men,  impelled  by  the  fascination  of  wild  adven 
ture,  made  their  way  into  new  regions,  reckless  of 
danger  and  hardships.  As  the  settlers  in  their  on 
ward  course  approached  the  Spanish  possessions,  it 
was  not  likely  that  these  would  long  remain  a  closed 
garden  of  Hesperides  to  such  spirits.  The  uncom 
promising  exclusion  of  foreigners  only  served  as  an 
incentive,10  and  before  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  cen 
tury  Americans  had  entered  Texas  and  gained  a  foot 
hold.  The  contraband  trade  carried  on  with  New 
Orleans,  and  connived  at  by  the  Spanish  authorities, 
opened  a  gateway  to  these  intruders. 

Probably  the  first  of  these  adventurers  was  Philip 
Nolan,  an  Irishman  by  birth,  who  was  engaged  in 
this  illegal  trade  between  San  Antonio  and  Natchez 
as  early  as  1785.  Whether  it  was  that  this  traffic 
did  not  yield  profits  large  enough  or  quickly  enough, 
under  the  exactions  imposed  upon  it,  or  whether  No 
lan  really  had  the  secret  intention  of  making  discov 
eries  in  reputed  gold-bearing  regions  in  Texas,  as 

9  Arispe,  Mem.  Coah.,  9,  et  seq.,  in  Pamphlets,  no.  i.     As  this  is  an  official 
report  to  the  king  by  the  deputy  to  the  Spanish  cortes  from  Coahuila,  it  may 
be  regarded  as  affording  a  true  representation  of  the  government  of    these 
provinces  and  real  grievances.     The  writer  makes  suggestions  as  to  what 
ought  to  be  done  for  the  better  administration  of  them,  such  as  the  establish 
ment  of  juntas,  courts  of  appeal,  etc. 

10  All  foreigners  found   on   Spanish  territory  unprovided  with  passports 
were  arrested  and  thrown  into  prison,  where  they  often  lingered  for  years. 
Especial  rigor  was  observed  toward  American  citizens. 


6  TEXAS  CLAIMED  BY  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

some  writers  allege,11  is  not  certain;  but  in  180012  he 
organized  an  armed  expedition  at  Natchez,  ostensibly 
for  the  purpose  of  capturing  wild  horses  in  Texas. 
The  adventurers,  twenty-one  in  number  including 
their  leader,  crossed  the  Mississippi  at  Nogales — Wal 
nut  Hills — and  having  advanced  forty  miles  in  the 
direction  of  the  Washita,  they  fell  in  with  a  patrol  of 
fifty  Spanish  horsemen  sent  from  the  fort  on  the  river 
to  intercept  them.  The  determined  bearing  of  Nolan 
and  his  followers,  however,  deterred  them  from  attack 
ing  him,  and  he  proceeded  without  interruption. 
Avoiding  Fort  Washita,  the  party  crossed  Red  River, 
and  continuing  their  westward  course  passed  the 
Trinity,  and  reached  the  Brazos,  spending  much  time 
in  hunting.  On  their  arrival  at  the  Brazos  they 
erected  an  enclosure,  and  penned  about  300  wild 
horses.  By  invitation  of  the  Comanches  they  visited 
the  Indian  chief  Necoroco,  whose  village  was  situated 
at  the  south  fork  of  the  Red  River,  where  they  re 
mained  a  month.  After  their  return  to  camp  they 
were  attacked,  March  2 1,13  1801,  by  a  troop  of  150 
Spaniards  sent  against  them  by  Salcedo  and  com 
manded  by  Lieutenant  Musquiz.14  Nolan's  outpost 
of  six  men — one  American  and  five  Spaniards — was 
captured  before  daylight,  and  as  soon  as  morning 

11 '  Estimulados  ' — i.  e.,  Nolan  and  his  followers — '  de  las  noticias  de  haber 
en  las  montanas  de  la  proviiicia  de  Tejas,  muchas  y  abundantes  minas  de  ora 
y  plata.'  Filisola,  Mem.  Hist.  Guerra  Tejas,  i.  39.  Kennedy  says  it  was 
supposed  that  the  leader  of  the  expedition  cherished  the  secret  intention  of 
making  discoveries  in  the  reputed  gold  regions  of  the  Comanches.  Texas, 
i.  237. 

12  Kennedy,  relying  upon  a  manuscript  supplied  him  by  Lamar,  president 
of  Texas,  gives  the  date  1789,  '  or  thereabouts.      Filisola  also  assigns  that  year 
to  the  expedition;  but  Ellis  P.  Bean,  who  accompanied  Nolan,  and  wrote  a 
full  account  of  the  expedition  and  his  own  subsequent  acts,  distinctly  states 
that  the  adventurers  left  Natchez  in  October  1800.    Yoakum  supplies  a  revised 
copy  of  Bean's  narrative  in  appendix  no.  ii.  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  403-4. 

13  According  to  the  diary  of  Musquiz,  translated  and  published  in  the  Texas 
Almanac,  Sept.  1808,  60-4. 

14  Bean  states  that  the  party  at  this  time  numbered  only  18,  three  of  the 
company  having  been  lost  at  the  beginning  of  the  journey  while  out  hunting. 
Nolan's  force  at  starting  comprised  14  Americans,  5  Mexicans,  and  one  negro. 
The  lost  men  made  their  way  back  to  Natchez.   Beans  Mem.,  in  Y  oakums 
Hist.  Tex.,  405,  407.     Musquiz,  however,  says  that  there  were  '  14  Americans, 
1  Creole  of  Louisiana,  7  Spaniards  or  Mexicans,  and  2  negro  slaves  at  the  log 
pen  when  he  attacked  it.'  Texas  Almanac,  Sept.  1868,  62. 


WAR  AND  DEFEAT.  7 

dawned  the  Spaniards  opened  fire  with  grape  from  a 
swivel-gun  upon  the  remaining  twelve,  who  were 
inside  an  enclosure  of  logs,  which  had  been  built  as  a 
protection  against  Indians.  Nolan  fell  early  in  the 
contest,  shot  through  the  head.15  Bean  then  took 
command,  and  the  fight  was  continued  for  some  time 
longer,  two  of  the  Americans  being  wounded  and  one 
killed.  At  nine  o'clock  the  besieged  eifected  their 
retreat  to  a  neighboring  ravine,  where  they  stubbornly 
defended  themselves  till  two  in  the  afternoon,  when 
the  Mexicans  hoisted  a  white  flag.  A  parley  followed, 
and  the  Americans'  ammunition  having  failed,  a  treaty 
was  made,  by  which  it  was  agreed  that  the  Americans 
should  be  sent  back  to  their  own  country ;  that  both 
parties  should  proceed  to  Nacogdoches  in  company; 
and  that  the  Americans  should  not  be  regarded  as 
prisoners,  but  should  retain  their  arms.  On  their 
arrival  at  Nacogdoches,  however,  they  were  detained 
a  month  waiting  for  Salcedo's  order  for  their  return 
to  the  United  States.  His  instructions,  when  they 
arrived,  were  the  reverse  of  those  hoped  for;  the 
adventurers  were  heavily  ironed  and  sent  to  San 
Antonio;  thence  to  San  Luis  Potosi,  where  they 
languished  in  prison  sixteen  months.  From  this  city 
they  were  removed  to  Chihuahua  and  tried,  their 
cases  being  referred  to  the  crown.  After  five  years 
of  anxious  waiting  the  king's  decision  arrived.  Every 
fifth  man  was  to  be  hanged.  As  the  survivors  at  this 
time  were  only  nine  in  number,  a  single  life  was 
deemed  sufficient  to  meet  the  stern  requirement  of 
the  royal  sentence.  The  unfortunate  captives  were 
made  to  throw  dice  blindfolded  on  a  drum-head. 
He  who  threw  the  lowest  number  was  to  suffer,  and 
Bean,  the  author  of  the  narrative  from  which  the 
above  account  is  taken,  cast  the  lowest  but  one.  On 

15  Nolan  was  killed  by  a  cannon-ball,  the  Mexican  troops  having  brought 
tip  a  mountain  gun  on  muleback.  After  the  surrender,  the  negroes  asked 
permission  to  bury  their  leader,  which  was  granted  'after  causing  his  ears  to 
be  cut  off,  in  order  to  send  them  to  the  governor  of  Texas. '  Id, ,  63. 


8  TEXAS  CLAIMED  BY  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

the  following  day  the  victim  was  executed  in  the  pres 
ence  of  his  more  fortunate  comrades.16 

Such  was  the  result  of  the  first  inroad  by  Ameri 
cans  into  Spanish  territory  in  which  the  invaders 
sought  to  sustain  themselves  by  force  of  arms.  Mean 
time  other  Americans  had  effected  a  peaceful  entrance 
into  this  forbidden  land,  and  had  settled  along  the 

16  The  nine  who  cast  lots,  according  to  Bean,  were:  E.  P.  Bean,  David  Fero, 
Tony  Waters,  Thomas  House,  Charles  King,  Robert  Ashley,  Joseph  Reed, 
the  negro  Ciesar,  and  one  whose  name  is  not  given  by  Bean.  Thrall,  without 
quoting  any  authority,  says  the  lot  fell  on  Ephraim  Blackburn:  Pict.  Hixt. 
Tex.,  107.  Bean,  after  numerous  attempts  to  escape,  which  always  resulted 
in  his  recapture  and  imprisonment,  was  offered  his  liberty  when  a  revolution 
was  in  progress  in  1811-12,  if  he  would  enlist  in  the  royal  army.  To  this  he 
consented,  but  on  the  first  opportunity  he  deserted  and  joined  Morelos, 
under  whom  he  fought  with  distinction,  and  was  in  command  of  the  troops 
that  captured  Acapulco.  In  1814  Bean  was  sent  as  republican  agent  to  the 
U.  S.,  and  took  part  in  the  battle  of  New  Orleans.  Being  well  known  to 
General  Jackson,  the  command  of  a  battery  was  given  to  him  in  this  engage 
ment.  Concluding  that  war-time  was  unpropitious  to  the  Mexican  cause  in 
the  U.  S.,  Bean  returned  to  Mexico,  but  in  the  following  year  went  back  in 
company  with  Herrera.  He  again  returned  to  Mexico  some  time  afterward, 
to  find  the  independent  cause  all  but  lost.  During  his  stay  in  that  country 
on  this  occasion,  he  married  Anna  Gorthas,  a  Mexican  whose  family,  once 
wealthy,  had  been  impoverished  by  the  war.  In  1818  he  visited  Tennessee 
and  spent  some  time  at  the  place  of  his  birth.  He  finally  settled  in  Texas  as 
a'  colonist,  and  remained  there  many  years.  After  the  termination  of  the 
Mexican  revolution  his  wife  recovered  her  property,  and  the  last  years  of  his 
adventurous  life  were  passed  in  peace  on  her  estate  near  Jalapa.  Bean  was 
born  in  1783  and  died  Oct.  3,  1840.  Mem.,  in  Yoakums  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  415-52; 
Thrall's  Pict.  Hist.  Tex.,  499-500.  Kennedy's  account  of  this  expedition  is 
greatly  at  variance  with  Bean's  narrative.  He  states  that  after  Nolan's 
death  his  followers  surrendered  at  discretion,  and  were  taken  to  Chihuahua, 
where  with  few  exceptions  they  were  shot.  House  and  Ashley  effected  their 
escape,  Bean  was  pardoned  on  account  of  his  youth,  and  Stephen  Richards — 
not  mentioned  by  Bean — was  compelled  to  enter  the  Spanish  army.  Texas,  i. 
238.  I  hrall's  statements  are  equally  contradictory.  Utsitp.,  106-7.  Accord 
ing  to  the  Texas  Almanac,  Sept.  18G8,  63-4,  the  following  is  the  list  of  those 
who  were  destined  to  draw  for  the  death -lot:  Laiciaiio  Garcia,  Jonah  Walters, 
Solomon  Cooley,  Ellis  Bean,  Joseph  Reed,  William  Danlin,  Charles  King, 
Joseph  Pierce,  Ephraim  Blackburn,  and  David  Fero.  But  Pierce  having 
died  before  the  royal  decree — .that  each  fifth  man  should  be  hanged — could  be 
carried  into  execution,  the  presiding  judge,  with  commendable  mercy,  decided 
that  one  victim  would  be  sufficient.  According  to  the  report  of  the  adjutant 
inspector,  the  lots  drawn  were  the  following,  each  gambler  for  his  life  throwing 
in  precedence  according  to  his  age:  '  Blackburn,  3  and  1,  making  4;  Garcia,  3 
and  4,  making  7;  Reed,  6  and  5,  making  11;  Fero,  5  and  3,  making  8;  Cooley, 
6  and  5,  making  11;  Walters,  6  and  1,  making  7;  King,  4  and  3,  making  7; 
Bean,  4  and  1,  making  5;  Danlin,  5  and  2,  making  7.'  Ephraim  Blackburn, 
having  thrown  the  smallest  number,  was  hanged  at  the  Plaza  de  los  Urangas  in 
the  town  of  Chihuahua,  on  the  llth  of  November,  1807.  '  Ihe  diary  kept  by 
Nolan  and  many  of  his  letters,  which  are  in  my  possession' — J.  A.  Quintero 
— '  show  conclusively  that  he  was  not  only  a  gallant  and  intelligent  gentle 
man,  but  an  accomplished  scholar.  He  was  thoroughly  acquainted  with 
astronomy  and  geography.  He  made  the  first  map  of  'iexas,  which  he  pre 
sented  to  the  Baron  de  Carondelet  on  returning  from  his  first  trip. 


SETTLEMENT.  9 

San  Antonio  road,  on  both  sides  of  Nacogdoches. 
Among  these  may -be  mentioned  Captain  Dill  and  his 
son-in-law,  Joseph  Darst,  Samuel  Davenport,  and 
Robert  Barr,  all  of  whom  established  themselves  in 
Texas  at  the  close  of  the  last  century  or  in  1800.17 
This  privilege  had  only  been  obtained  by  swearing 
allegiance  to  the  Spanish  king.  Hitherto  neither 
these  settlements  nor  Nolan's  inroad  had  any  political 
significance;  they  were  merely  the  results  of  private 
enterprise;  but  the  time  was  close  at  hand  when 
throughout  the  United  States  attention  was  drawn  to 

Q 

this  unknown  country.  The  causes  of  this  were  the 
sale  of  Louisiana  to  the  government  at  Washington— 
which  involved  a  dispute  with  Spain  as  to  the  owner 
ship  of  Texas — and  Aaron  Burr's  conspiracy  to  in 
vade  and  revolutionize  Mexico,  exciting  thereby  a 
wide-spread  interest  in  this  border  province. 

When  France,  in  November  1762,  ceded  Louisiana 
to  Spain  in  order  to  prevent  it  falling  into  the  hands 
of  the  English,  the  western  boundary  line  between 
the  Spanish  and  English  possessions  in  North  Amer 
ica  was  clearly  defined  by  the  treaty  concluded  in  the 
following  February.18  But  in  October  1800  Spain 
ceded  back  the  territory  to  France  in  exchange  for 
Tuscany,  on  the  understanding  that  its  extent  should 
be  the  same  as  it  had  been  during  the  former  posses- 
sion  of  it  by  that  nation.  The  boundary  line,  how 
ever,  between  Louisiana  and  Texas  had  never  been 
definitely  settled,  though  Spain  had  always  claimed 
that  Red  River,  or  rather  its  tributary  Arroyo  Hondo, 

17  Barr  and  Davenport  had  a  settlement  two  miles  east  of  the  Angelina, 
and  later  established  a  large  cattle-ranch  east  of  the  Trinity,    Yoakum,    tit 
sup.,  13G-7;  Thrall,  ut  sup.,  686. 

18  The  treaty  was  signed  at  Paris,  between  the  kings  of  Spain  and  of  France 
on  the  one  side,  and  the  king  of  Great  Britain  on  the  other.     In  art.  7  the 
limits  were  '  fixed  by  a  line  drawn  along  the  middle  of  the  river  Mississippi, 
from  its  source  to  the  river  Iberville,  and  from  thence  by  a  line  in  the  middle 
of  that  stream  and  of  the  lakes  Manrepas  and  Pontchartrain  to  the  sea.' 
(,'<tt/'ii-rc's  Hist.  Louisiana,  Fr.  Dom.,  ii.  93;  Claiborne,  in  Mayer's  Mex.}  MS., 
no.  25. 


10  TEXAS  CLAIMED  BY  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

was  the  western  limit  of  the  French  possessions,19  and 
when,  in  1803,  Napoleon  sold  Louisiana  to  the  United 
States,20  its  western  limits  at  once  became  a  ground 
of  dispute  with  Spain.  The  government  at  Washing 
ton,  in  its  aggressive  policy,  claimed  all  the  country 
east  of  the  Rio  Grande,21  which  included  the  whole  of 
Texas  and  the  best  portion  of  New  Mexico — a  pre 
tension,  as  far  as  the  French  were  concerned,  long 
obsolete.  But  for  the  time  the  acquisition  of  Florida 
was  of  more  paramount  importance,  and  Monroe  and 
Pinckney,  ambassadors  at  the  court  of  Spain,  were  in 
structed,  April  15,  1804,  to  propose  to  the  Spanish 
government  that  the  territory  lying  between  the 
Sabine  and  Colorado  rivers  should  be  considered  as 
neutral  ground  for  a  period  not  longer  than  twenty 
years,  under  the  stipulation  that  Florida  should  be 
ceded  to  the  United  States  for  a  sum  not  exceeding 
$2', 00 0,0 00.  This  concession  of  its  assumed  right 
to  Texas,  however,  soon  appeared  too  liberal  to  the 
United  States  government,  and  in  July  following  its 
representatives  were  instructed  to  propose  the  terri 
tory  between  the  Colorado  and  the  Rio  Grande  as 
the  neutral  ground.22  These  proposals,  though  long 
discussed,  met  with  no  result. 

19  The  Arroyo  Hondo  was  about  seven  miles  west  of  Natchitoches.     A  con 
ventional  line  seems  to  have  been  recognized  for  many  years  by  both  nations. 
This  ran  between  the  rivers  Mermeiito  and  Carcasien,  along  the  Arroyo  Hondo, 
passing  between  Adaes  and  Natchitoches,  and  terminated  in  the  Red  River — 
a  boundary  often  violated  by  encroachments  of  the  French  toward  the  Sabine 
River.  Pap.  Far.,  162,  no.  i.,  p.  vii.     Consult  vol.  i.,  Hist.  North  Mex.  States 
and  Texas,  this  series;  Monettes  Hist.   Vol.  Mississippi,  ii.  460. 

20  Upon  the  cession  of  Louisiana  by  Spain  to  the  French,  it  was  privately 
stipulated  that  the  territory  should  not  be  sold  to  the  U.  S.,  and  when  the 
sale  was  effected,  Spain,  recognizing  that  a  protecting  barrier  between  her 
American  possessions  in  North  America  and  the  U.  S.  was  removed,  protested. 
Overawed  by  Napoleon,  she  withdrew  her  protest.    Yoakum's  Hist.  Tex.,  i. 
119;  Filisola,  Mem.  Hist.  Guerra  Tex.,  i.  43-4;  Annals  of  Cong.,  1804-1805, 
ap.  1268.     A  curious  story  is  told  by  Ashbel  Smith,  who  frequently  met  the 
Prince  of  Peace,  Manuel  Godoy,  in  Paris.    Ihe  latter  told  him  that  Charles  IV. 
of  Spain  bestowed  on  him  the  province  of  Texas,  to  be  an  apanage  of  the 
house  of  Godoy.     Preparations  were  made  to  send  thither  2,000  soldiers  and 
a  number  of  females,  but  the  invasion  of  Spain  by  Napoleon  put  an  end  to 
the  whole  scheme.  Reminis.  Tex.,  27. 

21  Founding  the  claim  on  La  Salle's  unsuccessful  attempt  to  colonize  Texas. 
See  vol.  i.,  395-412,  this  series. 

22  Annals  of  Cong.,  1804-1805,  ap.  1338-47. 


ATTITUDE  OF  SPAIN. 

But  Texas  had  become  a  land  of  mark,  and  enter 
prising  pioneers  kept  pushing  forward  into  the  disputed 
territory.  Spain's  attitude  toward  the  United  States 
and  American  intruders  exhibited  a  growing  hostility, 
and  she  showed  herself  determined  to  maintain  her 
ancient  system  of  exclusion  of  foreigners.  To  oppose 
the  encroachments  which  she  clearly  foresaw  her  ag 
gressive  neighbor  in  America  would  attempt,  she  made 
vigorous  preparations  by  the  introduction  of  troops  and 
colonists  into  Texas,23  hoping  thereby  to  interpose  a 
powerful  state  as  a  protection  on  the  Mexican  frontier. 
Viceroy  Iturrigaray,  being  determined  to  attack  the 
Americans  if  they  crossed  the  Arroyo  Hondo,  took 
active  measures  to  increase  the  military  strength  of 
Texas.  Nacogdoches  and  other  places  were  fortified 
and  provisioned;  companies  of  militia  were  moved 
from  Nuevo  Leon  and  Nuevo  Santander  to  San  An 
tonio,  and  detachments  stationed  at  Matagorda,  the 
mouth  of  Trinity  River,  and  elsewhere.24  At  the  be 
ginning  of  1806,  there  were  about  1,500  soldiers  in 

O  O  '  ' 

Texas,  placed  under  the  direction  of  Simon  Herrera, 
the  governor  of  Nuevo  Leon,  Antonio  Cordero,  the 
newly  appointed  governor  of  Texas,  being  second  in 
command. 

In  view  of  this  warlike  attitude,  the  United  States 
government,  which,  though  disinclined  to  take  any 
step  that  might  preclude  a  peaceful  settlement  of  dif 
ferences,  was  resolved  that  the  Spanish  troops  should 

23  John  Sibley  reported  to  the  TJ.  S.  sec.  of  war,  in  a  letter  dated  Natchi- 
toches,  July  2,  1805,  that  500  families  had  arrived  at  San  Antonio,  all  settlers, 
with  a  strong  reenforcemeiit  of  troops;  and  Capt.  Turner,  at  Natchitoches, 
informed  General  Wilkinson,  Sept.  3,  1805,  that  Coinandante  General  Grima- 
rest  from  Spain  was  presently  expected  to  arrive  at  San  Antonio,  accompa 
nied  by  seven  companies  of  soldiers;  600  families,  coming  from  Spain  to  settle 
Matagorda,  had  put  into  the  Canary  Islands.  Id.,  1805-1806,  ap.  1206-7.     A 
scheme  for  the  establishment  of  military  colonies  at  all  important  points  in 
Texas  was  designed,  professedly  for  the  purpose  of  repelling  Indians.  Real 
Orden  de  30  de  Mayo  de  1804,  in  Mayer's  Mex.,  MS.,  no.  3,  vuelta.     The 
projected  colony,  placed  under  the  direction  of  Grimarest,  was  to  have  con 
sisted  of  3,000  persons.     It  was  on  the  point  of  sailing  from  Cadiz,  when  the 
capture  of  the  four  Spanish  frigates  took  place  in  1804;  and  subsequent  hos 
tilities  rendered  the  scheme  impracticable.    Ward's  Mex.  in  1827,  i.  556. 

24  President's  message  of  Dec.  6,  1805,  in  Annals  of  Cong.,  1805-1806,  p. 
18-19;  and  Id.,  ap.  1207-9. 


12  TEXAS  CLAIMED  BY  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

not  encroach  beyond  the  Sabine,.25  had  issued  orders 
November  20,  1805,  to  Major  Porter,  commanding  at 
Natchitoches,  to  repel  any  such  attempt.  On  receipt 
of  these  instructions,  Porter  required  of  the  command 
ant  at  Nacogdoches  an  assurance  that  he  would  not 
cross  that  river,  and  received,  February  4,  1806,  his 
refusal  to  comply  with  such  a  demand.  A  detachment 
of  twenty  men,  under  Ensign  Gonzalez,  had  already,  in 
fact,  been  advanced  to  the  old  abandoned  post  of  Adaes, 
and  on  the  1st  Porter  had  despatched  Captain  Turner 
with  sixty  men  to  enforce  their  withdrawal.  This  was 
effected  with  some  little  trouble,  but  without  blood 
shed.26 

The  news  of  this  forcible  ejection,  together  with  the 
alarm  excited  at  this  time  in  the  Mexican  capital  by 
reports  of  a  scheme  of  invasion  meditated  by  Aaron 
Burr,27  caused  the  Spanish  authorities  to  push  forward 
their  forces  to  the  disputed  ground.  A  reenforcement 
of  800  militiamen  was  sent  by  the  viceroy  to  Herrera,28 
and  about  the  1st  of  August  that  commander,  at  the 
head  of  1,300  men,  crossed  the  Sabine,  and  advanced 
to  within  a  few  miles  of  Natchitoches,  At  this  time 
Colonel  Gushing  was  in  command  there,  and  on  Au 
gust  5th  he  addressed  a  communication  to  Herrera, 
demanding  his  immediate  retirement  to  the  west  side 
of  the  Sabine.  Herrera  replied  on  the  following  day, 
stating  that  he  had  crossed  the  river  with  orders  from 
his  captain-general  "to  keep  the  territory  from  all  hos 
tile  attempts,  as  belonging,  from  time  immemorial,  to 
the  king." 

Meantime  Governor  Claiborne  had  called  out  the 
Louisiana  militia,  and  arrived  in  person  during  the 

25  President's  message  of  March  20,  1806,  in  Annals  of  Cong.,  1805-1806, 
p.  190. 

26  Annals  of  Cong.,  1806-1807,  ap.  913-15. 

27  For  references  to  Burr's  proposed  raid  into  Mexican  territory,  see  the 
index  to  Amer.  State  Papers,  xx.  Consult  also  Annals  of  Cong.,   1807-1808, 
pp.   386-778;  Amer.  Reg.,  ii.  88-90,  91-103;  and  Royal  Orders  of  May  14, 
Apr.  12,  1807,  and  Jan.  15,  1808,  in  Mayers  Mex.,  MS.,  nos  4,  5,  and  5fc. 

28  Of  these  600  were  undisciplined.     The  king  disapproved  of  sending  such 
men  on  an  expedition  which  required  good  soldiers.  Royal  Order  of  March 
24,  1807,  in  Mayers  Mex.,  MS.,  no.  4. 


TERRITORIAL  BOUNDARY.  13 

last  week  of  August  at  Natchitoches,  with  a  consid 
erable  force.  Correspondence  was  now  resumed,  Clai- 
borne  assuring  Herrera  that  the  consequences  would 
be  serious  if  the  Spanish  forces  persisted  in  their  un 
just  aggressions,  and  bringing  before  his  notice  several 
acts  of  outrage  and  unfriendliness  toward  the  United 
States  lately  committed  by  Spanish  troops.29  Herrera 
entered  into  an  explanation  with  regard  to  the  charges, 
and  assured  Governor  Claiborne  that  the  Spanish 
forces  would  commit  no  hostility  that  would  frustrate 
the  negotiations  pending  between  the  two  govern 
ments,  but  at  the  same  time  declared  his  intention, 
if  provoked,  to  preserve  the  honor  of  his  troops  and 
fulfil  his  obligations. 

Shortly  after  the  exchange  of  this  correspondence, 
General  James  Wilkinson  arrived  at  Natchitoches  with 
reinforcements,  and  took  command.  On  September 
24th  he  addressed  an  ultimatum  to  Governor  Cordero, 
at  Nacogdoches,  informing  him  that  the  United  States, 
pending  the  settlement  of  the  question,  had  adopted, 
"with  pretensions  far  more  extensive,"  the  Sabine~ 
Paver  as  the  most  obvious,  natural,  and  least  excep 
tionable  temporary  boundary;  and  that  the  presence 
of  Spanish  troops  on  the  east  side  of  it  was  regarded 
as  an  actual  invasion  of  their  territorial  rights,  and 
would  be  resisted.  He  then  reiterated  in  decisive 
tone  the  demand  for  the  withdrawal  of  the  troops  of 
Spain  to  the  west  side  of  the  river,  in  order  to  avoid 
the  effusion  of  blood.  This  final  communication  was 
immediately  forwarded  to  Nemesio  Salcedo,  the  cap 
tain-general  of  the  eastern  provincias  internas,  Cordero 
not  feeling  himself  authorized  to  decide  on  so  serious 
a  matter. 

Each  commander  was  loath  to  be  the  initiatory 
cause  of  hostilities,  and  while  Wilkinson  remained  in- 

29  Namely,  the  prevention  of  a  scientific  exploration  tip  Red  River  under 
Col  Freeman;  cutting  down  the  American  flag  in  the  Caddo  Indian  village; 
the  seizure,  of  three  Americans  within  12  miles  of  Natchitoches;  and  the  asy 
lum  afforded  three  fugitive  negro  slaves  at  Nacogdoches.  /&.;  Annals  of  Cong., 
1806-1807,  ap.  918-19. 


14  TEXAS  CLAIMED  BY  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

active,  awaiting  Salcedo's  decision,  Herrera  retired 
beyond  the  Sabine.  On  October  21st  the  American 
general  wrote  to  the  secretary  of  war,  enclosing  a  copy 
of  a  note  received  from  Cordero,  by  which  all  doubt 
was  removed  as  to  the  unyielding  pretensions  of  the 
Spaniards  to  the  disputed  territory,  and  announcing 
his  intention  to  advance  to  the  Sabine  on  the  follow 
ing  morning.  He  moreover  stated  that  he  purposed 
proposing  to  the  Spanish  commander  that  they  should 
respectively  withdraw  their  troops  to  the  point  of 
occupancy  at  the  time  of  the  surrender  of  Louisiana 
to  the  United  States.30 

Accordingly  on  the  24th  the  American  army  took 
up  a  position  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Sabine,  in  front 
of  Herrera's  forces,  which  occupied  the  west  side  of 
the  river,  and  Wilkinson  without  delay  opened  nego 
tiations.  It  has  never  been  clearly  understood  what 
were  the  motives  which  induced  the  Spanish  general 
to  accept,  on  his  own  responsibility,  the  proposal  of 
Wilkinson  that  the  territory  lying  between  the  Arroyo 
Hondo  and  the  Sabine  should  be  regarded  as  neu 
tral  ground  till  the  boundary  question  was  settled.31 
Nevertheless  such  was  the  case.  It  is,  however,  more 
than  probable  that  Wilkinson  so  excited  the  fears  of 
Herrera  by  exaggerated  accounts  of  Burr's  contem 
plated  invasion,  and  by  representing  at  the  same  time 
that  the  movement  could  only  be  suppressed  by  the 
whole  power  of  the  American  army,  that  the  Spanish 
general  was  willing  to  take  the  risk  of  incurring  his 
superior's  displeasure.32 

30  All  the  correspondence  above  referred  to  will  be  found  in  Id.,  1806-1807, 
ap.  915-25. 

31  According  to  Pike,  writing  in  1807  at  San  Antonio,  Herrera  held  a  coun 
cil  of  war,  '  yet,  notwithstanding  the  orders  of  the  viceroy,  the  commandant 
general,  governor  Cordero 's  and  the  opinion  of  his  officers,  he  had  the  firmness 
(or  temerity)  to  enter  into  the  agreement  with  General  Wilkinson,  which  at 
present  exists  relative  to  our  boundaries  on  that  frontier.'  Expeditions,  270-1. 

32  Wilkinson  was  well  informed  of  Burr's  designs  against  Mexico.     While 
at  Natchitoches  Samuel  Swartwout,  a  secret  envoy  from  the  latter,  visited 
him  at  the  beginning  of  October  and  placed  in  his  hands  a  letter  in  cipher  from 
Burr.     He  moreover  disclosed  to  him  verbally  full  particulars  of  the  plot. 
An  interpretation  of  the  letter  in  cipher  and  Swartwout 's  disclosures  will  be 
found  in  Annals  of  Cong.,  1806-1807,  ap.  1013-16.     It  was  suspected  later 


HOSTILITIES  ENDED.  15 

With  regard  to  Wilkinson's  action  in  taking  upon 
himself  the  responsibility  of  making  such  an  agree 
ment  in  face  of  the  instructions  he  had  received  to 
claim  positively  territory  as  far  as  the  Sabine,  it  is 
not  unreasonable  to  conjecture  that  he  was  influenced 
by  the  important  disclosures  made  by  Burr's  emissary. 
If  the  whole  of  his  letter  of  October  21st  to  the  secre 
tary  of  war,33  and  a  former  one  alluded  to  in  it,  were 
published,  it  would  probably  be  seen  that  such  were 
the  reasons  which  he  gave  to  the  government  for  his 
meditated  proposal  to  the  Spanish  commander. 

Having  completed  his  arrangements  with  Herrera 
and  Cordero,  Wilkinson  withdrew  his  forces  on  the 
6th  of  November,  and  hastened  to  New  Orleans  to 
make  preparations  to  oppose  Burr.  The  agreement 
entered  into  met  with  the  approval  of  both  govern 
ments.34 

After  the  conclusion  of  this  bloodless  campaign, 
owing  to  the  diversion  caused  by  the  war  in  •  Europe, 
and  Spain's  recognition  that  the  flag  protected  the 
cargo,35  the  relations  between  the  two  governments 
were  marked  by  an  interval  of  calm.  The  angry 
demonstrations  that  had  lately  occurred  were  not 
without  benefit  to  Texas,  and  by  the  temporary  con 
centration  of  troops  and  the  introduction  of  new  col 
onists  an  unwonted  activity  had  been  awakened,  and  an 
improvement  in  the  condition  of  the  country  effected. 
The  American  settlers,  moreover,  were  introducing 
some  little  agricultural  energy,  cramped  though  they 
were  by  the  suspicious  apprehensions  which  their 

that  Wilkinson  even  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  large  sum  of  money  from  the 
Spanish  commander,  on  the  understanding  that  he  would  undertake  to  frus 
trate  Burr's  designs.  For  fuller  particulars,  consult  Kennedy's  Texas,  i.  244; 
Nanette's  Hist.  Veil.  Mississippi,  ii.  463-5;  Yoakum's  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  145,  note; 
Martin's  Louisiana,  ii.  272-5. 

33  Only  an  extract  of  it  is  given  in  Annals  of  Cong.,  1806-1807,  924. 

3*JRea(  Orden  de  14  de  Mayo  de  1807,  in  Mayer's  Mex.,  MS.,  no.  4;  Presi 
dent's  Message,  Dec.  2,  1806,  in  Annals  of  Cony.,  1806-1807,  11.  Herrera  re 
ceived  the  thanks  of  the  viceroy.  Pike's  Exped.,  271. 

35  Spanish  men-of-war  had  till  then  ravaged  the  commerce  of  the  U.  S. 
to  a  great  extent,  both  in  the  Mediterranean  and  the  West  Indian  seas.  See 
Yoakum's  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  127,  133-4. 


16  TEXAS  CLAIMED  BY  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

presence   aroused,  and  consequent   oppressive   treat 
ment.36 

An  unforeseen  evil,  however,  arose  out  of  the  late 
compact.  The  neutral  territory  quickly  became  the 
asylum  of  a  large  number  of  desperadoes  and  maraud 
ers,  who  organized  themselves  into  a  community  under 
a  system  not  dissimilar  to  that  of  the  old  buccaneers. 
These  land  pirates  preyed  upon  all  who  came  in  their 
way,  the  traders  between  the  Texan  settlements  and 
Natchitoches,  where  horses  and  specie  were  exchanged 
for  merchandise,  being  their  especial  mark.  They 
had  their  rules  and  regulations,  their  headquarters, 
and  their  outposts.  Their  bravery  and  audacity  were 
unsurpassed,  and  their  fidelity  to  each  other  was  in 
flexible.37  Traders  were  convoyed  across  the  territory 
of  these  outlaws  by  military  escorts,  which,  however, 
were  frequently  attacked.  The  Spanish  authorities 
made  every  effort  to  eject  them,  and  twice  the  forces 
of  the  United  States  drove  them  off  and  burned  their 
houses.  But  these  measures  failed  to  suppress  them. 

36 '  The  oppressions  and  suspicions  they  labour  under  prevent  their  pro 
ceeding  with  that  spirit  which  is  necessary  to  give  success  to  the  establish 
ment  of  a  new  country.'  Pike's  Exped.,  ap.,  part  iii.  33. 

37  Yoakum  relates  a  striking  instance.  Two  of  a  gang  of  13  robbers,  who 
had  attacked  an  escort  and  carried  off  a  large  amount  of  treasure,  were  cap 
tured  by  Lieut  Magee  in  command  of  some  troops  from  Natchitoch.es.  Ihe 
men  were  immediately  tied  to  trees  and  flogged,  to  make  them  disclose  who 
were  their  associates.  As  this  punishment  failed  to  elicit  a  word  of  betrayal, 
a  live  coal  of  fire  was  passed  along  their  already  tortured  backs,  but  still  no 
disclosure  could  be  obtained.  Hist.  Tex,,  i.  152. 


CHAPTER  II. 

INVASION  OF  TEXAS  BY  AMERICANS. 
1811-1814. 

REVOLUTION  IN  FAVOR  OF  INDEPENDENCE— ZAMBRANO'S  COUNTER-REVOLU 
TION — REESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  ROYALIST  GOVERNMENT — BERNARDO 
GUTIERREZ — MAGEE'S  SCHEME  OF  CONQUEST — THE  AMERICANS  OCCUPY 
NACOGDOCHES — LA  BAHIA  FALLS  INTO  THEIR  HANDS — GOVERNOR  SALCEDO 
BESIEGES  LA  BAHIA— DEATH  OF  MAGEE — THE  BATTLE  OF  ROSILLO— 
DEFEAT  OF  THE  SPANISH  ARMY — SURRENDER  OF  SAN  ANTONIO — A  REPUB 
LICAN  GOVERNMENT  ORGANIZED— MASSACRE  OF  SALCEDO  AND  OTHER 
PRISONERS — DISGUST  OF  THE  AMERICANS — DEFEAT  OF  ROYALISTS  UNDER 
ELIZONDO — TOLEDO  TAKES  COMMAND  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  ARMY — AP 
PROACH  OF  ARREDONDO — BATTLE  OF  THE  MEDINA — DESTRUCTION  OF  THE 
AMERICANS — ELIZONDO'S  EXECUTIONS — PACIFICATION  OF  THE  PROVINCE. 

IN  1810  Manuel  de  Salcedo1  was  made  governor  of 
Texas,  Cordero,  whose  administration  had  been  emi 
nently  beneficial,  having  been  appointed  to  the  more 
populous  province  of  Coahuila.  In  September  of  this 
year  Hidalgo  raised  the  standard  of  independence,  and 
during  the  long  and  bloody  struggle  which  followed, 
Texas,  remote  though  she  was  from  the  more  active 
seats  of  war,  was  made  the  scene  of  deeds  as  horrify 
ing  as  Hidalgo's  massacre  of  his  prisoners,  and  Ca- 
lleja's  atrocities  at  Guanajuato.  By  January  1811  the 
revolutionary  wave  had  reached  Texas,  and  on  the  22d 
of  that  month  Juan  Bautista  Casas,  a  captain  of  the 
militia,  having  seized  the  persons  of  the  governor,  of 
Simon  Herrera — who  was  still  residing  at  San  Anto 
nio  de  Bejar  as  comandante  of  the  auxiliary  troops — 
and  of  other  officers,  proclaimed  in  favor  of  Hidalgo 

1  Son  of  Nemesio  Salcedo,  the  comandante  general  of  the  internal  prov 
inces.  Gonzalez,  Col  Doc.  N.  Leon,  153 

HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    2  (17  ) 


18  INVASION  OF  TEXAS  BY  AMERICANS. 

and  constituted  himself  governor.  But  Casas  soon 
disgusted  many  of  the  revolutionary  party  by  his 
despotic  and  disorderly  administration,  and  the  cura 
Juan  Manuel  Zambrano  formed  the  design  of  restor 
ing  the  old  order  of  things.  Concealing  his  real  in 
tention,  he  hoodwinked  those  of  the  dissatisfied  whom 
he  approached  on  the  matter,  by  giving  them  to 
understand  that  his  only  object  was  to  depose  Casas 
and  correct  the  disorders  of  the  government.  He 
was,  moreover,  favored  in  his  designs  by  the  oppor 
tune  arrival  of  the  unfortunate  Aldama,  who  with  a 
large  amount  of  bullion  was  proceeding  to  the  United 
States  as  envoy  of  the  independents,  there  to  solicit 
aid  in  arms  and  men.  Zambrano  cunningly  caused 
the  report  to  be  spread  among  the  lower  orders  that 
Aldama  was  an  emissary  of  Napoleon — a  statement 
the  more  readily  believed  on  account  of  his  uniform 
being  similar  to  that  of  a  French  aide-de-camp.  Noth 
ing  aroused  the  indignation  of  the  common  people  more 
than  the  idea  of  their  being  surrendered  to  the  French. 
By  casting  the  gloomy  shadow  of  that  danger  over  the 
minds  of  his  Indians,  Hidalgo  had  lately  caused  the 
Grito  de  Dolores  to  be  raised  and  rung  through 
the  land;2  and  now  this  wily  priest  used  the  same 
guile  in  Texas  to  advance  the  royalist  cause.  Thus 
the  populace  and  many  in  the  ranks  of  the  revolu 
tionists  in  San  Antonio,  and  many  inside  the  barracks, 
were  unwittingly  on  his  side.  On  the  night  of  March 
1st,  wTith  only  five  of  those  compromised  to  support 
him,  Zambrano  sallied  from  his  house  and  raised  the 
signal  cry.  Possession  was  obtained  of  the  barracks 
immediately,  and  before  morning  dawned  Casas  was 
a  prisoner,  and  Aldama  confined  under  guard  in  his 
lodging.  Zambrano  and  his  party  now  proceeded 
with  caution,  nor  did  they  prematurely  let  their  real 
design  be  known.  A  governing  junta  of  eleven  vot 
ing  members,  with  Zambrano  as  president,  was  elected 

2  See  Hidalgo's  address  to  his  flock  Sept.  16,  1810.  Hist.  Hex.,  iv.  117, 
this  series. 


EXPEDITION  OF  GUTIERREZ.  19 

by  the  principal  inhabitants  of  San  Antonio  and  the 
vicinity,  and  measures  were  adopted  to  secure  the 
province  without  creating  alarm.  The  Europeans 
who  had  been  imprisoned  by  Casas  were  released; 
his  appointees  were  removed  from  office,  a  force  of 
500  reliable  men  was  placed  in  marching  order  to  be 
ready  for  any  emergency;  and  captains  Jose  Mufioz 
and  Luis  Galan  were  despatched  as  commissioners 
to  any  royalist  chief  whom  they  might  be  able  to 
approach,  to  solicit  aid.  In  a  short  time  the  viceregal 
government  was  again  firmly  established  in  Texas,3 
and  Salcedo  was  reinstalled  as  governor.  Aldama 
was  sent  to  Monclova,  in  Coahuila;  there  tried,  con 
demned  to  death,  and  executed. 

An  expedition,  however,  organized  in  the  following 
year  by  a  young  officer  in  the  United  States  army,  in 
conjunction  with  a  Mexican  refugee  named  Bernardo 
Gutierrez  de  Lara,  almost  succeeded  in  annihilating 
the  royalist  power  in  Texas.  This  Gutierrez  had  fol 
lowed  the  occupation  of  a  smith  in  the  city  of  Revilla 
—now  Guerrero — and  at  the  outbreak  of  the  rebellion 
possessed  great  wealth,  owning  large  estates  and  other 
property  in  the  neighborhood,  besides  an  important 
commercial  house.  He  attached  himself  ardently  to 
the  independent  cause,  and  being  a  man  of  much  sa 
gacity  and  energy,  had  been  made  lieutenant-colonel 
by  Hidalgo,  whom  he  met  at  the  hacienda  de  Santa 
Maria,  near  Saltillo,  when  that  leader  was  about  to 
start  on  his  ill-starred  journey  to  Monclova.  Gutier 
rez  was,  moreover,  commissioned  as  envoy  to  Wash 
ington,  whither,  in  spite  of  the  disasters  that  shortly 
afterward  befell  the  independent  chiefs,  he  proceeded 
by  land,  performing  a  journey  of  four  months  under 

3  The  account  of  this  revolution  and  counter-revolution  is  obtained  from 
Oaz.  deMex.,  1812,  iii.  1087-91;  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  ii.  96-7,  170-2;  Busta- 
mante,  Cuad.  Hist.,  iv.  157-60;  Zerecero,  Rev.  Mex.,  196.  Morelos,  in  a  letter 
dated  Yanhuitlan,  Feb.  17,  1813,  and  addressed  to  the  intendente  Ignacio 
Ayala,  mentions  that  he  had  sent  two  commissioners,  David  and  Tavares,  to 
cede  Texas  to  the  U.  S.  about  this  time.  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  iii.  341.  The 
commission,  however,  failed  to  reach  its  destination.  Id.,  343. 


20  INVASION  OF  TEXAS  BY   AMERICANS. 

great  difficulties  and  dangers.  But  his  position  in  the 
United  States  was  rather  that  of  a  fugitive  than  an 
envoy,  and  his  credentials  were  not  recognized  by  the 
government.  Being  a  fervent  patriot,  he  went  to  New 
Orleans,  where  he  began  to  organize  an  expedition  for 
the  invasion  of  Texas,  which  scheme  was  facilitated 
by  his  former  commercial  relations  with  that  city.4 

In  1812  Lieutenant  Augustus  Magee5  was  sta 
tioned  at  Natchitoches,  and  had  been  employed  in 
breaking  up  the  gangs  of  outlaws  on  the  neutral 
ground.  Young  and  romantic,  he  conceived  the  idea 
of  conquering  Texas  by  the  aid  of  the  banditti  whom 
he  had  just  subdued.  These  readily  listened  to  his 
scheme,  and  having  formed  his  plans  and  appointed  a 
place  of  rendezvous,  Magee  proceeded  to  New  Orleans 
to  obtain  supplies  and  volunteers.  Here  he  met  Gu 
tierrez,6  and  eagerly  entered  into  an  arrangement  with 
him  to  unite  their  enterprises.  Magee  nominally 
yielded  the  command  to  Gutierrez,7  recognizing  the 
policy  of  letting  the  Mexican  population  believe  that 
the  expedition  was  under  the  direction  of  one  of  their 
own  countrymen. 

Having  resigned  his  commission  in  the  army.  June 
22,  1812,  Magee  proceeded  to  act.  Gutierrez  went 
in  advance  to  the  place  of  rendezvous,  on  the  east 
side  of  the  Sabine,  where  158  men  were  assembled. 
Magee  remained  at  Natchitoches  to  bring  up  reen- 
forcements  of  volunteers.  Gutierrez  presently  crossed 
the  Sabine,  engaged  the  Spanish  forces  on  the  Salitre 
prairie,  and  easily  defeating  them,  pursued  them  to 

*  Bustamante,  Cuad.  Hist.,  i.  329-30;  Filisola,  Mem.  Hist,  Guer.  Tex.,  i. 
50-1;  Dice.  Univ.  Hist.  Geog.,  ix.  51 5;  Mora,  Mej.  y  sus  Rev.,  iv.  449;  Guer r a, 
Rev.  N.  Esp.,  ii.  712,  note;  ThralVs  Pict.  Hist.  Tex.,  548.  This  last  author 
says  that  Gutierrez  made  Natchitoches  his  home  in  the  U.  S. 

6  Magee  graduated  at  West  Point  Jan.  23,  1809,  and  received  the  appoint 
ment  of  second  lieut  of  artillery.  Yoahim's  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  152,  note. 

6  Such  is  Brackenridge's  statement.  Holley's  Texas,  304.     Yoakum,  i.  153, 
says  that  G-utierrez  went  to  Natchitoches,  where  he  met  Magee,  whom  he 
greatly  interested  and  influenced  by  his  accounts  of  Mexico. 

7  Mexican  writers  regard  Gutierrez  as  the  inspirer  and  promoter  of  the  en 
terprise,  which  is  natural,  as  all  proclamations  were  published  in  his  name, 
and  he  was  appointed  commander-iii-chief.     It  was,  however,  essentially  an 
American  enterprise.  See  Niles'  Rey.,  iii.  104,  v.  87-8. 


GOVERNOR  SALCEDO.  21 

Nacogdoches,  which  was  abandoned  on  the  approach 
of  the  Americans,  who  took  possession  of  the  town 
without  firing  a  shot.  The  Spanish  soldiers  fled  to 
the  Trinidad  station.  This  took  place  August  11, 
18 12.8  Magee  kept  sending  reinforcements  to  the 
front,  and  with  their  numbers  increased  to  nearly  500 
men,9  the  Americans  marched  to  Trinidad,  which  was 
evacuated  as  soon  as  they  appeared  in  sight.  Here 
they  remained  till  the  middle  of  October.  Meantime 
Magee  arrived,  and  the  forces,  now  numbering  nearly 
800,  were  organized.  In  this  work  he  was  assisted  by 
Kemper,  Lockett,  Perry,  Koss,  and  Gaines.  Magee 
was  elected  colonel,  though  virtually  commander-in- 
chief ;  Kemper  was  chosen  major,  and  the  others  made 
captains. 

Governor  Salcedo  had,  however,  been  making  vig 
orous  preparations  to  repel  the  invaders.  Assisted 
by  Cordero,  who  sent  him  such'  troops  as  could  be 
spared  from  Coahuila,  he  joined  his  forces  with  those 
under  Herrera,10  and  took  up  a  position  at  La  Bahia 
with  1,500  men.  The  Americans  now  continued  their 
march,  directing  their  course  to  that  town.  When  Sal 
cedo  became  aware  of  their  intention  to  attack  him,  he 
marched  out  with  1,400  of  his  men,  whom  he  placed 
in  ambush  at  the  crossing  of  the  Guadalupe  River ; 
but  Magee,  being  informed  of  this  movement,  changed 
his  course,  and  crossing  the  river  at  a  lower  point, 
passed  Salcedo  by  night,  reached  La  Bahia  before  day, 
and  captured  the  place  without  difficulty.  The  mili 
tary  chest  and  a  great  quantity  of  stores  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  victors. 

After  this  disaster  Salcedo  laid  siege  to  La  Bahia, 

8  Called  by  the  Americans  Spanish  Bluff. 

9  *  Con  los  cuales  ' — American  adventurers — '  en  numero  de  unos  cuatro- 
cieutos  y  cincuenta,  ocupd  a  principios  de  Agosto  de  1812,  la  villa  de  Nacog- 
doches.'  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  iii.  408-1.     'Reunid  cerca  de  quinientos  hom- 
bres.'  Filisola,  ut  sup.,  i.  §1. 

10  Herrera,  after  having  been  governor  of  N.  Leon  for  15  years,  was  given 
the  command  in  1810  of  a  corps  ol  observation  in  Texas.     In  his  absence 
during  his  governorship  his  brother  Pedro  acted  as  lieut-gov.  Gonzalez,  Col. 
Doc.  N.  Leon,  153. 


22  INVASION  OF  TEXAS  BY  AMERICANS. 

and  repeatedly  but  ineffectually  assaulted  the  fortifi 
cations,  in  the  last  of  which  attempts  he  lost  200  men. 
During  the  siege  Magee  died,11  and  the  command  de 
volved  upon  Kemper,  who  was  promoted  to  the  rank 
of  colonel.  Finding  his  efforts  to  storm  the  place  un 
availing,  Salcedo,  having  suffered  severe  loss  from  the 
deadly  marksmanship  of  the  Americans,  was  compelled 
to  raise  the  siege  about  the  end  of  February,  1813.12 
The  invaders,  relieved  from  the  extremities  to  which 
they  had  been  reduced  by  a  siege  of  nearly  four  months, 
having  obtained  supplies  and  received  additional  ree'n- 
forcements,13  pursued  their  march  toward  San  Antonio/ 
Viceroy  Venegas  had  in  the  mean  time  found  means  of 
sending  aid  to  Salcedo,  and  when  the  latter  received 
information  of  the  advance  of  the  Americans,  he  again 
marched  to  meet  them,  in  the  hope  of  surprising  them, 
by  means  of  an  ambuscade.  Taking  up  a  position  with 
a  force  of  about  2,000  men  and  six  pieces  of  artillery,14 
nine  miles  from  San  Antonio,  he  awaited  the  enemy's 

11  Yoakum,  on  the  authority  of  a  manuscript  narrative  by  Capt.  McKim,  an 
old  citizen  of  lexas,  who  joined  Gutierrez  at  the  Sabiiie  and  continued  in 
service  during  the  whole  campaign,  relates  the  following  inexplicable  conduct 
of  Magee:  Previous  to  the  last  assault,  a  three  days'  truce  had  been  agreed 
upon,  during  which  time  Magee  dined  with  Salcedo.  While  in  Salcedo 's 
quarters  a  compact  was  made  by  the  two  commanders,  by  which  Magee 
agreed  to  deliver  up  the  fort,  the  Americans  to  return  home  without  their 
arms,  but  to  be  supplied  with  provisions  on  their  march  by  Salcedo.  On  his 
return  to  the  fort  Magee  paraded  the  troops,  informed  them  of  what  he  had 
done,  and  took  their  vote  for  approval.  The  treaty  was  unanimously  voted 
down,  and  Magee  retired  to  his  tent.  Meantime  a  note  arrived  under  a  Hag, 
from  Salcedo,  reminding  Magee  of  his  honor,  and  calling  attention  to  the  fact 
that  the  fort  was  not  surrendered,  though  the  hour  agreed  upon  was  long 
past.  The  letter  was  read  to  the  army  and  the  flag  sent  back  without  reply. 
Salcedo  then  made  a  furious  assault  upon  the  place,  but  the  Americans  under 
Kemper,  the  next  in  command,  repulsed  the  assailants  with  severe  loss. 
Magee  died  that  night,  shortly  after  twelve  o'clock,  and  it  was  said  by  his 
own  hand.  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  1G4-5.  Col  Hall,  who  knew  Magee  well,  states  that 
there  is  not  a  word  of  truth  in  all  this.  Baker's  Tex.,  227. 

1-2  Alaman  gives  Feb.  1st  as  the  date.  iii.  483.  Filisola,  about  the  22d  or 
23d.  Ut  sup.,  i.  54-5;  and  Yoakum,  March  12th.  Utsup.,  i.  165.  Bustamante 
states  that  Salcedo  lost  more  than  one  fourth  of  his  troops,  while  the  loss  on 
the  part  of  the  besieged  was  only  fourteen.  Cuad.  Hist.,  i.  330. 

1JFrom  Nacogdoches  170  recruits,  25  Cooshattie  Indians  from  the  old  mis 
sions,  and  300  Lipan  and  Twocookana  Indians,  whom  Capt.  McFarland  had 
obtained  as  auxiliaries.  Id.,  165-6.  . 

14  Yoakum  says  1,500  regulars  and  1,000  militia,  with  12  cannon,  fd., 
166.  Kennedy  gives  the  number  1,200.  Texas,  i.  279.  Filisola  states  that 
Salcedo  had  nearly  900  men  of  all  arms,  with  six  cannon.  Ut  sup.,  56.  Guerra 
places  the  figure  at  2,000.  hist.  Rev.  N.  Esp.,  ii.  712,  note. 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  ROYALISTS.  23 

approach  to  the  Salado  creek,  a  confluent  of  the  San 
Antonio  River.  A  ridge  of  high  land  lies  between 
these  streams,  and  in  the  dense  chaparral  which  cov 
ered  the  side  facing  the  Salado,  Salcedo  concealed 
his  men:  They  were,  however,  soon  discovered  by 
the  American  sharp-shooters,  who  were  sent  along  the 
crest  of  the  ridge,  and  the  invaders  having  already 
crossed  the  Salado,  the  Spanish  general  advanced  to 
give  them  battle  on  the  open  ground  below,  placing 
his  artillery  in  the  centre  of  his  line.  Kemper  imme 
diately  made  his  dispositions  for  the  fight.  A  select 
body  of  riflemen,  under  Lockett,  were  directed  against 
the  enemy's  cannon,  with  orders  to  pick  off  the  artil 
lerymen  ;  Kemper  and  Ross  with  the  remaining  Amer 
icans  occupied  the  right  and  left  wings  respectively. 
The  general  order  was  to  fire  three  rounds,  reload,  and 
then  charge.  The  engagement  which  followed  was  a 
one-sided  affair.  The  Spanish  artillerymen  were  shot 
down  before  they  had  inflicted  any  damage,  and  their 
guns  captured.  All  along  the  line  the  Spanish  troops 
dropped  fast  before  the  unerring  aim  of  the  Americans, 
and  when  the  latter  charged,  they  broke  and  fled. 
The  victors  pursued  with  relentless  eagerness,  killing 
great  numbers.  In  this  battle  the  royalists  lost  nearly 
1,000  men  in  killed  and  wounded,  while  the  casualties 
on  the  side  of  the  invaders  were  insignificant.15  The 
battle  of  Rosillo,  as  it  has  been  called,  was  fought 
March  29,  1813.16 

Gutierrez,  who  was  still  nominal  commander,  now 
moved  on  to  San  Antonio,  and  demanded  an  uncon 
ditional  surrender  of  the  city.  Nor  was  there  any 
alternative;  on  April  1st  the  triumphant  army  took 

15  Kennedy  states  that  the  loss  of  the  Spaniards  was  400  killed,  a  greater 
number  wounded,  and  73  taken  prisoners;  that  of  the  victors,  9  killed  and  25 
wounded.    Texas,  i.  279.     Bustamante  and  Alaman  say  that  few  of  the  Span 
ish  troops  escaped  to  San  Antonio.  Cuad.  Hist.,  i.  330-1;  Hist,  Mej.,  iii.  483. 
These  writers  depend  for  their  statement  on  a  manifesto  published  by  Gutier 
rez  in  Monterey,  1827;  Campanas  de  Calleja,  178;  Cavo,  Tres  Stylos,  iv.  91. 
Guerra,  ut  sup.,  asserts  that  out  of  the  2,000  veterans  and  militiamen,  collected 
from  the  provinces  of  Coahuila,  N.  Leon,  and  N.  Santauder,  only  300  escaped. 

16  Y  oakum  calls  it  the  battle  of  Rosalis,  and  states  that  the  locality  cannot 
be  identified. 


24  INVASION  OF  TEXAS  BY  AMERICANS. 

quiet  possession  of  the  place,  Salcedo  and  Herrera, 
with  their  staff-officers,  yielding  themselves  as  prison 
ers  of  war  on  condition  that  their  lives  should  be 
spared. 

A  provisional  government  was  now  formed,  consist 
ing  of  a  junta  composed  of  thirteen  members  elected 
by  a  popular  vote,  Gutierrez  being  appointed  general 
issimo  and  governor.17  The  first  question  to  be  de 
cided  was  the  disposal  of  the  prisoners,  whose  blood 
was  loudly  clamored  for  in  expiation  of  the  executions 
of  Hidalgo  and  his  companions,  in  whose  capture 
Salcedo  and  Herrera  had  taken  an  active  part.  It 
was  decided  that  they  should  be  tried  by  court-martial, 
and  as  this  was  composed  of  members  bitterly  hostile 
to  the  royalist  chiefs,  the  result  was  certain.  They 
were  all  condemned  to  death.  Nevertheless  the 
horror  and  repugnance  with  which  this  sentence  was 
received  by  the  Americans  rendered  the  open  execu 
tion  of  it  a  hazardous  proceeding.  So  secret  assassi 
nation  was  resorted  to ;  under  pretext  of  sending  them 
to  Matagorda  for  shipment  to  the  United  States,  the 
prisoners,  to  the  number  of  seventeen,  escorted  by 
seventy  Mexicans,  were  marched  out  of  San  Antonio, 
and  about  a  mile  and  a  half  below  the  town  were 
stripped  and  bound  in  the  bed  of  the  stream  and  their 
throats  cut.  This  butchery  took  place  on  the  5th 
of  April.18 

17  Two  members,    Masicot   and  Hale,    were   Americans,    the   remainder 
Mexicans.  Fllisola,  ut  sup.,  57. 

18  The  odium  of  this  atrocity  has  fallen  upon  Gutierrez,  who  endeavored 
to  justify  his  action  in  the  matter  by  explaining  that  a  popular  demonstra 
tion  against  the  prisoners  was  promoted  by  the  intrigues  of  Josd  Alvarez  de 
Toledo — of  whom  more  anon — and  that  they  were  delivered  up  by  the  guard 
in  obedience  to  an  order  of  the  junta,  without  waiting  for  his  instructions, 
and  indeed,  without  his  knowledge.  Bustamante,  Cuad.  Hist.,  i.  332-3.     The 
American   accounts   are   very  different.     Gutierrez  is  charged  with  having 
secretly  delivered  up  the  captives,  and  with  afterward  defending  his  con 
duct  by  classifying  the  murderous  deed  as  a  just  reprisal  for  the  loss  of 
friends  and  relatives  put  to  death  by  the  royalists.    Yoakum,  ut  sup.,  i.  1  GO 
TO.     Consult  also  Footes  Texas,  i.   188;  Cancelada,   Tel.  Mex.,  455-6;  Gon 
zalez,  Col.  Doc.  N.  Leon,  259-60,  in  which  last  authority  a  list  of  the  victims 
is  found  by  Gonzalez  among  the   papers  of   Alejandro   de   Uro   y  Lozano. 
According  to  this  document  the  date  of  the  massacre  is  April  3d,  and  the 
number  of  victims  that  given  in  the  text,  though  other  less  reliable  authori 
ties  state  that  only  14  were  put  to  death.     Foote,  followed  by  Yoakum,  falls 


FURTHER  FIGHTING.  25 

When  the  atrocious  deed  became  known  to  the 
Americans,  all  but  the  most  hardened  of  the  ruffians 
from  the  neutral  ground  were  horrified  and  disgusted. 
They  did  not  relish  fighting  in  behalf  of  a  people  who 
had  no  respect  for  the  usages  of  war,  no  feelings  of 
common  humanity.  Kemper  and  Lockett  abandoned 
the  enterprise  immediately  and  returned  home,  fol 
lowed  soon  afterward  by  Ross.  They  were  accompa 
nied  by  a  considerable  number  of  the  better  class  of 
volunteers.  As  for  Gutierrez,  he  was  arraigned  before 
a  tribunal  and  deposed.  After  the  departure  of  Ross, 
Captain  Perry,  being  highest  in  rank,  took  command. 
The  Americans,  now  greatly  reduced  in  numbers,  were 
unable  to  continue  active  operations,  and  for  a  time 
gave  themselves  up  to  indolence  and  all  kinds  of  dis 
sipation.  From  these  excesses  they  were  suddenly 
aroused  by  news  of  the  approach  of  another  army 
sent  against  them  under  command  of  Colonel  Ignacio 
Elizondo,  the  renegade  who  had  betrayed  Hidalgo. 

In  this  emergency  Gutierrez,  whose  influence  over 
the  Mexican  insurgents  could  not  be  negfleefed,  was 

O  O 

nominally  reinstated  in  his  command.  Elizondo  took 
up  a  position  on  a  rising  ground  in  sight  of  the  city 
and  near  the  litfcle  river  Alazan.  Contrary  to  the 
instructions  to  wait  which  he  had  received  from  Colo 
nel  Arredondo,  who  was  also  hastening  up  with  the 
intention  of  operating  in  combination  with  Elizondo, 
the  latter  advanced  against  San  Antonio  alone.  His 
force  consisted  of  1,500  men,  besides  a  number  of 
irregular  troops  of  the  country.  Perry,  to  whom  the 
command  was  intrusted,  decided  to  attempt  a  surprise. 
Silently  marching  out  of  the  city  on  the  night  of  the 
19th  of  June,  he  approached  Elizondo's  encampment, 
which  had  been  fortified  by  earthworks,  and  broke  in 
upon  it  just  at  dawn,  while  the  Spaniards  were  at 

into  an  error  in  stating  that  Cordero  was  one  of  those  put  to  death.  His 
name  does  not  appear  in  this  list,  nor  that  of  Col  Navarro — see  Y oakum,  ut 
sup.,  169,  note — which  comprises  14  names,  10  only  of  which  correspond 
with  names  given  by  Gonzalez.  The  truth  is,  Corclero  was  in  Coahuila  at 
the  time,  being  governor  of  that  province. 


26  INVASION  OF  TEXAS  BY  AMERICANS. 

matins.  The  pickets  were  surprised,  and  the  works 
mounted  before  the  alarm  was  given  in  the  camp. 
Then,  however,  a  furious  contest  ensued,  in  which  the 
Spaniards  displayed  great  firmness  and  bravery.  But 
the  Americans,  supported  by  700  Mexicans  under  the 
command  of  a  native  named  Menchaca,19  after  an 
obstinate  struggle,  overpowered  them  and  drove  them 
in  flight  from  the  field.  In  this  engagement  a  large 
number  of  Elizondo's  men  fell,  his  army  was  badly 
dispersed,  and  he  escaped  with  but  a  handful  of 
followers.  The  loss  on  the  side  of  the  victors  was 
small,20  while  the  spoils  in  horses,  mules,  baggage,  and 
munitions  of  war  was  very  great.  After  this  victory 
Gutierrez  was  again  deprived  of  his  command,  doubt 
less  owing  to  the  influence  of  the  American  officers, 
though  he  attributes  his  disgrace  to  the  intrigues  of 
Jose  Alvarez  de  Toledo,21  who  arrived  at  San  Antonio 
about  this  time,  and  to  whom  Gutierrez  surrendered 
the  command  by  order  of  the  junta. 

Toledo  was  born  in  the  city  of  Santo  Domingo,  of 
Spanish  parents,  and  had  been  a  deputy  from  the 
island  of  that  name  to  the  Spanish  cortes  at  Cadiz. 
His  republican  principles,  however,  got  him  into  dis 
grace,  and  he  escaped  to  the  United  States,  where, 
espousing  the  patriot  cause,  he  occupied  himself  in 
promoting  its  interests  in  that  country.  In  July  1813 
he  proceeded  to  San  Antonio,  and  having  been  ap 
pointed  to  the  chief  command,  he  reorganized  the 

19Menchaca  was  a  man  of  vigor,  bold  and  resolute,  but  rude  and  unedu 
cated.  He  possessed  great  influence  with  the  natives. 

20  Bustamante,  with  the  manifesto  of  Gutierrez  before  him,  says  the  royal 
ists  lost  more  than  400  men;  the  revolutionists  22  killed  and  42  wounded. 
Cuad.  Hist.,  i.  331.  Yoakum,  on  the  authority  of  McKim's  manuscript,  puts 
the  loss  of  the  Americans  at  47  killed,  and  as  many  more  wounded  who  after 
ward  died  of  their  wounds.  Ut  sup.,  i.  172. 

^Bustamante,  tit  sup.,  333^4;  Gaz.  de  Mex.,  1813,  iv.  1145.  Gutierrez 
retired  to  Natchitoches,  and  remained  about  the  neutral  ground  till  1816, 
when  he  went  to  New  Orleans.  Bean  saw  him  at  San  Carlos,  Tamaulipas, 
in  1825.  In  1830  he  was  keeping  a  small  saddlery  store  at  his  native  town, 
then  called  Guerrero.  Yoakum,  ut  sup.,  note.  Thrall  makes  the  unwarrant 
able  statement  that  Gutierrez  captured  Iturbide  when  he  landed  at  Soto  la 
Marina,  and  executed  him  in  accordance  with  the  decree  of  congress.  Hist. 
Tex.,  548;  consult  Hist.  Mex.,  iv.  806-10,  this  series. 


ARREDONDO'S  MOVEMENTS  27 

junta  and  restored  some  degree  of  order  to  the  civil 
government.  Meantime  the  American  division  of  the 
republican  army  had  received  considerable  reenforce- 
ments;  for  despite  the  unfavorable  impression  caused 
in  the  United  States  by  the  news  of  the  late  barbar 
ous  deed,  the  signal  victories  obtained  over  the  enemy 
did  not  fail  to  attract  adventurers.  Thus  the  num 
bers  of  the  foreign  element  had  been  raised  to  its  pre 
vious  standard,  while  the  ranks  of  the  native  Mexicans 
were  largely  increased.  The  invading  army  was, 
moreover,  amply  supplied  with  weapons,  artillery,  and 
ammunition,  which  had  fallen  into  its  hands.  Thus 
the  prospects  of  the  enterprise  were  cheering.  But 
the  unseen  hand  of  destruction  was  already  raised 
in  the  distance. 

At  the  time  of  Elizondo's  defeat,  Arredondo,  who 
had  been  appointed  by  Calleja,  then  viceroy,  pro 
visional  comandante  general  of  the  eastern  internal 
provinces,22  was  at  Laredo,  whence,  on  receipt  of  the 
news  of  the  late  disaster,  he  issued  orders  to  the  dis 
comfited  commander  to  collect  his  dispersed  troops 
and  await  his  arrival.  On  July  26th  he  commenced 
his  march  from  Laredo,  and  being  presently  joined  by 
Elizondo  with  about  400  men,  his  army  amounted  to 
a  total  of  1,930  men,  735  of  whom  were  infantry, 
the  rest  cavalry.  He  had  also  eleven  pieces  of  artil 
lery.23 

When  intelligence  of  Arredondo's  movements 
reached  San  Antonio,  Toledo,  whose  appointment  as 
commander-in-chief  was  approved  by  the  American 
officers,  marched  out  with  all  his  forces  to  meet  him. 
His  army  numbered  over  3,000  men,  and  was  com 
posed  of  850  Americans,  about  1,700  Mexicans,  and 
600  Indian  allies.24  Moving  along  the  road  to  Laredo, 

22  In  1813  the  provincias  interims  were  again  divided  into  the  eastern  and 
western. 

23  Arredondo's  report  to  Calleja,  of  Sept.  13,  1813,  in  Gaz.  de  Mex.,  1813, 
iv.  1 139,  1 148.     Yoakum  gives  the  exaggerated  number  of  4,000  as  the  amount 
of  his  force.    Ut  sup.,  174.     Filisola  adds  to  Arredondo's  numbers  80  artillery 
men,  making  a  total  of  2,010.  Mem.  Hist.  Guer.  Tex.,  67. 

M/6.;  Gaz.  de  Hex.,  1813,  iv.  925,  1144. 


28  INVASION  OF  TEXAS  BY  AMERICANS. 

on  the  18th  of  August,  he  came  upon  the  advance 
troops  of  the  Spanish  army  shortly  after  crossing  the 
river  Medina,  and  the  engagement  began. 

Now  Arredondo  was  fully  informed  by  his  scouts 
of  the  enemy's  movements,  and  had  leisurely  and  care 
fully  formed  his  plans.  Elizondo  was  sent  with  a  de 
tachment  well  in  advance,  under  orders  not  to  enter 
into  any  serious  engagement,  but  by  simulating  flight, 
lure  the  enemy  within  the  Spanish  lines,  which,  in 
that  case,  would  be  conveniently  drawn  up  to  receive 
him.  He  was  to  keep  Arredondo  promptly  informed 
of  all  that  took  place  in  front.  The  ruse  was  fatally 
successful. 

Toledo's  position  as  commander-in-chief  was  not  an 
enviable  one,  it  would  seem.  There  appears  to  have 
been  much  jealousy  and  ill  feeling  displayed  toward 
him  on  the  part  of  Menchaca,  whose  influence  with 
the  Mexicans  was  unbounded.  Toledo  was  regarded 
as  a  Spaniard,  and  looked  upon  with  disfavor  by  the 
Mexicans,  who  bore  it  with  ill  grace  to  be  commanded 
by  a  gachupin.  It  had  been  his  wish  to  wait  for  the 
enemy  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Medina,  the  advantage 
of  >vhich  position  was  obvious;  but  he  had  been  out- 
ruled  by  both  the  Mexican  and  American  officers, 
who,  flushed  with  their  late  victories,  were  eager  for 
the  fray.  There  was  thus  evidently  a  want  of  har 
mony  and  confidence  between  the  general  and  the 
native  portion  of  his  army,  and  perhaps  this  was  the 
cause  of  his  making  a  grievous  mistake  in  forming  his 
line  of  battle.  Placing  the  Mexicans  in  the  centre, 
he  divided  the  Americans,  and  posted  them  on  his 
right  and  left  wings,  under  Perry  and  Taylor. 

When  the  opposing  forces  met,  a  smart  fire  of  mus 
ketry  was  sustained  for  a  brief  time,  and  then  Eli 
zondo,  according  to  instructions,  began  to  retreat, 
sending  an  aid  at  once  to  Arredondo,  informing  him 
of  the  position  of  affairs.  The  Spanish  commander 
then  sent  a  reenforcement  with  two  small  pieces  of 
artillery  under  command  of  the  reverend  Lieutenant- 


DESPERATE  BATTLE.  29 

colonel  Juan  Manuel  Zambrano,25  who,  however,  re 
ceived  similar  instuctions  to  confine  his  operations  to 
decoying  the  enemy  into  the  net  that  was  being  spread 
for  him.  Arredondo  now  drew  up  his  column  in  line 
of  battle. 

The  ground,  thickly  wooded  on  each  side  of  his  line 
of  march,  favored  his  design,  and  his  position  was 
completely  concealed.  His  troops  w^ere  disposed  in 
the  form  of  an  angle,  with  the  open  space  presented 
to  the  enemy,  his  wings  extending  well  in  front  and 
almost  facing  each  other.26 

When  Zambrano  arrived  on  the  scene  of  action  the 
royalists  rallied,  and  for  a  short  time  the  tide  of  battle 
seemed  arrested.  But  they  soon  gave  way  again  and 
retreated  precipitately,  abandoning  their  guns.  The 
republicans,  now  confident  of  victory,  and  believing 
that  they  had  engaged  the  whole  royalist  force, 
pressed  hurriedly  forward  in  disorderly  pursuit.  In 
vain  Toledo,  rightly  fearful  of  an  ambush,  had  ordered 
a  halt  and  expressed  his  apprehensions  to  Menchaca 
and  the  American  leaders;  his  wiser  judgment  was 
again  overruled. 

As  the  flying  troops  kept  concentrating  themselves 
toward  the  apex  of  the  ambuscade,  the  impetuous 
pursuers  were  soon  drawn  well  within  the  fan-shaped 
lines  of  the  enemy.  Then  burst  forth  on  right  and 
left  of  them  a  blaze  of  fire,  leaping  from  levelled  mus 
kets  and  pointed  cannon  which  struck  them  down  by 
scores.  Erelong  most  of  the  Mexicans  were  in  full 
flight,  but  not  before  Menchaca  had  fallen  on  the 

25  It  seem  that  Zambrano  had  this  military  rank  bestowed  upon  him  in 
recognition  of  his  services  in  conducting  the  counter-revolution  at  San  An 
tonio  in  1811. 

26  Yoakum  states  that  Arredondo  threw  up  a  breastwork  in  the  form  of 
the  letter  V,  with  the  apex  in  the  road  and  the  open  end  in  the  direction  of 
San  Antonio,  and  that  this  defence  was  concealed  from  view  by  an  artificial 
chaparral  constructed  of  branches.    Ut  sup.,  174.     No  allusion  to  such  a  pro 
tection  is  made  in  Arredondo's  report  of  the  battle,  nor  any  Spanish  authority 
that  I  have  met  with.     Bustamante,  on  the  contrary,  says  that  the  patriots 
came  upon  Arredondo's  troops  with  such  impetuosity  that  they  had  hardly 
time  to  form  in  line.  Cuad.  Hist.,  i.  348. 


30  INVASION  OF  TEXAS  BY  AMERICANS. 

field.27  The  brunt  of  the  battle  was  now  borne  by  the 
Americans  and  their  steadfast  Indian  allies.  And 
bravely  they  bore  themselves  in  that  death-struggle. 
It  is  all  very  well  to  call  them  outlaws,  cutthroats, 
desperate  adventurers,  and  savages,  but  the  blood  of 
their  respective  races  was  in  them,  and  they  scorned  to 
yield.  For  four  hours  they  maintained  the  unequal 
fight,  and  strived  in  vain  to  turn  the  enemy's  flank. 
When  nearly  all  were  slain,  a  remnant  of  the  obsti 
nate  band  escaped  from  the  field  of  slaughter — when 
their  ammunition  was  spent !  Out  of  the  850  Ameri 
cans  who  entered  that  gorge  of  death,  only  93  eifected 
their  escape  to  Natchitoches.28  Among  those  who 
saved  their  lives  were  Perry,  Taylor,  and  Captain 
Bullard,  who  had  acted  as  aid  to  Toledo  during  the 
battle.29  The  loss  on  the  part  of  the  royalists  cannot 
be  accurately  ascertained.  Arredondo,  in  his  returns, 
reports  55  killed,  178  wounded,  2  missing,  and  175 
hurt  by  contusions;  but  considering  the  obstinacy 
with  which  the  Americans  maintained  the  fight  for 
four  hours,  and  their  skill  in  the  use  of  the  rifle,  I 
hesitate  to  accept  these  numbers  as  worthy  of  credit.30 
This  defeat  was  a  death-blow  to  the  republican  cause 
in  Texas,  and  it  was  attended  with  all  the  horrors 
ever  observed  by  the  royalists  on  the  occasion  of  a 

27  American  writers  fall  into  many  errors  by  relying  too  implicitly  on  the 
versions  of  their  countrymen  on  Texan  affairs,  without  consulting  Mexican 
authorities.     Young  boldly  states — Hist.  Mex.,  97— that  Meuchaca — called  by 
him  and  other  American  authors  Manchaco — at  this  crisis  drew  off  his  men 
and  retired,  and  that  afterward,  '  unable  to  bear  the  reproaches  heaped  upon 
him — or  acting  upon  a  concerted  plan — went  over  to  the  Spaniards  with  such 
information  relative  to  the  condition  of  Toledo's  force  as  precluded  the  possi 
bility  of  attempting  to  continue  the  war.'    Now  Arredondo,  in  his  report, 
makes  especial  mention  of  Menchaca  as  one  of  the  dead  found  on  the  battle 
field.   Gaz.  de  Mex.,  1813,  iv.  1143.     I  call  attention  to  this  error  as  an  illus 
tration  of  others  committed  by  him  and  American  historians  of  Texan  affairs, 
and  which  are  far  too  numerous  to  be  specially  noticed. 

28  Arredondo  says  that  more  than  1,000  corpses  were  counted  on  the  battle 
field,   the  greater  portion   being  Anglo-Americans — 'la  mayor  parte  aiiglo 
americanos.'  Ib. 

'^Yoakiim,  ut  sup.,  175.  The  authorities  consulted  for  the  description  of 
this  '  battle  of  the  Medina '  are  numerous,  but  more  general  reliance  has  been 
placed  on  Arredondo 's  full  report  of  it  to  the  viceroy,  copy  of  which  will  be 
found  in  Gaz.  de  Mex.,  1813,  iv.  1139-51. 

30  Bustamante  says:  'Este  gefe  perdid  en  muertos  y  heridos  mucha  gente.' 
Cuad.  Hixt.,  i.  349. 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  AMERICANS.  31 

victory  during  the  war  of  independence.  In  the  pur 
suit  every  fugitive  overtaken  was  ruthlessly  sabred  or 
lanced ;  the  captured  were  immediately  shot,31  and  for 
weeks  an  exterminating  persecution  was  carried  on. 

Toledo,  badly  wounded,  made  his  escape  to  the 
United  States,  where  he  still  endeavored  to  further 
the  patriot  cause,  which  resulted  in  his  being  indicted 
for  attempting  to  inaugurate  another  expedition 
against  Mexico.  Defeated  in  other  attempts  against 
Spain,  he  finally  submitted  to  the  king,  reentered  his 
service,  and  was  appointed  ambassador  to  the  court  of 
Naples  by  Ferdinand  VII.32  It  has  been  charged 
against  Toledo  that  he  had  a  secret  understanding 
with  the  Spanish  minister  at  Washington,  that  the 
removal  of  Gutierrez  was  owing  to  his  intrigues,  and 
that  this  triumph  of  the  royalists  was  achieved  through 
his  perfidy.33  But  Alaman,  with  more  justice,  con 
siders  such  accusations  groundless,  and  believes  that 
Toledo  acted  in  good  faith.34 

When  victory  had  declared  itself  for  the  royalists, 
Elizondo  was  sent  in  advance  with  200  cavalrymen  to 
occupy  San  Antonio,  whence  many  of  the  families  had 
fled  on  receiving  news  of  the  disaster  to  the  republi 
can  cause.  Arredondo  entered  on  the  following  day, 
and  then  despatched  Elizondo  with  500  men  against 
Nacogdoches,  and  in  pursuit  of  the  fugitives.  He 
held  his  way  as  far  as  Trinidad,  whence  he  sent  a  de 
tachment  to  Nacogdoches.  Having  thoroughly  swept 
through  the  country,  capturing  and  shooting  a  large 
number  of  unfortunates,30  he  commenced  his  return  to 

31  Arredondo,  writing  from  the  field  of  battle  at  four  o'clock  in  the  after 
noon,  states  that  about  100  had  been  captured  and  already  shot,  most  of  them 
Americans.  Gaz.  de  Mex.,  ut  sup.,  926. 

** Alaman,  Hist.  Mdj.,  iii.  491-2.  Toledo,  before  his  defection,  had  been 
an  officer  in  the  Spanish  navy.  Id.,  487. 

83  '  Este  triunfo . . .  fu6  debido  a  la  perversidad  de  aquel  malvado  '— 
that  is,  Toledo.  B^stamante,  Cuad.  Hist.,  i.  334.  This  author  evidently  did 
not  regard  Toledo  with  favor.  See  his  note  on  the  following  page. 

34  Hi*t.  Mtj.,  iii.  488. 

35  Elizondo,  in  his  report  to  Arredondo,  states  that  he  shot  71  insurgents, 
and  brought  with  him  100  prisoners  and  as  many  women.   Gaz.  de  Mex.,  1813, 
iv.  1162-3.     Bustamante  places  the  number  of  those  shot  at  74.   Cuad. 
i.349. 


32  INVASION  OF  TEXAS  BY  AMERICANS. 

San  Antonio,  and  reached  the  river  Brazos  about  Sep 
tember  1 2th.  But  the  hand  of  retribution  was  raised 
to  strike  him.  The  severity  of  his  executions  and 
the  frequency  of  them  had  so  affected  the  mind  of 
Miguel  Serrano,  a  lieutenant  of  his  troop,  that  he  lost 
his  reason.  Possessed  of  the  idea  that  Elizondo  in 
tended  to  shoot  him  also,  on  the  arrival  of  the  division 
at  the  Brazos,  he  assailed  him  and  his  cousin,  Isidro 
de  la  Garza,  while  reposing  in  their  tent,  killing  the 
latter  immediately,  and  mortally  wounding  Elizondo. 
Conveyed  in  a  litter,  he  reached  the  river  San  Marcos, 
where  he  died,  and  was  buried  on  its  banks.36 

Arredondo  remained  for  several  months  at  San 
Antonio,  his  attention  being  principally  directed  to 
the  subjugation  of  hostile  Indians.  In  October,  Colo 
nel  Cayetano  Quintero  was  sent  to  Nacogdoches 
against  the  Lipans,  and  attacking  their  village  of 
more  than  300  lodges,  constructed  of  hides,  routed 
them,  and  captured  most  of  their  household  goods. 
Successful  excursions  against  other  tribes  were  also 
undertaken;  and  Arredondo,  having  appointed  Cris 
tobal  Dominguez  governor  of  the  province,  left  there 
about  March  1814,  and  took  up  his  headquarters  at 
Monterey.  For  some  time,  all  the  other  northern 
provinces  having  also  been  pacified,  Texas  remained 
undisturbed  by  revolutionary  attempts.37 

36  lb.;  Soc.  Hex.  Geog.,  2a  ep.,  ii.  630-1. 

*Gaz.  de  Mex.,  1814,  v.  27-31,  37-9,  804-5,  814-16,  820-1.  In  order  to 
prevent  other  similar  invasions  of  Texas  by  U.  S.  citizens,  Gov.  Claiborne  of 
Louisiana  issued  a  proclamation  at  New  Orleans,  March  23,  1814,  prohibiting 
such  illegal  proceedings.  Id.,  871-2.  Filisola  asserts  that  Benito  Arminan 
was  made  governor.  Mem.  Hist.  Guerra  Tej.,  79.  I  have  taken  Alaman  as 
my  authority.  Hist.  Mej.,  iii.  493. 


CHAPTER   III. 

PRIVATEERING,   PIRACY,   AND  INVASIONS. 
1815-1821. 

THE  ASYLUM  OF  MEXICAN  REFUGEES — HERRERA'S  PRIVATEERING  SCHEME 
— A  REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT  ESTABLISHED  AT  GALVESTON — HAVOC 
INFLICTED  ON  SPANISH  COMMERCE — ARRIVAL  OF  MINA — AURY  AND 
PERRY — THE  DESCENT  ON  SOTO  LA  MARINA — PERRY'S  MARCH  TO 
TEXAS — DESTRUCTION  OF  HIS  BAND — AURY  AT  MATAGORDA  BAY — HE 
LEAVES  TEXAS  FOR  FLORIDA — THE  PIRATE  OF  THE  GULF  AND  THE 
BARRATARIANS — GALVESTON  OCCUPIED  BY  LAFITTE — A  SPURIOUS  GOV 
ERNMENT — PIRATICAL  DEPREDATIONS — LAFITTE  EXPELLED  FROM  GAL 
VESTON — His  BIOGRAPHY — LALLEMAND'S  CHAMP  D'ASILE — SETTLEMENT 
OF  THE  BOUNDARY  QUESTION — LONG'S  INVASION — TEXAS  DECLARED  A 
REPUBLIC — DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  EXPEDITION. 

AFTER  this  rushing  blow,  the  condition  of  Texas 
was  deplorable.  Many  of  the  inhabitants  had  fled 
and  taken  refuge  on  the  frontier  of  Louisiana,  Daven 
port1  and  other  United  States  settlers  had  left  the 
country;  their  crops  were  destroyed,  their  cattle  car 
ried  off,  and  their  houses  burned.  The  spirit  of  in 
surrection  was  suppressed  for  years,  and  it  was  only 
by  the  advent  of  a  new  race  that  vitality  was  again 
inspired  into  the  province. 

Besides  those  revolutionists  who  escaped  from  Texas, 
other  refugees  from  different  parts  of  New  Spain 
made  the  United  States  their  home  during  their  exile, 
and  there  tried  to  further  the  independent  cause  by 
collecting  troops  and  arms  for  another  invasion.  Nor 

1  In  the  indulto  which  was  proclaimed  Oct.  10,  1813,  the  settlers  Daven 
port,  Dortolan,  and  Gerard  were  excepted,  as  also  Toledo,  Gutierrez,  and 
others.  The  government  would  reward  those  who  put  them  to  death.  Gaz. 
de  Mex.,  1813,  iv.  1248. 

HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    3  ( 33 ) 


34  PRIVATEERING,   PIRACY,   AND  INVASIONS. 

was  the  field  of  these  indirect  operations  an  ill-chosen 
one.  A  wide-spread  sympathy  with  the  patriots  in 
Mexico  prevailed  in  the  United  States,  and  but  for 
the  vigilance  of  the  government,  thousands  of  volun 
teers  would  have  accepted  the  invitation  of  these 
refugees.  Even  as  it  was,  there  were  not  wanting 
numbers  of  bold  men  ready  to  take  all  risks  and  en 
gage  in  the  illegal  enterprise  of  invading  such  a  land 
of  promise.  Conspicuous  among  them  was  Colonel 
Perry,  with  whom  the  reader  is  already  acquainted, 
and  who  published  a  proclamation  in  the  New  Orleans 
papers  in  1815,  to  the  effect  that  an  expedition  was 
in  preparation  to  invade  Texas;  that  1,000  men  were 
ready  to  engage  in  the  enterprise,  and  setting  forth 
the  worthiness  of  the  cause,  and  the  honor  and  profit 
that  would  attach  to  those  who  would  fight  for  the 
Mexican  patriots.  Of  this  the  United  States  gov 
ernment  appears  to  have  taken  notice,  and  September 
1st  of  the  same  year  President  Madison  issued  a 
proclamation  prohibiting  such  unlawful  enterprises.2 
Although  any  important  undertaking  was  prevented 
by  the  watchfulness  of  the  authorities,  Perry  escaped 
their  vigilance,  and  late  in  the  autumn  made  his  way 
beyond  the  Sabine  with  a  small  party  which  formed  a 
nucleus. 

At  this  time  Jose'  Manuel  de  Hererra,  who  had 
been  appointed  minister  to  the  United  States  by 
Morelos,  was  residing  in  New  Orleans,  and  in  con 
junction  with  other  partisans  of  the  revolutionists, 
conceived  the  idea  of  preying  upon  the  commerce 
of  Spain  by  a  questionable  system  of  privateering. 
Aware  of  the  suitability  of  Galveston  harbor  for  his 
purpose,  and  recognizing  the  advantages  it  offered  as 
a  rendezvous  for  future  expeditions  in  aid  of  the  inde 
pendent  cause,  he  sailed  thither  September  1,  1816, 

2  Niks'  Reg.,  viii.  436;  ix.  33-4.  During  the  same  year  also  Toledo,  Julius 
Caesar  Amazoni,  Vincent  Gamble,  John  Robinson,  Remain  Very,  Pierre  Saane- 
son,  and  Bernard  Bourdin  were  indicted  in  the  U.  8.  district  court  of  Loui 
siana  for  attempting  to  violate  the  neutrality  of  the  Union.  Amer.  State 
Papers,  xi.  307. 


AURY  AS  GOVERNOR.  35 

with  Luis  de  Aury,3  whom  he  appointed  commodore 
of  the  fleet  of  the  republic  of  Mexico.  At  a  meeting 
held  at  Galveston,  September  12,  1816,  Herrera,  by 
virtue  of  his  office  as  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the 
republic  of  Mexico  to  the  United  States,  formed  a 
government.  Commodore  Aury  was  made  civil  and 
military  governor  of  the  province  of  Texas  and  the 
new  establishment,  and  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to 
the  Mexican  republic;  the  several  branches  of  public 
administration  were  arranged ;  Galveston  was  declared 
the  established  port  of  the  republic,  and  the  flag 
hoisted;  and  on  the  16th  Herrera  appointed  the 
necessary  authorities,  and  established  a  treasury.  By 
October  the  20th  their  system  of  government  was 
completed,  Aury  being  authorized  to  form  regulations 
for  the  navy,  as  well  as  to  move  the  new  establish 
ment  and  his  seat  of  government  to  Matagorda,  or 
any  other  more  suitable  place,  in  case  of  necessity.  A 
court  of  admiralty,  moreover,  was  formed,  which  adju 
dicated  in  the  matter  of  captured  vessels. 

The  royalists  in  Texas  were  in  no  position  to  oppose 
the  proceedings  of  Aury ;  there  were  not  more  than 
200  men  stationed  in  the  different  posts  throughout 
the  province,  and  the  insular  situation  of  the  invaders 
rendered  them  unassailable.  Perry  soon  joined  with 
nearly  100  recruits,  and  other  reinforcements  arriving, 
the  community  before  long  numbered  400  men.  The 
privateers,  sent  out  to  cruise  in  the  gulf,  inflicted  great 
havoc  upon  Spanish  commerce,  and  as  the  prizes  were 
generally  richly  laden,  the  adventurers  wanted  for 
nothing.  General  Bernardo  Gutierrez,  being  stationed 
as  their  agent  at  Natchitoches  and  liberally  supplied 
with  money,  rendered  valuable  aid. 

Among  the  followers  of  Aury  were  many  of  the  old 

3  Aury  entered  the  service  of  the  republic  of  New  Granada  as  lieut  of  the 
navy  in  May  1815,  and  was  appointed  commandant  general  of  the  naval 
forces  stationed  at  Cartegena,  Aug.  10th  of  the  same  year.  During  the  siege 
and  blockade  of  that  place  he  rendered  signal  services  by  saving  the  lives  of 
nearly  3,000  persons,  and  a  portion  of  the  naval  force,  by  breaking  through 
the  royalist  squadron,  Dec.  6,  1815. 


36  PRIVATEERING,  PIRACY,  AND  INVASIONS. 

Barratarian  freebooters,  who  were  not  always  particu 
lar  as  to  the  nationality  of  the  vessels  they  attacked. 
Moreover,  no  few  Spanish  slavers  were  captured,  and 
though  the  introduction  of  slaves  into  the  United 
States  was  illegal,  it  was  effected  by  aid  of  the  Barra- 
tarians— so  well  acquainted  with  the  outlets  of  the 
Mississippi — and  the  cooperation  of  citizens  in  Louisi 
ana,4  who  would  repair  to  Galveston  and  select  and 
purchase  their  lots  of  human  merchandise,  which  were 
punctually  delivered.  Many  of  the  privateers  which 
swept  the  gulf  during  this  period,  and  brought  their 
prizes  to  Galveston,  were  owned  by  United  States 
citizens. 

In  November,  Javier  Mina5  arrived  with  over  200 
men  and  supplies  of  ammunition  in  three  vessels,  which 
increased  the  fleet  to  over  a  dozen  sail.  The  advent 
of  this  unfortunate  leader  was  attended  with  disastrous 
results  to  Aury's  undertaking,  and  the  shadow  of  his 
ill-starred  fate  fell  on  many  of  the  adventurers  at  Gal 
veston.  But  it  is  invidious  to  weigh  his  destiny  with 
those  of  others.  Had  the  chiefs  at  Galveston  been  in 
accord  with  him,  his  enterprise  might  have  succeeded. 
But  jealousy  broke  out  among  them.  Perry,  bold 
and  headstrong,  dazzled,  by  the  greatness  of  Mina's 
undertaking,  was  ready  to  join  him  in  the  invasion  of 
Mexico,  while  Aury,  who  had  raised  his  force  for  the 
conquest  of  Texas,  would  not  yield  hearty  cooperation. 
The  disagreement  between  Aury  and  Perry  daily  in 
creased,  till  at  last  the  latter,  disclaiming  the  authority 
of  the  former,  wished  to  place  himself  and  his  company 
of  100  men  under  Mina.  Bloodshed  was  threatened ; 
but  as  Perry's  men  stood  firmly  by  him,  Aury  deemed 
it  prudent  to  yield. 

Four  months  were  passed  in  organizing  and  drilling 

4  Beverly  Clew,  the  collector  at  New  Orleans,  writes  to  the  secretary  of 
state,  Aug.  1,  1817:    'I  deem  it  my  duty  to  state  that  the  most  shameful 
violations  of  the  slave  act,  as  well  as  our  revenue  laws,  continue  to  be  prac 
tised  with  impunity,  by  a  motley  mixture  of  freebooters  and  smugglers,  at 
Galveston,  under  the  Mexican  flag.'  Id.,  347.     See  also  pp.  352,  354-5,  377. 

5  For  particulars  of  Gen.  Mina's  career,  consult  Hist.  Mex.,  iv.  659  et  seq., 
this  series. 


MINA'S  OPERATIONS.  37 

the  troops,  and  then,  some  correspondence  having  been 
intercepted  on  board  a  Spanish  vessel  from  Tampico, 
Mina  decided,  from  the  information  thereby  obtained, 
to  make  a  descent  upon  Soto  la  Marina.  Having 
burned  down  what  buildings  they  had  erected,  they 
weighed  anchor  April  6,  1817.6  When  they  arrived 
at  Soto  la  Marina,  Aury,  chagrined  at  the  position 
which  had  been  imposed  upon  him,  having  landed 
Mina's  force,  detached  himself  from  the  expedition  and 
again  turned  his  prows  toward  Texas.7 

Soto  la  Marina  fell  into  Mina's  hands  without  op 
position.  His  future  operations  down  to  the  time  of 
his  capture  and  execution  at  Los  Remedies  have  been 
fully  narrated  in  another  volume,8  and  as  those  events 
are  not  connected  with  the  history  of  Texas  I  shall 
not  repeat  them.  It  may  be  interesting  to  the  reader, 
however,  to  know  the  fate  of  Perry. 

When  Mina  had  made  every  preparation  to  march 
into  the  interior,  Perry,  convinced  of  the  rashness  of 
making  the  attempt  with  a  force  amounting  to  only 
300  men,  also  abandoned  the  foredoomed"  leader,  and 
with  his  usual  recklessness  determined  to  force  his 
way  back  to  the  United  States  by  land.  With  Major 
Gordon,  and  about  fifty  others  of  his  company  whom 
he  induced  to  join  him,  he  commenced  his  dangerous 
march,  and,  incredible  though  it  seems,  reached  La 
Bahia  in  Texas.  Though  his  force  was  reduced  to 
forty  in  number,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  demand  the 
surrender  of  the  place.  The  appearance,  however,  of 
a  squadron  of  more  than  100  cavalrymen,  sent  in  pur 
suit  of  him,  compelled  him  to  retire  in  the  direction 
of  Nacogdoches.  Being  overtaken  by  the  enemy,  he 

6  In  a  memorial  addressed  to  the  president  of  the  United  States  by  Vicente 
Pazos,  relating  to  Aury's  operations,  this  is  the  date  given.  Amer.  State  Papers, 
xii.  409.     Other  authors  give  March  27th,  but  Pazos'  date  is  in  every  proba 
bility  correct.     Consult  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  x.  265,  note. 

7  For  this  account  of  Mina's  arrival  at  Galveston,  the  dissensions  of  the 
chiefs,   and  other  particulars,   consult  A  laman,  Hist.  Mej. ,  iv.  553  et  seq. ; 
Robinson's  Hex.  Rev.,  i.  121-5;  Gonzalez,  Col.  Doc.,  N.  Leon,  353-5;  Kennedy's 
Tex.,  i.  292-3;   Yoahim's  Hist.   Tex.,  i.  182-5;  Amer.  State  Papers,  xi.  346, 
xii.  408. 

8  Hist.  Mex.,  iv.,  ch.  xxviii.,  this  series. 


38  PRIVATEERING,   PIRACY,   AND  INVASIONS. 

took  up  a  position  at  nightfall  in  a  wood  called  El 
Perdido,  and  when  summoned  to  surrender,  declared 
that  he  and  those  with  him  would  all  die  first.  At 
dawn  an  attack  was  made.  Though  surrounded  on 
all  sides,  the  dauntless  band  twice  repulsed  the  enemy 
and  fought  its  way  to  a  rising  ground  on  the  banks 
of  a  stream.  And  here,  when  their  ammunition  was 
exhausted,  they  fell,  Perry  blowing  out  his  brains 
with  a  pistol  at  the  end  of  the  fight,9  rather  than  sur 
render  to  the  foe. 

When  Aury  reached  the  Texan  coast,  he  put  into 
Matagorda  Bay,  and  throwing  up  wooden  buildings  on 
an  islet  lying  between  the  isla  de  la  Culebra  and  the 
isla  del  Bergantin,  appears  to  have  remained  there 
about  two  months.  During  this  period  he  probably 
sent  out  cruisers,  which  from  time  to  time  brought  in 
prizes.10  In  July,  however,  he  received  news  of  the 
undertaking  directed  by  General  McGregor  against 
the  Floridas,11  and  decided  to  cooperate  with  him. 
Accordingly,  having  destroyed  seven  of  his  vessels,12  he 
returned  to  Galveston,  which  port  he  reached  about 
the  middle  of  July.  On  the  21st  of  the  same  month 

9  This  account  is  taken  from  the  report  of  the  encounter  to  the  viceroy 
Apodaca,  by  Antonio  Martinez,  in  command  of  the  Spanish  troops.     Martinez 
states  that  after  the  fight  was  over,  26  men  lay  dead  on  the  field,  12  were 
mortally  wounded,  and  2  were  unhurt.     These  last  were  shot.     He  enumer 
ates  the  weapons  taken,  consisting  of  27  muskets,  4  escopetas,  12  bayonets, 
1  pistol,  4  sabres;  also  11  cartridge-boxes;  but  he  makes  no  mention  of  any 
ammunition.     As   he  remarks  that  all  the  wounded  were  'atravesados  de 
lanza,'  it  would  seem  that  Perry's  men  were  nearly  all  killed  by  the  lance 
after  their  ammunition  had  failed.  Gaz.  de  Mex.,  1817,  viii.  787-9.     Linn's 
account  of  the  death  of  Perry  is  incorrect;  I  regard  the  report  of  the  Spanish 
commander  as  conclusive. 

10  Antonio  Martinez,  who  had  succeeded  Dominguez  as  governor  of  Texas, 
on  the  report  of   Aury's  arrival,   sent  out  a  corps  of  observation,   and  13 
vessels  were  counted  anchored  in  the  bay.  Id.,  1817,  viii.  987-8. 

11  Amer.  State  Papers,  xii.  409.     Sir  Gregor  McGregor  was  a  general  of 
brigade  in  the  service  of  the  revolted  provinces  of  New  Grenada  and  Vene 
zuela.     On  March  31,   1817,  he  received  his  commission  to  undertake  the 
conquest  of   the  Floridas.     Copy  of  translation  will  be  found  in  Id.,  xii. 
421-2. 

12  Doubtless  his  useless  prizes.     Juan  de  Castaneda,  who  had  been  sent 
with  30  men  to  examine  the  destroyed  craft,  reported  July  21st  that  all  were 
utterly  demolished  except  two  which  were  dismasted  and  full  of  water.     One 
of  these  was  loaded  with  cotton  and  dye-wood,  and  the  other  with  material 
of  war.     See  the  report  in  Gaz.  de  Mex.,  1817,  viii.  987-9. 


THE  PIRATE  OF  THE  GULF.  39 

he  addressed  a  note  to  Manuel  Herrera — who  had 
long  before  returned  to  New  Orleans — in  which  he 
stated  that  to  make  a  diversion  for  the  benefit  of  the 
cause  they  were  supporting,  he  had  determined  to 
abandon  the  establishment  at  Galveston,  and  that  he 
should  take  with  him  the  judge  of  the  admiralty 
court,  the  administrator  of  the  customs,  and  all  con 
stituted  authorities.  He  moreover  notified  him  that 
all  proceedings  after  July  31st  were  to  be  considered 
as  having  taken  place  without  his  consent  and  con 
trary  to  his  will,  and  that  therefore  every  transac 
tion  not  signed  by  Pedro  Rousselin,  the  collector,  who 
would  accompany  him,  was  to  be  held  as  illegal.13 
Aury  adds  that  he  would  have  left  a  lieutenant-gov 
ernor  and  a  deputy  collector,  but  he  feared  that  they 
would  not  have  force  sufficient  to  maintain  order  or 
prevent  the  commission  of  acts  in  violation  of  the  law 
of  nations.14  A  few  days  after,  he  spread  his  sails, 
bound  for  the  Floridas.15  He  had  found  the  island 
occupied  by  Lafitte,  the  Pirate  of  the  Gulf. 

Jean  Lafitte,  the  eldest  of  three  brothers,  is  reputed 
to  have  been  born  in  Bordeaux,  France,  about  1780. 
So  varied  and  contradictory  are  the  accounts  given  of 
his  early  life  that  no  credence  can  be  attached  to  any 
of  them.  It  is  not  until  the  smugglers,  or  pirates,  if 
such  you  choose  to  call  them,  had  well  established 
themselves  on  the  island  of  Barrataria  that  his  career 
is  known  with  any  certainty.  This  island,  formerly 
called  Grand  Terre,16  is  situated  at  the,  mouth  of  a 
lake  about  sixty  miles  west  of  the  delta  of  the  Missis- 

13  He  addressed  a  note  of  the  same  tenor,  July  28th,  to  Beverly  Clew, 
collector  of  customs  at  New  Orleans;  and  a  duplicate  of  it  on  the  31st,  dated 
at  sea.  Amer.  State  Papers,  xi.  355. 

14  See  copy  of  letter  in  Id.,  xii.  423-4. 

15  After  serving  the  cause  of  the  patriots  for  some  years,  Aury  returned  to 
New  Orleans,  and  being  a  man  of  fine  appearance,  married  a  rich  widow,  from 
whom,  however,  he  was  separated  some  time  afterward.     As  late  as   1845  he 
was  residing  at  Habana.    Yoakum's  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  194;  United  Service  Journal, 
1852. 

16  It  received  the  name  Barrataria,  derived  from  barat,  an  old  French  word, 
from  which  also  is  derived  barratry. 


40  PRIVATEERING,   PIRACY,   AND  INVASIONS. 

sippi.  About  the  year  1810  it  became  the  rendezvous 
of  smugglers,  freebooters,  and  desperadoes  of  different 
nationalities,  who  found  an  easy  disposal  of  their  ill- 
gotten  goods  at  New  Orleans.  Among  these  Lafitte 
soon  became  preeminent,  by  reason  of  his  superior  tal 
ent  in  conducting  their  nefarious  enterprises,  and  his 
power  over  the  other  chieftans  became  almost  absolute. 
Governor  Claiborne,  in  view  of  the  demoralizing  effect 
which  the  traffic  had  upon  the  commercial  community 
at  New  Orleans — for  many  large  houses  were  in  col 
lusion  with  them — issued,  in  March  1813,  a  proclama 
tion  ordering  them  to  disperse.  This  had  no  effect, 
so  he  placed  a  reward  of  500  dollars  on  the  head  of 
Lafitte,  which  the  latter  treated  with  such  contempt 
as  to  offer  thirty  times  the  amount  for  the  governor's 
head.  Claiborne  then  tried  force,  and  again  was  un 
successful.  Lafitte  surrounded  the  troops  sent  against 
him — and  dismissed  them,  loaded  with  presents! 

This  state  of  affairs  being  reported  to  President 
Madison,  Commodore  Patterson  of  the  United  States 
navy  was  ordered  to  destroy  this  hornets'-nest,  and 
in  June  1814  he  arrived  before  Barrataria  with  gun 
boats  and  the  schooner  Caroline.  The  pirates,  in 
seven  fine  armed  cruisers  and  a  felucca,  manned  by 
nearly  1,000  men,  at  first  made  a  show  of  resistance, 
but  finally  abandoning  their  vessels,  made  for  the 
land  and  dispersed  among  the  swamps.  Patterson 
took  the  surrendered  vessels  and  all  the  spoils  of  Bar 
rataria  to  New  Orleans. 

This  broke  the  backbone  of  the  community,  whose 
leading  spirit  was  the  Pirate  of  the  Gulf.  But  he  was 
still  at  large,  and  as  the  outlying  cruisers  kept  return 
ing,  business  was  still  carried  on  secretly.  When  the 
British  approached  New  Orleans,  in  the  autumn  of 
this  year,  overtures  were  made  to  Lafitte,  with  most 
tempting  offers  of  rank  in  the  British  navy  and  a  large 
sum  of  money,  if  he  would  join  the  service.  Lafitte 
asked  for  time  to  consider,  which  was  granted,  and  he 
sent  without  delay  the  written  proposals  which  he  had 


LIFE  OF  LAFITTE.  41 

received  to  Governor  Claiborne,  with  an  offer  of  his 
services  to  the  United  States,  on  condition  that  he 
and  his  followers  should  be  no  further  molested.  His 
offer  was  accepted ;  and  at  the  battle  of  New  Orleans, 
he  and  his  men  did  such  good  service,  that  a  pardon 
was  granted  them  by  President  Madison.17 

Little  is  known  of  Lafitte's  movements  during  the 
next  two  years.  Precluded  from  carrying  on  depre 
dations  with  his  headquarters  on  United  States  terri 
tory,  he  seems  to  have  cruised  about  the  gulf,  and 
endeavored,  though  unsuccessfully,  to  establish  him 
self  at  Port  au  Prince.18  A  few  days,  however,  after 
the  departure  of  Aury  from  Galveston  for  Soto  la 
Marina,  Lafitte  appeared  at  the  island  with  his  pri 
vateers.  The  number  of  his  followers  was  then  about 
forty,  and  on  the  15th  of  April,  1817,  these  freebooters 
proceeded  to  establish  a  government,  with  the  object 
of  "  capturing  Spanish  property  under  what  they  called 
the  Mexican  flag,  but  without  an  idea  of  aiding  the 
revolution  in  Mexico,  or  that  of  any  of  the  Spanish 
revolted  colonies." 19  It  seemed  good,  however,  to 
imitate  the  policy  of  Aury  in  order  that  their  lawless 
captures  might  be  introduced  into  Louisiana  with  less 
trouble.  Accordingly  the  captains  of  the  cruisers  met 
and  elected  the  different  members  of  their  government. 
Louis  Derieux  was  made  governor  and  military  com 
mandant;  A.  Pironneau,  adjutant  commandant;  J. 
Ducoing,  judge  of  the  admiralty ;  Pedro  Rousselin,20 
collector  of  customs;  Raymon  Espagnol,  secretary 
of  the  treasury  and  notary  public ;  and  Jean  Jannet, 
marine  commandant.  That  no  formality  might  be 
wanting,  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Mexican  republic 
was  taken.  The  governor  was  first  sworn  by  Luis 

"Bated  Feb.  5, 1815.  Consult  Yoakum's  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  186-90;  Babe  Mar- 
60* :,  Hist.  Louis.,  382-4,  Eng.  ed.;  Kennedys  Tex.,  i.  288-9;  Gayarre,  Hist. 
Louis.,  Am.  Dom.,  289-90,  302-G,  312-16,  356-7,  411,  504;  Democratic  Review, 
vi.  34. 

l*Amer.  State  Papers,  xi.  351. 

19  Raymon  Espagnol's  testimony,  in  Id. ,  xi.  359. 

20  Eousselin.  was  Aury's  collector,  and  had  been  left  by  him  with  an  advice 
boat  to  report  arrivals  of  privateers  to  him. 


42  PRIVATEERING,   PIRACY,  AND  INVASIONS. 

Iturribarria,  and  the  others  then  took  the  oath  to  the 
governor.21  On  the  20th  of  the  same  month,  other 
craft  having  arrived,  the  captains  and  owners  of  them, 
to  the  number  of  seventeen,  were  convened  on  board 
the  schooner  Jupiter.  The  appointments  were  con 
firmed,  and  regulations  made  concerning  the  disposal 
of  the  duties  that  should  accrue  from  prizes.  The 
proceedings  were  drawn  up  and  signed  by  those  pres 
ent  before  the  secretary  pro  tern,  Lafon. 

Under  the  auspices  of  this  worthy  administration, 
Galveston  soon  became  the  asylum  of  refugees  from 
justice  and  desperadoes  of  every  nationality  and  dye. 
By  the  end  of  the  year,  Lafitte's  followers  numbered 
nearly  1,000  men,  and  their  depredations  in  the  gulf 
were  carried  on  to  such  an  extent  that  Spanish  com 
merce  was  almost  swept  from  that  sea.  But  this  was 
not  all;  the  vessels  of  other  nations  became  the  prey 
of  these  pirates.  The  United  States  government 
would  have  broken  up  the  nest  but  for  the  opposition 
of  the  Spanish  minister  Onis.  The  boundary  question 
had  not  yet  been  settled,  and  it  was  feared  that  if  the 
government  at  Washington  dispersed  the  buccaneers 
from  Galveston  by  armed  force,  it  would  retain  pos 
session  of  the  island.22  Thus  for  years  the  Pirate  of 
the  Gulf  remained  unmolested.  On  the  site  where  the 
city  of  Galveston  now  stands  he  erected  a  fort,  and 
built  himself  a  house,  around  which  numerous  other 
edifices  soon  sprung  up,  forming  a  busy  settlement, 
which  he  named  Campeachy.  On  the  9th  of  October, 
1819,  Galveston  was  declared  a  port  of  entry  of  the 
republic  of  Texas,  which  had  lately  been  proclaimed 
by  the  leaders  of  another  expedition  into  the  country, 
and  Lafitte  was  made  governor  of  the  place.  Shortly 
afterward  one  of  his  followers,  named  Brown,  robbed 
an  American  vessel  near  the  Sabine,  and  being  pur- 

21  Id.,  xi.  358-9,  386-7.     It  will  be  noticed  that  Lafitte's  name  does  not 
appear.     But  there  is  evidence  that  he  was  present.     Consult  Id.,  xi.  349. 
He  probably  did  not  choose,  from  policy,  to  have  his  name  used.     This  is 
Yoakum's  opinion. 

22  See  the  objections  raised  by  Onis,  Dec.  6,  1817,  when  informed  of  meas 
ures  taken  by  the  president  to  suppress  these  marauders.  Id.,  xii.  11. 


AFFAIRS  AT  GALVESTON.  43 

sued  by  the  United  States  schooner  Lynx,  Captain 
Madison,  he  abandoned  his  boats  and  escaped  with 
the  crews  to  land.  The  Lynx  sailed  to  Galveston,  and 
Lafitte  summarily  hanged  Brown.  Madison  was 
satisfied  with  this  prompt  measure,  and  with  the  dis 
position  shown  by  Lafitte  to  bring  the  other  culprits 
to  justice.23  But  in  the  following  year  another  Amer 
ican  vessel  was  taken  by  one  of  Lafitte's  cruisers  and 
scuttled  in  Matagorda  Bay.  The  government  at 
Washington  sent  a  commission  to  inquire  into  the 
case,  and  the  report  being  unfavorable  to  Lafitte,  the 
Enterprise,  Lieutenant  Kearney,  was  sent  early  in 
1821  to  break  up  the  Galveston  establishment. 
Kearney  visited  the  freebooter  in  his  home,  where  he 
was  hospitably  entertained.  Lafitte,  aware  of  the  in 
flexible  determination  of  the  United  States  govern 
ment,  proceeded  to  obey  its  orders.  He  destroyed 
his  fortifications,  paid  off  and  disbanded  his  men,  and 
on  board  his  favorite  vessel,  the  Pride,  sailed  away 
forever  from  the  shores  of  Texas.24 

23  See  the  correspondence  on  this  matter  between  Capt.   Madison  and 
Lafitte,  in  Niles1  Reg.,  xvii.  395-6;  also  A  Day  with  Lafitte,  in  Democratic 
fievieio,  vi.  40. 

24  Lafitte  persistently  maintained  that  he  only  made  war  on  Spanish  ves 
sels.     According  to  an  account  given  by  an  officer  of  the  Enterprise,  who 
accompanied  Kearney  on  a  visit  to  Lafitte,  the  freebooter  gave  at  table  the 
following  sketch  of  his  life  as  a  pirate,  and  the  cause  of  his  adopting  this 
career:  he  stated  that  18   years  before  he  had  been  a  merchant  at   Santo 
Domingo,  and  that  having  become  rich,  he  wound  up  his  affairs,  sold  his 
property,  bought  a  ship,  and  freighted  her  with  a  valuable  cargo,  including  a 
large  amount  of  specie.     Having  set  sail  for  Europe  with  his  wife  on  board, 
he  was  captured,  when  a  week  at  sea,  by  a  Spanish  man-of-war,  and  robbed 
of  everything  he  possessed.     The  Spanish  captain  had  the  inhumanity  to  set 
him  and  the  crew  ashore  on  a  barren  sand  key,  with  provisions  for  a  few  days 
only.     They  were  taken  off  by  an  American  schooner  and  landed  at  New 
Orleans,  where  his  wife  died  in  a  few  days  from  fever,  contracted  by  hardship 
and  exposure.     Lafitte,  in  desperation,  joining  some  daring  fellows,  and  hav 
ing  purchased  a  schooner,  declared  eternal  vengeance  against  Spain.      '  For 
fifteen  years, '  he  said,  '  I  have  carried  on  a  war  against  Spain.     So  long  as  I 
live  I  am  at  war  with  Spain,  but  no  other  nation.     I  am  at  peace  with  all  the 
world  except  Spain.     Although  they  call  me  a  pirate,  I  am  not  guilty  of 
attacking  any  vessel  of  the  English  or  French.'  Id.,  42.     The  same  writer 
describes  Lafitte  '  as  a  stout,  rather  gentlemanly  personage,  some  five  feet  ten 
inches  in  height,  dressed  very  simply  in  a  foraging  cap  and  blue  frock  of  a 
most  villanous  fit;  his  complexion,  like  most  Creoles,  olive;  his  countenance 
full,  mild,  and  rather  impressive,  but  for  a  small  black  eye,  which  now  and 
then,  as  he  grew  animated  in  conversation,  would  flash  in  a  way  which  im 
pressed  me  with  a  notion  that  ' '  II  Capitauo  "  might  be,  when  roused,  a  very 


44  PRIVATEERING,   PIRACY,   AND  INVASIONS. 

After  the  fall  of  Napoleon,  a  number  of  French 
officers  who  had  followed  his  fortunes  retired  to  the 
United  States,  where  they  were  kindly  received.  On 
the  3d  of  March,  1817,  congress  bestowed  on  these 
refugees  a  grant  of  92,000  acres  of  choice  land  in  Ala 
bama,  on  the  condition  that  the  settlers  should  intro 
duce  the  cultivation  of  the  vine  and  olive.  The  terms 
of  the  grant  were  so  favorable25  as  to  make  it  equiva 
lent  to  a  gift.  Nevertheless,  the  colonists  being  mili 
tary  men  failed  of  success,  and  most  of  them  sold 
their  portion  of  land  for  a  mere  trifle.  Thus  the  gen 
erous  intention  of  the  United  States  congress  to  ben 
efit  a  number  of  unfortunate  persons  and  promote 
their  welfare  resulted  in  the  enriching  of  a  few  spec 
ulators.26  Some  of  the  grantees  attributed  their  failure 

O 

to  the  climate,  and  sought  for  more  genial  localities. 
Among  these  were  generals  Lallemand  and  Rigault, 
who  believed  that  they  would  find  in  Texas  all  the 
requirements  for  the  establishment  of  a  successful 
colony.  Having  addressed  to  the  court  of  Spain  a 
note  declaring  their  intention,  and  having  received  no 
reply  to  their  communication,  which  could  only  be 
regarded  as  impertinent,27  they  proceeded  to  carry  out 
their  design. 

Accordingly,  in  March  1818,  Lallemand,  leaving  a 
younger  brother,  Dominique,  at  New  Orleans  to  for 
ward  supplies,  sailed  with  120  settlers,  and  having 

"ugly  customer."  His  demeanor  toward  us  was  exceedingly  courteous.' 
Later  he  remarks :  '  He  was  evidently  educated  and  gifted  with  no  common 
talent  for  conversation.5  Lafitte  continued  to  cruise  on  the  Spanish  main  for 
several  years.  Occasionally  he  visited  Sisal,  and  the  island  of  Margarita, 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Oronoco.  He  died  in  1826  at  Cilam — properly  written 
Dilam,  and  incorrectly  Silan,  as  in  the  American  Cyclopaedia,  sub  nom.  Lafitte 
— a  town  in  Yucatan,  and  was  there  buried  in  the  campo  santo.  Y oakum,  ut 
sup.,  204;  De  Bow's  Review,  Oct.  1851. 

25  The  land  was  sold  to  them  at  $2  per  acre,  payable  in  14  years  without 
interest.  Niks'  Reg.,  xiv.  393. 

26  One  speculator  was  said  to  have  made  between  $500,000  and  $1,000,000 
by  these  land  transactions.  Id.;  LejChamp  d'Asile,  14-15. 

27  They  wrote  thus:  '  Que  si  la  cour  d'Espagne  acquies9ait  a  Jeurs  demande, 
elle  pouvait  compter  sur  leurs  services   et  leur  fidelity.     Que,  dans   le  cas 
contraire,  ils  profiteraient  du  droit  que  la  nature  accorde  a  tout  homme  de 
fertiliser  des  solitudes  incultes,  et  dont  personne  n'est  autorise  a  lui  disputer 
la  possession.  .  .Qu'  enfin  ils  6taient  d6termine"s,  quelque  chose  qui  arrivat,  a 
se  fixer  dans  la  contr^e  du  Texas.'  Id.,  18-19. 


COLONIZATION.  45 

entered  the  bay  of  Galveston,  selected  a  spot  on  the 
Trinity  River,  about  twelve  miles  above  its  mouth, 
and  began  to  fortify  the  post.  On  May  llth  a  decla 
ration  was  issued  by  the  colonists,  in  which  they  set 
forth  that,  having  been  driven  from  their  country  by 
a  series  of  calamities,  they  had  determined  to  seek  an 
asylum,  and  that  finding  lands  unoccupied,  they  con 
sidered  that  they  had  the  right  to  establish  themselves 
thereon.  They  proceeded  to  state  that  their  inten 
tions  were  peaceable,  but  that,  if  persecuted,  they 
would  justly  defend  themselves;  the  land  they  occu 
pied  would  see  them  prosper  or  bravely  die.  The 
colony,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  Champ  d' 
Asile,  was  essentially  an  agricultural  and  commercial 
one,  but  for  its  preservation  it  would  be  conducted 
under  a  military  system.28  Such  were  their  senti 
ments  and  intentions,  but  the  soldier  does  not  make 
a  good  agriculturist.  Moreover,  a  drought  set  in 

o  o  o 

and  rendered  abortive  their  first  efforts.  Neverthe 
less,  as  game  was  abundant,  they  managed  to  subsist 
for  a  time,  and  established  a  petty  traffic  with  the 
Indians;  but  when  a  Spanish  force  marched  against 
Champ  d' Asile,  the  feeble  colony,  reduced  by  priva 
tions,  was  in  no  condition  to  resist,*9  and  retired  to 
Galveston.  Lallemand  returned  to  the  United  States, 
but  the  fate  of  his  followers  is  unknown.  It  is  prob 
able  that  most  of  them  cast  their  lot  with  Lafitte's 
desperadoes,  a  few  only  reaching  the  United  States. 

During  the  period  from  1809  to  1815  no  diplomatic 
relations  existed  between  the  United  States  and  Spain. 
In  June  of  the  first-named  year  Luis  de  Onis  had 
been  appointed  envoy  extraordinary  to  Washington 
by  the  Spanish  suprema  junta  central,  a  provisional 

fovernment  which  the   United  States  could  not  ac- 
nowledge,  nor  was  it  until  December  1815  that  Onis 

28 Copy  of  declaration  will  be  found  in  Id.,  44-7,  and  a  translation  in  Niles1 
Reg.,  xiv.  394. 

™Barbe  Marbois,  Hist.  Louis.,  396-8;  Notidoso  Gen.,  Feb   12,  1819,  4. 


46  PRIVATEERING,   PIRACY,   AND  INVASIONS. 

was  formally  recognized.30  Relations  having  then 
been  restored,  the  Louisiana  boundary  question  be 
came  a  matter  of  serious  consideration.  The  settle 
ment  of  the  dispute  between  the  two  powers  as  to  the 
right  of  ownership  to  Texas  became  involved  with 
the  negotiations  that  had  taken  place  for  the  cession 
of  the  Floridas  to  the  United  States,  and  the  two 
questions  were  now  to  be  treated  in  combination. 
The  discussions  which  ensued  were  very  lengthy, 
extending  over  three  years,  and  numerous  proposi 
tions  and  counter-propositions  were  made.31 

Terms  of  agreement  were  finally  arranged,  and  on 
February  22,  1819,  a  treaty  was  signed  by  Onis  and 
the  American  secretary  of  state,  by  which  the  Flori 
das  were  ceded  to  the  United  States,  and  Spain 
retained  possession  of  Texas.  The  boundary  line 
between  the  United  States  and  the  Spanish  posses 
sions,  as  defined  in  the  third  article  of  the  convention, 
was  as  follows :  it  was  to  begin  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river  Sabine,  continuing  north  along  the  western  bank 
of  that  river  to  latitude  32°;  thence  by  a  line  due 
north  to  the  degree  of  latitude  where  it  strikes  Red 
River;  then  following  the  course  of  that  river  west 
ward  to  longitude  23°  west  from  Washington;  crossing 
said  river,  it  was  to  run  by  a  line  due  north  to  the 
Arkansas,  following  the  southern  bank  of  that  river 

30  Onis,  Mem.  Negoc.,  1-2;  Amer.  State  Papers,  xi.  54. 

31  The  correspondence  and  documents  relating  to  the  opposing  claims  to 
the  possession  of  Texas  will  be  found  in  Annals  of  Cong.,  1819,  ii.  1629-2131. 
rlhe  claims  of  the  U.  S.  that  Texas  formed  apart  of  Louisiana  were  based  on 
the  possession  taken  and  establishment  made  by  La  Salle  in  1685  at  San  Ber 
nardo  Bay;   the  charter  of  Louis  XIV.  to  Crozat  in  1712;  the  geographical 
authority  of   De   Lisle 's  map,  and  more   especially  that   of   Tomas   Lopez, 
geographer  to  the  king  of  Spain,  published  in  1762;  the  map  of  Homann, 
published  at  Nuremburg  in  1712,  and  a  British  official  map  published  by 
Bowen  in  1755,  intended  to  point  out  the  boundaries  of  British,  Spanish,  and 
French  colonies  in  North  America;  also  on  geographical  works  and  narra 
tives,  especially  the  accounts  of  Hennepin  in  1683;  of  Fonti  in  1697;  and 
of  Jontel  in  1713 — pp.  1757-8.     Onis  endeavors  to  show  that  these  supports 
were  without  foundation,  claiming  priority  of  discovery,  and  the  establish 
ment  of  the  province  of  Texas  in  1690.  Mem.  Negoc.,  48-57.     A  long  review 
of  the  U.  S.  claims  to  Texas,  wherein  the  author  seeks  to  prove  that  Texas 
never  formed  any  part  of   Louisiana,  and  that  the  cry  of   're-annexation,' 
raised  20  years  later,  was  an  attempt  at  a  '  gross  infraction  of  a  previous 
treaty,'  will  be  found  in  Grattan's  Cen.  Amer.,  254-82. 


TREATY  WITH  SPAIN.  47 


to  its  source  in  latitude  42°  north;  and  thence  by 
that  parallel  to  the  Pacific.32 

The  king  of  Spain,  however,  failed  to  ratify  the 
treaty  within  the  six  months  prescribed,  and  when  he 
ratified  it,  October  24,  1820,  the  controversy  was 
renewed,  the  United  States  being  strongly  disinclined 
to  recognize  the  late  convention.  The  treaty  had 
from  the  first  caused  wide-spread  dissatisfaction,  and 
there  was  a  strong  party  which  not  only  regarded  the 
cession  of  Texas  for  the  Floridas,  as  the  exchange  of 
a  valuable  territory  for  an  inferior  one,  but  as  a  vio 
lation  of  the  fundamental  principle  of  the  United 
States  never  to  relinquish  territory.  The  demurrers 
to  the  treaty,  insisting  on  the  justice  of  the  claim  to 
Texas,  considered  the  action  of  the  government  in 
making  the  convention  unconstitutional,  and  that  the 
equivalent  to  be  given  by  Spain  was  inadequate.33 
Another  year  having  been  passed  in  profitless  discus 
sion  between  the  two  governments,  congress,  on  the 
19th  of  February,  1821,  consented  to  and  advised 
the  president  to  ratify  the  treaty.  On  the  28th  of 
the  same  month  John  Quincy  Adams  informed  the 
Spanish  envoy  that  President  Monroe  had  accepted 
the  ratification. 

The  reader  will  not  have  failed  to  observe  with 
what  signal  want  of  success  all  attempts  to  occupy  or 
colonize  Texas  by  force  of  arms  were  attended.  I 
have  still  to  record  another  instance  of  like  failure. 

In  Natchez  the  angry  feeling  aroused  by  the  treaty 
of  February  1819  was  exhibited  in  a  practical  man 
ner.  A  meeting  of  the  inhabitants  was  held,  for  the 

32  Annals  of  Cong.,  1819,  ii.  2130  et  seq.,  where  a  copy  of  the  treaty  will 
be  found. 

33  Henry  Clay,  a  few  days  before,  April  3,  1820,  submitted  the  following 
resolutions  to  the  house:  "ihat  the  constitution  of  the  U.  S.  vests  in  con 
gress  the  power  to  dispose  of  the  territory  belonging  to  them,  and  that  no 
treaty  purporting  to  alienate  any  portion  thereof  is  valid  without  the  con 
currence  of   congress;'   and  'that  the  equivalent  proposed  to  be  given  by 
Spain  to  the  U.  S.  in  the  treaty ...  for  that  part  of  Louisiana  lying  west  of 
the  Sabine  was  inadequate;  and  that  it  would  be  inexpedient  to  make  a  trans 
fer  thereof  to  any  foreign  power,  or  renew  the  aforesaid  treaty. '  A  nnals  of 
Cong.,  1820,  ii.  1719.     Arguments  in  support  follow. 


48  PRIVATEERING,   PIRACY,   AND  INVASIONS. 

purpose  of  organizing  an  expedition  in  aid  of  the  rev 
olutionary  party,  and  James  Long34  was  appointed 
leader  of  the  enterprise.  Long  entered  into  the  un 
dertaking  with  enthusiasm,  and  in  June  started  from 
Natchez  with  about  seventy-five  followers  for  Nacog- 
doches.  His  numbers  were  rapidly  increased,  and 
soon  after  his  arrival  at  that  place  he  could  muster 
over  300  men,  among  whom  may  be  mentioned  Ber 
nardo  Gutierrez  and  Samuel  Davenport.  He  imme 
diately  proceeded  to  establish  a  civil  government, 
under  the  control  of  a  supreme  council  invested  with 
legislative  powers.  The  council  was  composed  of 
Horatio  Biglow,  Hamlin  Cook,  W.  W.  Walker,  Ste 
phen  Barker,  John  Sibley,  Samuel  Davenport,  John 
G.  Burnett,  J.  Child,  Pedro  Procello,  and  Bernardo 
Gutierrez.  General  Long  was  chosen  president.  On 
June  23d  the  supreme  council  declared  the  province 
a  free  and  independent  republic.35  In  the  preamble 
it  was  set  forth  that  the  citizens  of  Texas  had  long 
indulged  the  hope  that,  in  the  settlement  of  the  boun 
dary  question,  they  would  be  included  within  the  limits 
of  the  United  States.  The  recent  treaty,  however, 
with  Spain  had  dissipated  this  illusion,  and  they  saw 
themselves  abandoned  to  the  dominion  of  the  crown 
of  Spain.  They  had  therefore  resolved,  under  the 
blessing  of  God,  to  be  free.  I  must  remark  that  these 
'  citizens  of  Texas '  were  comprised  of  a  few  American 
settlers,  who  had  gradually  encroached  upon  the  ter 
ritory  and  been  unmolested.  Various  laws  were  next 
enacted  for  the  organization  of  the  new  republic,  and 
the  raising  of  revenue  by  the  sale  of  public  lands.36 

3*  James  Long  was  born  in  Virg  nia,  and  having  studied  medicine,  was  at 
tached  to  the  medical  staff  of  Carroll's  brigade.  He  was  a  favorite  of  Gen. 
Jackson,  and  distinguished  himself  at  the  battle  of  New  Orleans.  Having 
married  Jane  H.  Wilkinson,  a  niece  of  Gen.  Wilkinson,  he  retired  from  the 
army,  and  after  trying  agriculture,  settled  at  Natchez  as  a  merchant.  From 
Gen.  Mirabeau  Lamar's  narrative,  in  Foote's  Tex.,  i.  201-2. 

35  Interesting  extracts  from  this  declaration  of  the  independence  of  Texas, 
which  was  published  in  the  Louisiana  Herald,  will  be  found  in  Niles'  Rey., 
xvii.  31. 

36  A  bill  was  passed  for  the  sale  of  lands  on  the  Atoyac  and  Red  rivers, 
the  minimum  price  for  those  on  the  first-named  stream,  which  was  an  affluent 


LONG'S  EXPEDITION.  49 

The  adventurers,  or  patriots  as  they  styled  them 
selves,  made  military  dispositions  to  occupy  the  coun 
try.     David   Long,  a   brother   of   the   general,   was 
despatched  with  merchandise  to  the  upper  crossing  of 
the  Trinity  to  traffic  with  the  Indians;  Johnson  was 
sent  on  a  similar  expedition  to  the  Brazos;    Major 
Smith,  with  forty  men,  was  stationed  at  the  Cochattee 
village  on  the  Trinity ;  and  Walker  with  twenty-eight 
men  fortified  a  position  on  the  Brazos  at  the  old  La 
Bahia   crossing.     These    arrangements   having   been 
completed  by  the  end  of  September,  Long,  who  had 
already    been   in    communication    with    Lafitte,   now 
governor  of  Galveston  under  the  republic,  decided  to 
pay  him  a  visit,  in  the  hope  that  by  a  personal  inter 
view  he  would   be  able  to   induce   that  chieftain  to 
assist  him  in  his  undertaking.     Leaving  Major  Cook' 
in  command  at  Nacogdoches,  he  therefore  proceeded 
toward  Galveston,  but  on  arriving  at  the  Cochattee 
village,  he  received  tidings,  brought  in  by  the  Indians, 
that  the  royalists  were  rapidly  approaching.     A  Span 
ish    force,  700  strong,  under  Colonel  Ignacio  Perez, 
was  advancing  to  drive  out  the  invaders.     Long  at 
once  sent  orders  to  Cook  and  his  outlying  detachments 
to  concentrate  at  the  Cochattee  village,  and  hastened 
on  to  Galveston.     But  Lafitte,  though  expressing  his 
best  wishes  for  Long's  success,  regarded  the  enter 
prise  as  far  too  hazardous,  and  so  told  Long,  calling 
his  attention  to  the  many  attempts  which  had  failed 
through  want  of  the  large  force  necessary  for  an  in 
vasion  by  land.     Disappointed   at  not  receiving  the 
desired  aid,  Long  returned  without  delay  to  the  vil 
lage,  where  he  learned  that  sudden  and  most  ruinous 
calamity  had  fallen  on  the  embryo  republic. 

Of  all  the  expeditions  to  Texas,  not  one  experienced 
a  more  speedy  collapse  or  swifter  ruin  than  that  of 
Long.  Cook  was  of  all  men  the  most  unfit  to  hold 

of  the  Naches,  being  $1  an  acre,  payaLle  one  fourth  down  and  the  remainder 
in  three  annual  instalments.     The  lands  on  the  more  distant  Red  River  were 
rated  at  from  12^  to  50  cents  an  acre.  Footers  Tex.,  i.  205. 
HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    4 


50  PRIVATEERING,   PIRACY,   AND  INVASIONS. 

the  responsible  position  in  which  he  had  been  placed. 
Of  intemperate  habits,  on  the  departure  of  Long  from 
Nacogdoches,  he  gave  way  to  drunkenness  and  dissi 
pation,  and  the  garrison,  following  his  example,  fell 
into  disorder.  Meantime  the  royalist  troops,  October 
llth,  surprised  Johnson's  detachment  on  the  Brazos, 
taking  eleven  prisoners,  and  dispersing  the  rest. 
Johnson  with  six  others  escaped  to  Walker's  fort, 
which  was  assailed  on  the  15th;  the  republicans  were 
compelled  to  seek  safety  in  flight,  destitute  of  every 
thing.  David  Long's  post  at  the  upper  crossing  on 
the  Trinity  was  next  attacked.  Long  was  killed,  and 
his  men  fled  to  Nacogdoches.  Smith  at  the  Cochat- 
tee  village  had  been  joined  by  Johnson  and  Walker, 
with  other  fugitives;  and  when  Perez  approached,  lie 
retreated  forty  miles  below  the  village.  But  attempt 
ing  to  elude  the  enemy,  a  skirmish  was  brought  on,  in 
which  several  fell  on  both  sides.  The  republicans 
were  again  defeated,  and  made  their  way  in  canoes  to 
Point  Bolivar  on  Galveston  Bay,  which  Long  had  pre 
viously  appointed  as  a  place  of  rendezvous  in  case  of 
disaster,  and  had  already  made  preparations  to  fortify. 
When  the  fugitives  from  David  Long's  post  reached 
Nacogdoches  the  wildest  confusion  prevailed.  Not 
for  a  moment  was  a  thought  of  resistance  entertained ; 
the  garrison  and  inhabitants  alike  hurried  out  of  the 
place  to  seek  safety  on  the  other  side  of  the  Sabine ; 
and  when  Long,  who  had  hastened  forward  at  full 
speed,  arrived  at  Nacogdoches,  he  found  a  silent  and 
deserted  town.  He  himself  barely  escaped  capture  at 
the  hands  of  a  detachment  of  royalists  which  pres 
ently  came  up  in  pursuit,  and  succeeded  in  taking 
many  of  the  fugitives  prisoners  before  they  crossed 
the  saving  river.  After  his  escape,  Long  passed  down 
the  Calcasien  and  repaired  to  Point  Bolivar,  where 
he  found  the  remnant  of  the  republican  forces.37 


37  The  above  account  of  this  expedition  is  taken  from  the  narrative  of  Gen 
tl  Mirabeau  Lain 
of  Foote,  who  gave 


eral  Mirabeau  Lamer,  president  of  'lexas,  and  which  he  placed  in  the  hands 
?ave  it  to  the  public  in  his  Texas  and  the  Texaiw,  i.  198-210. 


SAD  CONDITION  OF  AFFAIRS.  51 

Recognizing  that  the  expedition  was  utterly  broken 
up,  Long  retired  to  New  Orleans,  where  he  appears 
to  have  formed  the  acquaintance  of  the  Mexican  pa 
triots  Milam  and  Trespalacios.  In  the  spring  of 
1821  an  expedition  was  organized  by  these  indepen 
dent  leaders,  and  Point  Bolivar  occupied.  Provided 
with  a  commission  by  Trespalacios,  who  styled  him 
self  lieutenant-general  of  the  Mexican  army  and  pres 
ident  of  the  supreme  council  of  Texas,38  Long  landed 
at  the  mouth  of  the  San  Antonio,  and  with  51  men 
marched  against  La  Bahia,  which  he  took  possession 
of  without  opposition  October  4,  1821.  He  was  com 
pelled,  however,  to  surrender  a  few  days  afterward  to 
Colonel  Perez,  and  was  sent  as  a  prisoner  with  his 
followers  to  San  Antonio  de  Bejar.  Representing 
that  he  had  undertaken  the  expedition  in  the  cause 
of  independence,  he  and  his  fellow-captives  were 
treated  with  leniency.39  Long  was  conveyed  to  the 
city  of  Mexico,  and  the  independence  of  which  he 
professed  himself  a  supporter  having  been  achieved, 
he  was  granted  his  liberty.  In  1822,  wishing  to  enter 
the  barracks  of  Los  Gallos,  and  being  refused  admis 
sion,  he  struck  the  sentinel,  who  thereupon  shot  him 
dead.40 

Perez  was  complimented  by  the  king  for  his  success.  Gaz.  de  Hex.,  1820,  xi. 
1 190. 

38 Niks'  Reg.,  xx.  191,  223-4,  383. 

39  Report  of  Gaspar  Lopez,  acting  commandant  general  of  the  internal 
provinces,  to  Iturbide,  dated  Saltillo,  Oct.  19,  1821,  in  Gac.  Imp.  Mex.,  i. 
129-32;  N lies'  Key.,  xxi.  375;  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  239,  478-9. 

4u  Tornei  y  Mendivil,  Breve  Reseiia,  147;  Suarez  y  Navarro,  Hist.  Mex.,  85; 
Filisola,  Mem.  Hist.  Guerra  Tex.,  i.  110-11.  Foote's  account  is  very  differ 
ent  from  that  given  in  the  text,  and  is  incorrect.  He  states  that  Long  held 
possession  of  La  Bahia  till  the  achievement  of  independence  by  Iturbide;  that 
he  was  then  invited  by  the  new  government  to  visit  the  capital,  '  that  he 
might  receive  appropriate  honors  as  one  of  the  champions  of  civil  liberty; ' 
that  he  became  an  object  of  suspicion  to  Iturbide,  and  that  secret  orders  for 
his  assassination  are  supposed  to  have  been  issued.  Being  on  a  visit  to  a  gov 
ernment  officer,  he  was  shot  by  a  soldier  from  an  adjoining  piazza  while  pro 
ducing  his  passport  to  the  guard  at  the  gate.  The  reader  can  form  his  own 
opinion  as  to  the  probability  of  an  assassination  being  perpetrated  under 
such  circumstances  and  so  openly.  Tex.,  i.  216-17.  Kennedy,  Texas,  i.  301, 
erroneously  states  that  180  prisoners  were  taken  at  La  Bahia  and  sent  to 
Mexico;  and  that  they  were  released  by  the  interference  of  the  American  en 
voy  Poinsett.  Yoakum  also  asserts  that  the  men  were  released  and  sent 
home  Nov.  11,  1822,  at  the  instance  of  Poinsett.  Ihis  statement  is  based  on 


52  PRIVATEERING,   PIRACY,   AND  INVASIONS 

The  condition  of  Texas  in  1821  was  deplorable. 
After  the  expulsion  of  Long  in  1819  every  intruder 
who  had  settled  in  the  country  was  driven  off,  his 
buildings  were  destroyed,  and  his  cattle  driven  away. 
Vast  regions  were  destitute  of  inhabitants,  and  the 
populated  districts  did  not  contain  4,000  civilized  be 
ings.41  Agriculture  was  almost  entirely  neglected, 
and  provisions  were  so  scarce  even  in  San  Antonio  as 
to  be  the  subject  of  frequent  .report  by  Governor 
Martinez  to  the  commandant  general  at  Saltillo,42 
while  the  traveller  ran  a  dangerous  risk  of  perishing 
by  hunger.  The  north-eastern  borders  had  become 
the  asylum  of  criminals,  and  the  abode  of  bands  of 
armed  desperadoes  engaged  in  smuggling;  villanous 
gangs  of  ruffians  from  Lafitte's  piratical  establishment 
drove  their  troops  of  Africans  with  impunity  through 
the  land,  introducing  them  into  Louisiana  for  sale ; 4S 
and  savage  Indians  hovered  on  the  outskirts  of  the 
interior  towns.  But  this  was  the  most  gloomy  period 
in  the  history  of  Texas — the  darkest  hour  of  her  ex 
istence.  The  dawn  was  already  about  to  break.44 

a  remark  made  by  Poinsett,  in  his  Notes  on  Tex.,  164-5,  with  date  Nov.  llth, 
to  the  effect  that  he  '  had  asked  and  obtained  the  liberty  of  39  men,  who  were 
imprisoned  in  Mexico  on  charge  of  conspiring  against  the  governor  of  1  exas. 
About,  one  half  of  them  are  American  citizens. '  There  is  no  doubt  that  these 
men  belonged  to  Long's  expedition.  See  McHenry's  account,  in  Linns  Rem- 
inis.,  68-74. 

41  The  author  of  Pretensiones  de  los  Anglo-Americanos,  writing  in  1820,  says, 
page  7,  note  1 :  '  En  el  dia  no  tiene  la  provincia  cuatro  mil  almas  de  poblacion.' 

42  The  commandant  general,  writing  to  Iturbide  Oct.  19,  1821,  says  that 
Long  and  his  fellow -prisoners  were  removed  from  San  Antonio  to  Saltillo  '  en 
consideracion  de  ser  aquel  pueblo '  —  San  Antonio  —  '  sumamente  escaso  de 
recursos,  seguii  lo  que  constantemente   representa  el  Sr  Gobernador.'  Gac. 
Imp.  Mex.,  i.  131. 

^Niles  Reg.,  xxi.  48,  400. 

44  The  following  authorities  have  been  consulted  for  the  history  contained  in 
the  preceding  chapters:  Zavala,  Rev.  Hex.,  i.  285,  384-5;  Gonzales,  Colecdon 
N.  Leon,  253-60,  353-5;  Cancelada,  Ruina  N.  Espana,  39^3;  Id.,  Tel.  Mex., 
432-5,  455-6;  Dispose.  V arias,  i.  132;  Gac.  de  Mex.,  (1812)  iii.  1087-91;  (1813) 
iv.  925-7,  970-1,  1139-51,  1159-63,  1247-9;  (1814)  v.  27-31,  37-9,  804-5,  814 
-16,  820-21,  871-2;  (1817)  viii.  787-90,  807-9,  987-9,  1167-8;  (1818)  ix.  pas 
sim;  (1819)  x.  144,  1363;  xi.  1190;  Duvallon,  Colonie  Esp.  du  Miss.,  51-63; 
Youngs  Hist.  Mex.,  93-8,  127-77;  Edinb.  Review,  no.  147,  pp.  254-5;  Gaines, 
Corresp.  sobre  Paso  del  Sabina,  pp.  vii.-xv. ;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  iii.  219;  iv.  92- 
5;  Hartmann,  Le  Texas,  1-24,  45-7,  100-49,  172-236;  Guerra,  Rev.  N.  Esp., 
ii.  370,  372,  711-13;  Bustamante,  Cuad.  Hist.,  i.  123,  262,  329-50;  iv.  157-60; 
Id.,  Gablnete  Mex.,  ii.  25-6;  Id.,  Campanas  de  Calleja,  44,  178-85;  Filisola, 
Mem.  Hist.  Guerra  Texas,  i.  32^t,  39-40,  44-86,  109-10;  Maillard's  Hist.  Texas, 


AUTHORITIES.  53 

19-27;  Mexico  in  1843,  154;  Pretensiones  Anglo- Amer.,  2-7;  Tornel,  Tejas 
y  los  EE.  UU.,  21-5,  80-8;  Tornel  y  Mendivil,  Hist.  Mex.,  137-47;  Lare, 
naudi&re,  Mex.  et  Guat.,  228-9;  Onis,  Mem.  sobre  Negoc.,  passim;  Thrall's 
Hist.  Tex.,  passim;  Moffit's  Report,  in  Thompson's  ./tec.  of  Mexico,  175-0; 
Jay's  Mex.  War,  10-11,  19-20;  Zerecero,  Rev.  Mex.,  196;  Suarez  y  Navarro, 
Hist.  Mex.,  84-5;  Pinart  Coll.,  CMh.  Book,  i.  15-24;  Bentons  Abr.  Debates 
Cong.,  vi.  122,  458;  Revue  Amir.,  ii.  534,  549;  Holley's  Texas,  302,  304-9; 
Velasco,  £or?.,  249;  Jenkins'  Mex.  War,  30;  Swisher's  Am.  Sketch  Book,  vi.,  no. 
5,  pp.  359-65;  Direct.  San  Ant.,  1877-8,  10-28;  Conder's  Mex.  and  Guat., 
101-17;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i.  268;  ii.  382-3;  Pino,  Nuevo  Mexico,  40-1; 
Mosaico  Mex.,  i.  80;  ii.  270,  419;  Guthrie's  Univ.  Geog.,  i.  396;  Blanchard  et 
Dauzats,  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  527;  Wilson's  Amer.  Hist.,  624-30,  U.  S.  Govt 
Docs,  8th  Cong.  2d  Sess.,  Sen.  Jour.,  413;  McCabe's  Comprehensive  View,  757- 
8;  Meline's  2,000  Miles  on  Horseback,  234-45;  Domenech's  Miss.  Adv.,  20;  Id., 
Jour.,  23;  Arispe,  Memorial,  passim;  Humboldt,  Essai  Polit.,  ii.  822;  Footers 
Texas,  i.  149-68,  185-217,  392^00;  Le  Champ  d'Asile,  passim;  Texas  Aim. 
1861,  70-3;  Hutchison's  Rem.,  196-8;  Gomez  del  Campo,  Apuntes  Hist.; 
Estrella  de  Occid.,  Sept.  4,  1868,  p.  4;  Pike's  Expl.  Travels,  364-70,  391-436; 
Torrente,  Revol.  Hisp.  Am.,  ii.  101-2;  Abad  y  Queipo,  Informe;  Nouv.  Anuales 
Voy.,  xlvii.  6-11,  23;  Peterson's  Milit.  Heroes,  ii.  68;  Dice.  Univ.  Hist.  Geog., 
ix.  515-17;  x.  274-5,  289;  ap.  i.  139;  Almonte,  Not.  Est.  Texas,  13;  Amer. 
State  Pap.,  xx.  passim;  Grattan's  Civilized  Amer.,  254-82;  Kennedy's  Texas, 
passim;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.  Bolet.,  ii.  6;  vii.  138;  xi.  90;  2da  ep.,  ii.  630-1; 
Hidalgo,  Apuntes  Hist.  Proy.  Monarq.  en  Mex.,  33-5.  Abney's  Life  and  Adv., 
83-90,  125-41;  Agiieyo,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Texas,  437;  Gac.  de  Pan.,  Aug. 
11,  1870;  Brackenridge's  Mex.  Letters,  i.,  letter  2;  Baker's  Hist.  Texas,  30-1; 
Barber's  Hist.  West.  States,  656-7;  Falconer's  Discov.  Miss.,  41-52;  North  Am. 
Review,  xliii.  234-43;  Diario  Mex.,  235;  Democ.  Review,  vi.  33-42;  Noticioso 
Gen.,  July  23,  Sept.  12,  Oct.  27,  1817;  Nov.  30,  1818;  Feb.  12,  1819;  Alex., 
El  Virey  de  N.  Esp.,  2-5;  Id.,  Apuntes  Hist.  Guerra,  6-16;  Mora,  Rev.  Mex., 
iv.  269-70,  449;  Loreto  Mission  Records,  MS.,  45-6;  Varios  Impresos,  2,  no. 
vi.  25-50,  67-8,  and  table  no.  4;  L 'Heroine  du  Texas,  1-118;  Murray's  Hist. 
Acct  and  Discov.  in  N.  Am.,  i.  479-87;  Revista  Mexicana,  416,  421-3;  Shea's 
Cath.  Miss.,  87;  Amer.  Antiquarian  Journal,  Oct.  21,  1881;  Amer.  Reg.,  ii. 
88-103;  Freeman  and  Custis  Acct  Red  River  in  La,  1-63;  Monette's  Hist.  Dis 
cov.  and  Settlement  Valley  Miss.,  ii.  454-84;  Papeles  Varios,  no.  cvi.,  pt  1;  no. 
cxlix.,  pt  10;  no.  clvii.,  pt  4;  no.  clxii.,  pt  1;  no.  ccxv.,  pt  2;  Mayer,  MSS., 
nos  3,  4,  5,  5^,  25,  30;  Claiborne,  Extract  Letter  to  Sec.  of  State  of  U.  S.,  Dec. 
27,  1803;  Real  6rden,  30  de  Mayo  de  1804;  Id.,  12  de  Abril,  14  y  24  de  Mayo 
de  1807;  Id.,  15  de  Enero  de  1808;  Robin,  Voy.  dans  la  Louisiane,  iii.  117-36; 
Annals  of  Congress,  1804,  p.  1026;  1804-5,  app.  1499-1502;  1805,  p.  18-19; 
1805-6,  app.  1206-16;  1806,  p.  11,  190;  1806-7,  index  'Burr,'  app.  913-26; 
1807-8,  vols  i.-ii.,  index  'Burr';  1817,  p.  14;  1818,  ii.  app.  1786-1800;  1819, 
ii.  1629-2131;  1820,  ii.  1719-82;  1820-1,  app.  1337-1469;  Alaman,  Disert.,  iii. 
373-5;  Id.,  Mej.,  i.  296-7;  ii.  96-7,  170-2;  iii.  67,  479-94;  iv.  553-9,  566-7, 
693^,  711-13;  v.  478-9;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  vi.  86-8;  vii.  194-201,  216-19; 
viii.  530,  599-600;  ix.  85-8,  202-24;  x.  251-2,  260-2,  271,  278-80;  Yoakum's 
Hist.  Texas,  i.  1-208,  passim;  Nile*'  Reg.,  iii.  34,  64,  104,  144,  272,  352;  iv. 
120,  248,  280,  313;  v.  87-8,  104,  152;  viii.  436;  ix.  33-4;  x.  402;  xi.  32,  206; 
xiii.  253,  287-93,  301-4,  335,  338;  xiv.  65-88,  393-4,  408,  424;  xv.  6-7;  xvi. 
42-6,  347,  365-6,  384,  440;  xvii.  31-2,  175,  208,  240,  304,  352,  395-6;  xviii. 
273;  xix.  112,  191,  396-7;  xx.  155,  191,  223-4,  383;  xxi.  48,  375,  400 


CHAPTER   IV. 

COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPRESAPJO  SYSTEM. 
1819-1831. 

SPAIN  RELAXES  HER  EXCLUSIVE  POLICY — BIOGRAPHY  or  MOSES  AUSTIN — 
His  COLONIZATION  SCHEME — HE  PETITIONS  FOR  A  LAND  GRANT  IN 
TEXAS — His  SUFFERINGS  AND  DEATH — INTERNAL  AFFAIRS  OF  MEXICO 
— BEGINNING  OF  AUSTIN'S  COLONY — DIFFICULTIES,  DANGERS,  AND  LOSSES 
— STEPHEN  AUSTIN  IN  THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO— DELAY  AND  ANXIETY — 
FINAL  SUCCESS  OF  HIS  PETITION — DISCRETIONARY  POWERS  GRANTED 
AUSTIN — PROGRESS  OF  THE  COLONY — AUSTIN'S  GOVERNMENT — GREEDY 
AND  DISCONTENTED  SETTLERS — ERRONEOUS  IDEA  ABOUT  IMMIGRANT 
CRIMINALS — SCATTERED  SETTLEMENTS — A  NEW  CONTRACT — THE  EM- 
TRESARIO  SYSTEM — COLONIZATION  LAW  OF  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS — IN 
FLUX  OF  IMMIGRANTS — EMPRESARIO  ENTERPRISES — THEIR  PARTIAL  SUC 
CESS — PROGRESS  OF  TEXAS. 

IF  the  reader  will  glance  back  at  the  history  of 
Texas,  he  will  find  that  no  advance  in  the  colonization 
of  that  fertile  country  was  made  during  the  period  of 
Spanish  domination.  The  reason  of  this,  apart  from 
the  exclusion  of  foreigners,  lay  mainly  in  the  aversion 
of  the  Spanish  Creoles  to  agriculture,  and  the  dangers 
to  which  settlers  were  exposed.  Enterprise  in  New 
Spain  was  chiefly  directed  to  the  development  of 
mines,  while  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  was  performed 
for  the  most  part  by  the  passive  Indians.  In  Texas 
— an  essentially  agricultural  province — the  conditions 
were  reversed.  There  were  no  mines  to  be  devel 
oped,  nor  were  there  peaceable  natives  who  could  be 
made  to  till  the  ground.  It  therefore  offered  no  in 
ducements  to  Spanish  Americans  to  migrate  from  safe 
and  settled  districts  to  a  remote  region  where  a  few 

(54) 


SPAIN'S  POLICY.  55 

ill-garrisoned  presidios  could  afford  little  or  no  protec 
tion  to  the  cultivator  against  the  stealthy  attacks  of 
hostile  Indians.  Thus  the  colonization  of  Texas  was 
confined  to  the  establishment  of  a  few  settlers  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  these  military  posts.  Two  of 
these  only,  San  Antonio  de  Bejar  and  La  Bahia  del 
Espiritu  Santo,  developed  into  towns  of  any  consider 
ation.  Later  attempts  of  Spain  to  colonize  the  coun 
try  at  the  beginning  of  the  present  century  met  with 
no  success.  The  undertaking  projected  by  the  Span 
ish  government  and  placed  under  the  direction  of 
General  Grimarest 1  failed  of  accomplishment  on  ac 
count  of  the  breaking-out  of  hostilities  between 
Spain  and  England ;  nor  did  other  settlers  who  were 
introduced  into  Texas  about  this  time  effect  any  ex 
pansion  of  the  community.  It  remained  for  peaceable 
immigrants  from  the  United  States  to  accomplish  a 
work  of  progress  which  Spain  had  proved  herself  in 
competent  to  perform,  and  which  had  been  beyond 
achievement  by  force  of  arms  on  the  part  of  adven 
turers. 

I  have  already  related  how  anxious  Spain  was  to 
people  Texas,  irn  mediately  after  the  purchase  of  Lou 
isiana  by  the  United  States,  and  so  protect  herself 
against  encroachments  by  occupancy  of  the  country. 
Her  intentions,  however,  were  frustrated  by  the 
dreadful  wars  in  which  she  soon  became  engaged,  and 
the  revolutions  which  broke  out  in  her  colonies.  In 
the  emergencies  to  which  she  was  reduced  she  relaxed 
her  exclusive  policy,  and  official  proclamations  were 
published  inviting  colonists  of  all  classes  and  national 
ities  to  settle  in  her  American  dominions.  The  treaty 
of  amity  of  February  22,  1819,  having  confirmed  her 
in  the  possession  of  Texas,  Spain  felt  herself  in  a 
position  to  remove  the  exclusion  of  Anglo-Americans 
as  colonists  on  her  territory,2  which  hitherto  had  been 

1  The  colony  was  to  have  consisted  of  3,000  persons,  natives  of  Old  Spain. 
Kennedy,  Te,r..,  i.  309. 

2  Although  settlers  of  other  nationalities  were  admitted  as  colonists,  Anglo- 
Americans  were  rigidly  excluded  from  obtaining  grants  of  lands.   See  Whites 
Col.  Laws,  ii.  401-3,  and  Cortes  Act.  Ord.,  1813,  i.  404. 


56  COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPRESARIO  SYSTEM. 

insisted  upon  in  all  colonization  schemes.  At  the 
same  time  the  royalist  power  at  this  period  seemed 
to  be  firmly  reestablished  in  Mexico,  the  revolution 
having  been  wellnigh  suppressed,  and  the  pacifica 
tion  of  the  country  almost  consummated.  It  was 
reasonable,  therefore,  to  suppose  that  the  Spanish 
government  would  give  satisfactory  assurances  to 
Anglo-Americans  who  might  wish  to  obtain  in  a  legal 
manner  grants  of  land  in  Texas.  The  first  American 
who  availed  himself  of  this  new  order  of  things  was 
Moses  Austin,  who  in  December  1820  made  an  ap 
plication  for  permission  to  introduce  a  colony  of  300 
families  into  the  province. 

Moses  Austin,  a  native  of  Durham,  in  the  state  of 
Connecticut,  was  born  about  the  year  1764.  At  the 
age  of  twenty  he  married  Maria  Brown  in  Philadel 
phia,  and  soon  afterward  established  a  commercial 
house  in  Richmond,  Virginia,  in  partnership  with  his 
brother  Stephen,  who  was  at  the  head  of  a  large  im 
porting  business  at  Philadelphia.  The  two  brothers 
a  few  years  later  purchased  conjointly  the  Chissel 
lead  mines,  on  New  River,  Wythe  county,  Virginia, 
where  they  established  smelting-works  and  factories 
for  the  manufacture  of  shot  and  sheet  lead.  Adven 
turous  speculation,  however,  brought  reverses  upon 
the  houses  in  Philadelphia  and  Virginia,  and  Moses 
Austin,  who  was  a  man  of  enterprise  and  perseverance, 
obtained,  in  1797,  a  grant  from  Baron  de  Carondelet, 
governor-general  of  Louisiana,  conferring  upon  him 
one  league  of  land,  including  the  Mine-a-Burton, 
afterward  called  Potosi,  situated  forty  miles  west  of 
St  Genivieve.  Having  closed  his  affairs  in  the  United 
States,  he  removed  thither  with  his  family  in  1799, 
and  laid  the  foundation  for  the  settlement  of  what  is 
now  Washington  county,  Missouri.  Austin  resided 
for  many  years  at  Mine-a-Burton,  where  he  won  the 
respect  of  the  early  settlers  by  his  upright  conduct 
and  public  spirit.  But  the  very  qualities  which  gained 
for  him  the  affection  of  all  who  knew  him  occasioned 


MOSES  AUSTIN.  57 

another  reverse  of  fortune.  He  had  become  a  large 
stockholder  in  the  Bank  of  St  Louis,  and  when,  in 
1818,  that  institution  was  involved  in  ruin,  Austin 
surrendered  the  whole  of  his  property  for  the  benefit 
of  the  creditors.  But  adversity  did  not  damp  his 
ardor  or  depress  his  enterprising  spirit,  and  although 
now  in  his  55th  year,  he  conceived  the  bold  idea  of 
undertaking  to  establish  an  extensive  colony  in  Texas, 
of  the  resources  and  fertility  of  which  country  he  had 
long  been  aware. 

In  turning  his  attention  to  the  settlement  of  the 
wildernesses  of  Texas,  Austin  was  not  moved  by  the 
spirit  of  adventure  which  had  originated  previous  at 
tempts  to  occupy  Texas.  His  intention  from  the  first 
was  to  proceed  legally,  and  after  careful  inquiry  as  to 
the  best  mode  of  making  application  to  the  Spanish 
government  for  a  grant  of  land,  having  been  advised 
to  lay  the  subject  before  the  Spanish  authorities  in 
New  Spain,  he  undertook  the  long  and  dangerous 
journey  from  Missouri  to  San  Antonio  de  Bejar  with 
that  object.  Having  taken  into  council  and  concerted 
plans  with  his  son,  Stephen  Fuller — by  which  it  was 
arranged  that  the  younger  Austin  should  proceed  to 
New  Orleans  to  make  preparatory  arrangements  for 
the  transportation  of  emigrants — Moses  Austin  pro 
ceeded  on  his  journey,  and  arrived  at  San  Antonio  at 
the  beginning  of  December  1820.  At  first  he  only 
met  with  rebuff  and  disappointment.  Although  in 
1799  he  had  become  a  naturalized  Spanish  subject  in 
upper  Louisiana,  he  had  failed  to  provide  himself  with 
the  necessary  passport  before  starting  on  his  journey, 
and  when  he  presented  himself  before  the  governor, 
he  was  peremptorily  ordered  to  leave  the  province 
immediately.  In  bitterness  of  heart  he  left  the  gov 
ernor's  house  to  make  preparations  for  his  departure, 
but  on  crossing  the  plaza  he  met  Baron  de  Bastrop,3 

3  Felipe  Henrique  Neri,  Baron  de  Bastrop,  was  a  native  of  Prussia,  and 
served  as  a  soldier  of  fortune  under  Frederick  the  Great.  He  afterward 
entered  the  service  of  the  king  of  Spain,  who  sent  him  on  a  special  mission  to 
Mexico.  While  Louisiana  was  under  the  dominion  of  Spain,  he  obtained  a 


58  COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPRESABIO  SYSTEM. 

with  whom  he  had  been  acquainted  many  years  before. 
Bastrop  interested  himself  in  Austin's  undertaking, 
and  by  his  influence  a  second  interview  was  obtained 
with  Governor  Martinez,  who,  after  some  deliberation, 
forwarded  Austin's  memorial  to  Arredondo,  the  com 
mandant  general  of  the  eastern  internal  provinces, 
with  a  strong  recommendation  in  its  favor  from  the 
local  authorities  of  the  province. 

Leaving  the  matter  thus  pending,  Austin  started 
on  his  return  in  January  1821.  The  privations  and 
sufferings  which  he  underwent  on  this  journey  were 
most  severe.  He  was  frequently  obliged  to  cross  the 
swollen  rivers  and  creeks  by  swimming  or  rafting, 
and  as  the  country  between  San  Antonio  and  the 
Sabine  was  then  a  desolate  wilderness,  all  settlements 
having  been  destroyed  after  Long's  inroad  in  1819, 
he  was  pinched  with  hunger.  The  exposure,  hard 
ships,  and  fatigue  broke  down  his  health.  He  reached 
Natchitoches  in  an  exhausted  condition  and  afflicted 
with  a  cold  which  had  settled  on  his  lungs.  After 
recruiting  his  strength  somewhat,  he  resumed  his 
journey  and  arrived  at  Missouri  in  the  spring.  But 
his  constitution  was  undermined;  the  cold  on  his 
lungs  terminated  in  inflammation;  and  on  June  10, 
1821,  he  breathed  his  last,  having  received  a  few  days 
before  information  that  his  petition  had  met  with 
success.  He  was  in  his  57th  year  when  he  died.4 

In  order  better  to  understand  the  difficulties  and 

grant  of  30  miles  square  between  the  Mississippi  and  Red  rivers,  400,000 
acres  of  which  he  ceded  to  Aaron  Burr,  on  which  the  latter  intended  to  plant 
a  colony  as  a  nucleus  for  his  meditated  expedition  against  Mexico.  When 
Louisiana  was  re-ceded  to  France,  Bastrop  became  a  citizen  of  San  Antonio  de 
Be"jar,  in  which  city  he  was  one  of  the  alcaldes  when  Austin  visited  it.  In 
1824  he  became  land  commissioner,  and  in  that  year  as  well  as  in  1827  he 
represented  'icxas  in  the  legislature  of  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas.  He 
died  in  1828  or  1829.  Thrall's  Hist.  Tex.,  498. 

4  This  sketch  of  the  life  of  Moses  Austin  is  mainly  derived  from  the  account 
given  by  his  son  Stephen  in  1829,  to  the  settlers  in  'Austin's  colony,'  copy  of 
which  will  be  found  in  Whites  Col.  Laios,  i.  559-61.  Kennedy,  having  had 
before  him  the  Btofjrap/itcal  Notice  of  Mows  Austin,  by  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar, 
supplies  some  few  particulars  not  noticed  by  the  son.  Texas,  i.  310-13,  310- 
18.  Mrs  Holley  and  subsequent  writers  add  nothing  of  importance  to  the 
biography  of  Moses  Austin  obtained  from  the  above  authorities. 


AMERICANS  IN  TEXAS.  59 

delays  which  attended  the  establishment  of  this  first 
Anglo-American  colony  in  Texas,  it  is  necessary  to 
glance  at  the  internal  affairs  of  Mexico,  and  note  the 
various  changes  of  government  which  occurred  dur 
ing  the  next  three  years.  The  proclamation  of  the 
plan  of  Iguala  by  Iturbide,  in  February  1821,  was 
responded  to  all  over  New  Spain  by  revolutionary 
patriots  and  royalist  commanders  alike,  and  O'Don- 
oju's  recognition  of  the  independence  of  Mexico  by 
the  treaty  of  Cordova,  in  August  of  the  same  year, 
terminated  the  long  struggle,  and  freed  the  country 
forever  from  the  Spanish  yoke.  On  the  occupation 
of  the  capital,  September  27th,  by  the  army  of  the 
three  guarantees,  a  provisional  government  was  im 
mediately  formed,  consisting  of  a  'junta  gubernativa,' 
and  a  regency  which  represented  the  absent  monarch 
—whoever  he  might  be — who  was  expected  to  accept 
the 'throne  of  Mexico.5  In  five  months'  time  the 
junta  resigned  its  powers  to  the  national  congress, 
which  was  installed  February  24,  1822,  and  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  regency  lasted  till  May  19th  follow 
ing,  when  Iturbide  was  proclaimed  emperor  by  a 
popular  emeute,  which  compelled  the  congress  to  rat 
ify  the  wishes  of  the  rabble.  His  empire  only  lasted 
till  March  1823,  when  he  in  turn  was  forced  to  abdi 
cate  by  a  revolution  initiated  by  Santa  Anna.  Then 
followed  a  republic  under  a  supreme  executive  power, 
which  in  1824  was  changed  to  a  federal  system  in 
imitation  of  the  government  of  the  United  States. 
Thus  in  the  space  of  four  years  there  were  no  less 
than  four  different  forms  of  government. 

When  Moses  Austin  died  he  left  an  injunction  that 
his  son  Stephen,  then  in  New  Orleans,  should  prose- 

5  According  to  the  treaty  of  Cordova,  Mexico  was  declared  an  independent 
empire,  and  princes  of  Spain  were  to  be  invited  to  reign  over  it  in  the  follow 
ing  order:  In  the  first  place,  Fernando  VII.,  catholic  king  of  Spain;  by  his 
renunciation  or  non-admission,  his  brother  Carlos;  for  the  same  reasons,  next 
after  him,  his  other  brother,  Francisco  de  Paula;  next  Carlos  Luis,  a  prince 
of  Spain;  and  in  case  of  his  renouncing  or  not  accepting,  then  such  person  as 
the  imperial  cdrtes  may  designate.  Hist.  Mex.,  iv.  728,  note  40,  this  series. 


60  COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPRESAEIO  SYSTEM. 

cute  the  enterprise.  The  memorial  presented  by  the 
father  was  granted  January  17,  1821,  by  the  supreme 
government  of  the  eastern  internal  provinces,  the 
grant  giving  him  permission  to  introduce  300  families 
into  Texas.  In  energy  and  perseverance  Stephen  F. 
Austin  was  in  all  respects  his  father's  counterpart. 
Having  received  information  of  the  appointment  of  a 
special  commissioner  by  Governor  Martinez  to  com 
municate  the  result  of  the  application  and  conduct  the 
families  into  the  country,  Stephen  repaired  to  Natch- 
itoches,  where  he  met  the  commissioner,  Erasmo 
Seguin.  He  then  proceeded  with  seventeen  compan 
ions  and  Seguin  to  San  Antonio  de  Bejar,  where  he 
arrived  August  10th.  He  was  officially  received  by 
the  governor,  who  gave  him  permission  to  explore 
the  country  on  the  Colorado  River  and  select  an  ad 
vantageous  position  for  the  settlement.  Accordingly 
he  proceeded  to  La  Bahia,  and  thence  commenced  his 
explorations,  which  were  continued  as  far  as  practica 
ble  up  the  Colorado  and  Brazos  rivers.  Being  con 
vinced  of  the  fertility  of  this  tract  of  country,  he 
returned  to  Louisiana,  and  published  in  the  papers 
particulars  of  the  scheme.  Austin  had  furnished  a. 
plan  for  the  distribution  of  land  to  settlers,  which  the 
governor  had  approved.  It  was  to  the  effect  that 
each  head  of  a  family  was  to  receive  640  acres,  320 
acres  in  addition  for  the  wife  should  there  be  one, 
100  acres  in  addition  for  each  child,  and  80  acres  in 
addition  for  each  slave.  Each  single  man  also  would 
obtain  a  grant  of  640  acres.  The  conditions  imposed 
on  the  grantee,  as  set  forth  in  the  official  document 
of  January  17,  1821,  were:  that  the  colonists  intro 
duced  should  be  catholics,  or  agree  to  become  so, 
before  entering  the  Spanish  territory ;  that  they  should 
be  provided  with  credentials  of  good  character  and 
habits ;  should  take  the  necessary  oath  to  be  obedient 
in  all  things  to  the  government ;  to  take  up  arms  in 
its  defence  against  all  enemies;  to  be  faithful  to  the 


TERMS  OF  SETTLEMENT.  61 

king;  and  to  observe  the  political  constitution  of  the 
Spanish  monarchy.6 

As  a  fund  was  indispensable  for  the  establishment 
of  the  colony,  it  was  advertised  that  each  settler  would 
have  to  pay  twelve  and  a  half  cents  per  acre  for  his 
land,  Austin  taking  upon  himself  the  cost  of  survey 
ing,  procuring  titles,  and  all  other  expenses.  The 
money  was  to  be  paid  in  instalments  after  receipt  of 
title.  A  portion  of  it  was  also  designed  for  purposes 
of  government,  defence  against  hostile  Indians,  and  to 
furnish  supplies  for  poor  immigrants.  He  moreover 
considered  that  he  was  entitled  to  provide  means  of 
remunerating  himself  for  his  labors  and  expenses,  as 
well  as  promote  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  the 
colony.  Indeed,  he  had  consulted  Governor  Martinez 
on  the  matter,  who  could  see  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  the  government  would  interfere  with  any  private 
arrangement  of  that  nature. 

The  project  attracted  attention,  and  was  viewed 
with  favor  by  many  persons.  In  December  1821 
the  first  colonists  arrived,  and  the  new  settlement  was 
commenced  on  the  Brazos  River  at  the  Bahia  cross 
ing  ;  but  difficulties,  hardships,  and  much  suffering 
were  encountered.  During  the  first  few  years  un 
yielding  perseverance  and  forbearance  had  to  be  put 
in  practice.  Supplies  of  food,  seed  corn,  and  imple 
ments  several  times  failed  to  reach  their  destination. 
The  schooner  Lively,  from  New  Orleans,  had  been 
lost  at  sea  in  November  1821,  and  the  heavy  expense 
which  her  fitting-out  had  caused  was  of  no  benefit  to 
the  settlement.  Another  cargo,  which  reached  the 
mouth  of  the  Colorado,  the  place  of  rendezvous,  was 
destroyed  by  the  Karankaways  in  the  autumn  of  1822, 
and  the  settlers  were  reduced  to  great  distress,  having 
to  subsist  on  the  produce  of  the  chase,  to  provide 
which  was  difficult  and  dangerous,  owing  to  the  hostil 
ity  of  the  Indians.7 

6  White's  Col.  Laws,  i.  586-7. 

7  During  this  period  the  condition  of  Texas  was  so  deplorable,  owing  to 


62  COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPRESAJUO  SYSTEM. 

In  March  1822  Austin  repaired  to  San  Antonio 
to  report  progress,  and  there  learned  for  the  first 
time  that  under  the  change  in  political  affairs  he 
would  have  to  obtain  from  the  Mexican  congress  a 
confirmation  of  the  grant  conceded  to  his  father  by  the 
Spanish  government,  and  receive  special  instructions 
relative  to  the  distribution  of  land,  and  other  details 
connected  with  the  grant.  This  was  a  sore  disap 
pointment.  He  would  have  to  travel  1,200  miles  by 
land  on  roads  infested  by  banditti  and  deserters,  and 
he  was  ill  prepared  for  such  a  journey.  Nevertheless 
he  did  not  flinch  from  the  undertaking,  but  disguised 
in  ragged  clothes  and  a  blanket,  passed  himself  off  as 
a  poor  traveller  going  to  Mexico  to  petition  for  com 
pensation  for  services  in  the  revolution.  He  reached 
the  capital  in  safety  on  April  29,  1822.  A  long 
delay,  however,  occurred  before  Austin  could  obtain 
attention  to  his  business.  Iturbide  was  proclaimed 
emperor  soon  after  his  arrival;  then  followed  the  dis 
solution  of  congress,  and  the  establishment  of  a  'junta 
instituyente ; '  such  political  changes  were  not  favorable 
to  despatch.  Moreover,  several  petitions  to  establish 
colonies  had  been  presented  at  this  time,  and  though 
Austin  tried  to  procure  a  special  law  in  his  favor,  a 
committee  was  appointed  to  frame  a  general  coloniza 
tion  law,  which  when  drawn  up  was  slowly  discussed 
in  detail.  Then  when  the  congress  was  dissolved  a 
new  committee  was  nominated  by  the  junta  institu 
yente,  and  the  work  was  begun  again.  Finally  a  law 
was  passed,  approved  by  the  emperor,  and  promul 
gated  January  4,  1823.8  The  next  step  was  to  obtain 
a  recognition  of  his  claim ;  and  fortunately  the  minis 
ter  of  relations,  Jose  Manuel  Herrera,  and  the  sub- 
minister,  Andres  Quintana,  were  favorable  to  the 
immigration  of  foreigners,  besides  other  influential 
persons,  among  whom  may  be  mentioned  Aiiastacio 

the  inroads  of  Indians,  that  all  imports,  native  or  foreign,  were  made  free  of 
duty  for  seven  years.  Mex.  Ouia  de  Hoc.,  iv.  21-2. 

8  It  was  suspended,  however,  a  few  months  later,  on  the  fall  of  Iturbide. 


AUSTIN  IN  MEXICO.  63 

Bustamante,  then  captain-general  of  the  internal  prov 
inces.  The  claim,  moreover,  of  Austin  was  a  valid 
one,  and  he  was  able  to  place  his  petition  before  the 
council  of  state  in  such  strong  light  that  on  January 
the  14th  that  body  reported  favorably,  and  on  Feb 
ruary  18,  1823,  an  imperial  decree  was  published  con 
firming  the  original  grant  made  in  favor  of  Moses 
Austin  by  Spanish  authorities. 

When  Austin  was  about  to  leave  the  capital,  Feb 
ruary  23d,  he  was  still  further  detained  by  the  politi 
cal  convulsion  which  terminated  in  the  abdication  of 
Iturbide  on  the  1 9th  of  March,  and  the  congressional 
decree  of  April  8th  annulling  all  the  acts  of  his  gov 
ernment.  In  consequence  of  this  decree  Austin  was 
again  compelled  to  petition  congress  to  confirm  the 
concession  granted  by  Iturbide.  That  body  referred 
his  memorial  to  the  supreme  executive  power,  and  at 
the  same  time — by  decree  of  April  llth — suspended 
the  colonization  law  of  January  4,  1823.  On  April 
14th  the  supreme  executive  confirmed  the  imperial 
decree  of  February  18,  1823.  Thus  after  a  year  of 
anxiety  Austin  was  enabled  to  return  with  his  grant 
confirmed  by  the  Mexican  governments  which  had 
been  in  power  during  that  time. 

With  regard  to  the  government  of  the  new  colony, 
it  was  committed,  in  general  terms,  to  Austin,  by  the 
decree  of  February  18,  1823,9  and  on  his  arrival  at 
Monterey  he  applied  to  the  commandant  general,  then 
Felipe  de  la  Garza,  for  special  instructions.  The  ap 
plication  was  referred  to  the  provincial  deputation  of 
Nuevo  Leon,'  Coahuila,  and  Texas,  which  passed  a 
resolution  to  the  effect  that  Austin's  powers  under  the 
above-mentioned  decree  were  full  and  ample  as  to  the 

9  The  decree  translated  reads  thus :  '  He  is  authorized  to  organize  the  colo 
nists  into  a  body  of  national  militia,  to  preserve  tranquillity,  rendering  an  ac 
count  to  the  governor  of  lexas,  and  acting  under  his  orders,  and  those  of  the 
captain-general  of  the  province;  also,  until  the  government  of  the  settlement 
is  organized,  he  is  charged  with  the  administration  of  justice,  settling  all 
differences  which  may  arise  among  the  inhabitants,  and  perserving  good  order 
and  tranquillity;  rendering  an  account  to  the  government  of  any  remarkable 
event  that  may  occur. '  Whites  Col.  Laws,  i.  593-4. 


64          COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPRESAKIO  SYSTEM. 

administration  of  justice,  and  the  civil  government  of 
the  colony ;  that  he  was  empowered  to  command  the 
militia,  with  the  rank,  as  a  militia  officer,  of  lieutenant- 
colonel;  that  he  could  make  war  on  the  Indian  tribes 
which  molested  the  settlement;  could  introduce  sup 
plies  by  the  harbor  of  Galveston  for  the  colony  during 
its  infancy — in  short,  govern  the  colony,  in  all  civil, 
judicial,  and  military  matters,  without  copies  of  laws, 
until  the  government  was  otherwise  organized  and 
copies  of  the  laws  provided.  He  was  to  render  an  ac 
count  of  his  acts  to  the  governor  of  Texas,  and  be 
subject  to  him  and  the  commandant  general.  The 
local  government  was  thus  committed  to  him  with  ex 
tensive  powers,  without  specific  instructions  of  any 
kind,  or  the  guidance  of  written  laws.10 

Austin  now  proceeded  on  his  way  to  Texas,  and 
Luciano  Garcia,  then  governor,  appointed,  July  17th, 
Baron  de  Bastrop  commissioner  to  survey  lands  for 
the  colonists,  and  extend>  in  concert  with  Austin, 
titles  to  them  in  the  name  of  the  government.  By 
an  official  act,  Garcia,  on  the  26th  of  the  same  month, 
gave  the  name  of  San  Felipe  de  Austin  to  the  future 
capital  of  the  new  colony.  In  August  the  commis 
sioner  commenced  his  duties;  the  town  was  laid  out, 
and  the  land-office  opened.  When  Austin  arrived,  in 
company  with  Bastrop,  he  found  the  settlement  almost 
abandoned  in  consequence  of  his  long  detention  in 
Mexico.  Many  of  the  settlers  had  retired  to  other 
localities,  and  with  the  immigrants  who  kept  arriving 
had  settled  around  Nacogdoches,  and  on  the  Trinity 
and  Ayist  Bayou  rivers.  Immigration,  too,  had  al 
most  ceased,  while  those  who  abandoned  Austin's 
colony,  having  no  titles  to  the  lands  they  had  occu 
pied,  were  liable  to  ejection  by  the  government. 

10  Austin,  To  the  Settlers,  in  Id.,  i.  571-2.  The  particulars  in  the  above 
account  have  been  obtained  from  Tex.  Translation  of  Laws,  etc.,  6-19 — the 
introduction  to  which  was  written  by  Austin,  and  is  a  history  of  the  estab 
lishment  of  his  colony.  Kennedy's  Tex.,  i.  318-27;  Yoakums  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  211- 
27;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii.  25;  Filisola,  Mem.  Hist.  Ouer.  Tex.,  i.  123-6; 
Col  Dec.  Sob.  Cong.  Mex.,  110-11;  Mex.  Col.  Leyes,  Ord.  y  Dec.,  ii.  94;  Holley's 
Tex.,  284-7 j  Texas  Almanac,  1859,  157-8;  Foote's  Texas,  i.  221-3. 


LAND  GRANTS.  65 

Nevertheless,  in  spite  of  this  disheartening  state  of 
affairs,  the  news  of  his  return  and  the  success  of  his 
undertaking  attracted  settlers  in  such  numbers  that 
in  1824  the  stipulated  300  families  had  arrived.11 
Bastrop's  labors  having  been  interrupted  by  his  duties 
as  a  member  of  the  deputation  of  Texas,  and  a  second 
time  in  consequence  of  his  having  been  elected  a 
member  of  the  legislature  of  the  state  of  Coahuila  and 
Texas.12  Gasper  Flores  was  specially  commissioned 
to  complete  the  work.  By  the  end  of  the  year  the 
land  titles  and  surveys  were  all  settled  and  the  colony 
commenced  its  prosperous  career. 

I  have  already  mentioned  that  the  colonization  law 
promulgated  January  4,  1823,  was  suspended  on  the 
fall  of  Iturbide.  Austin's  grant  had  been,  neverthe 
less,  confirmed  in  conformity  with  that  law,  and  the 
new  settlers,  instead  of  receiving  land  in  the  quanti 
ties  and  proportions  as  advertised  by  him,  had  much 
larger  allotments  assigned  to  them.  Heads  of  fam 
ilies  each  received  one  square  league,  or  sitio,  of  graz 
ing  land,  and  one  labor  of  tillage  land,13  in  all  4,605 
acres,  while  an  unmarried  man  was  granted  one  quar 
ter  of  a  square  league.14 

Austin  saw  that  to  discharge  the  duties  connected 
with  the  civil  and  judicial  administrations,  and  at  the 
same  time  manage  the  colonial  land  business,  was  be 
yond  his  power.  During  his  absence  the  settlement 
had  been  divided  into  two  alcalde  districts  by  Jose 
Felix  Trespalacios,  then  governor  of  Texas.  These 
Austin  continued,  and  likewise  formed  additional 

11 A  list  of  the  names  of  the  original  300  colonists  introduced  by  Austin  is 
supplied  by  Baker,  who  obtained  it  from  the  records  of  the  land-office.  Bak 
ers,  Texas,  557-61. 

12  Coahuila  and  Texas  were  formed  in  one  state  in  1824. 

13  The  square  league  was  a  tract  5,000  varas  square,  and  contained  4,428 
acres.     The  labor  was  1,000  varas  square,  or  one  twenty-fifth  part  of  a  sitio. 
It  contained  177  acres.     Five  sitios  composed  one  hacienda.   Coloniz.  Law  of 
1823,  inHolley's  Tex.,  197-8. 

14  Dewecs'  Letters,  49.     Dewees,  however,  makes  the  square  league  4,444 
acres,  which  is  incorrect,  the  vara  being  approximately  33|  inches. 

HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II. 


66  COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPRESARIO  SYSTEM. 

ones  as  occasion  required,  directing  that  in  such  cases 
the  justice  should  be  chosen  by  popular  election.  To 
these  alcaldes  he  gave  jurisdiction  in  civil  matters  to 
the  extent  of  $200,  the  suitors  having  the  right  of 
appeal  to  himself  in  all  sums  over  twenty-five  dollars. 
He  also  drew  up  a  civil  and  judicial  code  of  provis 
ional  regulations,  which  was  approved  by  the  gov 
ernor.  In  September  1824  he  nominated  Samuel  M. 
Williams  secretary  of  the  local  government,  which 
appointment  was  also  approved,  and  with  his  assist- 
tance  opened  a  book  of  record,  in  which  all  land  docu 
ments  and  title  deeds  were  registered.15 

But  it  mattered  not  how  deeply  he  had  at  heart 
the  welfare  of  his  colonists,  or  how  drudgingly  and 
gratuitously  he  toiled  in  their  behalf;  it  mattered  not 
how  great  was  the  responsibility  under  which  he  lay, 
or  how  often  he  untied  his  purse-strings  to  secure  to 
the  penniless  immigrant  his  grant  of  land  and  supply 
his  wants — there  would  be  growlers.  When  the  time 
arrived  for  the  payment  of  the  twelve  and  a  half  cents 
per  acre,  charged  upon  the  lands  by  agreement  for 
the  formation  of  a  fund,  partly  to  be  employed  in 
meeting  the  expenses  of  government,  and  partly  in 
reimbursing  Austin  for  outlays  made  by  him,  violent 
opposition  was  raised.  It  was  loudly  asserted  that  he 
was  selling  the  lands  to  the  settlers;  that  he  was  ex 
acting  payments  which  he  had'no  legal  right  to  claim ; 
that  in  fact  he  was  speculating  upon  the  immigrants. 
Austin  considered  that  he  had  entered  into  an  equi 
table  contract  with  them  in  a  public  and  open  manner; 
but  from  the  temper  displayed,  he  saw  that  to  attempt 
to  enforce  his  claims  would  jeopardize  the  object  he 
had  in  view  of  colonizing  the  country.  Therefore, 
although  many  were  willing  to  comply  with  their  en 
gagements,  he  not  only  desisted  from  his  demands,  but 
declined  to  accept  payment  from  any  unless  it  were 
made  by  all.  The  result  was,  that  under  the  original 
contracts  he  never  received  a  dollar,  and  the  payments 

15  Tex.  Translation  of  Laws,  etc.,  21-2. 

I 


LAWS  NEEDED.  67 

on  land  titles  were  -regulated  by  a  fee-bill  published 
by  the  governor  of  Texas,  May  20,  1824,  covering 
commissioners'  fees,  surveying  expenses,  and  other 
costs. 

Then,  again,  the  assistance  rendered  to  poor  immi 
grants  by  Austin,  who  procured  for  them  the  means 
of  defraying   the    fees  on   their   lands,  and    settling 
thereon,  aroused  the  jealousy  of  others,  who  charged 
him  with  partiality,  and  with  making  unjust  distinc 
tions.     His  extensive  and  discretionary  powers,  also, 
with  regard  to  the  reception  of  settlers,  the  govern 
ment  of  the  colony,  and  the  distribution  of  land  ex 
posed    him  continually  to  abuse.     Every  act  of  his 
was   closely  watched    by  severely  scrutinizing   eyes. 
The  men  he  had  to  deal  with  were  a  mixed  multitude, 
ignorant  of  the  language  and  laws  of  their  adopted 
country,  and  many  of  them  turbulent  spirits.     With 
no  interpreters  among  them,  they  had  no  means  of 
gaining  any  information  as  to  the  orders  of  the  gov 
ernment  and  the  laws,  except  through  Austin  and  his 
secretary;  and    though    these  indefatigable   workers, 
with  infinite  toil,  supplied  them  with  translations  in 
manuscript,  the  settlers  were  suspicious,  captious,  and 
uncompromising.     They  made  no    allowance  for    his 
peculiar  position,  but  expected  to  find   in   an   infant 
colony  the  regularity  and  organized  system  which  only 
the  experience  of  a  long-established  community  can 
develop.     Austin    was   greatly   embarrassed   by   the 
want  of  a  written   code   of  laws,  the   exhibition    of 
which  in  support  of  his  official  acts  was  incessantly 
demanded  with  clamorous  emphasis.     Moreover,  while 
his  discretionary  powers  were  regarded  with  aversion 
on  the  one  hand,  and  objected  to,  they  were  indorsed 
and  appealed  to  when  avarice  could  be  gratified  by 
the   exercise  of  them.     Greedy  immigrants,  not  con 
tent  with  their  square  league  of  land,  demanded  more, 
and  when  it  was  refused,  conceived  themselves  treated 
with  injustice  by  one  who  could  comply  with  their 
wishes  if  he  chose.     The  greatest  patience  and  for- 


68  COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPEESABJO  SYSTEM. 

bearance  were  necessary  to  deal  with  such  settlers, 
and  prevent  the  refractory  from  producing  a  state  of 
anarchy  which  would  have  ruined  the  prospects  of 
the  colony.  Yet  with  so  much  prudence  and  moder 
ation,  so  much  of  temperate  compliance  and  firm  re 
fusal,  did  Austin  manage  the  affairs,  that  though  on. 
more  than  one  occasion  dissension  was  so  violent  and 
popular  excitement  rose  so  high  as  to  require  his  ut 
most  energy  to  allay  them,  no  blood  was  ever  shed  in 
civil  strife,  and  as  time  passed  on  he  gained  the  gen 
eral  confidence  and  esteem  of  the  settlers.16 

The  idea  prevailed  in  the  United  States  and  Europe 
that  the  early  colonists  of  Austin's  settlement  were 
composed  of  fugitives  from  justice,  and  criminals  from 
all  countries.  This  erroneous  opinion  is  rebutted  by 
Austin,  who,  in  1829,  says  that  naturally  some  fugi 
tives  would  find  their  way  into  the  country,  but  meas 
ures  were  taken  at  an  early  day,  both  by  the  govern 
ment  and  himself,  to  shield  Texas  from  that  evil. 
During  1823  and  1824  he  banished  several  from  the 
colony,  under  the  severest  threats  of  corporal  punish 
ment  if  they  returned,  and  in  one  instance  inflicted  it. 
The  fact  that  he  had  no  force  with  which  to  expel 
these  intruders,  except  the  militia  composed  of  the 
settlers  themselves,  proves  that  the  men  of  that  class 
were  very  few  in  his  colony.  His  settlement,  he 
maintained,  as  regarded  morality  and  the  commission 
of  crime,  could  bear  favorable  comparison  with  any 
county  in  the  United  States,  however  celebrated  for 
its  exemption  from  criminal  offences.17 

16 Id.,  26-9.  Austin  to  Edwards,  1825,  in  Footers  Tex.,  i.  302-4.  Foote 
writes — /(/.,  300 — 'It  is  confidently  believed  that  at  the  period  of  the  death 
of  this  extraordinary  personage ...  there  was  not  a  man,  women,  or  child 
in  all  Texas .  .  .  who  was  not  inclined  to  do  hearty  homage  to  the  extraordinary 
wisdom  and  unsurpassed  virtues  of  this  efficient  and  truly  philanthropic 
champion  of  free  institutions.'  Mrs  Holley  says:  'Amidst  all  the  slanderous 
imputations  that  have  been  uttered  against  him,  he  finds  sufficient  consola 
tion  in  the  general  confidence  of  all  the  intelligent  and  worthy  part  of  the 
settlers.'  Texas,  294. 

17  Tex.  Translation  of  Laivs,  etc.,  29.  Yet  Filisola  goes  so  far  as  to  say 
that  he  was  robbed  of  all  the  fruits  of  his  toil  and  hardships  by  a  second  del 
uge  of  adventurers  and  criminals;  'los  que  en  realidad  le  arrebatara  despues 
el  nuevo  alubion  que  sobrevino  de  aventureros  y  criminales  con  que  se 


INCOMING  FAMILIES.  69 

Austin's  colony  was  an  exceptional  one.  No  speci 
fied  limits  had  ever  been  assigned  to  his  grant,  and 
his  immigrants,  being  of  a  rambling  disposition,  had 
scattered  themselves  over  a  large  extent  of  country, 
each  settling  in  the  locality  which  most  pleased  him. 
Although  this  dispersion  at  first  was  attended  with 
inconvenience  and  additional  expense  in  the  matters 
of  government  and  protection,  it  was  permitted  in  the 
belief  that,  if  the  settlers  could  sustain  themselves 
against  Indian  attacks,  the  expansion,  by  affording 
facilities  to  new  immigrants,  would  be  of  more  ulti 
mate  benefit  to  the  country  than  a  cluster  of  coter 
minous  grants.  The  advantage  of  this  system  in  time 
became  apparent,  when  provisions  could  be  procured 
in  all  directions,  without  the  necessity  of  transporta 
tion  from  places  far  distant.  As  all  the  intervening 
vacant  lands  were  public  domain,  Austin  now  turned 
his  attention  to  settling  them,  and  in  1824  and  1825 
made  several  petitions  to  the  state  government  with 
that  object.  The  result  was,  that  on  May  20,  1825, 
permission  was  granted  him  to  settle  500  families  on 
the  unoccupied  lands  lying  within  his  colony,  the 
limits  of  which  were  still  undefined.18 

After  the  Mexican  provinces  had  declared  them 
selves  free,  and  possessed  of  sovereign  rights,  and  the 
federal  system  had  been  established,  a  national  coloni- 


aumentd  la  poblacion,  y  que  se  apoderaron  de  sus  tierras. '  Mem.  Hist.  Guerra 
Tej.,  i.  137. 

18  Tex.  Translation  of  Laics,  etc.,  20-1.  Austin  signed  the  contract  June 
4th,  from  which  date  it  took  effect.  He  had  previously  applied  for  a  contract 
to  settle  300  families,  which  being  granted,  the  number  was  afterward  in 
creased  to  500.  See  the  contract  in  White's  Col.  Laws,  i.  610-13.  The  limits 
of  the  colony  were  thus  denned  March  7,  1827:  'Commencing  on  the  west 
bank  of  the  river  San  Jacinto,  at  the  termination  of  the  ten-league  reserve  ' — 
art.  4  of  the  national  colonization  law,  and  art.  7  of  that  of  Coahuila  and 
Texas — '  from  the  gulf  of  Mexico,  and  thence  following  the  right  bank  of  said 
river  to  its  head,  thence  due  north  to  the  road  leading  from  Bexar  to  Nacog- 
doches;  thence  following  said  road  westwardly,  to  a  point  from  whence  a  line 
due  south  will  strike  the  La  Baca  to  within  ten  leagues  of  the  gulf  of  Mexico, 
and  thence  eastwardly  along  the  said  ten-league  line,  parallel  with  the  coast, 
to  the  place  of  beginning.'  /&.;  Report  of  the  gov.  of  Coah.,  in  Tornel,  Tex.  y 
Estad.  UnicL,  28. 


70          COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPRESABIO  SYSTEM. 

zation  law  was  enacted  August  18,  1824,19  one  of  the 
items  of  which  authorized  the  legislatures  of  the  dif 
ferent  states  to  form  colonization  laws  for  the  occu 
pancy  of  the  public  domains  within  their  respective 
territories,  on  terms  that  were  not  at  variance  with 
the  federal  constitution.  Accordingly,  the  newly 
formed  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,20  having  organized 
its  government,  the  legislature,  on  March  24,  1825, 
decreed  such  a  law.21  It  will  be  observed  by  referring 
to  this  law,  and  to  the  one  enacted  by  the  junta  insti- 
tutiva,  January  4,  1823,  that  the  policy  pursued,  in 
order  to  procure  the  settlement  of  unoccupied  terri 
tory  by  foreigners,  was  to  confer  tracts  of  the  public 
domains  upon  persons  who  should  introduce  at  their 
own  expense  a  certain  number  of  immigrant  families. 
This  plan  is  known  as  the  'empresario  system.725  The 
regulations  with  regard  to  this  system  of  colonization 
were  as  follow:  The  empresario  first  presented  a 
memorial  to  the  state  government  asking  for  permis 
sion  to  colonize  certain  waste  lands  which  were  desig 
nated,  as  well  as  the  number  of  families  he  proposed 
to  introduce.  To  afford  ample  choice  to  the  settlers, 
the  tract  designated  and  usually  conceded  by  the  gov 
ernment  was  greatly  in  excess  of  the  appropriation  to 
be  finally  made ;  but  after  the  establishment  of  the 
settlement  and  the  completion  of  the  allotments  to  the 
colonists,  and  the  assignment  of  the  '  premium  land ' 
to  the  empresario,  all  surplus  land  reverted  to  the 
state.  The  distribution  of  the  allotments  was  under 
the  control  of  a  commissioner,23  appointed  by  the  state 

19  Translations  will  be  found  in  White's  Col.  Laws,  i.  601-2;  Holley's  Texas, 
202^. 

20  By  decree  of  May  7,  1824.  Hist.  Mex.,  v.  22,  this  series;  Hex.  Col  Leyes 
Ord.  y  DecreL,  iii.  4G--7. 

21  Copy  in  Spanish  and  English  will  be  found  in  Coah.  Leyes  y  Decretos,  14- 
23. 

22 '  Empresario, '  meaning  '  contractor. ' 

23  The  commissioner  was  an  important  functionary.  His  duties  were  to 
examine  colonists' certificates;  to  administer  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  them; 
to  issue  the  land  titles;  and  appoint  the  surveyor.  He  selected  the  sites  for 
the  founding  of  towns;  established  ferries;  and  presided  at  the  popular  elec 
tions  for  the  appointment  of  ayuntamientos  of  new  towns,  and  inducted  the 
officers  chosen.  All  public  instruments,  titles,  or  documents  were  to  be 


LAND  REGULATIONS.  71 

government,  but  he  had  no  power  to  make  an  assign 
ment  without  the  approval  of  the  contractor.  If  the 
contractor  failed  to  introduce  the  stipulated  number 
of  families  within  the  term  of  six  years,  he  lost  his 
rights  and  privileges  in  proportion  to  the  deficiency, 
and  the  contract  was  totally  annulled  if  he  had  not 
succeeded  in  settling  100  families.  The  premium 
granted  to  a  contractor  was  five  square  leagues  of 
grazing  land  and  five  labores  of  tillage  land  for  each 
hundred  families,  but  he  could  not  acquire  premium 
on  more  than  800  families. 2i 

With  regard  to  the  settlers  comprehended  in  a  con 
tract,  each  family  whose  sole  occupation  was  farming 
received  177  acres — one  labor — of  agricultural  land; 
and  if  it  engaged  in  stock-raising  also,  a  grazing  tract 
sufficient  to  complete  a  square  league  was  added. 
Those  families  whose  sole  occupation  was  cattle-raising 
received  each  a  square  league,  less  177  acres.  An 
unmarried  man  received  one  fourth  of  the  above 
quantity.  The  government  of  the  state  alone  could 
increase  these  quantities  in  proportion  to  the  size  of  a 
family  and  the  industry  and  activity  of  colonists. 
Eleven  square  leagues  was  the  limit  of  land  that  could 
be  owned  by  the  same  hands  as  prescribed  by  the 
national  colonization  law. 

For  each  square  league,  or  sitio  as  it  was  denomi 
nated,  the  colonist  paid  an  emption  sum  of  $30  to  the 
state,  $2.50  for  each  labor  not  irrigable,  and  $3.50 
for  one  that  was  irrigable ;  but  these  payments  were 
not  demanded  till  after  the  expiration  of  six  years  from 
time  of  settlement,  and  then  only  in  three  instalments 
at  long  intervals.  Contractors  and  the  military  were 

written  in  the  Spanish  language,  and  he  was  required  to  form  and  furnish  a 
book  of  record  for  each  new  town.  Coah.  Leyes  y  Decretos,  70-3.  His  fees,  by 
decree  of  May  15,  1828,  were  fixed  at  $15  for  each  sitio  distributed,  $2  for 
each  labor  not  irrigable,  and  $2.50  for  each  irrigable  one.  Id.,  106.  By  de 
cree  of  Apr.  1,  1830,  the  surveyor's  fees  were  rated  at  $8  and  $3  respectively, 
for  the  survey  of  a  sitio  and  labor,  and  $1.50  for  that  of  a  town  lot.  Id.,  14l>. 
24  By  art.  12  of  the  national  colonization  law,  no  one  could  own  more  than 

11  square  leagues,  while  it  was  possible  for  a  contractor  to  own  over  forty. 
He  was,  however,  required  to  alienate  the  excess  by  sale  or  otherwise  within 

12  years.  Id.,  17. 


72  COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPRESARIO  SYSTEM. 

exempt  from  this  quittance.  The  incoming  settler  was, 
moreover,  subject  to  the  payment  of  the  commis 
sioner's  and  surveyor's  fees,  and  to  the  charges  for  the 
sheets  of  stamped  paper  on  which  the  order  for  the 
survey  was  granted  and  his  title  deed  issued.  With 
other  minor  items,  the  total  cost  of  a  sitio  was  about 
$180.25 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  terms  offered  to  for 
eigners  as  an  inducement  to  settle  in  Texas  were  most 
liberal.  There  are,  however,  two  points  noticeable  in 
this  famous  colonization  law  which  manifest  a  lack  of 
wisdom  in  the  framers ;  namely,  the  requirement  that 
the  foreign  settlers  should  take  oath  to  observe  the 
religion  prescribed  by  the  federal  constitution;  and 
the  preference  given  to  Mexicans.  In  the  first  case, 
the  condition,  if  scrupulously  carried  out,  would  ex 
clude  all  but  Roman  catholics,  and  to  a  great  extent 
defeat  the  object  of  the  law.  No  empresario  could 
have  introduced  any  large  number  of  colonists  under 
such  a  proviso  if  strictly  adhered  to,  and  few  would 
have  been  found  to  make  the  attempt  in  face  of 

20  More  general  regulations  contained  in  the  colonization  law  of  Coahuila 
and  Texas,  upon  which  I  have  drawn  for  the  above  details,  are  the  following: 
All  foreigners  were  not  only  at  liberty  to  settle  in  the  state,  but  were 
invited  to  do  so.  Settlers  were  required  to  profess  the  catholic  faith,  and 
prove  their  morality  and  good  habits;  they  could  then  project  the  formation 
of  new  towns  on  vacant  lands,  and  pursue  any  branch  of  industry  they  thought 
proper.  No  settlement  could  be  formed  within  20  leagues  of  the  boundary 
line  between  Mexico  and  the  United  States,  or  within  10  leagues  of  the  coast 
of  the  gulf  of  Mexico.  In  the  distribution  of  lands,  preference  was  to  be 
given  to  the  military  entitled  to  them,  and  to  Mexican  citizens  not  military. 
Indians  were  to  be  received  in  the  markets  of  colonial  towns  without  paying 
duty,  for  traffic  in  the  products  of  the  country,  and  if  they  declared  them 
selves  in  favor  of  the  religion  and  institutions  of  the  country,  were  to  be  ad 
mitted  as  settlers  on  the  same  terms  as  the  colonists.  The  government  would 
sell  to  Mexicans,  and  to  Mexicans  only,  such  lands  as  they  might  wish  to 

Eurchase,  to  the  extent  of  11  sitios.  Settlers  who  failed  to  cultivate  their 
in ds  within  six  years  lost  their  right  of  possession.  A  colonist  might  dis 
pose  of  his  land  by  testamentary  will,  but  no  such  land  could  be  held  in 
mortmain.  Foreigners  who  acquired  land  by  this  law  became  naturalized. 
During  the  first  ten  years,  counting  from  its  establishment,  a  new  settlement 
was  to  be  free  from  all  contributions,  except  in  war  time,  and  all  produce  of 
agriculture  and  industry  were  to  be  exempt  from  every  kind  of  duty.  Forty 
families  united  might  proceed  to  found  a  town,  and  one  of  not  less  than  200 
inhabitants  was  to  elect  an  ayuntamiento  provided  no  other  one  had  been 
established  within  8  leagues  of  it.  With  regard  to  the  introduction  of  slaves, 
new  settlers  were  to  be  subject  to  existing  laws  and  those  which  might  be 
later  enacted  on  the  matter. 


IMMIGRATION.  73 

almost  certain  loss.  The  consequence  was,  that  in 
practice  neither  the  contractors  nor  the  settlers  were 
at  all  scrupulous  about  the  matter,  and  in  this  point 
the  third  article  of  the  decree  became  almost  a  dead 
letter.26  In  the  second  case,  the  natural  result  was 
the  promotion  of  jealousy  and  ill  feeling  between  the 
foreign  immigrants  and  the  Mexican  settlers,  when 
harmonious  coalescence  ought  to  have  been  the  object 
aimed  at. 

After  the  promulgation  of  the  state  colonization 
law,  a  tide  of  immigration  into  Texas  set  in  from  the 
United  States,  which  in  a  few  years  converted  her 
wildernesses  and  wastes  into  thriving  farms  and  lucra 
tive  cattle-ranges ;  while  town  after  town,  busy  under 
the  impulse  of  progress,  sprung  up  in  rapid  succession. 
Empresarios  flocked  into  the  country,  bringing  settlers 
in  their  wake,  and  eager  immigrants,  in  no  connection 
with  contractors,  moved  into  Texas  at  their  own  ex 
pense  and  obtained  land  grants.  On  the  15th  of 
April,  1825,  Robert  Leftwich  and  Hayden  Edwards 
obtained  contracts,  the  former  to  introduce  200  fami 
lies,27  and  the  latter  800.  The  same  year  Green 
Dewitt  and  Martin  de  Leon  obtained  contracts,  the 
former  to  settle  300  families  in  the  district  south 
west  of  Austin's  colony,  and  the  latter  to  found  with 
150  families  a  villa,  to  be  named  Victoria,  on  the 
Guadalupe.28 

During  succeeding  years  numerous  other  contracts 
were  made,  and  nearly  the  whole  surface  of  Texas 
was  parcelled  out  to  different  empresarios ;  though 
none  of  these  fulfilled  their  contracts,  with  the  excep 
tion  of  Austin,  who  was  the  only  thoroughly  success- 

>2G  The  fi  f  th  article  calls  for  a  certificate  from  the  authorities  of  the  place 
whence  the  settler  migrated,  vouching  for  his  morality  and  good  habits,  and 
for  his  being  a  catholic. 

27  Leftwich's  contract  was  first  applied  for  in  1822,  when  Austin  was  in  the 
city  of  Mexico.  Tex.  Translation  of  Laws,  12,  note.  After  much  controversy, 
it  finally  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Nashville  Co.  of  Tennessee,  Leftwich  hav 
ing  been,  their  agent.  Deiuees'  Letters,  116. 

28 Ib.;  Yoakums  Hint.  Tex.,  i.  234;  Dewees  Letters,  115-16,  118. 


74          COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPRESARIO  SYSTEM. 

ful  contractor,  some  of  them  partially  colonized  their 
land  grants.  I  will  mention  the  principal  under 
takings  under  the  empresario  system. 

Benjamin  R.  Milam  contracted,  January  12,  1826, 
to  settle  300  families  in  the  district  lying  north-west 
of  the  San  Antonio  and  the  Nacogdoches  road,  be 
tween  the  Guadalupe  and  Colorado  rivers,  and  bounded 
on  the  north-west  by  a  line  parallel  with  the  road,  and 
fifteen  leagues  distant  from  it. 

James  Powers,  June  11,  1826,  engaged  to  form  a 
settlement  of  200  families  in  the  country  south  of 
Leon's  grant,  and  bounded  on  the  south  by  the 
Nueces  River. 

Me  Mullen  and  McGloin  contracted,  August  17, 
1826,  to  settle,  with  200  families,  the  district  lying 
west  of  the  ten-league  reserve  as  exhibited  on  Stephen 
Austin's  map  of  Texas,  1835. 

,  Joseph  Vehlein  contracted,  December  21,  1826,  to 
introduce  300  families  into  the  district  which  nearly 
corresponded  with  the  grants  of  Zavala  and  Whelin 
as  shown  on  the  same  map.  Vehlein's  grant,  how 
ever,  was  limited  by  the  twenty-league  border  line  on 
the  east,  and  the  ten-league  coast  reserve  on  the 
south. 

David  G.  Burnett,  December  22,  1826,  engaged  to 
colonize  with  300  families  the  land  grant  shown  under 
his  name  on  the  map. 

John  Cameron  contracted,  May  21,  1827,  to  settle 
100  families  on  a  grant  of  land  located  north  of  32° 
latitude  and.  west  of  102°  longitude.  On  August  18, 
1828,  he  also  obtained  a  large  grant  south  of  Red 
River. 

Stephen  Austin  obtained  a  grant  of  land  to  the 
west  of  Dewitt's  colony,  November  20,  1827,  for  the 
settlement  of  100  families;  and  in  1828  he  was  per 
mitted  by  the  federal  government  to  settle  the  ten- 
league  reserve  of  coast  land  lying  between  his  colony, 
and  the  sea.  In  February  1831  Austin,  in  partner 
ship  with  Samuel  Williams,  obtained  a  large  grantt 


ATTITUDE  OF  MEXICO.  75 

with  the  engagement  to  settle  thereon  800  Mexican 
and  other  families. 

Lorenzo  de  Zavala  acquired  his  grant  March  6, 
1829,  contracting  to  colonize  it  with  500  families. 

General  Vicente  Filisola  contracted,  October  12, 
1831,  to  colonize  with  600  foreign  families,  the  dis 
trict  designated  under  his  name  on  the  map.5 


29 


AUSTIN'S  MAP  OF  1835. 


Many  other  contracts  were  made,  some  of  which 
were  never  carried  into  effect,  and  the  grants  reverted 


76  COLONIZATION  AND  THE  EMPKESARIO  SYSTEM. 

to  the  government,  while  others  were  merged  in  new 
concessions.  But  though  the  empresarios  were  only 
partially  successful  in  their  enterprises,  Texas  wras 
steadily  progressing.  Her  population  increased  so 
rapidly  that  whereas  in  1821  the  number  of  her  in 
habitants,  exclusive  of  Indians,  did  not  exceed  3,500, 
in  1830  it  amounted  to  nearly  20,000 ;30  and  the 
natural  resources  of  the  country  were  already  greatly 
developed.  But  the  time  had  arrived  when  Mexico, 
by  her  misrule  and  jealous  apprehensions,  alienated 
these  thriving  settlements  of  a  free-spirited  race,  and 
drove  them  to  take  up  arms  in  defence  of  their 
rights.31 

29  The  above  list  of  empresarios  and  their  grants  is  obtained  from  Dewees1 
Letter*,  115-18,  and  the  report  of  the  governor  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  to  the 
supreme  government,  in  Torrid,  Tej.  y  Estad.  Unid.,  27-38.  The  first  edi 
tion  of  Austin's  map  was  published  in  18o3. 

**  Austin,  Espos.  sobre  Tejas,  8,  in  Pap.  Far.,  167,  no.  10;  Mex.  Apunt. 
Hist.  Guerra,  16;  Ramsey 's  Other  Side,  18;  Almonte,  Not.  Extad.  Tej.,  25,  50, 
67,  and  table  no.  4.  In  1827  the  population  was  estimated  at  about  10,OuO. 
La  Oposidon,  1  En.,  1S85,  2;  Cor.  Fed.  Mex.,  12  Mar.,  1827,  3. 

31  On  the  subject  of  the  colonization  of  Texas  and  the  empresario  system, 
the  authorities  that  have  been  consulted  are:  Tornel,  Tejas  ij  los  EE.  UU., 
£5-47;  Id.,  Hist.  Mex.,  147-58;  Zavala,  Viaye  d  los  Estados  Unidos,  149-52; 
Id.,  Rev.  Mex.,  ii.  128-9;  Mex.  Mem.  Relac.,  1823,  34;  Id.,  Mem.  Relac.t 
1831,  20;  Id.y  Col  Leyes,  1829-30,  102;  Id.,  Col.  Leyes,  6rd.  y  Dec.,  ii.  94, 
183;  Filisola,  Mem.  Hist.  Guerra  Tex.,  i.  Ill,  122-6,  130-41,  553-67;  Deweef 
Letters  from  Texas,  23-50,  112-19,  134-41;  Kennedys  Texas,  i.  270-2,  316-41, 
359-61,  377;  Hunt's  Address  to  People  of  Tex.,  11-A;  Swishers  Amer.  Sketch 
Book,  vol.  iv.,  no.  2,  pp.  154-5;  110.  4,  p.  201;  vol.  vi.,  no.  5,  pp.  365-75; 
Ludecus,  fieise,  56-8;  Austin,  E<posic.  sobre  Tejas,  8,  13-14;  Arrillaya,  Recop., 
1834,  47-50;  Domenech,  Journal  d'un  Miss/,  23-4;  Id.,  Miss.  Advent.,  20; 
Holley's  Texas,  195-231,  281-300,  309-10;  Houston  s  Texas,  i.  196-201;  Me- 
Cabe's  Comprehensive  View,  759-60;  La  Oposidon,  Jan.  1,  1835;  Niles  S.  Am. 
and  Mex.,  i.  252-6;  Id.,  Rej.,  xi.  207,  380;  xxiii.  80;  xxvii.  112;  xxx.  242; 
xxxi.  3;  Guerra  entre  Mex.  y  los  Est.  Un.,  16;  Guia  de  Hac.  Rep.  Mex.,  iv. 
21-2;  Mexico  in  1842,  6-7;  Mex.  Coah.  and  Tex.  Colonization  Law;  Papeles 
V^irios,  no.  cxi.,  pt  2;  no.  clxvii.,  pt  10;  North  Am.  Revieiv,  xliii.  244-5; 
Tex.,  Address  Relating  to  Gilv.  Bevy  and  Tex.  Land  Co.,  pp.  1-37,  and  ap. 
1-68;  Id.,  Translation  of  Lews,  Orders,  etc.  (Columbia,  1837),  p.  81;  Coah.  y 
Tex.,  Leyes,  15-23,  70-4;  Edinb.  Review,  no.  147,  p.  257;  La  Minerva,  May  8, 
1345;  Rockwell's  Span,  and  Mex.  Law,  648-52;  El  Constitutional,  March  22, 
1844;  Mex.,  Col.  Dec.  sob.  Con>,r.  Mex.,  110-11;  Tex.  Aim.,  1858,  145-75; 
1S59,  153-60;  1868,  171-7;  White's  Coll.  Laws,  i.  559-622;  Modern  Travel 
ler  Mex.  and  Gurtt.,  ii.  29-31;  Cor.  Fed.  Mex.,  March  12,  1827;  Noticioso 
Gen.,  Feb.  14,  1821;  Mex.,  Informe  Corr.ision  Pesquisidora,  1874,  9;  Id.,  Rept 
Mex.  Border  Comm.,  244-5;  Cortes,  Act.  Ord.,  1813,  i.  404-5;  Id.,  Diano, 
xxii.,  June  18,  1821,  pp.  35-6;  Footed  Texas,  i.  221-9;  ThraWs  Hist.  Te.*;;*, 
117-70,  175-6,  479-82,  498;  Wdlsons  Amer.  Hist.,  631-3;  Blcnichard  ft 
Dauzats,  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  529-30;  Nouv.  Annales  Voy.,  cliv.  357;  Howitt's 
Hist.  U.  S.,  ii.  343;  Rivera,  Hat.  Jalapa,  iii.  24-5;  Varios  fmpresos,  2, 
no.  vi.,  20-1;  Bnstamante,  Gabinete  Mex.,  ii.  15-21;  Suarez  y  Navarro,  Hi*t. 
Mcj.,  242-6,  315-19;  395-406;  Hutchinsons  Rem.,  194-6;  Almonte,  Not.  Est. 
Texas,  14,  20-5;  Larenaudi&re,  Mex.  et  Guat.,  229. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  STATE  OF  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 
1800-1839. 

DESPOTISM  IN  COAHUILA — INTERNAL  GOVERNMENT — RESOURCES  AND  CON 
DITION  OF  THE  PROVINCE — CHARACTER  OF  THE  PEOPLE — COAHUILA 
DURING  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE — FORMATION  OF  THE  STATE  OF 
COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS — ORGANIZATION  OF  A  GOVERNMENT — THE  STATE 
CONSTITUTION — ELECTION  LAWS — FIRST  CONSTITUTIONAL  CONGRESS — 
VIESCA  ELECTED  GOVERNOR — POVERTY  OF  THE  TREASURY — COMMERCIAL 
INTRUDERS — OFFERS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  TO  PURCHASE  TEXAS — ^HE 
SLAVE  QUESTION  IN  TEXAS — THE  COLONISTS  ANGRY — CONDITION  OF  THE 
MEXICAN  PEON — THE  EMANCIPATION  LAW — EXCEPTION  IN  FAVOR  OF 
TEXAS — PERSECUTION  OF  SPANIARDS — SUBSERVIENCY  OF  THE  STATE  TO 
THE  NATIONAL  GOVERNMENT — ADMINISTRATION  OF  JUSTICE — EDUCATION 
AND  RELIGION — MONOPOLY  PRIVILEGES  GRANTED  TO  COLONISTS. 

PREVIOUS  to  the  year  1824  Texas  had  no  political 
connection  with  Coahuila,  each  forming  a  separate 
province  under  the  supreme  rule  of  the  commandant 
general  of  the  provincias  internas  de  oriente.1  As  the 
internal  administration  of  both  these  provinces  was 
identical  during  the  Spanish  domination,  nothing  fur 
ther  need  be  said  with  regard  to  that  of  Coahuila,  in 
addition  to  the  description  given  in  a  former  chapter 
of  the  government  of  Texas,  except  that  Coahuila 
being  a  far  richer  and  more  populous  country,  the 
temptations  presented  to  a  practically  absolute  ruler 
were  greater.  Thus  corruption  and  injustice  were 
practised,  and  tryanny  and  oppression  exercised,  on  a 
proportionately  larger  scale  in  Coahuila  than  in  Texas.2 

1  Under  the  Spanish  domination  the  province  of  Coahuila  was  called  Pro- 
vincia  de  Nueva  Estremadura.  Pcua,  in  Mayer,  MS.,  no.  19,  p.  22. 

2  '  Unfortunate  provinces  ! ' — says  Arispe  in  his  memorial  to  the  regency, 


78  THE  STATE  OF  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

The  commandant  general  ruled  as  it  suited  him ;  and. 
while  possessing  even  superior  power  to  the  viceroy, 
there  was  really  no  semblance  of  a  check  upon  his 
authority,  except  the  presence  of  his  legal  adviser,  the 
auditor  de  guerra,  who  generally  did  nothing  more 
than  approve  and  support  his  opinions.  With  regard 
to  internal  administration,  remoteness  from  the  centre 
of  supreme  government  rendered  the  supremacy  of  the 
local  governors  almost  as  absolute  as  that  of  the  com 
mandant  general,3  and  reduced  their  responsibility  to 
a  mere  cipher.  Consequently,  in  the  administration 
of  so-called  justice,  every  enormity  was  practised  that 
enmity  or  covetousness  suggested,  and  venalty  and 
corruptness  made  easy  of  perpetration.  Liberty, 
honor,  and  property  were  alike  assailed.4 

As  in  the  case  of  Texas,  the  number  of  the  inhabi 
tants  of  Coahuila  can  only  be  approximately  obtained. 
The  Tribunal  del  Consulado  assigned  to  it  a  population 
of  40,000  in  1803,  while  Humboldt  for  the  same  year 
places  the  figures  as  low  as  16,900.5  Pike,  four  years 
later,  states  that  the  population  was  estimated  at 
70,000  souls,  10,000  only  of  whom  were  Spaniards; 
and  this  number  is  indorsed  both  by  Arispe  and 
Guerra.6  Again,  Navarro  y  Noriega  calculated  that 
the  total  number  of  inhabitants  of  all  races  in  1810 
was  42, 937. 7  With  such  varying  estimates  before  me, 
I  shall  leave  the  reader  to  draw  his  own  conclusion 
on  the  subject. 

At  this  time  there  were  in  Coahuila  no  less  than 

Nov.  1,  1811 — 'I  wish  riot  to  be  personal,  but  I  know  that  every  enormity 
has  been  committed  there.'  p.  26.  This  memorial  was  printed  at  Cadiz  in 
1812,  and  a  translation  of  it  published  in  Philadelphia  in  1814. 

3  '  I  am  therefore  not  at  all  astonished  at  the  excesses  of  many  governors, 
at  their  arbitrary  and  despotic  rule;  I  rather  wonder  that  they  have  not  all 
been  uniformly  despots  and  tyrants.'  Id.,  27. 

4  '  I  have  many  times  known  respectable  and  useful  citizens  suffer  such 
scandalous  vexations,  and  even  die  broken-hearted,  at  finding  it  impossible  to 
vindicate  their  honor,  and  recover  their  property  of  which  they  had  been  de 
frauded  with  such  scandal  and  injustice.    Id.,  31. 

bSoc.  Mex.  Geog.,  ii.  6;  Essai  Polit.,  155. 

6 Pike's  Exped.,  ap.  iii.  29;  Arispe,  Mem.  Coah.,  9;  Guerra,  Hist.  Rev.  N. 
Exp.,  ii.  370,  note. 

7  Thus  divided:  Spaniards,  13,285;  Indians,  12,437;  Castes,  17,215..  Soc. 
Mex.  Geot/.,  2a  ep.,  i.  291. 


INTERNAL  GOVERNMENT.  79 

twelve  Spanish  towns,  the  most  populous  and  thriv 
ing  of  which  were  Saltillo,  Monclova,  Parras,  and 
Santa  Rosa.8  The  first  of  these  only  was  governed 
by  a  cabildo ;  Monclova  had  two  alcaldes  and  a  syndic, 
and  Parras  a  subdelegado,  two  alcaldes,  and  a  syndic; 
all  other  towns  were  under  the  jurisdiction  of  lieuten 
ants  of  the  governor,  who  could  appoint  or  remove 
them  at  his  pleasure  by  a  simple  official  letter.  This 
was  a  grievous  and  despotic  system  of  government, 
and  it  was  not  likely  that  impartial  justice  would  be 
meted  out  in  Coahuila.  Arispe,  who  was  deputy  to 
Spain  for  this  province,  vehemently  pleaded  before  the 
cortes  for  redress  of  these  grievances,  and  suggested 
the  establishment  of  a  superior  executive  council  for 
the  four  eastern  internal  provinces,  of  a  high  court  of 
appeal,  and  of  provincial  deputations  and  local  cabildos 
or  municipalities.9 

At  Monclova,  Santa  Rosa,  San  Fernando  de  Rosas, 
and  Rio  Grande  were  stationed  garrison  companies  of 
veteran  calvary,  whose  duties  were  to  protect  the 
frontier,  furnish  detachments  for  the  missions,10  escort 
their  own  supplies  of  money  and  clothing  from  Sal- 

8  Pike  gives  the  estimated  population  of  Parras  as  7,000;  that  of  Monclova 
3,500;  and  that  of  Santa  Rosa,  400.    Ut  sup.,  28.     According  to  Guerra,  Sal 
tillo  in  1811  had  about  12,000  inhabitants.  Hist.  Rev.  N.  E«p.,  i.  364.     Arispe, 
1811,  gives  to  the  town  and  district  of  Parras  10, 000  inhabitants,  and  to  those 
of  Monclova  6,000.  Mem.  Coak.,  29. 

9  On  May  23,  1812,  the  Spanish  cortes  passed  a  decree  ordering  the  forma 
tion  of  cabildos.     In  all  towns  with  a  popiilation  not  exceeding  200  there  were 
to  be  elected  by  vote  of  the  citizens  one  alcalde,  two  regidores,  and  one  pro 
curator  syndic;  in  towns  with  not  more  than  500  inhabitants,  one  alcalde, 
four  regidores,  and  one  procurator;  in  those  with  not  more  than  1,000  inhabi 
tants,  but  exceeding  500,  one  alcalde,  six  regidores,  and  one  procurator;  in 
towns  with  a  population  from  1,000  to  4,000,  two  alcaldes,  eight  regidores, 
and  two  procurators,  the  number  of  regidores  to  be  augmented  to  twelve  in 
those  towns  which  had  more  than  4,000  inhabitants.     The  capitals  of  prov 
inces  were  to  have  at  least  twelve  regidores;  and  should  they  possess  more 
than  10,000  inhabitants,  their  number  was  to  be  sixteen.    White's  Col.  Laws, 
i.  416-18.     Rules  for  the  guidance  of  alcaldes  were  decreed  Oct.  9th  of  the 
same  year.  Id.,  419-20.     In  1813  the  cortes  decreed  the  establishment  of  an 
intendencia  at  Saltillo,  and  in  1814,  of  a  provincial  deputation,  representing 
Coahuila,  Nuevo  Leon,  Santander  or  Tamaulipas,  and  Texas,  assigning  Sal 
tillo  as  the  place  of  residence.   C6rtes  Diario,  1813,  xviii.  423;  C6rtes,  Act. 
Onl.,  1814,  ii.  266. 

10  Arispe  mentions  5  Indian  missions;  namely,  Vissarron,  Dulce  Nombre  de 
Jesus,  Peyotes,  Juan  Bautista,  and  Nuestra  Senora  de  la  Victoria.  Mem. 
Coak.,  10. 


80  THE  STATE  OF  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

tillo,  and  conduct  the  bimonthly  mail  to  Texas  from 
Monclova,  which  town  was  the  principal  military 
depot  of  the  province  and  the  governor's  place  of  resi 
dence. 

Under  a  less  oppressive  government,  the  province 
of  Coahuila,  with  its  fertile  soil,  its  genial  climate, 
and  pure  atmosphere,  would  have  been,  as  an  abiding 
place,  all  that  the  heart  of  man  could  desire.  There 
the  cultivator  could  produce  in  profuse  abundance 
corn  and  wheat  and  wine,  delicious  fruits  and  deli 
cate  vegetables.  There,  too,  the  cotton-tree  thrived, 
and  on  the  rich  pasture  lands  flocks  of  sheep  and 
herds  of  cattle  and  horses  multiplied.11  But  the 
incubus  of  commercial  and  agricultural  monopoly 
pressed  heavily  on  the  land.  The  avaricious  mer 
chants  of  San  Luis,  Queretaro,  and  other  manufactur 
ing  cities  smothered  development  in  the  provincias 
internas.  In  Coahuila  no  factories  made  busy  the 
population  of  a  town;  the  hum  of  machinery  was 
not  heard;  and  the  industrious  women  plied  the 
primitive  spindle  and  distaff  to  supply  their  household 
wants,  and  produce  a  few  marketable  commodities.12 
Thus  the  people  had  to  depend  upon  the  exportation 
of  their  flocks  and  mules,13  and  raw  materials;  and 
their  wool  and  cotton,  their  hides  and  wheat,  were  re 
turned  to  them  in  manufactured  form,  charged  with 
the  expenses  of  transportation  and  alcabala  duties,  and 
with  the  profits  of  the  outside  manufacturer,  the  mer 
chant,  and  the  retail  dealer.  Even  the  agricultural 
implements  of  iron  were  imported,  though  the  manu- 

uArispe  says — p.  20 — 'The  most  interesting  branch  is  the  breeding  of  i 
sheep,  to  which  so  much  attention  is  paid  that,  after  furnishing  many  thou 
sand  head  to  the  markets  of  Saltillo,  Parras,  and  other  places  of  the  prov 
inces,    vast  numbers   are   exported    to   Zacatecas,    San  Miguel,    Queretaro, 
Mexico,  and  Puebla. '     Cotton  was  produced  in  such  quantity  that  after  sup 
plying  the  four  provinces,  many  thousand  quintals  were  exported  to  furnish 
the  factories  at  San  Luis  Potosi,  San  Miguel,  Zelaya,  Silao,  Leon,  and  places  • 
in  Guadalajara.  Id.,  19. 

12  With  these  simple  contrivances,  shawls  and  table-cloths  were  manufac 
tured  of  such  durability  and  fineness  that  they  never  sold  for  less  than  eight  i 
dollars,  and  frequently  as  high  as  forty  or  fifty  dollars.  Id.,  21-2. 

13  Besides  keeping  up  a  stock  of  3,000  pack-mules,  2,000  were  annually 
exported.  Id.,  20. 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  81 

facture  of  that  metal  and  of  wood  was  tolerably  well 
advanced  in  Saltillo14  and  Parras. 

One  of  the  most  productive  industries  of  Coahuila 
was  the  cultivation  of  the  vine,  which,  despite  the  pro 
hibitions  against  it,  was  developed  to  a  considerable 
extent  in  the  district  of  Parras.15  Combined  with 
this  agricultural  pursuit  was  the  only  manufacturing 
business  that  can  be  rightly  claimed  for  the  province. 
Great  quantities  of  excellent  brandies  and  delicious 
wines  were  manufactured  yearly  and  exported  to  Mex 
ico  and  other  parts  of  New  Spain.  These  two  indus 
tries  afforded  employment  to  the  whole  population  of 
the  district,  no  other  occupation  being  pursued.16 

The  inhabitants  of  Coahuila  were  a  thoroughly 
pastoral  and  agricultural  people,  and  their  character 
was  formed  from  the  nature  of  their  occupations. 
Here  were  to  be  found  simplicity  and  insensibility  to 
intrigue,  untiring  industry  and  patience  under  severe 
labor,  the  endurance  of  privations  without  murmur, 
and  a  deep-rooted  love  of  liberty.  Both  the  social 
and  political  morals  of  this  rural  population  were  of  a 
higher  standard  than  those  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
manufacturing  and  mining  districts  of  New  Spain.17 

During  the  war  of  independence,  Coahuila  was 
little  disturbed  by  the  battle-din  which  shook  the 
foundations  of  the  more  southern  provinces.  A  blood 
less  revolution  and  counter-revolution  at  first  caused 

14  At  Saltillo  the  manufacture  of  cotton  was  also  somewhat  advanced,  and 
in  1811  above  40  looms  for  weaving  coarse  cloths  had  been  erected.  The 
artisans,  however,  labored  under  the  want  of  protection,  and  were  compelled 
to  sell  at  low  prices  the  production  of  one  week's  work  in  order  to  procure 
raw  cotton  for  the  next.  Id.,  22. 

10  The  meaning  of  Parras  is  '  grape-vines. '  Pike  calls  it  the  '  vineyard  of 
Coahuila. '  At  the  hacienda  of  San  Lorenzo,  three  miles  to  the  north  of  the 
town,  he  saw  15  large  stills,  and  a  greater  number  of  casks  than  he  had  ever 
•seen  in  any  brewery  of  the  U.  S.  Ut  sup.,  28. 

16  Ib.;  Arispe  states  that  the  number  of  inhabitants  of  this  district  was 
10,000.  Mem.  Coah.,  18. 

17  Arispe,  ut  sup.,  16.      'As  we  diverged  from  these  parts  which  produced 
mch  vast  quantities  of  the  precious  metals,  the  inhabitants  became  more  in- 
lustrious  and  there  were  fewer  beggars.     Thus  the  morals  of  the  people  of 
^ogquilla  (sic)  were  less  corrupt  than  those   of  Biscay  or  New  Leon,  their 
neighbors.'  Pike,  ut  sup.,  29. 

HIST.  N.  HEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    6 


82  THE   STATE   OF   COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

temporary  agitation.  Governor  Cordero,  deserted  by 
his  troops,  falls  into  the  hands  of  the  independent 
leader  Jimenez,  and  Aranda  becomes  revolutionary 
governor.  His  turn  soon  arrives,  and  he  is  seized  by 
the  plotter  Elizondo.  Then  follows  the  capture  of 
Hildalgo  and  the  other  leaders  at  La  Noria,  who  with 
Aranda  are  marched  off  to  Chihuahua,  where  most  of 
them  suffer  death,  a  few  only  being  condemned  to 
long  imprisonment.18  From  this  time  to  the  downfall 
of  the  monarchical  power  in  New  Spain,  Coahuila  re 
mained  in  quiet  possession  of  the  royalists,  unmolested 
except  by  the  predatory  incursions  of  wild  Indians. 

But  the  people  thirsted  none  the  less  for  freedom, 
and  when  the  news  arrived  in  1821  of  the  proclama 
tion  of  the  plan  of  Iguala,  an  uncontrollable  agitation 
pervaded  the  province.  Arredondo,  the  command 
ant  general,  then  residing  in  Monterey,  the  capital  of 
Nuevo  Leon,  in  vain  attempted  to  arrest  the  tide  of 
popular  feeling.  Lieutenant  Nicolas  del  Moral  was 
sent  against  Saltillo  in  command  of  a  company  of  the 
line  grenadiers  of  Yera  Cruz,  followed  by  the  whole 
battalion,  under  the  lieutenant  Pedro  Lemus.  Moral, 
however,  on  his  arrival  proclaimed,  July  1st,  the  in 
dependence.  The  authorities  did  likewise,  and  Lemus 
entered  the  city,  after  having  administered  to  his 
troops  the  oath  to  support  the  plan  of  Iguala.  Arre 
dondo,  thus  abandoned,  convoked  a  general  assembly 
of  the  authorities  of  Monterey,  at  which  it  was  unani 
mously  resolved  to  adopt  the  plan.  The  commandant 
general  submitted  with  good  grace,  and  independence 
was  proclaimed  July  4th.  But  he  could  not  win 
thereby  the  good-will  and  obedience  of  his  former 
sorely  pressed  subjects.  The  authorities  and  forces  at 
Saltillo  refused  to  recognize  him,  and  in  disgust  he  I 
surrendered  his  command  to  Gaspar  Lopez,  the  first 
officer  of  the  trigarante  army  who  approached.  Ar-  i 

i 

18  Among  the  latter  was  Aranda,  who  was  sentenced  with  four  others  to  f 
imprisonment  for  ten  years.   Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  ii.  190;  Hernandez  y  Davalos, 
Col.  Doc.,  i.  7(5.     Consult  Hist.  Hex.,  iv.  240,  272,  this  series. 


POLITICAL  DIVISIONS.  83 

redondo  then  retired  to  San  Luis  Potosi,  whence  he 
proceeded  to  Tampico,  where  he  embarked  for  Ha- 
bana.19 

The  political  convulsions  which  presently  occurred 
in  the  Mexican  capital  after  the  establishment  of  in 
dependence  were  but  slightly  felt  in  the  provincias 
internas  de  oriente,  which,  under  the  empire,  were 
governed  as  previously,  by  a  political  and  military 
chief.  In  1823,  however,  after  the  fall  of  Iturbide,  a 
junta  was  convened  at  Monterey,  composed  of  dele 
gates  representing  Coahuila,  Nuevo  Leon,  Tamaulipas, 
and  Texas.  This  junta  represented  to  the  provisional 
government  that  the  four  provinces  wished  to  be  sepa 
rated,  and  were  desirous  that  the  federal  system  should 
be  adopted.20  That  form  of  government  having  been 
proclaimed  by  the  constituent  congress,  Coahuila, 
Nuevo  Leon,  and  Texas  were  formed  into  one  state 
by  the  acta  constitutiva,  promulgated  January  31, 
1824.  On  May  7th,  however,  a  decree  was  passed 
which  detached  Nuevo  Leon  and  raised  it  to  the 
rank  of  an  independent  state,  while  Coahuila  and  Texas 
were  provisionally  united  until  the  latter  should  pos 
sess  the  necessary  elements  to  form  a  state  of  itself.21 
This  political  division  was  confirmed  by  the  federal 
constitution  published  October  4,  1824. 

The  new  state  at  once  proceeded  to  form  its  gov 
ernment.  A  constituent  congress  was  elected,  and 

o 

assembled  at  Saltillo  in  August  1824.  A  provisional 
governor  was  appointed,22  and  an  executive  council 
created  to  assist  him  in  his  administration.23  By  de- 

l9Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  238-9. 

*Bu8tamamte,  CuacL  Hist.,  MS.,  viii.  177;  Id.,  Hist.  Ttnrbide,  160. 

!1 '  Pero  tan  luego  como  esta  liltima '  — Texas — '  estuviere  en  aptitud  de  figu- 
rar  como  estodo  por  si  sola,  lo  participara  al  congreso  general  para  su  resolu- 
cion.'  Mex.  Col.  Ord.  y  Dec.,  iii.  46,  where  a  copy  of  the  decree  will  be  found. 

22  Rafael  Gonzalez  was  provisional  governor  in  1825,  and  Victor  Blanco  in 
1825-1827.    White's  Col.  Laws,  i.  612,  615. 

23  Composed  of  a  vice-governor  and  four  members.     The  council  was  ap 
pointed  by  congress,  and  the  first  one  created  was  by  decree  of  Aug.  31,  1825. 
The  members  were  Jose"  Ignacio  de  Arispe,  vice-governor  ad  interim,  Juan 
de  Goribar,  Jose"  Ignacio  Sanchez,  Jose"  Ignacio  Alcocer,  and  Jose"  Ignacio  de 
Cardenas.  Coah.  y  Tex.  Leyes  y  Dec.,  32. 


84  THE  STATE  OF  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

cree  of  August  28,  1824,  the  functions  of  the  political 
chief24  and  the  deputation  of  Texas  were  declared  to 
have  ceased,  as  had  already  been  the  case  with  respect 
to  the  authorities  of  the  same  class  in  Coahuila ;  and 
a  few  months  later  a  political  administrator,  styled 
'chief  of  the  department  of  Texas,'  was  provision 
ally  established.25  In  its  first  decree,  August  15, 
1824,  the  constituent  congress  pledged  the  state  of 
Coahuila  and  Texas  to  sustain  at  all  hazards  the  su 
preme  federal  powers,  and  declared  its  form  of  gov 
ernment  to  be  representative,  popular,  and  federal, 
divided  into  the  three  powers,  legislative,  executive, 
and  judicial. 

During  the  next  two  years  a  number  of  decrees 
were  passed  regulating  the  attributes,  restrictions,  and 
duties  of  the  executive  and  officials,  establishing  elec 
tion  laws,  creating  judges  of  responsibility,  and  relat 
ing  to  other  matters  connected  with  the  internal 
government  of  the  state.26  It  was  not  until  March 
11,  1827,  that  the  constitution  of  the  state  was  pub 
lished.  Every  officer  and  citizen  was  required  to  take 
oath  to  sustain  it — a  regulation  which,  in  view  of  the 
third  article,  must  have  been  acquiesced  in  with  grim 
dissatisfaction  by  the  enlightened  Coahuilan.  In  that 

24  Jos6  Felix  Trespalacios  was  the  last  political  and  military  governor  of 
Texas  under  the  old  system.  Almonte,  Not.  Estad.   Tej.,  14.     He  was  suc 
ceeded  in  1823  by  Luciano  Garcia,  who  served  provisionally  as  such.    Winters 
Col.  Laivs,  i.  595.     Trespalacios,  in  April  1823,  had  pronounced  in  favor  of 
Iturbide.   Bustamante,  Hist.  Itnrlnde,  161-2. 

25  Jose1  Antonio  Saucedo,  succeeding  Garcia  in  1824,  was  the  first  to  bear 
this  title.    White's  Col.  Laws,  i.  597-9;  Coah.  Leyes  y  Dec.,  8,  11.     The  chief 
of  department  was  authorized  to  impose  fines  from  one  to  one  hundred  dollars 
on  those  who  did  not  obey  or  respect  him;  he  had  also  power  to  make  arrests, 
but  only  on  the  express  terms  that  within  48  hours  he  placed  the  arrested 
party  at  the  disposal  of  a  competent  tribunal  or  judge.     He  was  not  to  allow- 
any  person  to  appropriate  lands,  and  was  to  give  circumstantial  information 
to  the  government  with  respect  to  those  who  had  already  done  so.     Be"jar  was 
to  be  his  place  of  residence;  he  commanded  the  local  militia,  and  was  to  pre 
side  over  all  popular  juntas,  as  well  as  over  the  ayuntamiento  of  Bej'ar,  or  any 
other  place  in  the  department  where  circumstances  might  require  his  presence. 
At  the  sessions  of  ayuntamientos,  however,  he  had  no  vote,  except  a  casting 
one  in  case  of  a  tie.     Moreover,  he  was  the  sole  channel  of  communication 
between  his  subordinates  and  the  government.  Id.,  11-14. 

26  On  March  27,  1826,  a  general  amnesty  was  proclaimed,  by  which  all 
political  prisoners  were  released  from  confinement,  and  those  banished  were 
to  be  assisted  by  the  government  to  return  to  their  homes.  Id.,  34-6, 


TERRITORIAL  DEPARTMENTS.  86 

article  it  is  set  down  that  "the  sovereignty  of  the 
state  resides  originally  and  essentially  in  the  general 
mass  of  the  individuals  that  compose  it;  but  they 
shall  not  of  themselves  exercise  any  other  acts  of 
sovereignty  than  those  indicated  in  this  constitution, 
and  in  the  form  which  it  prescribes." 27  Such  a  restric 
tion  speaks  loudly  of  the  timidity  with  which  the 
framers  of  the  constitution  regarded  untrammelled 
freedom  of  the  people.  The  state  was  divided  into 
three  departments — namely,  those  of  Saltillo,  Mon- 
clova,  and  Texas — which  number  was  increased  later  to 
four,  by  detaching  Parras  from  Saltillo.28  The  consti 
tutional  congress  to  be  presently  elected  was  to  consist  of 
twelve  members,  two  of  whom  was  to  represent  Texas.29 
These  representatives  were  not  elected  directly  by  the 
people,  but  by  the  system  of  primary  and  secondary 
elections  adopted  elsewhere  in  the  Mexican  republic. 
In  a  district  which  sent  up  only  one  deputy,  eleven 
electors  were  popularly  chosen,  and  twenty-one  in 
those  which  sent  up  two  or  more  representatives. 
These  electors  appointed  by  a  majority  of  votes  the 
deputies  for  their  respective  departments.  The  num 
ber  of  deputies  was  to  be  increased  in  proportion  to 
the  increase  of  the  population  of  a  department.  Other 
provisions  of  the  constitution  were  to  the  effect  that 
the  profession  of  any  other  religion  than  the  Roman 
catholic  was  forbidden;  freedom  of  the  press  was 
declared,  but  subject  to  existing  restrictions,  and  such 
future  ones  as  should  be  established  by  law;  and  by 
the  thirteenth  article  all  children  born  of  slave  parents 
on  the  territory  of  the  state  were  pronounced  free,  the 
introduction  of  slaves  six  months  after  the  publica 
tion  of  the  constitution  being  strictly  prohibited.  A 

27  Mex.  Col.  de  Constitut.,  i.  196;  in  which  volume  a  copy  of  the  constitu 
tion  will  be  found. 

28  Id.,  197.     The  state  was  finally  divided  into  seven  departments:  Sal 
tillo,   Parras,    Monclova,   and   Rosas   in   Coahuila,    and   Bejar,    Brazos,    and 
Nacogdoches  in  Texas.  Almonte,  Not.  Estad.  Tej.,  14. 

**By  the  convocation  law  of  March  23,  1827,  the  districts  of  Saltillo, 
Parras,  and  Monclova  were  to  elect  three  deputies  each,  Texas  two,  and  Rio 
Grande  one.  Saltillo  was  to  send  up  two  suppletories.  and  each  of  the  other 
districts  one.  Coah.  Leyes  y  Dec.,  47. 


86  THE  STATE  OF  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

candidate  for  the  governorship  was  required  to  be  a 
native  of  the  republic,  30  years  of  age,  and  to  have 
been  domiciliated  in  the  state  five  years.  The  gov 
ernor's  term  of  office  was  four  years;  he  was  elected 
by  the  people,  and  had  the  prerogative  of  appointing 
the  political  chiefs  of  departments,  each  appointed 
being  chosen  from  three  candidates  nominated  by  the 
executive  council,  the  number  of  whose  members  was 
reduced  from  four  to  three. 

On  March  23,  1827,  the  convocation  law  for  the  elec 
tion  of  the  first  constitutional  congress  was  published, 
and  on  July  1st  following,  the  assembly  met  in  session. 
On  the  4th  the  number  of  the  votes  cast  for  the  elec 
tions  of  governor,  vice-governor,  and  the  executive 
council  was  made  known,  with  the  following  results : 
Jose  Maria  Viesca  was  elected  governor;  Victor 
Blanco,  vice-governor;  and  Santiago  de  Valle,  Dioni- 
cio  Elizondo,  and  Jose  Ignacio  de  Cardenas  council 
lors.30 

The  greatest  difficulty  with  which  the  new  legisla 
ture  had  to  contend  was  the  question  of  finance. 
Texas,  if  not  an  actual  burden  to  the  state,  was  little 
less.  Though  yearly  increasing  in  population  and 
wealth,  she  contributed  nothing  to  the  revenue,  owing 
to  the  exemption  of  the  colonists  from  taxation,  and 
the  privilege  granted  them  of  introducing  supplies  of 
all  kinds  free  of  import  duties.  To  such  straits  was? 
the  government  reduced  that  many  offices  were  sus^- 
pended  for  want  of  money  to  pay  the  salaries.31  Every 
resource  was  resorted  to  in  order  to  increase  the  rev- 

M  Id. ,  63.  Jose"  Ignacio  Arispe  had  been  acting  as  provisional  governor. 
Mex.  Col  Constitut.,  i.  195,  273.  In  Carreo  Fed.  Mex.,  21  Jul.,  1827,  will  te 
found  a  list  of  the  names  of  the  deputies  from  the  different  departments. 

31  Congress,  in  view  of  the  embarrassments  of  the  state  treasury  from  wair 
of  funds  by  decree  of  April  17,  1828,  suspended  the  office  of  councillor  until 
the  state  should  be  able  to  defray  the  expense  thereof,  the  governor  beinji 
directed  to  act  by  himself.  The  vice-governor  was  only  to  receive  pay  whei 
officiating  on  account  of  death,  sickness,  or  absence  of  the  governor.  Tb 
establishment  of  a  treasury  was  postponed;  and  the  department  and  dis 
trict  chiefs,  with  the  exception  of  the  one  in  Texas,  were  temporarily  suspende* 
in  the  exercise  of  their  functions,  the  ayuntainieutos  being  ordered  to  com 
municate  directly  with  the  executive  through  their  alcades.  Coah.  y  T&\ 
Leyes,  101 


REVENUE.  87 

enue.  The  cock-pits  were  leased  at  auction  to  the 
highest  bidder;  billiard-tables  were  taxed  at  §24  per 
annum;  and  a  duty  of  two  per  centum  was  charged 
on  the  circulation  of  money,  whether  the  destination 
of  the  coin  was  to  a  place  within  or  without  the  terri 
tory  of  the  state ;  funds  were  borrowed  from  the  church, 
and  all  persons,  females  excepted,  whether  they  derived 
their  incomes  from  rents,  salaries,  or  wages,  from 
business  or  industrial  occupations,  were  taxed  to  the 
amount  of  three  days7  income  per  annum. 

What  added  to  the  perplexities  of  the  government 
during  this  period  was  the  alarming  decline  of  the  in 
ternal  trade  of  the  state.  This  was  chiefly  owing  to 
the  influx  of  foreign  dealers,  who  introduced  cotton 
and  woollen  goods  with  ruinous  effect  upon  the  native 
merchants  and  retailers.  The  native  business  was  so 
paralyzed  that  congress  was  under  the  necessity  of 
legislating  on  the  matter,  and  thereby  gave  grievous 
offence  to  the  Anglo-American  colonists  in  Texas. 
In  April  and  May  1829,  decrees  were  passed  prohibit 
ing  foreign  merchants,  of  whatever  nation,  from  retail 
ing  goods  or  importing  coarse  cotton  or  woollen  stuffs 
not  manufactured  in  the  republic.32  The  opening  of 
the  port  of  Galveston  by  decree  of  October  17,  1825,33 
afforded  facilities  to  these  commercial  intruders,  while 
the  exemption  law  in  favor  of  the  colonists  offered 
temptations  to  engage  in  smuggling  which  were  not 
very  stoutly  resisted. 

A  breach  between  the  Mexicans  and  the  Anglo- 
American  settlers  had  indeed  already  been  opened. 
Apart  from  the  fact  that  the  immigrants  brought  with 
them  the  principles  of  law,  liberty,  and  religion  which 
prevailed  in  the  country  of  their  birth,  and  which 
could  not  be  conducive  to  amalgamation  with  the 

o 

32  They  were  only  allowed  to  sell  at  wholesale,  and  for  cash.  /</.,  117,  126- 
7.  Dewees  engaged,  in  1826-7,  in  one  of  these  trading  enterprises.  Letters 
from  Tex.,  55-6. 

^Gitia  de  Hac.  Pep.  J/er.,  iv.  308;  J/er.  Mem.  Mtne*L,  13,  no.  iv.  The 
port  of  Matagorda,  as  also  that  of  Matainoros  in  Tan.aulipas  on  the  Rio 
Grande,  had  been  opened  to  trade  in  1820.  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Comerc.  E*tad.t 


88  THE   STATE  OF  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

natives,  their  great  influx  and  steady  success  not  only 
excited  jealousy,  but  began  to  be  watched  with  appre 
hension  by  both  the  state  and  federal  governments. 
The  covetous  solicitude  to  gain  possession  of  Texas 
evinced  by  the  United  States  aggravated  the  anxiety 
of  Mexico  and  the  disfavor  with  which  the  colonists 
wore  being  regarded.  It  was  hard  for  the  suspicious 
Mexican  not  to  believe  that  the  Anglo-Americans 
within  his  borders  did  not  secretly  cherish  the  hope 
that  the  territory  would  be  eventually  annexed  to  the 
northern  republic.  The  action  of  the  government  at 
Washington  certainly  tended  to  foment  such  aspira 
tion.  Only  a  few  years  had  elapsed  after  the  treaty 
of  1 8 1 9  with  Spain  when  the  United  States  pretended 
to  foresee  future  trouble,  and  began  to  express  dissat 
isfaction  at  the  agreement  they  had  entered  into.  In 
March  1825  Henry  Clay,  in  a  letter  to  the  envoy, 
Joel  R.  Poinsett,  spoke  of  difficulties  that  might  arise 
from  the  boundary  agreed  upon.  He  considered  the 
line  of  the  Sabine  nearer  to  the  great  western  com 
mercial  capital  of  the  United  States  than  was  desirable, 
and  instructed  that  minister  to  sound  the  Mexican 
government  as  to  its  inclination  to  the  adoption  of  a 

such  the  Brazos,  the  Rio 
.34  In  March  18 27  Poin 
sett  was  authorized  to  make  a  specific  proposition  on  the 
matter,  by  which  the  United  States  would  agree  to  pay 
$1,000,000  if  Mexico  would  consent  to  the  Rio  Grande 
being  made  the  boundary ; 35  if  this  were  unattainable, 
half  that  sum  was  to  be  offered  for  the  Colorado  line. 
Neither  of  these  proposals  was  received  by  the  Mexican 
government,  nor  would  the  congress  take  into  consid 
eration  a  treaty  of  amity,  commerce,  and  navigation, 
on  the  point  of  being  concluded  between  the  two 
nations,  unless  it  contained  an  article  which  renewed 
the  existence  of  the  treaty  celebrated  by  the  cabinets 

34  Congress.  Debates,  1837,  ii.  ap.  125-6. 

3;>  The  boundary  proposed  was  to  begin  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
pass  up  that  river  to  the  Rio  Puerco,  thence  to  the  source  of  the  latter,  whence 
it  was  to  run  due  north  to  the  Arkansas.  Id.,  127. 


£1 V  V  ^J.  lJll.J.At/J.1  \J     (JLa      \J\J       J.UO       JLil\-'lllJ.C*t 

new  boundary,  suggesting  as  i 
Colorado,  or  the  Rio  Grande; 


MEXICO  SUSPICIOUS.  89 

of  Madrid  and  Washington  respecting  the  territorial 
limits.  This  resolution  rendered  it  imperative  to  settle 
that  question  first,  and  on  January  12,  1828,  a  proto 
col  was  signed  by  Poinsett  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States,  and  S.  Comacho  and  J.  Y.  Esteva  on  that  of 
Mexico,  by  which  it  wras  agreed  that  the  dividing  line 
between  the  two  countries  should  be  that  fixed  upon 
by  the  treaty  of  1819  with  Spain.  Nevertheless  the 
United  States  still  persisted  in  their  object.  In  Au 
gust  1829  instructions  were  sent  to  Poinsett  to  open 
negotiations  for  the  purchase  of  so  much  of  Texas 
as  Mexico  could  be  induced  to  cede.  Pour  different 
cessions  were  suggested,  the  corresponding  boundary 
lines  beginning  respectively  at  the  mouths  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  the  Baca,  the  Colorado,  and  the  Brazos. 
Poinsett  was  authorized  to  offer  as  high  as  $5,000,000 
for  the  first-named  line,  and  for  the  others,  amounts 
proportionate  to  the  extent  of  territory  that  would  be 
ceded.  But  Poinsett  never  received  these  instruc 
tions.  His  officious  meddling  with  the  internal  affairs 
of  the  Mexican  republic  had  gained  for  him  the  dislike 
of  the  government.  His  recall  was  demanded  and 
acceded  to,  and  his  successor,  Anthony  Butler  of 
Mississippi,  made  no  progress  in  his  negotiations  for 
the  purchase  of  Texas. 

Another  cause  of  suspicion,  and  consequent  want  of 
confidence  between  the  Mexican  authorities  and  the 
settlers,  was  the  temporary  freedom  of  the  latter  from 
molestation  by  the  Indians.  During  the  first  three 
or  four  years  of  the  colony's  existence  the  settlers 
had  been  grievously  troubled  by  these  savages,  and 
had  engaged  in  numerous  conflicts  with  them.36  The 
signal  punishment,  however,  which  they  inflicted  upon 
the  aggressors  won  for  them  the  respect  and  awe  of 
the  wild  tribes  around  them ;  and  while  in  the  Mexican 
district  of  Bejar  the  Indians  even  carried  their  depre 
dations  with  impunity  into  San  Antonio,  the  Anglo- 

36  For  particulars  of  fights  with  Indians,  see  Dewees'  Letters,  37-^2,  50-2 
54-5;  and  Y  oakums  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  221-6 


90  THE  STATE  OF  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

American  colony  was  left  in  comparative  peace.  This 
exemption,  gained  entirely  by  the  determination  and 
courage  of  the  settlers,  was  attributed  to  a  sinister 
understanding  with  the  Indians. 

While  the  jealous  fears  of  the  state  government 
that  its  liberal  policy  had  overshot  the  mark  became 
more  and  more  confirmed,  certain  legislative  acts, 
which  it  was  expected  would,  be  corrective  of  past 
mistakes  and  preventive  of  foreshadowed  trouble,  irri 
tated  the  settlers.  The  slave  laws  of  1827,  and  the 
prohibitory  one  of  1829,  respecting  foreign  merchants, 
caused  great  offence.  By  decree  of  September  15, 
1827,  the  constituent  congress  manifested  its  intention 
not  only  to  carry  out  strictly  the  thirteenth  article  of 
the  constitution,  but  also  to  acquire  the  gradual  eman 
cipation  of  slaves  already  introduced.  Ayuntamientos 
were  ordered  to  keep  a  list  of  all  slaves  in  their  re 
spective  municipalities,  designating  age,  name,  and 
sex.  A  register  of  the  deaths  of  slaves  and  the  births 
of  slave-born  children  was  also  to  be  rigidly  kept. 
Slaves  whose  owners  had  no  apparent  heirs  were  to 
become  free  immediately  on  the  decease  of  their  mas 
ters;  and  on  each  change  .of  ownership,  even  in  the 
case  of  heirs  succeeding,  one  tenth  of  the  number  of 
slaves  inherited  was  to  be  manumitted,  the  individuals 
being  determined  by  lot.  By  another  decree,  of  No 
vember  24th  of  the  same  year,  it  was  provided  that 
any  slave  who  wished  to  change  his  master  could  do 
so,  provided  the  new  owner  indemnified  the  former 
one  for  the  cost  of  the  slave,  according  to  the  bill  of 
sale.37 

Although  the  colonists  kept  themselves  aloof  and 
were  indifferent  to  Mexican  legislation  so  long  as  their 
own  immediate  interests  were  not  attacked,  their  anger 
rose  when  a  direct  blow  was  struck  at  their  prosperity. 
Without  entering  into  the  moral  question  of  right, 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that  without  slave  labor  the 
colonization  of  Texas  would  have  been  retarded  fori 

37  Coah.  y  Tex.  Leyes,  78-9,  91-2. 


SLAVERY   AND  PEONAGE.  91 

many  years.  The  immigrants  would  have  been  limited 
exclusively  to  the  class  of  laboring  farmers  who,  by 
the  toil  of  their  hands  and  the  sweat  of  their  brows, 
would  have  reclaimed  some  small  portions  only  of 
the  uncultivated  wastes.  No  capitalist  would  have 
engaged  in  a  venture  which  would  reduce  him  and  his 

O      O 

family  to  the  condition  of  laborers.  However  loudly 
the  Mexican  people  and  outside  philanthropists  may 
claim  enlightenment  for  the  government  of  that  re 
public  in  proclaiming  the  abolition  of  slavery  at  this 
early  date,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  such  legisla 
tion  in  no  wise  affected  the  interests  of  the  landed 
proprietors  of  Mexico.  A  labor  system  had  been  de 
veloped  which  was  far  less  expensive  than  that  of 
slavery,  but  which  practically  embraced  all  its  attri 
butes.  The  position  of  the  Mexican  laborer,  or  peon, 
was  one  of  perpetual  servitude  and  subjection  to  a  task 
master.  He  bound  himself  to  his  master  by  a  written 
contract  on  entering  his  service,  and  immediately  be 
came  his  debtor  for  money  advanced,  sometimes  to 
the  amount  of  a  year's  wages.38  His  employer  kept  a 
debit  and  credit  account  with  him,  and  rarely  did  it 
show  a  balance  in  the  peon's  favor.  If  he  gave  offense, 
committed  a  fault,  or  failed  in  the  fulfilment  of  his 
duties,  confinement,  shackles,  or  the  lash  could  be 
legally  meted  out  to  him ;  and  should  he  desert  his 
master's  service,  he  could  be  reclaimed  through  the 
alcalde,  who  had  the  authority  to  compel  him  to  re 
turn,  and  punish  him.  In  fact,  never  out  of  debt,  he 
was  ever  a  bondman,  with  but  little  more  liberty  than 
a  slave.  In  name  only  was  he  not  one.  As  the  peon's 
wages  varied  from  one  to  three  reales  a  day,  providing 
for  himself,  and  as  his  working  days  were  reduced  by 
the  numerous  church  holidays  observed  in  Mexico  to 
about  two  hundred,  the  average  cost  of  a  peon  was 
about  $50  a  year.  Thus  the  landed  proprietors,  under 

38  The  congress  of  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  by  decree  of  Sept.  30, 
1828,  provided  that  no  advance  could  be  made  by  the  master  to  the  servant 
to  an  amount  exceeding  one  year's  wages.  Id.,  108. 


92  THE  STATE   OF   COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

this  system,  in  which  no  outlay  of  capital  was  required, 
nor  loss  by  death  incurred,  reaped  all  the  advantages 
of  absolute  slavery  without  one  tithe  of  its  expense. 

Under  the  above-described  system,  it  was  not  diffi 
cult  for  the  Anglo-Americans  to  evade  the  law  pro 
hibiting  the  further  importation  of  slaves;  and  under 
the  appellation  of  indentured  servants,  they  continued 
to  introduce  them  into  Texas.39  But  in  1829  more 
decisive  pressure  was  applied,  by  the  promulgation  of 
Guerrero's  decree  of  September  15th,  ordering  the 
total  abolition  of  slavery  throughout  the  Mexican 
republic.40  Now,  at  this  time  there  w£re  very  few 
slaves  in  Mexico  outside  of  Texas,  and  these  few  were 
treated  with  great  indulgence  by  their  owners,  who 
regarded  them  as  favorite  servants  and  members  of 
their  families.41  Consequently  the  decree — which  in 
fact  was  dictated  by  a  spirit  of  self-protection  against 
the  United  States  by  the  establishment  of  a  political 
barrier  between  the  two  nations42 — met  with  no  oppo 
sition  elsewhere  in  Mexico.  In  Texas,  however,  there 
were  now  over  1,000  slaves,  whose  manumission  would 
have  crippled  the  colony  to  a  ruinous  degree.  Strong 
remonstrances  were  made  to  the  federal  government, 
setting  forth  the  facts  that  if  the  slaves  were  freed 
they  would  become  a  nuisance,  and  a  hinderance  to 
prosperity ;  that  the  tranquillity  of  the  department 
would  be  endangered,  as  the  colonists  would  regard 
the  dispossession  of  their  slaves  as  a  violation  of  the 
promises  and  guarantees  by  which  they  had  been  in 
duced  to  settle  in  the  country;  and  lastly,  that  the 
indemnification  would  be  very  heavy,  and  in  the  ex 
hausted  condition  of  the  treasury  would  remain  unpaid 

39  The  slave  law  was  evaded  by  introducing  negroes  to  serve  as  apprentices 
for  99  years.  N lies'  Reg.,  xxxiv.  334. 

40  Hex.  Col  Leyes,  1829-30,  149-50;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Legls.  Mex.,  ii. 
163;  Arrillaya,  Recap.,  1829,  213. 

"Tornel,  Breve.  ReseiiaHist.,  85,  says:  ' Nominalmente  eran  esclavos,  por- 
que  sus  duenos  los  consideraban  como  dome'sticos  favorites,  y  aun  los  trataban 
como  a  hijos.' 

42 '  En  la  abolicion  de  la  esclavitud, '  remarks  Tornel,  the  initiator  of  the 
decree,  '  se  envoi  via  una  mira  altamente  politica,  la  de  establecer  una  barrera 
entre  Mexico  y  los  Estados-Uui^los. '  lb* 


DECREES  AND  LEGISLATION".  93 

for  many  years.  These  representations  were  of  such 
weight  that  on  December  2d  of  the  same  year  an  ex 
ception  was  made  in  favor  of  Texas.43 

An  examination  of  the  decrees  issued  during  the 
first  five  years  of  the  state's  existence  shows  that  the 
congressional  assemblies  endeavored  to  legislate  with 
honesty  and  justice,  and  many  wise  laws  were  enacted. 
But  inexperience,  combined  with  a  dim  perception  in 
regard  to  civil  and  individual  rights,  made  it  difficult 
properly  to  organize  a  state  with  free  institutions  out 
of  a  despotically  ruled  province.  Thus  a  curious  mix 
ture  of  liberal  principles  and  conservative  prejudices  is 
observable.  The  restrictions  on  the  sovereignty  of 
the  people  laid  down  in  the  3d  article  of  the  constitu 
tion,  the  intolerance  of  any  religion  but  the  Roman 
catholic,  and  the  excessive  power  vested  in  the  chief 
of  the  department  of  Texas,  were  incompatible  with 
free  republican  institutions.  In  strong  contrast  with 
the  liberality  manifested  in  the  state  colonization  law 
was  the  persecution  to  which  resident  Spaniards  were 
submitted.  By  a  law  passed  June  23,  1827,  they 
were  excluded  from  all  civil  and  ecclesiastical  offices 
until  Spain  should  acknowledge  the  independence  of 
Mexico,  and  in  November  of  the  same  year  all  Span 
iards,  except  those  domiciliated  in  the  state  thirty 
years,  were  banished ;  travellers  of  that  nationality 
could  not  remain  more  than  three  days  in  any  town 
except  in  case  of  sickness  or  other  recognized  imped 
iment;  those  who  remained  were  required  to  present 
themselves  monthly  to  the  local  authorities,  and  were 
forbidden  to  carry  any  arms  except  those  customarily 
worn  for  personal  defence;  and  a  strict  surveillance 
was  kept  over  their  conduct.44  When  in  1829  Mexico 
was  invaded  by  the  Spanish  forces  under  Barradas,45 
the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  displayed  its  patriot- 

43  Mex.  Diet.  Com.  Just.,  1.  1;  Niles'  Reg.,  xxxviii.  291. 

44  Coah.  y  Tex.  Leyes,  62,  94-5,  105-6. 

*&Foran  account  of  this  invasion,  see  Hist.  Mex.,  v.  72-5,  this  series. 


94  THE  STATE  OF  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

ism  by  exacting  a  heavy  forced  loan  from  the  resident 
Spaniards,46  while  the  property  still  remaining  in  the 
state,  of  those  who  had  left  for  other  countries,  was 
confiscated. 

It  must,  however,  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  states 
were  under  a  kind  of  political  thraldom  to  the  federal 
government,  whose  decrees  they  were  compelled  to 
indorse,  and  which  dictated  their  rights  under  the  late 
constitution  to  a  degree  that  left  their  individual  inde 
pendence  decidedly  equivocal.  In  the  case  of  Coa- 
huila  and  Texas,  it  is  noticeable  that,  during  the 
repeated  changes  of  administration  in  the  national 
capital,  the  state  government  was  ever  anxious  to 
keep  on  good  terms  with  the  dominant  party  and 
adopt  its  policy.  The  consequences  were  perplexity, 
contradictions,47  and  an  absence  of  fixed  political 
principles 

In  the  administration  of  justice  the  legislature  en 
deavored  to  insure  fair  trials.  In  the  criminal  courts 
the  accused  was  tried  before  the  presiding  judge, 
in  the  presence  of  two  assistant  judges,  one  chosen  by 
the  defendant  and  the  other  by  the  plaintiff.  After 
all  the  evidence  had  been  taken,  the  three  judges  in 
consultation  decided  upon  the  case.  When  two  or 
more  defendants  were  on  trial  on  the  same  charge, 
each  could  nominate  two  assistant  judges,  and  out  of 
the  whole  number  one  was  elected  by  a  majority  of 
votes.  Every  citizen  when  called  upon  to  sit  as  an 
assistant  judge  was  obligated  to  serve,  unless  some 
legal  impediment  exonerated  him.48  Simple  theft  of 
small  amounts  was  punishable  by  the  infliction  of 

46  Unmarried  Spaniards  and  widowers  without  children  were  called  upon 
for  one  third  of  their  capitals;  those  married  without  children,  and  widowers 
with  only  one  child,  for  one  fifth;  and  those  of  both  classes  with  more  than 
one  child,  for  one  eighth.  Id.,  135. 

47  When  Guerrero  was  in  power,  the   congress  of    Coahuila  and  Texas 
ordered  his  bust  to  be  set  up  in  their  hall,  but  when  adversity  came  upon 
him,  they  repealed  the  order.     They  then  named  a  town  after  Bustamante, 
and  by  a  later  decree  struck  out  his  name.    Yoakunis  Hist.  Tex. ,  i.  270. 

48  Coah.  y  Tex.  Lci/es,  66,  83,  102-3.     Deputies  of  congress,  the  governor, 
vice-governor,  councillors,  the  secretaries  of  state,  military  men,  and  ecclesi 
astics  could  not  be  called  upon  to  act  as  assistant  judges. 


EDUCATION  AND  GOVERNMENT.  95 

fines  varying  from  $10  to  $30,  or  by  labor  on  the  public 
works  for  from  one  to  three  months.  When  the  value 
of  the  stolen  property  exceeded  $10  but  not  $100,  the 
punishment  was  not  less  than  one  year's  nor  more 
than  two  years'  such  labor.  For  the  third  offence  the 
criminal  was  exposed  in  the  most  public  place  with  a 
placard  on  his  head  bearing  the  inscription  'thief.'41 
In  case  of  the  impeachment  of  an  authority — as,  for 
instance,  the  governor,  a  deputy,  or  a  member  of  the 
supreme  court — congress  appointed  four  of  its  own 
number  to  sit  as  a  grand  jury,  one  of  whom  had  no 
vote,  but  acted  as  secretary.  This  jury  reported  its 
finding  to  congress,  which  then  discussed  the  evidence, 
and  declared  whether  or  not  there  was  just  cause  of 
action.  If  congress  resolved  in  the  affirmative,  the 
case  was  transmitted  to  the  corresponding  tribunal  for 
trial.50 

Education  in  Coahuila  and  Texas  was  at  an  ex- 
oremely  low  ebb.  Arispe,  in  his  memorial  of  November 
1,  1811,  to  the  Spanish  cortes,  says  on  the  subject  of 
public  education:  "Only  in  the  town  of  Saltillo . . .  is 
there  a  scanty  fixed  appropriation  for  the  maintenance 
of  a  common  school-master."  "  On  the  great  estates, 
and  in  the  populous  districts,  where  many  servants  are 
employed,  it  is  common  also  to  have  schools;  but  I 
have  observed  the  pains  taken  to  prevent  the  children 
of  servants  from  learning  to  write;  for  some  masters 
believe  that  if  they  arrive  at  that  important  point  of 
education,  they  may  be  induced  to  seek  some  other  less 
servile  mode  of  gaining  their  living."  The  congress 
tried  to  remedy  this  evil,  and  by  decree  of  May  13, 
1829,  an  attempt  was  made  to  establish  in  each  de 
partment  a  school  of  mutual  instruction  on  the  Lan- 
casterian  system.  By  this  law  it  was  provided  that 
the  teacher  should  instruct  the  pupils  in  reading, 
writing,  arithmetic,  the  dogmas  of  the  catholic  religion, 

49  Id.,  66-8.     Receivers  of  stolen  goods,  agents  and  protectors  of  thieves, 
Buffered  the  same  punishments  on  conviction  as  the  latter. 
**Mex.  Col.  CouatituL,  i.  229;  Coalt.  y  Tex.  Leyes,  118. 


«?6  THE  STATE  OF  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS 

and  Ackerman's  catechisms  of  arts  and  sciences,  each 
teacher's  salary  being  fixed  at  $800  per  annum,  pay 
able  monthly  in  advance.51  But  legislation  in  the 
matter  was  more  easy  than  fulfilment,  and  the  project 
could  not  be  carried  into  effect.  In  April  1830 
another  law  was  passed  for  the  establishment  of  six 
primary  schools  on  the  same  plan,  but  with  no  better 
result.  The  people  were  indifferent  to  educational 
progress.  Among  the  settlements  of  Austin's  colony 
a  few  private  schools  were  established,  and  in  1829 
the  first  protestant  Sunday-school  in  Texas  was  opened 
at  San  Felipe  de  Austin  by  T.  J.  Pilgrim  of  the  bap 
tist  church.  It  soon,  however,  met  with  interruption. 
A  difficulty  arose  between  some  Mexican  litigants, 
who  visited  San  Felipe,  and  some  of  the  settlers ;  and 
Austin,  aware  that  the  visitors  would  not  fail  to  notice 
the  violation  of  the  colonization  law,  deemed  it  prudent 
temporarily  to  close  the  school.52 

With  regard  to  religion,  the  Texan  colonists  at  this 
early  date  had  neither  opportunity  nor  much  inclina 
tion  to  practise  it.  Dewees,  writing  in  November 
1831,  says :  "  The  people  of  this  country  seem  to  have 
forgotten  that  there  is  such  a  commandment  as  '  Re 
member  the  sabbath  day  and  keep  it  holy.'  This  day 
is  generally  spent  in  visiting,  driving  stock,  and  break 
ing  mustangs."  "I  have  not  heard  a  sermon  since  I 
left  Kentucky,  except  at  a  camp-meeting  in  Arkan 
sas."53  Having  furnished  the  required  certificate  of 
his  catholic  faith,  the  Anglo-American  eased  his 
conscience  by  refraining  from  any  practical  expression 
of  it. 

Apart  from  the  causes  mentioned  of  dissatisfaction 

51  Coah.  y  Tex.  Leyes,  127-30. 

^Baker's  Texas,  74-5.  HutcUmon's  Reminis.,  213.  Another  sabbath- 
school  was  opened  the  same  year  at  Matagorda. 

53  Letters  from  Tex.,  137.  In  1824  the  Rev.  Henry  Stephenson,  of  the 
methodist  denomination,  preached  the  first  protestant  sermon  west  of  the 
Brazos,  near  San  Felipe.  There  were  four  families  present  on  the  occasion. 
The  first  baptist  preacher  was  Joseph  Bays,  who  preached  on  Peach  Creek, 
west  of  the  Brazos,  in  1826.  He  presently  removed  to  San  Antonio,  where 
he  labored  till  ordered  away  by  the  Mexican  authorities.  Hutchinson's  Rem- 
inie.,  209,  212-13. 


WAR  BREWING.  97 

between  the  state  and  the  colonists,  the  government 
showed  itself  otherwise  favorably  disposed  toward 
theuio  Hitherto  they  were  left  unmolested  in  the 
management  of  their  internal  affairs,  and  besides  its 
readiness  to  extend  land  grants,  the  state  displayed 
equal  willingness  to  encourage  Anglo-American  enter 
prises  of  other  kinds.  In  October  1827  Leon  Alemy 
obtained  the  exclusive  privilege,  for  a  term  of  six 
years,  to  sink  artesian  wells;  and  in  February  1828  a 
like  privilege,  for  twenty-three  years,  was  granted  to 
John  L.  Woodbury  and  John  Cameron  to  work  iron 
and  coal  mines  in  the  state,  facilities  being  afforded 
them  for  the  introduction  of  the  necessary  machinery 
The  same  year  John  Davis  Bradburn  and  Stephen 
Staples  obtained  a  similar  right  to  navigate  for  fifteen 
years  the  Rio  Grande  with  boats  propelled  by  steam 
or  horse  power.54 

But  the  federal  government  was  not  equally  con 
siderate  ;  and  with  its  customary  interference  in  the 
internal  affairs  of  the  states,  it  presently  began  a  sys- 
I  tern  of  encroachments   on  the   liberty  arid  rights  of 
I  the  settlers,  thereby  establishing  a  mine  of  grievances 
!  which    the  colonists  exploded    by  the   outburst  of  a 
i  bloody  revolt. 

54  Coah.  y  Tex.  Leye*,  83-4,  98-9,  100-1,  106-7.     Bradburn  was  not  a  Texan 
"  settler.     He  had  joined  Mina's  expedition,  and  afterward,  joining  Guerrero, 
;  rose  to  distinction  in  the  republican  ranks.  Hist.  Mex.,  iv.  075-6,  this  series. 
Thrall's  Hiftt.  Tex.,  506. 

HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    7 


CHAPTEE  VI. 

MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 
1826-1832. 

HAYDEN  EDWARDS'  GRANT— His  DIFFICULTIES  AND  WANT  OF  POLICY— MEXI 
CANS  VERSUS  COLONISTS — ANNULMENT  OF  EDWARDS'  CONTRACT— JOHN 
DUNN  HUNTER — DISCONTENT  OF  THE  CHEROKEES — THE  FREDONIAN  RE 
VOLT — COVENANT  WITH  INDIAN  TRIBES — DELUSIVE  HOPES — RED  MEN'S 
PERFIDY — MURDER  OF  HUNTER  AND  FIELDS — FAILURE  OF  THE  REVOLT 
— PROGRESS  AND  CONDITION  OF  THE  COLONIES — MEXICO'S  FEARS  OP 
LOSING  TEXAS — ALAMAN'S  PROPOSITIONS — LAW  OF  APRIL  6,  1830 — MILI 
TARY  DESPOTISM — ESTABLISHMENT  OF  CUSTOM-HOUSES — PORTS  OF  TEXAS 
CLOSED — DEMONSTRATIONS  OF  THE  COLONISTS — BRADBURN'S  OUTRAGES — 
HOSTILITIES  AT  ANAHUAC — THE  TURTLE  BAYOU  RESOLUTIONS — CAPTURE 
OF  FORT  VELASCO — MUTINY  AT  ANAHUAC  AND  FLIGHT  OF  BRADBURN — 
RESOLUTIONS  OF  THE  AYUNTAMIENTOS  —  NACOGDOCHES  EVACUATED  — 
TRANQUILLITY  RESTORED  IN  TEXAS. 

IN  the  latter  part  of  1826  the  first  indication  ap 
peared  of  the  intention  on  the  part  of  Anglo-American 
settlers  to  resist  oppression.     It  has  been  already  men 
tioned  that,  when  Austin  was  in  the  city  of  Mexico, 
one  of  the  causes  of  the  delay  which  attended  his  en 
deavors  to  procure  a  confirmation  of  the  grant  conceded 
to  his  father,  was  the  numerous  applications  that  were 
being  made  at  that  time  for  similar  contracts.      Among ; 
the  applicants  was  Hayden  Edwards,  who,  after  much  i 
trouble,  eventually  succeeded  in  obtaining  from  the ' 
government  of  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  a  con 
tract  to  settle  800  families  on  lands  surrounding  Na- 
cogdoches.1     Edwards   thereupon    proceeded    to   the 

1The  limits  of  his  grant  were  as  follows:  beginning  at  the  angle  formed 
by  a  line  twenty  leagues  from  the  Sabine,  and  one  ten  leagues  from  the  coast  4 
of  the  gulf  of  Mexico;  thence  in  a  northerly  direction,  passing  the  post  ofj 
Nacogdoches,  and  in  the  same  direction  fifteen  leagues  above;  thence  westerly! 


EDWARDS'  PLANS.  99 

United  States,  and  spared  no  pains  or  expense  in  en 
deavoring  to  fulfil  his  contract,  at  the  same  time  in 
ducing  his  brother,  Major  Benjamin  W.  Edwards,  to 
go  to  Texas  and  aid  him  in  establishing  his  colony.2 

In  October  1825  Hayden  Edwards  returned  to 
Texas  and  took  up  his  residence  at  Nacogdoches.  He 
soon  discovered  that  he  had  difficulties  to  contend 
with  that  had  never  troubled  Austin.  Portions  of 
the  lands  conceded  to  him  were  already  occupied  by 
Mexican  settlers,  some  of  whom  had  been  driven  from 
their  homes  after  the  destruction  of  Long's  expedition, 
and  had  recently  returned.  Nacogdoches  had  again 
about  100  inhabitants,  and  certain  of  the  villanous  class, 
formerly  of  the  '  neutral  ground,'  had  taken  up  lands. 
These  latter,  without  regarding  Edwards  with  any 
particular  aversion,  were  wholly  averse  to  subordina 
tion  ;  while  the  Mexicans,  jealous  of  his  authority,  and 
angry  at  an  American  being  placed  over  them,  showed 
marked  symptoms  of  unfriendliness.  There  were, 
moreover,  among  them  many  turbulent  and  bad  char 
acters,  and  not  a  few  fugitives  from  justice.  The  re 
sult  was,  that,  as  Edwards'  immigrants  arrived,  the 
colony  was  quickly  divided  into  two  hostile  factions. 
Edwards  did  what  he  could  to  preserve  order  and 

at  right  angles  with  the  first  line  to  the  Navasoto  creek;  thence  down  said 
creek  till  it  strikes  the  upper  road  from  Bejar  to  Nacogdoches;  thence  east- 
wardly  along  the  said  road  to  the  San  Jacinto;  thence  down  said  river  to 
within  ten  leagues  of  the  coast;  thence  eastwardly  along  a  line  ten  leagues 
from  the  coast  to  the  beginning.  Yoakum's  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  4152,  where  a  trans 
lation  of  the  contract  will  be  found.  The  last  line  is  described  as  being  drawn 
within  only  ten  miles  of  the  coast.  This  is  evidently  an  error,  and  should  be 
leagues.  The  state  government  had  no  power  to  authorize  the  establishment 
of  settlements  on  the  ten-league  coast  reserve.  The  federal  congress  alone 
could  grant  that  privilege. 

2Foote  states  that  Benjamin  Edwards  paid  a  long  visit  to  Austin,  and  had 
many  conversations  with  him  on  the  subject  of  the  colonization  of  Texas. 
According  to  this  author,  Austin  and  Edwards  were  of  one  mind,  and  had  in 
view  '  the  firm  establishment,  in  this  favored  country,  of  the  instittitions  of 
civil  and  religious  freedom,  and  the  redemption  of  a  region  from  foreign  rule, 
which  rightfully  belonged  to  the^  people  of  the  United  States,  and  of  which 
they  had  been  notoriously  bereaved  by  f raudful  negotiations. '  They,  how 
ever,  agreed  that  many  grievances  would  have  to  be  borne  before  the  colonies 
were  strong  enough  to  throw  off  the  yoke.  Tex.  and  the  Texans,  i.  22.  It  is 
difficult  to  believe  that  Austin  expressed  any  such  ideas  with  regard  to  the 
fraud  practised  on  the  U.  S. 


100  MEXICAN   OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

maintain  his  authority,  but  several  measures  adopted 
by  him  were  far  from  politic. 

The  second  article  of  his  contract  provided  that  all 
possessions  found  in  Nacogdoches  and  its  vicinity,  sup 
ported  by  the  corresponding  titles,  should  be  respected ; 
and  that  in  case  any  of  the  ancient  possessors  should 
claim  preservation  of  their  rights,  it  was  the  empresa- 
rio's  duty  to  comply  therewith.  This  afforded  a  wide 
loophole  through  which  to  thrust  in  claims  to  the 
most  valuable  lands,  and  old  title  deeds  were  diligently 
searched  for  or  manufactured.4  In  order  to  ascertain 
the  extent  of  these  claims,  Edwards,  in  November 
1825,  called  upon  all  persons  holding  such  land  titles 
to  produce  them,  in  order  that  their  legality  might  be 
decided  upon  according  to  law.  In  this  there  was  no 
harm;  but  he  gave  further  notice  that  the  lands  of 
those  who  failed  to  present  their  titles  would  be  sold, 
and  that  claimants  whose  titles  were  just  would  have 
to  pay  for  any  improvements  that  had  been  made  on 
the  lands  by  the  present  occupiers.  This  caused  in 
dignation  to  the  Mexicans,  and  gave  great  offence  to 
the  authorities,  who  could  but  regard  his  notification 
in  respect  to  the  sale  of  lands  as  an  assumption  of 
power  that  had  never  been  given  him. 

By  the  sixth  article  of  the  contract  Edwards  was 
authorized  to  raise  the  national  militia  within  his 
colony,  and  was  appointed  its  chief  until  further  dis 
position  should  be  made.  Accordingly  he  gave  notice 
for  the  election  of  militia  officers  to  take  place  on 
December  15th  of  the  same  year.  At  the  same  time 
he  proposed  that  the  people  should  elect  an  alcalde. 
With  the  election  of  this  magistrate  the  more  serious 
troubles  began.  Each  party  had  its  candidate  for  the 
office;  Chaplin,  Edwards'  son-in-law,  being  put  for 
ward  by  the  American  colonists,  and  Samuel  Norris, 
devoted  to  Mexican  interests,  by  their  opponents. 
The  election  decided  in  favor  of  the  former,  who  took 

3  A  Mexican  named  Antonio  Sepiilveda  was  engaged  in  this  nefarious  busi-    I 
ness.    Y oakum  a  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  238. 


TYRANNICAL  GOVERNMENT.  101 

possession  of  the  archives  and  entered  upon  the  duties 
of  the  office.  But  Sepulveda,  the  outgoing  alcalde, 
and  his  party  disputed  many  of  the  votes  as  having 
been  cast  by  settlers  residing  outside  the  limits  of 
Edwards'  grant,  though  under  the  alcalde's  jurisdic 
tion.  Accordingly,  they  represented  the  matter  to 
Saucedo,  the  political  chief  at  San  Antonio.  Already 
offended  with  Edwards  by  reason  of  a  report  sent  in 
by  the  latter  giving  an  account  of  his  official  acts,  and 
which  was  not  deemed  sufficiently  respectful,  Saucedo 
decided  in  favor  of  Norris,  and  instructed  Sepulveda 
to  install  him  by  force  of  arms  if  any  opposition  was 
offered.  No  resistance  was  made,  however;  on  the 
exhibition  of  Norris'  commission  Chaplin  surrendered 
up  the  archives  of  the  office  to  him. 

And  now  commenced  a  system  of  petty  tryanny 
and  invidious  distinctions,  which  exasperated  the  col 
onists.  Americans,  who  had  wrought  improvements 
on  their  lands,  were  ousted  from  them  to  give  place  to 
Mexicans,  the  favorites  of  Sepulvada  and  the  alcalde. 
A  band  of  regulators  was  formed,  under  the  command 
of  James  Gaines,  the  brother-in-law  of  Norris;  and 
backed  by  these  ruffians  and  the  official  support  of 
Saucedo,  the  Mexican  party  domineered  as  they  liked. 
Moreover,  accusations  against  Edwards  were  made  to 
the  political  chief,  who  did  not  conceal  his  hostility  to 
the  empresario.4 

Early  in  the  summer  of  1826,  Hayden  Edwards 
again  returned  to  the  United  States,  leaving  to  his 
brother  the  management  of  the  colony  during  his 
absence.  Benjamin  Edwards,  in  his  anxiety  to  over 
come  existing  difficulties  and  avoid  future  trouble, 
sought  the  advice  of  Austin,  who  recommended  him 

*  In  his  letter  to  Edwards  dated  May  1,  1826,  he  writes:  'Hitherto,  the 
accusation  against  you,  which  has  arrested  the  attention  of  the  supreme  gov 
ernment  of  the  union,  is  the  ordinance  which  you  yourself  published  in  Oct. 
of  the  past  year,  proclaiming  yourself  the  military  chief  of  that  part  of  the 
state,  and  demanding  of  the  old  inhabitants  the  titles  of  the  lands  which 
they  possess;  for  which  acts  the  corresponding  charges  shall  be  made  when 
the  government  shall  so  order. '  Now  Edwards  had  only  acted  in  the  matter 
of  the  militia  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  his  contract.  Id.,  241. 


102  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

to  send  to  Blanco,  the  provisional  governor  of  the 
state,  a  detailed  account  of  the  conduct  of  both  par 
ties.5  This  was  accordingly  done ;  on  September  5th 
Benjamin  Edwards  despatched  his  letter,  in  which, 
after  entering  into  full  particulars,  he  alluded  to  the 
charges  that  had  been  preferred  against  his  brother, 
and  requested  the  governor  to  abstain  from  taking 
action  until  the  empresario  had  an  opportunity  of 
defending  himself.  Before  the  receipt  of  a  reply  to 
this  communication,  Hayden  Edwards  returned,  and 
was  soon  made  aware  of  the  reception  it  had  met 
with,  by  the  rumor  which  was  spread  that  his  contract 
was  going  to  be  annulled.  At  this  the  Mexican  pop 
ulation  was  jubilant.  It  was  confidently  anticipated 
that,  as  a  consequence,  titles  to  land  acquired  through 
him  would  be  revoked,  and  claims  were  at  once  set  up 
to  all  the  most  valuable  places  occupied  and  improved 
by  Edwards'  colonists.  The  shamelessness  of  N  orris 
—who  was,  however,  controlled  by  Gaines — was  such 
that  these  abominable  claims  were  sanctioned  by  him. 
A  reign  of  terror  followed.  American  settlers  were 
dispossessed  of  their  homes ;  were  arrested  at  midnight 
and  dragged  before  the  alcalde,  to  be  punished  for  acts 
they  had  never  committed;  they  were  fined  and  im 
prisoned;  and  every  contumely  and  vexation  that 
envy  and  malice  could  suggest  were  heaped  upon 
them.  The  tyranny  exercised  was  so  glaringly  out 
rageous  and  intolerable  that  most  of  Norris'  Ameri 
can  supporters  abandoned  him. 

At  last  the  governor's  reply  to  Benjamin  Edwards' 
letter  arrived,  confirming  the  prevailing  rumor.  It 
was  dated  Saltillo,  October  2,  1826.  Blanco,  after 
stating  that  the  communication  addressed  to  him  was 
wanting  in  respect,  continues  as  follows:  "In  view  of 
such  proceedings,  by  which  Hayden  Edwards'  conduct 
is  well  attested,  I  have  decreed  the  annulment  of  his 

5 '  Give  him  a  full  statement  of  facts,  and  a  very  minute  history  of  the 
acts  of  your  principal  enemies  and  their  opponents,  and  their  manner  of  doing 
business  in  every  particular,  both  in  regard  to  your  brother  as  well  as  all 
others.'  Footes  Tex.,  i.  209. 


CHEROKEE  IMMIGRANTS.  103 

contract  and  his  expulsion  from  the  territory  of  the 
republic.  He  has  lost  the  confidence  of  the  govern 
ment,  I  doubt  his  fidelity,  and  it  is  imprudent  to  admit 
men  who  begin  by  dictating  laws  as  sovereigns."  He 
concludes  by  informing  the  two  brothers  that  if  these 
measures  were  unwelcome  or  prejudicial  to  them,  they 
could  apply  to  the  supreme  government,  but  not  until 
they  had  both  first  evacuated  the  country,  and  that 
he  had  issued  orders  to  the  authorities  of  the  depart 
ment  relative  to  their  expulsion.6  It  was  an  arbitrary 
and  unjust  proceeding  thus  summarily  to  inflict  a 
heavy  pecuniary  loss7  on  the  empresario,  and  banish 
him  without  affording  him  a  chance  to  defend  his  line 
of  conduct.  And  in  this  light  it  was  viewed  by  his 
colonists,  arid  they  were  determined  to  remain  passive 
no  longer. 

While  Hayden  Edwards  wTas  in  the  city  of  Mexico 
applying  for  his  contract,  certain  chiefs  of  a  tribe  of 
the  Cherokees,  which  had  lately  immigrated  into  Texas, 
were  petitioning  at  the  same  time  for  a  grant  of  land 
whereon  to  settle.  Among  these  chiefs  was  one 
Fields,  a  half-breed,  who  possessed  great  influence  with 
the  Indians.  Without  receiving  any  formal  assign 
ment  of  territory,  Fields,  confiding  in  promises  made  to 
him,  and  a  conditional  agreement  in  1822  with  Felix 
Trespalacios,8  then  governor  of  the  province,  on  his 
return  to  Texas  established  a  village  about  fifty  miles 
north  of  Nacogdoches.  Several  years  passed,  how 
ever,  and  still  no  legal  titles  to  the  lands  the  Indians 
had  settled  upon  was  given  to  them.  About  the  year 
1825  John  Dunn  Hunter,9  a  devoted  champion  of  the 

6  Yoakum  supplies  a  copy  of  all  this  portion  of  Blanco's  letter.   Hist.  Tex., 
i.  243. 

7  Edwards  had  expended  $50,000  in  his  efforts  to  establish  his  colony.   Id., 

8  This  agreement  was  confirmed  by  Iturbide,  April  27,  1823.   Id.,  216. 

9  This  remarkable  man  was  brought  up  by  Indians  from  his  earliest  child 
hood  till  he  was  nineteen  or  twenty  years  of  age.     In  1823  he  published  a 
narrative  of  his  captivity,  under  the  title:  Manners  and  Custom*  of  Several 
Indian  Tribes  Located    West  of  the  Mississippi,  Philadelphia,   1823,  8vo,  pp. 
402;  and  in  the  same  year  a  reprint  the  work  in  London,  entitled:  Memoirs  oj 


104  MEXICAN   OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

rights  of  Indians,  and  an  earnest  laborer  for  the  pro 
motion  of  their  welfare  and  civilization,  appeared  in 
the  Cherokee  village.  He  soon  perceived  the  flimsy 
tenure  by  which  the  Indians  held  their  lands,  and  did 
not  doubt  that  the  Mexican  government  would  dis 
pense  with  its  promises  and  provisional  agreements10 
whenever  it  might  be  deemed  convenient  to  do  so. 
Hunter,  therefore,  with  the  consent  of  the  chiefs, 
undertook  a  journey  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  for  the 
purpose  of  representing  their  case  to  the  supreme  gov 
ernment,  and  procuring  for  them  their  long-promised 
title.  He  arrived  at  the  Mexican  capital  in  March 
1826,  but  his  endeavors  met  with  no  better  result 
than  those  of  preceding  representatives  of  the  tribe, 
and  vague  promises,  as  heretofore,  were  all  that  could 

a  Captivity  among  the  Indians  of  North  America,  from  Childhood  to  the  Age  of 
Nineteen,  8vo,  pp.  ix.,  447.  In  1824  a  third  edition  was  issued  with  addi 
tions,  8vo,  pp.  xi.,  408,  London,  1824.  Hunter  states  that  he  had  110  recol 
lection  of  his  parents,  who,  he  believed,  were  killed  at  the  time  of  his  capture, 
but  when  or  where  that  occurred  he  could  not  tell.  His  skill  in  hunting  when 
yet  a  boy  gained  for  him  the  name  of  '  hunter '  among  the  Indians,  which 
he  afterward  adopted  as  a  patronymic.  He  assumed  his  other  names  out  of 
respect  to  John  Dunn  of  Missouri,  who  treated  him  with  fraternal  kindness 
after  his  association  with  white  people.  Having  formed  acquaintance  with 
fur- traders,  he  abandoned  his  Indian  life  in  1816,  and  engaged  in  trading. 
During  the  intervals  between  the  trading  seasons,  he  attended  for  some  years 
a  school  near  Pearl  River,  Mississippi,  and  applied  himself  assiduously  to  the 
study  of  the  English  language,  writing,  and  arithmetic,  in  which  he  made 
great  proficiency.  In  1821  he  crossed  the  Alleghanies,  went  to  New  York, 
and,  as  he  says,  began  a  new  existence.  He  afterward  visited  England  and 
Europe.  During  1823-4  he  was  lionized  by  the  fashionable  world  in  London, 
and  excited  the  deepest  interest  of  philosophers  and  philanthropists,  literati 
and  noblemen,  not  only  on  account  of  his  romantic  life,  but  also  of  his  project 
of  civilizing  the  Indians.  This  could  only  be  effected,  he  maintained,  by  the 
introduction  of  civilized  habits  by  a  slow  and  invisible  progress,  and  his  plan 
was  to  form  a  settlement  in  which  Indian  manners  and  customs  would  at  first 
be  adopted,  but  gradually  eliminated  with  time.  In  the  summer  of  1824  he 
left  London  and  went  to  live  with  the  Cherokees  in  Texas,  over  whom  he 
immediately  acquired  a  leading  influence.  Hunter  was  denounced  by  the 
periodicals  of  the  U.  S.  as  an  adventurer  who  imposed  on  the  credulity  of 
the  British  public,  and  the  North  American  Review,  1826,  xxii.  101-7,  in  un 
qualified  language  proclaims  him  a  bold  but  ignorant  imposter.  There  are 
many  writers,  however,  who  do  not  regard  him  in  this  light,  but  consider 
that  he  brought  down  upon  himself  the  enmity  of  many  persons  in  the  U.  S. 
on  account  of  his  outspoken  vindication  of  the  rights  of  the  Indians.  Consult 
Quart.  Rev.,  xxxi.  76-111;  Blackwood's  Mag.,  xvi.,  639,  xvii.  56;  Literary 
Gaz.,  1823,  p.  242,  etc.;  Ward's  Mex.,  ii.  587-8;  Foote's  Tex.,  i.  239-47. 

1°  The  agreement  of  April  1823  was  made  with  the  understanding  that  the 
Indians  should  retire  farther  into  the  interior,  and  that  no  additional  families 
should  immigrate  till  the  general  colonization  law  was  published.  Yoakunis 
Hint.  Tex.,  i.  216. 


THREATENED  INDIAN  OUTBREAK.  105 

be  obtained  from  the  cautious  government.  When 
Hunter  on  his  return  reported  his  want  of  success,  his 
people  were  terribly  exasperated  against  the  Mexicans, 
who,  they  considered,  were  intending  to  defraud  them 
of  lands  which  they  now  regarded  as  their  rightful 
possessions.  Driven  from  their  vast  hunting-grounds 
in  the  United  States  by  the  advance  of  the  Anglo- 
Americans,  their  past  experience  had  made  the  Cher- 
okees  watchful  and  suspicious,  and  they  regarded  the 
white  race  with  no  friendly  feelings.  Without  making 
distinction,  therefore,  between  the  colonists  and  the 
Mexicans,  they  meditated  avenging  themselves  by 
waging  an  indiscriminate  war  against  the  settlements. 
With  this  object  they  associated  themselves  with  other 
neighboring  tribes,  which  were  not  unwilling  to  make 
reprisals  for  the  punishment  they  had  frequently  re 
ceived  at  the  hands  of  the  Anglo-Americans.11  They 
were,  however,  diverted  from  their  purpose  by  the 
influence  of  Hunter,  who  persuaded  them  to  postpone 
active  operations  for  a  time,  while  he  informed  him 
self  of  the  position  of  affairs  at  Nacogdoches. 

Meanwhile  the  action  of  Edwards'  colonists  had 
assumed  all  the  features  of  revolt.  Exasperated 
beyond  endurance  by  the  tyrannical  acts  of  Norris 
and  Gaines,  they  had  lately  deposed  the  former,  and 
installed  another  alcalde  in  his  place.  Apprehending 
that  the  political  chief  would  send  a  force  to  restore 
the  former  order  of  things  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  this 
proceeding,  Hayden  Edwards  and  his  brother  busily 
occupied  themselves  in  visiting  the  settlements  in  order 
to  rouse  to  action  the  spirit  of  independence.  At  this 
juncture  Hunter  paid  them  a  visit,  and  representing 
to  them  the  hostile  intentions  of  the  Indians  with 
much  earnestness,  laid  before  them  a  proposal  that 
the  colonists  and  Cherokees  should  enter  into  a  league 
and  alliance  for  mutual  protection.  The  plan  was 

11  Benjamin  Edwards  states  in  his  address  to  the  settlers  of  Austin's  colony, 
Jan.  ]{j,  1827,  that  no  less  than  23  different  tribes  had  allied  themselves  with 
the  Comanche  nation.  Footers  Tex.,  i.  262.  Ward  says  that  the  numerous 
Indian  tribes  mustered  nearly  20,000  warriors.  Ut  sup. 


106  MEXICAN   OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

approved  by  the  brothers,  and  Hunter  returned  to 
his  village  to  communicate  the  matter  to  the  Indian 
chiefs,  who  were  easily  induced  to  follow  the  advice 
of  their  zealous  friend. 

A  report  that  the  enemy  was  approaching  Nacog- 
doches  caused  Benjamin  Edwards  to  hasten  thither 
with  all  speed.  Putting  himself  at  the  head  of  only 
fifteen  men,  he  prepared  a  suitable  flag— inscribed 
with  the  names  of  the  individuals  who  composed  his 
little  band,  and  with  a  solemn  pledge  to  stand  by  each 
other  in  the  cause  of  independence— and  on  December 
16th  entered  Nacogdoches,  where  he  proclaimed  free 
dom  and  independence.  He  then  proceeded  to  fortify 
himself  in  a  large  stone  building  in  the  centre  of  the 
town;  the  settlers  flocked  to  his  standard,  and  his 
force  in  a  few  days  amounted  to  about  200  men.  A 
republic  under  the  name  of  Fredonia  was  proclaimed, 
and  a  temporary  government  organized.  A  committee 
of  independence  was  inaugurated,  justices  of  the  peace 
were  chosen  for  the  different  settlements,  and  Martin 
Farmer  was  appointed  to  the  chief  command  of  the 
military. 

On  December  20th  Hunter,  Fields,  and  other  chiefs 
of  the  associated  tribes  repaired  to  Nacogdoches,  where 
on  the  following  day  a  solemn  league  and  confedera 
tion  was  agreed  upon  and  signed  by  the  representatives 
of  the  colonists  and  Indians  respectively.12  By  this 
covenant  it  was  agreed  to  divide  the  territory  of  Texas 
between  the  Indians  and  Anglo-Americans,  and  wage 
war  against  Mexico  until  their  independence  was  con 
summated.  The  portion  assigned  to  the  red  men  was 
all  the  territory  lying  between  the  United  States  and 

12  A  copy  of  this  treaty  in  Spanish  will  be  found  in  Cor.  Fed.  Mex.,  18  Feb., 
1827,  p.  3-4.  It  was  made  by  Benjamin  W.  Edwards  and  Harmon  B.  Mayo 
on  the  part  of  the  Fredoiiians,  and  Richard  Fields  and  John  D.  Hunter  on 
the  part  of  the  Indians.  It  was  ratified  the  same  day  by  the  committee  of 
Independence  and  the  committee  of  Red  People.  The  signatures  are  as  fol 
low:  on  the  part  of  the  Indians,  Richard  Fields,  John  D.  Hunter,  Nekolake, 
John  Bags,  and  Cuktokeh;  on  the  part  of  the  colonists,  Martin  Parmer, 
president,  Hayden  Edwards,  W.  B.  Legon,  John  Sprow,  B.  P.  Thompson, 
Jos.  A.  Huber,  B.  W.  Edwards,  and  H.  B.  Mayo.  Foote  also  supplies  a  copy 
of  this  treaty,  vol.  i.  253-6. 


AUSTIN  OPPOSES  EDWARDS'  PLANS.  107 

a  line  drawn  due  west  from  Sandy  Spring  near  Nacog- 
doches  to  the  Rio  Grande,  thence  up  that  river  to  its 
source ;  all  the  territory  south  of  this  line  was  to  be 
long  to  the  Americans. 

The  Fredonians  had  based  their  project  upon  the 
expectation  that  not  only  would  all  the  settlers  and 
Indians  in  Texas  support  the  movement,  but  also  that 
volunteers  from  the  United  States  would  join  the 
cause.  Messengers  were  accordingly  sent  with  procla 
mations  to  Natchitoches  and  Austin's  colony,  appealing 
for  aid  in  the  cause  of  freedom.  But  the  hopes  of  the 
insurgents  were  soon  rudely  crushed.  Austin,  cautious 
and  politic,  was  not  long  in  deciding  that  the  Anglo- 
Americans  in  Texas  were  quite  incapable  of  success 
fully  prosecuting  a  war  with  Mexico.  Any  such 
attempt  would  inevitably  end  in  the  ruin  of  his  colony, 
and  the  frustration  of  his  cherished  plans  to  people  a 
lovely  land  on  a  firm  basis  of  welfare  and  happiness. 
Moreover,  he  condemned  the  policy  of  the  Fredonians 
in  associating  themselves  with  barbarous  and  blood- 

O 

thirsty  Indians,  at  whose  hands  his  settlers  had  suffered 
the  only  outrages  they  had  as  yet  experienced.  As  a 
counter-effect  to  Benjamin  Edwards'  address,13  he  issued 
a  proclamation  January  22,  1827,  denouncing  in  strong 
terms  the  insurrection.  The  Fredonians,  whom  he 
calls  the  "Nacogdoches  madmen,"  were,  he  said,  incit 
ing  the  Indians  to  murder  and  plunder,  and  openly 
threatening  the  colonists  with  massacre.  He  repudi 
ated  them,  pronouncing  them  base  and  degraded 
apostates  from  the  name  of  Americans,  to  which  they 
had  forfeited  all  title  by  their  unnatural  alliance  with 
Indians;  and  concluded  by  calling  the  people  of  the 
colony  to  arms  en  masse,  at  the  same  time  announcing 
that  100  men  already  called  out  would  march  against 
Nacogdoches  on  the  26th.14 

Equally  unfavorable  was  the  reception  of  their  ap 
peals  to  the  United  States  for  aid.  Huber,  who  had 

13  Dated  Nacogdoches,  Jan.  16,  1827.     Copy  will  be  found  in  Id.t  i.  260-3. 
14 Copy  Austin's  proclamation  in  Id.,  i.  26(5-8. 


108  MEXICAN   OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

been  intrusted  with  that  mission,  on  his  arrival  at 
Natchitoches  represented,  through  the  medium  of  the 
press,  the  Fredonian  enterprise  not  only  as  a  hopeless 
one,  but  also  disreputable,  and  the  succor  that  was 
confidently  expected  from  that  source  was  withheld. 
But  the  death-blow  to  this  wild  scheme  was  the  deser 
tion  of  the  Indians.  Many  of  the  tribes  would  not 
join  the  alliance  with  a  people  against  whom  they  were 
embittered.  Mexican  emissaries,  too,  were  sent  among 
them,  who,  by  promises  and  threats,  allured  or  alarmed 
them.  When  the  time  for  action  came  they  turned 
against  their  white  allies. 

The  rumor  of  the  enemy's  approach,  which  had  spread 
at  the  latter  part  of  December,  was  occasioned  by  the 
arrival  of  Colonel  Ellis  Bean 15  in  the  vicinity  of  Na- 
cogdoches  with  thirty-five  men.  Finding  the  place 
too  strongly  defended,  Bean  retired,  and  the  Fredo- 
nians,  seeing  no  cause  for  immediate  alarm,  dispersed 
to  their  homes,  leaving  Farmer  with  a  few  men  on 

O 

guard.  Saucedo  had,  however,  set  out  from  San 
Antonio  with  about  200  men,  under  the  command  of 
Colonel  Mateo  Ahumada,  and  reached  San  Felipe  de 
Austin  by  the  1st  of  January.  On  the  4th  he  issued 
a  conciliatory  proclamation,  offering  peace  and  secure 
possession  of  their  lands  to  the  subordinates,  but  his 
offers  were  received  with  contempt.16  On  that  same 
day  Norris,  with  about  eighty  men,  some  dozen  of 
whom  were -Americans,  entered  Nacogdoches  with  the 
avowed  intention  o£  hano-inp1  the  Fredonians.  Of  the 

O         O 

latter  there  were  only  eleven,  with  eight  Cherokees, 
under  Hunter,  but  they  boldly  charged  the  invaders, 
and  quickly  put  them  to  flight,  with  the  loss  of  one 
killed  and  ten  or  twelve  severely  wounded.  The  Fre 
donians  had  only  one  man  slightly  hurt.  It  was  an 

15  Bean  had  been  made  colonel  for  his  services  in  the  war  of  independence, 
and  also  obtained  a  grant  of  land  in  Texas.  He  was  one  of  the  settlers  on 
Edwards'  colony.  He  had  lately  returned  from  the  Mexican  capital,  whither 
he  had  gone  in  1825.  Mem.  of  Cap.  W.  Shaw,  MS. ;  Yoakums  Hist.  Tex.  i. 
236. 

16 Id.,  249;  Austin's  address,  in  Foote,  ut  sup.,  260. 


WAR  INEVITABLE.  109 

insignificant  affair,  but  the  first  blood  in  strife  between 
the  Mexicans  and  Anglo-American  settlers  had  been 
shed. 

Active  measures  were  now  adopted  by  Saucedo. 
The  Indians  were  entirely  gained  over,  and  breaking 
their  covenant,  joined  the  Mexicans.  Ahumada  now 
marched  against  Nacogdoches  with  200  infantry,  100 
dragoons,  and  Austin's  reenforcement  of  colonial  mili 
tia.17  A  small  number  of  Fredonians  had  assembled 
in  the  town,  but  their,  cause  was  irretrievably  lost. 
Hordes  of  recreant  allies  were  within  a  few  leagues 
of  them,  ready  to  raise  the  war-cry  and  swoop 
down  upon  them.  Hunter  and  Fields,  who  remained 
stanchly  faithful,  endeavored  in  vain  to  hold  their 
people  to  their  pledge,  and  were  ruthlessly  murdered 
for  their  fidelity.18  No  aid  from  outside  arrived;  the 
settlers,  completely  intimidated  by  the  presence  of 
the  Mexican  forces  and  the  unexpected  action  of  Aus 
tin's  colonists,  submitted  without  striking  a  blow,  on 
the  promise  of  pardon  for  past  offences ;  and  a  band  of 
twenty  Fredonian  regulars  was  captured.  Under 
these  circumstances,  the  party  at  Nacogdoches  evacu 
ated  the  town  in  despair  on  the  approach  of  Ahumada, 
January  27th,  and  sought  safety  in  the  territory  of 
the  United  States,  which  they  entered  on  the  31st.19 
Ahumada,  yielding  to  the  solicitations  of  Austin,  re 
leased  his  prisoners.  This  unusual  clemency  on  the 
part  of  a  victorious  Mexican  commander  elicited  from 
Benjamin  Edwards  a  warm  expression  of  his  thanks.20 

17  Tornel,  Resena  Hist.  Mex.,  158;  Suarez  y  Navarro,  Hist.  Mex.,  85. 

18  Fields  was  first  murdered,  and  shortly  afterward  Hunter.     The  latter, 
while  watering  his  horse  at  a  creek  near  the  Anadagua  village,  was  shot  by  an 
Indian.     He  was  going,  with  two  or  three  companions  only — one  of  whom 
killed  him — to  join  the  Fredonians  at  Nacogdoches,  having  failed  to  induce 
the  Indians  to  keep  their  promises.     Fields  was  an  intelligent  man,  and  had 
joined  the  York  lodge  of  freemasons  while  in  Mexico.  Foote,  i.  280;   Y  oakum, 
i.  250;  Cor.  Fed.  Mex.,  31  Mar.,  1827,  p.  3. 

19  Hay  den  Edwards  returned  after  the  Texan  revolution,  and  at  one  time 
represented  his  district  in  the  congress.     His  brother,  in  1836,  was  engaged 
in  raising  a  company  in  Mississippi  in  aid  of  Texas,   but  discontinued  his 
efforts  on  receipt  of  the  news  of  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto.     In  1837  he  was 
candidate  for  governor  of  Mississippi,  but  died  during  the  canvass.    Thrall's 
Hist,  Tex.,  531-2. 

20  '  Your  kind,  your  friendly,  and  generous  deportment  towards  my  friends 


110  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

Thus  terminated  an  insurrection  which,  as  far  as  active 
operations  were  concerned,  was  a  trivial  affair,  but  in 
its  significance  was  weighty  and  ominous. 

During  the  three  following  years  the  progress  and 
prospects  of  Austin's  colonies  were  all  that  could  be 
desired.  His  conduct  in  the  late  abortive  rebellion 
had  gained  for  him  the  pronounced  confidence  and 
commendation  of  the  supreme  government,21  and  he 
was  able  to  proceed  rapidly  with  the  settlement  of  the 
new  grants  he  obtained  in  1827  and  1828.  Other 
colonies  also  showed  progress.  After  the  annulment 
of  Edwards'  contract  the  territory  included  in  his  grant, 
was  divided  between  David  G.  Burnett  and  Joseph 
Vehlein,22  and  immigrants  continued  to  flow  into  that 
portion  of  Texas.  Dewitt,  although  his  first  settlers 
were  temporarily  driven  off  by  Indians,  had  laid  out 
the  town  of  Gonzalez23  in  1825,  and  during  1827  and 
1828  he  succeeded  in  introducing  a  considerable  num 
ber  of  colonists.  In  De  Leon's  grant,  the  town  of 
Victoria  was  founded,  and  La  Bah  fa  del  Espiritu 
Santo  had  developed  into  a  town  of  such  appreciable 
dimensions,  that  by  the  decree  of  February  4,  1829, 
it  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  a  villa*  and  the  high-. 
sounding  title  of  Goliad,  or  Goliath,  given  to  it.24  On 
the  Brazos  a  flourishing  settlement  called  Brazoria  had 
also  sprung  up. 

and  fellow-soldiers  while  prisoners  of  yours,  entitles  you  and  the  officers 
under  your  command  to  the  expression  of  my  thanks,  and  has  insured  to  you 
and  them  a  distinction  in  our  hearts  that  will  ever  separate  you  from  the  rest 
of  your  countrymen  who  have  oppressed  us.  As  a  foe  to  your  country,  I  view 
you  still  as  a  national  enemy;  but  as  a  man  and  a  philanthropist,  you  have 
powerful  claims  upon  my  heart.'  Edwards  to  Ahumada,  March  25,  1827; 
Foote,  i.  287. 

21  Anastacio  Bustamante,  commandant  general  of  the  federal  forces  in  the 
eastern  internal  states,  in  his  report  to  the  war  office,  March  6th,  says:   'No 
pudiendo  menos  que  hacer  una  particular  recommendacion  del  gran  me'rito 
que  han  contraido  en  esta  ultima  Jornada.  .  .los  estimables  cuidadanos  Felipe 
Austin  y  Juan  A.  Williams.'  Cor.  Fed.  Max.,  31  Mar.,  1827,  p.  3. 

22  Called  Whelm  on  Austin's  map.     Burnet,  Vehlein,  and  Zavala  after 
ward  sold  out  to  a  New  York  company  called   'The  Galveston  Bay  Co.'1 
Almonte,  Not.  Estad.  Tej.,  68. 

23  Named  after  Rafael  Gonzalez,  the  governor  pro  tern,  of  the  state. 

24  Coah.  y   Tex.  Leyes,  112.     In  1827  the  names  of  several  towns  in  Coa- 
huila  were  changed.     San  Fernando  received  the  name  of  San  Fernando  de>j 


MANIFEST  DESTINY  OF  TEXAS.  Ill 

Nevertheless,  the  attempt  of  the  Fredonians  had 
opened  the  eyes  of  the  national  government  to  the 
possibility  that  the  infant  giant  it  had  adopted  might 
not  prove  a  very  docile  member  of  the  Mexican  fam 
ily,  and  it  began  to  consider  that,  in  lieu  of  gentle 
treatment,  a  repressive  system  of  education,  backed 
by  coercion,  would  be  necessary  erelong.  The  cramp 
was  not  immediately  applied,  it  is  true.  Under 
the  liberal  and  non-aggressive  policy  of  Guerrero 
the  colonists  were  left  pretty  much  to  themselves, 
and  redress  was  even  vouchsafed  to  them  in  the 
important  matter  of  the  abolition  of  slavery.  But 
when  he  was  overthrown,  in  December  1829,  and 
Bustamante  seized  the  helm,  the  recumbent  tiger  rose 
and  showed  his  teeth. 

It  cannot  be  urged  that  there  did  not  exist  very 
forcible  reasons  for  apprehending  that  Texas  would 
attempt  to  slip  the  leash.  The  designs  of  the  United 
States  were  too  apparent  to  admit  of  a  doubt  as  to 
their  expectations,  and  the  territory  was  becoming 
thickly  settled  by  emigrants  from  them.  It  did  not 
require  much  penetration  to  foresee  that  this  new 
land  would  soon  be  overrun  by  these  aliens  if  the  tide 
of  immigration  were  not  stopped.  This  increasing 
population,  too,  was  not  only  alien  in  race,  but  in 
political  principles,  habits,  and  religion ;  while  it  was 
bound  to  the  people  it  had  migrated  from  by  the  ties 
of  consanguinity,  and  the  prestige  of  a  glorious  histor 
ical  record  of  a  young  nation  that  had  rent  asunder 
the  bonds  of  oppression.  It  was,  therefore,  natural 
that  Mexico  should  entertain  fears  as  to  the  future 
obedience  of  the  Texan  colonists,  and  it  was  equally 
natural  that  the  latter  would  not  tamely  submit  to 
the  imposition  of  fetters  similar  to  those  which  the 

Rosas;  Rio  Grande  that  of  Guerrero;  Saltillo  was  changed  to  Leona  Vicario; 
and  Estevan.  de  Tlascala  to  Villalongin.  /</.,  (55,  85.  B'ilisola— i.  1G5— to 
wrench  an  anagram  out  of  Hidalgo's  name,  introduces  h  into  Goliad,  spelling 
it  Golhiad.  J.  C.  Beales,  in  Dec.  1833,  describes  Goliad  as  a  wretched  village 
containing  800  souls.  The  inhabitants,  almost  without  exception,  were  gam 
blers  and  smugglers.  Beaks  Journal,  in  Kennedy's  Tex.,  ii.  35-6. 


112  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

fathers  of  most  of  them  had  helped  to  break.  Yet  in 
its  short-sightedness  the  government,  under  the  des 
potic  administration  of  Bustamante,  thought  to  obvi 
ate  a  probable,  but  not  unavoidable  contingency  by 
adopting  the  very  measures  which  were  most  calcu 
lated  to  provoke  a  spirit  of  antagonism.  Admitting, 
as  Mexican  writers  are  eager  to  assert,  that  a  great 
number  of  settlers  were  adventurers  who  held  their 
lands  by  no  better  titles  than  those  of  loaded  rifles,25 
and  that  there  were  many  advocates  of  annexation  to 
the  United  States,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  Aus 
tin's  colonists — who  far  outnumbered  all  the  rest 
together — were  not  of  that  class.  They  were  an  in 
dustrious,  respectable  people,  who  had,  through  dan 
gers,  trials,  and  privations,  built  for  themselves  homes 
in  the  wilderness,  and  converted  wastes,  that  were 
valueless  to  Mexico  till  their  arrival,  into  'thriving 
farms  and  plantations.  They  had  formed  a  commu- 
nity  which  had  been  welded  together  in  the  furnace  of 
hardship  and  toil,  and  which  had  neither  interfered 
nor  had  been  interfered  with  in  political  matters. 
For  nearly  a  decade  they  had  been  left  alone  and  had 
ruled  themselves.26  No  disposition  had  been  made  by 
either  the  national  or  state  legislature  for  their  gov 
ernment  other  than  the  provisional  one  which  had 
vested  the  political  and  military  administration  in 
Austin.  Crime  among  them  was  rare,  and  their 
morality  and  other  virtues  were  far  above  the  Mexi 
can  standards.  But  they  had  an  uncompromising 
love  of  republican  freedom,  and  they  had  confidently 
expected  that  a  republic  which  had  based  its  constitu 
tion  on  that  of  the  United  States  would  put  in  prac 
tice  the  free  institutions  it  proclaimed.  They  could 
not  recognize  the  principles  of  centralism  in  face  of 
the  constitution  of  1824. 

25  Rivera,  for  instance,  speaks  of  '  aventureros  de  todas  las  naciones  que  se 
apropiaban  por  si  misinos  los  terrenos  que  mas  las  acomodaban,  fundandose  en 
la  razoii  del  rifle. '  Hist.  Jalapa,  in.  25. 

26  'Aquellas  colonias,  que  se  gobernaban  a  su  antojo,  6  por  leyes  norte- 
ericauas.'  Id.,  27. 


amencaiias. 


MEASURES  IN  MEXICO.  113 

The  evil  spirit  which  inspired  the  Mexican  legisla 
ture  to  make  the  fatal  mistake  of  attempting  to  curb 
the  designs  of  the  United  States,  by  the  exercise  of 
oppressive  measures  against  the  Texan  colonists,  was 
Lucas  Alaman,  the  minister  of  relations  under  the  new 
government.  On  February  8,  1830,  he  laid  a  memo 
rial  before  congress,  in  which  with  just  reason  he  calls 
attention  to  the  danger  Texas  was  exposed  to  of  being 
absorbed  by  the  northern  republic,  and  to  the  careless 
ness  which  the  government  of  the  state  of  Coahuila 
and  Texas  had  shown  in  its  neglect  to  see  that  the 
colonization  laws  were  properly  carried  out.  Orders 
of  June  1827,  and  April  1828,  respectively,  providing 
that  no  more  than  the  number  of  families  designated 
in  a  contract  should  settle  on  the  corresponding  grant, 
and  that  colonies  near  the  boundary  line  should  be 
composed  of  settlers  who  were  not  natives  of  the 
United  States,  had,  he  said,  been  without  effect;  and 
he  expatiated  on  the  fact  that  a  large  number  of  in 
truders  had  taken  possession  of  lands,  especially  near 
the  frontier,  without  any  pretension  of  satisfying  the 
formalities  of  the  colonization  laws.  He  then  sug 
gested  measures  which  he  considered  would  be  ade 
quate  to  preserve  Texas  to  Mexico,  and  which  ought 
to  be  immediately  put  in  operation.  They  were,  firstly, 
to  increase  the  Mexican  population  by  making  Texas 
a  penal  settlement,  the  criminals  transported  thither 
to  be  employed  in  the  cultivation  of  the  soil ; 27  secondly, 
to  introduce  foreign  colonists  differing  from  North 
Americans  in  interests,  habits,  and  language ;  thirdly, 
to  establish  a  coasting  trade  between  Texas  and  other 
parts  of  the  republic,  which  would  tend  to  nationalize 
the  department;  fourthly,  to  suspend,  as  far  as  Texas 
was  concerned,  the  colonization  law  of  August  1824, 
and  place  the  settlement  of  that  department  under  the 
direction  of  the  general  government;  and  fifthly,  to 

27  In  1833  a  number  of  laws  were   passed  with   the  object  of   colonizing 
Texas  with  criminals  and  deserters.     The  reader  can  consult  Arrillaga  Recop., 
1832-3,  433;  1833,  Apr.  and  May,  89,  132-7;    Vail,  Doc.,  iu  151  j  Mex.  Mem. 
Justiaa,  50-1;  Id.,  1833,  8-9,  in  Mex.  Mem.,  2,  doc.  7 
HIST,  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    8 


114  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

appoint  a  commissioner  to  examine  and  report  upon 
the  condition  of  affairs  in  the  Texan  colonies,  as  to  the 
number  of  contracts  entered  into  and  families  intro 
duced,  the  amount  of  land  occupied,  the  number  of 
slaves  in  each  settlement  and  the  legality  of  their 
importation,  and  the  fulfilment  or  non-fulfilment  of 
existing  contracts.28 

Alaman's  views  were  responded  to  by  the  subservi 
ent  congress,  and  on  April  6,  1830,  a  law  was  passed 
which  prohibited  the  citizens  of  nations  bordering  on 
Mexico  from  colonizing  any  of  her  states  or  territories 
immediately  adjacent  to  them.  It  also  declared  that 
colonization  contracts  not  yet  fulfilled,  or  such  as  were 
in  opposition  to  this  law,  were  forthwith  suspended; 
that  no  foreigner  under  any  pretext  whatever  would 
be  allowed  to  enter  the  northern  frontier,  unless  pro 
vided  with  a  passport  from  the  Mexican  consular 
agent  at  the  place  of  his  previous  residence.  With 
regard  to  colonies  already  established,  and  the  slaves 
introduced  into  them,  no  change  would  be  made,  but 
the  further  importation  of  slaves  was  strictly  forbid 
den.29  These  provisions  were  tantamount  to  the  special 
exclusion,  for  the  future,  of  Anglo- American  settlers, 
and  of  them  only.  The  law  in  itself  was  obnoxious  to 
the  Texan  colonists,  and  this  invidious  distinction  made 
it  doubly  so.  It  was  received  with  out-spoken  dis 
satisfaction.  Grievances  of  an  oppressive  character 
immediately  followed.  The  despotic  government  of 
Bustamante  did  not  delay  matters.  With  the  year 
1830  the  exemption  from  duties  that  had  been  con 
ceded  to  the  colonists  on  articles  imported  for  their 
own  use  ceased.  This  privilege  had  been  greatly 
abused,  and  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  settlers  availed 
themselves  of  it  to  carry  on  smuggling  to  an  extent 
very  detrimental  to  the  revenue — a  practice  which  also 
had  to  be  suppressed. 

28  Ink.  de  Ley.,  in  Ataman,  Not.  Biog.,  47-56. 

29  Articles  9,  10,  and  11  of  the  decree,  copy  of  which  will  be  found  in  Du- 
blan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ii.  238-40. 


MILITARY  DESPOTISM.  115 

Simultaneously  with  the  promulgation  of  the  law, 
Manuel  Mier  y  Teran,  who  had  been  appointed  com 
mandant  general  of  the  national  forces  in  the  estados 
de  Oriente,  was  instructed  to  proceed  to  Texas  with  a 
sufficient  force  and  carry  its  provisions  into  effect,  as 
well  as  establish  inland  and  maritime  custom-houses. 
Accordingly,  he  entered  the  department  with  the  llth 
and  12th  battalions  of  regular  infantry,  the  9th  regi 
ment  of  cavalry,  the  presidial  companies,  and  the 
militia  of  the  three  estados  de  Oriente,  supported  by 
some  artillery.  A  military  despotism  was  soon  in 
augurated.  Only  the  colonies  of  Austin,  Dewitt,  and 
Martin  De  Leon  were  recognized,  all  other  concessions 
being  suspended  till  the  contracts  had  been  examined 
and  their  fulfilments  verified ;  titles  were  denied  to  a 
great  number  of  settlers  already  domiciled,  and  incom 
ing  emigrants  from  the  United  States  were  ordered 
to  quit  the  country  on  their  arrival.  Military  posts 
were  established  at  the  mouths  of  La  Baca  and 
Brazos  rivers,  at  Matagorda,  Galveston,  and  Andhuac, 
and  at  Goliad,  Victoria,  San  Felipe  de  Austin,  Tenox- 
titlan,  Nacogdoches,  and  other  places;  custom-houses 
were  established,  and  a  war  vessel  stationed  on  the 
coast.30  The  soldiery  distributed  at  these  posts  was 
for  the  most  part  composed  of  convicts  and  the  worst 
class  of  men  in  Mexico,31  contact  with  whom  was 
contamination,  and  whose  bearing  was  insolent  and 
outrageous. 

Having  completed  his  dispositions,  Teran  went 
to  Matamoros,  leaving  Davis  Bradburn32  at  Andhuac, 

**Suarez  y  Navarro,  Hist.  Mex.,  244-6;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii.  26-7; 
Filisola,  Mem.  Hist.  Guerra  Tej.,  i.  161-5,  169-70;  Mex.  Mem.  Guerra,  1830, 
p.  3;  Kennedy's  Tex.,  i.  375-7,  ii.  4-5;  Larenaudiere,  Mex.  et  Guat.,  231;  Hunt's 
Address,  24;  Willsoris  Am.  Hist.,  635. 

31  In  order  that  the  reader  may  form  some  idea  of  the  class  of  men  from 
which  the  Mexican  troops  were  drawn,  and  the  means  employed  to  raise 
recruits,  I  quote  the  provisions  on  these  points  laid  down  by  decree  of  the 
congress  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  dated  Sept.  29,  1826.      "The  ayuntamientos 
with  the  assistance  of  armed  force  will  proceed  to  make  levies;  vagabonds  and 
disorderly  persons  shall  be  taken  in  preference  for  military  service,  recruits 
may  be  obtained  by  entrapment  and  decoy.'  Articles  4,  5,  and  9,  in  Coah.  y 
Tex.  Leyes,  42. 

32  Bradburn  was  an  American  by  birth,  but  had  served  in  the  revolution 
ary  war,  and  had  obtained  the  rank  of  colonel  in  the  Mexican  army. 


116  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

at  the  head  of  Galveston  Bay,33  with  150  men;  Colonel 
Piedras  at  Nacogdoches,  with  350  men;  and  Colonel 
Ugartechea  at  Velasco,  the  post  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river  Brazos,  with  125  men.  Ramon  Musquiz  at  this 
time  was  political  chief  at  San  Antonio  de  Bejar. 
Bradburn  was  by  nature  a  tyrant,  and  made  himself 
consipcuous  as  such.  A  series  of  outrages  was  soon 
commenced  by  him.  The  local  authorities  were  set  at 
naught,  and  military  law  substituted  for  civil  jurisdic 
tion;  settlers  were  dispossessed  of  their  lands  and 
property,  many  of  them  were  imprisoned,  and  no  re 
dress  could  be  obtained  for  thefts  and  robberies  com 
mitted  by  the  rascally  troops. 

When  the  state  congress  assembled  in  January 
1831,  it  declared  that  Jose  Maria  Letona  had  been 
duly  elected  governor,  and  Juan  Martin  De  Veramendi 
vice-governor.  Urgent  applications  had  been  made  by 
numerous  settlers  for  the  appointment  of  a  commis 
sioner  to  extend  titles  to  them,  and  Letona,  who  could 
do  no  otherwise  than  regard  the  law  of  April  6,  1830, 
as  unconstitutional,  and  an  infringement  on  the  sover 
eignty  of  the  state,  sent  Francisco  Madero  in  that  ca 
pacity,  with  Jose  Maria  Carbajal,  as  surveyor,  to  put 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Trinity  River  in  possession  of 
their  lands.  The  commissioner,  in  accordance  with 
the  state  colonization  law,  granted  the  required  titles, 
established  the  town  of  Liberty,  and  appointed  ani 
ayuntamiento.  Teran,  as  uncompromising  a  centralist 
and  as  aggressive  as  Bustamante  himself,  seized  this 
opportunity  to  exercise  his  despotic  power.  Declar 
ing  that  the  law  of  April  6th  was  being  contravened, 
he  ordered  Bradburn  to  arrest  Madero  and  Carbajal, 
who  were  accordingly  cast  into  prison  at  Andhuac. 
Bradburn  next  dissolved  the  ayuntamiento  at  Liberty, 
established  one  at  Anahuac,  and  assuming  the  appro 
priation  of  a  large  tract  of  country,  proceeded  to  dis 
tribute  lands.  All  these  acts  were  performed  without! 

33  Anahuac  was  known  as  the  port  of  Galveston,  opened  in  1825.     The 
island  was  uninhabited  at  this  time. 


COLLECTION  OF  REVENUE.  117 

any  authority  from  the  state  government;  indeed, 
Bradburn  did  not  condescend  even  to  consult  or  ad 
vise  it  on  the  matter.  These  high-handed  measures 
were  complemented  by  various  tyrannical  proceedings 
affecting  the  welfare  of  the  community  at  large,  and 
the  personal  rights  of  individuals. 

In  the  collection  of  the  customs,  to  the  payment  of 
which  the  colonists  had  lately  been  made  subject, 
great  disgust  was  caused.  Not  that  they  were  op 
posed  to  paying  legitimate  duties,  but  the  offensive 
steps  taken  to  collect  them  provoked  their  ire.  The 
revenue  officers  were  avowedly  inimical  in  their  prin 
ciples  to  the  interests  of  the  Texans,  and  their  con 
temptuous  bearing  and  arbitrary  dealing,  supported 
by  bands  of  armed  soldiers,  were  doubly  galling.  The 
tariff,  moreover,  was  considered  unreasonable.  To 
facilitate  the  collection  of  the  custom  duties  and  pre 
vent  smuggling,34  all  ports  except  that  of  Anahuac, 
which  only  vessels  of  six  feet  draught  could  enter,  were 
ordered  to  be  closed.  But  the  indignation  aroused  at 
this  blow  at  the  commercial  interests  of  Texas,  and 
the  attendant  inconvenience  in  other  respects,  was 
such  that  on  December  16,  1831,  a  large  and  angry 
meeting  was  held  at  Brazoria  to  discuss  the  question. 
Commissioners  were  sent  to  Andhuac  to  demand  the 
withdrawal  of  the  order.  Bradburn  grumbled  and 
asked  that  time  be  allowed  him  to  communicate  with 
Teran;  whereupon  threats  of  an  attack  were  uttered, 
and  the  port  of  Brazos  was  reluctantly  allowed  to 
remain  open.35 

It  is  «not  surprising  that,  under  such  circumstances, 
some  proceedings  which  will  not  bear  scrutiny  were 
committed  or  connived  at  by  the  settlers.  Arms  and 
war  material  were  introduced  into  the  country  from 

34  It  is  narrated  that  in  July  or  August  1830,  a  band  of  smugglers,  in 
order  to  carry  on  their  operations  unopposed,  seized  the  administrator  of  the 
revenue  in  Matagorda,  and  placed  him  in  a  boat  under  the  custody  of  ten 
men.  Pinart's  Col.,  Print,  no.  214,  p.  2. 

35  Yoakum,  i.  281-2;  Ftlisola,  ut  sup.,  i.  186;  Tex.  Aim.,  1859.  103. 


118  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

the  United  States  in  spite  of  the  custom-houses. 
Smuggling  greatly  increased,  and  was  very  defiantly 
carried  on.  In  December  1831,  while  the  colonists 
at  Brazoria  were  under  great  excitement  at  the  clos 
ing  of  their  port,  the  schooners  Ticson  (sic),  Nelson, 
and  Sabine,  under  the  protection  of  an  armed  band  of 
colonists  on  shore,  sailed  out  of  the  harbor  without 
paying  the  custom  dues  they  owed;  and  when  an 
attempt  was  made  to  oppose  their  departure,  the 
Mexican  troops  were  fired  at  from  the  vessels  and  a 
soldier  wounded.36  The  administrator  of  customs  at 
Anahuac,  considering  it  convenient  to  remove  the  re 
ceiver's  office  at  the  mouth  of  the  Brazos  to  the  town 
of  Brazoria,  sent  thither,  in  January  1832,  the  col 
lector  Juan  Pacho  to  effect  the  change.  Pacho  arrived 
off  Brazoria  on  the  night  of  the  22d,  and  remaining 
on  board,  sent  on  shore  a  soldier  to  deliver  a  copy 
of  the  ordinance  to  the  authorities.  The  unfortu 
nate  bearer  was  almost  beaten  to  death  by  the  colo 
nists,  and  such  hostile  demonstrations  were  made,  that 
Pacho,  deeming  it  unsafe  to  remain  on  board,  was 
glad  to  land  during  the  night  and  escape  to  a  place  of 
security.  On  the  29th  of  the  same  month  the  Sabine, 
holding  in  contempt  Teran's  orders  to  detain  her  and 
put  her  crew  on  trial  if  she  returned,  boldly  came  to 
anchor  at  Brazoria,  with  a  full  cargo  from  New  Orleans, 
and  two  cannon  1  Nor  were  the  Mexican  troops  in 
sufficient  force  to  interfere  with  her.  Thus  mutual 
aggravation  widened  the  breach.  Instances  of  wrongs 
inflicted  on  individuals,  and  invasions  of  their  personal 
liberties,  were  frequent.  Servants  were  inveigled  away 
by  Bradburn  from  their  masters,  and  made  to  work 
without  remuneration ;  the  surrender  of  fugitive  slaves 
was  refused,  and  settlers  were  arbitrarily  arrested  and 
thrown  into  dungeons. 


87 


™Filisola,  ut  &up.,  184-5.  Teran's  letter  to  Austin  dated  Matamoros, 
Jan.  27,  1832,  in  Id.,  188-9. 

37  The  reader  is  referred  to  the  following  authorities,  which  have  been  con 
sulted  as  to  the  condition  of  affairs  during  this  period:  Kennedy's  Tex.,  ii. 
5-7;  Holleys  Tex.,  322-3;  Yoakum,  i.  270-6,  281-2,  290-1;  Footed  Tex.,  ii. 


MAHTIAL  LAW.  119 

On  May  15, 1832,  Bradburn  proclaimed  all  the  coun 
try  lying  within  the  ten-league  coast  reserve  to  be 
under  martial  law.  In  the  same  month,  almost  imme 
diately  after  the  adoption  of  this  extreme  measure, 
some  soldiers  of  the  presidial  troops  perpetrated  a 
criminal  outrage  upon  a  woman  in  the  vicinity  of  And- 
huac.  The  enraged  settlers,  knowing  that  no  redress 
could  be  obtained,  seized  a  worthless  fellow  of  their 
community,  who,  if  not  an  actual  participator  in  the 
deed,  had  connived  at  it,38  and  tarred  and  feathered 
him.  While  engaged  in  inflicting  this  punishment,  a 
troop  of  soldiers  despatched  by  Bradburn  interfered. 
A  scrimmage  ensued,  in  which  some  shots  were  fired, 
and  several  of  the  colonists,  among  whom  was  William 
B.  Travis — who  at  a  later  date  gained  high  renown- 
were  made  prisoners.  The  captives  were  thrown  into 
dungeons,  and  treated  with  great  rigor.39 

This  event  and  Bradburn's  unwarrantable  declara 
tion  of  martial  law  having  been  duly  reported  to 
Teran,  who  was  residing  in  Matamoros,  the  latter,  on 
May  31st,  instructed  Piedras  to  proceed  to  Anahuac 
and  take  such  measures  to  put  an  end  to  the  disturb 
ances  as  he  might  deem  opportune.  But  before  the 
receipt  of  this  order,  the  angry  colonists  had  taken  the 
matter  into  their  own  hands.  Many  of  the  settlers 
on  Trinity  River  and  in  Austin's  colony  flew  to  arms 
and  marched  to  Andhuac,  Francis  W.  Johnson  being 
chosen  their  chief  in  command.  The  colonies  were 
already  ablaze  with  the  spirit  of  resistance,  and  were 

8-16;  Larenaudiere,  Mex.  et  Guat.,  232;  Willson's  Amer.  Hist.,  635-6;  Ed 
wards  Hist.  Tex.,  186;  MaillardTs  Hist.  Tex.,  58-62;  Fihsola,  ut  sup.,i.  169- 
74;  Teran  s  Letter  to  Austin,  in  Id.,  185-9;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii.  26-8,  81; 
Suarez  y  Navarro,  Hist.  Mex.,  246-7. 

38  Foote  states  that  this  American  committed  the  outrage  himself.    Tex., 
ii.   16.     Filisola's  version  is  that  a  presidial  soldier  perpetrated  the  violence, 
and  that  the  American,  who  lived  close  by,  made  no  attempt  to  succor  the 
woman.    Ut  sup.,  i.  193-4. 

39  Y  oakum,   with  reason,  remarks  that   the   different  accounts  given  by 
Foote,  Holley,  Kennedy,  and  Be  wees  of  the  events  about  to  be  narrated  are 
very  conflicting.     But  these  writers,  with  the  exception  of  the  Englishman 
Kennedy,  are  Americans,  and  all  derived  their  information  from  Texan  sources. 
Reports  and  letters,  however,  of  Ugartechea,  Piedras,  and  Bradburn,  sup 
plied  by  Filisola,  i.  205-30,  throw  much  light  on  these  occurrences,  and  en 
able  me  to  present  them  with  greater  clearness  and  correctness. 


120  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

ripe  for  rebellion.  A  certain  John  Austin40  was  at  this 
time  one  of  the  alcaldes  of  Brazoria.  He  was  a  man 
of  great  energy,  and  not  being  of  the  type  to  submit 
meekly  to  tyranny,  had  already  obtained  prominence 
by  his  decided  views  and  spirited  conduct.  On  the 
10th  of  June  he  joined  the  insurgents  with  about  100 
men,  having  captured  on  the  preceding  day  Lieutenant 
Miguel  Nieto,  and  a  troop  of  cavalry  sent  out  to  re 
connoitre  by  Bradburn,  who  was  aware  of  his  ap 
proach.  On  his  arrival,  a  demand  for  the  release  of 
the  prisoners  was  made  and  refused,  whereupon  the 
settlers  who  had  entered  the  town  took  up  a  position 
in  the  buildings  of  the  plazuela  de  Malinche.  During 
the  next  two  or  three  days  some  desultory  firing  took 
place,  but  before  any  effective  fighting  occurred  an 
adjustment  was  arranged,  by  which  it  was  agreed  that 
the  prisoners  should  be  released  if  the  assailants  would 
previously  surrender  their  captives,  and  retire  six 
miles  away  from  the  town.  The  colonists  were  will 
ing  to  keep  their  part  of  the  compact,  and  setting  at 
liberty  the  cavalrymen,  Austin  retired  with  a  portion 
of  his  forces  to  Turtle  Bayou.41  Bradburn,  however, 
having  secured  a  quantity  of  ammunition  that  had 
been  stored  in  one  of  the  houses,  and  had  escaped  dis 
covery,  threw  his  stipulation  to  the  winds,  opened  fire 
upon  the  insurgents  that  had  remained  in  Anahuac, 
and  drove  them  from  the  place. 

In    January  of  this   year  Santa   Anna   had   pro- 

40  This  Austin  was  not  a  relative  of  Stephen  F.  Austin.     He  was  born  in 
Connecticut,  and  being  of  an  adventurous  spirit,  went  to  sea  when  quite  a 
youth  as  a  sailor  before  the  mast.     Having  joined  Long's  expedition  in  1819, 
he  was  sent  with  other  prisoners  to  Mexico,  where  he  fortunately  obtained 
his   release   through  the   intercession  of   Poinsett.     During   his  stay  in  the 
Mexican  capital  he  became  acquainted  with  Stephen  F.  Austin,  and  decided 
to  accompany  him  to  his  colony.     John  Austin  had  great  strength  of  charac 
ter,  and  became  an  active  and  useful  citizen.     He  died  of  cholera  in  1833. 
He  would  have  played  a  prominent  part  in  the  Texan  revolution  had  he  lived 
to  see  it.  Holleys  Tex.,  248-50;  Thrall's  Hist.  Tex.,  496-7;  Edwards'  Hist. 
Tex.,  184;  Filisola,  nt  sup.,  195. 

41  Kennedy,  ii.  8;  Dewees  Letters,  143;  Filisola,  i.  200-1.     The  latter  author 
states  that  only  half  of  Austin's  force  was  withdrawn.     Labadie's  and  Francis 
W.  Johnson's  accounts,  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  30-40. 


UPRISING  OF  THE   SETTLERS.  121 

nounced  at  Yera  Cruz  against  the  government  of  Bus- 
tamante,  and  the  usual  war,  which  in  Mexico  follows 
such  revolutionary  appeals,  was  in  full  blast.  The 
colonists  were  heartily  sick  of  Bustamante's  method 
of  administering  the  laws  of  the  country,  and  the  in 
surgents,  on  their  arrival  at  Turtle  Bayou,  drew  up  a 
list  of  their  grievances  June  13th,  and  passed  resolu 
tions  adopting  Santa  Anna's  plan,  and  pledging  their 
lives  and  fortunes  to  support  the  constitution,  and  the 
leaders  who  were  then  fighting  in  defence  of  civil 
liberty.  All  the  people  of  Texas  were  invited  to  co 
operate  with  them  in  support  of  these  principles.42 

When  Bradburn's  intention  not  to  fulfil  his  part  of 
the  agreement  was  no  longer  doubtful,  the  settlers  were 
determined  to  enforce  compliance.  Knowing  that  it 
would  be  impossible  to  take  the  fort  without  artillery, 
John  Austin  went  to  Brazoria  to  fetch  by  sea  the 
cannon  brought  by  the  Sabine,  leaving  the  main  force 
to  blockade  Anahuac  during  his  absence.  On  his 
arrival  at  Brazoria  a  public  meeting  was  held,  at  which 
the  resolutions  of  June  13th  were  adopted,  and  Ugar- 
techea  having  refused  to  allow  the  vessel  bearing  the 
cannon  to  pass  out  of  the  river,  it  was  decided  to  reduce 
fort  Velasco  before  making  the  attack  on  Andhuac.43 
Accordingly  John  Austin,  having  collected  112  men, 
caused  the  cannon  to  be  mounted  on  board  the  schooner 
Brazoria,  then  at  that  place,  and  marched  to  Velasco. 
At  first  some  negotiations  were  carried  on.  Ugarte- 
chea  was  apprised  of  the  adoption  of  the  plan  of  Vera 
Cruz,  and  invited  to  join  the  settlers  in  his  support. 
On  his  refusal  the  evacuation  of  the  fort  was  demanded. 
This  summons  being  also  disregarded,  Austin  made 
his  dispositions  to  attack.  The  schooner,  which  had 
dropped  down  the  river,  was  moored  on  the  night  of 

^Holley's  Tex.,  323;  Edwards'  Hist.  Tex.,  185-7.  In  the  last  authority  a 
copy  of  the  resolutions  will  be  found. 

43  On  the  llth  of  May  preceding  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Brazoria  was 
held,  at  which  it  was  proposed  to  attack  the  fort  at  Velasco.  The  proposition 
was  lost  by  only  a  single  vote.  Foote,  Tex.,  ii.  19. 


122  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN   REVOLTS. 

the  26th  close  to  the  shore,  in  front  of  the  fort,  about 
200  yards  off;  and  forty  men,  armed  with  rifles,  were 
placed  on  board  of  her  and  protected  by  a  bulwark  of 
cotton  bales.  During  the  same  night  Austin  with  his 
remaining  force  in  two  divisions  approached  to  within 
fifty  yards  of  the  redoubt  on  the  land  side,  and  under 
cover  of  the  darkness,  and  the  diversion  caused  by  the 
fire  from  the  schooner,  threw  up  a  palisade.  Though 
firing  was  kept  up  during  the  night,  little  harm  was 
done  to  either  side ;  but  when  day  broke  the  affair  as 
sumed  another  aspect.  Austin's  breastworks  afforded 
him  little  protection,  the  fire  from  the  fort  was  galling  ; 
and  a  violent  storm  of  rain  coming  on,  he  was  com 
pelled  to  withdraw  about  9  o'clock,  while  the  Mexicans, 
whose  only  gun  was  mounted  en  barbette,  suffered 
severely  from  the  rifles  of  the  besiegers.  The  schooner, 
however,  kept  up  the  engagement;  almost  every  man 
who  showed  himself  at  the  gun  or  above  the  enemy's 
parapets  was  struck  by  the  unerring  riflemen.  The 
besiegers'  artillery,  too,  did  good  service,  while  the 
Mexicans'  piece  w^as  so  ill-managed  in  its  exposed  posi 
tion  as  to  do  little  injury  to  the  Brazoria.  Due  credit 
must  be  given  to  Ugartechea's  personal  bravery.  Over 
and  over  again,  as  the  artillerist  held  the  linstock  to 
to  fire  the  cannon,  his  exposed  hand  or  arm  was  shat 
tered,  and  when  at  last  his  men  flinched  from  serving 
the  gun,  their  commandant  mounted  the  bastion  and 
pointed  it  himself.  His  courage  was  appreciated. 
His  foes,  respecting  his  gallant  bearing,  had  the  mag 
nanimity  not  to  strike  him  down.  After  a  contest  of 
eleven  hours  the  Mexican  commander,  having  almost 
exhausted  his  ammunition,  hoisted  a  white  flag,  and 
terms  of  capitulation  were  signed  the  next  day,  by 
which  Ugartechea  was  allowed  to  evacuate  the  fort 
with  the  honors  of  war,  his  troops  retaining  their  arms, 
ammunition,  and  baggage.44  They  were,  moreover, , 

44  Yoakum,  i.  295,  incorrectly,  and  without  authority,  states  that  '  the 
enemy  were  deprived  of  their  arms.  See  Filisola's  statement,'  i.  215,  de 
rived  from  Ugartechea's  report  of  the  affair. 


SUCCESS  OF  THE  INSURGENTS.  123 

supplied  with   provisions   for  their  march  to  Mata- 


moros.45 


According  to  American  authorities,  the  loss  of  the 
Texans  in  this  engagement  was  seven  killed  and 
twenty-seven  wounded ;  that  of  the  Mexicans,  thirty- 
five  killed  and  fifteen  wounded.  Ugartechea,  how 
ever,  only  reports  seven  of  his  troops  killed  and 
nineteen  wounded,  ten  of  whom  were  shot  in  the 
hand  or  arm;  Kennedy  raises  the  number  on  both 
sides,  assigning  to  the  Texans  eleven  killed  and  fifty- 
two  wounded,  twelve  of  them  mortally,  and  to  the 
Mexicans  about  one  half  killed  of  the  125  men  en 
gaged,  while  seventeen  "lost  their  hands  by  the  fear 
ful  drilling  of  the  rifle." 

Meanwhile  the  forces  left  by  John  Austin  around 
Anahuac  maintained  a  steady  blockade  of  the  place, 
confining  themselves  to  cutting  off  supplies  and  com 
munication,  without  engaging  in  any  active  operation. 
Piedras,  the  commandant  at  Nacogdoches,  having 
received  Teran's  instructions  of  May  31st,  proceeded 
thither,  about  the  end  of  June,  with  a  small  escort. 
On  his  approach  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  revolted 
settlers,  and  having  heard  their  statements,  promised 
that  the  imprisoned  citizens  should  be  released,  and 
Bradburn  removed.  Piedras  kept  his  word.  Whether 
he  would  have  done  so  under  different  circumstances 
is  open  to  the  gravest  doubt;46  but  he  saw  plainly 

45 Consult  Ugartechea's  report  in  Id.,  i.  205-16;  Kennedy,  i.  8-9;  Foots, 
ii.  20-3;  Yoakum,  i.  293-5;  and  Tex.  Aim.,  1872,  166-70.  Dewees'  account 
is  not  only  false  in  most  particulars,  but  is  conspicuous  for  absurd  exagger 
ations.  He  says  that  Ugartechea's  force  at  Velasco  was  1,000  men,  Bradburn's 
700,  and  Piedras'  1,300  men;  that  700  Mexicans  were  put  to  flight  at  Ana 
huac  by  100  colonists,  and  that  1,300  men  under  Piedras  on  march  to  support 
Bradburn  surrendered  to  17  '  brave  Texan  lads  ' !  Ugartechea,  too,  was  cap 
tured,  according  to  this  veracious  letter-writer,  with  a  large  reenforcemeiit  on 
Galveston  island  by  a  company  of  the  insurgents;  the  garrison  at  Anahuac 
then  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war.  Letters,  142-3.  The  partic 
ular  letter  containing  this  account  is  dated  Colorado  River,  Texas,  Dec.  1, 
1832,  and  was  consequently  written  only  five  mouths  after  the  occurrences  it 
professes  to  describe. 

46  In  an  official  letter  which  he  addressed  to  Bradburn,  July  4,  1832,  he 
requested  him  to  continue  in  command  at  Anahuac  until  the  resolution  of  the 
commandant  general  was  known.  At  the  same  time  he  counselled  Bradburn 


124  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

that  it  would  be  impossible  to  cope  successfully  with, 
the  insurgents  Having  entered  Andhuac  July  1st, 
he  assumed  command  on  the  following  day,  and  sur 
rendered  from  durance  Travis  and  his  companions, 
sending  them  to  Liberty  to  have  their  cases  decided 
by  the  judicial  authorities  at  that  place.  It  is  need 
less  to  add  that  they  were  immediately  released. 
Brad  burn,  though  requested  by  Piedras  before  his 
departure  to  continue  in  command,  was  too  offended 
to  comply,  and  the  latter,  having  appointed  Lieuten 
ant-colonel  Cortina  to  succeed  him,  and  made  other 
dispositions,  returned  to  Nacogdoches.  He  had 
hardly  turned  his  back,  however,  before  the  garrison 
at  Andhuac  mutinied,  and  pronounced  in  favor  of 
Santa  Anna.  Bradburn,  at.  the  instigation  of  the 
officers,  reassumed  command,  and  endeavored  to  keep 
the  troops  to  their  duty  at  the  post  by  recognizing 
their  pronunciamiento,  and  demanded  that  Cortina 
should  remain  their  chief.  But  it  was  of  no  use. 
The  troops  were  determined  to  abandon  the  place. 
On  the  13th  most  of  them,  with  their  officers,  marched 
for  the  south ;  and  at  nightfall  of  the  same  day  Brad- 
burn — who  says,  doubtless  with  truth,  that  after  his 
surrender  of  the  command  his  life  was  in  constant 
danger — slunk  out  of  Andhuac,  and  in  disguise  made 
his  way  to  Louisiana,  with  a  guide  as  his  sole  com 
panion.  On  his  journey  he  escaped  molestation  by 
saying  that  he  was  going  to  the  United  States  to  seek 
for  aid  to  drive  the  Mexicans  out  of  Texas.47 

The  opinion  current  in  the  south  with  regard  to  the 
revolt  in  Texas  was  that  the  colonists  were  attempting 
to  separate  from  Mexico  and  annex  the  country  to  the 

to  exercise  prudence,  and  adopt  conciliatory  measures,  until  the  government 
could  send  a  sufficient  force  to  reduce  the  colonists  to  implicit  obedience — 
'  obligar  a  los  colonos  al  cumplimiento  de  las  leyes,  y  reducirlos  a  la  mas  ciega 
obediencia.'  Filisola,  ut  sup.,  222. 

47  Consult  the  letters  of  Piedras  and  Bradburn 's  account  in  Id.,  i.  218-30. 
Bradburn  went  from  New  Orleans  to  Matamoros  in  the  early  part  of  1833. 
He  entered  Texas  with  Santa  Anna  in  183(5,  and  being  in  command  in  Urrea's 
rear  division,  escaped  death  or  capture  at  San  Jacinto. 


POLITICAL  ACTION.  125 

United  States.  Colonel  Jose  Antonio  Mejia  was, 
therefore,  sent  by  Montezuma,  the  comandante  at 
Tampico,  and  who  had  declared  in  favor  of  Santa 
Anna,  with  a  squadron  of  six  ships,  having  400  troops 
on  board,  to  punish  the  Texan  insurgents.  Touching 
at  Brazos  de  Santiago,  Mejia  entered  into  a  conven 
tion  with  Colonel  Guerra  Manzanares,  of  the  Busta- 
mante  party,  then  in  command  at  Matamoros,48  the 
object  of  which  was  to  enable  him  to  prosecute  his 
designs  against  the  Texans  without  interruption.  On 
June  14th  he  sailed  for  the  mouth  of  the  Brazos 
River,  taking  with  him  Stephen  F.  Austin,  who  was 
on  his  return  from  the  state  legislature,  and  came  to 
anchor  on  the  16th.  He  immediately  addressed  a 
letter  to  John  Austin,  enclosing  a  copy  of  the  conven 
tion  with  General  Guerra,  which,  he  said,  would  in 
form  him  of  the  motives  that  had  brought  him  to  that 
coast.  John  Austin's  reply,  however,  showed  matters 
in  a  different  light,  and  caused  Mejia  to  discard  his 
preconceptions.  The  alcalde  said  that  the  enemies  of 
Texas  constantly  attributed  to  the  colonists  a  dispo 
sition  to  separate  from  Mexico.  So  far  from  such  be 
ing  the  case,  they  were  not  only  Mexicans  by  adoption, 
but  in  heart,  and  would  remain  so.  He  then  touched 
upon  the  causes  which  had  driven  them  to  take  up 
arms.49  Mejia  and  Stephen  F.  Austin  were  conducted 
to  Brazoria  by  a  deputation  of  citizens;  there  they 
were  received  by  the  committee  of  vigilance,  and  the 
resolutions  passed  at  Turtle  Bayou  on  June  13th  were 
presented  to  Mejiac 

In  order  to  impress  Mejia  with  a  right  conception 
of  the  sentiments  of  the  colonists,  the  ayuntamiento 
of  San  Felipe  de  Austin  instructed  the  subordinate 
officers  of  the  different  settlements  officially  to  con 
vene  the  citizens,  inform  themselves  of  their  political 

48  Teran  had  engaged  Montezuma  at  Tampico  and  had  been  worsted.  His 
want  of  success  preyed  on  his  mind,  and  he  committed  suicide  at  Padilla, 
June  3d  of  this  year,  by  falling  on  his  sword.  Hist.  Mex.,  v.  Ill,  this  series. 
Copy  of  the  convention  will  be  found  in  Filisola,  i.  256-9. 

«* Edwards  Hint.  Tex.,  184-5. 


126  MEXICAN   OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

views,  and  forward  reports  thereon  to  the  ayuntami- 
ento  without  delay.     This  investigation  made  it  evi 
dent  that  under  no  circumstances  would  jurisdiction 
by  military  power  be  allowed  to  take  the  place  of  the 
civil  authority  guaranteed  by  the  constitution.     On 
July   27,    1832,    the    ayuntamientos    in    assembly   at 
Austin  embodied  the  sentiments  of  the  colonists  in 
a  series  of  resolutions.     After  calling  attention  to  the 
calumnies  against  Texas  circulated   by  her  enemies, 
and  attributing  the   late  outbreak  to  the  tyrannical 
and   illegal    acts  of  Colonel    Bradburn,  the  ayunta 
mientos  as  a  body,  expressing  themselves  in  accord 
with  the  people  of  the  Brazos  district,  pledged  them 
selves  to  adhere  to  the  principles  of  the  republican 
party  headed  by  Santa  Anna,  with  no  other  object  in 
view  than  to  aid  in  sustaining  the  constitution,  and 
to  support  the  rights  and .  privileges  of  the  state  of. 
Coahuila  and  Texas,  which  had  been  insulted  by  mili 
tary  encroachments  in  the  colonies  since  1830.     They 
moreover  declared  that  the  general   and  state  con 
stitutions  ought  to  be  religiously  observed,  and  de 
nounced  a  large  standing  army  as  a  burden  to  the  i 
people  and  a  continual  disturber  of  the  public  peace, , 
by  affording  the  means  of  committing  despotic  acts. . 
Copies  of  these  resolutions  were  ordered  to  be  pre 
sented    to    Colonel    Mejia    and    the    political    chief  t 
Ramon    Musquiz,    with    requests    that   they    would! 
respectively  transmit  them  to  Santa  Anna  and  the,' 
governor  of  the  state."0 

Satisfied  with  these  expressions  of  loyalty,  Mejia, 
after  visiting  San  Felipe  and  several  neighboring  set 
tlements,  sailed  from  the  Brazos  for  Galveston  Bay. 
On  his  arrival  at  the  bar  he  met  two  or  three  small 
vessels  from  Andhuac,  having  on  board  a  detachment 
of  the  troops  that  had  been  stationed  there.  From 
Subaran,  the  officer  in  command,  he  heard  of  the  late- 
pronunciamiento  in  favor  of  Santa  Anna  and  the  flight j 
of  Bradburn;  whereupon  he  turned  his  prows  toward) 

58  Copy  of  these  resolutions  in  Id.-,  188-90. 


REVOLUTION  GAINS  STRENGTH.  127 


Tampico,  without  troubling  himself  about  the  forces 
which  had  left  that  post  by  land.r 


51 


While  Mejia  was  in  Texas  he  did  not  fail  to  advo 
cate  the  principles  of  the  revolutionary  party,  and 
invite  the  troops,  stationed  at  the  outlying  posts,  to 
support  the  plan  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  hasten  to  the  seat 
of  war.  Having  no  time  to  waste  in  Texas,  he  had 
hurried  his  own  departure,  but  the  seed  he  sowed  bore 
fruit.  The  revolutionary  infection  spread  rapidly. 
Of  the  garrison  at  San  Antonio,  the  greater  portion 
pronounced  and  marched  southward ;  the  detachments 
at  Tenoxtitlan  and  other  stations  did  the  same;  and 
by  the  beginning  of  August,  a  general  exodus  of  the 
Mexican  forces  in  Texas  was  taking  place.  Piedras 
at  Nacogdoches  alone  remained  true  to  his  party  prin 
ciples  and  his  post.  But  he  was  not  to  be  left  unmo 
lested.  He  had  made  himself  obnoxious  to  the  'mer 
chants  in  his  district,  by  monopolizing,  to  his  own 
interest,  the  more  lucrative  portion  of  the  trade  with 
New  Orleans,  and  his  officers  and  troops,  not  holding 
the  same  pronounced  opinions  as  himself,  were  restive. 

As  Piedras'  opposition  to  Santa  Anna  was  well 
known,  it  was  determined  to  force  him  to  declare  for 
the  revolution,  or  dislodge  him.  Accordingly,  the  au 
thorities  at  Nacogdoches,  in  accord  with  those  at  Aes 
Bayou  and  other  places,  collected  about  300  men,  who, 
on  August  2d,  Piedras  having  refused  to  submit  to 
their  demands,  invaded  the  town.  James  W.  Bullock 
was  in  command.  When  the  colonists  had  advanced 
to  the  centre  of  the  town,  they  were  charged  by  the 
Mexican  cavalry,  which  delivered  its  fire  and  wheeled, 
receiving  a  volley  in  return.  Encarnacion  Chirino, 
the  alcalde  of  the  town,  was  killed  by  the  Mexicans  in 
this  skirmish.  The  Texans  now  took  up  positions  on 
the  north  and  east  sides  of  the  stone  building  occupied 
by  the  Mexicans  to  the  number  of  350,  and  so  galled 
the  latter  with  their  rifles,  that  Piedras  evacuated  the 

ut  sup.,  i.  231-6,  250-61,  265-8. 


128  MEXICAN  OPPRESSION  AND  TEXAN  REVOLTS. 

place  during  the  night.  As  the  retreating  troops 
were  crossing  the  Anglena  stream,  they  were  fired 
upon  by  Colonel  James  Bowie  and  a  small  party  of 
Texans  who  had  succeeded  in  getting  in  their  front. 
The  same  night  the  Mexicans  pronounced  in  favor  of 
the  plan  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  delivered  Piedras  up  to 
the  colonists.  Piedras  was  conveyed  to  Brazoria,  and 
thence  sent  to  New  Orleans,  whence  he  proceeded  to 
Tampico.  The  troops  were  allowed  to  pursue  their 
march  to  Matamoros.  According  to  Texan  accounts 
the  loss  sustained  by  the  Mexicans  was  forty-one  killed 
and  as  many  wounded,  that  of  the  colonists  being  three 
killed  and  five  wounded.52 

By  the  end  of  August  not  a  Mexican  soldier  re 
mained  in  the  Texan  colonies,  the  only  force  left  in 
the  department  being  a  presidial  troop  of  about  seventy 
men  stationed  at  San  Antonio,  under  command  of 
Colonel  Antonio  Elozua.  This  hardly  sufficed  to 
hold  in  check  the  Indians  in  the  vicinity  of  that  town. 
Thus  was  a  brief  period  of  freedom  from  oppression 
procured  by  the  settlers.53 

52  This  account  of  the  capture  of  Nacogdoches  is  taken  mainly  from  Yoakum, 
who  had  before  him  a  statement  of  Col  A.  Sterne,  who  was  in  the  engagement, 
Col  Bullock's  official  report,  and  the  journal  of  Asa  M.  Edwards,  in  whose 
charge  Piedras  was  placed.  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  297-9.     Filisola's  account — ut  sup., 
i.  260-74 — agrees  with  that  of  Yoakum  in  the  main  particulars.     He,  how 
ever,  asserts  that  the  Texans  were  repulsed  at  Nacogdoches,  and  resorted  to 
tampering  with  the  Mexican  soldiers,  which  induced  Piedras  to  evacuate  the 
place.     The  loss  of  the  Mexicans  he  places  at  one  captain,  Ortega  by  name, 
and  a  few  of  the  soldiers — '  algunos  individuos  de  tropa; '  Kennedy  gives  the 
loss  of  the  Texans  at  three  killed  and  seven  wounded,  that  of  the  Mexicans 
18  killed  an  I  22  wounded.    Tex.,  ii.  14. 

53  Herewith  is  given  a  complete  list  of  authorities  for  the  foregoing  chapters. 
Suarez  y  Navarro,  Hist.  Mej.,  85,  244-7,  314,  395^06;  Roa  Bdrcena,  Recuer- 
dos,  643-53;  Mix.,  Col.  Dec.  Sob.  Cong.,  172;  Id.,  Col.  Constitutional,  i.  195- 
273;  Id.,  Col  6rd.  y  Dec.,  ii.  203;  iii.  46-7;  Id.,  Mem.  Relac.,  1827;  Id., 
Mem.  Guerra,  1830,  p.  3;  Id.,  Mem.  Guerra,  1833,  p.  8;  Id.,  Mem.  Justida, 
1831,  annex  8;   Texas,  Coll.  Docs,  no.  50,  in  Pinart,  Coll.;  Maillard's  Hist. 
Texas,  54-60,  369-71;  Austin,  Esposic.  al  Publico,  4;  Humboldt,  Essai  Polit., 
ii.  155,  822;  Id.,  New  Spain,  ii.  247;  Mendibil,  Resumen  Hist.,  45;   Torftnte, 
Revol.  Hwp.-Amer.,  i.  235-9;  Gaz.  Imp.  Mex.,  i.  129-32,  268-70,  282-6,  293-5; 
Filisola,  Mem.  Hist.  Guerra  Tex.,  i.  127-35,  204-16;  Footes  Texas,  i.  221-92; 
ii.  8-26;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ii.  5;   Tornel,  Breve  Resena  Hist., 
145-6,  171-3;  Id.,  Hist.  Mex.,  158;  Bustamante,   Voz  de  la  Patria,  ii.,  supl. 
no.  4;   Id.,  Hist.  Iturbide,   160-1;   Id.,  Cuad.  Hist.,  viii.   177-8;   Arrillaga, 
Recop.,  1829,  73;  1834,  47-50;  Kennedys  Texas,  i.  307,  361-4,  369-77;  ii.  4- 
10,  444-68;  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  i.  125-8;  ii.  196;  Arizpe,  Idea  Gen.,  1-59;  Id., 
Memorial;  Pike's  Expl   Travels,  341,  3C2-3;   White's  Coll.  Laws,  i.  416-548; 


AUTHORITIES.  129 

Gac.  de  Mex.,  1811,  ii.  301-2,  319-21,  359-66,  740-2,  1199-1203;  1812,  iii. 
35-6;  1815,  vi.  94-5;  1819,  x.  1229-35;  Hansel,  Hex.  und  Guat.,  208-12; 
Ramsey's  Other  Side,  16-17;  La  Nation,  Oct.  14,  1856;  Jays  Hex.  War,  12- 
15;  Hays'  Life,  2;  Revue  Americaine,  ii.  583^4;  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Comerc. 
Est.,  21;  Larenaudiere,  Mex.  et  Guat.,  203,  230-3;  Dewees'  Letters  from  Texas, 
55-72,  119-34;  Houston's  Texas,  i.  206;  Guia  de  Hac.  Rep.  Mex.,  iv.  30-1, 
308;  vi.  267-8;  Lester  s  Houston,  45-7;  Lesur,  Ann.  hist.  univ.  pour  1827, 
570-1;  Pena,  in  Mayer  MSS.,  no.  19,  p.  22;  Id.,  Mex.  Azt.,  i.  327;  Id.,  Hist. 
Mex.  War,  43-9;  Baker's  Texas,  24-34,  69-76;  McClellan's  Repub.  in  Amer., 
104;  La  Palanca,  Apr.  23,  1827;  Mex.,  Coah.  and  Texas,  Colonization  Law; 
Guerra,  Rev.  N.  Esp.,  i.  364;  ii.  370-2;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  viii.  327-8;  Mexico 
in  1842,  156-9;  La  Minerva,  May  8,  1845;  Nile*'  S.  Am.  and  Mex.,  i.  261-3; 
Id.,  Register,  x.  402-4;  xxvii.  270,  334;  xxxi.  157;  xxxiv.  334;  xxxvi.  424; 
xxxvii.  49,  87,  137,  168,  213,  277,  394;  xxxviii.  4,  291;  xxxix.  101;  Mills' 
Hist.  Mex.,  177;  Holley's  Texas,  233-43,  316,  321-5;  Modern  Traveller,  Mex. 
and  Guat.,  ii.  28-9;  Berlandier,  Diario  Viaje,  54-9;  Semanario  Polit.,  ii.  36- 
42;  Moffit's  Rept,  in  Thompson's  Rec.  of  Mex.,  174;  Mora,  Rev.  Mex.,  iv.  109, 
145-9,  169,  262-70;  Howitt's  Hist.  U.  S.,  ii.  343;  Coah.  y  Tex.,  Leyes,  passim; 
Gonzales,  Cokccion  N.  Leon,  153,  228-30;  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  30^0;  1860,  225; 
1861,  77-82;  1868,  48-9;  1872,  166-70;  Papeles  Varios,  clxvii.,  pt  10;  Cor. 
Fed.  Mex.,  Jan.  20,  Feb.  18,  Mch  4,  12,  16,  17,  18,  29,  July  21,  Aug.  18, 
Nov.  23,  Dec.  8,  1827;  Feb.  18,  May  2,  June  1,  1828;  Grattan's  Civilized 
America,  ii.  285-6;  Blancliard  et  Dauzats,  San  Juan  de  Uliia,  531;  Edinb.  Re 
view,  no.  147,  p.  256,  259;  Patties  Narrative,  290-1;  Pinart's  MSS.,  no.  7;  Id., 
Col.  Doc.,  MSS.,  i.,  no.  248;  Id.,  Print,  no.  214,  p.  2;  El  Veracruzano  Libre, 
June  14,  1828,  pp.  1-2;  Smith's  Remin.  Texas,  27;  Dice.  Univ.  Hist.  Geog.,  ap. 
i.  84;  Thompsons  Recoil.  Mex.,  174-7;  Pino,  Nuevo  Mexico,  passim;  Alaman, 
Notic.  Biog.,  47-56;  Id.,  Mem.  d  las  Cdmaras,  29-30;  Id.,  Hist.  Mej.,  ii.  26-9, 
94-9,  165-89,  208,  245-6,  257-8,  ap.  34-5;  v.  238-9,  701-2;  Hutchisons 
Remin.,  208-15;  C6rtes,  Actas  Ord.,  1814,  ii.  266;  1812,  xiv.  177;  1813,  xviii. 
423;  1820,  xi.  29-31;  Almonte,  Not.  Est.  Tejas,  14;  Escalera  y  Liana,  Mex. 
hist.-descript.,  13;  Espiritu  Publ,  Nov.  24,  1828;  Jan.  22,  1829;  Museo  Mex., 
ii.  106;  Young's  Hist.  Mex.,  220;  Ward's  Mex.,  553,  588-9;  Nouv.  Annales 
Voy.,  lix.  372-5;  Diaz  CaMllo,  Sermon,  143-6;  Domenech's  Miss.  Advent.,  20; 
Id.,  Journal  d'un  Miss.,  23;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  23-8,  81,  262-3,  342;  Fournel, 
Coup  d'oeil  sur  Texas,  9-12;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.T  vii.  passim;  ix.  222;  Visit 
to  Texas,  214-17,  261-2;  Bolet.  Geog.  Estad.  Mex.,  ii.  20;  Hunt's  Address,  23-5; 
Rockwell's  Span,  and  Mex.  Law,  641-52;  Thrall's  Hist.  Texas,  158-202,  482-5; 
Id.,  Hist.  Methodism;  Zerecero,  Rev.  Mex.,  301-2,  367-74,  383-90;  Atleta,  1830, 
215-16,  225-8,  289;  Willson's  Amer.  Hist.,  631-7;  Bolet.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  ii. 
6,  20;  vii.  138;  ix.  267;  Id.,  2da  epoca,  i.  291. 
HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.  9 


CHAPTER  VII. 

PROPOSED  SEPARATION  OF  TEXAS  FROM  COAHUILA. 
1832-1835. 

ARGUMENTS  IN  FAVOR  OF  SEPARATION — THE  TEXAN  CONVENTION  —  A 
SECESSIONAL  CONSTITUTION  —  POLITICAL  AFFAIRS  IN  THE  MEXICAN 
CAPITAL — SANTA  ANNA'S  CRAFTINESS — AUSTIN  PRESENTS  A  MEMORIAL 
TO  THE  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT— ITS  RECEPTION — AUSTIN  INJUDICIOUS— 
His  ARREST  FOR  TREASON — DRAGGED  FROM  COURT  TO  COURT — His 
LETTER  TO  THE  TEXANS — MAILLARD'S  BOOK— SANTA  ANNA  DICTATOR 
—AFFAIRS  IN  COAHUILA — TEXAS  RECEIVES  REDRESS — SALTILLO  VERSUS 
MONCLOVA — ADJUSTMENT  OF  DIFFERENCES — SANTA  ANNA'S  DECISION 
ON  THE  TEXAN  PETITION — ALMONTE'S  REPORT — POPULATION  OF  TEXAS 
— FRAUDULENT  SALES  OF  PUBLIC  LANDS — SEPARATISTS  AND  ANTI- 
SEPARATISTS. 

IN  their  first  general  attempt  at  resistance,  narrated 
in  the  previous  chapter,  the  Anglo-Americans  were 
favored  by  the  successful  progress  of  the  revolution  in 
Mexico.  Had  it  not  been  for  this,  their  triumph,  if 
indeed  they  had  gained  one,  would  have  been  of  a 
more  sanguinary  character.  As  it  was,  the  almost 
unanimous  defection  of  the  Mexican  troops  in  favor 
of  Santa  Anna  precluded  the  necessity  of  much  fight 
ing,  and  rendered  victory  easy.  On  the  appearance 
of  Mejia,  the  colonists  were  shrewd  enough  to  repre 
sent  their  late  action  as  the  practical  utterance  of 
political  principles  identical  with  those  expressed  in 
the  plan  of  Vera  Cruz;  and  that  commander,  appar 
ently  satisfied  as  to  their  loyalty,  left  the  field  to  them, 
being  too  anxious  to  return  to  the  seat  of  the  more 
important  struggle.  Thus  countenanced  by  a  power 
ful  faction,  relieved  from  the  possibility  of  any  imme 
diate  attempt  on  the  part  of  Bustamante's  government 

(130) 


SEPARATION  DISCUSSED.  131 

to  chastise  them,  and  hopefully  reliant  on  their  own 
physical  strength,  they  began  to  aim  at  the  acquire 
ment  of  an  independent  local  administration.1 

The  reader  will  recollect  that,  on  the  formation  of 
the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  there  was  a  proviso 
in  the  decree,  to  the  effect  that  when  Texas  possessed 
the  necessary  elements  to  form  a  separate  state,  notice 
should  be  given  to  the  general  congress  for  its  resolu 
tion  on  the  matter.  This  was  virtually  an  admission 
that  the  union  of  the  two  provinces  was  only  provis 
ional,  and  that  the  erection  of  Texas  into  a  state  at 
some  future  date  was  contemplated.  The  Texans 
considered  that  the  time  had  arrived  when  the  fulfil 
ment  of  this  promise  might  be  expected.  This  aspi 
ration  was  based  on  the  extraordinary  progress  made 
in  Texas,  on  the  fact  that  her  interests  were  entirely 
distinct  from  those  of  Coahuila,  and  were  generally 
sacrificed  or  lost  sight  of  by  the  state  legislature,  and 
that  beneficial  legislation  could  only  be  obtained  by 
disunion.  In  the  state  congress  her  representation 
was  greatly  in  the  minority,  and  though  the  legislature 
in  some  instances  showed  a  disposition  to  be  liberal, 
its  acts  had  little  regard  for  the  welfare  of  Texas 
whenever  the  interests  of  Coahuila  were  concerned. 
In  no  respect  was  the  want  of  community  of  interests 
more  evident  than  in  commercial  matters.  The  geo 
graphical  position  of  Coahuila  excluded  it  from  mari 
time  trade,  and  its  commerce  was  altogether  internal, 
whereas  Texas  possessed  great  natural  advantages  for 
the  development  of  an  extensive  commercial  business 
with  foreign  countries.  In  climate  and  industrial  pur 
suits,  also,  the  contrast  was  equally  marked,  and  the 
productions  were  dissimilar.  Pastoral  and  mining 
occupations  prevailed  in  Coahuila;  Texas  was  essen 
tially  an  agricultural  country,  and  cotton,  sugar,  and 
cereals  were  being  cultivated  with  most  flattering 

1  At  a  public  dinner  given  to  Mejfa  one  of  the  toasts  was:  '  Coahuila  and 
Texas — they  are  dissimilar  in  soil,  climate,  and  productions;  therefore  they 
ought  to  be  dissolved.'  Edwards  Hist.  Tex.,  187. 


132  PROPOSED  SEPARATION. 

prospects.  The  limit  of  the  production  of  these  com 
mercial  staples  depended  only  on  the  future  prosperity 
of  the  colonies,  which  was  a  matter  of  serious  doubt 
under  the  existing  political  arrangement.  In  other 
respects,  too,  Texas  labored  under  grievous  disadvan 
tages.  The  remoteness  of  the  higher  judicial  courts 
practically  excluded  the  poorer  classes  from  appeal  in 
civil  cases,  and  gave  the  wealthy  opportunities  beyond 
the  reach  of  most  litigants;  while  in  criminal  cases, 
the  tedious  process  of  the  law,  and  consequent  long 
delays  in  pronouncing  and  executing  sentence,  tended 
to  defeat  the  ends  of  justice. 

On  the  28th  of  April,  1832,  a  state  law  was  enacted 
embodying  the  spirit  of  the  obnoxious  decree  of  April 
6,  1830.  VThe  liberal  colonization  law  of  March  24, 
1825,  was  repealed;  Mexicans  alone  were  allowed  to 
become  empresarios  in  future,  and  to  Mexican  pur 
chasers  the  prices  of  lands  were  reduced;  natives  of 
the  United  States  were  excluded  from  becoming  set 
tlers,  while  at  the  same  time  the  rights  of  colonists 
were  extended.2  Existing  contracts,  however,  were 
recognized,  and  in  some  instances  the  time  for  fulfil 
ment  extended.  The  legislature,  also,  with  some 
show  of  liberality,  passed  a  law  creating  new  munici 
palities  in  Texas,  and  allowing  the  people  to  elect 
their  own  municipal  officers. 

As  soon  as  the  colonists  saw  Texas  cleared  of  Mex 
ican  troops,  they  began  to  take  measures  to  address 
the  national  government  on  the  subject  of  their  aspi 
rations.  In  October  1832  a  preliminary  convention 
of  delegates  from  different  municipalities  was  held  at 
San  Felipe,  and  some  discussion  on  the  formation  of 
a  state  constitution  took  place.  Owing  to  the  short 
ness  of  the  notice  given,  delegates  from  several  dis 
tricts  were  not  in  attendance,  and  the  convention, 
after  a  week's  deliberation,  adjourned.  Although 
the  labors  of  this  assembly  concluded  with  no  satis 
factory  result,  the  convocation  of  it  had  neverthe- 

*Coah.  y  Tex.  Leyes,  Dec.  no.  190. 


CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION.  133 

less  brought  the  question  seriously  before  the  public ; 
and  when  a  second  convention  assembled  April  1, 
1833,  it  was  prepared  to  accomplish  the  work  as 
signed  to  it.  The  number  and  names  of  the  dele 
gates  who  composed  this  memorable  convention  are 
not  known,  but  among  them  were  some  of  the  most 
distinguished  men  in  Texan  history.  Stephen  F. 
Austin,  Branch  T.  Archer,  David  G.  Burnett,  Sam 
Houston,  J.  B.  Miller,  and  William  H.  Wharton  may 
rte  mentioned,  the  last  named  being  elected  to  preside. 
Two  important  committees  were  appointed,  the  one 
to  frame  a  constitution,  and  the  other  to  draw  up  a 
memorial  petitioning  the  general  government  to  grant 
the  separation  of  Texas  from  Coahuila.  Sam  Hous 
ton  was  appointed  chairman  of  the  first,  and  David  G. 
Burnett  of  the  second. 

The  constitution  draughted  was  thoroughly  republi 
can  in  form.3  It  provided  for  freedom  of  elections  and 
universal  suffrage,  secured  the  right  of  trial  by  jury, 
and  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  per 
sonal  security,  the  right  of  petition,  and  freedom  of 
the  press;  treason  against  the  state  was  to  consist 
only  in  levying  war  against  it  or  adhering  to  its  ene 
mies;  elections  were  to  be  held  by  ballot;  and  the 
advancement  of  education  was  left  in  the  solemn 
charge  of  the  legislature.  Generally  the  draught  was 
modelled  on  the  constitution  of  the  United  States, 
certain  modifications  being  introduced  so  as  to  adapt 
it  to  the  condition  of  the  Mexican  federation.  For 
instance,  silence  was  observed  on  the  subject  of  re 
ligious  liberty.  Much  discussion  occurred  on  the  sub 
ject  of  banking ;  finally,  a  clause  was  inserted  to  the 
effect  that  no  bank  or  banking  institution,  no  office  of 
discount  or  deposit,  or  any  other  moneyed  corporation 
or  banking  establishment,  should  exist  under  that  con 
stitution. 

The  memorial  to  the  general  government  was 
drawn  up  by  David  G.  Burnett,  and  ably  set  forth  the 

3  A  copy  of  it  will  be  found  in  Edwards'  Hist.  Tex.,  196-205. 


134  PROPOSED  SEPARATION. 

position  of  Texas.  The  disadvantages  it  was  laboring 
under,  which  I  have  already  mentioned,  and  the  dis 
asters  attendant  upon  its  union  with  Coahuila,  were 
forcibly  delineated,  and  the  authority  of  precedents  in 
the  formation  of  New  Leon,  Chihuahua,  and  Durango 
into  states  was  appealed  to  in  support  of  the  petition.4 
Stephen  F.  Austin,  William  H.  Wharton,  and  J.  B. 
Miller  were  appointed  delegates  to  proceed  to  the  city 
of  Mexico  and  present  the  memorial  to  the  supreme 
government.  Austin  was  the  only  one  of  these  com 
missioners  who  went  to  Mexico.  On  his  arrival  at 
the  capital  he  found  it  the  scene  of  virulent  party  fac 
tion  and  political  confusion. 

Affairs  in  Mexico  had  been  undergoing  the  custom 
ary  vicissitudes  and  revulsions.  No  more  stability 
of  principle  is  observable  in  Santa  Anna  than  in  Bus- 
tamante.  Both  used  the  constitution  of  1824  as  a 
clap-trap  to  introduce  themselves  to  power,  and  then 
both  cast  it  to  the  winds.  At  the  end  of  1832  these 
two  generals,  after  much  bloodshed,  came  to  terms, 
and  agreed  to  unite  in  support  of  the  said  constitution. 
Pedraza,  who  had  been  legally  elected  in  1828,  was 
reinstated  and  recognized  as  president  till  April  1, 
1833,  the  date  on  which  his  term  of  office  would  ex 
pire.  Early  in  that  year  the  elections  were  held,  and 
on  March  30th  congress  declared  Santa  Anna  and 
Gomez  Farias  duly  elected  president  and  vice-presi 
dent  respectively.  From  this  time  Santa  Anna's  course 
is  remarkable  for  subtle  intrigue  and  political  crafti 
ness,  used  for  the  promotion  of  his  ambitious  schemes. 
Never  appearing  himself  as  the  principal  actor,  or  in 
stigated  in  the  strife  between  federalists  and  central 
ists,  he  nevertheless  manipulated  the  puppet-strings 
of  both  parties  to  serve  his  own  purpose,  and  ever 
made  use  of  some  cat's-paw  to  secure  the  prize  he  aimed 
at,  namely,  dictatorial  power.  Gomez  Farias  was  the 

*  Copy  of  this  excellent    memorial  will  be  found   in   Yoakum,  i.  469-82; 
Tex.  Aim.,  1869,  40-50. 


MOVEMENTS  OF  SANTA  ANNA.  135 

known  champion  of  reform,  and  Santa  Anna,  absenting 
himself  from  the  capital,  left  it  to  him  to  introduce 
innovations  which   he  well  knew  would  cause  great 
agitation,  while  he  secretly  intrigued  with  the  bishops 
and  religious  orders.     The  reform  measures  attacked 
the   interests  of  the  two  powerful   elements  of  the 
church  and  army,  and  indications  of  the  approaching 
storm  were   soon   plainly  visible.     Santa  Anna  now 
assumed  his  office  as  president — May  16,  1833 — but 
in  less  than  three  weeks  he  again  surrendered  it,  June 
3d,  to  Farias,  in  order  to  march  against  an  insurgent 
force  that  had  appeared  near  Tlalpam  under  Duran. 
Ignacio  Escalada  had  proclaimed,  May  26th,  in  favor 
of  the  ecclesiastical  and  military  fueros,  and   called 
upon  Santa  Anna  to  protect  them.     The  wily  presi 
dent,  hoping  that  in  his  absence  a  similar  demonstra 
tion  would  be  successfully  made  in  the  capital,  went 
through  the  farce  of  a  fictitious  capture  of  himself  by 
his  own  troops  under  the  command  of  Arista,  who  pro 
ceeded  to  proclaim  him  dictator.     But  an  attempt  at 
revolution  in  the  capital  on  June  7th  failed,  owing  to 
the  energy  of  Farias;    whereupon  this  versatile  in 
triguer  effected  a  pretended  escape  from  his  captors,  re- 
assumed  his  presidential  authority,  and  for  a  time  lent 
his  support  to  the  liberal  party  in  order  to  reestablish 
himself  in  the  confidence  of  the  supporters  of  the  con 
stitution.     Then  he  took  the  field  again,  and  finally 
the  revolutionary  army  surrendered  to  him  October 
8th,  at  Guanajuato,  and  Arista  and  Daran  with  other 
officers  were  sent  prisoners  to  Mexico.     As  the  only 
road,  however,  to  supreme  power  was  the  conserva 
tive  highway  occupied  by  the  military  and  ecclesias 
tics,    Santa    Anna    now    changed   his    opinions,    and 
showed  himself  disposed  to  favor  a  reaction.     Having 
thus  artfully  again  put  progressionists  and  retrogres- 
sionists  against  each  other,  under  the  pretext  of  ill 
health  he  retired,  December  16,  1833,  to  his  hacienda 
of  Mauga  de  Clavo,  leaving  the  leaven  of  his  crafti 
ness  to  ferment.5     Such  is  an  outline  of  the  political 

5  Consult  Hist.  Hex.,  v.  122-36,  this  series. 


136  PROPOSED  SEPARATION. 

events  which  were  taking  place  when  Austin  arrived, 
July  18,  1833,  at  the  capital. 

The  Texan  commissioner  lost  no  time  in  presenting 
the  memorial  to  the  government,  laying  before  it  also 
other  matters  in  connection  with  his  mission,  such  as 
the  establishment  of  a  weekly  mail  between  Nacog- 
doches  and  Monclova,  and  one  between  Goliad  and 
Matamoros,  the  modification  of  the  customs  tariff,6 
and  the  payment  of  presidial  troops.  He  was  well 
received  by  Farias  and  the  ministers,  but  in  the  tur 
moil  of  contending  parties,  August  and  September 
passed  without  anything  being  done  with  respect  to 
Texan  affairs,  except  that  the  petition  was  referred  to 
a  committee  of  congress.  At  the  beginning  of  Octo 
ber  the  result  of  the  civil  war  then  raging  was  ex 
tremely  doubtful,  and  Austin  considered  it  his  duty 
to  represent  in  no  equivocal  language  the  true  position 
of  affairs  in  Texas,  and  the  strong  feelings  entertained 
by  the  colonists.  He  therefore,  on  October  1st, 
expressed  the  opinion  to  Farias,  that  if  some  remedy 
for  their  grievances  were  not  quickly  applied,  the 
Texans  would  take  the  matter  into  their  own  hands, 
and  tranquillity  would  be  rudely  disturbed.7  This  in 
timation,  though  respectfully  made,  was  regarded  as  a 
threat,  and  the  government  took  offence.  At  the 
same  time  Austin  addressed  a  letter,  dated  October 
2d,  to  the  ayuntamiento  of  San  Antonio  de  Bejar,  in 
which,  after  expressing  his  hopelessness  of  obtaining 
any  relief  in  the  paralyzed  state  of  public  affairs,  he 
recommended  that  municipality  to  lose  no  time  in  com- 

6  The  petition  concerning  the  tariff  deserves  attention.     It  requested  the 
national  government  to  grant  for  three  years  the  privilege  of  introducing  free 
of  duty  the  following  articles:   'provisions,  iron  and  steel,  machinery,  farm 
ing  utensils,  tools  of  various  mechanic  arts,  hardware  and  hollow-ware,  nails, 
wagons  and  carts,  cotton  bagging  and   bale  rope,  coarse  cotton  goods  and 
clothing,  shoes  and  hats,  household  and  kitchen  furniture,  tobacco  for  chew 
ing,  in  small  quantities,  powder,  lead,  and  shot,  medicines,  books,  and  station 
ery.'     These  articles,  indispensable  to  the  prosperity  of  the  colonists,  were 
either  prohibited,  or  subject  to  duties  so  high  as  to  amount  to  a  prohibition. 
Edwards'  Hist.  Tex.,  209-10. 

7  Austin's  corres.,  in  Edwards'  Hist.  Tex.,  211. 


GOVERNMENT  MEASURES.  137 

municating  with  all  the  other  corporations  of  Texas, 
and  exhorting  them  to  concur  in  the  organization  of  a 
local  government,  independent  of  Coahuila,  under  the 
provision  of  the  law  of  May  7,  1824,  even  if  the  gen 
eral  government  should  refuse  its  consent.8 

On  the  surrender  of  Arista  at  Guanajuato,  however, 
and  the  termination  of  the  civil  war,  the  government 
had  more  leisure  to  attend  to  the  interests  of  Texas. 
Santa  Anna  convoked  a  special  meeting  of  the  min 
isters  November  5th,  to  consider  the  question  of  its 
separation  from  Coahuila.  Austin  was  present  at  the 
deliberation,  representing  the  interests  of  the  Texans. 
The  matter  was  frankly  and  fairly  discussed,  and 
though  the  government  decided  that  the  time  had  not 
yet  arrived  to  erect  Texas  into  an  independent  state, 
it  expressed  itself  disposed  to  favor 'the  pretensions  of 
the  colonists,  and  promote  the  welfare  of  the  province 
with  that  ultimate  object.  Nor  were  these  idle  prom 
ises.  Several  dispositions  were  made  for  the  benefit 
of  Texas.  The  state  government  was  urged  to  adopt 
measures  of  reform  which  would  procure  for  the  colo 
nists  the  enjoyment  of  just  rights,  both  in  matters  civil 
and  criminal ;  suggestions  were  made  as  to  the  means 
which  ought  to  be  employed  for  the  more  convenient 
administration  of  justice,  and  even  the  establishment 
of  the  jury  system  was  strongly  recommended.  Fur 
ther  interference  did  not  belong  to  the  attributes  of 
the  general  government,  but  it  showed  its  friendly 
inclination  by  abrogating  the  llth  article  of  the  law 
of  April  6,  1830,  which  virtually  prohibited  the  coloni 
zation  of  Texas  by  Anglo-Americans,9  and  took  meas 
ures  to  meet  the  wishes  of  the  colonists  regarding 
other  matters  already  mentioned. 

^Austin,  Espos.  Asunt.  Tej.,  18-20.  Austin  states  that  his  object  in  so 
doing  was  to  prevent  a  popular  outbreak,  '  queriendo  Austin  con  esta  medida, 
de  pura  prevencion,  evitar  las  fatales  y  funestas  consecuencias  que  resultarian 
de  mi  desenfreno  popular.'  Id.,  20.  Copy  of  Austin's  letter  of  Oct.  2,  1833, 
in/rf.,  31. 

9 Id.,  27-8.  The  decree  of  abrogation  was  issued  Nov.  25,  1833,  but  was 
not  to  take  effect  till  six  mouths  after  its  publication.  Dublan  and  Lozano, 
Leg.  Mex.,  ii.  637. 


138  PROPOSED  SEPARATION. 

Austin,  well  satisfied  with  the  results  attained,  and 
the  manifest  friendliness  of  the  supreme  powers,  deemed 
it  politic  not  to  molest  the  government  by  over-zeal- 
ously  urging  the  more  particular  object  of  his  mission. 
On  the  1  Oth  of  December,  therefore,  he  left  the  capital, 
and  arrived  January  3,  1834,  at  Saltillo,  where,  having 
presented  himself  to  the  commandant  general,  he  was 
arrested  by  order  of  the  vice-president,  Farias.  The 
cause  of  this  was,  that  the  ayuntamiento  of  San  An 
tonio,  having  received  his  letter  of  October  2d,  dis 
approved  of  Austin's  recommendations,  and  sent  the 
communication  to  the  central  government.  Farias 
had  not  forgotten  Austin's  out-spoken  utterances  ai 
the  time  when  this  letter  was  despatched,  and  deeply 
exasperated  at  the  discovery  of  the  commissioner's 
treasonable  designs,  as  he  regarded  them,  he  sent  an 
express  to  the  different  governors  of  the  states  through 
which  Austin  would  have  to  pass,  with  orders  to  ar 
rest  him. 

From  Saltillo  the  unfortunate  commissioner  was 
sent  back  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  where  he  was  incar 
cerated  February  13,  1834,  in  a  dungeon  of  the  old 
inquisition  building.  Here  he  was  kept  in  close  con 
finement  and  treated  with  much  rigor  for  three  months, 
not  being  allowed  to  communicate  with  any  one,  or 
permitted  the  use  of  books  or  writing  materials.10  His 
case  having  been  referred  to  the  military  tribunal, 
that  court  decided  that  it  had  no  jurisdiction  in  the 
matter,  and  on  June  12th  Austin  was  removed  to  a 
more  commodious  prison,  where  his  treatment  was  less 
rigorous.  His  case  was  next  successively  submitted 
to  a  civil  tribunal,  and  to  the  federal  district  judge, 
but  with  the  same  result.  Finally,  about  the  middle 
of  August,  it  was  carried  to  the  supreme  court  of 
Mexico  to  decide  what  tribunal  was  competent  to  try 
him.  Thus  after  eight  months'  imprisonment  Austin 

10  He  attributes  this  severity  to  the  personal  animosity  of  Farias,  which 
was  aroused  by  the  plain  language  used  by  Austin  at  the  interview  he  had 
with  him  Oct.  1,  1833.  Austin's  corres.,  in  Edwards'  Hist.  Tex.,  211. 


AUSTIN'S  LETTERS.  139 

[was  still  unable  to  learn  by  what  court  his  case  would 
be  investigated. 

In  a  letter  dated  August  25,  1834,  Austin  states 
that  he  had  long  ago  requested  to  be  delivered  to  the 
authorities  of  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  and 
that  Santa  Anna,  who  was  friendly  to  Texas  and  him 
self,  would  have  already  liberated  him,  had  it  not  been 
for  representations  forwarded  by  the  state  government. 
These  representations,  it  was  affirmed,  were  founded  on 
statements  hostile  to  him,  made  by  influential  Anglo- 
Americans  residing  -in  Texas.  It  appears  that  Aus 
tin's  appointment  as  Texan  commissioner  to  Mexico 
had  met  with  some  opposition,  on  the  ground,  as  as 
serted  by  his  antagonists,  that  he  was  "too  mild  and 
lukewarm"  on  the  subject  of  separation,  and  would  not 
display  sufficient  independence  and  firmness  in  support 
ing  the  petition.  That  these  opponents  should  attack 
him,  after  the  course  that  had  been  followed  by  him, 
he  could  not  understand,  and  was  unwilling  to  believe. 
He  goes  on  to  state  that,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the 
evils  complained  of  by  Texas  had  been  remedied,  those 
who  had  previously  been  in  favor  of  separation  from 
;  Coahuila  were  now  opposed  to  it,  inasmuch  as  the  rea 
sons  which  made  separation  necessary  no  longer  existed. 
His  motto  had  always  been,  "  Fidelity  to  Mexico, 
and  opposition  to  violent  men  or  measures."  Sum 
ming  up  the  contradictory  views  taken  of  his  conduct, 
he  says  that  at  one  time  he  was  abused  for  being  too 

V  O 

Mexican,  and  at  another  was  vilified  for  yielding  to 
popular  opinion  and  firmly  and  fearlessly  representing 
it.  Alluding  to  a  letter  addressed  by  him  January 
17,  1834,  from  Monterey  to  the  ayuntamiento  of  Sari 
Felipe  de  Austin,  in  which  he  earnestly  urged  sub 
mission  to  the  authorities  of  the  state  and  general 
governments,  and  that  a  public  act  of  gratitude  should 
be  expressed  for  the  remedies  obtained  for  many  evils 
which  threatened  Texas  with  ruin,  he  reiterates  the 
advice  then  given,  with  the  additional  recommendation 
to  discountenance  all  persons  "who  were  in  the  habit 


140  PROPOSED  SEPARATION. 

of  speaking  or  writing  in  violent  or  disrespectful  terms, 
or  in  language  of  contempt  or  defiance,  of  the  Mexican 
people  or  authorities."  Austin  next  urges  the  Texans 
to  keep  clear  of  all  political  quarrels  arising  in  the 
Mexican  republic,  and  begs  them  to  recognize  Santa 
Anna,  of  whose  friendly  intentions  he  again  makes 
mention,  until  he  should  be  constitutionally  deposed 
by  the  legal  vote  of  the  people.  Texas,  he  concludes, 
"had  been  so  much  jeopardized  in  its  true  and  perma 
nent  interests  by  inflammatory  men — political  fanatics, 
political  adventurers,  would-be  great  men,  vain  talkers, 
and  visionary  fools — that  he  began  to  lose  confidence 
in  all  persons  except  those  who  sought  their  living  be 
tween  the  plough-handles."  He  advises  the  farmers 
to  adopt  the  motto  he  himself  had  always  followed; 
"The  balance  of  the  people,  mere  demagogues  and 
political  fanatics,  would  disappear  before  sound  public 
opinion."11 

I  have  drawn  somewhat  fully  upon  the  contents  ol 
this  letter,  for  the  reason  that  they  are  pregnant  with 
suggestions.     From  the  statements  made  by  Austin, 
it  is  difficult  to  avoid  the  conclusion  that  Santa  Anna, 
under  the  mask  of  friendship  to  Texas  and  ostentatious 
consideration  for  the  commissioner,  was  practising  his 
usual    plan  of   covert  and    non-compromising  action. 
The  referring  of  Austin's  case  from  court  to  court  for 
trial,  the  charge    being  that  of  treason,  was    trans 
parently  a  trick  to  gain  time,  which,  supported  by  fair 
promises,  secured  temporary  quiet  in    Texas.12     The 
dictator — for    such  Santa  Anna  was   at  this  time — 
could  wait,  with  his  customary  patience,  for  an  oppor 
tunity  to  deal  with  the  Texan  colonists  as  his  con-i 
venience    might    require.      That  Austin  was    shrewe 
enough  to   understand  Santa  Anna's  secret  views  iii 
much  to  be  doubted.      I  am  inclined  to  believe  thait 
his  advice  to  the  Texans  was  given  in  all  sincerity,  anoj 

II  The  reader  is  referred  to  a  copy  of  this  letter  in  Edwards'  Hist.  Tex.  I 
210-20. 

12  Yoakum  considers  that  Austin  was  held  as  a  sort  of  hostage  for  the  goo> 
behavior  of  Texas.  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  324. 


ATTITUDE  TOWAKD   MEXICO.  141 

with  perfect  confidence  in  Santa  Anna's  professions. 
It  is  true  that  the  tone  of  his  letter  displays  an  appre 
hension  of  foul  play  at  home,  and  a  natural  anxiousness 
to  obtain  his  release ;  but  to  charge  him,  as  Maillard 
does,13  with  having  written  what  he  did,  solely  with 
the  object  of  effecting  his  return  to  Texas,  would  be 
an  unwarrantable  condemnation.  Austin  had  too  sin 
cerely  at  heart  the  welfare  of  his  colonies  to  allow 
personal  inconvenience  to  have  weight  in  his  judg 
ment  when  the  question  to  be  decided  was  that  of 
peaceful  prosperity  or  danger  of  ruin.  He  believed 
that  he  was  perfectly  justified  in  offering  advice  the 
reverse  to  that  expressed  in  his  letter  to  the  munici 
pality  of  Bejar,  and  his  having  given  utterance  to  it 
previous  to  his  arrest14  is  conclusive  evidence  that  his 

13 This  writer  says:  'Col  Austin,  who  was  himself  the  most  crafty  of  the 
"political  fanatics,  political  adventurers,  would-be  great  men,  and  vain 
talkers, "  wrote  in  this  bland  style,  solely  to  escape  from  the  clutches  of  the 
; Mexican  government,  and  not  with  a  view  to  restore  tranquillity  to  Texas.' 
Hist.  Rep.  Tex.,  73.  It  would  be  hard  to  discover  a  more  prejudiced  and  jaun 
diced  author  than  '  N.  Doran  Maillard,  Esq. ,  barrister  at  law,  of  Texas. '  Being 
Indelicate  health,  he  left  his  native  England  for  Texas,  where  he  arrived  Jan. 
30,  1840,  and  after  a  residence  there  of  six  months — during  which  he  was  for  a 
•time  editor  of  the  Richmond  Telescope,  became  a  member  of  the  Texan  bar, 
studied  the  character  of  the  Texan  government  and  inhabitants,  and  spent 
much  time  in  visiting  different  parts  of  the  country — he  deemed  himself  com 
petent,  from  his  personal  observations  and  some  information  gathered  from 
;  public  men  and  official  records,  to  furnish  the  British  public  with  an  unvar 
nished  account  of  what  Texas  and  the  Texans  really  were.  Accordingly,  on 
his  return  to  England  he  published  The  History  of  the  Republic  of  Texas,  from 
the  Discovery  of  the  Country  to  the  present  Time;  and  the  Cause  of  her  Sepa 
ration  from  the  Republic  of  Mexico.  London,  1842,  8vo,  pp.  512.  In  his 
preface  Maillard  states  that  his  object  was  to  present  the  true  origin  and  his 
tory  of  the  Texan  rebellion  against  Mexico,  to  warn  the  British  government 
against  the  ratification  of  a  treaty  with  a  people  whose  existence  as  a  nation 
was  owing  to  their  own  base  treason,  and  a  political  juggle  of  Andrew  Jack 
son  when  president  of  the  U.  S.,  and  to  prevent  more  of  his  own  countrymen 
from  sharing  in  the  ruin  and  wretchedness  of  too  many  others  who  had 
already  emigrated  to  Texas.  If  a  virulent  exposure  of  all  the  shortcomings 
of  the  Texans,  a  malicious  suppression  of  everything  that  he  might  have  said 
in  their  favor,  a  wilful  omission  of  any  mention  of  their  many  virtues,  and 
frequent  abusive  epithets  applied  to  them,  could  gain  for  Maillard  the  accom 
plishment  of  his  hopes,  he  must  have  been  eminently  successful.  His  antip 
athies  are  not  confined  to  the  Texans,  a  liberal  share  of  his  displeasure  being 
vented  upon  the  United  States.  In  keeping  with  his  unfair  treatment  of  the 
subject  is  the  partiality  he  shows  to  the  Mexicans,  whom  he  labors  to  defend, 
and  whose  wrong-doings  he  hides.  In  a  work  written  under  the  influence  of 
such  prejudices,  it  is  natural  that  carelessness  as  to  accuracy  and  conclusions 
glaringly  false  should  be  found.  Maillard,  however,  does  not  hesitate  to 
arraign  Kennedy  on  the  score  of  want  of  carefulness  as  to  facts,  and  dispar 
agingly  speaks  of  his  excellent  work  as  'two  well -puffed  volumes.' 

l*  Consult  Austin,  Espos.  Asunt.  Tej.,  21. 


142  PROPOSED  SEPARATION. 

change  of  opinions  was  due  to  change  of  circum 
stances,  and  not  to  personal  considerations.  In  other 
respects  Stephen  Austin's  letter  throws  light  upon 
the  social  and  political  condition  of  the  colonies.  We 
can  already  realize  the  influx  of  a  disturbing  element 
which  will  not  rest  till  the  annexation  of  Texas  to 
the  United  States  has  been  consummated.  We  can 
recognize  the  fact  that  a  large  portion  of  the  popula 
tion  would  be  satisfied  with  receiving  redress  from 
time  to  time  for  their  grievances,  and  was  content  to 
retain  possession  of  the  homes  they  had  made  for 
themselves,  and  peacefully  follow  their  pursuits,  as 
citizens  of  the  Mexican  republic;  and  we  can  picture 
to  ourselves  the  work  of  political  agitators,  engender 
ing  a  spirit  of  antagonism  to  Mexico,  and  mark  the 
development  of  a  difference  of  opinions  which  before 
the  war  of  independence  divided  the  colonists  for  a 
time  into  two  parties. 

But  it  is  necessary  to  revert  to  the  political  events 
which  took  place  in  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas 
during  this  term  of  Austin's  imprisonment,  as  well  as 
relate  other  subsequent  occurrences  which  transpired 
before  his  release  and  return  to  Texas  in  September 
1835. 

While  Santa  Anna  was  pretending  to  be  recruiting 
his  health  at  Manga  de  Clavo,  the  reactionary  party 
under  his  secret  manoeuvring  and  encouragement 
daily  gained  strength.  He  was  frequently  invited  to 
become  its  leader,  with  the  promise  of  unlimited  power; 
and  considering  the  fruit  of  his  intrigues  at  last  ripe, 
he  returned  to  the  capital  and  relieved  Farias  of  the 
executive  power  April  12,  1834.  On  May  23d  fol 
lowing  the  plan  of  Cuernavaca  was  adopted,  which! 
denounced  religious  reform,  proclaimed  the  fueros,- 
declared  that  the  deputies  who  had  passed  the  late* 
obnoxious  reform  laws  had  lost  the  public  confidence' 
and  had  forfeited  their  positions,  called  upon  Santa 
Anna  to  uphold  the  constitutional  safeguards,  and; 


AFFAIRS  IN  MEXICO.  143 

assured  him  of  the  aid  of  the  military  force  at  Cuer- 
navaca.  Acting  on  the  strength  of  this  demonstra 
tion,  the  president  on  the  31st  dissolved  congress  by  a 
coup-d'etat.  But  he  did  not  rest  here;  state  legisla 
tures  and  ayuntamientos  were  disbanded,  governors 
were  deposed,  and  adherents  to  the  plan  of  Cuernavaca 
placed  in  the  vacant  positions.  Santa  Anna  was  now 
indeed  dictator,  and  having  played  the  despot  to  his 
heart's  content,  at  the  end  of  1834  convoked  a  congress 
which  met  January  1,  1835.  The  privileged  classes 
had  triumphed  as  he  had  expected ;  and  having  suc 
ceeded  in  converting  the  country  into  a  chaotic  field 
of  party  strife,  thinking  it  now  convenient  to  retire, 
tendered  his  resignation.  The  congress  refused  to 
accept  it,  but  granted  him  leave  of  absence;  where 
upon  he  withdrew  to  his  usual  retreat,  the  hacienda 
of  Magna  de  Clavo,  and  applied  himself  to  his  favorite 
diversons  of  cock-fighting  and  political  jugglery.15 

In  August  1832,  after  some  little  excitement  and 
trifling  disturbance,  the  inhabitants  and  military  of 
Saltillo  had  declared  in  favor  of  Santa  Anna's  plan  of 
that  year,  and  their  pronunciamiento  was  approved 
by  the  governor,  Jose  Maria  de  Letona,  and  the  ayun- 
tamiento.16  But  discord  soon  broke  out  in  Coahuila. 
In  March  1833  the  state  congress  removed  the  seat  of 
government  to  Monclova17 — a  proceeding  which  gave 
great  offence  to  the  inhabitants  of  Saltillo,  who  were 
further  exasperated  by  decrees  disbanding  the  civil 
force  of  the  latter  place  and  annulling  the  enactments 
of  April  and  May  1829,  and  April  1832,  which  pro 
hibited  foreigners  from  retailing  goods  within  the  terri 
tory  of  the  state.  Two  bitter  factions  were  developed ; 
the  people  of  Saltillo  revolted,  and  the  legislature  at 
Monclova,  in  default  of  a  governor,  formally  invested 
Francisco  Yidaurri  with  the  executive  power  by  de 
cree  of  January  8,  1834. 

lbHist.  Mex.,  v.  136-43,  this  series. 
16 (Wi.,  1832,  Pinart  Col,  no.  248. 

17  A  decree  had  been  passed  as  early  as  Sept.  25,  1828,  declaring  Monclova 
the  capital  of  the  state.  Coah.  y  Te^.  Lejex,  lv/7. 


144  PROPOSED  SEPARATION. 

Various  acts  beneficial  to  Texas  were  passed  by  this 
legislature.  The  municipalities  of  Matagorda  and  San 
Au<j%ustin  were  created,  Texas  was  divided  into  three 

O 

departments,  the  new  one  of  Brazos  with  San  Felipe 
as  its  capital,  being  organized,  the  English  language 
was  permitted  to  be  used  in  public  affairs,  and  an  addi 
tional  representative  in  the  state  congress  allowed; 
the  privilege  of  purchasing  vacant  lands  was  granted 
to  foreigners,  laws  were  passed  for  the  protection  of 
the  persons  and  property  of  all  settlers,  whatever  might 
be  their  religion,  and  freedom  from  molestation  for 

O  * 

political  and  religious  opinions  was  guaranteed,  pro 
vided  public  tranquillity  was  not  disturbed.18  During 
the  same  session  a  decree  was  passed  in  April  providing 
for  a  supreme  court  for  Texas,  which  was  constituted 
into  one  judicial  circuit  divided  into  three  districts; 
the  much  desired  system  of  trial  by  jury  was  also  es 
tablished  by  this  law.19 

These  liberal  measures  had  great  effect  in  promot 
ing  temporary  quiet  in  Texas,  but  subsequent  events 
rendered  them  nugatory  to  prevent  the  revolt  of  the 
colonists.  On  the  last  day  of  April  the  legislature 
closed  its  sessions,  and  Coahuila  lapsed  into  a  miser 
able  state  of  confusion.  Intelligence  of  the  plan  of 
Cuernavaca  caused  increased  agitation,  and  an  extra 
session  was  convoked  for  August  llth.  In  July  Sal- 
tillo  pronounced  against  the  state  government,  formed 

18  See  decrees  of  March  1834.     Kennedy,  ii.  61,  note;   Yoakum,  i.  319-20; 
Bakers  Tex.,  522. 

19  Thomas  Jefferson  Chambers  was  appointed  superior  judge  of  the  circuit. 
Chambers  was  a  native  of  Virginia,  a  lawyer  by  profession,  and  highly  talented. 
In  1826  he  went  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  where  for  three  years  he  studied  the 
language,  laws,  and  institutions  of  the  country,  making  himself  a  master  of 
them,  and  obtaining  his  license  to  practise  law  in  the  Mexican  courts.     He 
removed  to  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  in  1829,  and  was  appointed  sur 
veyor-general  of  Texas  by  the  authorities  at  Saltillo.     Owing  to  the  confusion 
incident  to  the  approaching  revolution,  Chambers  was  unable  to  organize  the 
supreme  and  district  courts,  and  in  1836,  when  Texas  was  threatened  with 
invasion,  he  went  to  the  U.  S.  to  obtain  money  and  men  to  aid  in  the  war  of 
independence.     In  June  1837  he  reported  to  the  Texan  congress  that  he  had 
sent  1,915  men,  and  expended  $23,621  of  his  own  money,  besides  selling  bonds 
to  the  amount  of  $9,035.     His  statement  was  approved  by  the  congress,  and 
the  auditor  directed  to  settle  with  him.     Chambers  was  murdered  in  his  own 
house  in  1865,  no  clew  ever  being  obtained  as  to  the  perpetrator  of  the  crime. 
ThralVs  Hist.  Tex.,  525-6. 


TWO  GOVERNMENTS.  145 

one  of  its  own,  and  appointed  Jose  Maria  Goribar  as 
military  governor.  At  the  same  time  all  the  acts  of 
the  state  legislature  from  the  1st  of  January,  1833, 
were  declared  to  be  null  and  void.20  On  August  30th 
a  decree  was  passed  at  Monclova  by  the  permanent 
deputation,  and  such  members  of  the  congress  as  could 
be  assembled,  setting  forth  the  impossibility  of  unit 
ing  sufficient  deputies  to  hold  an  extra  session.  Juan 
Jose  Elguezabal  was  appointed  governor  in  place  of 
Vidaurri,  who  was  unable  to  act  on  account  of  ill 
health,  and  the  movement  directed  against  the  laws 
of  ecclesiastical  reform  recognized  as  national,  or  in 
other  words,  the  plan  of  Cuernavaca  was  adopted,  and 
Santa  Anna  acknowledged  in  his  new  robes  of  state 
craft  supremacy.21 

The  period  designated  by  the  constitution  for  the 
elections  arrived,  and  they  were  held  under  the  dis 
puted  authority  of  the  two  rival  and  illegitimate  gov 
ernments,  aggravating  party  animosity,  and  involving 
the  state  in  anarchy.  Both  parties  prepared  for 
bloodshed ;  but  before  any  serious  collision  took  place 
a  compromise  was  effected  at  the  beginning  of 
November,  and  the  leaders  of  the  factions  agreed  to 
refer  the  question  of  their  differences  to  Santa  Anna. 
The  dictator  willingly  accepted  the  position  of 
arbiter,  and  on  December  2d  announced  the  follow 
ing  decisions :  1.  The  seat  of  government  should 
remain  at  Monclova ;  2.  Elguezabal  was  to  continue 
to  aci  as  governor  until  a  new  election;  3.  A  new 
election  for  governor,  vice-governor,  and  members  of 
the  legislature  was  to  be  ordered  for  the  entire  state.22 

20 Edwards'  Hist.  Tex.,  220;  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1835,  192. 

21  El  Tiempo,  14  Agosto,  and  18  Set.,  1834,  172,  309,  where  will  be  found 
copy  of  decree.  This  proceeding  was  based  on  the  90th  article  of  the  state 
constitution,  which  says:  'Si  las  circunstancias  6  los  negocios  que  han  moti- 
vado  la  convocacion  estraordinaria  del  congreso  fueren  tan  graves  y  urgentes, 
mientras  puede  verificarse  la  reunion,  la  diputacion  permaneiite  unida  con  el 
consejo  y  los  demas  diputados  que  se  hallen  en  la  capital,  tomara  las  provi- 
dencias  del  momento  que  sean  necesarias,  y  dara  cuenta  de  ellas  al  congreso 
luego  que  se  haya  reunido.'  Hex.  Col.  de  Constit.,  i.  226-7.  Yoakum  con 
siders  that  Vidaurri  was  deposed,  i.  323. 

22 Copy  of  the  decree  in  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1835,  192-5. 
HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  H.    10 


146  PROPOSED  SEPARATION. 

This  arrangement  proved  satisfactory  and  new  elec 
tions  were  held.  Agustin  Yiesca  was  elected  governor, 
Ramon  Musquiz  vice-governor,  and  the  requisite  num 
ber  of  deputies  chosen.23  But  the  legislature 'did  not 
assemble  until  March  1,  1835,  instead  of  January  1st, 
and  Viesca  did  not  enter  office  before  April/ 


24 


It  will  be  remembered  that  Austin's  case  was  sub 
mitted  in  August  1834  to  the  supreme  court  of  the 
nation.  That  tribunal,  however,  never  declared  any 
decision,  nor  was  Austin  ever  brought  to  trial.  This 
anomalous  course  of  proceeding,  favorable  certainly  to 
the  accused,  was  due  to  the  influence  of  Santa  Anna, 
who  deemed  it  politic  to  temporize  in  regard  to  settling 
definitely  Texan  affairs,  and  under  the  cloak  of  friend 
ship  secure  the  commissioner's  pronounced  apprecia 
tion  of  his  good-will.  The  dictator  gained  his  point, 
whether  Austin  was  hoodwinked  or  not,25  but  his  con 
cealed  intentions  are  made  somewhat  apparent  by  the 
decision  he  arrived  at  in  October  1834. 

On  the  5th  of  that  month  he  convoked  a  meeting 
for  the  serious  discussion  of  the  Texan  question.  The 
council  was  composed  of  the  four  secretaries  of  state, 
three  confidential  generals,  three  representatives  to 
the  national  congress  from  Coahuila  and  Texas,  Lo 
renzo  de  Zavala,  and  Stephen  F.  Austin.  The  delib 
eration  lasted  three  hours,  Austin  seriously  urging  the 
separation  of  Texas  from  Coahuila,  and  its  formation 
into  an  independent  state,  which  was  as  strongly  op- 

23/eZ.,  i.  323,  326;  Edivards,  220,  231-2;  La  Oposidon,  1  and  11  Mayo,  1835, 
106-7,  137-8;  Pinart  Col.,  Print,  110.  386.  Filisola  states  that  Viesca  had  been 
constitutionally  elected  Sept.  9,  1834,  and  that  this  election  was  ratified  by  the 
new  congress  in  spite  of  the  elections  ordered  by  Santa  Anna,  and  Viesca's 
ineligibility  under  the  convocation  issued  by  Elguezabal,  which  provided  that 
no  one  could  be  a  candidate  who  had  been,  as  Viesca  had,  a  deputy  to  the 
general  congress  within  the  last  two  years,  ii.  112-13. 

24  Elguezabal  resigned  March  12th,  and  Jose  Maria  Cantii  was  appointed 


governor  provisionally  until  the  votes  polled  in  the  departments  of  Brazos  and 
Nacogdoches  were  known.  Pinart  Col.,  Print,  no.  374. 

23  In  a  party  circular  addressed  to  the  Texans  in  November  1834  these 
words  occur:  'We  assure  you  that  the  feelings  of  the  federal  government, 
particularly  those  of  the  president,  are  of  the  most  favorable  character 
towards  Texas.  We  are  assured  of  this  fact  by  our  representative  (Colonel 
Austin^ '  Edwards,  227. 


THE  TEXAN  QUESTION.  147 

posed  by  the  state  representatives.  Santa  Anna 
finally  resolved :  1.  That  he  would  meditate  maturely 
the  decree  repealing  the  llth  article  of  the  law  of 
April  6,  1830,  and,  if  no  objections  were  presented, 
would  give  it  his  sanction ;  2.  That  a  corps,  composed 
of  cavalry,  infantry,  and  artillery,  four  thousand  strong, 
should  be  stationed  at  Bexar,  for  the  protection  of 
the  coast  and  frontier  of  the  country,  to  be  under  the 
command  of  General  Mejia;  3.  That  proper  steps 
should  be  taken  to  have  regular  mails,  and  to  remove 
all  obstacles  to  the  agricultural  and  other  industries 
of  the  inhabitants,  "  who  are  viewed  with  the  great 
est  regard;"  4.  That  Texas  must  necessarily  remain 
united  with  Coahuila,  because  it  had  not  the  elements 
warranting  a  separation,  nor  would  it  be  convenient. 
And  though  it  might  be  allowed  to  form  a  territory, 
if  the  inhabitants  called  for  it,  yet  the  dismembering 
of  a  state  was  unknown  to  Mexican  laws,  and  he 
would  be  at  a  loss  how  to  proceed.26 

These  decisions  make  it  evident  that  the  president's 
policy  was  to  occupy  Texas  with  such  a  military  force 
as  he  might  consider  sufficient  to  hold  the  colonists 
under  control,  and  compel  subjection  to  whatever 
change  he  might  choose  to  make  in  the  liberal  meas 
ures  temporarily  adopted.  No  reference  whatever 
was  made  to  the  petition  on  the  subject  of  the  tariff, 
and  the  offer  to  form  Texas  into  a  territory  was  a  sop 
containing  more  gall  than  honey.  Texas  as  a  terri 
tory  would  assuredly  be  more  subject  to  the  rule  of 
the  national  government  than  as  a  portion  of  an  in 
tegral  state.  Of  this  the  colonists  were  aware,  and 
they  were  opposed  to  a  change  which  would  leave 
their  interests  in  a  more  questionable  position.27  With 

26  Y oakum,  i.  325-6.  Victor  Blanco  to  the  Governor  of  Coahuila  and  Texas, 
October  6,  1834,  is  quoted  by  this  writer  as  his  authority.  Texas  Col.  Doc., 
PinartCoL,  Print,  no.  48. 

*7  Austin  in  a  letter  dated  Mexico,  March  10,  1835,  says:  '  The  territorial 
question  is  dead.  The  advocates  of  that  measure  are  now  strongly  in  favor 
of  a  state  government;  and  that  subject  is  now  before  congress.  A  call  has 
been  made  upon  the  president  for  information  on  the  subject;  and  I  am 
assured  the  president  will  make  his  communication  in  a  few  days,  and  that 


148  PROPOSED  SEPARATION. 

regard  to  the  decision  that  Texas  did  not  possess  the 
elements  to  warrant  its  formation  into  an  independent 
state,  it  is  undeniable  that  this  was  a  fact,  for  it  was 
wanting  in  the  most  important  requisite,  namely,  pop 
ulation.  The  eleventh  article  of  the  constitution  of 
1824  provides  that  the  states  shall  send  to  the 
national  congress  one  deputy  for  each  80,000  inhab 
itants,  and  for  any  fraction  of  that  number  exceeding 
40,000.28  How,  then,  could  the  Texans  claim  that 
they  were  properly  qualified  to  constitute  a  state 
when  their  population  did  not  amount  to  the  last- 
named  figures  ? 29 

it  will  be  decidedly  in  favor  of  Texas  and  the  state. '  This  was  regarded  as 
'agreeable  information.'  Edwards,  241. 

'^Mex.  Col.  Comtituc.,  i.  38.  It  is  true  that  this  clause  is  added:  'El 
estado  que  no  tuviere  esta  poblacion  noinbrara  sin  embargo  un  diputado; '  but 
this  had  regard  only  to  existing  states.  It  was  plainly  intended  that  a  terri 
tory  or  province  elevated,  in  the  future,  to  the  rank  of  state  should  have  at 
least  80,000  inhabitants. 

'29In  the  spring  of  1834  Col  Juan  Nepomuceno  Almonte  was  sent  by  the 
supreme  government  to  Texas  to  report  upon  its  condition.  He  returned  in 
the  beginning  of  November  of  the  same  year.  Almonte  places  the  civilized 
population  of  Texas  at  21,000,  estimated  as  follows:  the  department  of  Be  jar, 
4,000;  that  of  Brazos,  8,000;  and  that  of  Nacogdoches,  9,000.  He  estimated 
the  number  of  Indians  at  15,300,  of  whom  10,800  were  hostile.  His  tabular 
form,  no.  4,  is  interesting,  as  supplying  a  list  of  the  municipalities  and  pueblos 
existing  at  that  date.  The  department  of  Be"jar  contained  four  municipal 
towns,  namely,  San  Antonio,  Goliad,  San  Patricio,  and  Guadalupe  Victoria; 
that  of  Brazos  contained  five,  to  wit,  San  Felipe,  Columbia,  Matagorda,  Gon 
zalez,  Mina,  and  the  pueblos  Brazoria,  Velasco,  Bolivar,  and  Harrisburg; 
and  that  of  Nacogdoches  four  municipalities,  Nacogdoches,  San  Augustine, 
Liberty,  and  Johnsburg,  with  the  pueblos  Anahuac,  Beville,  Teran,  and 
Tanaha.  In  January  1835  Almonte  published  his  report,  or  such  portion  of 
it  as  was  expedient,  under  the  title  of  Noticla  Estadistica  sobre  Tcjas,  Mexico, 
1835,  IGmo,  p.  96,  4  tables,  2  11.  The  total  amount  of  the  export  and  import 
trade  of  Texas  he  calculated  at  $1,400,000,  as  expressed  in  the  following  table: 

Imports.  Exports.  Totals. 

Bejar $40,000  $20,000  $60,000 

Brazos 325,000  275,000  600,000 

Nacogdoches 265,000          205,000  470,000 

Approximate  value  of  contraband  trade  with  the  interior  through 

the  ports  of  Brazoria,  Matagorda,  and  Copano 270,000 

$1,400,000 

Kennedy,  ii.  81,  classifies  this  report  as  'brief  and  superficial;'  but  he 
does  justice  to  it  as  affording  '  the  proudest  testimonial  to  the  fearless  and 
persevering  spirits  who  first  rendered  the  golden  glebe  of  Texas  tributary  to 
the  enjoyments  of  civilized  man.'  This  author  considered  that  Almonte's  es 
timate  of  the  population  of  Texas  was  underrated,  and  that  the  numerical 
strength  of  the  Anglo -Texans  was  probably  30.000.  exclusive  of  2,000  negroes. 
Id.,  79-80. 


LAND  FRAUDS.  149 

While  the  colonists  were  thus  endeavoring  to  pro 
cure  a  separation  from  Coahuila,  the  state  legislature, 
anticipating  the  possibility  of  such  a  result,  seems  to 
have  resolved  to  make  what  profit  it  could  out  of  the 
waste  lands  of  Texas.  In  order  to  realize  quickly,  it 
showed  itself  alike  indifferent,  to  the  value  of  the  lands, 
the  prices  obtained  for  them,  and  to  whom  the  pur 
chasers  might  be.  Numerous  sales  of  immense  tracts 
were  made  to  New  York  and  Coahuilan  speculators 
at  extremely  low  figures,  the  purchasers  having  no 
other  view  than  to  resell  at  a  profit.  Naturally  the 
Texans  regarded  such  squandering  of  their  unoccupied 
domains— which,  in  fact,  constituted  the  future  capital 
of  Texas — as  an  alienation  that  was  simply  robbery, 
and  redolent  of  legislative  corruption.  But  the  climax 
of  these  fraudulent  proceedings  was  the  sale,  in  March 
1835,  of  400  square  leagues  for  the  insignificant  sum 
of  §30,000.30  This  appropriation  of  the  waste  lands 
of  Texas  was  most  distasteful  to  the  supreme  govern 
ment,  which  had  in  contemplation  the  purchase  of  the 
frontier  lands  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  thereon 
Mexican  colonies,  especially  of  a  military  character.31 
It  therefore  declared,  by  decree  of  April  25,  1835,  the 
sale  of  those  lands,  except  to  the  general  government, 
to  be  null.32 

When  the  result  of  Austin's  mission  became  known, 
early  in  1834,  the  desire  for  immediate  separation  from 

30  That  is  at  the  rate  of  little  more  than  one  cent  and  a  half  per  acre.    This 
tract  of  land  was  an  appropriation  that  had  been  made  by  decree,  March  20th 
of  the  previous  year,  to  provide  for  a  body  of  militia  to  prevent  Indian  depre 
dations  on  the  frontier.     The  militiamen  were  never  called  out,  and  the  lands 
fraudulently  sold.  Consult  Edwards,  232;  Yoakum,  i.  320-1;  Kennedy,  ii.  83-4; 
Coak.  y  Tex.  Leyes,  Dec.  no.  272;  La  Oposicion,  1835,  242;  Cor.  Atlant.,  May 
9,  1835,  9. 

31  See  decree  of  Feb.  4,  1834,  in  Arrillaga  Recap.,  1834,  47-50. 

32  Copy  of  the  decree,  as  well  as  that  of  the  legislature  of  Coahuila  and 
Texas,  authorizing  the  sale,  will  be  found  in  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1835,  145-6; 
Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Max.,  iii.  42-3;  M er curio  del  pt.  de  Matamoros  sup. , 
in  Tex.  Col.  Doc.,  Pinart  Col.,  Print,  no.  60;  Pinart  Col,  Print,  no.  389.  Some 
writers  regard  these  land  frauds  and  land  jobbing  as  the  ground-work  of  all 
the  troubles  which  befell  the  colonists,  and  were  made  the  first  excuse  for  re 
volt.  See  Jays  Mex.  War,  17-18;  Quart.  Rev.,  Ixi.  333-5,  340-1; 

Hist.  Tex.,  77. 


150  PROPOSED  SEPARATION. 

Coahuila  was  generally  allayed,  but  the  anarchical 
prostration  into  which  Coahuila  fell  soon  strengthened 
the  separatists,  while  Austin's  subsequent  letters  had 
a  softening  counter-effect.  Thus  there  were  among 
the  Anglo-Texans  two  political  parties,  one  of  which 
advocated  separation  at  all  hazards,  the  other  being 
favorably  disposed  to  maintain  the  union  under  a 
federal  system  of  government.  When,  however,  the 
party  strife  in  Coahuila  left  the  state  absolutely  with 
out  a  government,  a  number  of  influential  Coahuilans 
met  in  council  with  the  inhabitants  of  Bejar,  October 
1 3th.  The  overthrow  of  the  federal  constitution  and 
the  distracted  state  of  Coahuila  were  discussed,  and  an 
address  issued  to  the  inhabitants  of  Texas,  exhorting 
them  to  deliberate  with  those  of  Bejar  as  to  the  best 
means  of  rescuing  the  country  from  the  chaos  of  con 
fusion  which  overwhelmed  it.  The  majority  of  the 
Texans  were  still  ready  to  unite  with  the  Coahuilan 
constitutionalists  in  the  reconstruction  of  the  state 
government,  but  the  more  eager  separatists  thought 
the  time  propitious  to  call  upon  the  people  to  adopt 
an  independent  government.  Accordingly,  under  the 
auspices  of  the  political  chief  of  Brazos,  an  address  was 
issued,  October  20th,  urging  the  Texans  to  organize- 
not  without  a  hint  at  total  independence  as  the  ulti 
mate  object — to  avoid  the  "threatened  labyrinth  of 
anarchy,  military  misrule,  and  final  ruin,"  and  leave 
"her  unnatural  sister"  to  "quietly  enjoy  the  blessings 
of  anarchy."  Let  the  separation  caused  by  the  "wil 
ful  and  unlawful "  acts  of  Coahuila  be  perpetual. 

The  grand  central  committee — which  had  been,  it 
appears,  established  by  the  convention  for  the  purpose 
of  guarding  the  people  of  Texas  from  danger — replied 
to  this  inflammatory  appeal  by  issuing  a  counter-ad 
dress  early  in  November.  The  answer  sets  forth  that 
the  publication  of  the  political  chief  of  Brazos  was 
revolutionary  in  its  character,  by  proposing  "a  separa 
tion  in  a  manner  contrary  to  the  letter  and  spirit  of 
the  state  and  federal  constitutions,"  and  would  draw 


ADDRESSES.  151 

down  upon  Texas  the  wrath  of  both  governments. 
Austin's  letter,  already  quoted,  had  not  been  without 
effect,  and  his  exhortations  to  peace  are  repeated  with 
a  recital  of  the  measures  that  had  been  adopted  by 
both  the  national  and  state  legislatures  for  the  especial 
benefit  of  Texas.  As  a  further  inducement  to  refrain 
from  disturbing  the  present  prosperity  and  content 
ment  of  the  mass  of  the  people,  Austin's  position  in 
Mexico  is  brought  forward,  and  his  constituents  are 
exhorted  not  to  throw  obstacles  in  the  way  of  their 
agent's  release  from  durance,  or  endanger  his  life  by 
creating  further  difficulties.  Referring  to  obnoxious 
laws,  "  when  have  the  people  of  Texas,"  it  is  asked, 
"called  upon  the  government  for  any  law  to  their  ad 
vantage,  or  for  the  repeal  of  any  law  by  which  they 
were  aggrieved,  but  what  their  requests  have  been 
complied  with  ? "  Tardily,  it  is  admitted,  but  the  great 
distance  from  the  capital,  the  state  of  war  in  the  coun 
try,  and  the  uncertain  communication  explain  the 
causes  of  this  delay.33  This  address  counteracted  the 
effect  of  the  inflammatory  appeals  of  the  separatists, 
and  the  differences  between  Saltillo  and  Monclova 
having  been  adjusted  soon  after,  the  agitation  sub 
sided.  Tranquillity  followed,  and  for  a  brief  period 
confidence  seemed  restored  in  Texas. 


33  r. 


Copies  of  these  addresses  in  Edwards,  220-31. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

EVENTS  LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS. 
1835. 

COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS  PROTESTS — THE  STATE  LEGISLATURE  DISBANDED — GOV- 
ERNOR  VlESCA  ARRESTED — TENORIO  EJECTED  FROM  AN^HUAC — POLITICAL 

FENCING  —  ZAVALA  —  AGITATORS  FROM  THE  UNITED  STATES  —  PUBLIC 
MEETINGS — ARREST  OF  ZAVALA  AND  SETTLERS  ORDERED — AFFAIR  OF  THE 
CORREO  AND  SAN  FELIPE — COLUMBIA'S  CALL  FOR  A  GENERAL  CONSULTA 
TION — AUSTIN'S  RETURN — His  SPEECH  AT  BRAZORIA— PREPARATIONS  FOR 
WAR — GENERAL  Cos  ARRIVES  AT  BEJAR — A  DISPUTED  CANNON — THE 
AFFAIR  AT  GONZALEZ — WAR-LIKE  ENTHUSIASM — A  PERMANENT  COUNCIL 
ESTABLISHED — AUSTIN  TAKES  THE  FIELD — CAPTURE  OF  GOLIAD — UNITED 
STATES  SYMPATHY — LAND  FRAUDS — THE  CONSULTATION  ASSEMBLES — ITS 
LABORS — ORGANIZATION  OF  A  PROVISIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 

WHEN  it  became  evident  that  the  party  now  in 
power  intended  to  establish  a  central  form  of  govern 
ment,  attempts  at  opposition  were  made  by  the  feder 
alists  in  several  of  the  states,  but  the  centralists 
triumphed  on  each  occasion.  Coahuila  and  Texas 
and  Zacatecas  alone  resolved  to  adhere  to  the  consti 
tution  of  1824.  In  April  1835,  the  legislature  of  the 
former  state  addressed  an  energetic  protest  to  the  gen 
eral  congress  against  the  course  thai?  was  being  pur 
sued  by  it.  Citing  the  47th,  48th,  49th,  and  50th 
articles  of  the  federal  constitution,  which  clearly  define 
the  powers  of  the  general  congress,1  the  state  "protests, 
in  the  most  solemn  manner,  that,  having  been  received 
into  the  confederation  by  virtue  of  the  fundamental 
compact,  and  on  the  principles  therein  established,  it 
does  not,  nor  ever  will,  acknowledge  the  acts  emanating 

lMex.  Col.  Constitut.,  i.  48-53. 

(152) 


AFFAIRS  AT  SALTILLO.  153 

from  the  general  congress  which  are  not  in  strict  con 
formity  with  the  express  tenor  of  the  above-cited  arti 
cles  ;  nor  will  it  admit  other  reforms  of  the  constitution 
than  those  made  in  the  manner  therein  prescribed ;  on 
the  contrary,  it  will  view  as  an  attempt  against  its 
sovereignty  every  measure  in  opposition  to  these 
legal  dispositions."5 

Meanwhile,  Zacatecas  had  been  declared  to  be  in  a 
state  of  rebellion.  Her  attitude  was  sufficiently  de 
fiant.  On  March  31st  a  decree  was  passed  by  the 
federal  congress,  ordering  the  states  to  reduce  their 
militia  to  the  ratio  of  one  militiaman  to  each  500  in 
habitants  and  disband  the  remainder.  The  national 
government  would  take  possession  of  the  surplus  arms, 
paying  the  owners  indemnity  for  them.3  Such  a  law 
carried  into  effect  would  place  the  states  entirely  at 
the  mercy  of  the  government.  Zacatecas  flatly  re 
fused  to  obey,  and  immediately  flew  to  arms.  It  was 
necessary  to  chastise  her,  and  in  April  Santa  Anna, 
at  the  head  of  between  3,000  and  4,000  men,  marched 
against  the  rebellious  state.  On  May  10th  a  sanguin 
ary  battle  was  fought  near  the  state  capital,  and  the 
Zacatecans  completely  crushed. 

At  this  time  General  Martin  Perfecto  de  Cos  was 
commandant  general  of  the  eastern  internal  provinces, 
and  received  orders  to  take  action  about  the  late 
fraudulent  land  sales.  Coahuila  was  again  a  house 
divided  against  itself.  Saltillo,  in  February  or  early 
in  March,  had  resumed  the  old  quarrel  with  Monclova 
and  revolted,  petitioning  the  general  government  to 
declare  null  elections  which  had  not  been  conducted 
in  conformity  with  the  plan  of  Cuernavaca.4  The 
decree  of  March  14th  authorizing  the  sale  of  the 
lands  affording  a  pretext,  the  Saltillo  deputies  retired 
from  the  legislature,  protesting  against  the  passage  of 
it.  Governor  Cantu  called  out  the  militia,  and  pre- 

^  Kennedy,  Tex.,  ii.  85-7;  Foote,  Tex.,  ii.  57. 

3  Copy  of  decree  iu  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Le<j.  Mex.,  iii.  38. 

4  Cor.  Atlant.,  June  6,  1835,  42.     Ib  would  appear  from  this  that  the  elec 
tions  ordered  by  Santa  Anna  had  not  beeu  legally  conducted. 


154          EVENTS  LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS. 

pared  to  enforce  obedience.  Cos,  being  appealed  to, 
supported  Saltillo,  and  declaring  that  city  provision 
ally  the  capital,  ordered  a  company  of  presidial  troops 
stationed  at  Saltillo  to  enforce  his  decision  and  dis 
band  the  militia  at  Monclova.  When  the  legislature 
heard  of  this,  it  issued  a  decree,  April  7th,  authoriz 
ing  the  governor  to  oppose  the  entry  of  the  presidials 
into  the  city.  Matters  were  assuming  a  serious  as 
pect,  but  on  the  14th  Viesca  entered  office  as  gov 
ernor,  and  recognizing  the  gravity  of  the  situation — 
which  now  involved  a  contest  with  federal  troops — he 
induced  the  legislature  to  revoke  the  decree,  and  dis 
banding  the  militia,  allowed  the  company  from  Sal 
tillo  to  enter  Monclova.5 

The  action  of  the  legislature  had  roused  the  anger 
of  General  Cos,  and  he  issued  an  address  denouncing 
it  for  alienating  the  public  lands,  and  refusing  quar 
ters  to  government  troops ;  he  regarded  the  maintain 
ing  a  permanent  local  militia  as  an  indication  of  a 
meditated  insurrection,  and  threatened  to  put  down 
by  force  the  'revolutionists,'  as  he  called  them,  if 
they  did  not  speedily  reform  their  'criminal  acts.76 
Viesca's  action  precluded  the  necessity  of  carrying 
his  threat  into  execution.  The  legislature,  after  de 
creeing  that  the  seat  of  government  might  be  changed 
to  such  place  as  the  governor  might  select,  adjourned 
April  21st,  but  not  before  it  had  framed  the  above- 
mentioned  protest.  "Thus  closed  forever,"  says  Yoa- 
kum,  "on  the  21st  of  April,  1835,  the  legislature  of 
Coahuila  and  Texas."7 

Viesca,  disregarding  the  threats  of  General  Cos, 
with  the  object  of  reducing  Saltillo  to  obedience, 
again  called  out  the  militia,  but  was  immediately 
ordered  in  peremptory  terms  not  only  to  disband  them, 
but  to  disarm  them.  He  decided  to  move  the  seat  of 
government  to  Bejar,  and  instead  of  obeying  orders, 

*Filisola,  Mem.  Hist.  Guer.  Tej.,  ii.  111-13. 

6 Kennedy,  ii.  89;  Tex.  Col.  Doc.,  Pinart  Col,  Print,  no.  64. 

7  Hist.  Hex.,  i.  335-6,  this  series. 


THE  GOVERNMENT  QUESTION.  155 

left  Monclova  May  25th,  with  the  archives,  escorted 
by  150  militiamen  and  about  twenty  Anglo-Texans. 
Having  proceeded  as  far  as  the  hacienda  de  Her- 
manas,  he  was  alarmed  at  hearing  that  orders  had 
been  sent  to  the  military  commander  at  the  presidio 
of  Rio  Grande  to  oppose  his  crossing  the  river;  and 
thoroughly  disheartened,  he  returned  to  Monclova, 
disbanded  the  militia,  and  decided  to  await  events. 
But  his  fears  got  the  better  of  him,  and  in  company 
with  Colonel  Milam,  Doctor  John  Cameron,  and  some 
officers  of  the  state  government,  he  attempted  a  secret 
retreat  to  Texas.  The  party  was  captured  in  a  moun 
tain  pass  by  the  forces  under  Cos,  and  sent  prisoners 
to  Monterey.  Here  Milam  escaped.  Orders  having 
arrived  to  transfer  the  captives  to  the  dungeons  of 
San  Juan  de  Uliia,  they  were  fortunate  enough  to 
effect  their  escape  on  their  transit  to  Saltillo,  and 
eventually  reached  Texas.  The  state  authorities 
were  deposed  by  the  general  government,  and  all  the 
decrees  of  the  late  session  annulled.  Those  members 
of  the  legislature  who  remained  in  Coahuila  were 
arrested  and  banished.8  Jose  Miguel  Falcon  was 
appointed  governor,  but  was  removed  August  8th, 
and  succeeded  by  Rafael  Eca  y  Muzquiz.9 

The  questions  which  the  Texan s  had  to  decide, 
now  that  the  legislature  had  been  deposed,  was 
whether  to  submit  to  Santa  Anna  and  the  rule  of  a 
governor  appointed  by  him,  or  establish  a  govern 
ment  of  their  own.  Opinions  on  the  subject  were 
divided,  and  at  first  the  peace  party  dominated.  In 
different  municipalities  committees  of  vigilance  and 
safety  were  established,  and  meetings  held  to  dis 
cuss  the  position  of  affairs.  But  these  steps  were 
only  of  a  preliminary  character.  In  June  an  event 
occurred  which  complicated  matters,  and  by  affording 

8  Filisolo,  ut  sup.,  ii.  115-17;  Kennedy,  ii.  89,  90;   Yoakum,  i.  336;  Roa 
Bdrcena,  Recuerdos,  12;   Tornel,  Tej.  y  Estad.  Unid.,  55;  Edwards,  232-3. 
a  Texas,  Col  Doc.,  Pinart  Col,  MS.,  no.  43. 


156          EVENTS  LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS. 

the  Mexican  government  just  ground  for  taking  de 
cided  measures,  hastened  the  approaching  crisis. 

Captain  Tenorio  with  twenty  Mexican  soldiers  had 
been  stationed  for  some  time  at  Andhuac  to  guard 
the  port  against  smuggling,  and  afford  protection  to 
the  collectors  of  the  customs.  He  had  often  been 
annoyed  and  harassed  by  the  opposition  offered  by 
the  merchants  of  that  place  to  the  payment  of  the 
high  duties  upon  imports,  and  riotous  demonstrations 
had  lately  occurred.  To  such  an  extent  had  these 
disturbances  arrived,  that  on  June  1st  the  ayunta- 
miento  of  Liberty  issued  an  order  enjoining  observ 
ance  of  the  peace,  and  calling  upon  all  officers,  civil 
and  military,  to  aid  in  sustaining  the  revenue  officials 
at  Andhuac  and  Galveston.  But  this  order  had  no 
effect.  Shortly  afterward  William  B.  Travis  and 
about  fifty  armed  Texans  attacked  and  disarmed 
Tenorio  and  his  men,  who  being  driven  from  the 
town  retired  to  San  Felipe.  This  high-handed  pro 
ceeding  was  condemned  by  the  municipality  of  Lib 
erty  and  the  central  committee.10 

Cos  meantime  had  addressed  from  Matamoros  a 
conciliatory  circular,  dated  June  12th,  in  which  he 
maintained  that  the  government  in  its  views  with 
respect  to  Texas  was  guided  by  justice  and  paternal 
regard ;  but  at  the  same  time  a  courier  was  despatched 
to  the  commandant  at  Andhuac,  informing  him  that 
a  strong  force  would  shortly  be  sent  to  Texas.  The 
despatch  was  intercepted,11  and  its  contents  excited 
public  feeling  to  a  high  degree. 

On  June  22d  a  meeting  of  the  war  party  was  held 
at  San  Felipe.  The  news  of  Viesca's  capture  had 
lately  arrived,  and  it  was  proposed  to  effect  his  rescue 
and  expel  the  Mexicans  from  Bejar.  This  bold  prop- 

10 Edwards'  Hist.  Tex.,  235-8,  240;  Tex.  Col.  Doc.,  Pinart  Col,  nos  10, 
21,  28,  and  42,  MS.  Edwards,  page  238,  states  that  Tenorio  and  his  men 
were  ordered  '  to  be  seen  in  San  Felipe  as  soon  as  God  would  let  them.'  They 
were  well  treated  at  San  Felipe  and  assisted  on  their  way  to  B6jar,  their  arms 
being  restored  to  them.  Y oakum,  337,  341. 

11  Tex.  Col.  Doc.,  Pinart  Col.,  nos  37,  38,  44,  and  62,  MS.;  Edwards,  240; 
Filisola,  Mem.  Hist.  Guerra  Tej.,  ii.  127. 


WAR  THREATENED.  157 

osition  not  meeting  with  the  favor  of  the  peace  party, 
another,  equally  audacious,  was  made.     Ramon  Mus- 
quiz,  the  ex-vice-governor,  was  at  Bejar,  and  expressed 
himself  ready  to  act  as  governor  if  the  colonists  would 
sustain  him.     It  was  proposed  to  take  possession  of 
that  town  and  install  Miisquiz,  who  was  to  appoint 
land  commissioners  to  extend    titles  to   the  settlers. 
Several  municipalities  supported    these  views,  while 
others  denounced  the  proceedings  of  the  meeting  as 
tending  to   plunge  the   people   into  a   hopeless  civil 
war.12     When  this  revolutionary  step  became  known 
to  General  Cos,  he  issued  a  proclamation,  July  5th, 
declaring  that  the  inevitable  consequences  of  the  war, 
which  would  result  from  any  attempt  to  disturb  the 
public  peace  in  favor  of  the  state  authorities  lately 
deposed,  would  be  visited  upon  the  persons  and  prop 
erty  of  the  disturbers  of  tranquillity.13     About  the 
same  time,  July  15th,  an  address  of  a  soothing  tenor 
appeared  from  Colonel  Ugartechea,  then  in  command 
at  Bejar  with  500  men.14     Ugartechea  possessed  many 
good  qualities,  was  not  unpopular  among  the  Anglo- 
Texans,  and  would  have  averted  the  coming  storm. 
Referring  to  false  information  which  had  been  spread, 
to  the  effect  that  it  was  the  intention  of  the  govern 
ment  to  send  troops  to  dispossess  the  colonists  of  their 
lands,  he  states  that  the  object  of  the  authors  of  the 
reports  was  no  other  than  "  to  prosper  by  means  of  a 
revolution ; "  and  he  assures  the  settlers  that  "  they 
have  nothing  to  fear  from  the  introduction  of  troops  ; 
as  this  measure  would  have  no  other  object  than  that 
of  placing  them  as  detachments  at  the  ports,'  to  pre 
vent   the  smuggling  trade  which  is  carried  on  with 
impunity  by  adventurers,  and  likewise  to  prevent  the 
incursions  of  the  Indians."15 


12  YoaJcum,  i.  339-40;  Tex.  Col  Doc.,  nos  18,  31,  MS.,  and  no.  47,  print. 
13 Id.,  no.  17,  MS.;  Edwards,  245. 

14  He  had  been  sent  to  Bejar  with  this  force  by  Cos,  ostensibly  to  collect 
the  revenue,  but  Thrall,  page  200,  is  in  error  in  stating  that  he  arrived  in  July. 
See  Yoakum,  338. 

15  Proclamation  in  Edwards,  246-7. 


158  EVENTS  LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS. 

Nor  can  it  be  denied  that  any  means  were  omitted 
by  the  war  party  to  fan  the  flame  of  rebellion.  The 
majority  of  the  settlers  were  still  peaceably  inclined, 
and  would  have  remained  so  but  for  the  excitement 
aroused  by  inflammatory  addresses  and  exaggerated 
representations,  hard  to  controvert,  of  the  dire  enmity 
of  the  government.  The  finger  of  warning  was  pointed 
to  the  spectre  of  despotism  and  oppression,  not  only 
by  their  own  countrymen,  but  by  prominent  Mexicans. 
Many  of  the  fugitive  authorities  from  Coahuila  were 
among  them ;  Lorenzo  de  Zavala,  late  governor  of  the 
state  of  Mexico,  had  fled  from  the  tyranny  of  Santa 
Anna  and  sought  an  asylum  in  Texas;16  and  Viesca, 
just  before  his  fall,  had  addressed  the  Texans  in  such 
words  as  these :  "  Citizens  of  Texas,  arouse  yourselves, 
or  sleep  forever !  Your  dearest  interests,  your  liberty, 
your  property — nay,  your  very  existence — depend 
upon  the  fickle  will  of  your  direst  enemies.  Your  de 
struction  is  resolved  upon,  and  nothing  but  that  firm 
ness  and  energy  peculiar  to  true  republicans  can  save 
you."17  The  war  party  was  not  slow  to  take  advan 
tage  of  such  language  and  the  impression  it  made. 
Agitators  preached  about  liberty  and  patriotism,  op 
pression  and  ruin,  spreading  alarm  with  one  breath, 
and  rousing  the  spirit  of  resistance  with  the  next. 
Now,  these  agitators  represented  outside  interests, 

16  Zavala  arrived  in  Texas  early  in  July.  He  was  born  in  Merida,  Yucatan, 
1781,  where  he  was  educated  and  practised  as  a  physician  till  1820,  when  he 
was  elected  deputy  to  the  Spanish  cdrtes.  On  his  return  he  was  first  made 
deputy,  and  then  senator,  in  the  Mexican  congress.  In  March  1827  he  was 
governor  of  the  state  of  Mexico,  which  office  he  held  till  the  revolution  of 
Jalapa  in  1830,  which  forced  him  to  leave  the  country.  In  1833  he  was  again 
elected  to  congress,  and  also  governor  of  the  state  of  Mexico,  the  house  pass 
ing  a  unanimous  resolution  permitting  him  to  hold  both  positions.  Zavala 
was  appointed  minister  to  France  in  the  following  year,  but  resigned  his  posi 
tion  as  soon  as  he  perceived  the  direction  toward  centralism  which  the  party 
in  power  was  taking.  He  was  too  liberal  a  republican  and  too  honest  in  his 
principles  to  take  part  in  the  overthrow  of  the  federal  constitution.  He  served 
his  country  faithfully,  but  on  his  retirement  to  Texas  he  was  stigmatized  as 
a  traitor  and  vagabond.  Zavala  was  the  author  of  two  works,  Ensayo  Histo- 
rico  de  Ins  Revoludones  de  Mexico,  and  Viage  d  los  Estados  Unidos,  mention  of 
which  has  been  made  in  another  volume — Hist.  Mex.,  v.  88,  this  series.  Pre 
fixed  to  the  latter  work  will  be  found  his  biography,  written  by  Justo  Sierra 
of  Merida.  Zavala  died  at  Lynchburg,  Texas,  Nov.  15.  1836. 

"Edwards,  234. 


PARTY   MEASURES.  159 

those  of  land  speculators  in  the  north  of  the  United 
States,  and  those  of  the  slave-holders  in  the  south;13 
and  when  it  is  borne  in  mind  how  tenaciously  both 
classes  pursued  their  object,  and  what  powerful  allies 
they  had  in  their  work  of  wresting  Texas  from  Mex 
ico — the  antipathy  of  race,  the  contempt  of  the  Anglo- 
American  for  the  Mexican,  and  the  jarring  relations 
between  the  two  races  in  the  social,  civic,  and  indus 
trial  phases  of  life — it  is  not  to  be  wondered  that  the 
firebrands  thrown  broadcast  by  their  agents  lighted 
the  blaze  of  rebellion.  And  so  it  was.  Before  long 
all  the  colonists  deeply  compromised  themselves;  so 
far,  indeed,  that  the  only  alternative  was  war  or  an 
abject  submission  to  an  offended  power.  The  liberty- 
loving  Anglo-Texans  were  not  likely  to  choose  the 
latter. 

The  war  party  naturally  expected  that  any  insub 
ordinate  act  would  be  regarded  by  the  government  in 
the  light  of  a  general  expression  of  feeling;  but  both 
the  peace  party  and  the  Mexican  commanders  rec 
ognized  the  fact  that  if  a  revolt  occurred  it  would 

O 

be  more  the  result  of  operations  directed  from  the 
United  States  than  actual  inclination  on  the  part  of 
the  mass  of  the  colonists.19  Yet  the  loss  of  Texas, 

18  The  reader  is  referred  to  a  pamphlet  of  32  pages,  entitled,  The  Origin 
and  True  Causes  of  the  Texas  Insurrection,  Commenced  in  the  Year  1835,  repub- 
lished  in  Phil,  in  1836  from  the  Phil.  National  Gazette.     The  author,  who 
writes  under  the  nom  de  plume  of  Columbus,  states  that  the  easy  terms  on 
which  lands  were  obtained  in  Texas,  and  the  liberal  exemption  from  duties 
granted  to  the  colonists,  were  abused  and  made  avail  of  as  a  means  of  smug 
gling.     Many  foreigners  took  up  lands  exclusively  for  the  purpose  of  supply 
ing  the  natives  with  contraband  goods.     When  the  time  approached  for  those 
who  had  taken  up  large  grants  to  fulfil  the  condition  of  colonizing  them  or 
giving  them  up,  great  efforts  were  made  to  throw  any  kind  of  population  into 
the  districts.     The  establishment  of  an  independent  government  for  Texas 
would  be  an  effectual  way  of  legalizing  all  grants,  and  strenuous  efforts  were 
made  to  obtain  it.     When  this  failed,  the  colonists,  feeling  themselves  too 
weak  to  compete  with  the  power  of  the  republic,  declared  for  the  constitution 
of  1824,  in  the  expectation  that  Coahuila  and  the  contiguous  states  would 
unite  with  them.     The  writer  goes  on  at  some  length  to  show  that  a  number 
of  the  grievances  set  forth  in  the  Texan  declaration  of  independence  did  not 
exist,  but  his  main  object  is  to  prove  that  the  revolt  was  not  so  much  the 
deed  of  the  actual  settlers  as  of  the  land  speculators  and  slave-holders  in  the 
U.S. 

19  Gen.  Cos,  in  a  letter  to  the  gefe  politico  of  the  department  of  Nacog- 
doches,  July  12th,  attributes  the  disturbances  in  Texas  to  the  acts  of  aliens 


160          EVENTS  LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS. 

already  foreshadowed,  was  feared  by  the  Mexican 
government,  and  in  its  anxiety  it  took  the  very  steps 
to  alienate  the  peace  party  and  hasten  the  crisis. 

During  the  month  of  July  the  agitation  increased. 
The  inhabitants  could  no  longer  doubt  that  Santa 
Anna's  intention  was  to  establish  a  military  yoke  in 
Texas,  and  numerous  meetings  were  held,  both  of  a 
conciliatory  and  contrary  spirit.  Committees  of  safety 
were  organized  in  all  the  municipalities  during  this 
and  the  previous  month,  and  these  now  applied  them 
selves  with  ardor  to  the  discharge  of  their  duties. 

O 

On  July  17th  representatives  from  the  jurisdictions 
of  Austin,  Columbia,  and  Mina  met  in  council  at  San 
Felipe  to  discuss  the  condition  of  affairs.20  The  in 
clination  of  this  convention  was  pacific ;  and  a  concili 
atory  letter,  denouncing  the  late  outrage  at  Anahuac, 
was  addressed  to  Ugartechea ;  but  at  the  same  time 
the  opinion  was  expressed  that,  if  troops  were  sent 
into  Texas  in  any  great  number,  a  union  of  all  parties 
would  be  the  consequence,  and  a  fierce  civil  war  fol 
low.  Very  different  were  the  meetings  held  on  the 
19th  at  Rio  Navidad  and  Guadalupe  Victoria,  at 
which  warlike  resolutions  were  passed,  and  Santa 
Anna's  arbitrary  acts  condemned.21 

Thus  at  this  time  the  balance  was  still  somewhat 
equally  poised ;  but  the  scale  soon  turned.  When  the 
Mexican  authorities  heard  of  Zavala's  arrival  in  Texas 
an  order  was-  issued  for  his  arrest.22  But  it  was  not 
the  intention  of  the  authorities  to  stop  here:  they 

and  political  intrigants.  Tex.  Col  Doc.,  MS.,  no.  36.  See  also  the  procla 
mation  of  Wylie  Martin,  the  political  chief  of  Brazos,  counselling  moderation 
and  peace.  Id.,  no.  35,  and  Arrillaga  Recop.,  1835,  574-6. 

ao  The  delegates  from  Columbia  were  John  A.  Wharton,  James  F.  Perry, 
Stirling  McNeil,  James  Knight,  and  Josiah  H.  Bell;  from  Austin:  A.  Somer- 
ville,  John  R.  Jones,  Wylie  Martin,  Jesse  Bartlett,  and  C.  B.  Stewart;  from 
Mina:  D.  C.  Barrett.  Wylie  Martin  was  chosen  president,  and  Stewart 
secretary.  Yoakum,  i.  340. 

21  Tex.  Col.  Doc.,  nos  10  and  17.  These  resolutions  were  sent  to  the 
political  chief  of  Brazos. 

aa  Cap.  Tenorio  presented  it  July  24th  to  Wylie  Martin,  political  chief  of 
Brazos,  who  refused  to  comply  with  it,  on  the  ground  that  having  received  no 
order  from  the  government,  his  civil  capacity  did  not  admit  of  his  doing  so. 
Yoakum,  i.  344. 


COS'  PROCEEDINGS.  161 

« 

wanted  also  to  lay  their  hands  on  the  ringleaders  of 
the  hostile  party,  and  on  those  who  had  taken  a  lead 
ing  part  in  the  affair  at  Anahuac.  On  July  31st 
Ugartechea  issued  a  circular  order  to  the  alcaldes  of 
the  municipalities  to  make  every  effort  to  secure  the 
persons  of  Johnson,  Williamson,  Travis,  Williams,  and 
Baker;  at  the  same  time  he  threatened  to  send  a  suffi 
cient  force  to  effect  their  capture  if  those  officers  failed 
to  execute  the  order.  Yet  fail  they  did;  and  a  report 
being  spread  of  the  departure  of  the  prescribed  persons 
for  the  United  States,  the  matter  rested.  When  this 
demand  for  the  arrest  of  prominent  colonists  became 
known,  a  far  more  bitter  feeling  was  developed  in  the 
peace  party,  arid  the  war  party  was  strongly  reenforced. 
Events  were  occurring  at  Anahuac,  too,  which  aggra 
vated  the  spirit  of  war. 

When  Cos  became  aware  of  Tenorio's  ejection  from 
that  port,  he  sent  thither  in  July  the  schooner  Correo, 
Captain  Thompson,  to  protect  the  revenues.  Thomp 
son  was  somewhat  of  that  buccaneering  stamp  for 
which  Galveston  Bay  had  previously  been  famous,  and 
his  main  object  was  to  make  a  fortune.23  Accordingly, 
he  proceeded  in  a  high-handed  manner,  and  in  violation 
of  orders.  He  bullied  the  citizens  and  traders  at 
Andliuac,  threatened  to  burn  the  town,  and  in  August 
captured  the  American  brig  Tremont,  engaged  in  the 
Texan  trade.  Such  action  intensely  exasperated  the 
settlers.  He  now  kept  a  sharp  look-out  for  the  San 
Felipe?*  Captain  Hurd,  expected  at  Brazoria  from 
New  Orleans.  On  September  1st  Hurd  arrived  off 
the  mouth  of  the  river  Brazos,  and  the  Correo  at  eight 
o'clock  in  the  evening  came  up,  and  without  warning 

23  He  was  an   Englishman  by  birth,  and  of  unprepossessing  appearance. 
Washington  Stiles,  in  the  trial  of  Thompson  at  New  Orleans  for  piracy,  swore 
that  Thompson  said  that  if  he  could  capture  two  American  vessels,  the  Tre 
mont  and  the  San  Fehpe,  his   fortune  would  be  made,  and  he  would  stop. 
Winthrop,  Report  oj  the  Trial  of  Thomas  M,  Thompson,  3,  16.     Stiles  was  one 
of  the  crew  of  the  Tremont. 

24  Yoakum,  i.  356,  states  that  this  vessel  was  purchased  and  armed  at  New 
Orleans  expressly  to  capture  the  Correo — a  questionable  assertion. 

HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    11 


162          EVENTS   LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS. 

• 

fired  into  the  San  Felipe.  An  engagement  followed, 
which  lasted  for  three  quarters  of  an  hour,  when 
Thompson  drew  off.  In  the  morning  the  San  Felipe, 
taken  in  tow  by  a  small  steamboat,  the  Laura,  went  in 
pursuit  of  the  Correo,  which  was  almost  becalmed 
about  six  miles  off.  The  Mexican  captain  surrendered 
without  further  fighting.  The  vessel  was  sent  to  New 
Orleans,  where  Thompson  was  tried  for  piracy.25 

At  the  convention  held  at  San  Felipe,  July  17th, 
Wharton  had  proposed  to  call  a  general  council  of  the 
people  of  Texas ;  but  the  motion  had  been  voted  down, 
inasmuch  as  such  a  step  could  not  fail  to  be  regarded 
by  the  Mexican  government  in  a  rebellious  light.  On 
August  15th  a  great  meeting  was  held  at  the  town  of 
Columbia,  and  a  committee  of  fifteen  persons  appointed 
to  prepare  an  address  to  all  the  municipalities  of  Texas, 
urging  them  to  cooperate  in  the  call  for  a  consultation 
of  all  Texas.  The  address  was  drawn  up  and  sent  to 
every  jurisdiction.  It  requested  that  each  one  would 
elect  five  delegates,  and  that  the  consultation  should 
convene  October  15th  at  the  town  of  Washington, 
situated  on  the  Brazos  River  some  miles  above  San 
Felipe.  But  stirring  events  occurred  before  that  date. 

Early  in  September  Austin,  so  long  absent  from 
the  colonies,  returned  to  find  them,  as  he  describes  it, 
"  all  disorganized,  all  in  anarchy,  and  threatened  with 
immediate  hostilities." 26  He  had  been  released  through 
the  intervention  of  Santa  Anna,27  who,  after  his  vic- 

25  This  account  of  the  affair  between  the  San  Felipe  and  the  Correo  is 
mainly  derived  from  Report  of  the  Trial  of  Thomas  M.  Thompson,  for  a  Pirati 
cal  Attack  upon  the  American  Schooner  San  Felipe.  By  John  Winthrop,  A.  M., 
counseller  at  law.  N.  Orleans,  1835.  8vo,  pp.  44.  The  jury  could  not  agree, 
and  Thompson  was  remanded  to  prison,  but  finally  released.  He  had  been 
in  the  Mexican  service  some  years.  Edwards,  pages  248-9,  states  that  Thomp 
son  was  sent  to  N.  0.  as  a  pirate,  because  he  could  show  no  document  to  sup 
port  tlie  official  character  he  had  assumed.  He  certainly  was  unable  to 
produce  his  commission  at  the  trial,  though  he  was  sustained  by  his  govern 
ment. 

26 See  his  speech  in  Footers  Tex.,  ii.  60. 

27  After  being  liberated  from  prison  under  bonds,  amnesty  was  granted  him, 
and  he  was  allowed  to  return  to  Texas  through  the  friendship  of  Santa  Anna. 


AUSTIN'S   SPEECH.  163 

tory  over  the  Zacatecanos,  had  returned  to  Mexico, 
and  who  doubtless  believed  that  Austin  would  be  in 
strumental  in  restoring  order  in  Texas.  On  Septem 
ber  8th  he  was  entertained  at  a  public  dinner  given 
in  his  honor  at  Brazoria,  where  a  great  concourse  of 
settlers  had  congregated  to  greet  him.  On  this  occa 
sion  he  delivered  a  speech  to  a  large  assembly,28  ex 
plaining  his  conduct  while  in  Mexico,  and  discussing 
the  position  of  Texas.  He  recognized  the  critical 
state  of  affairs,  and  the  almost  inevitable  result. 
While  informing  his  hearers  that  the  federal  constitu 
tion  would  be  overthrown  and  a  central  government 
established,  he  deemed  it  his  duty  to  relate  the 
friendly  messages  of  Santa  Anna,  his  wishes  for  the 
prosperity  of  Texas,  and  his  intention  to  use  his  in 
fluence  to  give  to  its  people  a  special  organization 
suited  to  their  education,  habits,  and  situation.  Aus 
tin  had  advised  the  president  not  to  send  troops  to 
Texas,  expressing  his  decided  opinion  that  war  would 
be  the  inevitable  consequence,  and  concluded  his  speech 
with  these  words  :  "The  crisis  is  such  as  to  bring  it 
home  to  the  judgment  of  every  man  that  something 
must  be  done,  and  that  without  delay.  The  question 
will  perhaps  be  asked,  What  are  we  to  do  ?  I  have 
already  indicated  my  opinion.  Let  all  personalities, 
or  divisions,  or  excitements,  or  passion,  or  violence,  be 
banished  from  among  us.  Let  there  be  a  general 
consultation  of  the  people  of  Texas  as  speedily  as 
possible,  to  be  convened  of  the  best,  and  most  calm; 
and  intelligent,  and  firm  men  in  the  country,  and  let 
them  decide  what  representation  ought  to  be  made  to 
the  general  government,  and  what  ought  to  be  done 
in  the  future."  He  then  gave  this  toast :  "  The  con 
stitutional  rights  and  the  security  and  peace  of  Texas 

Tornd,  Tej.  y  Estad.  Unid.,  53.  Filisola,  ut  sup.,  ii.  140-1,  states  that  Aus 
tin  embarked  at  Vera  Cruz,  proceeded  to  New  Orleans,  and  there  provided 
himself  with  arms  and  munitions  of  war,  with  which  he  returned  to  Texas  in 
September. 

28  Foote  says,  ii.  60,  more  than  a  thousand  Anglo -Americans  listened  to  him 
for  nearly  an  hour  with  unbroken  delight. 


164  EVENTS   LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT   OF  TEXAS. 

— they  ought  to  be  maintained  ;  and,  jeopardized  as 
they  now  are,  they  demand  a  general  consultation  of 
the  people."-  It  is  evident  that  Austin  regarded  the 
preservation  of  peace  as  hardly  possible,  and  anxiously 
though  he  hoped  for  it,  and  deeply  distressed  though 
he  was  at  the  critical  situation  of  his  colony,  he  would 
not  see  the  settlers'  rights  invaded  or  their  future 
welfare  imperilled  without  a  struggle.  The  effect  of 
his  discourse  was  beneficial.  The  high  opinion  in 
which  he  was  held  caused  his  views  to  be  generally 
adopted,  and  henceforth  more  harmony  of  spirit  and 
unity  of  purpose  prevailed  among  the  colonists. 

Indeed,  at  this  time  war  was  no  longer  doubtful. 
In  the  latter  part  of  August  a  further  demand  had 
been  made  for  the  surrender  of  Zavala  and  the  pro 
scribed  settlers,30  the  list  of  the  latter  being  greatly 
enlarged,31  and  positive  information  had  been  received 
that  Cos,  with  a  large  reeforcement,  was  on  his  march 
to  Bejar,  with  the  intention  of  breaking  up  the  foreign 
settlements  in  Texas.  Preparations  for  the  impend 
ing  struggle  were  at  once  commenced.  Austin,  who 
had  been  appointed  chairman  of  the  committee  of 
safety  of  the  jurisdiction  which  bore  his  name,  issued 
a  circular,32  September  1 9th,  in  which  that  committee 
recommended  that  the  people  should  insist  on  their 
rights  under  the  federal  constitution  of  1824,;and  that 
every  district  should  send  members  to  the  general 
consultation,  with  full  powers  to  do  whatever  might 
be  necessary  for  the  good  of  the  country,  organize  its 

29  See  copy  of  speech  in  Footc,  ii.  60-65,  and  in  Kennedy,  ii.  97-102. 

:w  Letter  of  Ugartechea  to  Edward  Gritton,  dated  August  17th,  in  Tex. 
Col.  Doc.,  no.  14. 

:n  Yoakum  supplies  a  copy  in  Spanish  of  Ugartechea's  list.  The  names 
appearing  in  it  are  Johnson,  Williamson,  Travis,  Williams,  Baker,  John  H. 
Moore,  J.  McCarvajal,  and  Juan  Zambraiio,  besides  those  who  opened  the 
official  correspondence,  the  names  of  whom  are  not  given.  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  3150. 
Thu  list  bears  the  date  of  Sept.  3,  1835. 

:;j  At  Saa  Felipe  there  was  a  printing-press  which .  greatly  facilitated  the 
rapid  and  extensive  circulation  of  addresses  to  the  colonists.  The  Texan  Tele 
graph,  the  first  permanent  newspaper  in  Texas,  and  devoted  to  the  revolu 
tionary  cause,  as  it  was  considered,  began  to  be  published  weekly  at  San 
Felipe;  the  editors  were  Gail  Borden  and  Mosely  Baker.  Foote,  ii.  66-7; 
Thrall,  502.  Edwards  states  that  the  public  press  was  in  Brazoria,  the  only 
one  then  in  Texas.  Mint.  Tex.,  249.  Baker  was  one  of  the  proscribed. 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  WAR.  165 

militia,  and  raise  volunteer  companies.  The  commit 
tee  concluded  by  stating  that  it  was  their  duty  to  say 
that  conciliatory  measures  with  Cos  and  the  military 
at  Bejar  were  hopeless.  "War  is  our  only  resource. 
There  is  no  other  remedy.  We  must  defend  our 
rights,  ourselves,  and  our  country  by  force  of  arms." 

The  country  was  now  all  astir ;  committees  of  safety 
were  active ;  volunteers  hastened  to  enroll  themselves ; 
and  a  marked  enthusiasm  displayed  itself.  The  in 
tention  was  to  oppose  the  entrance  of  Cos  into  Texas ; 
but  a  diversion  occurred  which  left  his  movements 
uninterrupted ;  and  having  landed  at  Matagorda  with 
500  men,  he  proceeded  to  La  Bahia,  or  Goliad,  where 
he  arrived  October  2d,  and  continuing  his  march  on 
the  5th,  reached  Bejar  on  the  9th.33 

Cos  was  allowed  free  passage  to  Bejar,  owing  to  a 
demand  made  by  Ugartechea  for  a  cannon  which  had 
been  given  four  years  before  to  the  town  of  Gonzalez, 
on  the  east  bank  of  the  Guadalupe,  for  the  purpose  of 
defence  against  Indians.  The  alcalde  refused  to  com 
ply,  and  the  inhabitants,  satisfied  that  the  demand  had 
been  made  only  to  get  a  pretext  to  attack  the  place 
and  plunder  the  district,  made  application  to  the  com 
mittee  of  safety  at  Mina  for  assistance.  This  was  not 
only  immediately  responded  to,  but  the  communica 
tion  of  the  people  of  Gonzalez  was  also  sent  to  the 
committee  at  San  Felipe.34 

As  soon  as  Ugartechea  received  the  refusal  to  de 
liver  up  the  cannon,  he  despatched  Lieutenant  Fran 
cisco  Castaneda,  with  about  10035  of  the  presidial 
troops,  to  take  possession  of  it.  Having  arrived  on 
the  west  bank  of  the  Guadalupe  Castaneda,  finding 
that  the  ferry-boat  and  every  means  of  crossing  had 
been  removed  to  the  other  side,  encamped  about  half 

™Filisola,  utsup.,  ii.  144-5,  151,  156. 

34  Consult  Austin's  letter  of  Sept.  29th,  in  Foote,  ii.  69-70. 

35  Filisola,  ii.  145,  says  80.     Anglo-Texan  accounts  exaggerate  the  number 
of  the  Mexicans,  Macomb  placing  it  at  200.  Foote,  ii.  98..     Kennedy,  ii.  107, 
gives  the  same  number.     Y  oakum,  is  more  impartial,  and  states  that  the  Mexi 
can  force  was  100  cavalry,  i.  361.     Thrall,  p.  207,  says  'with  about  150  men.' 


166  EVENTS  LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS. 

a  mile  from  the  ferry.  This  was  on  September  29th. 
Meantime  volunteers  from  the  Colorado  and  Brazos 
rivers  were  hastening  to  the  point  of  danger,  and  by 
October  1st  numbered  168  men,  50  of  whom  were 
mounted.  They  now  decided  to  attack  the  enemy, 
who  had  moved  his  camp  about  six  miles  away ;  and 
having  organized,  John  H.  Moore  being  elected  colo 
nel,  and  J.  W.  E.  Wallace  lieutenant-colonel,  crossed 
the  Guadalupe  that  evening,  taking  with  them  the 
disputed  piece,  a  brass  six-pounder.  Having  formed 
line,  they  silently  commenced  their  march  about  eleven 
o'clock,  with  the  intention  of  attacking  the  enemy 
next  day. 

Day  broke  with  a  dense  fog,  under  cover  of  which 
the  Texans  advanced  to  within  350  yards  of  the 
enemy.  The  Texan  scouts,  having  approached,  deliv 
ered  their  fire  and  fell  back,  pursued  by  a  small  body 
of  Mexicans.  Fire  was  now  opened  with  the  six- 
pounder,  whereupon  Castaneda  sounded  a  parley.  A 
conference  took  place,  but  no  adjustment  was  arrived 
at.  The  Texans  would  not  deliver  up  the  piece,  nor 
would  Cast&neda  surrender.  He  was  evidently  pro 
crastinating  in  the  expectation  of  reinforcements. 
When  the  leaders  retired  to  their  respective  lines,  the 
Texans  fired  their  gun,  which  was  loaded  with  grape, 
and  charged ;  upon  which  the  Mexicans  ignominiously 
fled,  and  hurried  at  full  speed  to  Bejar,  the  Texans 
returning  to  Gonzalez.36 

In  this  trivial  engagement  the  Mexicans  lost  a  few 
men,  while  the  Texans  had  not  a  single  man  killed ; 
but  insignificant  though  it  was  in  the  matter  of  blood 
shed,  it  was  to  the  Anglo- Texans  what  the  affair  at 
Lexington  was  to  the  American  colonists. 

36  Consult  the  account  given  by  '  an  old  soldier,'  who  was  personally  pres 
ent  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  60-2;  Macomb's  account  in  Foote,  ii.  98-102;  Kennedy, 
ii.  105-9;  Yoakum,  i.  361-4;  Filisola,  ii.  145-6.  This  last  author  stigmatizes 
Castaneda's  conduct.  He  says,  '  regrisd  a  Bdjar  tray  endo  consigo  una  man- 
cha  que  labar,  una  nueva  ofensa  a  las  armas  nacionales  que  vengar,  y  un 
crimen  que  perseguir  y  escarmentar.  .  .en  vez  de  haber  vuelto  con  el  canon.' 
Linn  states  that  Castaneda  had  only  25  men,  and  that  not  a  man  was  killed 
on  either  side.'  Reminis.  Tex.,  107-8. 


COMMITTEES  FORMED.  167 

The  die  was  cast;  there  was  no  longer  room  for 
hesitation;  all  must  now  be  up  and  doing,  for  all 
would  be  held  to  account.  To  the  farthest  settlements 
news  of  the  affair  at  Gonzalez  was  speedily  borne, 
awakening  a  warlike  enthusiasm.  The  ayuntamiento 
of  Nacogdoches  had  already,  September  5th,  passed  a 
resolution  to  obey  no  orders  but  those  emanating  from 
the  legitimate  authorities  of  the  state ;  and  on  the  21st 
of  the  same  month  a  great  public  meeting  had  been 
held  on  the  road  between  the  Neches  and  Trinity 
rivers,  at  which  changes  in  the  Mexican  constitution 
had  been  vehemently  denounced.  Thus  the  people  of 
that  department  were  not  disposed  to  lag  behind  in 
the  coming  contest.  On  October  10th  the  committee 
of  safety  of  the  town  of  Nacogdoches  called  on  the 
ayuntamiento  to  adopt  at  once  an  active  course,37  and 
private  individuals  displayed  their  earnestness  in  the 
cause  by  pecuniary  contributions.38  At  San  Augus 
tine  a  spirited  meeting  was  held  October  5th,  and  a 
company  of  volunteers  raised  then  and  there  to  march 
to  the  south-west.  Sam  Houston,  Thomas  Jefferson 
Rusk,39  and  the  proscribed  Johnson  were  present,  and 
hastened  without  loss  of  time  to  the  scene  of  action. 
Zavala  also  left  his  retreat  on  the  San  Jacinto 40  and 


37  Tex.  Col  Doc.,  MS.,  nos  24,  39,  41. 

38  A.  McLaughlin  &  Bros  gave  the  committee  of  safety  $500,  Oct.  llth. 
Id.,  MS.,  no.  26. 

39  Rusk  was  born  Dec.  5,  1803,  in  South  Carolina,  his  father  being  an  emi 
grant  from  Ireland,  and  following  the  occupation  of  a  stone-mason.     Through 
the  interest  of  John  C.  Calhoun,  on  whose  land  the  family  lived,  young  Rusk 
was  placed  in  the  office  of  William  Grisham,  clerk  for  Pendleton  district, 
where  he  made  himself  familiar  with  the  law,  to  the  practice  of  which  he  was 
soon  admitted.     He  afterward   removed  to  Clarksville,  Georgia,  where  he 
married  the  daughter  of  Gen.  Cleveland.     Here  he  obtained  a  lucrative  prac 
tice,  but  unfortunately  engaging  in  mining  speculations,  was  swindled  out  of 
nearly  all  his  earnings.     The  agents  of  the  company  in  whose  stock  he  had 
invested  absconded,  and  he  pursued  some  of  them  to  Texas.     He  overtook 
them  west  of  the  Sabine,  only  to  find  that  they  had  squandered  and  gambled 
away  his  money.     This  was  in  1834.     Rusk  proceeded  to  Nacogdoches,  where 
he  located  himself,  being  determined  to  make  Texas  his  home.     At  the  meet 
ing  mentioned  in  the  text  he  delivered  an  eloquent  address  to  the  people,  ap 
pealing  to  their  patriotism,  and  volunteered  to  be  one  of  a  company  to  march 
at  once  to  the  seat  of  war.    Tex.  Aim.,  1858,  105;  Thrall's  Hist.  Tex.,  607. 

40  Zavala   possessed   a  grant  of   land  in  Texas — consult  Austin's  map — 
and  had  taken  up  his  residence  on  the  San  Jacinto  River. 


168          EVENTS   LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS. 

repaired  to  San  Felipe,  where  he  was  warmly  received 
by  Austin.41 

In  a  circular  addressed  by  Austin,  October  4th, 
to  the  committees  of  safety  of  Nacogdoches  and  San 
Augustine,  it  is  boldly  proclaimed  that  war  was  de 
clared  against  military  despotism,  and  that  one  com 
mon  purpose  animated  every  one  in  the  department 
of  Brazos;  namely,  to  take  Bejar  and  drive  the  Mex 
ican  troops  from  Texas.  On  the  8th  a  general  appeal 
was  issued  by  him  and  distributed  broadcast  through 
the  land,  calling  for  volunteers,  and  appointing  Gon 
zalez  as  the  present  headquarters  of  the  army  of  the 
people/2  Nor  were  these  appeals  slowly  responded 
to.  The  people  were  aroused,  and  in  a  few  days  such 
numbers  of  volunteers  flocked  to  Gonzalez  that  Ugar- 
techea,  who  after  Castaneda's  disgrace  had  prepared 
to  march  against  the  rebels  with  500  men  of  all  arms, 
desisted  from  his  purpose.  There  were  more  men, 
indeed,  than  arms.  A  leader  was  required  for  the 
assembled  forces,  and  the  wishes  of  all  pointed  to 
Austin.  In  order,  therefore,  to  relieve  him  from  his 
position  at  San  Felipe,  a  permanent  council,  composed 
of  one  member  from  each  committee,  was  appointed, 
R.  R.  Royall  being  elected  president.  Austin  now 
proceeded  to  Gonzalez,  where  he  was  made  com- 
mander-in-chief.  On  October  13th  the  army,  about 
350  strong,43  commenced  its  inarch,  and  advancing 
to  the  San  Antonio  River,  took  up  a  temporary  posi 
tion  about  eight  miles  below  the  town.  Here  Austin 
waited  for  reinforcements. 

While  these  movements  were  being  made,  a  bold 

41  Austin's  circular  of  Oct.  4,  1835,  in  Foote,  ii.  84. 

42 Id.,  ii.  84-90;  Tex.  Col  Doc.,  Print,  no.  59. 

43  The  intention  had  been  to  march  again  at  Be" jar  with  500  men,  but  a 
detachment  under  captains  Benjamin  Fort  Smith  and  Allen  had  been  sent  to 
protect  Victoria  on  the  Guadalupe,  where  a  body  of  Mexicans  had  been  com 
mitting  acts  of  violence.  Foote,  ii.  108-11.  Austin  wrote  to  the  committee  of 
safety  at  San  Felipe,  Oct.  llth,  urging  it  to  press  on  volunteers,  begging  them 
'  to  hurry  on  by  forced  marches,  and  not  to  stay  for  cannon  or  for  anything  ' 
Id.,  ii.  119. 


CAPTURE  OF  GOLIAD  169 

design  to  capture  Goliad  was  successfully  carried  out 
by  Captain  George  Collingsworth.  With  about  forty 
planters  from  the  neighborhood  of  Matagorda  and  the 
banks  of  the  Caney,  he  had  gone  in  pursuit  of  the 
Mexicans  marauding  at  Victoria,  and  determined  to 
attempt  the  capture  of  Goliad.  The  company  arrived 
below  the  town  at  midnight  on  the  9th  of  October, 
and  sent  two  or  three  of  their  number  to  reconnoitre 
the  place.  While  these  scouts  were  thus  engaged 
Colonel  Milam  was  discovered  in  a  thicket  by  a 
party  who  had  got  separated  from  their  comrades. 
The  wayworn  man,  after  his  escape  from  prison  at 
Monterey,  had  made  his  way  alone  through  the 
country,  riding  night  and  day  to  reach  Texas.  He 
heartily  volunteered  to  assist  in  the  enterprise. 
When  all  were  reunited,  their  number,  including 
Milam  and  one  or  two  others  who  had  joined  them, 
was  forty-eight.  Guided  by  settlers  acquainted  with 
the  town,  they  attacked  the  quarters  of  Lieutenant- 
colonel  Sandoval.  The  sentinel  discharged  his  piece, 
and  was  instantly  struck  dead  with  a  rifle-ball.  The 
door  was  battered  in  with  axes,  and  Sandoval  taken 
prisoner.  The  garrison,  summoned  to  surrender,  laid 
down  its  arms  after  a  slight  resistance.  One  Mexican 
soldier  was  killed  and  three  wounded.  The  Texans 
had  one  man  slightly  wounded.  This  was  an  impor 
tant  capture,  $10,000,  two  pieces  of  artillery,  and  300 
stands  of  arms  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  victors.44 

Preliminary  meetings  of  some  of  the  members  of 
the  consultation  had  been  held  at  San  Felipe  and 
Washington,  and  on  October  1 6th  thirty-two  members 
assembled  at  the  former  place.  As  this  number  did 
not  form  a  quorum,  the  consultation  was  adjourned 
till  November  1st,  and  a  letter  having  been  received 
from  Austin,  inviting  the  members  to  assist  person 
ally  in  the  capture  of  Bejar,  a  large  portion  of  them 
repaired  to  the  army.  It  was,  however,  necessary  to 

"Id.,  ii.  112-18;  Kennedy,  ii.  117;  Yoakum,  i.  368-9 


170          EVENTS   LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT  OF  TEXAS. 

organize  a  government,  as  well  as  provide  ways  and 
means  for  carrying  on  the  war;  and  after  some  delib 
eration  they  returned  to  San  Felipe  to  take  their 
places  in  the  coming  consultation. 

There  was  no  longer  any  want  of  unanimity  among 
the  colonists.  Even  the  jurisdiction  of  liberty,  op 
posed  though  it  was  to  a  rupture  with  Mexico,45  and 
the  last  to  cast  peace  aside,  on  the  news  of  the  fall  of 
Goliad  joined  the  revolution  with  a  corresponding 
firmness,  and  sent  assistance  to  the  army.  Every 
where  the  committees  of  safety  were  tireless  in  their 
exertions  to  send  men  and  provisions  to  the  front,  and 
raise  subscriptions.  At  Nacogdoches  and  San  Au 
gustine,  the  committees,  aided  by  the  central  council, 
took  measures  to  conciliate  the  civilized  Indians,  who 
were  in  no  amiable  mood  on  account  of  the  neglect 
with  which  their  claims  had  been  treated.  A  depu 
tation  was  sent  to  confer  with  them,  and  arrangements 
made  that  they  should  have  a  representative  at  the 
consultation.  To  keep  the  wild  tribes  in  check, 
mounted  rangers  were  sent  to  the  confines  of  the 
districts  which  they  occupied.  Sam  Houston  was  ap 
pointed  to  command  the  eastern  volunteers.  As  re 
ceivers  of  contributions  and  public  moneys,  committees 
were  appointed  by  the  central  council;  J.  L.  Hood, 
Jacob  Garrett,  and  Peter  J.  Menard  composed  that 
for  the  jurisdictions  of  the  department  of  Nacogdo 
ches,  and  R.  R.  Royall  and  Gail  Borden  that  for  other 
jurisdictions.  Appeals,  too,  were  made  to  the  citizens 
of  the  United  States,  and  not  in  vain.  On  October 
7th  a  public  meeting  had  already  been  held  at  Natchi- 
toches,  at  which  the  warmest  sympathy  was  expressed, 
and  a  resolution  enthusiastically  carried  to  support  the 
people  of  Texas.46  This  friendly  disposition  was  dis 
played  elsewhere  in  the  United  States.  In  New  Or 
leans  two  companies  were  quickly  formed,  the  Grays, 

45  See  the  address  of  the  committee  of  safety  of  Oct  24,  1835,  in  Tex.  Aim., 
1868,  39-40.     The  document  is  signed  by  Edward  Tanner,  David  G.  Burneit, 
William  Hardin,  Jesse  Devone,  B.  M.  Spinks,  and  Henry  W.  Farley. 

46  Tex.  Col.  Doc.,  MS.,  uo.  34. 


LAND  FRAUDS.  171 

one  of  which  left  October  17th  by  way  of  Natchito- 
ches,  and  the  other  on  the  19th  by  the  gulf  route. 

It  was  not  until  November  3d  that  the  general 
consultation  assembled.  Hitherto  the  council,  com 
posed  of  one  member  from  each  committee,  had  acted 
and  been  recognized  as  a  temporary  kind  of  govern 
ment.  An  important  measure  taken  by  this  council 
was  one  touching  the  extension  of  land  titles.  Ugar- 
techea  had  addressed,  September  3d,  an  order  to 
the  political  chief  at  Nacogdoches  to  suspend  the 
functions  of  the  land  commissioner,  so  that  no  more 
titles  should  be  granted  till  the  receipt  of  instructions 
from  the  supreme  government.  The  committee  of 
safety,  however,  decided  that  Ugartechea  had  no  con 
trol  over  the  civil  authorities,  and  his  order  was  disre 
garded.  Unfortunately,  this  action  afforded  opportu 
nity  for  the  perpetration  of  outrageous  land  frauds  by 
the  commissioner,  and  extensive  tracts  were  alienated 
by  titles  in  the  names  of  fictitious  persons  and  those 
who  had  left  the  country.  The  central  council,  to 
prevent  further  robberies  of  this  nature,  ordered  all 
land -offices  to  be  closed,  and  prohibited  surveying.47 
The  labors  of  this  council,  during  its  brief  existence, 
were  extremely  arduous,  but  were  rendered  less  irk 
some  by  the  general  harmony  of  feeling  and  the  will 
ing  spirit  of  cooperation  everywhere  displayed.  On 
October  3d  the  central  system  of  government  was 
established  in  Mexico  by  decree. 


48 


When  the  consultation  met  at  San  Felipe  on  the 
day  above  mentioned,  fifty-five  members  were  present, 
whose  names  I  give  below.49  Branch  T.  Archer  hav- 

47  Yoakum,  i.  359,  377. 

48  Duhlan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  iii.  75-8. 

49  According  to  the  convocation,  a  meeting  had  taken  place  Nov.  1st,  but 
sufficient  members  were  not  present  to  form  a  quorum.     The  names  of  the 
delegates  are  the  following:  For  the  municipality  of  Austin:  Wylie  Martin, 
R.  Jones,  Jesse  Burnam,  William   Menifee.     Nacogdoches:    Sam   Houston, 
James  W.  Robinson,  William  Whitaker,  Daniel  Parker,  William  N.  Sigler. 
Washington:  Philip  Coe,  E.  Collard,  Jesse  Grimes,  Asa  Mitchell,  Asa  Hoxey. 
Harrisburg:  Lorenzo  de  Zayala,  C.  C.  Dyer,  John  W.  Moore,  M.  W.  Smith, 


172          EVENTS   LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT   OF  TEXAS. 

ing  been  duly  elected  president,  and  P. .  B.  Dexter 
secretary,  the  former  delivered  an  address,  in  which 
he  sketched  out  the  duties  to  be  performed  by  the 
consultation  and  the  measures  which  it  would  be  ad 
visable  to  adopt.50  The  first  matter  .attended  to  was 
the  preparation  of  a  declaration,  or  bill  of  rights,  set 
ting  forth  the  causes  which  had  driven  the  Texans  to 
take  up  arms.  John  A.  Wharton  was  commissioned 
to  draught  the  bill,  and  a  committee  of  five — Harris, 
Barret,  Martin,  Barnell,  and  Wharton — was  ap 
pointed  to  draw  up  and  submit  a  plan  of  a  provisional 
government.  On  November  7th  Wharton  laid  his 
draught  of  the  declaration  before  the  consultation. 
It  caused  a  lengthy  discussion ;  a  large  number  of  the 
delegates  were  in  favor  of  a  declaration  of  indepen 
dence,  whereas  the  one  submitted  to  them  announced 
adherence  to  the  constitution  of  1824.51  Policy,  how 
ever,  overruled;  none  doubted  that  independence 
would  be  the  ultimate  outcome,  and  the  declaration 
was  adopted. 

The  ordinance  establishing  the  plan  and  powers  of 

David  B.  Macomb.  Liberty:  George  M.  Patrick,  William  P.  Harris,  Henry 
Millard,  J.  B.  Woods,  A.  B.  Hardin.  Gonzalez:  W.  S.  Fisher,  J.  D.  Cle 
ments,  Geo.  W.  Davis,  James  Hodges,  William  W.  Arrington,  Benjamin 
Faqua.  Tenehaw:  Martin  Parmer.  Columbia:  Henry  Smith,  John  A.  Whar 
ton,  Edwin  Waller,  John  S.  D.  Byrom.  San  Augustine:  A.  Houston,  William 
N.  Sigler,  A.  E.  C.  Johnson,  A.  Horton,  A.  G.  Kellog.  Mina:  D.  C.  Barret, 
J.  S.  Lester,  R.  M.  Williamson.  Matagorda:  R.  R.  Royall,  Chas  Wilson. 
Bevil:  S.  H.  Everitt,  John  Bevil,  Wyatt  Hanks.  Viesca:  Sanil  T.  Allen,  A. 
G.  Perry,  J.  G.  W.  Pierson,  Alexander  Thompson,  Jas  W.  Parker.  Jeffer 
son:  Claiborne  West.  Journals  of  the  Consultation,  50. 

50 Copy  of  Archer's  speech  will  be  found  in  Id.,  6-9,  and  Foote,  ii.  144-7. 

51  The  declaration  set  forth  that  the  federal  constitution  having  been  over 
thrown  by  Santa  Anna,  the  social  compact  which  existed  between  Texas  and 
the  other  members  of  the  Mexican  confederacy  was  dissolved;  that  the  Texans 
had  taken  up  arms  in  defence  of  their  rights  and  liberties,  which  were  threat 
ened;  that  they  offered  their  assistance  to  such  states  as  would  take  up  arms 
against  military  despotism;  that  they  did  not  acknowledge  the  right  of  the 
present  Mexican  authorities  to  govern  in  Texas,  and  would  not  cease  to  carry 
on  war  against  them  as  long  as  their  troops  remained  within  its  limits;  that 
during  the  disorganization  of  the  federal  system  they  withdrew  from  the 
union,  but  would  continue  faithful  to  the  Mexican  government  as  long  as  the 
nation  was  governed  by  the  constitution  of  1824;  Texas  would  be  responsible 
for  the  expenses  of  the  armies  in  the  field,  and  was  pledged  for  the  payment 
of  debts  contracted  by  her  agents;  she  would  reward  by  donations  of  land 
volunteers  who  offered  their  services  in  the  struggle,  and  would  receive  them 
as  citizens.  Journals  of  the  Consult.,  18-19,  21-2.  Copy  of  the  declaration 
also  in  Holleys  Tex.,  235-6,  and  Kennedy,  ii.  488-9. 


PROVISIONAL  GOVERNMENT.  ^  173 

the  provisional  government  was  passed  November 
13 tli.  It  comprised  twenty-one  articles,  and  pro 
vided  for  the  creation  of  a  governor,  lieutenant- 
governor,  and  general  council,  to  be  elected  from  the 
consultation — one  member  from  each  municipality. 
The  governor  arid  lieutenant-governor  were  ap 
pointed  by  the  consultation.  The  former  in  con 
junction  with  the  council  was  authorized  to  contract 
loans  not  exceeding  $1,000,000,  hypothecating  the 
public  lands  if  necessary;  to  treat  with  the  Indian 
tribes  concerning  their  land  claims,  and  secure  their 
friendship;  to  establish  a  postal  service,  and  exercise 
the  functions  of  a  high  court  of  admiralty.  They 
were  invested  with  the  power  to  create  and  fill  the 
necessary  offices  of  government,  and  organize  the 
regular  forces  according  to  emergencies.  A  provis 
ional  judiciary  was  to  be  constituted  in  each  juris 
diction;  all  land  commissioners,  empresarios,  and 
surveyors  were  to  be  ordered  to  cease  their  opera 
tions  during  hostilities,  and  all  grants  and  sales  of 
lands  in  Texas  fraudulently  made  by  the  state  of 
Coahuila  and  Texas  were  declared  null.  All  per 
sons,  widows  and  minors  excepted,  who  should  leave 
the  country  during  the  existing  crisis  would  forfeit 
their  lands.  An  army  ordinance  was  also  passed, 
providing  for  the  creation  of  a  regular  army  of  1,120 
men,  rank  and  file,  to  be  governed  by  the  rules,  regu 
lations,  and  discipline  observed  in  the  army  of  the 
United  States  during  time  of  war,  the  commander- 
in -chief,  with  the  rank  of  major-general,  being  ap 
pointed  by  the  consultation.52 

Henry  Smith  was  appointed  governor,  and  James 
W.  Robinson  lieutenant-governor.  Sam  Houston  was 
elected  cominander-in -chief,53  a  commission  of  three 
persons,  Austin,  Branch  T.  Archer,  and  William  H. 

52  Journal,  sut  sup. ,  43-9.  A  full  copy  of  these  ordinances  will  be  found  in 
Ken ned y,  ii.  489-97. 

5a  Austin  had  previously  expressed  his  wish  to  resign  the  command,  as  his 
attention  had  never  been  directed  to  military  matters,  and  had  urged  Hous 
ton  to  assume  it.  Y  oakum,  i.  371-2. 


174          EVENTS  LEADING  TO  THE  REVOLT   OF  TEXAS. 

Wharton,  was  appointed  to  proceed  to  the  United 
States  and  promote  the  interests  of  Texas  in  that 
country,  and  the  general  council  elected.  The  mem 
bers  of  this  council,  whose  duties  were  to  devise  ways 
and  means,  and  advise  and  assist  the  governor  in  the 
discharge  of  his  functions,  were :  A.  Houston,  Daniel 
Parker,  Jesse  Grimes,  A.  G.  Perry,  Claiborne  West, 
D.  C.  Barret,  Charles  Wilson,  Henry  Millard,  Mar 
tin  Parmer,  J.  A.  Padilla,  J.  D.  Clements,  Wylie 
Martin,  W.  P.  Harris,  John  A.  Wharton,  and  W. 
Hanks.54  On  November  14th  the  consultation,  hav 
ing  completed  its  labors,  adjourned  to  meet  on  the 
1st  of  March  following.  It  never  reassembled,  how 
ever,  as  on  that  date  a  convention  was  held  of  dele 
gates  chosen  at  the  general  election  of  February  1836. 

54  Journal  of  the  Gen.  Council,  3. 


CHAPTEE  IX. 

SIEGE  AND  CAPTURE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  BEJAR. 
1835. 

BATTLE  OF  CONCEPCION — THE  GRASS  FIGHT— PROTRACTED  SIEGE — DISSATIS 
FACTION  OF  THE  VOLUNTEERS — BURLESON  SUCCEEDS  AUSTIN — ORDERS 
AND  COUNTER-ORDERS— MILAM'S  CALL — DESCRIPTION  OF  SAN  ANTONIO — 
THE  FIRST  ASSAULT — STEADY  ADVANCE  OF  THE  TEXANS — DEATH  OF 
MILAM — His  BIOGRAPHY — CONFUSION  AT  THE  A^AMO — Cos  SURRENDERS 
— TERMS  OF  CAPITULATION — THE  VOLUNTEERS  DISBAND — AFFAIR  AT 
LlPANTITLAN — THE  TAMPICO  TRAGEDY — DlSCORD  IN  THE  GOVERNMENT — 
FINANCIAL  MATTERS — HOUSTON'S  PROCLAMATION — GOVERNOR  SMITH  AND 
THE  COUNCIL — GRANT'S  SCHEME — DESCENT  ON  MATAMOROS  MEDITATED — 
SMITH  SUSPENDED — THE  EFFECT  OF  DISCORD. 

AUSTIN  having  reached  the  Salado  creek,  some 
skirmishing  took  place,  in  which  the  Texans  were  in 
variably  victorious.  On  October  27th  he  sent  for 
ward  Colonel  James  Bowie1  and  Captain  James  W. 
Fannin,  with  a  detachment  of  ninety-two  rank  and 
file,  to  reconnoitre  the  old  missions  above  Espada, 
and  select  a  suitable  position  for  the  army.  Having 
reached  the  mission  of  La  Purisima  Concepcion,  about 
one  mile  and  a  half  from  San  Antonio,  Bowie  en- 

1  James  Bowie  was  a  native  of  Georgia.  His  brother  Rezin  was  the  inven 
tor  of  the  knife  which  bears  the  family  name.  While  Lafitte  occupied  Gal- 
veston,  the  three  brothers,  James,  Rezin  P.,  and  John,  engaged  in  buying 
African  negroes  of  Lafitte 's  men,  conducting  them  through  the  swamps  of 
Louisiana  for  sale.  They  are  said  to  have  made  $65,000  by  this  traffic. 
James  Bowie  was  connected  with  Long's  expedition  in  1819.  In  October 
1830  he  became  a  naturalized  citizen  of  Saltillo,  and  soon  after  married  a 
daughter  of  Vice-governor  Veramendi,  of  San  Antonio  de  Bejar.  Nov.  2d, 
1831,  he  fought  a  remarkable  battle  with  Indians  on  the  San  Saba  River,  in 
which,  with  his  brother  Rezin,  nine  other  Americans,  and  two  negroes,  he 
defeated  164  Tehuacanas  and  Caddos,  the  Indians  losing  nearly  half  their  num 
ber,  while  the  Anglo-Texans  had  only  one  man  killed  and  three  wounded. 
When  hostilities  broke  out,  he  attached  himself  to  the  Texan  cause.  Thrall, 
502-5, 

(175) 


176  SIEGE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  BEJAR. 

camped  in  a  bend  of  the  river  pointing  southward,  and 
when  morning  broke,  found  himself  almost  surrounded 
by  about  400  Mexicans.  Perceiving  that  there  was 
no  chance  of  escape,  he  withdrew  his  men  into  the 
river  bottom,  nearly  100  yards  wide,  and  protected 
by  a  bluff  from  six  to  ten  feet  high,  affording  an  ex 
cellent  position  for  defence,  since  the  men  could  fire 
from  a  natural  covert  without  being  much  exposed. 
The  position  was  further  strengthened  by  a  skirt  of 
timber  around  the  bend  and  below  the  bluff,  to  which 
retreat  could  be  made  if  necessary.  Bowie  divided 
the  command  into  two  parties,  which  respectively  oc 
cupied  the  upper  and  lower  arms  of  the  bend,  Fannin 
being  in  charge  of  the  latter.  Before  them  stretched 
an  open  plain. 

A  heavy  fog  for  some  time  prevented  the  opponents 
from  seeing  each  other,  but  when  it  rose,  the  Mexicans 
advanced  to  within  200  yards  of  Fannin's  right,  and 
poured  in  a  heavy  fire,  every  volley  being  marked  in 
the  yet  gloomy  light  by  a  blaze  all  along  their  line. 
It  was  ineffective,  however;  while  the  rifles  of  the 
Texans,  more  deliberately  discharged,  and  with  deadly 
aim,  wrought  havoc.  In  order  to  avoid  striking  each 
other,  Bowie  now  wheeled  his  detachment  round  the 
bend  and  stationed  himself  on  Fannin's  left.  Pres 
ently  the  Mexicans  pushed  forward  a  brass  six-pounder 
to  within  about  eighty  yards,  and  opened  with  grape, 
at  the  same  time  sounding  the  charge.  The  attempt 
was  attended  with  disaster.  The  fire  of  the  Texans 
was  more  fatal  than  ever ;  each  man  after  discharging 
his  rifle  dropped  -out  of  sight  to  reload  while  another 
took  his  place.  Three  times  the  piece  was  cleared  of 
the  gunners,  and  three  times  the  charge  repulsed.  On 
the  last  occasion  the  Mexicans  fled  in  disorder,  leav 
ing  the  cannon  in  the  hands  of  the  victorious  Texans. 
It  had  only  been  fired  five  times.  According  to  Colonel 
Bowie,  the  Mexicans  lost  nearly  100  men,  of  whom  67 
were  killed.  The  Texans  had  one  killed  and  no  one 


BATTLE  OF  CONCEPCION.  177 

wounded.2  About  an  hour  after  the  engagement  the 
main  body  of  the  army  came  up,  and  the  camp  was 
established  near  the  city. 

The  extraordinary  success  which  attended  this  en 
gagement,  called  the  battle  of  Concepcion,  induced  a 
general  desire  in  the  Texan  forces  to  assault  the  town 
at  once ;  but  Austin,  anxious  to  avoid  the  loss  of  valu 
able  lives,  deemed  the  enterprise  too  hazardous,  though 
his  army  now  numbered  over  1,000  men.  Moreover, 
he  was  entirely  without  siege  cannon,  his  artillery 
consisting  of  only  five  small  field-pieces.  He  there 
fore  held  a  council  of  war,  at  which  it  was  decided 
that  in  view  of  the  fortifications  of  San  Antonio,  it 
was  too  strong  to  storm  without  battering  guns.  At 
the  same  time  Austin  was  doubtful  of  being  able  to 
keep  the  army  together  long  enough  to  await  the 
arrival  of  such  aid.3 

Cos  meanwhile,  little  anxious  to  risk  a  general  en 
gagement,  confined  himself  to  strengthening  his  posi 
tion,  by  barricading  the  streets,  erecting  batteries,  and 
adopting  other  means  of  defence.  Ugartechea,  more 
over,  was  despatched  with  100  presidials  to  bring  up 
from  Laredo  400  or  500  convict  soldiers/ 

The  operations  of  the  besieging  army  were  now 
very  tedious  to  brave  and  eager  volunteers  ready  to 
take  desperate  hazards,  and  many  began  to  leave  for 
home.  On  November  2d  Austin  broke  camp,  and 
passing  by  the  garita,5  took  up  a  position  on  the  east 
bank  of  the  river,  near  its  source,  on  the  north  side  of 
the  town,  a  constant  patrol  being  kept  up,  which  was 
very  effective  in  cutting  off  supplies.  A  demand  for 
the  surrender  of  the  place  was  made  a  few  days  later 
and  promptly  refused;  whereupon  the  besiegers  ad 
vanced  nearer  to  the  town  and  occupied  an  eminence 

2  Bowie's  account  in  Kennedy,  ii.  121-2,  and  Foote,  ii.  121-5.     Dewees,  who 
frequently  exaggerates,  says:  '  Over  104  of  the  Mexicans  lay  stretched  in  death 
on  the  bloody  field.'  Letters,  157. 

3  Austin  to  Capt.  Dimit,  Nov.  2d,  in  Foote,  ii.  125;  Id.,  to  committee  at  San 
Felipe  (orig.),  in  Tex.  Col  Doc.,  no.  15;   Morphis,  Hist.  Tex.,  108. 

*Filisola,  ut  sup.,  ii.  186. 
5  See  plan  elsewhere  in  this  volume. 
HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    12 


178  SIEGE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  BE  JAR. 

immediately  above  the  old  mill,  which  was  situated 
about  half  a  mile  from  the  enemy's  pickets.  Skir 
mishes  of  slight  importance  occasionally  took  place, 
and  attempts  were  made  to  draw  the  Mexicans  from 
their  fortifications;  but  Cos,  though  straightened  for 
provisions,  pertinaciously  declined  an  engagement, 
and  waited  for  his  reenforcements.  He  had  at  this 
time  about  800  men. 

On  November  25th  Austin,  having  been  informed 
of  his  appointment  as  commissioner  to  the  United 
States,  resigned  his  command  and  returned  to  San 
Felipe,  where  he  arrived  on  the  29th.  He  was  suc 
ceeded  by  Colonel  Edward  Burleson,  who  was  elected 
without  opposition  to  fill  his  place  on  the  field. 

On  the  following  day  a  severe  skirmish  took  place. 
It  has  been  called  the  'grass  fight,'  and  again  proved 
the  superiority  of  the  Texans  in  the  field.  The 
arrival  of  Ugartechea  was  now  daily  looked  for,  and 
it  was  expected  that  he  would  bring  with  him  a  large 
sum  of  money.  Scouts  were  accordingly  sent  out  to 
watch  for  his  approach.  On  the  26th  Cos  despatched 
a  body  of  100  men  on  the  old  presidio  road  to  cut 
grass  for  his  famished  horses.  On  their  return  with 
their  pack-mules  loaded  they  were  discovered  by  the 
scout  Deaf  Smith,6  who,  supposing  them  to  be  Ugarte- 
chea's  advance  guard  with  the  silver,  reported  them 
as  such  at  headquarters.  This  news  caused  great 
excitement  in  camp.  Bowie  with  100  mounted  men 
galloped  off  at  once,  and  the  rest  of  the  army  has 
tened  to  follow.  About  a  mile  from  the  town  Bowie 
intercepted  the  foragers,  who  took  up  a  position  in  a 
ravine.  Bowie  prepared  to  attack  them,  but  his 

6  Erasmus  Smith,  known  as  Deaf  Smith  on  account  of  his  defective  hear 
ing,  was  a  celebrated  guide  and  scout.  He  was  born  in  New  York  April  19, 
1787,  visited  Texas  in  1817,  and  became  a  permanent  citizen  in  1821.  A  few 
years  later  he  married  a  Mexican  woman  of  San  Antonio,  by  whom  he  had 
several  children.  His  coolness  in  danger  was  unsurpassed,  and  during  the 
war  he  did  eminent  service  on  the  Texan  side.  Smith  was  much  given  to 
solitude,  was  remarkable  for  his  gravity,  and  seldom  spoke  except  in  mono 
syllabic  answers  to  questions.  He  was  severely  wounded  in  the  shoulder  at 
the  storming  of  San  Antonio,  presently  to  be  narrated.  He  died  at  Richmond, 
Fort  Bend,  Nov.  30,  1837.  Thrall,  620-1;  Yoakum,  i.  251-2. 


DISGUSTED  VOLUNTEERS.  170 

movements  having  been  observed  from  San  Antonio, 
a  strong  force  was  sent  out  in  aid  of  the  grass-cutters, 
which  compelled  him  to  change  his  front.  Almost 
simultaneously  the  main  body  of  the  Texans  came  up5 
and  a  running  fight  was  maintained  till  the  Mexicans 
reached  the  town.  Their  loss  was  about  fifty  killed 
and  some  wounded,  while  the  Texans  had  only  one 
wounded  and  one  missing.  The  mule-packs  which 
the  enemy  left  behind,  on  examination,  were  found 
to  be  filled,  not  with  silver  as  was  hoped,  but  grass, 
whence  the  name  given  to  the  engagement.7 

But  these  occasional  conflicts  were  not  sufficient  to 
avert  the  impatience  which  the  general  inactivity  pro 
voked,  and  the  dissatisfied  volunteers  kept  returning 
to  their  homes.  ,  For  more  than  a  month  they  had 
been  hanging  around  San  Antonio,  and  its  capture 
seemed  no  nearer  accomplishment  than  at  first.  By 
the  middle  of  November  the  besieging  force  was  re 
duced  to  less  than  600  men.  Fortunately  about  this 
time  the  two  companies  of  New  Orleans  Grays  ar 
rived,  under  the  command  respectively  of  Captain 
Robert  C.  Morris  and  Captain  Breece ;  also  a  company 
from  Mississippi,  Captain  Peacock,  and  one  from  east 
ern  Texas,  Captain  English.  Yet  the  army  dwindled 
day  by  day,  so  that  even  with  these  reinforcements  it 
barely  numbered  800  men  at  the  end  of  the  month. 

It  is  not  to  be  wondered  that  the  United  States  vol 
unteers  became  disgusted,  and  affairs  looked  serious 
when  200  of  them  declared  their  determination  to 
leave  Bejar  on  the  last  day  of  November  and  march 
against  Matamoros,  where  they  expected  to  be  joined 
by  from  5,000  to  8,000  men  from  the  United  States. 
Their  ultimate  intention,  they  said,  was  to  proceed 
into  the  interior  of  Mexico.  A  rumor  that  an  attack 

7  Id.,  ii.  17-18;  Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  37;  Taylor's  account,  in  Baker's  Tex.,  92; 
Thrall,  216;  Swisliers  Am.  Sketch  Book,  vi.,  110.  v.  378.  Mrs  Holley,  pp. 
340-1,  followed  by  Kennedy,  ii.  133,  gives  a  different  account  of  this  fight, 
confusing  it  with  an  affair  which  took  place  on  the  8th,  occasioned  by  the 
death  of  one  House,  who  broke  his  neck  by  a  fall  from  his  horse.  A  party 
went  out  to  bring  in  the  body,  and  was  attacked  by  a  superior  body  of  Mexi 
can  cavalry,  which  was  driven  off  with  some  small  loss. 


180  SIEGE  OF   SAN  ANTONIO  DE  BE  JAR. 

was  being  planned  prevented  them,  however,  from 
carrying  out  their  purpose. 

On  December  3d  three  Texans,  Holmes,  Smith, 
and  Maverick,  appeared  in  camp.  They  had  been 
detained  by  Cos  in  San  Antonio  as  suspected  persons 
after  the  affair  at  Gonzalez,  and  having  escaped, 
brought  encouraging  information  relative  to  the  gar 
rison  and  defences  of  the  town.  It  was  decided  tc 
assault  it  just  before  daybreak  on  the  following  morn 
ing.  All  was  now  bustle  and  preparation;  but  dur 
ing  the  night  one  of  the  scouts,  Arnold  by  name,  wan 
missed,  and  it  was  supposed  that  he  had  gone  over  to 
the  enemy  and  informed  him  of  the  meditated  attack. 
After  a  serious  deliberation  in  Burleson's  headquar 
ters  he  countermanded  the  order  for  assault.  The 
volunteers  were  now  furious  and  insubordinate ;  many 
companies  refused  to  turn  out  at  the  morning  parade ; 
and  when  Burleson,  later  in  the  day,  issued  orders  to 
raise  the  siege,  it  was  feared  by  some  that  blood  would 
be  shed.  At  this  juncture  Arnold  returned,  and  bet 
ter  still,  a  deserter,  a  lieutenant  in  the  Mexican  army, 
arriving  in  camp,  stated  that  the  garrison  was  in  con 
fusion,  that  the  enemy  had  no  knowledge  of  the  in 
tended  attack,  and  that  the  strength  of  the  place  was 
greatly  exaggerated.  Enthusiasm  was  again  aroused, 
and  Colonel  Milam,  who  after  the  capture  of  Goliad 
had  followed  the  fortunes  of  the  Texan  army,  enlisting 
in  th  3  ranks,  urged  Burleson  to  seize  the  opportunity 
and  itorm  the  place.  Burleson  assented,  and  author 
ized  Milam  to  proceed  with  the  enterprise.  Stepping 
in  front  of  the  commander's  tent,  the  intrepid  old  sol 
dier,  waving  his  hat,  cried  out,  "Who  will  go  with  me 
into  San  Antonio  1 " 8  A  ringing  shout  was  the  reply ; 
volunteers  for  the  assault  fell  promptly  into  line,  and 
Milam  was  elected  their  leader  on  the  spot.  The  men 
were  ordered  to  rendezvous  that  night  soon  after  dark 
.at  the  old  mill. 

8 The  words  as  reported  by  Foote,  ii.  165,  were:  'Who  will  join  old  Ben 
Milam  in  storming  the  Alamo  ?  According  to  Yoakum,  ii.  25,  who  doubtless 
quoted  from  the  State  Gazette,  1849,  Sept.  1,  8  15,  they  were:  'Who  will  go 
with  old  Ben  Milam  into  San  Antonio  ? 


THE  BATTLE-FIELD. 


181 


San  Antonio  de  Bejar — called  indiscriminately  San 
Antonio  and  Bejar — is  situated  on  the  San  Antonio 
River,  the  San  Pedro  Creek  lying  on  its  southern 


_._ Presidio  del 
Rio  Grande 'Road 


^ 


\ 


SAN  ANTONIO  AND  ENVIRONS. 


A.  Old  Mill. 

B.  House  of  Veramendi. 

C.  House  of  Garza. 


G.  Redoubt. 

H.  Quinta. 

I.   Priest's  House. 


D.  Main  Square,  or  Plaza  de  la  Constitucion.     J.    House  of  Antonio  Navarro. 


E.  Military  Plaza. 

F.  Powder-house,  or  Garita. 


K.  Zambrano  Row. 
L.   Mexican  Redoubt. 


side.  To  the  north-east,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
river,  was  the  fortified  mission  of  the  Alamo.  The 
ground  is  generally  level  in  the  neighborhood,  some- 


182  SIEGE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  BEJAB. 

what  more  undulating  on  the  west,  and  a  number  of 
irrigating  ditches  afforded  some  defence  to  the  town, 
the  principal  buildings  of  which  were  of  thick  stone 
walls,  and  strong.  The  town  proper  is  of  oblong  form, 
but  on  its  eastern  side  it  extends  into  a  curious  bend 
of  the  river.  It  contains  two  squares,  one  the  old 
military  plaza,  and  the  other  the  plaza  de  la  Constitu- 
cion,  laid  off  in  1731.  These  are  separated  by  the 
church  and  other  buildings.  On  the  north  side  of 
these  squares  runs  the  main  street.  The  accompany 
ing  plan  will  enable  the  reader  to  understand  the  rela 
tive  positions  and  operations  of  the  combatants. 

At  the  appointed  time  and  place  300  volunteers 
appeared  with  two  field-pieces,  a  twelve-pounder  and 
a  six-pounder,  and  provided  with  crow-bars  to  break 
through  the  walls  of  the  houses.  Burleson  retained  the 
remainder  of  the  forces  as  a  reserve,  a  portion  of  them 
under  Colonel  Neill  being  despatched  at  three  o'clock  in 
the  morning  across  the  river,  with  a  piece  of  artillery, 
to  create  a  diversion  by  a  feigned  attack  on  the  Alamo. 
The  plan  of  operations  meantime  was  arranged  by  the 
storming  party.  Two  divisions  were  formed,  one  un 
der  Milam,  assisted  by  Colonel  Nidland  Franks  of  the 
artillery,  and  Major  Morris 9  of  the  Grays,  Maverick, 
Cook,  and  Arnold  serving  as  guides.  The  second 
command  was  led  by  Colonel  Frank  W.  Johnson,  as 
sisted  by  colonels  James  Grant  and  William  J.  Aus 
tin,  and  Adjutant  Bristow.  Deaf  Smith  and  John 
W.  Smith  acted  as  guides.10 

A  little  before  dawn,  on  the  morning  o'f  December 
5th,  the  storming  columns  moved  rapidly  but  silently 
forward,  Milam  directing  his  course  to  Acequia  street, 
and  Johnson  to  that  of  Soledad,  both  of  which  led 
directly  to  the  main  plaza,  where,  at  the  entrance  of 

9  Morris  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  major  on  his  arrival  on  the  field. 

10  The  1st  division  consisted  of  portions  of  the  companies  of  captains  York, 
Pattoii,  Llewellyn,  Crane,  English,  and  Landram,  with  the  two  pieces  of  ar 
tillery  and  15  artillerymen.     The  2d  division  was  drawn  from  the  companies 
of  Cook,  Swisher,  Edwards,  Alley,  Duncan,  Peacock,  Breece,  and  Placido 
Venavides.  Johnson's  report,  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  52. 


THE  MEXICANS  SURPRISED.  183 

these  streets  into  it,  breastworks  had  been  erected  and 
batteries  planted^  As  they  advance,  Neill  is  heard 
battering  at  the  Alamo.  The  Mexicans  are  taken  by 
surprise,  and  without  trouble  Milam  gains  possession 
of  Garza's  house,  and  Johnson  that  of  Veramendi, 
each  about  100  yards  from  the  square.  A  sentinel 
having  fired  his  piece,  the  alarm  is  given,  and  a  tre 
mendous  cannonade  opened.  But  the  assailants  are 
already  under  cover,  and  it  produces  no  effect  more 
serious  than  preventing  a  communication  between  the 
two  divisions.  The  twelve-pounder  was,  however, 
dismounted,  and  the  smaller  piece  was  of  little  or  no 
service  for  want  of  a  cover.  But  when  the  light  came, 
the  rifle  did  its  usual  deadly  work,  and  during  the  day 
the  enemy's  guns  within  range  were  several  times 
abandoned.  On  this  day  the  Texans  had  one  killed, 
and  two  colonels,  one  first  lieutenant,  and  twelve 
privates  wounded. 

All  through  the  night  the  volunteers,  though  a 
ceaseless  fire  was  kept  up  against  them,  labored  at 
strengthening  their  position,  by  opening  trenches  to 
secure  a  safe  communication.  Nor  had  the  besieged 
been  idle.  At  dawn  the  assailants  discovered  that 
the  roofs  of  the  houses  in  their  front  were  occupied 
by  sharp-shooters,  who  during  the  day  kept  up  a 
brisk  fire  of  small-arms.  The  6th  passed,  however, 
with  few  casualties,  only  five  men  being  wounded, 
while  a  detachment  of  Captain  Crane's  company, 
under  Lieutenant  William  McDonald,  gallantly  took 
possession  of  a  house  in  front  and  to  the  right  of 
Garza's  dwelling,  thus  extending  the  line  toward  the 
military  plaza. 

At  daylight  on  the  7th  the  Mexicans  opened  a 
brisk  fire  of  small-arms  from  a  trench  which  they  had 
made  during  the  night  on  the  east  side  of  the  river, 
and  a  heavy  cannonade  from  a  battery  planted  on  the 
cross-street  leading  to  the  Alamo.  But  these  new 
positions  were  of  no  avail ;  by  eleven  o'clock  the  fire 
from  them  was  silenced.  About  mid-day  anotlv 


184  SIEGE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  BEJAR. 

building,  situated  directly  in  front  of  the  first  division, 
was  captured  by  the  Texans.  This  feat  was  accom 
plished  by  Henry  Cams,  of  York's  company,  who 
effected  an  entrance  with  a  crow-bar,  under  a  heavy 
fire.  The  company  followed  and  held  the  position. 
Keeping  well  under  cover,  the  casualties  of  the 
Texans  were  extremely  few ;  but  this  day  was  marked 
by  the  fall  of  one  whose  memory  will  ever  be  grate 
fully  cherished.  Milam,  while  crossing  from  his  own 
position  to  the  Veramendi  house,  was  struck  by  a 
rifle-ball  in  the  head  and  instantly  killed.  He  fell  in 
the  gateway  of  the  building,  and  was  buried  by  his 
comrades  in  arms  within  a  few  feet  of  the  spot.  His 
remains  were  subsequently  removed  to  the  protestant 
burial  ground  at  San  Antonio,  where  they  still  rest. 
.  His  loss  was  deeply  deplored.11 

On  the  death  of  Milam  a  meeting  of  the  officers 
was  held,  and  the  chief  command  conferred  upon 
Johnson.  At  ten  o'clock  that  night  captains  Llewel 
lyn,  English,  Crane,  and  Landram,  with  their  com 
panies,  gained  possession  of  the  house  of  Antonio 
Navarro,  situated  close  to  the  square.  Connected 
with  it  was  a  row  of  buildings  known  as  the  Zambrano 
Row.  The  Mexicans  endeavored  to  expel  the  volun- 

11  Kennedy,  ii.  149;  Thrall,  592.  Benjamin  R.  Milam  was  a  native  of  Ken 
tucky,  born  of  humble  parents,  and  having  little  education.  He  distinguished 
himself  in  the  war  between  the  U.  S.  and  England  in  1812-15,  and  afterward 
engaged  in  trading  with  the  Indians  at  the  head  waters  of  the  Texan  rivers. 
Later  he  joined  Mina  in  his  disastrous  expedition  in  aid  of  the  revolutionary 
cause  in  Mexico,  and  being  one  of  those  who  escaped  death,  rendered  valuable 
services.  When  Iturbide  proclaimed  himself  emperor,  Milam  was  among  the 
first  to  join  the  party  that  opposed  him.  For  this  he  was  cast  into  prison, 
where  he  languished  till  Iturbide's  dethronement,  when  he  was  released. 
For  his  services  in  the  republican  cause  he  received  in  1828  a  grant  of  eleven 
square  leagues  of  land  in  Texas.  It  seems,  however,  that  he  located  it  by 
mistake  in  Arkansas,  and  applied  to  the  government  of  the  state  of  Coahuila 
and  Texas  for  and  obtained  an  empresario  grant.  He  was  in  Monclova  at  the 
time  of  Viesca's  cleposal,  and  his  capture  in  company  with  him  has  already 
been  narrated  in  the  text.  Milam  escaped  from  his  prison  at  Monterey  by 
winning  the  confidence  of  his  jailer;  and  being  supplied  with  a  fleet  horse  and 
a  little  food  by  a  friend,  he  travelled  alone  600  miles,  journeying  by  night  and 
and  concealing  himself  by  day,  till  he  reached  the  vicinity  of  Goliad  almost 
exhausted.  After  the  capture  of  that  place  he  enlisted  in  the  ranks.  Milam 
was  about  45  years  of  age  when  he  fell.  Holley's  Tex.,  244-8;  Tex.  Aim.,  1861, 
84-5;  Thrall,  590-2;  Niks'  S.  Am.  &  Mex.t  283-4;  Cordova's  Tex.,  144-5; 
Ward's  Mex.,  i.  556. 


MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  TEXANS  185 

teers  from  Navarro's  house  by  firing  through  loop 
holes  made  in  the  roof,  but  they  were  soon  dislodged ; 
the  Texan  rifles  were  pointed  at  the  same  loop-holes 
by  quicker  hands  than  theirs,  and  with  more  certain 
aim. 

The  morning  of  the  8th  was  cold  and  wet,  and  op 
erations  on  both  sides  flagged;  but  at  9  o'clock,  the 
partition  wall  being  pierced,  an  attack  was  made  on 
the  Zambrano  Row.  As  wall  after  wall  was  broken 
through,  the  Mexicans  were  successively  driven  out 
of  their  several  rooms,  till  the  Texans  held  possession 
of  the  entire  row.  That  evening  certain  information 
was  received  that  Ugartechea  during  the  attack  had 
succeeded  in  entering  the  town  with  a  strong  ree'n- 
forcement,12  but  the  news  did  not  daunt  the  storm  ers, 
The  companies  of  Swisher,  Alley,  Edwards,  and  Dun 
can  were  sent  to  reenforce  the  holders  of  Zambrano 
How,  and  shortly  after  ten  o'clock,  under  cover  of  the 
darkness,  Cook  and  Patton,  with  a  company  of  the 
Grays  and  one  of  the  Brazoria  companies,  by  a  quick 
rush  made  their  way  up  to  the  priest's  house.  Break 
ing  through  the  surrounding  wall  of  the  yard,  they 
soon  dislodged  the  Mexicans,  gained  possession  of  the 
house,  and  barricaded  and  loop-holed  it,  ready  for 
rifle  practice  in  the  morning.  But  the  capture  of  this 
strong  building,  situated  on  the  north  side  of  the 
main  square,  and  commanding  every  part  of  it,  was 
the  crowning  work. 

For  some  hours  after,  on  every  house  held  by  the 
Texans  and  all  along  the  line  of  their  intrenchments, 
a  furious  cannonade  was  kept  up,  while  the  fire-flashes 
from  volley  after  volley  of  small-arms  illumined  the 
darkness  and  the  smoke.  But  this  display  of  gunnery 
was  only  a  ruse.  Cos,  during  the  night,  retired  to 

12  This  force  consisted  of  500  convicts,  guarded  by  100  regulars.  Y oakum, 
ii.  31.  Filisola,  ii.  199,  particularizes  it  thus:  47  Morelos  infantry,  14  artil 
lerymen,  150  presidial  cavalry,  and  400  substitutes,  that  is,  convicts.  He 
states  that  a  large  convoy  of  provisions  was  expected  with  these  troops,  and 
that  when  they  arrived  without  any,  the  discontent  was  general.  They  had 
better  have  not  come  at  all  than  by  their  arrival  hasten  the  consumption  of 
the  little  food  that  was  left. 


186  SIEGE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  BEJAR. 

the  Alamo  with  the  intention  of  making  a  general 
assault  upon  Burleson's  camp,  and  the  garrison  and 
guns  were  gradually  withdrawn  from  the  plaza,  with 
the  exception  of  one  piece  and  a  company  of  the 
Morelos  battalion.  But  desertion  began  to  manifest 
itself,13  and  insubordination  was  abroad.  Cries  of 
"Treachery!  treachery!"  were  raised, the  impression 
being  that  the  deserters  had  gone  over  to  the  enemy. 
The  scene  of  confusion  at  the  Alamo,  whither  half- 
starved  women  and  children  had  flocked  by  hundreds, 
is  indescribable.  There  was  a  perfect  panic;  it  was 
believed  that  the  soldiers  withdrawn  from  San  An 
tonio  had  been  utterly  routed.  Soldiers  and  citizens 
hustled  each  other  in  one  common  crowd,  while  many 
of  the  former  were  seen  making  hurried  preparations 
for  a  speedy  flight.  Cos  in  vain  attempted  to  allay 
the  commotion;  .his  voice  was  unheard  in  the  din,  and 
his  person  maltreated  in  the  darkness.14  Nothing 
was  left  for  him  to  do  but  surrender.  Accordingly, 
Adjutant-inspector  Jose'  Juan  Sanchez  was  sent  at 
dawn  with  a  flag  of  truce. 

During  the  period  of  the  attack  on  San  Antonio, 
Burleson  had  kept  vigilant  watch  over  the  operations, 
ready  to  aid  with  reinforcements,  or  frustrate  any 
strategical  movement  of  the  enemy.  On  the  8th, 
about  fifty  men  from  the  Alamo  attempted  to  create 
a  diversion  by  approaching  the  camp  and  opening  fire 
upon  it ;  but  a  six-pounder  being  brought  to  bear  upon 
them,  they  were  soon  made  to  retire.  The  same  day 
captains  Cheshire,  Lewes,  and  Sutherland,  with  their 
companies,  were  sent  as  re  enforcements  to  the  assail 
ants.  When  advice  was  received  from  Johnson  that 

13  Captains  Juan  Galan  and  Manuel  Barragan  marched  off  with  their  com 
panies  to  the  Rio  Grande,  taking  with  them  18  of  the  company  of  La  Bahia; 
and  Juan  Jose  Elguezabal,  inspector  of  Coahuila,  left  with  23  soldiers  of  the 
1st  company  of  Tamaulipas;  in  all  175  mounted  men,  six  being  officers.  /(/., 
ii.  201;  Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  41. 

4 '  Los  intempestivos  gritos  de  traicion ...  no  solo  apagaran  la  voz  del 
aflijido  general,  sino  que  confundido  entre  la  multitud  por  la  oscuridad  de  la 
noche . . .  fu6  atropellado  y  maltratado  de  una  manera  brutal. '  Filisola,  ii.  203. 


SURRENDER.  187 

a  flag  of  truce  had  been  sent  in,  Burleson  proceeded 
to  the  town. 

After  a  long  discussion  regarding  the  terms  of  sur 
render,  the  commissioners  that  had  been  appointed  lf 
on  each  side  agreed  upon  a  treaty,  which  was  signed 
on  the  1 1th.  The  conditions  were  as  favorable  as  Cos 
could  possibly  have  expected.  He  and  his  officers 
were 'allowed  to  retire  with  their  arms  and  personal 
effects,  under  parole  of  honor  not  to  oppose  the  ree's- 
tablishment  of  the  constitution  of  1824;  the  convict 
soldiers  were  to  be  conveyed  by  General  Cos  with  100 
regular  infantry,  and  the  cavalry  beyond  the  Rio 
Grande ;  the  troops  might  folio w  their  general,  remain 
in  Texas,  or  go  elsewhere  as  they  might  deem  proper, 
in  any  case,  however,  retaining  their  arms  and  effects; 
public  property  and  war  material  were  to  be  delivered 
to  General  Burleson;  General  Cos  was  to  depart 
within  six  days  after  the  signing  of  the  capitulation, 
and  was  to  be  provided  with  provisions  sufficient  for 
his  journey  as  far  as  the  Rio  Grande,  at  the  ordinary 
price.  The  sick  and  wounded  were  permitted  to  re 
main.16 

On  December  14th  Cos,  with  1,105  men  and  a  four- 
po under,  according  to  stipulation,  moved  from  the 
Alamo  to  the  mission  of  San  Jose,  and  on  the  fol 
lowing  day  continued  his  march  to  the  Rio  Grande. 
What  his  losses  were  has  never  been  ascertained;17 
those  of  the  Texans,  according  to  Johnson's  report, 

10  Those  appointed  by  Gen.  Cos  were  Josd  Juan  Sanchez,  Ramon  Miisquiz, 
and  Lieut  Francisco  Rada.  Gen.  Burleson  nominated  Col  Johnson,  Major 
Morris,  and  Capt.  S wisher.  Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  54-5. 

16 Copy  of  capitulation  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  54-5. 

17  Thompson,  ii.  151,  considers  the  estimate  200  killed  and  390  wounded 
as  an  exaggeration.  Yoakum,  ii.  31,  thinks  that  the  number  of  killed  did 
not  exceed  150.  Filisola  states  that  he  does  not  know  the  number,  but  gives 
that  of  the  men  who  left  with  Cos  as  more  than  800,  including  the  convicts, 
ii.  208.  Burleson  estimated  the  number  of  effective  men  at  the  time  of  the 
surrender  at  not  less  than  1,300,  1,105  of  whom  left  with  Cos.  If  these  num 
bers  are  correct,  it  would  only  leave  100  as  the  total  of  killed  and  wounded, 
for  Cos  had  only  about  800  men  before  the  arrival  of  Ugartechea  with  600  from 
Laredo.  If  Filisola's  figures  are  correct,  and  Cos  left  with  no  more  than  be 
tween  800  and  900  men,  the  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  would  be  between  300 
and  400. 


188  SIEGE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  BEJAR. 

were  two  killed  and  twenty-six  wounded,  one  half  of 
them  severely.  Twenty-one  pieces  of  artillery,  500 
muskets,  with  ammunition  and  other  appurtenances, 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors.18  On  the  15th  Bur- 
leson  returned  to  his  home,  leaving  Johnson  with  a 
sufficient  force  stationed  at  the  Alamo,  destined  ere 
long  to  become  the  scene  of  tragical  events.  The 
citizen  volunteers  of  the  army  dispersed. 

With  the  departure  of  Cos  no  Mexican  soldier 
remained  in  Texas.  What  troops  were  stationed 
elsewhere  had  been  compelled  to  retire  during  the 
siege.  After  the  capture  of  Goliad,  Captain  Philip 
Dimit  was  placed  in  command  there,  and  reinforce 
ments  having  been  sent  from  Bay  Prairie  and  the 
Nueces,  his  force  was  presently  raised  to  nearly  100 
men.  Dimit  thereupon  detailed,  November  4th  or 
5th,  about  forty  of  them,  under  Captain  Westover,  on 
an  expedition  against  the  town  of  Lipantitlan  on  the 
Nueces  River.19  Lieutenant  Nicolas  Rodriguez  was 
in  command  of  the  place,  and  was  causing  much  an 
noyance  by  detaining  traders  and  travellers  on  their 
way  eastward.  While  Westover's  force  was  on  the 
march,  Rodriguez,  leaving  a  few  soldiers  at  Lipanti 
tlan,  proceeded,  according  to  orders  from  Cos,  against 
Goliad.  The  Texans,  avoiding  him,  crossed  the  river 
a  few  miles  below  San  Patricio,  and  advanced  to 
Lipantitlan,  which  surrendered  at  the  first  sum 
mons.20  Rodriguez,  meantime,  aware  of  the  situa- 

18  The  above  account  of  the  capture  of  San  Antonio  is  mainly  derived  from 
the  reports  of  Gen.  Burleson  and  Col  Johnson,  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  50-4,  and 
Foote,  ii.  165-73,  and  the  authors  quoted.     Other  authorities  that  have  been 
consulted  are:  Newel Ts  Rev.  in  Tex.,  67-71;  Thompson's  Mex.,  176-7;  Dome- 
neck's  Mis*.  Advent.,  21;  Maillard's  Hist.    Tex.,  93-5;   Youngs  Hist.  Mex., 
250;  Gregory's  Hist.  Mex.,  53-4;  Holleys  Tex.,  337-44;  Dewees  Letters,  157-8; 
Crockett,  Life,  369-70;  Niles'  Reg.,  xlix.  313,  365,  396;  Id.,  S.  Am.  &  Mex.,  \. 
287-96;  Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  38-41;  S wisher,  Am.  Sketch  Book,  vi.,  no.  v.,  379-83; 
Bustamante,   Voz  de  la  Pat.,  MS.,  x.  136  et  seq.;  Tornel,  Tej.  y  Estad.  Unid., 
63. 

19  Linn  was  one  of  the  party,  and  due  weight  has  been  given  to  his  account 
on  pp.    119-23  of  his  Reminiscences,  as  also  to  those  of  Filisola,  ii.  187-8; 
Yoakum,  ii.  19-20;  Kennedy,  ii.  132-3,  and  other  authorities. 

a*  Two  four-pounder  cannon,  eight  old  Spanish  muskets,  and  a  few  pounds 


THE  TAMPICO  TRAGEDY,  189 

tion  of  affairs,  retraced  his  steps  and  took  up  a  posi 
tion  a  few  miles  to  the  north  of  the  Texans,  who 
having  remained  a  day  at  Lipantitlan  were  on  their 
return  to  Goliad.  While  Westover  was  crossing  the 
Nueces  in  the  afternoon,  Rodriguez  advanced  against 
him.  Throwing  the  captured  cannon  into  the  river, 
the  Texans  prepared  for  action,  and  a  sharp  engage 
ment  of  half  an  hour  ensued,  from  which  the  Mexi 
cans  retired  with  a  loss  of  about  twenty  men  in  killed 
and  wounded.  The  Texans  had  only  one  man 
wounded.  The  captives  taken  at  Lipantitlan  had 
been  released  under  the  condition  that  they  would 
not  bear  arms  against  Texas.  Rodriguez  retired  to 
Matamoros. 

On  the  day  that  Cos  moved  his  troops  from  the 
Alamo,  a  terrible  tragedy  was  being  enacted  at  Tam- 
pico.  On  November  6th  a  schooner  named  the  Mary 
Jane  cleared  the  custom-house  at  New  Orleans  for 
Matagorda.  There  were  about  130  emigrants  on 
board,  most  of  whom,  confidently  believing  in  the  as 
surances  that  had  been  made  them,  expected  that  they 
were  bound  for  Texas.  They  were  deceived,  however, 
and  entrapped.  A  vile  scheme  had  been  got  up  by 
General  Mejia  to  make  a  descent  upon  Tampico,  and 
induce  the  passengers,  inveigled  on  board  by  fair 
promises,  either  by  persuasion  or  compulsion  to  take 
part  in  the  enterprise.  He  sailed  in  the  same  vessel 
with  them,  but  it  was  not  until  the  sixth  day  out  that 
the  majority  of  them  was  aware  that  a  Mexican  gen 
eral  was  on  board,  and  that  Tampico  was  their  desti 
nation.  When  the  Mary  Jane  arrived  off  the  bar  of 
that  port,  the  whole  matter  was  explained,  and  about 
fifty  of  the  emigrants,  supposed  to  have  had  a  previous 
understanding  about  the  expedition,  joined  Mejia's 
standard.  The  rest  were  driven  below,  and  the  ves 
sel  presently  struck  on  the  bar  and  was  wrecked.  A 

of  gunpowder  composed  the  spoil.  The  fort  was  a  simple  embankment  mis 
erably  constructed. 


190  SIEGE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  BEJAR. 

landing  having  been  effected  at  great  risk,  the  fort  at 
the  north  of  the  harbor  surrendered  through  the 
treachery  of  the  officer  in  command.  On  Sunday 
the  1 5th  arms  were  put  in  the  hands  of  those  who  had 
previously  refused  to  serve,  and  an  attack  directed 
against  the  town.  Mejia  had  expected  that  the  Mex 
icans  would  rally  to  his  standard;  but  he  was  soon 
undeceived  by  the  unanimous  cries  of  "Viva  Santa 
Anna !  Death  to  foreigners ! "  which  greeted  him  in 
the  streets.  The  attack  on  the  plaza  was  a  wretched 
failure ;  but  Mejia  and  most  of  his  force  escaped  in 
a  small  merchant  vessel  to  the  Brazos.  Thirty-one 
unfortunate  victims,  however,  were  captured,  of  whom 
three  died  of  their  wounds  in  the  hospital;  the  re 
maining  twenty-eight  were  shot  December  14th.21 

While  the  events  above  narrated  were  taking  place, 
the  provisional  government  was  far  from  adequately 
active.  The  position  was  a  difficult  one,  but  alas! 
dissension  between  the  governor  and  the  council  pro 
duced  embarrassments  which  imperilled  the  probabili 
ties  of  success  for  the  Texan  cause.  Money  w^as  badly 
wanted.  Little  coin  had  the  colonists  at  this  period ; 
their  wealth  consisted  in  their  lands,  their  cattle,  and 
the  produce  of  their  toil — property  not  readily  convert 
ible  into  specie,  and  in  most  instances  only  sufficient 
to  supply  their  wants.  The  richer  settlers,  it  is  true, 
contributed  freely,  but  they  were  few  in  comparison 

21  Fishers  Memorials,  passim.  Edwards'  Hist.  Tex.,  260-9.  Among  the 
documents  supplied  b"  the  writer  is  the  last  petition  of  the  victims,  with 
a  list  of  their  names,  ^arge  sums  of  money  were  offered  for  the  lives  of  the 
sufferers  by  sympathizers;  even  $5,000  for  any  individual,  and  $100,000  as  a 
ransom  for  all.  These  offers  were  sternly  refused.  Consult  Filisola,  ii.  188- 
92.  Mejia  on  his  return  to  Texas  endeavored  to  interest  the  provisional  gov 
ernment  in  an  expedition  which  he  meditated  into  the  interior  of  Mexico. 
The  council,  contrary  to  Gov.  Smith's  advice,  were  disposed  to  help  him,  but 
requested  him  to  operate  with  the  forces  besieging  Bejar.  Mejia  declined 
and  the  council  withdrew  its  aid,  whereupon  he  took  his  departure.  Mejia's 
account  of  the  expedition  against  Tampico  will  be  found  in  Fishers  Memorials, 
praying  the  Texan  congress  for  relief  in  favor  of  those  who  took  part  in  the 
expedition.  These  memorials,  which  furnish  a  large  number  of  documents  on 
the  subject,  were  printed  in  pamphlet  form  at  Houston  in  1840.  Fisher  was 
secretary  to  the  expedition. 


POLITICAL  AFFAIRS.  191 

with  those  who  had  nothing  to  offer  but  their  services 
in  the  field.  These  latter  enthusiastically  responded 
to  the  call  for  volunteers,  but  a  long  campaign  would 
necessarily  disperse  them.  During  their  absence  their 
fields  and  workshops  were  abandoned,  and  their  fami 
lies  in  many  cases  reduced  to  distress.  Such  troops, 
however  brave  and  patriotic  they  might  be,  could  not 
be  depended  on  as  a  standing  army  in  a  protracted 
war.  Moreover,  they  had  to  be  provided  with  food 
and  clothing,  arms  and  munitions  of  war.  The  first 
necessity,  therefore,  was  money,  and  only  in  the 
United  States  could  the  government  hope  to  raise 
funds. 

Immediately  after  its  inauguration  the  council2'2 
proceeded  to  appoint  special  committees  to  attend  to 
the  immediate  work  required  to  be  done  in  connection 
with  the  different  branches  of  government.  Accord 
ingly,  the  army  and  navy,  financial,  Indian,  and  state 
affairs,  were  assigned  to  respective  committees  for 
their  reports  thereon.23  The  first  symptoms  of  dis 
agreement  between  Governor  Smith  and  the  council 
occurred  November  24th,  occasioned  by  the  latter  hav 
ing  appointed  Thomas  F.  McKinney  special  agent  to 
negotiate  a  loan  of  $100,000.  The  governor  con 
sidered  that  this  appointment  was  an  interference 
with  the  duties  assigned  to  the  commissioners  already 
appointed,  and  who  were  about  to  proceed  to  the 
United  States.  He  therefore  vetoed  the  bill;  but 
it  was  passed  nevertheless  by  a  constitutional  majority 
in  the  council. 

On  November  27th  the  financial  committee  pre 
sented  its  report.  The  domains  of  Texas  were  esti 
mated  at  250,000  square  miles,  10,000,000  acres  only 
of  which,  or  15,625  square  miles,  were  considered  as 
appropriated,  and  on  these  it  was  suggested  that  a 
tax  of  one  cent  per  acre  be  levied.  The  population 

22  The  members  of  the  council  were  being  continually  changed,  and  some 
men  of  doubtful  capacity  and  integrity  were  installed  during  these  changes. 
Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  43. 

'*  Journal  oj  Gen.  Council,  17-18. 


192  SIEGE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  BEJAK 

was  calculated  at  50,000.  A  tax  of  one  dollar  per 
caput  on  slaves  was  also  recommended,  as  well  as  a 
duty  on  foreign  tonnage,  one  of  one  quarter  of  a  cent 
per  pound  on  the  exportation  of  cotton,  and  another 
of  from  15  to  30  per  centum  on  imports.24  But  re 
ceipts  derived  from  such  sources  would  be  slow  in 
coming  in,  and  the  negotiation  of  a  loan  was  evidently 
the  only  means  of  speedy  relief  from  the  pressing 
wants  of  the  government. 

When  Austin  arrived  at  .San  Felipe,  November 
29th,  he  found  that  his  instructions  had  not  even  yet 
been  prepared  by  the  council,  and  it  was  not  until 
December  6th  that  Governor  Smith  was  authorized 
to  give  them.  Shortly  after  that  date,  fhe  commis 
sioners,  Austin,  Wharton,  and  Archer,  left  for  the 
United  States,  accompanied  by  A.  Huston  and  John 
A.  Wharton,  appointed  by  General  Houston,  at  the 
suggestion  of  the  commissioners,  as  agents  to  procure 
arms,  ammunition,  and  provisions  at  New  Orleans. 

General  Houston,  as  commander-in-chief,  had  re 
mained  at  San  Felipe  to  aid  in  the  organization  of  the 
army.  Under  his  guidance  a  number  of  measures 
were  framed  and  passed  providing  for  the  establish 
ment  of  a  regular  army  of  1,120  men,  of  local  militia 
companies,  and  a  corps  of  rangers.  On  December 
12th  he  issued  a  proclamation,25  appealing  to  the 
patriotism  of  the  people,  and  setting  before  them  the 
condition  of  affairs.  Santa  Anna's  letters  had  been 
intercepted,  he  said,  and  his  plans  for  their  destruction 
were  known.  An  invading  army  of  10,000  men  had 
been  already  ordered  to  Texas  to  exterminate  the 
Anglo-Americans,  or  drive  them  from  the  land.  A 
force  of  5,000  volunteers  was  wanted  to  oppose  the 
invasion.  To  all  who  would  enlist  in  the  regular  army 
a  bounty  of  $24  and  800  acres  of  land  would  be  given; 

24  Gouge's  Fisc.  Hist.  Tex.,  32-3;  Journal  of  the  Council,  63  et  seq. 

25  Copy  of  which  will  be  found  in  Morphis,  Hist.  Tex.,  126-31,  and  Yoakum, 
ii.  450-2. 


GOVERNOR  AND  COUNCIL.  193 

and  to  those  who  tendered  their  services  for  a  term 
of  two  years,  or  for  the  war,  as  soldiers  in  the  auxiliary 
volunteer  corps  which  it  was  the  design  of  the  govern 
ment  to  raise,  640  acres  would  be  given.  But  Hous 
ton's  efforts  were  fettered  by  the  rupture  between  the 
governor  and  the  council,  and  the  unfriendly  spirit 
shown  by  the  latter  and  their  supporters  toward  him 
self.  He  bitterly  complained  December  17th  that 
more  than  a  month  had  elapsed  since  the  adjournment 
of  the  consultation,  and  yet  the  army  was  not  organ 
ized.  He  even  expressed  his  belief  that  the  chairman 
of  the  corresponding  committee  was  interposing  every 
obstacle  in  his  way.  Nor  did  the  evil  rest  here ;  its 
baneful  influence  affected  the  foreign  volunteers. 
Houston,  by  order  of  the  governor,  removed  his  head 
quarters,  December  25th,  to  Washington,  on  the 
Brazos ;  and  on  reporting  his  arrival,  mentions  that  he 
found  there  two  companies,  lately  from  Alabama  and 
Kentucky,  who  did  riot  conceal  their  mortification  at 
the  dubious  position  in  which  they  found  themselves, 
and  showed  a  disposition  to  abandon  the  cause.26 

The  breach  between  the  governor  and  council  wid 
ened  daily.  Incessant  changes  in  the  latter  caused 
its  members  to  be  carelessly  indifferent  as  to  their 
duties  and  responsibilities,  and  their  action  was  guided 
more  by  the  spirit  of  opposition  than  by  that  of  pa 
triotism.  The  proceedings  of  this  provisional  govern 
ment  present  a  page  in  the  history  of  Texas  painful 
to  read.  At  a  time  when  her  vitality  depended  upon 
the  harmonious  working  of  all  her  members,  they  were 
at  variance.  Recriminations,  ribald  abuse,  and  mutual 
reproaches  were  bandied  between  the  opponents,  and 
as  each  side  had  its  supporters,  two  strong  factions 
were  developed.  Governor  Smith  on/ divers  occasions 
considered  it  necessary  to  exercise  the  veto;  but  it 
mattered  not,  his  vetoes  were  always  overruled. 
The  office  of  judge-advocate-general  was  created  by 
the  council,  and  D.  C.  Barret,  a  member  of  that 

26 Houston  to  Gov.  Smith,  in  Id.,  ii.  448-50,  453-5. 
HIST.  N.  HEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    13 


194  SIEGE  OF  SAN   ANTONIO  DE  BEJAR. 

body,  was  elected  to  fill  the  position.  Edward  Grit- 
ton  was  at  the  same  time  appointed  collector  of  rev 
enue  at  the  port  of  Copano.  Smith  refused  to  ratify 
the  appointments,  and  in  his  message  of  December 
17th,  gave  his  reasons.  Gritton's  past  record,  he  said, 
was  not  satisfactory;  he  had  been  the  secretary  of 
Almonte,  who  had  been  sent  by  Santa  Anna  to  report 
on  the  condition  of  Texas,  and  the  governor  regarded 
Gritton  as  a  spy.  Barret,  he  asserted,  had  forged 
an  attorney's  license  in  North  Carolina,  and  he  de 
nounced  him  as  a  passer  of  counterfeit  money,  and  for 
having  embezzled  funds  that  had  been  furnished  to 
him  and  Gritton  when  sent  a  few  months  before  on 
an  embassy  to  General  Cos.  The  council  neverthe 
less  sustained  their  member.27 

A  plan  for  the  capture  of  Matamoros  brought  mat 
ters  to  a  climax.  The  scheme  originated  with  a  cer 
tain  Doctor  Grant,  a  man  of  wealth,  and  possessing 
large  estates  at  Parras  in  Coahuila.  Grant  had 
assisted  at  the  capture  of  San  Antonio,  had  fought 
bravely  there,  and  was  severely  wounded.  But  his  gal 
lantry  was  displayed  for  the  promotion  of  his  personal 
interests,  and  not  in  support  of  the  Texan  cause.  He 
was  an  active  federalist,  and  having  been  a  member  of 
the  dispersed  legislature  at  Monclova,  had  taken  refuge 
in  Texas.  His  object  now  was  to  restore  the  old 
order  of  things,  and  regain  possession  of  his  estates. 
It  was  he  who,  by  his  highly  colored  descriptions  of 
the  interior  of  Mexico,  had  excited  among  the  foreign 
volunteers  before  San  Antonio  a  desire  to  march 
against  Matamoros ;  and  after  the  fall  of  the  former 
place  the  ardent  victors,  elated  at  their  triumph, 
listened  still  more  eagerly  to  his  representations,  and 
were  ready  to  engage  in  any  adventurous  undertaking. 
Besides,  he  assured  them  that  the  inhabitants  of 
Matamoros  and  the  interior  were  opposed  to  Santa 

27  Yoakum  in  narrating  this  quarrel  had  before  him  the  original  message, 
which  was  read  in  secret  session,  and  ordered  to  be  placed  on  file,  and  not 
entered  on  the  journals  of  the  house,  ii.  44-5. 


RESTLESSNESS  OF  THE  VOLUNTEERS.  195 

Anna  and  the  central  system,  and  would  rally  round 
their  standard  on  their  approach.  Application  was, 
therefore,  made  to  the  government  for  its  approval  of 
the  scheme.  The  council  readily  granted  it ;  but  the 
governor  and  Houston  were  already  proceeding  in  the 
same  direction,  and  making  preparations  for  the  com 
ing  campaign. 

After  the  fall  of  San  Antonio,  the  foreign  volunteers 
there,  in  number  over  400,  showed  a  restlessness  at 
the  inaction  which  followed,  w^hile  at  the  same  time 
others  kept  arriving  from  the  United  States;28  in 
order  to  retain  them,  it  was  necessary  to  engage  in 
some  enterprise.  Early  in  December  Captain  Dimit, 
in  command  at  Goliad,  had  warmly  urged  the  govern 
ment  to  make  a  descent  on  Matamoros,  and  it  was 
doubtless  in  consequence  of  his  representations  that 
Houston,  in  obedience  to  instructions  from  Governor 
Smith,  on  December  17th,  directed  James  Bowie,  then 
at  Goliad,  to  organize  an  expedition  against  that  place. 
If  the  reduction  of  Matarnoros  was  not  practicable,  he 
was  to  secure  the  most  eligible  point  on  the  frontier 
and  hold  it.  Under  any  circumstances,  the  port  of 
Copano  was  to  be  secured.29  At  the  same  time  Hous 
ton  issued  orders  that  volunteers  who  should  arrive 
at  the  Brazos  should  proceed  to  Copano,  and  ordered 
several  detachments  to  repair  to  Goliad  and  Refugio, 
which  he  designated  as  places  of  rendezvous.  In 
structions  were  sent  to  the  agents  at  New  Orleans 

o 

regarding  the  shipment  of  provisions  and  munitions  of 
wTar,  with  directions  to  store  them  at  Matagorda  and 
Copano,  and  colonels  William  B.  Travis  and  J.  W. 
Fannin  were  stationed  at  San  Felipe  and  Velasco, 
respectively,  on  recruiting  service.  Thus  Governor 
Smith  and  the  commander-in-chief  had  already  formed 
their  plan  and  discountenanced  any  other. 

28  On  Dec.  20th  there  were  about  400  men  at  Bejar,  70  at  Washington,  80 
at  Goliad,  and  200  at  Velasco,  750  in  all,  besides  several  companies  on  the 
march  to  different  places  of  rendezvous.  Id.,  ii.  46.  These  numbers  doubtless 
include  the  few  citizen  volunteers  who  still  remained  in  service.  Consult 
R,  R.  Brown's  account,  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  134.  He  estimates  the  number  of 
U.  S.  volunteers  at  San  Antonio  at  about  460  men. 

**  Houston  to  Bowie,  in  Id.,  454;  MorpJm,  Hist.  Tex.,  133i 


196  SIEGE  OF  SAN   ANTONIO  DE  BE  JAR. 

Colonel  Johnson  was  in  favor  of  the  plan  proposed 
by  Grant,  and  repaired  to  San  Felipe,  where  he 
readily  obtained  the  approval  of  the  government 
and  the  necessary  order  for  the  expedition.  Grant 
left  Sari  Antonio  de  Bejar  soon  after,  in  the  latter 
part  of  December,  with  about  400  volunteers,  leaving 
Colonel  James  C.  Neill  in  command  of  the  Alamo 
with  a  force  of  little  over  sixty  men.30  Grant  appro 
priated  the  clothing,  ammunition,  and  provisions  in 
tended  for  the  garrison  as  its  winter  supplies. 

Colonel  Neill  at  once  informed  the  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  destitute  and  defenceless  condition  in 
which  San  Antonio  had  been  left.  Houston,  by 
despatch  of  January  6th,31  transmitted  the  report  to 
the  governor,  who  on  the  perusal  of  it  lost  all  control 
of  his  temper.  On  January  9th  he  sent  in  to  the 
council  a  message  couched  in  most  intemperate  lan 
guage.  He  stigmatized  Grant's  expedition  as  preda 
tory  and  piratical,  and  charged  the  council  with 
conniving  at  it.  "Instead  of  acting,"  he  said,  "  as 
becomes  the  counsellors  and  guardians  of  a  free  peo 
ple,  you  resolve  yourselves  into  low,  intriguing,  cau 
cusing  parties."  He  applied  the  terms  u  Judas," 
"  scoundrels,"  "  parricides,"  and  "wolves"  to  a  por 
tion  of  the  members;32  and  having  heaped  all  the 
abuse  upon  them  that  his  power  of  language  was  capa 
ble  of,  he  declared  the  council  adjourned  till  March  1st, 

38 R.  R.  Brown's  account  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  134;  F.  W.  Johnson,  in 
Bakers  Tex.,  80-1. 

31  Copy  in  Yoakum,  ii.  457-8. 

3:2  Full  text  of  this  extraordinary  document  will  be  found  in  Journal  of  the 
Gen.  Council,  290-3.  I  quote  the  following  extracts:  'I  know  you  have  hon- 
eat  men  there,  and  of  sterling  worth  and  integrity;  but  you  have  Judas  in  the 
camp — corruption,  base  corruption,  has  crept  into  your  councils — men  who, 
if  possible,  would  deceive  their  God. '  '  I  am  now  tired  of  watching  scoun 
drels  abroad  and  scoundrels  at  home.'  'Look  around  upon  your  flock;  your 
discernment  will  easily  detect  the  scoundrels.  The  complaint:  contraction 
of  the  eyes;  the  gape  of  the  mouth;  the  vacant  stare;  the  hung  head;  the 
restless,  fidgety  disposition;  the  sneaking,  sycophantic  look;  a  natural  mean 
ness  of  countenance;  an  unguarded  shrug  of  the  shoulders;  a  sympathetic 
tickling  and  contraction  of  the  muscles  of  the  neck,  anticipating  the  rope;  a 
restless  uneasiness  to  adjourn,  dreading  to  face  the  storm  themselves  have 
raised.'  'Let  the  honest  and  indignant  part  of  your  council  drive  the  wolves 
out  of  the  fold. '  '  They  are  parricides,  piercing  their  devoted  country,  al 
ready  bleeding  at  every  pore. ' 


GOVERNOR  SMITH  DENOUNCED.  197 

unless  it  immediately  "  made  the  necessary  acknowl 
edgments  to  the  world  of  its  error,  furnishing  ex 
presses  to  give  circulation  and  publicity  in  a  manner 
calculated  to  counteract  its  baleful  effects." 

The  council  considered  itself  grossly  insulted,  and 
was  proportionately  exasperated.  The  message  was 
referred  to  a  committee,  which  reported  on  it  January 
1 1th.  Smith  was  denounced  as  a  man  whose  language 
and  conduct  proved  "his  early  habits  of  association  to 
have  been  vulgar  and  depraved."  His  charges  against 
the  council  were  indignantly  repelled,  and  his  style 
and  language  condemned  as  "  low,  blackguardly,  and 
vindictive."  The  committee,  therefore,  advised  the 
return  of  the  paper,  and  that  resolutions  be  passed 
declaring  that  the  council  was  the  representative  of 
the  people ;  that  it  would  sustain  the  dignity  of  the 
government;  and  that  Governor  Henry  Smith  be 
suspended  from  the  exercise  of  his  functions.  The 
report,  having  been  read,  was  unanimously  adopted.33 
Lieutenant-governor  Robinson  was  called  to  fill  the 
office  of  acting  governor,  and  the  secretary  of  the 
executive  was  notified  that  he  would  be  held  responsi 
ble  for  all  records,  documents,  and  archives  of  his 
office.  A  proclamation  explaining  their  action  to  the 
people  of  Texas  was  also  issued. 

This  resolute  attitude  astonished  Smith,  and  he  made 
a  half-apologetic  attempt  at  reconciliation.  While 
still  requiring  the  council  to  acknowledge  its  error,  he 
says  :  "  Believing  the  rules  of  Christian  charity  require 
us  to  bear  and  forbear,  and  as  far  as  possible  to  over 
look  the  errors  and  foibles  of  each  other,  in  this  case  I 
may  not  have  exercised  towards  your  body  that  de 
gree  of  forbearance  which  was  probably  your  due;" 
and  he  expresses  the  hope  that  the  "  two  branches  of 
government  would  again  harmonize,  to  the  promotion 

33 Id.,  294-6.  Copy  of  it  will  be  found  in  Devices'  Letters,  161-3.  The 
committee  was  composed  of  R.  R.  Royall,  chairman,  Alexander  Thomson, 
Claiborne  West,  J.  D.  Clements,  and  John  McMullin.  One  of  the  charges  of 
Smith  against  the  council  was  that  it  passed  '  resolutions  without  a  quorum, 
predicated  011  false  premises.' 


198  SIEGE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  DE  BEJAR. 

of  the  true  interests  of  the  country." 34  But  the  coun 
cil  was  not  in  a  mood  to  practise  Christian  forbearance : 
it  refused  to  revoke  its  resolutions;  Robinson  became 
acting  governor;  while  Smith  resisted  all  efforts  to 
obtain  from  him  the  executive  records.  He  retained 
his  seal  of  office  and  the  archives,  threatening,  when 
they  were  demanded  of  him,  to  defend  them  by  force, 
and  in  retaliation  called  for  certain  papers,  with  the 
menace  that  unless  his  demand  was  promptly  complied 
with,  he  would  order  the  arrest  of  the  members  of  the 
council  and  send  them  to  Bejar  for  trial  by  court- 
martial.35  And  thus  this  miserable  contention  went 
on,  at  a  time  when  Santa  Anna  was  making  prepara 
tions  to  invade  Texas  with  an  overwhelming  force. 
The  two  parties  surfeited  the  public  with  explanations 
of  their  conduct,  and  caused  no  small  disgust  and 
lukewarmness.  One  conclusion  only  was  arrived  at, 
namely,  that  the  council  and  executive  having  been 
created  by  the  consultation,  neither  had  the  power  to 
suspend  the  functions  of  the  other.  From  January 
1 8th  the  council  never  had  a  quorum,  and  the  shadow 
of  its  existence  disappeared  shortly  after  the  meeting 
of  the  convention  on  March  1,  1836.36 

But  this  lamentable  discord  was  productive  of  con 
fusion  and  its  subsequent  evils.  A  lethargy  seemed 
to  settle  upon  the  Texans.  At  the  time  when  they 
ought  to  have  been  in  the  field  by  thousands,  citizen 
volunteers  wrere  wanting,  arid  the  brunt  of  the  first 
onsets  was  borne  by  hundreds  of  brave  men  who  had 
left  their  homes  in  the  United  States  to  fight  for 
Texas,  and  whose  blood  was  poured  upon  her  soil.37 
The  efforts  of  the  commander-in-chief  were  paralyzed. 
At  a  most  momentous  crisis  he  found  that  the 

34  Journal,  ut  sup.,  308. 

35  A  full  account  of  these  quarrels  will  be  found  in  Id.,  296-309,  312-13, 
319-28,  338-9,  351-2. 

36  See  the  entries  in  the  Journal,  347-63. 

37  '  Los  soldados  de  Travis  en  el  Alamo,  los  de  Fannin  en  el  Perdido,  los 
rifleros  del  Dr  Grant  y  el  mis  mo  Houston  y  sus  tropas  de  San  Jacinto  con 
pocas  es  cepciones  es  notorio  que  vinicro  de  Nueva  Orleans,  y  otros  puntos  de 
la  republica  vecino.'  Santa  Anna  Monif.,  in  Pap.   Var.,  149,  no.  15,  p.  12. 


CIVIL  AND  MILITARY   OFFICERS.  199 

council  had  appointed,  on  January  7th,  J.  W.  Fannin 
military  agent  to  raise  and  concentrate  all  volunteers 
who  were  willing  to  take  part  in  an  expedition  against 
Matamoros,  empowering  him  at  the  same  time  to  call 
upon  all  public  agents  for  provisions  and  supplies  of 
all  kinds.  This  was  clearly  an  encroachment  upon 
the  commander-in-chiefs  prerogatives;  the  organic 
law  of  November  13th  declared  that  the  major-general 
should  be  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces  called 
into  public  service  during  the  war.88  Houston  had 
left  Washington  on  the  8th,  arrived  at  Goliad  on  the 
14th,  and  thence  proceeded  to  Refugio,  where  he  had 
an  interview,  on  the  21st,  with  Colonel  Johnson,  who 
had  just  arrived  from  San  Felipe,  empowered  by  the 
council  to  undertake  the  expedition  against  Mata 
moros.  Johnson  informed  Houston  of  the  authority 
granted  him;  and  showed  him  the  resolutions  of  the 
council  suspending  Governor  Smith.  When  the  com 
mander-in-chief  became  aware  of  the  action  taken  by 
the  council,  he  recognized  its  intention  to  supersede 
him.  He  immediately  denounced  the  proposed  ex 
pedition  as  unwise  and  unauthorized,  in  a  speech 
addressed  to  the  volunteers  assembled  there;  and  con 
scious  that  if  he  remained  with  the  army  every  mishap 
would  be  ascribed  to  him,  returned  to  Washington, 
having  been  elected  by  the  citizens  of  Refugio  their 
delegate  to  the  convention,  and  on  January  30th  re 
ported  matters  to  Smith.39 

Houston,  Forbes,  and  Cameron  had  been  appointed 
by  the  governor  and  council  as  commissioners  to 
treat  with  the  Indians.  When  Houston  returned 
he  received  a  furlough  from  Smith  till  March  1st, 
with  instructions  to  proceed  on  his  commission.  Ac 
cordingly  he  and  Forbes  went  to  Bowl's  village,  and 
entered  into  a  treaty  with  the  Indians,  February  23, 

38  See  article  ii.  of  the  declaration  defining  the  military  regulations.   Ken 
nedy,  ii.  496. 

39  Houston  to  Gov.  Henry  Smith,  Jan.  30.  1836,  in   Yoakum,  ii.  460-70; 
A   R.  Bi-owns  Account,  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  134. 


200  SIEGE  OF   SAN  ANTONIO  BE  BEJAR. 

1836,  in  accordance  with  the  'solemn  decree'  of  the 
consultation.40 

40  On  Nov.  13,  1835,  the  consultation  had  issued  a  'solemn  decree,'  declar 
ing  that  the  Cherokees  and  their  12  associate  tribes  had  derived  just  claims  to 
lands,  and  denned  the  boundaries  to  be  the  San  Antonio  road  and  the  Neches 
on  the  south,  and  the  Angeline  and  Sabine  rivers  on  the  east.  It  guaranteed 
to  them  the  peaceable  enjoyment  of  their  rights  to  their  lands.  All  grants 
and  locations  within  the  bounds  mentioned  were  declared  null;  and  that  it 
was  the  sincere  desire  of  the  consultation  that  the  Indians  should  remain 
friends  of  the  Texans  in  peace  and  war.  The  public  faith  was  pledged  for  the 
support  of  these  declarations.  Journals  of  the  Consult.,  51-2.  The  treaty  was 
subsequently  rejected  by  the  Texan  senate.  Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  45. 


CHAPTEE  X. 

THE  ALAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

JANUARY-MARCH  1836. 

APATHY  OF  THE  TEXANS— SANTA  ANNA'S  PREPARATIONS  AND  MARCH — 
DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  ALAMO— DAVID  CROCKETT — THE  SIEGE — STORM 
ING  OF  THE  ALAMO — THE  ASSAULT — HAND-TO-HAND  CONTESTS — DEATH 
OF  BOWIE — A  HOLOCAUST — VICTORY  DEARLY  BOUGHT — DECLARATION 
OF  INDEPENDENCE — NAMES  OF  THE  SUBSCRIBERS — LABORS  OF  THE  CON 
VENTION — A  PROVISIONAL  GOVERNMENT  ORGANIZED — THE  CONSTITU 
TION — FANNIN'S  PREPARATIONS  AT  GOLIAD — DESTRUCTION  OF  GRANT'S 
PARTY — URREA'S  MOVEMENTS — CAPTURE  OF  SAN  PATRICK) — FANNIN'S 
FORCE — KING'S  PARTY  SHOT — ASSAULT  ON  THE  MISSION  OF  REFUGIO 
—CAPTURE  OF  WARD'S  COMMAND — HOUSTON  AT  GONZALEZ — MOVEMENTS 
OF  THE  MEXICAN  FORCES — FANNIN  RETREATS  TOWARD  VICTORIA — 
A  FATAL  DELAY — BATTLE  OF  ENCINAL  DEL  PERDIDO — SURRENDER  OF 
FANNIN — A  BARBAROUS  MASSACRE — NUMBER  OF  THE  VICTIMS. 

THE  meditated  descent  on  Matamoros,  by  its  diver 
sion,  was  the  cause  of  disaster  at  Bejar.  Recognizing 
that  no  adequate  force  could  be  sent  for  the  defence 
of  that  place,  Houston,  on  the  receipt  of  a  letter 
from  Colonel  Neill  informing  him  that  1,000  men 
were  on  the  march  against  it,  had  despatched  from 
Goliad  Colonel  Bowie  with  a  small  force,  on  January 
17th,  with  instructions  to  destroy  the  fortifications 
and  bring  off  the  cannon.1  Neill,  however,  was  un 
able  to  remove  the  artillery  from  want  of  teams,  and 
therefore  did  not  demolish  the  defences.  When  ad 
vised  of  this,  and  of  the  fact  that  there  were  only 
about  80  men  in  the  place,  Governor  Smith  sent 
thither  Colonel  Travis  with  another  small  force,  and 

1  Houston  to  Smith,  Jan.  17,  1836,  in  Yoakum,  ii.  458. 

(201) 


202  THE  ALAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

Neill  shortly  afterward  returned  home,  leaving  Travis 
in  command.  Travis  now  called  for  money,  provisions, 
clothing,  and  a  reinforcement  of  500  men — supplies 
beyond  the  power  of  the  commander-in-chief  to  fur 
nish.  The  recruiting  service  had  been  sadly  unsuc 
cessful.  Apathy  seemed  to  have  settled  on  the 
people;  and  in  painful  contrast  with  the  zeal  and  en 
thusiasm  displayed  in  the  previous  year  was  the 
disregard  now  shown  to  the  call  for  recruits.  The 
quarrel  between  the  governor  and  council,  disbelief  in 
the  reports  that  an  invading  army  was  approaching, 
rumors  that  great  numbers  of  volunteers  were  con 
stantly  arriving  or  were  on  their  way  from  the  United 
States,  and  the  toils  of  the  late  campaign  and  the 
privations  undergone  by  the  families  of  those  who 
took  the  field,  combined  to  cause  this  fatal  indiffer 
ence.  In  regard  to  funds  the  government  was  almost 
destitute.  Although  the  commissioners  to  the  United 

o 

States  negotiated,  January  8th,  a  conditional  loan  for 
$200,000  in  New  Orleans,  the  sum  of  $20,000  only 
was  immediately  realized,  and  it  was  applied  to  the 
purchase  of  army  supplies.  Another  loan  of  $50,000 
was  obtained,  January  18th,  and  devoted  to  the  same 
purpose.2  Thus  the  garrison  at  Bejar  was  left  to 
its  fate.3 

Meantime  active  preparations  had  been  made  by 
Santa  Anna  to  invade  Texas  with  an  overwhelming 
force.  Having  completely  suppressed  all  opposition 
in  Mexico,  he  proceeded  to  San  Luis  Potosi,  where 
he  arrived  at  the  beginning  of  December  1835,  and 

2  Austin  to  Houston,  Jan.  7,  1836,  and  to  D.  C.  Barret,  Jan.  17,  1836,  in 
Foote,  ii.  194-7;   Y oakum,  ii.  62.     The  remainder  of  the  first  loan  was  never 
realized,  the  stockholders   objecting  to  modifications  made  by  the  executive 
government  in  the  original  agreement.     The  loan  was  negotiated  on  a  sale  of 
lands  with  the  condition  of  the  exclusive  right  of  immediate  location.     This 
was  regarded  as  unfair  to  the  volunteers  in  the  field,  who  would  only  be  able 
to  locate  after  the  termination  of  the  war.     A  donation  of  32  leagues  of  land 
was  offered  the  stockholders  if  they  would  relinquish  their  right  of  priority 
of   location,    but   they   unanimously   voted   against  the   modified   contract. 
Burnett'*  Massage,  Oct.  4,  1836;  Gouge,  Fiscal  Hist.  Tex.,  50. 

3  Particulars  of  the  destitute  condition  of  the  garrison  are  given  in  Travis' 
letter  of  Feb.  14,  1836,  to  Gov.  Smith.     Original  in  Pinart's  Tex.  Col.,  no.  2. 


SANTA  ANNA'S  MOVEMENTS. 


203 


remained  for  some  time  making  his  final  arrangements. 
His  force  was  composed  of  three  brigades,  numbering 
over  6,000  men,  the  flower  of  the  Mexican  army. 
General  Filisola  was  appointed  second  in  command. 
The  first  brigade,  under  General  Sesma,  was  imme 
diately  sent  in  advance  to  relieve  Cos,  then  besieged 


SANTA  ANNA'S  MARCH. 

in  Bejar.  His  surrender,  however,  was  known  shortly 
afterward,  and  at  the  end  of  the  month  the  second  and 
third  brigades,  under  generals  Tolsa  and  Gaona,  and 
a  portion  of  the  artillery,  under  General  Ampudia, 
marched  for  Saltillo,  the  cavalry  commanded  by  Gen 
eral  Andrade  following  January  1,  1836.  On  the  2d 


204  THE  ALAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

Santa  Anna  left  for  the  same  place,  and  remained 
there  nearly  a  month  organizing  his  troops.  From 
Saltillo  General  Jose  Urrea  was  despatched  to  Mata- 
moros  with  200  cavalry,  to  unite  with  forces  that  had 
been  concentrated  at  that  place.  On  the  25th  of  the 
same  month  Santa  Anna  held  a  review  of  his  army, 
at  which  his  force  was  found  to  be  about  5,000  men, 
exclusive  of  Sesma's  and  Urrea's  commands.4  In  the 
beginning  of  February  the  army  marched  for  Mon- 
clova,  from  which  place  Santa  Anna,  having  left  in 
structions  to  his  generals  relative  to  their  advance, 
proceeded  with  his  staff  and  fifty  horsemen  to  join 
Sesma,  who  was  at  the  town  of  Rio  Grande. 

The  distance  from  Monclova  to  Rio  Grande  is  eighty 
leagues,  through  a  desert  country  almost  destitute  of 
resources  for  either  man  or  beast ;  from  Rio  Grande  to 
Bejar  it  is  nearly  100  leagues,  through  a  region  still 
more  desolate.  There,  little  water  could  be  found,  and 
no  produce  of  human  hands.  On  the  march  to  Texas 
half-rations  only  were  dealt  out  to  the  troops,  who 
were  reduced  to  the  extremes  of  hunger,  thirst,  and 
fatigue.  Sickness  and  exhaustion  struck  them  down ; 
the  gun-carriages  and  artillery  wagons  became  loaded 
with  helpless  soldiers  picked  up  on  the  way,  and  num 
bers  perished.5  Nevertheless,  through  storms  of  rain 
and  snow,  beaten  by  icy  blasts  or  scorched  by  a  fiery 
sun,  the  soldiers  accomplished  their  painful  march,  and 
on  February  23d  the  advance  brigade  which  left  Rio 
Grande  on  the  16th  took  possession  of  Bejar  without 
opposition,  Travis  having  retired  on  the  approach  of 
the  enemy  to  the  Alamo,  with  145  men.6  Santa  Anna 

*Caro,  Verdad.  Idea,  2,  4-5;  Santa  Anna,  Manif.,  8,  in  Pap.  Far.,  149, 
no.  15.  Arroniz,  Hint.  Mex.,  270,  states  that  Santa  Anna  organized  at  S.  Luis 
Potosi  an  army  of  8,000  men.  Bustamante  says  that  the  Mex.  army  in  Texas 
did  not  exceed  10,000  men.  Hist.  Invas.,  i.  6-7. 

bCaro,  Verdad.  Idea,  7;  Filisola,  ut  sup.,  ii.  347-62.  The  animals  were 
attacked  with  the  diseases  known  as  the  mal  de  lengua  and  the  telele.  The 
former  was  an  inflammation  of  the  tongue,  caused  by  eating  dry  pasturage,  and 
want  of  water;  the  latter  was  a  fever  produced  by  heat,  and  drinking  stagnant 
water  heated  by  the  sun.  Id.,  352-3. 

6  This  is  the  number  given  by  Travis  in  a  letter  dated  March  3d,  in  whicli 
he  says:  'With  145  men  I  have  held  this  place  ten  days  against  a  force  vari- 


MISSION,  FORT,  AND  PRISON.  205 

arrived  soon  afterward  with  his  staff,  and  immediately 
demanded  an  unconditional  surrender  of  the  place  and 
its  defenders.  His  summons  was  replied  to  by  a  can 
non  shot,  whereupon  he  hoisted  a  blood-red  flag  on 
the  church  in  token  of  no  quarter,  and  commenced  a 
bombardment  and  cannonade  from  two  howitzers  and 
two  long  nine-pounders.7 

The  Alamo,  though  built  for  a  mission,  was  a  strong 
enough  place  for  defence  except  against  siege  artillery. 
Its  surrounding  walls  were  of  masonry  from  two  and 
a  half  feet  to  one  vara  thick,  and  eight  feet  high. 
The  main  area,  or  square  of  the  mission,  was  154  yards 
long  by  54  wide,  though  it  was  not  a  perfect  parallel 
ogram,  being  somewhat  narrower  at  the  southern  than 
at  the  northern  extremity.  On  the  south-east  of  it 
was  the  old  church  with  walls  of  hewn  stone  four  feet 
thick,  and  twenty-two  arid  a  half  feet  high.  It  had 
never  been  completed,  and  was  roofless,  but  was  made 
serviceable  as  a  magazine  and  for  soldiers'  quarters. 
From  the  north-eastern  corner  of  the  chapel  attached 
to  it,  a  wall  extended  northward  186  feet,  thence 
westward  at  right  angles  to  the  convent  enclosing  the 
yard  of  the  convent.  This  was  a  two-story  adobe 
building,  191  feet  long  and  18  feet  wide.  It  was 
divided  into  apartments,  and  was  used  as  an  armory 
and  barracks.  The  prison  was  of  one  story,  115  by 
17  feet,  and  from  its  south-eastern  corner  a  diagonal 
ditch,  surmounted  by  a  strong  stockade,  with  an 
entrance  in  the  centre,  extended  to  the  south-west 
corner  of  the  church.  The  whole  area  of  the  different 
enclosures  was  between  two  arid  three  acres,  and  a 
plentiful  supply  of  water  was  obtained  from  two  aque 
ducts,  one  touching  the  north-west  corner  of  the  main 

ously  estimated  from  1,500  to  6,000.'  R.  M.  Potter,  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1868,  32; 
Yoakum.  ii.  79.  Caro,  utmp.,  8,  gives  the  number  156  as  supplied  to  him 
by  the  citizens  of  B6jar.  Potter  indorses  these  figures.  Santa  Anna  grossly 
exaggerated  the  number  of  the  defenders,  reporting  them  as  over  600.  See  his 
report  of  March  6,  1836,  in  Filisola,  Mem.  Tej.,  1849,  i.  16. 

7  Travis  to  fellow-citizens,  Feb.  24,  1836,  and  to  the  president  of  the  con 
vention,  March  3,  1836,  in  Foote,  ii.  218-22;  Dcwew  Letter*,  179-80,  184-7. 


206 


THE  ALAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 


area,  and  the  other  running  close  to  the  eastern  wall 
of  the  church. 

Though  the  Alamo  had  neither  redoubt  nor  bastion 


GROUND-PLAN  OF  THE  ALAMO. 

A.  Entry  of  the  Mission.  D.  Church,  Chapel,  and  Vestry. 

B.  Carcel  or  Prison.  E.  Walls,  33  inches  thick. 

C.  Convent.  F.  Stockade. 

G,  H,  I     Places  where  Travis,  Crockett  and  Bowie,  respectively,  fell. 

to  command  the  lines  of  the  fort,  fourteen  guns  were 
mounted  at  different  points,  presenting  a  formidable 
obstacle  to  approach.  Of  these,  three  heavy  pieces 
had  been  planted  with  much  labor  upon  the  walls  of 


ARRIVAL  OF  THE   ENEMY.  207 

the  church  by  General  Cos,  respectively  pointing 
north,  south,  and  east.  Two  pieces  protected  the 
entrance  by  the  stockade;  two  more  defended  the 
gateway  and  prison;  on  terre-pleins  one  gun  was 
mounted  at  the  south-west  angle  of  the  main  square, 
two  on  the  western  wall,  one  on  the  north-west  angle, 
two  on  the  northern  wall,  and  a  single  piece  on  the 
north-east  angle.8 

Travis  seems  to  have  been  extremely  careless  about 
informing  himself  of  the  movements  of  the  enemy  by 
means  of  scouts.9  The  foe's  arrival  w^as  so  sudden 
and  unexpected  at  last  that  Travis  had  not  even  time 
to  throw  a  few  provisions  into  the  Alamo,  a  precau 
tion  which  it  is  a  matter  of  surprise  that  he  did  not 
take  on  receipt  of  the  first  intimation  of  Santa  Anna's 
approach.  In  his  letter  of  February  24th  he  wrote : 
"  When  the  enemy  appeared  in  sight,  we  had  not 
three  bushels  of  corn.  We  have  since  found  in  de 
serted  houses  eighty  or  ninety  bushels,  and  got  into 
the  walls  twenty  or  thirty  head  of  beeves."  His 
supply  of  ammunition,  too,  was  small ;  but  under  all 
the  unequal  circumstances  with  which  he  was  beset, 
not  for  one  moment  did  he  or  his  heroic  band  think 
of  surrender.  The  men  who  cast  their  lot  with  him 
were  as  dauntless  as  ever  handled  warlike  weapon  in 
any  age.  Among  them  were  such  spirits  as  James 
Bowie,  his  second  in  command,  David  Crockett,11 

8  This  description  of  the  Alamo  and  its  garniture  is  derived  from  Filisola, 
ii.   182-5;    Potter,  in  Tex.  Aim.,   1868,   33,  38;    Thrall,  239-41;    Yoakum,  ii. 
75-6.     The  latter  derived  his  information  from  a  letter  of  G.  B.  Jameson, 
uated  Jan.  18,   1836,  and  containing  a  description  and  plan  of   the  place. 
Yoakum  is  astray  as  to  measurements. 

9  Potter  considers  that  the  neglect  of  scouting  indicates  a  great  lack  of 
subordination,  and  that  Travis  had  little  control  over  his  men,  who  were  will 
ing  to  die  by  him,  but  not  ready  to  obey  him.    Tex.  Aim.,  1868,  37. 

1&Foote,  ii.  219. 

11  Crockett  was  born  in  Tennessee  Aug.  17,  1786,  his  father,  John  Crock 
ett,  being  of  Irish  descent.  In  education,  character,  bearing,  and  training  he 
was  a  thorough  frontier  man.  Tall,  powerful,  active,  and  accustomed  to  the 
use  of  the  rifle  from  childhood,  he  was  a  mighty  hunter  and  a  fearless  soldier. 
During  the  war  of  1812  he  fought  bravely  for  his  country.  His  hospitality, 
honesty,  and  humorous  sayings  gained  for  him  not  only  numerous  friends, 
but  wide-spread  popularity,  and  in  1823  he  was  elected  to  the  state  legisla- 


208  THE  ALAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

whose  fearlessness  of  soul  was  equalled  only  by  his 
simple  integrity,  and  the  chivalrous  J.  B.  Bonham  of 
South  Carolina.  Victory  or  death  was  their  battle- 
cry;  so  they  hoisted  their  flag,12  determined  to  die 
before  the  enemy  should  pull  it  down. 

On  the  24th  Travis  sent  an  appeal  to  his  fellow- 
citizens  for  assistance,  declaring  that  he  would  never 
surrender  or  retreat.  The  bombardment  was  vig'or- 

O 

ously  maintained,  and  day  by  day,  as  Santa  Anna's 
forces  kept  arriving,  the  investment  of  the  place  was 
drawn  closer,  and  more  batteries  brought  to  bear  upon 
it.13  Yet  strange  to  say,  up  to  March  3d,  though  200 
shells  at  least  fell  inside  the  works,  not  a  single  man 
was  injured.  The  cannonade,  too,  had  little  effect  on 
the  thin  walls,  as  the  enemy  had  no  siege  train,  but 
only  light  field-pieces.  Many  Mexicans,  however,  fell 

ture.  In  1827  he  became  a  candidate  as  member  of  congress  for  Tennessee. 
Possessed  of  a  deep  fund  of  original  humor,  of  generous  impulses  arid  un 
swerving  integrity,  while  his  lively  phraseology  was  peculiarly  adapted  to 
captivate  the  voters  of  that  pioneer  state,  his  canvass  was  a  great  success, 
and  he  was  again  reflected  in  1829.  But  electioneering  and  legislation  were 
two  different  matters,  and  Crockett  did  not  find  it  so  easy  to  rise  and  impress 
the  house  with  his  convictions  as  to  deliver  stump-speeches,  seasoned  with 
jokes  and  amusing  stories,  to  audiences  of  backwoodsmen  and  cotton-growers. 
Nevertheless,  politics  had  their  fascination  for  him,  and  he  was  anxious  again 
to  be  returned.  But  his  opposition  to  President  Jackson  had  brought  down 
upon  him  the  anger  of  the  administration,  and  no  effort  was  spared  to  prevent 
his  reelection.  He  was  consequently  defeated,  and,  bitterly  disappointed, 
determined  to  seek  other  kind  of  excitement  in  fighting  for  the  cause  of 
Texas.  Accordingly,  he  went  thither  at  the  beginning  of  ISSti.  Having 
arrived  at  Nacogdoches,  he  there  became  a  citizen,  arid  took  the  oath  of  alle 
giance  to  any  future  republican  government;  he  refused  to  do  so,  however, 
until  the  word  '  republican  '  was  inserted  between  '  future  '  and  '  government ' 
in  the  document.  That  being  done,  he  signed  the  instrument  and  proceeded 
to  Be"jar,  where  he  arrived  a  few  weeks  before  the  siege  of  the  Alamo. 
( 'rockett  was  twice  married,  having  two  sons  and  one  daughter  by  his  first 
wife.  Life  of  Col  David  Crockett,  written  by  Himself.  Comprising  his  Early 
L'ife .  .  .  To  which  is  added  an  account  of  Col  Crockett's  glorious  Death  (it  the 
Alamo,  while  fiyhting  in  defence  of  Texan  Independence.  By  the  Editor.  Phila 
delphia,  1859,  12mo;  Kennedy,  ii.  189-93. 

12  The  tri-colored  Mexican  flag  with  two  stars,  designed  to  represent  Coa- 
huila  and  Texas.     This  is  mentioned  in  Almonte's  manuscript  journal  of  the 
campaign,  found  on  the  battle-field  of  San  Jacinto  by  Anson  Jones.    Kennedy, 
ii.  180-1.     It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  independence  was  not  yet  declared, 
and  that  the  heroes  of  the  Alamo  fought  under  the  federal  flag  of  1824. 

13  On  the  night  of  the  25th  two  batteries  were  erected  on  the  other  side  of 
the  river  in  the  alameda  of  the  Alamo.   Id.,  182-3.     Intrenched  encampments 
were  formed  in  Be" jar,  400  yards  west;  in  La  Villita,  300  yards  south;  at  the 
garita,  or  powder-house,  1,000  yards  south  by  east;  on  the  Algino  ditch,  800 
yards  north-east;  and  at  the  old  mill,  800  yards  north.  Travis'  letter  of  March 
Sd,  in  Footc,  ii.  219-28. 


THE  SIEGE.  209 

before  the  rifles  of  the  besieged,  who,  economizing  their 
small  supply  of  ammunition,  only  fired  when  the  assail 
ants  came  well  within  range.  On  the  night  of  the 
25th  the  former  burned  some  houses  of  wood  and  straw 
in  the  vicinity,  which  had  furnished  a  cover  to  the 
enemy,  and  on  the  26th  sallied  out  for  wood  and  water 
without  loss%  firing  at  night  more  houses  near  a  bat 
tery  on  the  Alamo  ditch.  The  siege  continued,  and 
sun  after  sun  rose  and  set  upon  the  beleaguered  fort 
ress.  Occasional  skirmishing  occurred  by  day  and 
frequent  alarms  by  night,  harassing  the  garrison  by 
the  necessity  of  unremitted  watchfulness,  and  the 
ceaseless  expectation  of  assault.  Yet  the  investment 
was  not  so  complete  as  to  preclude  all  communication 
with  the  outside.  On  March  1st  thirty-two  gallant 
men  from  Gonzalez,  conducted  by  Captain  J.  W. 
Smith,  safely  effected  their  entrance  into  the  Alamo  at 
three  o'clock  in  the  morning;  and  on  the  3d  J.  B. 
Boriham,  who  had  been  sent  to  Goliad  for  aid  before 
the  approach  of  the  enemy,  arrived  without  mishap.14 
During  the  siege  the  defenders  were  actively  em 
ployed  in  strengthening  the  walls,  by  throwing  up 
earth  and  intrenching  on  the  inside. 

On  March  4th  picked  companies  of  Santa  Anna's 
3d  brigade  arrived  by  forced  inarches,  and  the  Alamo 
was  surrounded  by  at  least  5,000  men.15  A  council 
of  war  was  now  held  by  Santa  Anna  on  the  ques 
tion  of  assaulting  the  place.  Almonte  says:  "Cos, 
Castrillon,  and  others  were  of  opinion  that  the  Alamo 
should  be  assaulted  after  the  arrival  of  two  twelve- 
pounders  expected  on  the  7th  instant.  The  presi- 

14  Ib.  Caro  erroneously  states  that  25  men  from  Gonzalez  entered  in  open 
daylight.  Verdad.  Idea,  9. 

ij  These  figures  are  nearly  correct.  The  whole  of  Gaona's  brigade,  had  not 
yet  come  up.  On  Feb.  29th  at  midnight  Gen.  Sesma  left  camp  with  the  cavalry 
of  Dolores  and  the  infantry  of  Allende  to  meet  Famiin,  who  was  supposed  lo 
be  on  his  march  from  Goliad  with  200  men  to  the  relief  of  the  Alamo.  Find 
ing  no  trace  of  the  enemy,  Sesma  returned  on  the  following  day-  Almonte's 
Diary,  in  Kennedy,  ii.  183.  Fannin,  in.  fact,  did  leave  Goliad  with  300  men 
and  4  guns,  Feb.  28th,  having  received  a  letter  from  Travis  on  the  25th;  but 
being  short  of  provisions,  and  not  having  sufficient  teams,  he  held  a  council  of 
war,  at  which  it  was  decided  to  return  to  Goliad.  Fannin  to  Lieut.  Oov.  Robin- 
<o»,  Feb.  29,  1836;  Yoakurn,  ii.  78. 
HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.  14 


i>10  THE  ALAMO   AND  GOLIAB  MASSACRES. 

dent,  General  Ramirez  Sesma,  and  myself  were  of 
opinion  that  the  twelve-pounders  should  not  be  waited 
for,  but  the  assault  made."  On  the  5th  Santa 
Anna  decided  to  act  according  to  his  own  opinion, 
formed  his  plan,  and  issued  his  orders  for  the  attack. 
The  storming  columns  were  four  in  number ;  the  first 
was  commanded  by  General  Cos,  who  had  dishonor 
ably  broken  his  parole ;  the  second  by  Colonel  Fran 
cisco  Duque,  with  General  Castrillon  as  his  successor ; 
the  third  by  Colonel  Jose  Maria  Romero,  with  Colo 
nel  Mariano  Salas;  the  fourth  by  Colonel  Juan  Mo 
rales,  with  Colonel  Jose  Minon.  The  reserve  was  com 
manded  by  Santa  Anna,  and  placed  under  the  orders 
of  Colonel  Agustin  Amat.  All  the  columns  were  pro 
vided  with  ladders,  crow-bars,  and  axes.  The  attack 
ing  force  numbered  about  2,500  men,  while  the  cavalry 
were  ordered  to  be  stationed  at  suitable  points  so  as 
to  cut  off  all  possibility  of  escape.17  The  sharp-shoot 
ers  were  withdrawn  from  their  positions  during  the 
night,  and  the  artillery  ceased  its  fire. 

At  four  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  6th  the 
storming  columns  silently  took  up  their  positions, 
one  on  each  side  of  the  Alamo,  awaiting  the  signal 
of  the  bugle  to  assault.  Meantime  the  besieged  were 
on  the  alert,  and  had  made  preparations  to  receive 
their  assailants.18  It  was  the  sabbath  day,  and  at 
the  first  glimmer  of  light  the  fatal  bugle-blast  broke 
the  silence  of  the  hour,  followed  by  the  tramp  of  the 
columns  as  they  rushed  to  the  assault.  They  were 
met  with  a  terrible  discharge  of  artillery  and  rifles, 
and  recoiled  at  the  slaughter  inflicted  upon  them. 
Colonel  Duque,  whose  column  was  directed  against 
the  northern  wall,  fell  grievously  wounded,  and  his 
men  were  thrown  into  utter  confusion.  Those  also 
directed  against  the  western  and  eastern  sides  came 

16  Almonte's  Diary,  ut  sup. 

17  Copy  of  the  general  order  in  Filisola,,  Mem.  Tej.,  1849,  1,  7-9. 

18  Santa  Anna  claims  that  he  would  have  surprised  the  garrison  but  for 
the  imprudent  shouts  raised  by  one  of    the  columns  when  the   signal  ira« 
given.  Manifiesto,  10,  In  Pap.   Var.,  182,  no.  8. 


SANGUINARY   CONFLICT,  211 

to  a  disorderly  halt.  But  the  officers  urged  them 
on,  and  driven  forward  by  those  behind,  these  two 
columns  gained  the  foot  of  the  walls.  Unable  to 
scale  them,  they  moved  by  the  right  and  left  to  the 
northern  side,  and  uniting  with  Duque's  column, 
formed  one  dense  mass.  Again  the  assault  was  made, 
and  again  repulsed.  The  carnage  was  horrible.  But 
what  could  the  feeble  garrison  avail  against  a  muJ^ti- 
tude,  when  1,000  men  would  barely  have  manned  the 
defences  ?  After  the  first  two  shots  the  artillery  was 
useless  against  a  foe  crowded  below  the  range  of  fire. 
Travis  fell  dead,  shot  through  the  brain,  while  work 
ing  the  gun  at  the  north-western  angle ; 19  a  small 
breach,  too,  had  been  made  in  the  wall  by  the  can 
nonade  during  the  siege.  A  third  time,  animated  by 
the  example  and  courageous  bearing  of  General  Juan 
Valentin  Amador,  the  storrners  returned  to  the  attack, 
scaling  the  parapet,  and  pouring  in  through  the  breach 
faster  than  rifles  could  be  loaded.  While  this  was 
occurring  on  the  northern  side,  the  column  under  colo 
nels  Morales  and  Mifion  had  under  similar  circum 
stances  gained  an  entrance  through  the  opening  in  the 
stockade  and  captured  the  gun.  The  outer  walls  had 
now  to  be  abandoned,  and  the  devoted  defenders  re 
tired  to  the  rooms  of  the  long  barracks  and  to  the 
church.  And  now  commenced  a  series  of  consecutive 
death-struggles.  There  was  no  connection  between 
the  apartments,  and  each  group  of  heroes  fought  and 
died  in  quick  succession.  For  a  short  time,  from  win 
dows  and  loop-holes,  their  rifles  crack  fast  and  vicious 
ly,  and  the  hissing  bullets  strike  down  the  foe.  But 
their  own  artillery  is  quickly  directed  against  them, 
arid  cannon-balls  crash  through  door  and  wall,  while 
volleys  of  musketry  are  poured  in  at  every  opening. 

19  *  On  the  north  battery  of  the  fortress  lay  the  lifeless  body  of  Col  Travis 
on  the  gun-carriage,  shot  only  in  the  forehead.'  Account  of  Francisco  An 
tonio  Ruiz,  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  80-1.  Ruiz  was  alcalde  of  San  Antonio  de 
B6jar,  and  was  on  the  ground  immediately  after  the  fall  of  the  Alamo.  The 
stories  that  Travis  committed  suicide,  and  that  he  as  well  as  Crockett  was 
one  of  the  captives  put  to  death,  are  utterly  unworthy  of  credence.  Yoakum, 
ii.  81;  Gwld,  Alamo,  Ctt.  Guide,  21;  Tex.  State  Reg.,  1878,  30. 


212  THE  iLAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

Then  follows  the  bayonet  charge,  and  fierce  resistance 
with  clubbed  rifles  and  sharp-pointed  knives.  In 
room  after  room  furious  hand-to-hand  contests  are 
fought  out  to  the  death,  till  all  those  gallant  men  are 
stretched  lifeless  on  the  ground. 

The  church  was  the  last  point  taken.  One  of  the 
guns  mounted  cm  it  had  been  brought  to  bear  upon 
the  Mexicans  when  they  gained  the  large  square,  and 
did  great  execution,  but  after  a  few  discharges  all 
those  who  manned  it  fell  under  the  heavy  fire  of  the 
enemy.  Then  the  church  was  carried  by  a  coup-de- 
main,  the  defenders  within  it  fighting  till  the  last  man 
was  slain.  Crockett  fell  between  the  church  and  the 
long  two-story  barrack.  His  corpse  was  seen  by  the 
wife  of  Lieutenant  Dickenson20  —her  life  having  been 
spared -- lying  mutilated  on  the  spot  indicated.21 
Bowie  had  been  injured  by  a  fall  from  a  platform,  and 
was  unable  to  move  from  his  bed.  He  was  lying  in 
an  upper  room  at  the  south-eastern  extremity  of  the 
long  barrack,  and  was  bayoneted  as  he  lay;  not,  how 
ever,  before  having  killed  several  of  the  enemy  with 
his  pistols.  Bonham  fell  Avhile  working  a  cannon. 
In  less  than  an  hour  after  the  bugle  sounded,  all  was 
over.22  During  this  time  Santa  Anna  remained  at 
the  south  battery,  while  the  bands  of  the  whole  army 
played  the  air  of  the  murderous  degtiello.23  When  all 
danger  was  past  he  proceeded  to  the  Alamo.  Half  an 

O  A.  JT 

hour  after,  five  captives  who  had  secreted  themselves 
were  dragged  from  their  hiding-places  and  brought 

20  Dickenson  commanded  a  gun  on  the  east  platform  of  the  church.     The 
story  that  he  endeavored  to  escape  with  his  child,  when  all  was  lost,  by  leap 
ing  from  a  window,  but  was  riddled  by  bullets  before  he  struck  the  ground, 
Potter,  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1868,  35,  37,  is  not  worthy  of  credence.     Mrs  Dickenson, 
later  Mrs  Manning,  stated  to  Morphis  that  her  husband  rushed  into  her  room 
in  the  church,  exclaiming,  'All  is  lost!     If  they  spare  you,  save  my  child.' 
Me  then  rushed  out  into  the  strife.  Morphis,  Hist.  Tex.,  176. 

21  Mrs  Dickenson 's  account  in  Id.,  177.     In  1876,  Mrs  Dickenson,  then  66 
years  of  age,  visited  the  scene  of  this  tragedy,  and  pointed  out  the  spot  where 
the  last  man,  a  gunner  named  Walker,  fell.  Linns  Reminis.,  141-4. 

T*  The  writer  of  the  glowing  description  of  the  fall  of  the  Alamo,  in  Put 
nam's  Monthly  Mag.,  iii.  179-80,  is  unfortunately  incorrect  in  nearly  all  his 
details. 

23  Meaning  throat-cutting;  it  signified  no  quarter. 


THE  FUNERAL-PYRE.  213 

into  his  presence  -by  General  Castrillon.  Castrillon 
had  some  feelings  of  humanity,  and  hoped  that  their 
lives  would  be  spared ;  but  his  Excellency  was  of  a 
more  tigerish  nature.  Severely  reprimanding  him, 
he  angrily  turned  his  back,  whereupon  the  soldiers, 
though  already  drawn  up  in  line,  fell  upon  the  un 
armed  men  and  despatched  them.24  Of  all  those  who 
had  been  besieged  in  the  Alamo,  the  lives  of  six  were 
spared.  Mrs  Dickenson  and  Mrs  Albury  of  Bejar, 
with  their  two  children,  a  negro  servant-boy  of  Travis, 
and  a  Mexican  woman,  were  not  slain.  Mrs  Dicken 
son  was  supplied  with  a  horse  and  allowed  to  depart, 
the  bearer  of  a  proclamation  from  Santa  Anna.  The 
negro  was  placed  under  guard,  but  escaped.25 

The  right  of  burial  was  denied  the  fallen  Texans. 
Their  bodies  were  piled  in  layers,  with  wood  and  dry 
brush  between;  on  this  funeral-pyre  more  fuel  was 
} leaped,  and  then  it  was  set  on  fire.  The  number  of 
corpses  burned  in  this  holocaust  was  182.26  On  Febru- 

24  Caro  was  an  eye-witness  to  this  atrocity,  and  can  be  relied  upon  as  to 
the  number  of  the  victims,  and  the  particulars  of  their  slaughter.  He  says: 
'  Todos  presenciamos  este  horror  que  reprueba  la  humanidad,  pero  que  cs  una 
verdad  evange"lica. '  Verdad.  Idea,  11.  Gen.  Houston,  in  a  letter  of  the 
llth,  erroneously  states  that  seven  men  were  thus  put  to  death.  Tex.  Aim., 
1868,  36. 

'*  Potter,  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1868,  36;  Caro,  Verdad.  Idea,  11;  Mrs  Dickenson 's 
accounts  in  Morphis,  ut  sup.,  176,  and  Linn,  144.  Mrs  Dickenson  was  fired 
at  and  wounded  while  passing  out  of  the  Alamo,  escorted  by  a  Mexican  officer. 
The  escaped  negro  was  met  by  her  lurking  in  the  bush  a  short  distance  be 
yond  the  Salado,  It  should  be  mentioned  that  a  Mexican,  named  Anselmo 
Bogarra,  who  was  with  the  garrison  to  the  last,  escaped,  and  leaving  Be" jar 
on  the  evening  after  the  fall  of  the  Alamo,  reported  the  event  to  Gen.  Houston, 
then  at  Gonzalez.  Linn,  141;  Tex.  Aim.,  1868,  36.  In  1878  an  aged  Mexican, 
named  Brigido  Guerrero,  applied  to  the  county  court  of  B6jar  county  for  a 
pension  as  a  survivor  of  the  Alamo.  His  story  was  that  he  was  one  of  the 
soldiers  under  Travis,  and  when  the  enemy  had  gained  the  enclosure,  entered 
the  room  occupied  by  the  women,  who  concealed  him  under  some  bedding, 
where  he  remained  till  night,  when  he  made  his  escape.  His  veracity  was 
doubted  by  many  of  the  early  inhabitants,  but  he  offered  the  court  such  strong 
evidence  that  he  was  placed  on  the  pension  list.  Gould,  Alamo  City  Guide,  22. 

2*  Account,  of  Ruiz,  ut  sup.  'I  was  an  eye-witness,  for,  as  alcalde  of  San 
Antonio,  I  was  with  some  of  the  neighbors  collecting  the  dead  bodies  and 
placing  them  on  the  funeral-pyre. '  Mrs  Dickenson  also  states  that  the  num 
ber  of  the  Texans  was  182.  Morphis,  176.  There  is  some  doubt  as  to  the 
exact  number  of  the  garrison  before  its  destruction.  Yoakum  and  Potter 
say  it  was  188,  though  the  latter  appears  to  be  in  doubt.  Caro,  utsup.,  states 
that  the  enemy  numbered  183  at  the  time  of  the  assault.  It  is  not  improba 
ble  that  during  the  siege  several  couriers  were  sent  out  by  Travis  and  cut  off 
by  the  enemy.  Capt.  John  W.  Smith  was  the  bearer  of  his  letter  of  March  3d 


214  THE  ALAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

ary  25,  1837,  the  ashes  and  a  few  remaining  bones  were 
collected  by  Colonel  Seguin  and  his  command,  were 
placed  in  a  coffin,  and  interred  with  military  honors 
near  the  spot  where  the  '  heroes  of  the  Alamo '  fell. 
In  after  years  a  small  monument  was  made  from 
stones  taken  from  the  ruins  of  the  fortress,  and  placed 
in  the  entrance  to  the  state-house  at  Austin.  On  it 
are  inscribed  the  names  of  166  of  the  slain. 

What  the  loss  of  the  Mexicans  was  will  never  be 
accurately  known.  Santa  Anna,  to  magnify  the  glory 
of  his  dearly  bought  victory,  reports  it  as  70  killed 
and  about  300  wounded;27  General  Andrade's  official 
returns  give  60  killed  and  251  wounded.28  But  these 
figures  are  utterly  unreliable.  Much  more  trustworthy 
are  those  supplied  by  Ramon  Martinez  Caro,  who  was 
Santa  Anna's  secretary.  He  states  that  over  300 
Mexicans  lay  dead  on  the  ground,  and  that  probably 
100  of  the  wounded  died.29  Alcalde  Ruiz,  who  super 
intended  the  burial  of  the  dead,  asserts  that  there 
was  not  room  sufficient  for  them  in  the  grave-yard, 
and  that  he  ordered  some  of  them  to  be  thrown  into 
the  river,  which  was  done.  "  Santa  Anna's  loss,"  he 
says, ' '  was  estimated  at  1 ,600  men. "  Anselmo  Bogarra, 
who  left  San  Antonio  on  the  evening  after  the  occur- 
to  the  president  of  the  convention.  Gould,  Alamo  City  Guide,  18.  Gould 
states  that  Travis  proposed  on  March  4th  to  surrender  on  condition  that  the 
lives  of  himself  and  comrades  should  be  saved,  and  that  Santa  Anna  replied : 
4  You  must  surrender  at  discretion  without  any  guarantee,  even  of  life, 
which  traitors  do  not  deserve.'  p.  19.  This  is  in  accordance  with  Filisola's 
statement,  who,  however,  only  mentions  it  as  a  report.  '  Se  dijo  que  Travis 
Barnet.  .  .por  medio  de  uiia  muger  hizo  propuestas  al  general  en  gefe,  que  ren- 
diria  las  armas  yel  fuerte,'  etc.  Mem.  T?j.,  1849,  i.  9. 

27  He  shows  such  contempt  for  the  truth  as  to  assert  that  more  than  600 
Texans  were  slain,  and  that  the  attacking  force  was  only  1,400  in  number. 
Copy  of  his  official  report  in  /(/.,  i.  15-17.     His  equal  in  lying  is  Maillard, 
who  asserts  that  the  garrison  numbered  450  men.  Hint.  Rep.  Tex.,  101-3. 

28  Filisola,  ut  sup.,  12. 

29  Verdad  Idea,    10.     Speaking   of   Santa  Anna's   report   that   over   600 
Texans  fell,  he  says:   'I  must  state  that  I  myself  drew  it  up,  putting  down 
the  number  ordered  by  his  Excellency, '  adding,  '  pero  ahora  se  habla  la  verdad, 
y  en  consequencia  no  fueron  mas  que  los  citados  ciento  ochenta  y  tres.' 
p.   11.     Doctor  Barnard,  who  afterward  tended  on  some  of   the  wounded, 
about  100,  mentions  that  he  saw  in  the  streets  200  or  300  more  who  were 
crippled,  and  that  citizens  informed  him  that  300  or  400  had  died  of  their 
wounds.  Linns  Rem.,  177.     The  Mexican  surgeons  informed  him  that  400 
men  had  been  brought  into  the  hospitals  on  the  morning  of  the  assault. 


INDEPENDENCE  URGED.  215 

rence,  reported  to  General  Houston  "that  521  Mexicans 
were  killed  and  as  many  wounded.  Potter  considers 
that  this  number  probably  represented  the  total  cas 
ualties.  General  Bradburn  was  of  opinion  that  300 
men  were  lost  in  this  action  to  the  service,  including 
those  who  died  of  their  wounds  and  the  permanently 
disabled.  Whatever  the  loss  was,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  it  far  exceeded  in  number  the  defenders. 
While  these  events  were  occurring,  the  convention 
had  assembled  and  the  independence  of  Texas  was 
declared. 

Separation  from  Mexico  had  gradually  taken  a  firm 
hold  on  the  minds  of  all  The  question  had  even 
been  put  to  the  vote  at  the  consultation,  and  though 
lost  by  a  large  majority,30  the  necessity  of  the  step 
became  daily  more  apparent.  A  decided  move  in  the 
direction  of  independence  had  been  made  as  early  as 
December  20,  1835,  by  the  troops  and  citizens  at 
Goliad,  headed  by  Captain  Dimit,  who  on  that  date 
attached  their  signatures  to  a  formal  declaration  of 
independence,  drawn  up  in  a  spirited  proclamation.31 
As  such  declaration  could  only  be  made  by  a  popular 
representation  of  the  people,  the  action  was  premature 
and  unwarranted,  but  it  aroused  general  attention. 
Moreover,  Austin  writing  from  New  Orleans  in  Jan 
uary  1836,  urged  that  the  independence  of  Texas 
should  be  proclaimed,32  and  other  leaders  were  equally 
decided  on  the  matter.33 

30  Ayes,  fifteen;  noes,  thirty -three.  Journals  of  the  Consult.,  18-19. 

31  The  number  of  signers  is  91.     On  the  22d  a  committee  was  appointed  to 
attend  to  the  printing  and  circulation  of  the  proclamation.     Full  text  will  be 
found  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  76-9.     It  was  taken  from  the  State  Gaz.,  1852, 
which  copied  it  from  the  Texas  Republican,  published  at  Brazoria,  Jan.  13, 
1836,  and  said  to  have  been  the  only  copy  in  existence. 

32 In  a  letter  to  Gen.  Houston,  dated  Jan.  7th,  he  says:  'Were  I  in  the 
convention  I  would  urge  an  immediate  declaration  of  independence; '  and 
again,  in  one  of  Jan.  17th  to  D.  C.  Barret,  chairman  of  the  council,  he 
writes:  'The  whole  nation  of  all  parties  is  against  us;  they  have  left  us  but 
one  remedy — independence.  It  is  now  necessary  as  a  measure  of  self- 
defense.'  Foote,  ii.  195-7. 

33  Houston  said  that  he  felt  confident  that  but  one  course  was  left  for 
Texas  to  pursue,  and  that  was  an  unequivocal  declaration  of  independence. 
Letter  to  John  Forbes,  Jan.  7,  1836;  Yoalcum,  ii.  55. 


216  THE  ALAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

Thus  the  delegates  to  the  convention  when  they 
assembled,  March  1st,  were  unanimous  in  their  opin 
ion  ;  nor  did  they  lose  time.  The  convention  having 
organized,  Richard  Ellis  being  chosen  president,  and 
H.  S.  Kimball  secretary,  on  the  2d  it  solemnly  de 
clared  political  connection  with  the  Mexican  nation 
forever  ended,  and  that  the  people  of  Texas  consti 
tuted  a  free,  sovereign,  and  independent  republic, 
fully  vested  with  all  the  rights  and  attributes  prop 
erly  belonging  to  independent  nations.  This  dec 
laration  of  independence  was  signed  by  fifty-eight 
delegates,  three  only  of  whom — namely,  Antonio 
Navarro,  Lorenzo  de  Zavala,  and  Francisco  Ruiz — 
were  Mexicans.34  The  statement  of  grievances  was 
based  upon  the  changes  made  in  the  government  by 
Santa  Anna,  and  the  establishment  of  a  combined 
despotism  of  the  sword  and  priesthood,  in  the  place  of 
the  constitution  under  which  the  immigrants  had  set 
tled  in  Texas.  Particular  instances  of  tyranny  and 
of  failure  to  provide  for  the  welfare  of  Texas  are 
enumerated.  The  rejection  of  the  petition  for  a  sepa 
rate  state  government;  the  imprisonment  of  Austin; 
the  failure  to  establish  trial  by  jury  and  a  public  sys 
tem  of  education  ;  arbitrary  acts  of  oppression  on  the 
part  of  military  commandants ;  the  dissolution  by 
force  of  arms  of  the  state  congress  of  Coahuila  and 
Texas,  thereby  depriving  the  people  of  the  right  of 

34  The  following  were  the  signers,  Stephen  W.  Blount;  R.  Ellis;  C.  B. 
Stewart;  James  Collinsworth;  Edwin  Waller;  A.  Brigham;  John  S.  I).  By- 
rom;  Francisco  Ruis;  J.  Antonio  Navarro;  William  D.  Lacy;  William  Meiiifee; 
John  Fisher;  Matthew  Cald well;  William  Motley;  Lorenzo  D.  Zavala;  George 
W.  Smyth;  Stephen  H.  Everett;  Elijah  Stepp;  Claiborne  West;  William  B. 
Leates;  M.  B.  Menarcl;  A.  B.  Hardin;  John  W.  Bunton;  Thomas  J.  Gazley; 
R.  M.  Coleman;  Sterling  C.  Robertson;  George  C.  Childress  (Childers);  Bailey 
Hardiman;  Robert  Potter;  Charles  Taylor;  John  S.  Roberts;  Robert  Hamil 
ton;  Collin  McKinney;  A.  H.  Latimore;  James  Power;  Sam  Houston;  Ed 
ward  Conrad;  Martin  Palmer;  James  Gaines;  William  Clar'k,  Jr;  Sydney 
O.  Pennington;  Samuel  P.  Carson;  Thomas  J.  Rusk;  William  C.  Crawford; 
John  Turner;  Benjamin  Briggs  Goodrich;  James  G.  Swisher;  George  W. 
Barnet;  Jesse  Grimes;  E.  0.  Legrand;  David  Thomas;  S.  Roads  Fisher; 
John  W.  Bower;  J.  B.  Woods;  Andrew  Briscoe;  Thomas  Barnett;  Jesse  B. 
Badgett;  H.  S.  Kimble,  secretary.  Tex.  Law  Rep.,  1838,  i.  6-7.  In  Niks 
Reg.,  Ixiii.  195,  the  list  of  names  is  supplied  with  the  place  of  nativity  of  each 
individual;  but  Samuel  A.  Maverick  and  J.  W.  Moore  appear  in  the  places  of 
Thomas  Barnett  and  Samuel  P.  Carson. 


ARMY   ORGANIZATION.  217 

representation  ;  piratical  attacks  on  Texan  commerce  ; 
the  denial  of  religious  tolerance  ;  invasion  of  the  coun 
try  for  the  purpose  of  driving  the  colonists  from  their 
homes ;  and  inciting  savages  to  massacre  inhabitants 
on  the  frontiers,  were  set  forth  as  the  prominent 
causes  of  separation.35 

The  invasion  of  Texas  by  Santa  Anna  necessitated 
immediate  attention  to  the  formation  of  an  army.  On 
the  4th  Houston  was  unanimously  reappointed  com- 
mander-in-chief,  with  authority  over  all  regulars, 
volunteers,  and  militia  in  the  field,  the  point  of  his 
headquarters  being  left  to  his  own  discretion.  All 
able-bodied  males  between  seventeen  and  fifty  years 
of  age  were  made  subject  to  military  service,  and  an 
official  was  appointed  for  each  municipality  to  form  a 
list  of  all  such  within  its  district.  Names  were  to  be 
drawn  by  lot  till  the  number  called  for  .  at  any  time 
was  filled,  and  the  men  so  drafted  were  to  serve  for  a 
term  not  exceeding  six  months.  In  order  to  retain 
and  attract  foreign  volunteers,  lands  to  an  increased 
extent  were  promised.  To  those  already  in  service, 
and  who  should  so  continue  till  the  end  of  the  war, 
1 ,280  acres  were  granted;  640  acres  for  six  months' 
service,  and  320  acres  for  three  months'  service.  All 
those  who  should  thereafter  volunteer  and  serve  dur 
ing  the  war  would  receive  960  acres.36  Moreover,  an 
appeal  for  sympathy  and  aid  was  sent  to  the  people 
of  the  United  States. 

Executive  ordinances  were  adopted  March  16th, 
preliminary  to  the  establishment  of  the  constitution 
which  the  convention  had  been  diligently  occupied  in 
draughting.  These  provided  for  the  organization  of  a 
provisional  government,  with  plenary  powers  in  all 
matters  save  legislative  and  judicial  acts.  This  gov- 

35  Copies  of  the  declaration  will  be  found  in  Id.,  1.  99-100;  Holley's  Tex., 
236-41;  Sen.  Doc.,  24th  cong.,  1st  ses.,  vi.,  no.  415,  pp.  3-18;  Tex.,  Address  of 
W.  H.  Wharton,  49-53;  Tex.,  Laws  Rep.,  1838,  i.  3-7.  The  Mexican  gov 
ernment  in  a  manifesto  to  the  Mexicans,  July  following,  calling  upon  them  to 
unite  in  subjugating  Texas,  denied  her  right  to  separate,  and  charged  her 
people  with  black  ingratitude.  Mex.  Manif.  del  Cony.,  1836,  sin.  4to,  pp.  20. 

™  Ordinances  of  the  Cony.,  March  12  and  17,  1836! 


218  THE  ALAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

eminent  was  to  consist  of  a  president,  vice-president, 
a  secretary  of  state,  and  one  for  each  of  the  depart 
ments  of  war,  the  navy,  and  the  treasury,  and  an 
attorney-general,  all  of  whom  were  to  be  elected  by 
the  convention.  It  was  authorized  to  negotiate  a 
loan  not  exceeding  $1,000,000,  and  appropriate  the 
funds  of  Texas  to  the  defence  of  the  country;  also 
to  issue  writs  of  election  for  members  of  congress, 
to  enter  into  negotiations  and  treaties  with  foreign 
powers,  and  to  appoint  commissioners  to  the  same.37 
Forthwith  David  G.  Burnett  was  elected  president; 
Lorenzo  de  Zavala,  vice-president ;  Samuel  P.  Carson, 
secretary  of  state;  Thomas  J.  Rusk,  Robert  Potter, 
and  Bailey  Hardiman,  secretaries  of  war,  the  navy, 
and  the  treasury,  respectively ;  and  David  Thomas, 
attorney-general.  Having  taken  the  oath  of  office, 
the  members  of  the  government  at  once  entered  upon 
their  respective  duties.  On  the  17th  the  constitution 
was  adopted  and  signed  by  the  delegates.  The  con 
vention  then  adjourned  sine  die.  I  append  below  a 
synopsis  of  the  constitution,38  in  which  the  reader  will 

37  Exec.  Ord.,  in  Kennedy,  ii.  502-4. 

38  Copies  of  the  constitution  will  be  found  in  Id.,  ii.  505-22;  Tex.,  Laws 
Rep.,  i.  9-25;  Tex.,  Repealed  and  Obsolete  Laivs,  5-14.     It  divided  the  powers 
of  the  government  into  the  usual  three  departments  of  the  legislative,  execu 
tive,  and  judicial,  the  first  being  vested  in  a  congress  composed  of  a  senate 
and  house  of  representatives.     The  powers  of  the  executive  and  congress  were 
defined  and  rules  laid  down  for  their  government.     The  judicial  power  was 
vested  in  one  supreme  court,  and  inferior  courts  established  by  congress  from 
time  to  time;  the  republic  wtks  to  be  divided  into  convenient  counties;  and 
congress  was  to  introduce  by  statute  the  common  law  of  England,  with  such 
modifications  as  circumstances  might  require.     In  criminal  cases  the  common 
law  was  to  be  the  rule  of  decision.   JSlaves  for  life  were  to  remain  in  like  state 
of  servitude.     Congress  could  have  no  power  tcr  emancipate  slaves,  nor  cuutd 
any  slave-holder  manumit  his  slaves  without  the  consent  of  congress.    JNc>_ 
free  African  could  reside  permanently  in  the  republic  without  similar  consent; 
the  importation  of  Africans  or  negroes  into  the  republic,  excepting  from'ttte 
U.  S.,  was  prohibited,  and  declared  to  be  piracy.     Head  rights  were  defined, 
to  each  head  of  a  family  who  had  not  received  his  portion  of  land  one  league 
and  a  labor  being  assigned,  and  to  every  single  man  of  17  years  and  upwards, 
one  third  of  a  league;  additional  grants  were  to  be  made  in  favor  of  colonists, 
married  and  single,  already  settled,  so  as  to  raise  the  quantity  of  land  received 
by  them  to  the  above  standards  respectively.     The  land  system  was  to  be 
suspended  till  those  serving  in  the  army  had  a  fair  and  equal  chance  with 
those  remaining  at  home  to  select  and  locate  their  lands,  and  a  general  land- 
office  was  to  be  established.     The  constitution  was  made  subject  to  amend 
ments  proposed  by  congress,  which  were  to  be  submitted  to  the  people  for 
approval.     The  document  concludes  with  a  declaration  of  political  and  civil 


EFFECT  OF   HOUSTON'S   SPEECH.  219 

not  fail  to  notice  the  stringent  regulations  laid  down 
for  the  firm  establishment  of  slavery  in  Texas — meas 
ures  strikingly  in  contrast  with  the  more  enlightened 
legislation  of  the  Mexican  government  on  the  same 
question. 

Houston's  speech  at  Refugio,  mentioned  in  the  last 
chapter,  produced  such  an  impression  upon  the  vol 
unteers  that  most  of  them  abandoned  Grant  and 
Johnson,  whose  force  was  thereby  reduced  to  little 
over  sixty  men.39  Indeed,  to  persevere  in  a  descent 
on  Matamoros  would  have  been  madness,  as  it  was 
presently  known  that  considerable  forces  of  the 
enemy  were  concentrated  at  that  place.  It  was  now 
a  question  of  self-defence,  and  Colonel  Fannin,  who 
arrived  at  Goliad  soon  after  Houston's  departure, 
actively  engaged  himself  in  preparing  to  resist  the 
expected  invasion.  He  at  once  proceeded  to  organize 
the  troops,  who  were  almost  to  a  man  volunteers 
from 'the  United  States,40  and  on  February  7th  an 
election  was  held  for  the  appointment  of  colonel  and 
lieutenant-colonel,  Fannin  and  Major  Ward  of  the 
Georgia  volunteers,  respectively,  being  almost  unan 
imously  elected.  The  erection  of  a  fortress  called 
Defiance  at  Goliad  was  commenced,  and  was  expected 
to  be  completed  by  March  3d.  Writing  on  the  1st  of 
that  month,  Fannin  says:  "I  have  420  men  and  as 
many  spare  muskets,  but  no  men  to  back  them." 

rights.  Religious  tolerance,  freedom  of  speech  and  the  press,  and  personal 
rights  were  guaranteed.  In  criminal  prosecutions  the  accused  was  to  have 
the  right  to  be  heard.  No  titles  of  nobility  or  hereditary  privileges  could 
ever  be  granted.  The  right  of  trial  by  jury  was  to  remain  inviolate,  and  the 
privilege  of  habeas  corpus  was  not  to  be  suspended  except  in  cases  of  rebellion 
or  invasion.  No  person  could  be  imprisoned  for  debt  in  consequence  of  in 
ability  to  pay;  treason  was  defined;  and  perpetuities  and  monopolies  were  not 
to  be  allowed. 

39 R.  R.  Brown's  Account,  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  134.  Brown  accompanied 
Grant  to  the  time  of  his  death,  and  I  consider  his  statements  reliable.  F.  W. 
Johnson,  in  Baker's  Tex.,  81. 

40  Fannin  bitterly  complains  in  his  letters  to  the  government  of  the  disin 
clination  of  the  citizens  of  Texas  to  muster  in  the  ranks,  and  the  destitute 
condition  of  the  U.  S.  volunteers,  many  of  whom  were  naked  and  barefoot. 
Writing  on  Feb.  14th,  he  says  that  he  could  find  but  some  half-dozen  citizens 
of  Texas  in  the  ranks.  Foote,  ii.  202,  207. 


220  THE  ALAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

Meanwhile  disaster  fell  upon  Grant  and  Johnson. 
These  leaders  proceeded  to  San  Patricio  with  a  force 
of  less  than  100  men,  where  they  received  informa- 
ation  from  Fannin,  then  at  Matagorda  Bay  preparing 
for  the  expedition  against  Matamoros.  This  was  in 
January,  and  the  undertaking  had  not  yet  been 
abandoned.  At  Yelasco  was  a  large  number  of  vol 
unteers,  and  Fannin  was  attending  to  their  trans 
portation  to  Refugio.  Being  instructed  by  him  to 
collect  as  many  horses  as  possible,  Johnson  and 
Grant  divided  their  command  into  two  parties,  one  of 
which,  under  the  latter,  proceeded  toward  the  Rio 
Grande  in  quest  of  horses,  while  Johnson  remained  at 
San  Patricio  with  the  other.  When  about  sixty 
miles  from  San  Patricio,  Grant's  party  captured  Cap 
tain  Rodriguez  and  sixty-six  Mexican  soldiers,  who 
were  in  charge  of  300  or  400  horses  collected  for  the 
forces  at  Matamoros.  The  prisoners  were  released 
from  confinement  under  parole  ;  they  decamped,  how 
ever,  on  the  first  opportunity.  The  horses  were 
taken  to  San  Patricio.  Grant,  with  Johnson  in  com 
pany,  started  on  another  scouting  expedition  almost 
immediately;  when  near  Sal  Colorado  the  command 
divided,  Johnson  returning,  while  Grant  pushed  his 
way  to  the  Rio  Grande  in  pursuit  of  a  large  band  of 
horses  driven  by  fifty  Mexicans.  Having  taken  a 
considerable  number  of  the  animals  at  the  river, 
Grant  returned  on  his  way  back  to  San  Patricio,  and 
arrived  at  the  Agua  Dulce,  within  twenty  miles  of 
the  place,  unmolested.  Making  an  early  start  on  the 
morning  of  March  2d,  the  party  had  not  proceeded 
far  before  it  was  suddenly  surrounded  by  several 
hundred  Mexican  dragoons,  commanded  by  Urrea  in 
person,  that  issued  from  two  belts  of  timber  between 
which  Grant  was  passing.  Nearly  all  his  men  were 
shot  down  or  lanced,  Grant  and  Reuben  R.  Brown  in 
a  few  minutes  considering  themselves  the  only  sur 
vivors.  The  firing  stampeded  the  captured  horses, 
which  broke  the  line  of  the  dragoons,  and  Grant 


A  RACE  FOR  LIFE.  221 

and  Brown  following  in  their  wake,  endeavored  to 
escape.  The  race  for  life  was  continued  for  six  or 
seven  miles,  till  at  last,  overtaken  and  surrounded, 
the  pursued  men  dismounted,  determined  to  sell  their 
lives  as  dearly  as  possible.  Grant  fell  pierced  by 
several  lances,  after  having  shot  dead  a  Mexican  who 
had  lanced  Brown  in  the  arm.  A  moment  after, 
the  latter  was  lassoed  and  dragged  to  the  ground. 
Brown  was  conveyed  to  San  Patrick),  then  in  pos 
session  of  the  Mexicans,  where  his  life  was  saved  by 
the  interposition  of  a  priest  and  a  Mexican  woman. 
Thence  he  was  sent  to  Matamoros,  where  again  he 
was  spared  through  similar  intercession.  On  both 
occasions  he  had  been  led  forth  for  execution.  He 
eventually  succeeded  in  escaping,  through  the  assist 
ance  of  outside  friends,  in  the  latter  part  of  December 
of  the  same  year,  and  arrived  at  Guadalupe  Victoria 
about  the  1st  of  January,  1837.41 

As  already  stated,  San  Patricio  had  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy  before  the  destruction  of  Grant 
and  his  party.  Urrea  had  arrived  at  Matamoros  on 
January  31st.  There  he  remained  till  February  18th, 
when,  having  already  passed  his  forces  over  the  river, 
he  proceeded  on  his  march  to  meet  the  Texans,  of 
whose  intentions  against  Matamoros  he  was  well  in 
formed.  His  command  consisted  of  the  infantry 
battalion  of  Yucatan,  in  number  350  men,  about  the 
same  number  of  dragoons  drawn  from  Cuantla,  Tam- 
pico,  Durango,  and  Guanajuato,  and  several  companies 
of  permanent  militia;  in  all  between  900  and  1,000 

41  This  account  of  Grant's  raid  and  death  is  taken  from  Brown's  narrative 
in  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  134-7,  and  that  of  F.  W.  Johnson  in  Balers  Tex.,  80-2. 
Brown's  statement  regarding  Grant's  death  is  corroborated  by  Urrea,  who 
says  that  Grant  and  41  riflemen  remained  dead  on  the  field.  Diario,  Camp,  de 
Tej.,  10.  The  absurd  story  told  by  Yoakum,  that  Grant  was  wounded,  and 
taken  prisoner  to  San  Patricio,  where,  after  ministering  to  the  wounded  of 
the  enemy  for  three  weeks,  he  was  tied  Mazeppa-like  to  the  back  of  a  wild 
mustang  and  mangled  to  death,  is  an  instance  of  the  most  confiding  credulity 
on  the  part  of  that  author.  Hist.  Tex.,  ii.  84-5.  Brown  mentions  the  escape 
also  of  Placido  Benavides,  a  Mexican,  and  Johnson  that  of  Plaude  and  Wil 
liam  Innlock.  Their  accounts  are  the  most  reliable  ones  of  this  event,  and 
bear  every  mark  of  truthfulness. 


222  THE  ALAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

men,4'2  about  200  of  whom  were  left  at  Matamoros  to 
follow  later.  Though  ill  supplied  with  provisions,  he 
pushed  forward  toward  San  Patricio,  the  weather 
being  very  severe,  and  causing  much  suffering.43  At 
three  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  27th,  he  arrived 
at  San  Patricio,  and  half  an  hour  afterward,  in  the 
midst  of  a  storm  of  rain,  assaulted  the  barracks,  which, 
after  an  obstinate  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  gar 
rison,  commanded  by  Pierce,  was  carried,  and  the 
defenders  to  the  number  of  forty  put  to  death  or  shot, 
afterward.  Johnson  with  three  companions,  Daniel  J. 
Toler,  John  H.  Love,  and  James  M.  Miller,  escaped. 
The  house  which  they  occupied  was  surrounded,  and 
they  were  ordered  to  make  a  light.  A  few  minutes 
afterward  firing  opened  in  front,  and  the  Mexicans  in 
the  rear  of  the  house  moved  away;  whereupon  John 
son  and  the  others  escaped  by  the  back  door  and  made 
their  way  to  Refugio.  A  Frenchman,  who  had  se 
creted  himself,  was  granted  his  life.44 

After  the  destruction  of  Grant's  command,  Urrea 
returned  to  San  Patricio,  and  on  March  7th  he  was 
joined  by  the  troops  that  had  been  left  at  Matamoros. 
On  the  13th  he  marched  against  Goliad,  and  on  the 
following  day,  having  learned  that  the  mission  of 
Refugio  was  occupied  by  a  strong  detachment  of  Fan- 
nin's  force,  turned  aside  to  attack  the  place.  Refugio 
was  distant  from  Goliad  between  twenty  and  thirty 
miles,  and  a  few  days  previously  Fannin  had  sent 
Captain  King  and  his  company45  thither  to  bring  off 

42  These  figures  are  supplied  by  Potter,  who  was  in  Matamoros  at  the  time 
and  counted  the  troops.  Tc.r.  Aim.,  1868,  31-2.  Filisola,  ii.  402,  says  600 
men.  Urrea  states  that  his  force  was  320  infantry  and  230  dragoons.  Diarto, 
(\tnip.  cff  T<j.,  7. 

4J  On  the  night  of  the  25th  an  icy  wind  blew,  but  Urrea  kept  his  troops  on 
the  inarch,  and  six  of  the  Yucatan  soldiers  died  from  the  cold?  Id.,  8. 

**  Johnsons  Account,  id  sup.  Urrea  states  that  16  of  the  defenders  were 
killed  and  24  made  prisoners.  His  own  loss  was  one  dragoon  killed,  and  four 
wounded!  Diano,  Camp.  <lc  TV/.,  9. 

45  Fannin's  force  at  this  time  was  about  500  men,  consisting  of  volunteers 
from  Georgia,  Alabama,  Tennessee,  Kentucky,  Mobile,  and  New  Orleans. 
It  was  divided  into  two  battalions,  the  Georgia  and  the  La  Fayette.  The  first 
consisted  of  Ward's  and  Wadsworth's  company,  and  Capt.  Ticknor's  company 


ASSAULTS   ON   THE  MISSION.  223 

some  families  there  who  were  in  much  alarm  at  the 
appearance  of  Mexican  troops  in  the  vicinity.  King's 
force  numbered  in  all  only  twenty-eight  men,  and  at 
the  mission  he  was  confronted  by  a  strong  body  of 
the  enemy.  Whereupon  he  sought  protection  in  the 
church,  a '  strong  stone  building,  and  sent  an  express 
to  Goliad  for  a  reenforcement.  Ward  was  accordingly 
sent  with  120  men  to  his  assistance,  and  reached  the 
mission  on  the  day  before  Urrea's  assault  upon  it. 
It  appears  that  King  and  Ward  had  a  dispute  as  to 
who  should  command,  the  former  claiming  the  priority 
on  the  ground  of  his  having  been  sent  first,  and  that 
Ward  had  been  despatched  to  him  as  a  reenforcement. 
The  result  was,  that  King,  with  his  company  and 
eighteen  of  Ward's  men,  withdrew  early  on  the  14th,46 
and  took  up  a  position  in  a  wood,  where  he  was  cut  off, 
attacked,  and  himself  and  nearly  all  his  men  killed,  or 
captured  and  shot  during  that  and  the  following  day.47 
Meantime  three  fierce  assaults  were  made  upon  the 
mission,  but  were  repulsed  with  great  slaughter,  the 
besieged  reserving  their  fire  until  the  enemy  ap 
proached  within  close  range.48  These  repeated  attacks, 

of  Montgomery,  Alabama,  about  250  strong.  The  second  battalion  consisted 
of  the  New  Orleans  Grays,  Capt.  Pettis;  the  Mustangs  of  Kentucky,  Capt. 
Duval;  Mobile  Grays,  Capt.  McManeman;  Louisville  and  Huntsville,  Tennes 
see,  volunteers,  Capt.  Bradford;  Capt.  King's  company;  and  the  Red  Rovers 
from  Alabama,  Capt.  Shackleford.  There  was  also  a  part  of  Capt.  Morton's 
company,  and  a  regular  company  of  artillery,  Capt.  Westover.  Shackleford 's 
Account,  in  Foote,  ii.  228,  235,  244;  S.  T.  Broivns  Account,  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1860, 
84;  Telegraph  and  Texas  Register,  1836,  in  Id.,  88-91. 

46 This  is  Brown's  statement.  Id.,  85.  See  also  Baker's  Tex.,  144;  Linn's 
fiem.,  199.  Another  version — also  by  a  participator  in  the  events — is  that 
King  was  sent  forward  to  reconnoitre,  preparatory  to  commencing  the  return 
march.  Foote,  ii.  249. 

47  All  but  two,  who  made  their  escape,  were  shot.  Hardaway's  Statement,  in 
Id.,  256.     According  to  Kennedy,  ii.  201-2,  the  captives  were  shot  by  order  of 
Urrea;  Thorn  saw  their  mangled  remains.     Col  Francisco  Garay  states  that 
in  the  attack  live  men  were  killed  and  two  taken  prisoners,  and  that  on  the 
following  day  36  more  of  the  band  were  captured,  their  ammunition  having 
been  exhausted.  Fiiisoia,  ii.  412-13.     This  author  states  that  Urrea  caused 
about  30  prisoners  to  be  shot,  and  defends  his  action.  Id.,  ii.  418-19.     An 
other  statement— by  E.  N.  Hill,  an  eye-witness—is  to  the  eftect  that  King's 
company  with  a  few  of  Ward's  men  remained  at  the  mission  and  surrendered 
on  the  morning  after  Ward's  departure.     They  were  all  shot  with  the  excep 
tion  of  one  man,  on  the  road  to  Bejar,  about  a  mile  from  the  mission.    Tex. 
Aim.,  1860,  72. 

48  The  loss  on  the  part  of  the  Mexicans  was  severe,  but  is  greatly  exag 
gerated  by  Texan  accounts.     Brown  says  that  between  400  and  500  of  their 


224  THE  ALAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

however,  almost  exhausted  the  ammunition  of  the 
Americans,  arid  Ward,  having  received  a  despatch 
from  Fannin  ordering  him  immediately  on  its  receipt 
to  return  to  Goliad  at  all  risks,49  effected  his  escape 
through  the  enemy's  lines  during  the  night,  and  di 
rected  his  course  to  Victoria.  In  his  retreat  Ward 
marched  through  woods  and  swamps  where  cavalry 
could  not  pursue  him.  On  the  19th  the  Americans 
crossed  the  San  Antonio  and  proceeded  toward  Vic 
toria,  where  they  expected  to  find  Fannin.  The  town, 
however,  was  already  in  possession  of  the  enemy,  and 
on  their  approach  they  were  attacked  by  a  force  of  500 
or  600  cavalrymen.  Firing  their  last  three  rounds  of 
ammunition,  they  retreated  into  the  Guadalupe  swamp, 
where  they  passed  the  night.  On  the  next  day, 
March  22d,  not  having  a  shot  left,  they  surrendered 
as  prisoners  of  war,50  against  the  advice  of  Ward,  who 
even  in  these  desperate  circumstances  would  have 
preferred  to  take  the  chance  of  escape  to  trusting  to 
the  faith  of  a  perfidious  foe.  But  the  vote  of  the 
companies  decided  the  question  by  a  large  majority, 
and  the  prisoners  were  marched  to  Goliad,  there  to 
increase  the  number  of  victims  soon  to  be  sacrificed 
by  order  of  the  inhuman  Santa  Anna.  Fannin  and 
his  command  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy ! 

Houston,  on  March  2d,  had  issued  a  proclamation 
announcing  the  declaration  of  independence,  and  call 
ing  on  the  citizens  of  Texas  to  rally,  as  war  was  raging 


dead  were  left  upon  the  field.  Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  85.  Another  eye-witness 
states  that  '  the  acknowledged  Mexican  loss  was  400  killed  and  wounded;'  and 
a  third,  that  it  was  believed  to  be  not  less  than  200.  Foote,  ii.  252,  256.  Au 
thorities  on  the  other  side  go  into  the  opposite  extreme.  Urrea  gives  his  loss 
as  11  killed  and  27  wounded;  Filisola  indorses  this  statement,  remarking  that 
Garay's  assertion  that  there  were  13  killed  and  43  wounded  is  incorrect,  ii. 
412,  414.  The  Texans  had  none  killed,  but  three  men  were  severely 
wounded. 

49  This  despatch  was  intercepted  by  Garay,  but  the  courier  was  allowed  to 
proceed  with  it  in  order  that  Ward  might  leave  his  position.  Id.,  ii.  413-14; 
Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  85. 

50  Brown's  Statement,  in  Id.,  85-6.     Urrea  asserts  that  Ward  surrendered 
at  discretion.  Diario,  19-20. 


EFFECT  OF  THE  ALAMO   SLAUGHTER.  225 

on  the  frontier.51  Appointing  Gonzalez  as  the  point 
of  headquarters  of  the  army,  he  hastened  thither  and 
arrived  on  the  llth.  Including  a  company  of  Ken 
tucky  volunteers,  nearly  400  soldiers  had  assembled, 
but  they  were  without  organization,  and  inadequate  to 
oppose  the  enemy,  who  was  already  moving  into  the 
interior  of  the  country. 

News  of  the  slaughter  at  the  Alamo  reached  Gon 
zalez  on  the  day  of  Houston's  arrival,  and  orders  were 
sent  forthwith  to  Fannin,  instructing  him  to  fall  back 
to  Guadalupe  Victoria,  and  place  it  in  a  state  of  de 
fence.52  On  the  12th  Mrs  Dickenson  reached  the 
place,  and  confirmed  the  mournful  tidings,  adding 
many  terrible  details  of  the  event.  The  inhabitants 
were  panic-stricken.  There  was  hardly  a  household 
in  the  town  that  had  not  to  mourn  the  loss  of  a  father, 
a  son,  a  brother,  or  other  relative.  Not  less  than 
twenty  widowed  mothers  bemoaned  their  husbands' 
deaths.  The  families  of  the  citizens  who  had  fallen 
abandoned  themselves  to  grief  and  despair,  and  the 
inhabitants  began  to  flee.  The  panic  was  contagious, 
and  many  who  had  assembled  in  arms  returned  to  their 
homes  to  provide  for  the  safety  of  those  whom  they 
had  left  behind.53  With  no  force  capable  of  repelling 
the  enemy,  Houston  decided  to  retreat,  and  having 
thrown  his  artillery,  consisting  of  two  brass  24-pound- 
ers,  into  the  river,  began  his  march  just  before  mid 
night  of  the  12th.  On  his  departure  the  town  was 
set  on  fire  and  reduced  to  ashes.54 

Santa  Anna,  having  received  despatches  from 
Urrea,  informing  him  of  the  capture  of  San  Patricio 
and  the  destruction  of  Grant's  party,55  regarded  the 

61  Copy  in  Foote,  ii.  265-6. 

52  Copy  in  Y  oakum,  ii.  472. 

&3Capt.  Sharpe's  Statement;  Foote,  ii.  268;  Thrall,  256;  Houston's  Letter  to 
Collingworth,  Mar.  15,  1836,  in  Y oakum,  ii.  475-6. 

54  There  is  little  doubt  that  Houston  gave  verbal  orders  to  burn  the  town, 
that  it  might  not  afford  shelter  to  the  Mexicans.  His  defenders  claim  that 
he  did  not  do  so,  but  the  evidence  tends  to  a  contrary  conclusion.  Consult 
SItarpe's  Narrative,  in  Foote,  ii.  268. 

50  He  received  the  despatches  on  the  3d  and  7th  of  March,  respectively. 
Almonte's  Journal,  in  Kennedy,  ii.  184,  and  Filisola,  Represent.,  8-9. 
HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    15 


226  THE  lLAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

war  as  ended,  believing  that  no  further  opposition 
would  be  made  by  the  Texans.  He  accordingly  made 
his  dispositions  to  occupy  the  country  with  his  army. 
On  March  llth  generals  Sesma  and  Woll,  with  the 
battalions  of  Aldama,  Matamoros,  and  Toluca,  and 
fifty  cavalrymen,  in  all  725  men,  supported  by  two 
pieces  of  artillery,  were  sent  to  take  possession  of  San 
Felipe,  and  thence  proceed  by  Harrisburg  to  Andhuac. 
On  the  same  day  Colonel  Morales,  with  the  battalions 
of  San  Luis  and  Jimenez,  a  twelve  and  an  eight 
pounder,  and  a  mortar,  marched  for  Goliad.  Owing 
to  information  received  from  Sesma  and  Urrea,  rela 
tive  to  the  forces  of  the  enemy,  on  the  16th  General 
Tolsa  was  despatched,  with  two  more  battalions  and 
forty  horse,  as  a  reenforcement  to  Sesma ;  and  Colonel 
Cayetano  Montoya,  also  with  two  battalions  and  a 
twelve-pounder,  to  aid  Urrea. 

Fannin  received  Houston's  despatch  on  the  morn 
ing  of  March  14th,56  and  at  once  made  preparations 
for  his  departure.  An  express  was  sent  to  Ward, 
ordering  his  immediate  return,  as  we  have  seen;  an 
other  was  despatched  to  Colonel  A.  C.  Horton  at 
Matagorda,  instructing  him  to  join  the  main  body 
as  soon  as  possible;  and  a  third  to  Captain  Samuel 
A.  White,  calling  upon  him  to  hasten  up  carts  and 
wagons,  and  order  a  supply  of  ammunition  to  be  sent 
up  the  Colorado  for  the  army.57  All  these  letters 
were  intercepted;  nevertheless  Horton  arrived  at 
Goliad  on  the  16th  with  twenty-seven  mounted  men. 
The  guns  were  dismounted,  and  such  as  were  not 
transportable  were  buried.  And  now  occurred  a  fatal 
delay.  Fannin  waited  for  the  return  of  Ward  and 
King,  not  for  one  but  several  days.  Courier  after 
courier  was  sent  with  instructions,  but  still  no  news 

56 'On  the  morning  after  Ward  left  Goliad...  Col  Fannin  received  Gen. 
Houston's  order  to  evacuate  Goliad  and  fall  back  on  Victoria. '  Shackleford J8 
Statement,  in  Foote,  ii.  229.  Shackleford  errs,  however,  in  saying,  page  228, 
that  Ward  was  sent  to  King's  relief  on  the  night  of  the  14th.  Ward  left 
Goliad  on  the  13th. 

67  Translations  in  Spanish,  in  Urrea,  Diario,  57-8. 


FANNIN'S  FATAL  MISTAKE.  227 

was  received  of  the  detachment.  The  message  all 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  On  the  IGth  a 
fourth  messenger  was  despatched,  and  still  Fannin 
lingered,  so  great  was  his  anxiety  to  learn  the  fate  of 
Ward  and  King,  and  his  unwillingness  to  abandon 
them  in  their  dangerous  position.  His  yielding  to 
this  generous  impulse  was  a  fatal  mistake.  On  the 
17th  Horton  was  sent  to  reconnoitre  in  the  direction 
of  San  Antonio,  and  returned  to  report  that  a  large 
force  was  advancing  slowly  and  in  good  order  upon 
Goliad.  It  was  Morales  sent  by  Santa  Anna  from 
Bejar.  Not  till  the  17th  did  Fannin  obtain  any  inti 
mation  that  Ward's  detachment  had  been  hopelessly 
cut  off,58  and  on  the  18th  the  enemy  appeared  in  fora, 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  near  the  old  mission, 
Horton,  being  sent  across  with  what  mounted  men  he 
could  collect,  made  a  furious  charge,  and  drove  the 
Mexicans  into  the  timber,  where  they  were  supported 
by  a  strong  body  of  infantry.  He  then  fell  back  in 
good  order.  The  same  day  Urrea  joined  his  forces 
with  those  of  Morales,  numbering  500  men.  His 
position  was  about  a  league  to  the  north  of  Goliad,  on 
the  Arroyo  de  la  Manahuilla.59  At  last  Fannin  de 
cided  to  retreat,  and  began  so  doing  on  the  following 
morning.  Two  roads  led  from  Goliad  across  the  San 
Antonio  River,  the  lower  one  being  that  to  Victoria. 
This  was  reconnoitred  by  Horton,  and  reported  clear 
of  the  foe.  The  march  began  very  early,  a  dense  fog 
concealing  the  movement.  At  the  ford  much  time 
was  lost  in  passing  over  the  artillery,  which  consisted  of 
nine  pieces ;  nevertheless,  the  retreat  was  unobserved, 
and  the  Americans,  in  number  about  300  men,60  ad 
vanced  unmolested  to  within  about  five  miles  of  the 
Coleto  River,  the  banks  of  which  were  well  timbered. 

58  Captain  Frazer  volunteered  on  the  16th  to  ascertain  the  state  o    affairs. 
He  returned  with  the  news  late  in  the  afternoon  of  the  17th.  Doctor  Bar 
nard  s  Account,  published  in  the  Goliad  Guard,  1875,  and  transcribed  by  Linn 
in  his  Reminiscences,  148-82. 

59  Urrea,  Diario,  13.     Urrea 's  force  now  amounted  probably  to  1,200  men. 

60  Shackleford  in  Foote,  ii.  234,  says  Fannih's  force  did  not  exceed  275 
effective  men.     This  number  did  not  include  Horton's  cavalry.     Urrea  states 
that  he  took  about  400  prisoners — an  exaggeration.  Diario,  18. 


228 


THE  ^LAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 


Fannin,  though  a  brave  and  intrepid  officer,  was 
deficient  in  caution,  and  had  too  much  contempt  for 
the  Mexicans,  whom  he  could  not  believe  would  dare  to 
follow  and  attack  him.  Unfortunately,  his  low  appre 
ciation  of  the  foe  was  too  generally  shared  in  by  his 
men,  and  as  the  teams  were  weary  and  weak  for  wrant 
of  food,  he  halted  for  an  hour  to  refresh  them.  The 


AUSTIN'S  MAP. 


march  was  then  continued  four  miles  farther,  the  road 
lying  through  an  oval  prairie  skirted  by  belts  of  tim 
ber.  In  front,  not  more  than  a  mile  and  a  half  distant, 
was  the  Coleto,  the  goal  of  safety,  with  its  sheltering 
woods,  and  on  right  and  left,  four  or  five  miles  away, 
was  the  forest.  And  now,  from  a  skirt  of  timber  two 
miles  distant  toward  the  west,  the  enemy's  cavalry 
emerged,  and  rapidly  took  up  a  position  on  the  front 
and  right,  while  from  the  same  quarter  his  infantry 


A  CRITICAL  SITUATION.  229 

presently  issued,  and  deliberately  deployed  on  the 
left  and  rear.  The  Americans  were  completely  sur 
rounded. 

Urrea,  unconscious  of  the  enemy's  movements,  had 
leisurely  prepared  to  lay  siege  to  Fort  Defiance. 
When,  however,  he  discovered  that  it  had  been  evac 
uated,  he  hastened  to  repair  his  mistake,  and  went  in 
pursuit  with  his  cavalry,  and  a  portion  of  the  infantry, 
instructing  Colonel  Garay  to  occupy  the  fort,  and  then 
send  forward  the  artillery  and  the  remainder  of  the 
troops.  The  pursuit  began  at  eleven  o'clock,  and  be 
fore  two  in  the  afternoon  the  Americans  were  over 
taken  and  their  advance  intercepted. 

The  enemy  closed  around  so  quickly  that  Fannin 
had  to  abandon  the  attempt  to  reach  the  timber  in 
front,  and  make  immediate  disposition  for  battle.  He 
formed  his  men  into  a  hollow  rectangle,  the  artillery 
being  advantageously  placed.  Unfortunately,  in  try 
ing  to  reach  a  commanding  eminence,  the  ammunition 
wagon  broke  down,  and  they  were  compelled  to  take 
up  a  position  in  a  depression  in  the  prairie  six  or  seven 
feet  below  the  surrounding  plain.  The  companies 
which  composed  Fannin's  force  at  this  crisis  were  the 
Red  Rovers,  the  New  Orleans  Grays,  the  Mustangs  of 
Kentucky,  the  Mobile  Grays,  and  the  regular  artillery. 
Horton  had  been  sent  forward  with  his  cavalry  to 
examine  the  Coleto  crossing,  and  was  unable  to  rejoin 
the  main  body  when  the  engagement  began.61 

Some  time  was  occupied  in  preparing  for  the  battle. 
Though  Urrea  had  no  artillery,  he  decided  not  to  wait 
for  it,  but  attack  at  once.  The  Jimenez  battalion, 
and  some  companies  under  Colonel  Salas,  were  sent  in 
front.  Morales  was  placed  on  the  left  flank  of  the 
Americans,  and  the  grenadiers  and  San  Luis  compa 
nies  on  the  right.  A  strong  body  of  cavalry  was 

61  Some  censure  was  cast  upon  Horton  for 'not  making  an  attempt  to  cut 
through  the  enemy.  But  his  men  failed  him,  and  most  of  them  rode  off  to 
Victoria,  leaving  him  no  choice  but  to  follow.  Shackleford  does  him  justice, 
and  says  that  with  his  whole  force  he  could  never  have  cut  his  way  through 
such  an  immense  number  of  Mexican  cavalry.  Foote,  ii.  236. 


230  THE  ALAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

stationed  in  the  rear.  The  Red  Rovers  and  New  Or 
leans  Grays  formed  the  front  line  of  the  Americans; 
Duval's  Mustangs  occupied  the  rear;  and  the  other 
companies  were  stationed  on  the  sides. 

The  attack  was  begun  about  three  o'clock  in  the  after 
noon  by  a  simultaneous  assault  on  the  two  sides  of  the 
square,  which  was  somewhat  protected  by  a  barricade 
formed  of  the  baggage  and  wagons.  When  the  ad 
vancing  foe  had  come  within  easy  range,  the  Americans 
being  ordered  to  withhold  their  fire,  the  volunteers 
opened  upon  them  with  rifle  and  artillery,  causing 
great  havoc  in  their  ranks.  Nevertheless  the  Mexi 
cans  pressed  on  with  persistency,  and  attempted  to 
charge  with  the  bayonet.  But  the  Americans  had  an 
abundant  supply  of  weapons,  and  each  man  was  pro 
vided  with  two  or  three  rifles  or  muskets.  Before 
their  withering  volleys  the  charge  was  stopped,  and 
the  baffled  troops  were  ordered  to  lie  down  within 
range  and  only  rise  above  the  grass  to  fire.  Urrea 
now  attempted  a  charge  on  the  rear  with  his  cavalry, 
which  he  led  in  person.  But  men  and  horse  were 
swept  down  by  canister  and  rifle-bullet;  the  troop 
was  thrown  into  confusion,  halted,  and  retreated  in 
disorder.  The  artillery  was  now  directed  against  the 
infantry,  which  was  compelled  to  retire  beyond  range. 
After  this  the  cannons  were  of  little  service,  having 
become  too  hot  to  load,  there  being  no  water  with 
which  to  sponge  them  out. 

As  soon  as  Urrea  could  restore  order  in  his  ranks, 
he  made  a  third  assault.  On  this  occasion  he  sought 
to  overwhelm  the  devoted  band  by  assailing  it  on  all 
sides  at  once.  His  officers  succeeded  in  urging  on 
their  dispirited  troops  to  within  fifty  or  sixty  yards  of 
the  Texan  lines,  and  again  the  bayonet  charge  and 
cavalry  onset  were  attempted,  only  to  be  repulsed  as 
before.  An  eye-witness  thus  describes  the  discom 
fiture  :  "  The  scene  was  now  dreadful  to  behold ;  killed 
and  maimed  men  and  horses  were  strewn  over  the 
plain,  the  wounded  were  rending  the  air  with  their 


DESPERATE  FIGHTING.  231 

distressing  moans ;  while  a  great  number  of  horses 
without  riders  were  rushing  to  and  fro  back  upon  the 
enemy's  lines,  increasing  the  confusion  among  them; 
their  retreat  resembled  the  headlong  flight  of  a  herd 
of  buffaloes,  rather  than  the  retreat  of  a  well-drilled 
regular  army."62  The  contest  lasted  till  sunset,  and  in 
the  dusk  of  the  evening  trained  Indian  sharp-shooters, 
concealed  by  the  tall  grass,  crept  to  within  easy  range 
of  the  Texans,  and  for  some  time  kept  up  a  well-directed 
and  telling;  fire.  It  was  only  when  the  darkness  ren- 

O  t/ 

dered  the  flashes  of  their  fire-arms  visible  that  the 
Texans  could  reply  with  effect.63  Then  the  assailants 
were  withdrawn,  and  the  Mexican  general  disposed 
his  forces  around,  taking  every  precaution  to  prevent 
escape  during  the  night. 

In  this  action,  known  as  the  battle  of  the  Encinal 
del  Perdido,  and  also  of  the  Coleto,  the  Americans 
lost  seven  killed,  several  mortally  and  sixty  badly 
wounded,64  Fannin  being  among  the  latter,  having 
received  a  shot  in  the  thigh  early  in  the  fight.  As  in 
the  case  of  all  engagements  fought  with  Mexicans,  it 
is  impossible  to  arrive  at  any  accuracy  with  regard  to 
their  loss.  Mexican  generals  invariably  reported  their 
casualties  as  far  less  in  number  than  those  really  sus 
tained,  while  Texan  authorities  as  often  exaggerate  in 
the  other  direction.  On  this  occasion  Urrea's  state 
ment,  that  in  the  several  severe  contests — for  he  de 
scribes  them  as  such — he  had  only  eleven  killed  and 
fifty-four  wounded,  cannot  be  believed;  nor  are  the 
assertions  even  of  some  American  participators  in  the 
engagement  worthy  of  more  credence.  They  do  not 
hesitate  to  state  that  many  hundreds,  one  eye-witness 
saying  600,  of  the  Mexicans  were  killed  and  wounded.65 

62  Kennedy,  ii.  205-6. 

63  The  sharp-shooters  caused  more  loss  to  the  Texans  than  they  had  sus 
tained  during  all  the  previous  fighting.     An  eye-witness  states   that   they 
wounded  fifty  and  killed  four  in  the  space  of  an  hour.  Id.,  ii.  206. 

64  These  are  Shackleford's  numbers.   Foote,  ii.  234.     Urrea  says  27  were 
killed  and  97  wounded.  Diario,  18.     Barnard  writes:   'We  had  7  men  killed 
and  60  wounded,  about  40  of  whom  were  disabled.'  Linns  Rem.,  158. 

65  Shackleford's  A  ccount,  in  Foote,  ii.  235;  Kennedy,  ii.  207.    Doctor  Barnard, 
who  was  present  at  the  engagement,  shows  his  good  judgment  in  refraining 


232  THE  lLAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

Indeed,  if  Texan'  statements  as  to  Urrea's  losses  are 
accepted,  that  general  would  have  lost  over  1,000  men 
since  he  left  Matamoros.  The  same  tendency  to  mis 
represent  the  numerical  strength  of  the  Mexican  army 
is  observable  on  both  sides.  The  Texan  authorities 
quoted,  with  the  exception  of  Doctor  Barnard,66  swell 
the  numbers  to  1,900  and  2,000  men,  while  Urrea 
would  lead  us  to  suppose  that  he  fought  the  battle 
with  only  360  infantry  and  80  cavalry.67 

Both  sides  were  vigilant  all  through  the  night. 
The  Texans  suffered  much  from  thirst,  but  labored  to 
strengthen  their  position  by  running,  as  best  they 
could,  a  shallow  ditch  around  it,  and  forming  a  barri 
cade  with  the  carcasses  of  the  animals,  most  of  which 
had  been  killed  or  had  strayed  off  during  the  conflict. 
Urrea's  troops  kept  wakefully  alert,  and  on  every  side, 
at  short  intervals  of  time,  the  bugle  signals  rung 
through  the  night  air  all  along  the  cordon  of  cavalry 
men  that  encircled  the  doomed  Americans. 

The  dismal  night  ended  at  last  and  day  dawned. 
It  was  Sunday,  March  20th ;  and  before  it  was  well 
light,  a  strong  reenforcement  was  seen  coming  up  to 
join  the  enemy.  The  position  of  the  Americans  was 
now  perilous  in  the  extreme.  They  numbered  little 
more  than  200  effective  men,  and  these  were  worn  out 
by  the  incessant  toil  and  exertion  they  had  undergone 
since  the  previous  morning.  Moreover,  the  Mexicans 

from  exaggeration.  He  says:  'The  loss  of  the  enemy  I  could  never  learn 
with  precision.  They  had  above  a  hundred  wounded  badly,  that  we  [the  sur 
geons]  were  afterwards  obliged  to  attend  to.  Fifteen  of  their  dead  were 
counted  within  a  few  hundred  yards  of  our  intrenchment  early  in  the  morn 
ing,  besides  an  officer  who  died  shortly  after.  The  accounts  of  the  Mexicans 
themselves,  of  whom  I  subsequently  inquired,  varied  in  their  statements  of 
their  dead  from  forty  to  four  hundred.'  Linns  Rem.,  1(53. 

66  This  writer  not  only  strives  to  be  impartial  in  his  statements,  but  shows 
great  correctness  in  his  estimates.  He  calculated  the  force  of  the  enemy  to 
be  1,300  on  the  morning  after  the  engagement.  He  judged  it  to  be  about  500 
strong  when  the  attack  began,  and  not  less  than  1,000  at  the  end  of  the  day, 
while  in  the  morning  a  reenforcement  of  300  or  400  men  arrived.  Id.,  157, 
160.  These  numbers  are  nearly  correct,  although  probably  still  too  high. 
Assuming  that  Urrea  left  Matamoros  with  1,000  men,  his  total  strength  with 
Morales'  contingent  would  be  1,500;  and  bearing  in  mind  that  he  had  left  de 
tachments  at  San  Patricio,  Refugio,  and  Goliad,  besides  incurring  losses,  it 
is  not  likely  that  he  had  more  than  1,200  men  on  the  20th. 

*Diarw,  14. 


SURRENDER.  233 

were  now  provided  with  two  pieces  of  artillery,  and 
presently  began  to  fire  grape  and  canister.  The  men 
were  still  confident  that  they  could  fight  their  way 
through  the  foe  to  the  timber,  but  in  that  case  the 
wounded  would  have  to  be  abandoned,  and  honor  and 
humanity  forbade  their  being  left  to  the  mercy  of  the 
enemy,  who  had  so  lately  shown  such  barbarity  by 
the  massacre  of  King's  party  and  the  defenders  of 
San  Patricio.  The  question  of  surrender  was  there 
fore  agitated,  and  submitted  to  the  companies  by  their 
respective  officers  after  they  had  consulted.  It  was 
generally  agreed  that  if  an  honorable  capitulation 
could  be  obtained,  they  would  lay  down  their  arms 
as  prisoners  of  war.  A  white  flag  was  accordingly 
hoisted,  and  Colonel  Salas,  Lieutenant-colonel  Holsin- 
ger,  and  Adjutant  Jose  de  la  Luz  Gonzalez  were  sent 
by  Urrea  to  confer  with  Fannin,  who  met  them  mid 
way  between  the  hostile  lines.  The  result  was  that 
the  surrender  was  made.  It  has  been  denied  by 
Urrea  and  Holsinger  that  the  former  signed  any 
capitulation,  but  the  survivors  of  the  band  tell  but 
one  story,  namely,  that  every  one  understood  at  the 
time  that  articles  of  capitulation  were  signed.68 

On  the  same  day  such  of  the  Americans  as  were 
able  to  march  were  sent  to  Goliad,  the  wounded  arriv 
ing  at  the  same  place  on  the  22d.  The  prisoners  were 
confined  under  a  strong  guard  in  the  church,  which 
was  so  crowded  that  on  the  23d  all  except  the  Mexi 
can  wounded  were  removed,  the  well  ones  to  the 
fort,  and  the  wounded  to  barracks  on  the  west  wall. 
Meantime  Urrea  marched  to  Victoria,  and  on  the  22d 
captured  Ward  and  his  command,  as  already  nar 
rated.  He  also  made  dispositions  for  the  occupation 
of  Copano;  and  on  the  23d  Major  Miller,  with  eighty- 
two  volunteers  just  arrived  from  Nashville,  was  made 

68  Co-isult  Hist.  Hex.,  v.  170-1,  this  series;  also  Holsinger 's  letter  to 
Wharton  of  June  3,  1836,  in  Caro,  Verdad.  Idea,  73-8;  Urrea,  Diario,  17, 
23,  58,  128-33;  Doctor  Barnard's  Account,  ut  mp.,  161-3;  Shackleford'a  Ac 
count,  in  Foote,  ii.  237-9;  Kennedy,  Tex.,  ii.  208-10;  Yoakum,  ii.  514-16; 
Santa  Anna,  Manif.,  49. 


234  THE  lLAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

prisoner  by  Colonel  Yara  at  that  place  on  landing. 
All  were  sent  to  Goliad,  Ward's  command  being 
brought  in  on  the  25th. 

On  the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  the  supreme  govern 
ment,  in  view  of  the  notorious  preparations  carried  on 
in  the  south  of  the  United  States,  to  enlist  volunteers 
in  the  Texan  cause,  passed  a  law  December  30,  1835, 
to  the  effect  that  all  foreigners  landing  in  the  republic 
with  arms  in  their  hands  should  be  considered  pirates, 
and  punished  as  such.69  When  Santa  Anna  was  in 
formed  of  the  capture  of  Fannin  and  his  command,  he 
determined  that  this  Draconian  measure  should  be  car 
ried  out  to  the  letter.  He  despatched  an  order  to  Lieu 
tenant-colonel  Nicolas  de  la  Portilla,  the  commandant 
at  Goliad,  commanding  him  immediately  to  execute 
the  prisoners,  and  expressing  his  surprise  that  the  law 
had  not  already  been  carried  into  effect.  The  despatch 
reached  Portilla's  hand  at  seven  o'clock  on  the  night 
of  the  26th.  The  Americans,  unconscious  of  their 
impending  fate,  were  cheerful  and  buoyant  with  the 
hope  of  soon  being  sent  back  to  their  homes.  Shackle- 
ford  narrates  that  .several  of  them  on  that  evening 
played  in  concert  on  their  flutes  the  air  of  "  Home, 
sweet  home." 

Portilla  passed  a  restless  night,  and  not  till  morning 
dawned  did  he  decide  to  carry  out  the  barbarous  but 
imperative  order.  The  whole  garrison  was  drawn  up 
under  arms,  the  prisoners  were  aroused  from  their 
sleep,  formed  into  three  divisions,  and  marched  out  of 
the  town  in  different  directions.  Their  questionings 
were  satisfied  with  various  explanations;  the  victims 
in  one  band  were  told  that  they  were  going  to  Copano 
to  be  sent  home ;  of  another,  that  they  were  wanted 
to  slaughter  beeves;  and  the  third,  that  room  in  the 
fort  was  required  for  the  reception  of  Santa  Anna. 
Four  doctors  and  about  a  dozen  others  were  not  called 
out.  It  was  Palm  Sunday.  Each  line  marched  in 

69  Copy  in  Dublan  and  Lozano,  iii.  114-15.  All  foreigners  also  who  landed 
arms  and  ammunition  for  the  use  of  the  rebels  were  to  be  similarly  dealt  with. 


MOST  VILLANOUS  TREACHERY.  235 

double  file,  with  a  guard  of  soldiers  on  either  side. 
Half  a  mile  from  the  fort  the  order  was  given  to  halt ; 
the  file  of  soldiers  on  the  right  passed  through  the 
prisoners'  line,  and  in  a  moment  after,  the  whole  guard 
poured  in  a  volley  upon  them.  Nearly  all  fell ;  a  few 
survivors  only  escaped  into  the  long  grass  of  the 
prairie,  some  of  whom,  eluding  their  pursuers,  gained 
the  river.'  The  first  division  to  suffer  was  that  which 
had  been  led  out  on  the  road  to  the  lower  ford,  but 
the  sound  of  distant  volleys  in  other  directions  soon 
after  told  those  at  Goliad  that  the  murderous  work 
was  being  consummated  elsewhere.  For  an  hour 
after  the  first  firing,  the  ring  of  intermittent  shots 
smote  on  the  ear,  producing  in  the  listener's  mind  a 
terrible  picture  of  the  flight  and  chase,  of  the  hunter 
following  his  unarmed  prey  through  the  tall  grass  and 
dark  weeds,  of  the  fiendish  eagerness  of  the  one  to 
kill  and  the  desperate  struggles  of  the  other  to  escape. 
Over  300  victims  were  put  to  death  in  this  cold 
blooded  butchery,  without  a  warning,  without  a  mo 
ment  in  which  to  prepare  for  death,  send  home  a 
farewell,  or  even  utter  a  prayer !  Twenty-seven  only 
escaped.  Miller's  company  was  not  included  in  the 
first  massacre.  The  wounded  were  dragged  from  the 
barracks  an  hour  later  and  shot.  Fannin  was  reserved 
till  the  last,  and  met  his  fate  with  a  soldier's  calmness 
and  bearing.  He  gave  his  watch  to  the  officer  in 
command  of  the  firing  platoon,  with  a  request  not  to 
be  shot  in  the  head,  and  to  be  decently  buried.  He 
was  shot  in  the  head,  nevertheless,  nor  was  lie  in 
terred,  his  corpse  being  cast  among  the  bodies  of  the 
other  dead.  Ward  faced  his  death  with  stern  anger. 
When  commanded  to  kneel,  he  refused,  and  being  told 
that  by  so  doing  his  life  might  be  spared,  he  still  would 
not  bend  his  knee.  "You  have  killed  my  comrades  in 
cold  blood,"  he  indignantly  exclaimed;  "I  have  no 
wish  to  live."  A  few  moments  later  he  had  ceased  to 
breathe.70  When  the  slaughter  was  ended,  the  dead 

70  This  description  of  the  massacre  of  Fannin's  command  has  been  derived 
from  the  most  reliable  of  sources,  namely,  the  accounts  of  Shackleford  and 


236  THE  ALAMO  AND  GOLIAD  MASSACRES. 

were  stripped  of  clothing,  and  the  naked  corpses  col 
lected  into  heaps;  then  brushwood  was  piled  upon 
them  and  set  on  fire.  Even  this  heathenish  disposal 
of  the  dead  was  badly  done,  and  days  afterward  many 
hands  and  feet  unscathed  by  the  flames  were  seen  by 
Shackleford,  whose  eldest  son  and  two  nephews  were 
among  the  victims. 

The  odium  of  this  horrible  deed  rightly  rests  on 
Santa  Anna.  The  officers  more  directly  concerned 
showed  some  feelings  of  humanity.  Their  chief  had 
none.  Urrea  recommended  the  prisoners  to  mercy, 
and  received  a  sharp  reprimand.71  Portilla  hesitated, 
and  afterward  expressed  his  horror  and  disgust  at 
having  been  compelled  by  his  duty  as  an  officer  to 
execute  the  hateful  task.72  But  Santa  Anna's  order 

Barnard,  and  S.  T.  Brown,  the  last  being  one  of  the  Americans  who  escaped 
from  the  first  division  of  prisoners.  Shackleford  and  Barnard  at  the  time 
were  in  Colonel  Garay's  quarters  outside  the  fort,  were  in  part  spectators  of 
of  the  cruel  scenes,  and  derived  further  particulars  from  eye- witnesses,  xhe 
narratives  of  all  three  have  been  previously  referred  to.  With  regard  to  the 
number  of  those  put  to  death  in  this  massacre,  Mexican  and  Texan  authorities 
approximately  agree.  Captain  Kennymore,  one  of  the  survivors,  supplied  to 
the  Tex.  Aim.  of  1860,  pp.  82-91,  a  muster-roll  of  Fanniii's  command,  which 
he  looked  upon  as  correct,  and  also  Brown's  narrative.  According  to  Kenny- 
more 's  table,  the  command  numbered  444  men,  of  whom  33  were  detained  for 
medical  and  other  services,  26  escaped,  and  385  killed  on  different  occasions, 
including  20  of  King's  company,  and  21  of  Horton's.  According  to  an  extract 
from  Portilla's  diary,  supplied  in  Urrea,  Diario,  61-2,  the  number  of  prison 
ers  amounted  to  445,  or  363  after  deducting  Miller's  company,  which,  not 
having  been  taken  in  arms  against  the  republic,  he  reserved  for  further  in 
structions.  Deducting  from  the  latter  figures  27,  the  number  of  those  who 
escaped,  according  to  Shackleford's  list  of  their  names,  Foote,  ii.  244,  and  16 
doctors  and  others  who  were  retained  in  Goliad,  it  would  appear  that  320 
were  put  to  death  on  the  morning  of  the  27th.  This  number  very  nearly  tal 
lies  with  Kennymore's  figures.  For  if  41  of  Horton's  and  King's  commands 
be  taken  from  his  list  of  killed,  there  remain  344,  showing  a  difference  of  24 
men,  which  may  be  explained  by  the  deaths  occasioned  by  the  battle  of  the 
Coleto,  and  the  loss  sustained  by  Ward  at  Befugio,  and  during  his  retreat  to 
Victoria.  Brown,  who  was  with  Ward's  command,  says:  'At  the  time  of  the 
surrender  we  had  only  85  men,  the  others  having  left  us  on  the  route  from 
the  mission  to  Victoria.'  Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  86.  Yoakum,  ii.  100,  gives  the  num 
ber  of  killed  as  330,  but  he  only  puts  down  eight  as  the  number  of  surgeons 
and  attendants  saved. 

71 '  La  respuesta  de  S.  E.  a  la  recomendacion  del  Sr  de  Urrea,  fue"  una 
reconvencion  bastante  fuerte,  manifestandole  su  desagraclo,  y  al  inisma 
tiempo,  que  no  maiichase  sus  triunfos  con  una  mala  entendida  compasion.' 
Caro,  Verdad.  Idea,  13.  Holsinger,  in  his  letter  to  Wharton,  intimates  that 
Urrea  did  not  intercede  for  the  prisoners'  lives,  at  any  rate  neglected  to  in 
form  Santa  Anna  of  the  personal  promises  made  to  Fannin.  Id.,  76-7.  But 
it  must  be  remembered  that  Holsinger  was  endeavoring  to  exculpate  Santa 
Anna,  who  was  then  a  prisoner  of  Houston's. 

72  See  his  diary  and  letter  to  Urrea  of  March  27,  1836,  in  Urrea,  Diario, 
62-3;  Democratic  Review,  iii.  144-5;  and  Yoakum,  ii.  519-20- 


SANTA  ANNA,  THE  FIEND.  237 

was  peremptory,  and  did  not  conceal  his  angry  im 
patience;  still  Portilla  saved  Miller's  company  from 
destruction.  Colonel  Garay  displayed  his  humanity  in 
a  still  more  practical  manner.  Assuming  a  dangerous 
responsibility,  he  withdrew  doctors  Shackleford,  Bar 
nard,  Field,  and  Hall,  with  some  others,  from  the  hos 
pitals,  and  sent  them  with  Miller's  company  to  his  own 
quarters,  where  he  had  two  other  men  already  concealed 
in  a  tent.  The  Senora  Alvarez  also  concealed  and 
saved  a  few  of  the  officers.73  But  no  ray  of  mercy  or 
of  pity  illumined  the  dark  and  cruel  soul  of  the  gen- 
eral-in-chief.  He  was  the  incarnation  of  an  inhuman 
ity  at  once  revengeful  and  cowardly.  The  slaughter 
of  his  troops  at  the  Alamo  still  rankled  in  his  mind, 
and  he  would  not  have  spared  a  single  life.  Miller 
and  his  men  would  also  have  been  put  to  death  but 
for  the  representations  of  an  officer  who  presumed  to 
plead  for  them.74 

73 See  Barnard's  and  Shackleford's  narratives,  in  Linns  Rem.,  168,  171-3, 
and  Foote,  ii.  244-5.  Barnard  says  the  name  of  Senora  Alvarez  deserves  to 
be  recorded  in  letters  of  gold.  Shackleford  speaks  of  her  as  an  angel  of 
mercy.  This  was  not  the  first  or  last  time  that  she  showed  kindness  and 
humanity  to  her  country's  enemies. 

74  When  their  case  was  referred  to  Santa  Anna,  he  instructed  his  secretary, 
Caro,  to  draw  up  the  order  for  their  execution.  This  was  done;  but  Captain 
Savariego,  the  bearer  of  the  despatch  from  Goliad,  had  the  courage  to  address 
Santa  Anna  on  the  subject  of  mercy,  and  received  a  sound  rating  for  his  pre 
sumption.  '  Pero  ape"nas  hubo  hablado,  cuando  recibid  por  respuesta  tan  amar- 
gas  repreiision.es,  que  salid  confundido. '  Caro,  Verdad.  Idea,  15.  Santa  Anna, 
however,  withdrew  his  order  and  postponed  his  decision  till  he  had  investi 
gated  the  matter.  By  this  accidental  interposition  the  lives  of  the  company 
were  saved. 


CHAPTER  XL 

SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

1836-1837. 

HOUSTON'S  RETREAT — His  BIOGRAPHY — PANIC  OF  THE  SETTLERS — SAN  FE 
LIPE  BURNED — SANTA  ANNA'S  PLANS  AND  ADVANCE — His  IMPETUOUS 
MOVEMENTS — REMOVAL  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT  TO  GALVESTON — HARRIS- 
BURG  IN  ASHES — DISCONTENT  OF  HOUSTON'S  ARMY — ITS  ADVANCE  TO 
THE  SAN  JACINTO — SANTA  ANNA  BURNS  NEW  WASHINGTON — HE 
MARCHES  TO  ENGAGE  HOUSTON — PRELIMINARY  SKIRMISHING — MEXICAN 
CARELESSNESS  IN  AN  ENEMY'S  FRONT — DISCUSSION  ON  HOUSTON'S  TACTICS 
— BURNING  OF  VINCE'S  BRIDGE— PREPARATIONS  FOR  BATTLE — SAN  JA 
CINTO  AND  SLAUGHTER — SANTA  ANNA'S  FLIGHT  AND  CAPTURE — NEGOTIA 
TIONS  FOR  LIFE — FILISOLA'S  RETREAT — THE  TREATIES — SANTA  ANNA'S 
DANGEROUS  POSITION  AND  FINAL  RELEASE. 

NEWS  of  the  fall  of  the  Alamo  reached  Washington 
on  March  1 6th,  and  on  the  1 8th  the  government  moved 
its  seat  to  Harrisburg.  A  proclamation,  however, 
was  issued  by  the  president,  in  which  it  was  stated 
that  this  step  was  not  taken  through  apprehension 
that  the  enemy  was  near,  but  had  been  resolved  upon 
as  conducive  to  the  public  good  before  any  such  report 
was  in  circulation.1 

Meanwhile  Houston  pursued  his  retreat  to  the 
Colorado,  where  he  intended  to  make  a  stand,  having 
sent  his  aide-de-camp,  William  T.  Austin,  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Brazos  for  cannon  and  ammunition.  His  force 
at  this  time  was  about  400  men,  but  as  fresh  troops 
kept  joining  him,  the  army  soon  numbered  700.  But 
the  removal  of  the  government  to  Harrisburg,2  Hous- 

1  The  same  express  which  brought  intelligence  of  the  fall  of  the  A"lamo 
also  reported  that  Houston  was  in  rapid  retreat  from  Gonzalez.    Tex.  Aim., 
1860,  51. 

2  Houston,  in  a  despatch  to  Thomas  J.  Rusk,  the  secretary  of  war,  dated 

/288) 


SAMUEL  HOUSTON.  239 

ton's  necessary  retreat,  and  successive  reports  of  dis 
asters  raised  the  panic  in  the  country  to  the  highest 
pitch.  The  settlers  abandoned  their  homes,  fleeing  in 
all  directions  before  the  retreating  army,  or  accom 
panying  it  for  protection.  Thus,  many  brave  men 
were  absent  from  the  field,  engaged  in  conveying  their 
families  to  places  of  security.  On  March  14th,  the 
commander-in-chief  encamped  near  the  Navidad,  and 
on  the  1 7th  reached  Burnham's  place  on  the  Colorado. 
Here  he  remained  two  days,  which  were  spent  in  put 
ting  the  families  which  had  cast  their  lot  with  the 
army  across  the  river.  The  troops  having  then  passed 
over,  he  proceeded  to  a  noted  point  on  the  left  bank, 
called  Beason  Crossing,  where  he  remained  till  the 
26th,  waiting  for  the  artillery.3 

As  the  Texan  commander-in-chief  is  now  about  to 
enter  upon  a  career  during  which  his  action  has  been 
severely  criticised  by  his  enemies,  but  which  was  ulti 
mately  crowned  with  extraordinary  success,  and  won 
the  independence  of  Texas,  it  will  be  proper  to  place 
before  the  reader  some  account  of  his  parentage  and 
previous  life. 

Samuel  Houston  was  born  on  March  2d,  1793,  at  a 
place  called  Timber  Ridge  Church,  in  Rockbridge 
county,  Virginia,  and  by  a  singular  coincidence  forty- 
three  years  after  the  independence  of  Texas  was 
declared,  on  his  natal  day.  Both  his  father  and 
mother  were  descended  from  ancestors  who  emigrated 
to  the  north  of  Ireland  from  the  Highlands  of  Scot 
land  in  the  troublous  times  of  the  reformation  in  that 
country  during  the  sixteenth  century.  After  the 

March  29,  1836,  writes:  'Your  removal  to  Harrisburg  has  done  more  to  in 
crease  the  panic  in  the  country  than  anything  else  that  has  occurred  in  Texas, 
except  the  fall  of  the  ^lamo.  Copy  in  Yoakum,  ii.  485-6 

3  On  March  23d,  G.  W.  Hockleyp  inspector-general  of  the  army,  wrote  by 
order1  of  Houston  to  Secretary  Rusk,  'We  have  now  upward  of  700  men  .  .  . 
-  all  in  good  spirits  and  anxious  to  meet  the  foe. '  But  this  number  does  not 
represent  the  force  with  which  Houston  continued,  his  retreat  from  the  Colo 
rado,  for  on  the  same  day  he  himself  writes  to  Rusk,  '  Men  are  flocking  to 
camp,  and  I  expect  in  a  day  or  two  to  receive  200  volunteers  and  regulars. ' 
'In  a  few  days  my  force  will  be  highly  respectable.'  Copies  in  Id.,  ii.  480-4. 


240  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

siege  of  Londonderry,  in  1690,  in  which  they  took 
part,  they  crossed  the  Atlantic  and  settled  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  the  two  families  seemingly  following  each  other 
in  their  migrations,  till,  at  the  close  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  we  find  them  established  in  Virginia.  Hous 
ton's  father  was  possessed  of  only  moderate  means, 
and  died  in  1807,  when  the  future  founder  of  the 
Texan  republic  was  thirteen  years  of  age ;  he  was  a 
man  of  powerful  frame,  undaunted  courage,  and  was 
swayed  by  a  strong  passion  for  military  life.  The 
mother  was  highly  gifted  with  intellectual  qualities, 
was  of  a  most  benevolent  disposition,  and  possessed 
of  a  fortitude  which  the  dangers  that  a  life  on  the 
frontiers  was  ever  exposed  to  could  not  shake.  Hous 
ton  inherited  the  qualities  of  both  his  parents. 

After  the  death  of  her  husband,  Mrs  Houston  with 
her  family  of  six  sons  and  three  daughters  crossed 
the  Alleghanies  and  settled  near  the  Tennessee  river, 
which  was  then  the  boundary  line  between  the  Cher 
okee  Indians  and  the  white  race.  Young  Houston 
thus  far  had  received  little  or  no  education,  having 
displayed  an  aversion  to  attending  school  during  such 
intervals  as  he  could  be  released  from  labor  on  the 
farm ;  and  now  he  was  more  than  ever  confined  to 
hard  work.  Nevertheless  he  attended  for  a  short 
time  an  academy  established  in  that  part  of  Tennessee, 
and  obtained  possession  of  several  books  which  greatly 
attracted  his  attention.  They  were  translations  of 
Latin  and  Greek  authors,  and  among  them  was 
Pope's  Iliad.  The  perusal  of  these  works  excited  in 
him  an  ardent  desire  to  acquire  a  knowledge  of  the 
original  languages,  and  when  his  application  to  be  in 
structed  in  them  was  refused  by  his  teacher,  he  in 
dignantly  left  the  institution.  At  home  his  elder 
brothers  exercised  a  kind  of  fraternal  tyranny  over 
him,  and  at  last  compelled  him  to  enter  a  merchant's 
store,  from  which  he  presently  disappeared.  A,.ter 
much  fruitless  search,  the  family  learned  at  last  that 
he  had  taken  up  his  abode  with  the  Cherokees.  No 


HOUSTON'S  BIOGRAPHY.  241 

persuasion  could  induce  the  scapegrace  to  abandon  his 
wild  life,  and  he  remained  with  the  Indians  till  he 
was  eighteen  years  of  age,  spending  his  time  in  chas 
ing  wild  game  and  self-education  to  which  he  diligently 
applied  himself. 

Having  contracted  some  small  debt  in  purchase  of 
articles  for  his  Indian  friends,  he  considered  himself 
bound  to  make  an  effort  to  pay  it.  He  accordingly 
left  the  native  village  and  opened  a  school,  overcom 
ing  the  many  difficulties  which  opposed  him  at  the 
start.  When  his  debt  was  paid  he  returned  to  his 
former  teacher,  but  soon  coming  to  the  conclusion 
that  he  would  never  make  a  scholar,  entered  a  store 
in  Kingston,  Tennessee,  as  clerk.  In  1813  Houston, 
who  had  grown  into  a  powerful  man,  over  six  feet 
high,  enlisted  as  a  recruit  in  the  ranks  of  the  United 
States'  army,  and  was  presently  marched  off  to  the 
Creek  War.  In  the  hard-fought  battle  of  the 
Horse  Shoe  bend  of  the  Tallapoosa,  he  displayed 
rare  courage  and  fortitude.  Having  been  appointed 
ensign,  when  the  assault  was  made  on  the  Indian  for 
tifications  he  mounted  the  defences,  colors  in  hand, 
and  having  been  struck  by  a  barbed  arrow  in  the 
thigh,  compelled,  with  his  uplifted  sword  and  threats 
of  death,  a  soldier  to  pull  the  missile  out.  Though 
carried  to  the  rear,  he  presently  returned  to  the  fight, 
and  received  two  rifle  balls  in  the  right  shoulder 
which  completely  disabled  him.  His  recovery  from 
these  wounds  was  long  doubtful,  but  his  strong  con 
stitution  saved  him.  The  intrepidity  which  he  dis 
played  in  this  battle  won  for  him  the  lasting  regard 
of  General  Jackson,  and  he  was  made  lieutenant  for 
his  gallantry. 

When  peace  was  restored  Houston  was  appointed 
sub-agent  to  the  Cherokee  nation,  which  position  he 
held  till  about  1819,  when  he  was  removed  on  account 
of  a  controversy  in  which  he  became  involved  with 
Calhoun,  the  secretary  of  war.  He  then  went  to 
Nashville  and  studied  law,  obtaining  a  license  to 

HIST.  TEX.,  VOL.  II.    16 


242  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

tise  after  about  eight  months  of  assiduous  study;  was 
presently  elected  attorney-general  of  that  district; 
and  in  1821  was  chosen  major-general  of  the  militia, 
In  1823  he  was  elected  to  congress,  and  reflected  in 
1825.  While  member  of  congress  Houston  fought 
a  duel  which  caused  much  excitement  in  the  United 
States  at  the  time.  In  1826  while  in  Nashville  he 
preferred  some  charges  against  the  postmaster  of  that 
town,  who  sent  him  a  challenge  by  the  hands  of  Col 
onel  John  T.  Smith,  a  notorious  duelist  from  Missouri. 
Houston's  second,  Colonel  McGregor,  refused  to  re 
ceive  the  challenge  through  such  hands,  and  Smith 
retired.  The  postmaster's  communication  had  been 
offered  and  rejected  in  the  presence  of  a  large  number 
of  persons,  among  whom  was  General  William  White, 
who  could  not  refrain  from  remarking  that  he  did  not 
think  proper  courtesy  had  been  extended  to  Smith. 
Houston  overheard  the  remark  and  expressed  himself 
ready  to  give  White,  if  he  had  any  grievances,  any 
satisfaction  he  might  demand.  The  result  was  a  chal 
lenge  from  White,  and  the  meeting  took  place  in  Simp 
son  county,  Kentucky,  September  23,  1826.  White 
was  dangerously  wounded,  being  shot  through  the  body 
just  above  the  hip.  He,  however,  recovered ;  Hous 
ton  was  untouched.4 

In  1827  Houston  was  elected  governor  of  Tennessee 
by ,  a  large  majority.  But  ere  long  a  domestic  ca 
lamity  changed  the  whole  tenor  of  his  future  life.  In 

4  The  particulars  of  this  duel  are  derived  from  the  account  by  Col  Wil- 
loughby  Williams,  of  Tennessee,  published  in  the  Louisville  Courier  Journal, 
and  reproduced  in  the  San  Francisco  Post,  Apr.  17,  1878.  Major  Framan, 
in  his  Field  of  Honor,  284^5,  states  that  White  brought  the  challenge,  and 
it  not  being  accepted  insulted  Houston:  hence  the  duel.  This  writer  relates 
as  authentic  the  following  story.  At  the  house  where  Houston  was  staying 
during  the  week  preceding  the  duel  were  a  game-cock  and  a  pugnacious  little 
dog  named  'Andrew  Jackson, '  both  of  which  he  greatly  admired  and  petted. 
Early  in  the  morning  of  the  meeting  he  was  awakened  by  the  barking  of 
'Andrew  Jackson.'  Houston  arose  and  began  to  mould  bullets  for  the  occa 
sion.  As  the  first  bullet  fell  from  the  mould  he  was  greeted  by  the  crowing 
of  the  game-cock;  whereupon  he  marked  one  side  of  it  for  the  dog  and  the 
other  for  the  fowl,  determining  that  that  particular  ball  should  be  the  first 
to  be  fired  by  him  at  his  opponent.  The  bullet  was  u.jed,  and  White  fell. 
After  the  duel  Houston  assumed  a  game-cock  and  a  dog  as  a  coat-of  arms. 
Id.,  529-30. 


APPROACH  OF  THE  MEXICANS.  243 

January  1829,  lie  espoused  a  daughter  of  a  wealthy 
and  influential  family  in  Tennessee.  For  a  reason, 
into  the  explanation  of  which  Houston  never  conde 
scended  to  enter,  the  husband  and  wife  shortly  after 
their  marriage  separated  forever.  There  is  little 
doubt,  however,  that  Houston  discovered  that  his  af 
fection  was  not  reciprocated ;  yet  with  true  magna 
nimity,  he  fully  exonerated  his  wife  from  all  blame  in 
the  matter,  regarding  it  as  a  misfortune  and  not  as  a 
fault  of  hers.  But  the  blow  struck  hard.  Houston 
sent  in  his  resignation  of  the  governorship  to  the  sec 
retary  of  state  by  Colonel  Williams,  and  in  disguise 
loft  the  country,  a  self-exiled  man.  Ascending  the 
Arkansas  river  he  again  sought  a  home  among  the 
Cherokees,  who  by  this  time  were  in  an  eastern  por 
tion  of  what  is  now  Indian  territory.  He  was  kindly 
received,  and  in  October  1829,  was  admitted  to  all  the 
rights  and  privileges  of  that  nation.  In  1832  he  went 
to  Washington  to  remonstrate  against  frauds  prac 
tised  by  the  United  States'  Indian  agents,  which  re 
sulted  in  the  removal  of  five  of  them.  This  involved 
him  in  personal  quarrels,  and  a  rencounter  occurred  be 
tween  him  and  W.  R.  Stansbury,  a  representative  in 
the  house  from  Ohio.  Stansbury  was  severely 
beaten.  Houston  was  arrested,  tried  for  assault,  and 
fined  $500  The  sentence,  however,  was  not  enforced 
by  the  court,  and  President  Jackson  afterward  re 
mitted  the  fine.  In  December  of  the  same  year 
Houston  went  to  Texas  and,  as  the  reader  is  aware, 
was  one  of  the  delegates  to  the  convention  which  as 
sembled  April  1st,  1833,  at  San  Felipe.  Such  was 
the  previous  career  of  the  man  whom  the  fates  now 
called  upon  to  guide  the  destiny  of  Texas.5 

Almost  simultaneously  with  Houston's  arrival  at 

5 Lester's  Houston  and  his  Hep.,  8-47;  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  119-25;  Gordovrt's 
Tex.,  178-9;  Houston,  Life  of,  17-70;  Quarterly  Rev.,  v.  new  ser.,  317;  B'Y.« 
son,  Re™,  ly  a  "  Mier  Prisoner's"  Widow,  12;  Thrall,  555  et  seq.;  Oakland 
Ti.nes,  Cal.,  Apr.  17,  1878;  Amer.  Cyclop,  ix.  sub  nom.;  The  Century,  Aug., 
1884;  Bakers  Tex.,  255-7. 


244  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

Beason  Crossing,  generals  Ramirez  y  Sesma  and  "Woll, 
with  a  force  variously  estimated  at  from  600  to  800,6 
reached  the  Colorado  and  took  up  a  position  in  a  bend 
of  the  river  about  two  miles  above  the  Texans.  On 
the  approach  of  the  Mexicans,  Captain  Carnes  had 
been  sent  with  five  men  to  reconnoitre,  while  to  pre 
vent  Sesma  from  passing  across  the  river,  Colonel 
Sidney  Sherman  and  Captain  Patton  were  despatched 
with  150  men  to  Dewees  crossing.7  Carnes  fell  in 
with  twelve  of  the  enemy,  and  in  the  skirmish  which 
ensued,  killed  one  of  them  and  captured  another. 
Sherman's  detachment  was  presently  increased  to 
from  350  to  400  men.  For  six  days  the  opposing 
armies  remained  hi  their  respective  positions  within 
striking  distance  without  either  side  making  any  hos 
tile  demonstration.8  Houston's  army  by  the  25th  had 
received  such  accessions  that  it  was  over  1400  strong,9 
and  the  men  were  all  eager  to  engage  the  enemy. 
There  is  evidence  that  at  one  time  he  intended  to 
cross  the  river  and  give  Sesma  battle  ;10  but  on  the 

6  The  real  number  was  725.  Filisola  Mem.  Tcj.,  i.  20. 

7  Tex.  Aim.,  1SGO,  56.     Yoakum  calls  it  Robertson's  crossing,  ii.  112. 

8  Sesma  was  ordered  by  Santa  Anna  not  to  attempt  to  cross  the  river,  un 
less  the  enemy  retired.     FH/bola,  Mem.  Guerra  Tej.,  ii.  441. 

9  It  is  impossible  to  find  out  the  exact  number  of  men  under  Houston  at 
this  time.  Ex-president  Anson  Jones  says  that  on  the  day  of  the  retreat 
from  the  Colorado  their  number  was  over  1500 — 'I  think  1570';  Col  Ben 
Fort  Smith,    1360;  Col    Amasa  Turner  says,  1468,  besides  105  men  who 
joined  the  next  day.     Col  Tarlton  gives  the  number  1800;  Calder  thought 
the  muster-roll  showed  1400;  Franklin  says  upward  of  1400  men;  Heard 
considered  the  numerical  force  to  be  from  1500  to  1600  men,  because  the  issu 
ing  commissary  told  him  that  rations  for  1600  had  been  drawn.     Tex.  Aim., 
I860,  136.     Foote  considers  that  at  least  1400  soldiers  were  present  on  the 
25th,  and  in  a  note  gives  his  authorities.     Tex.,  ii.  274.     The  Mexican  gen 
eral,  Sesma,  placed  the  number  of  the  Texans  at  1200.     See  his  despatch  to 
Santa  Anna  of  March  25,  1836,  in  Filisola,  Mem.   Tej.,  i.  41.     Houston  in 
hia  speech  in  the  Senate  of  the  U.  S.,  Feb.  28,  1859,  states  that  his  efficient 
force  never  exceeded  700  troops  at  any  one  point.     Congressional  Globe,  1859, 
p.  1438.     Copy  of  same  speech  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  18-85.     This  assertion  ia 
somewhat  contradictory  to  the  statement  in  his  letters  of  March  23,  1836. 

10  Foote — ii.  278-9 — states  that  he  is  convinced  that  Gen.  Houston,  up  to 
the  25th  of  March,  contemplated  a  struggle  with  the  enemy  in  the  neighbor 
hood  of  the  Colorado,  and  from  a  mass  of  documents,  quotes  one  which  he 
considers  conclusive.     'Capt.   Shape  says:    Gen,  Houston  told  me  to  tell 
the  people  not  to  run  any  farther . .  .  there  would  be  no  more  retreating;  and 
that  the  next  news  they  would  hear  from  the  army  would  be  of  a  battle,  the 
result  of  which  no  one  could  doubt.'    The  same,  author  also  supplies  copy  of 
Army  Orders  of  March  21st,  in  which  Houston's  intention  is  evident.     '  In  a 


HOUSTON'S  INTENTIONS.  245 

25th  news  was  brought  by  Peter  Kerr  of  the  capture 
and  massacre  of  Fannin's  command.  This  was  a 
death-blow  to  his  plans.  It  would  be  madness  to  as 
sail  under  these  circumstances,  allow  Urrea  to  gain 
his  rear,  and  let  himself  be  surrounded  by  over 
whelming  forces.11  Accordingly  he  decided  on  a  fur- 
ther  retreat  to  the  Brazos,  arid  on  the  evening  of  the 

vT5 

26th  fell  back  five  miles  and  encamped  on  the  margin 
of  a  lake  in  the  prairie.  This  movement  increased 
the  prevailing  consternation,  and  caused  the  greatest 
dissatisfaction  to  both  the  officers  and  troops  of  his 
army.  The  fiery  spirits  of  which  his  force  was  com 
posed  were  longing  to  strike  the  foe  which  had  dealt 
so  savagely  with  their  relatives,  comrades,  and  coun 
trymen,  and  in  their  rage  could  not  perceive  the  pru 
dence  practised  by  their  general.  It  is  true  that  he 
might  have  struck  Sesma  hard,  had  he  attacked  him; 
but  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  while  the  Mexican 
commander  had  two  pieces  of  artillery,12  Houston  had 
none,  and  it  was  for  his  cannon  that  he  reasonably 
waited  so  long.  But  it  never  arrived,  and  he  did  not 
dream  of  such  a  blow  as  the  destruction  of  Fannin  and 
his  command,  who,  he  supposed,  were  safe  at  Victoria, 
as  would  have  been  the  case  had  Fannin  obeyed  his 
orders.  As  soon  as  General  Houston's  intention  be 
came  known,  Captain  Heard  and  a  number  of  other 
substantial  planters  on  the  banks  of  the  Colorado 
asked  for  and  obtained  furloughs  to  enable  them  to 
remove  their  families  to  places  of  security,  and  in  the 
subsequent  retreat,  as  elsewhere  intimated,  the  army 
was  soon  reduced  to  half  its  original  strength  by  the 
departure  of  men  bent  on  the  same  errand. 

Meanwhile  the  government  had  been  exerting  itself 

few  days,'  he  says,  'I  hope  to  have  force  sufficient  to  capture  the  enemy 
before  he  can  reach  the  Guadalupe. ' 

11  Moreover  if  he  fought  a  battle,  he  had  no  means  of  transporting  his 
wounded.     Houston's  Spwch  ut  sup. 

-  '  Dos  piezas  de  a  6  con  su.j  correspondientes  dotaciones  de  artilleros  y 
muiiiciones. '    Filisola,  Mem.   Tcj.,  i.  20. 


246  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION 

to  send  reinforcements,  war  material,  and  supplies  to 
the  front.  Two  thirds  of  the  militia  had  been  called 
out,  and  measures  were  adopted  to  arrest  the  panic 
and  flight  of  the  inhabitants  toward  the  Sabine.  Pres 
ident  Burnet,  on  March  1 8th,  issued  a  proclamation 
tending  to  allay  the  public  consternation,  exhorting 
the  people  not  to  abandon  their  homes,  thereby  de 
priving  their  country's  defenders  then  in  the  field  of 
additional  strength.  But  this  proved  ineffectual.  As 
soon  as  the  fate  of  Fannin's  command  was  known,  and 
that  Houston  was  in  retreat,  the  wild  hurry  to  escape 
of  the  fleeing  people  rose  into  a  panic,  which  ere]ong 
reached  Trinity,  whose  inhabitants  fled.  Samuel  P. 
Carson,  the  secretary  of  the  navy,  writing  to  President 
Burnet,  says,  "Never  till  I  reached  Trinity  have  I 
desponded,  I  will  not  say  despaired." ]  It  was  as  if  a 
hurricane  of  terror  was  sweeping  over  the  land. 

Houston  retired  rapidly  toward  the  Brazos,  reach 
ing  San  Felipe  on  the  28th.  Here  the  dissatisfaction 
of  the  troops  displayed  itself  in  a  spirit  of  insubordina 
tion.  Objection  was  raised  to  marching  up  the  river, 
it  being  maintained  that  the  principal  settlements  were 
situated  below.  The  commander-in-chief  decided  to 
move  up,  whereupon  two  companies,  one  commanded 
by  Captain  Mosely  Baker,  and  the  other  by  Wylie 
Martin,  refused  to  come  into  line,14  and  he  was  fain  to 
order  Baker  to  remain  behind,,  with  120  men,  to 
guard  the  crossing  at  San  Felipe,  and  to  grant  the  re 
quest  of  Martin's  company  to  go  down  to  the  crossing 
at  Fort  Bend,  or  Old  Fort.  These  arrangements 
having  been  made,  on  the  29th  Houston  moved  up 
the  river  with  the  main  body,  now  reduced  to  520  ef 
ficient  men,  crossed  Mill  creek,  arid  on  March  31st 
encamped  in  the  Brazos  bottom  opposite  Groce's  plan 
tation.  Here  he  remained  till  April  13th,  detained 

13  Letter  of  April  4th,  in  Yoalcum,  ii.  119. 

uLabadie,  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  44.  Houston  makes  mention  of  only  one 
company  as  mutinous.  Houston's  Speech,  utsup.,  1435,  also  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1SGO, 
23. 


MEXICAN  ADVANCE.  247 

by  the  high  waters  of  the  river  from  any  active  opera 
tion.  The  rains  were  unusually  heavy  this  season; 
the  Brazos  rose  to  a  height  not  known  for  years,  and 
his  camping  ground  was  at  one  time  converted  into  an 
island  by  the  floods.  Provided  with  no  tents,  and 
but  little  covering  of  any  kind,  the  sufferings  of  the 
soldiers  from  wet  and  exposure  were  severe,  and  sick 
ness  naturally  followed. 

In  the  evening  of  the  day  on  which  Houston  left 
San  Felipe,  the  town  was  burnt  to  the  ground  by 
Baker.  This  severe  measure  was  adopted  on  account 
of  a  report  brought  in  by  his  scouts  that  they  had  seen 
the  Mexican  advance  guard  within  a  few  miles  of  the 
place,  which  they  would  probably  reach  before  day 
light.  Unfortunately,  the  scouts  had  mistaken  a  drove 
of  cattle  for  a  squadron  of  cavalry,  and  the  untimely 
burning  of  San  Felipe  caused  the  destruction  of  an 
immense  quantity  of  goods  which  might  otherwise 

1  «/  O  O 

have  been  saved. 

On  March  24th,  General  Tolsa  arrived  at  the  Colo 
rado  with  his  command,  raising  Sesma's  division  to 
1,400  men  of  all  arms,16  and  this  general,  on  the  re 
treat  of  Houston,  at  once  proceeded  to  pass  his  troops 
over  the  river  on  rafts.  The  Colorado  was  much 
swollen,  but  in  four  days  after  the  departure  of  the 
Texans,  he  succeeded  in  placing  a  considerable  portion 
of  them  on  the  other  side,  and  a  few  days  later  crossed 
over  with  the  remainder.  When  Santa  Anna  became 
aware  of  the  large  Texan  force  concentrated  on  the 
Colorado,  he  changed  his  intention  of  returning  to 
Mexico,  and  decided  to  take  the  field  in  person.  In 
deed,  he  changed  all  of  his  plans.  Gaona  was  ordered 
to  cross  the  Colorado  at  Bastrop,  and  march  to  San 
Felipe  as  a  support  on  Sesma's  left,  and  Urrea  was 

15  Foote,  ii.  283.     This  author,  in  his  account  of  this  occurrence,  quotes 
'  the  very  words  of  the  last  number  of  the  San  Felipe  Telegraph,  the  accuracy 
of  which  there  is  no  reason  to  question.' 

16  These  are  Sesma's  own  figures,  according  to  his  despatch  to  Santa  Anna 
dated  March  25,  1836,  in  Filisola,  Mem.  Tej.,  i.  41. 


248  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

instructed  to  move  from  Victoria  against  the  same 
place.  Colonel  Amat  was  sent  forward  to  Gonzalez 
with  600  men,  two  eight-pounder  and  two  four-pounder 
cannon,  and  a  seven-inch  mortar,  taking  with  him 
•rations  for  one  month.  Having  made  these  arrange 
ments,  and  leaving  General  Juan  Jose  Andrade  in 
command  at  Bejar  with  most  of  the  cavalry  and  some 
piquets  of  infantry,  the  Mexican  dictator  left,  March 
31st,  with  his  staff  and  General  Filisola.  On  April 
2d  he  reached  Gonzalez,  and  finding  the  waters  of  the 
Guadalupe  so  high  that  it  would  be  necessary  to  con 
struct  rafts  for  the  passage  across  of  Amat's  brigade, 
such  was  his  impatience  that  he  hurried  forward  with 
his  staff  and  an  escort  of  about  forty  dragoons,  leaving 
Filisola  to  direct  the  crossing  of  the  troops,  artillery, 
and  wagons.  On  the  5th  he  reached  the  Colorado, 
and  with  Sesma's  and  Tolsa's  commands  pushed  for 
ward  with  the  same  impetuous  haste  to  San  Felipe, 
where  he  arrived  April  7th.17 

Santa  Anna  in  the  plenitude  of  his  self-confidence 
considered  that  he  had  an  ample  force  with  which  to 
crush  the  retreating  Texans  without  the  assistance  of 
Urrea's  division,  and  on  April  6th  countermanded  his 
instructions  to  that  general,  ordering  him  to  take  pos 
session  of  Matagorda,  and  carry  out  the  operations 
previously  assigned  to  him.18  This  proved  to  be  a 
fatal  mistake.  Urrea  crossed  the  Colorado,  and  on 
April  13th  entered  Matagorda,  which  he  found  evac 
uated.  He  then  directed  his  march  to  Brazoria,  tak 
ing  possession  of  the  place  on  the  22d  without  oppo 
sition,  a  large  quantity  of  goods  of  all  kinds  falling 
into  his  hands.19  While  Urrea  was  thus  far  away  from 
the  future  field  of  action  Gaona  failed  to  arrive  at 
San  Felipe  at  the  time  expected.  In  fact  he  had  lost 
his  way  in  the  desert  region  lying  between  Bastrop 
and  San  Felipe,  which  place  he  did  not  reach  till 

17  Filisola,  Mem.  Tej.,  i.  41-51;  Id.,  Represent.,  12-13;  Caro,  Verdad.  Idea, 
17-18;  Almontes  Journal,  in  National  Banner,  July  13,  1838. 

18  Copy  of  despatch  in  Filisola,  Mem.  Tej.,  50-1. 

19 Id.,  Mem.  Guerra  Tej.,  ii.  446-9;  Urrea  Diario,  24-7. 


CROSSING  THE  RIVER. 


249 


April  17th.20  These  two  circumstances,  combined 
with  the  impetuosity  and  presumptuous  self-reliance 
of  Santa  Anna  greatly  conduced  to  the  catastrophe 
which  ended  in  his  overthrow  and  capture. 


SECTIONAL  MAP  or  1835. 

Meantime  Santa  Anna,  finding  Baker's  detachment 
opposed  to  him  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  made 
no  attempt  to  cross,  but  on  the  9th  moved  down  the 

wCaro  Verdad.  Idea,  22;  Filisola,  Mem.  Guerra  Tej.,  ii.  449-50. 


250  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

Brazos  with  the  chosen  companies  and  reached  Old 
Fort21  on  the  llth.  Sesma  was  left  at  San  Felipe 
with  489  men,  being  instructed  to  place  himself  un 
der  Filisola's  orders  when  he  should  arrive.22  The  last 
named  general  had  reached  the  Colorado  on  the  10th, 
and  moving  forward  arrived  at  the  ruins  of  San 
Felipe  on  the  14th,  and  at  Old  Fort  on  the  16th. 
From  the  latter  place  Santa  Anna  sent  instructions, 
as  soon  as  he  arrived,  for  Sesma  and  Filisola  to  join  him 
there  as  speedily  as  possible.  Sesma  came  up  on  the 
1 3th,  and  on  the  following  day  the  commander-in-chief, 
without  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  Filisola,  having  ob 
tained  possession  of  aflat  boat23  and  two  canoes  suc 
ceeded  in  crossing  the  river  by  a  ruse.  At  Old  Fort 
there  were  two  crossings,  the  upper  and  lower,  and  as 
Wylie  Martin's  force  was  not  sufficient  to  guard  both, 
he  was  kept  occupied  by  a  demonstration  at  the 
upper  ferry,  while  the  Mexicans  effected  their  pas 
sage  across  at  the  lower  one.  Martin  thereupon  pro 
ceeded  up  the  river  and  joined  Houston  who  by  this 
time  was  also  on  the  east  bank  of  the  river.  Taking 
with  him  700  infantry  with  a  six-pounder  and  50 
cavalrymen,  Santa  Anna  hurried  off  to  Harrisburg, 
leaving  Sesma  with  the  remainder  of  the  division  at 
Old  Fort. 

The  cause  of  all  this  haste  was  the  receipt  of  news 
that  the  Texan  government  had  its  seat  at  Harris 

c? 

burg  and  the  Mexican  commander-in-chief  hoped,  by- 
a  forced  march,  to  capture  the  president  and  other 
members.  He  arrived  at  the  place  in  the  night  of 
the  15th,24  only  to  find  three  printers  in  it,  the  gov- 

21  Also  called  Fort  Bend,  Thompson  Ferry,  and  Orozimbo — now  Rich 
mond. 

"See  Sesma's  note  to  Filisola  of  Apr.  9,  1836,  in  Id.,  Mem.  Tej.,  i.  64; 
Id.,  Represent.,  13. 

23  Houston  states  in  the  speech  already  quoted  that  he  had  ordered  every 
craft  on  the  river,  to  be  destroyed  but  by  a  ruse  the  enemy  obtained  the 
only  boat  that  was  in  that  part  of  the  country  where  a  command  was  sta 
tioned.     Ihey  came  and  spoke  English.     Consult  Yoahim,  ii.  121. 

24  At  this  date  the  positions  of  the  Mexican  divisions  were  as  follows: 
Urrea  was  at  Matagorda,  30  leagues  distant  from  Sesma,  and  40  from  Filisola; 
Gaona  was  lost  in  the  desert  between  Bastrop  and  San  Felipe;  Filisola  was 


TEXAN  MOVEMENTS.  251 

ernment  and  inhabitants  having  left  for  New  Wash 
ington,  whence  they  crossed  over  to  Andhuac,  and 
from  there  to  Galveston  island  in  the  steamer  Cayuga, 
the  government  making  the  latter  place  its  seat.25 

At  Harrisburg  Santa  Anna  learned  from  the  print 
ers  that  Houston  was  at  Groce  crossing  with  800 
men.  He  then  sent  forward  the  cavalry  to  New 
Washington  under  Colonel  Almonte,  who  presently, 
from  information  there  received,  reported  that  Hous 
ton  was  marching  for  the  Trinity  by  way  of  Lynch's 
ferry.  Having  set  fire  to  Harrisburg,26  the  Mexican 
general  moved,  on  the  17th,  to  New  Washington,  ar 
riving  there  on  the  1 8th,  having  previously  despatched 
a  courier  post  haste  to  Filisola  ordering  him  to  send 
General  Cos  with  500  picked  troops  to  join  him  by 
forced  marches.27  And  here,  for  the  present,  we  will 
leave  him  to  follow  the  movements  of  the  Texan  army. 

The  impatience  of  the  troops  at  the  Fabian  policy 
of  General  Houston  was  so  great  that  the  expression 
of  it  bordered  on  mutiny,  and  it  is  an  undeniable  fact 
that  while  they  were  in  camp  on  the  Brazos  several 
meetings  were  openly  held  at  which  the  question  was 
discussed  of  appointing  another  leader.28  On  April 
4th,  Thomas  J.  Rusk,  the  secretary  of  war,  arrived 
at  the  camp,  and  it  appears  that  at  his  suggestion  an 
understanding  was  arrived  at  that  the  army  should 

16  leagues  distant  from.  Sesma,  and  Santa  Arm  a,  at  Harrisburg  20  leagues 
distant. 

25  Pres.  Burnet  was  nearly  captured  by  a  squadron  of  Mexican  cavalry 
on  the  morning  of  the  17th,  at  New  Washington,  escaping  to  the  steamer  in 
a  small  boat  only  a  few  minutes  before  the  enemy  reached  the  shore.  Yoa- 
kum.  ii.  136-7. 

*6  Santa  Anna  denies  this,  stating  that  the  town  was  on  fire  before  he  en 
tered  it,  and  that  he  was  told  by  the  printers  that  the  fire  was  accidental. 
Manifesto  17,  in  Pap.  Far.,  182,  no.  8;  also  in  Filisola,  Mem.  Guerra  Tej-,  ii. 
458.  But  Colonel  Pedro  Delgado  in  his  diary  says  that  Santa  Anna  ordered 
him  to  set  fire  to  the  place.  Id.,  Mem.  Tej.,  i.  84. 

27  Cos  had  been  ordered  to  proceed  with  500  men  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Brazos  and  take  possession  of  Velasco.  Copy  of  despatches  in  Id. ,  i.  68-77. 
Santa  Anna's  countermanding  his  orders  so  repeatedly  caused  much  annoy 
ance  to  his  generals,  whose  suggestions  or  advice  he  would  not  listen  to. 

18 Houston  says,  'mutiny  and  sedition  were  rife  in  camp,'  Tex.  Aim., 
1860,  35. 


252 


SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 


march  to  Harrisburg,  the  seat  of  the  government,  and 
there  make  a  stand/9  Two  six-pounders  having  ar 
rived  on  the  llth  from  Harrisburg,30  Houston  made 
preparations  to  cross  the  river.  On  his  arrival  at  the 
Brazos,  a  spacious  steamboat,  the  Yellowstone,  hap 
pened  to  be  at  Groce's  landing,  loading  with  cotton. 
This  vessel  he  embargoed,  and  placing  a  guard  on 


ROUTES  OF  ARMIES. 

board  thus  secured  the  means  of  passing  the  river  at 
any  time  without  trouble.  Thus  at  length  the  opera 
tions  were  fairly  commenced,  and  indeed  had  they 
been  much  longer  delayed  it  is  impossible  to  foresee 
the  results  that  might  have  followed,  with  mutiny 
and  insubordination  openly  threatened  in  his  camp, 
for  many  of  his  followers  now  attributed  his  hesita 
tion  to  incompetence,  timidity,  or  indeed  to  any  cause 
except  the  right  one.  On  the  12th  he  began  to 

29  Foote  says  that  Houston's  plan  was  to  retire  to  the  Sabine,  and  there 
get  up  an  army  of  5,000  Anglo-Americans.     On  the  other  hand,  it  was  an 
nounced  to  him  by  Maj.  Wharton  and  others  that  the  soldiers  would  not 
leave  the  central  region  of  Texas  to  go  north  on  any  consideration  whatever. 
Foote,  ii.  292.     Houston  asserted  in  his  speech  before  the  U.  S.  senate  that 
he  was  resolved  never  to  pass  the  Trinity.   Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  33. 

30  These  two  small  guns  constituted  all  the  artillery  of  the  Texan's  army. 
They  were  presented  to  the  patriots  by  the  citizens  of  Cincinnati,  and  were 
afterward  christened  the  Twin  Sisters.  Id,  23;  Foote,  ii.  205-6,  where  w'll 
be  found  copy  of  President  Burnet's  letter  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  the 


RAPID  MOVEMENTS.  253 

pass  the  troops  across,  and  by  the  1 4th  the  whole  army 
was  placed  on  the  other  side.  The  next  day,  the 
companies  of  Moseley  Baker  and  Wylie  Martin  ar 
rived.  Both  officers  were  in  a  sullen  humor,  and  the 
latter  proved  so  refractory  that  Houston  ordered  him 
to  march  directly  to  the  Trinity  and  protect  the  women 
and  children  in  case  the  Indians  should  prove  turbu 
lent.31 

The  army  was  now  put  in  motion,  and  after  a  march 
of  extreme  difficulty  and  fatigue  over  the  boggy 
ground,32  arrived  at  Buffalo  bayou,  opposite  Harris- 
burg,  on  the  18th,  and  there  encamped.  The  ever- 
active  scout,  Deaf  Smith,  and  other  spies  were  sent 
across  the  bayou,  and  in  the  evening  brought  in  two 
captives,  one  of  whom  proved  to  be  the  bearer  of  de 
spatches  from  Filisola  to  Santa  Anna,  and  others  from 
Mexico.  From  these  papers  Houston  learned  for  the 
first  time  that  the  Mexican  president  in  person  was  in 
command  of  the  advance  division  of  the  enemy. 

Houston  now  determined  to  cross  the  bayou,  and  on 
the  morning  of  the  1 9th,  after  having  addressed  a 
spirit-stirring  speech  to  the  troops,33  in  which  he  in 
formed  them  that  Santa  Anna  himself  was  before 
them,  moved  about  two  miles  lower  down  the  bayou, 
with  three  days'  rations,  leaving  in '  the  rear  the  bag 
gage  and  sick,34  with  a  sufficient  guard.  The  passage 

31  Tex  Aim.,  1860,  24.  Martin  died  at  Fort  Bend  county  in  1842.  At  the 
time  of  his  death  he  was  a  member  of  the  Texan  congress.  He  was  born  in 
Georgia  in  1776.  Thrall's  H'ist.  Tex.,  588. 

3'2 '  The  prairies  were  qnagmired.  The  contents  of  the  wagons  had  to  be 
carried  across  the  bogs,  and  the  empty  wagons  had  to  be  assisted  in  aid  of 
the  horses.  No  less  than  eight  impediments  in  one  day  had  to  be  overcome 
in  that  way.'  Houston s  Speech,  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  24. 

33Labadie,  who  accompanied  the  army,  writes  thus:  'He  said  [that  is, 
Houston] :  ' '  The  army  will  cross,  and  we  will  meet  the  enemy.  Some  of  us 
may  be  killed  and  must  be  killed;  but  soldiers,  remember  the  .Alamo!  the 
Alamo!  the  Alamo!  "  Maj.  Somerville  remarked;  "After  such  a  speech,  but 
damned  few  will  be  taken  prisoners — that  I  know."  Col  Rusk  then  made  a 
most  eloquent  speech  ...  in  the  midst  of  his  speech  he  stopped  suddenly,  say 
ing:  "I  have  done,"  as  if  it  had  just  occurred  to  him  that  it  was  a  waste  of 
words  to  talk  to  men  who  had  been  so  long  impatient  for  the  very  conflict 
that  was  now  about  to  take  place.'  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  49. 

31  Yoakum  makes  the  extraordinary  statement  that  200  or  300  sick  and 
non-effectives  were  left  behind,  ii.  1«')4.  Labadie,  \vho  surely  ought  to  know, 
says,  '  Phelps  having  been  left  to  attend  to  some  ten  or  twelve  who  were  sick 


254  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

of  the  main  body  was  effected  without  mishap,  but  not 
without  trouble,  as  the  only  means  of  crossing  consisted 
of  a  boat  in  bad  repair  and  a  raft  that  had  been  con 
structed  on  which  to  pass  over  the  cannon  and  ammu 
nition-wagon.  The  horses  were  made  to  swim  across, 
and  by  nightfall  the  whole  force  had  gained  the  other 
side.  The  army  then  moved  down  the  bayou  till  mid 
night,  when  the  men  were  so  utterly  exhausted — some 
even  falling  down  from  fatigue — that  a  halt  was  or 
dered,  and  the  weary  soldiers  threw  themselves  on  tho 
wet  ground  and  bivouacked  without  supper,  exposed 
to  a  cold  north  wind  which  increased  their  discomfort. 
At  daylight  the  march  was  resumed,  and  the  indomi 
table  troops  pressed  forward  without  breakfast  toward 
the  junction  of  Buffalo  bayou  with  the  San  Jacinto. 
After  a  inarch  of  two  hours,  the  order  was  given  to 
halt  for  breakfast,  but  while  the  hungry  men  were 
preparing  it,  the  scouts  galloped  into  camp  and 
reported  that  the  enemy  was  moving  from  New 
Washington  toward  Lynch' s  ferry.  The  march  was 
immediately  continued,  and  the  eager  soldiers  hurry 
ing  onward  halted,  about  ten  o'clock  on  the  morning 
of  the  20th,  within  half  a  mile  of  the  ferry,  in  a  fino 
belt  of  timber  on  the  elevated  bank.  At  the  ferry  a 
new  flat-boat,  loaded  with  provisions,  was  captured. 
It  had  been  sent  by  Santa  Anna  from  New  Washing 
ton,  and  the  supplies  were  intended  for  the  troops  with 
which  he  was  going,  as  he  thought,  to  take  possession 
of  Andhuac. 

From  New  Washington  Santa  Anna  sent  Captain 
Barragan  on  the  19th  with  a  detachment  of  dragoons 
to  reconnoitre  the  movements  of  Houston,  and  on  the 
20th  prepared  for  his  march  to  Lynch's  ferry,  by  burn 
ing  the  warehouse  on  the  wharf  and  setting  fire  to 
the  town.  When  everything  was  ready  for  the  march 
Captain  Barragan,  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  en- 

with  the  diarrhoea,  the  Red  Land  company,  consisting  of  some  40  men,  also 
remaining  to  guard  the  camp.'  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  49. 


A  WILD  GENERAL.  255 

tered  camp  at  full  speed  reporting  that  Houston  was 
close  on  the  rear  and  had  captured  some  of  the 
stragglers.  A  scene  of  confusion  ensued  which  de 
fies  adequate  description.  The  excitement  of  the 
Mexican  general  amounted  to  frenzy;  and  his  con 
duct,  utterly  lacking  in  that  calmness  and  dignity 
essential  to  a  successful  commander  on  occasions  of 
emergency,  had  a  terrifying  effect  upon  his  troops. 
The  exit  from  New  Washington  was  by  a  narrow 
lane,  a  mere  mule-track,  through  a  dense  wood,  and 
the  troops  and  pack  animals  were  already  filing  along 
it  toward  the  open  prairie  beyond.  Mounting  his 
horse,  Santa  Anna  rushed  down  this  lane  crowded 
with  men  and  animals,  wildly  gesticulating  and  scream 
ing  out,  at  the  top  of  his  voice,  that  the  enemy  was 
at  hand.  The  disorder  was  terrible.  By  knocking 
down  and  riding  over  his  men  like  a  madman,  the 
commander  succeeded  in  forcing  his  way  through  to 
the  prairie,  where  in  spite  of  the  trepidation  he  had 
caused  and  his  contradictory  orders,  a  column  of  attack 
was  formed.35  But  no  enemy  was  in  sight,  and  the 
army  in  some  proper  array  moved  forward  toward 
Lynch's  ferry.  About  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon 
Houston's  pickets  were  descried,  and  some  firing  took 
place  between  them  and  the  Mexican  skirmishers. 
When  Santa  Anna  arrived  on  the  ground  with  the 
main  body,  his  first  intention  was  to  attack  at  once, 
and  a  column  of  infantry  was  directed  against  the 
enemy ;  but  being  received  with  a  discharge  of  grape, 
while  the  Texans  kept  themselves  well  concealed  in 
the  wood,  it  was  withdrawn.  The  Mexican  general 

'  O 

had  occupied  an  island  of  timber  on  a  small  elevation 
in  front  of  Houston's  right;  he  now  deployed  the 
Toluca  company  as  skirmishers,  with  the  object  of 
discovering  the  position  of  the  Texans,  and  opened 
fire  with  his  cannon.  This  demonstration  was  re- 

35  Col  Delgado's  Diary,  in  Filisola,  Mem.  Tej.,  i.  84-6.  Translation  of  the 
same  in  The  Battle  of  San  Jacinto  vicived  from  both  an  American  and  Mexican 
standpoint.  Its  Details  and  Incidents  as  officially  reported  by  Major-General  Sam. 
Houston.  Austin,  Texas,  1878;  also  in  Linns  Reminis.,  225-46. 


256 


SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 


sponded  to  by  the  enemy's  artillery — Captain  Urrizia 
being  severely  wounded — and  an  interchange  of  small 
arms  occasionally  took  place.  The  artillery  continued 
to  fire  for  some  time,  and  Colonel  Neill,  on  the  Texan 
side,  was  wounded  by  a  grape  shot.  Just  before  sun 
set  a  demonstration  was  made  by  the  Texan  cavalry, 
under  Colonel  Sherman,  against  the  Mexican  left, 
whereupon  Santa  Anna  ordered  his  own  cavalry  to 
face  the  enemy  without  gaining  ground.  The  Texans 
charged  upon  the  dragoons  and  came  to  close  quart 
ers,  but  were  compelled  to  retire,  before  much  harm 
was  done,36  by  the  advance  of  several  companies  of 


PLAN  or  BATTLE-FIELD. 

Mexican  infantry.  This  skirmish  closed  the  opera 
tions  of  the  day.  Meantime  Santa  Anna  had  selected 
his  ground  and  encamped  with  his  whole  force  along 
the  margin  of  San  Jacinto  bay,  his  right  flank  occu 
pying  the  extreme  point  of  a  skirt  of  timber.37  The 

36  The  Texans  had  two  men  severely  wounded,  one  of  whom  died  a  few 
days  afterward.  Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  64.  Santa  Anna  says  that  one  dragoon  on 
his  side  was  grievously  wounded.  Manifiesto,  64-5. 

87 The  disposition  of  Santa  Anna's  force  was  as  follows:  three  chosen 
companies  guarded  the  wood  on  hi3  right;  the  Matamoroa  battalion  of  regu 
lars  occupied  the  centre;  and  on  his  loft  was  planted  the  cannon,  protected 


A  SLEEPY  ARMY.  257 

two  armies  were  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile  apart. 
At  daybreak  on  the  21st,  Santa  Anna  caused  a 
breastwork,  about  five  feet  high,  to  be  thrown  up  on 
his  left,  constructed  of  pack-saddles,  baggage,  sacks 
of  hard  bread,  etc.,  and  having  an  opening  in  the 
centre  in  which  was  placed  the  gun.  A  weak  barri 
cade  of  branches  extended  along  its  front  and  to  the 
right.  At  nine  o'clock,  A.  M.,  General  Cos  arrived 
with  400  men  of  his  reinforcement,  and  as  they  had 
been  marching  all  night  they  were  ordered  to  stack 
their  arms,  divest  themselves  of  their  accoutrements, 
and  take  their  rest  in  the  adjoining  grove.38  Santa 
Anna  seems  to  have  had  no  intention  of  fighting  that 
day,  though  in  his  representation  to  the  Mexican 
government  he  would  have  it  appear  otherwise.39  Be 
his  intention  what  it  might,  the  hours  dragged  on ; 
morning  was  succeeded  by  afternoon,  and  evening 
approached.  Most  of  the  soldiers  were  sleeping; 
some  few  were  eating ;  while  others  were  scattered  in 
the  wood  procuring  boughs  wherewith  to  construct  a 
shelter  for  the  night.  The  cavalry-men  were  riding 
bare-back  to  and  fro  as  they  watered  their  horses,  and 
an  indifferent  watch  was  kept  by  the  drowsy  piquets. 
His  excellency,  fatigued  with  his  morning  ride  and 
excitement,  slumbered  in  his  tent.  His  staff,  too, 
was  fast  asleep. 

While  the  doomed  army  was  thus  unsuspicious  of 
danger,  the  trap  was  being  set  by  the  enemy.  Hous 
ton  still  displayed  what  seemed  to  his  impatient  troops 

"by  the  cavalry  and  a  column  of  picked  companies,  which  also  formed  his 
reserve.  Santa  Anna,  Manif.,  65,  in  Pap.   Var.,  182,  no.  8. 

38  Santa  Anna,  in  his  account  of  the  campaign,   addressed  from  Manga 
de  Clavo,  March  11,  1837,  to  the  Mexican  minister  of  war,  states  that  Cos 
informed  him  that  he  had  marched  so  rapidly  that  the  men  had  neither  eaten 
nor  slept  for  24  hours.     He  also  states  that  only  400  men  arrived  with  Cos, 
because  100  men  had  been  left  with  some  baggage  at  a  bad  crossing  near 
Harrisburg.  Ib.     Delgado  says  about  500  men  arrived  in  camp.  Filisola,  Mem. 
Tej.,  i.  90.     Caro  does  not  believe  100  men  were  left  behind.    Verdad.  Idea, 
38,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  Santa  Anna's  statement  is  correct  as  it  is  cor 
roborated  by  Filisola.  Mem.  Guerra,  Tej.,  ii.  473,  and  Mem.  Tej.,  i.  120. 

39  See  the  dispositions  made  by  him.  Id.,  65-6. 

HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    17  • 


258  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

an  unnecessary  delay  in  commencing  hostilities,  and 
about  noon  a  council  of  war  was  held,40  at  which  colo 
nels  Burleson  and  Sherman,  lieutenant-colonels  Mil- 
lard,  Sornerville,  and  Bennett,  Major  Wells,  and  Rusk, 
the  secretary  of  war,  were  present.  The  question  put 
to  the  council  was,  "Whether  they  should  attack  the 
enemy  in  his  position,  or  await  his  attack  in  theirs." 
The  two  last  named  officers  were  in  favor  of  attacking  ; 
the  four  seniors  and  Rusk  voted  in  favor  of  receiving 
the  attack,  since  they  deemed  their  situation  admirably 
adapted  for  defence,  whereas  to  charge  across  an  open 
prairie  with  raw  militia,  without  bayonets,  and  assault 
an  enemy  in  position  would  be  a  most  hazardous  ex 
periment.  The  council  was  then  dismissed,  no  opinion 
having  been  expressed  by  Houston. 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  many  bitter  contro 
versies  arose  in  after  years  relative  to  Houston's  method 
of  conducting  this  campaign,  and  that  so  much  ani 
mosity  should  have  been  displayed  between  men  who, 
apart  from  their  unfriendly  feelings  toward  each  other, 
bore  a  noble  part  in  this  desperate  struggle  for  inde 
pendence  with  a  vastly  superior  power.  The  state 
ments  of  the  opposing  parties  are  so  utterly  at  variance 
and  so  thoroughly  contradictory  that  it  is  impossible 
to  arrive,  with  any  degree  of  certainty,  at  a  decision 
which  could  be  claimed  as  unquestionably  correct.41 
I  shall  therefore  confine  myself  to  the  narration  of 
facts,  without  entering  into  a  discussion  as  to  the  mer 
its  of  the  claims  set  up  by  either  party,  especially  as 
they  unhappily  merged  in  personal  enmity,  recrimina 
tions,  and  abuse.  I  cannot,  however,  refrain  from 
making  a  few  remarks  bearing  upon  the  difficult  posi- 

' '  The  Commander-in-chief  was  waited  on  by  several  of  the  officers,  sug 
gesting  a  council  of  war.'  Toakum  ii.,  140;  Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  65;  Houston,  in 
Id.,  25-6. 

Jl  One  of  the  most  grievous  charges  against  Houston  was  that  he  allowed 
Sherman  to  make  the  cavalry  charge  in  the  evening  of  the  20th  under  the 
promise  that  he  should  be  supported  by  infantry,  which  support  was  not  given. 
Houston  maintained  that  Sherman  disobeyed  orders  in  engaging  with  the 
enemy,  as  he  had  been  strictly  enjoined  only  to  reconnoitre,  and  by  no  means 
to  approach  within  gunshot  of  the  enemy's  line.  Id.,  25,  27,  64;  Id.,  1859, 
.52-3;  Foote,  ii.  298-305.  See  Yoakum's  remarks  on  this  affair,  ii.  139-40. 


AT  VINCE'S  BRIDGE.  259 

tion  in  which  the  commander-in-chief  stood  with 
regard  to  his  army.  After  his  departure  from  the 
Colorado,  Houston's  plan,  though  entailing  great  self- 
sacrifice  on  the  part  of  the  settlers,  seems  to  have  been 
the  only  one  on  which  he  could  securely  rely  for  ulti 
mate  success.  His  object  appears  to  have  been  to 
retreat  to  the  Redlands,  luring  the  foe  after  him  away 
from  supplies ;  then,  when  the  families  of  the  Texans 
had  been  placed  in  safety  beyond  the  Sabine,  he 
doubted  not  that  he  would  be  able  to  raise  from  4,000 
to  5,000  men  burning  to  avenge  their  sufferings  and 
losses.  With  such  a  force,  he  could  have  annihilated 
the  Mexican  army.  But  Houston  was  a  man  who 
kept  his  own  counsel,  and  the  impetuous  and  angry 
men  under  him,  not  penetrating  his  designs,  and  little 
practised  in  subordination,  attributed  his  retreat  to 
fear  of  the  enemy,  and  were  not  slow  to  express  their 
opinion.  When  the  brave  but  unruly  nature  of  those 
with  whom  the  general  had  to  deal  is  taken  into  con 
sideration,  and  when  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  from  the 
beginning  to  the  end  of  his  retreat  he  met  with  ever- 
increasing  opposition,  murmurings,  and  dissatisfaction, 
giving  place  to  contemptuous  language  uttered  within 
his  hearing,  and  mutinous  proceedings,  we  cannot  fail 
to  admire  the  nerve  and  courage  of  the  man  who,  in 
the  face  of  such  opposition,  persevered  in  the  plan 
which  he  deemed  most  conducive  to  the  success  of  his 
adopted  country. 

Soon  after  the  council  was  dismissed,  Houston  de 
spatched  Deaf  Smith  with  some  others  to  destroy 
Vince's  bridge,  about  eight  miles  off/2  the  accomplish- 

42  This  bridge  was  built  over  a  creek  of  the  same  name  which  crossed  the 
xoad  to  Harri  sburg,  the  only  way  by  land  to  the  Brazos.  By  its  destruction 
•Santa  Anna  was  cut  off  from  the  rest  of  his  forces.  The  demolition  of  this 
bridge  was  another  subject  of  controversy,  it  being  claimed  that  the  idea  of 
destroying  it  originated  in  Deaf  Smith,  who  made  the  proposition  to  Houston, 
while  the  latter  maintained  that  such  was  not  the  case.  It  is  a  matter  of 
no  material  importance.  The  bridge  was  destroyed,  and  by  Houston's  orders, 
whether  prompted  by  Smith  or  not.  But  the  geiieral-in-chief  was  accused 
by  his  opponents  of  appropriating  to  himself  all  the  glory  of  San  Jacinto, 
and  no  charge,  however  trivial,  was  omitted  to  be  brought  to  bear  against 
him.  The  accounts  also  of  the  destruction  of  the  bridge  are  various  and  con- 


260  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

ment  of  which  would  prevent  the  arrival  of  additional 
reinforcements  and  cut  off  all  means  of  escape  for 
Santa  Anna  in  case  of  his  defeat.  When  he  deemed 
sufficient  time  had  elapsed  for  the  destruction  of  the 
bridge,  Houston  caused  the  general  opinion  of  the 
captains  of  the  different  regiments  to  be  taken  on 
the  question  of  engaging  with  the  enemy  at  once,  or 
just  before  daybreak  on  the  22d.  The  votes  were 
greatly  in  favor  of  immediate  attack,  and  the  com 
mander- in-chief  thereupon  gave  the  order  to  parade 
and  prepare  for  action.43 

Under  cover  of  the  islands  of  timber  in  front  the 
battle  array  was  formed  unseen  by  the  enemy.  Col 
onel  Burleson  with  the  1st  regiment  of  Texas  volun 
teers  occupied  the  centre ;  the  2d  regiment  of  volun 
teers,  under  Colonel  Sherman,  formed  the  left  wing ; 
on  the  right  was  placed  the  artillery,  sustained  by 
four  companies  of  regular  infantry  under  Lieutenant- 
colonel  Henry  Millard.  The  line  was  completed  by 
the  cavalry  which  was  posted  on  the  extreme  right. 
There  was  no  noise,  but  along  the  ranks  a  low  whis 
pering  might  be  heard,  and  a  keen  listener  might  have 
caught  the  word,  Alamo !  On  each  man's  counte 
nance  stern  determination  was  depicted  under  various 
expressions.  Some  were  pale ;  others  were  smiling  in 

tradictory.  Some  say  it  was  burned;  Houston  asserts  that  it  was  cut  down; 
Labadie  states  that  Deaf  Smith  told  him  that  he  first  fired  it,  but  it  would 
not  burn;  he  then  cut  away  a  few  timbers  and  made  it  fall  into  the  bayou. 
There  is,  however,  conclusive  evidence  that  it  was  burned.  Santa  Anna, 
speaking  of  his  arrival  at  the  creek,  says,  '  cuyo  puente  en  centre  quemado. ' 
Manifesto,  ut  sup.,  67.  Houston  says  that  two  men — Deaf  Smith  and  his 
comrade,  Reeves — were  secretly  despatched  to  accomplish  the  work;  Foote 
states  that  there  were  four  men,  Smith,  Carnes,  Lapham,  and  another; 
Aylsbury,  who  claimed  to  be  one  of  the  party,  asserts  that  seven  men,  in 
cluding  Smith  and  himself,  were  employed;  the  names  of  the  others  were 
Denmore  Rives — or  Reeves — John  Coker,  E.  R.  Rainwater,  John  Garner, 
and  Moses  Lapham.  Id.,  ii.  141;  Foote,  ii.  305-6;  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  53;  Id., 
1860,  26,  65-6;  Id.,  1861,  55-8,  65;  Baker's  Tex.,  98-101;  Thrall's  Hist.  Tex., 
265. 

43Capt.  R.  J.  Calder,  referring  to  Gen.  Houston's  reluctance  to  fight, 
writes  thus:  'I  think  he  wished,  in  case  of  failure  or  disaster,  an  apology,  to 
wit,  that  he  fought  against  his  own  judgment,  and  suffered  himself  to  be 
controlled  by  the  opinions  and  clamor  of  his  officers  and  men. '  The  same 
officer  did  not  believe  that  Houston  felt  a  positive  reluctance  to  fight.  Tex. 
Aim.,  1861,  66. 


THE  TEXAN  S  VICTORIOUS.  261 

anticipation  of  revenge ;  but  deep  in  the  eyes  of  all 
was  a  tigerish  glare  which  occasionally  flashed  out 
from  beneath  their  brows.  They  were  self-restrained, 
however,  and  only  waited  for  the  word.  It  was 
about  4  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  when  the  command 
was  given  to  advance  The  Texans  moved  silently 
forward  through  the  timber  in  double  file,  and  pushed 
rapidly  on  across  the  prairie  toward  the  foe.  When 
within  300  yards  of  the  enemy's  camp  the  Mexicans 
opened  fire,  and  the  pace  was  increased  to  double 
quick ;  but  not  a  shot  was  fired  by  the  Texans  till 
they  were  within  point-blank  range.  f  Then,  with  a 
deafening  shout  of  Remember  the  Alamo  I  striking 
terror  into  the  hearts  of  their  foes,44  they  poured  in 
their  volley,  and  rushed  to  the  charge.  Sherman's 
regiment,  which  had  advanced  under  cover  of  the 
island  of  timber  on  the  Texan  left  front,  was  the  first 
to  break  into  the  Mexican  camp;  Burleson's  com 
mand  almost  immediately  afterward  pierced  the  cen 
tre.  The  cavalry  had  been  first  advanced  in  front  of 
the  enemy's  left  to  draw  off  attention,  and  the  Twin 
Sisters  had  been  run  rapidly  forward  to  within  200 
yards  of  the  breastwork  in  the  same  part  of  the  field, 
and  had  opened  fire  upon  it. 

No  more  complete  surprise  could  have  been  effected. 
The  conflict  even  at  the  breastwork  lasted  only  a  few 
moments.  In  the  short  hand-to-hand  contest  en 
gaged  in,  the  Texans  clubbed  their  rifles,  and  the 
Mexican  bayonet  proved  a  useless  weapon  against  the 
superior  strength  and  fierce  valor  of  their  antago 
nists.45  In  less  than  twenty  minutes  after  the  Texans 

"Writes  Capt.  Calder:  'I  am  by  no  means  certain  that  our  shot  was 
more  effective  in  creating  confusion  and  panic  in  the  ranks  of  the  enemy 
than  this  tremendous  yell,  preceded,  as  it  had  been,  by  almost  perfect  silence, 
and  a  steady  advance  under  their  fire.' 

45  '  Our  riflemen  used  their  pieces  as  war-clubs  breaking  many  of  them 
off  at  the  breech. '  Houston's  Official  fieport  of  the  Batik  of  San  Jacinto.  This 
report  was  filed  in  the  records  of  the  republic  of  Texas,  and  was  probably 
destroyed  by  the  fire  that  consumed  the  adjutant-general's  office  in  October, 
1855.  A  correct  copy,  however,  was  fortunately  preserved,  for  in  the  same 
year  in  which  the  battle  was  fought  the  document  was  published  in  pamph 
let  form  at  the  Bulletin  office  in  New  Orleans.  The  publication  was  doubtless 


262  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

burst  into  the  camp,  carrying  terror  in  their  battle- 
front,  the  trained  soldiers  of  Mexico  were  in  head 
long  flight,  a  panic-stricken  herd.  In  vain  the  brave 
Castrillon  endeavored  to  restore  order ;  he  could  not 
stay  the  tide  of  fleeing  men.  His  gallantry  cost  him 
his  life ;  while  slowly  retiring  he  was  struck  by  sev 
eral  rifle  balls  and  fell.46  And  now  followed  the  pur 
suit  which  was  continued  to  the  site  of  Yince's  bridge. 
The  Texans  spared  not,  and  the  carnage  did  not  cease 
till  night  interfered.47  At  a  small  creek,  not  wide 
but  deep,  in  the  rear  of  the  Mexican  right  and  be 
hind  the  timber  belt,  the  slaughter  was  terrible,  while 
numbers  of  the  fugitives  were  drowned  in  their  efforts 
to  cross  it.  At  the  close  of  day  Almonte,  who  by 
his  coolness  and  intrepidity  had  succeeded  in  keep 
ing  together  a  column  of  some  400  or  500  strong, 
and  was  retreating  beyond  the  morass  in  the  rear 
of  the  Mexican  camp,  formally  surrendered.  Santa 
Anna  and  Cos  escaped  for  the  time. 

In  this  engagement  the  aggregate  force  of  the 
Texans  was  783  men,  that  of  the  Mexicans,  accord 
ing  to  Houston's  report  of  killed,  wounded,  and  miss 
ing  was  double  that  number. 48  The  figures  representing 

made  in  deference  to  the  request  of  General  Houston,  who  urged  it  '  as  an 
act  of  justice  to  the  individuals  '  \vlio  participated  in  the  engagement.  The 
above  information  was  supplied  by  V.  O.  King  of  the  department  of  Insur 
ance,  Statistics,  and  History,  in  ISW,  in  which  year  a  copy  of  it  was  pub 
lished  at  Austin,  Texas.  Linn's  Remims. ,  223.  Besides  this  copy  which  bears 
the  title  of  The  Battle  of  San  Jadnto  Viewed  from  an  American  and  Mexican 
Standpoint,  copies  are  supplied  in  Linn,  ut  sup.,  203-9;  Yoakum,  ii.  498-502; 
Kennedy,  ii.  222-7,  besides  other  authors. 

^Castrillon  was  a  European  Spaniard.  At  Ran  Jacinto  he  displayed 
singular  coolness  and  bravery.  Rusk  writes:  'Gen.  Castrillon  was 
standing  on  the  ammunition  boxes  behind  the  piece  exposed  from  head  to 
foot.  He  used  every  effort  to  keep  his  men  to  the  gun;  when  he  found  that 
to  be  impossible,  he  folded  his  arms,  stood  and  looked  sullenly,  and  without 
moving,  upon  our  troops . .  .  He  was  about  fifty  yards  in  the  rear  of  his  re 
treating  men  when  he  turned  round  deliberately  and  walked  slowly  off.  He 
had  proceeded  some  thirty  or  forty  steps  when  he  was  shot  and  fell.  I 
examined  him,  after  the  battle,  and  found  that  several  rifle  balls  had  passed 
directly  through  his  body.*  Foote,  ii.  309. 

47  See  Taylor's  description  of  the  merciless  slaughter  of  the   Mexicans 
during  the  pursuit,  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1868,  43-4. 

48  According  to  statements  of  Santa  Anna  and  his  officers  his  force  could 
barely   have  amounted  to   1,300  men.     Col  Delgado  says  that  his  excel 
lency  started  for  Harrisburg  from  the  Brazos  with  about  600  inen.    Dianf,  id 
nip.,  31,  and  Filisola,  Mem.  TV/.,  i.  82,  where  this  author  remark  ;  that  there 


RESULT  OF  THE  BATTLE.  263 

the  enemy's  loss  given  by  the  Texan  commander  are : 
630  killed,  208  wounded,  and   730  prisoners,  showing 
a  total  of  1568  men  accounted  for/9     A  large  quantity 
of  arms,   several  hundred  mules  and  horses,  all  the 
baggage  and  camp  equipage,  and  the  military  chest, 
containing  $12,000,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors. 
The  loss  of  the  Texaiis  was  6  killed  on  the  field  and 
25    wounded,    two    of    whom    died.50       Among    the 
wounded  was  General  Houston,  who,  while  gallantly 
encouraging   his  men  to  the  attack,  received  a  shot  in 
the  ankle,  in  front  of  the  infantry,  and  when  within  a 
few  yards  of  the  enemy,  his  horse  also  being  shot  in 
two  or  three  places.      He  did  not,  however,  leave  the 
field  till  the  Mexicans  were  routed  and  in  full  flight. 
Meantime  Santa  Anna,  who  had  been  one  of  the 
first  to  flee,  made  every  effort  to  save  himself.  Mounted 
on  a  splendid  charger  supplied  him  in  the  confusion 
by  Colonel  Juan  Bringas,  he  fled  at  full  speed  toward 
Vince's  bridge,  hotly  pursued  by  the  Texan  cavalry. 
Finding  the  bridge  destroyed,  he  did  not  pause,  but 
plunged  down  the  steep  descent  into  the  water,  where 
his  horse  stuck  fast  in  the  mud.     Nevertheless,  fa 
vored  by  the  approaching  night,  he  managed  to  con- 
were  more  than  800,  a  statement  somewhat  contradictory  to  that  made  in 
his  Representation,  13,  where  he  says  that  Santa  Anna,  in  his  impatience, 
inarched  to  Harrisburg  with  a  little  over  700  men  and  a  six -pounder  cannon. 
Santa  Anna  himself  states  that  his  original  force  consisted  of  700  infantry 
and  50  calvary.  Manifesto,  63.     Assuming  the  largest  number,  over  800  men, 
these  added  to  the  500  men  brought  up  by  Cos  only  make  a  total  of  some 
thing  over  1300,  men. 

49  Among  the  Mexican  slain  were  Gen.  Castrillon,  cols  Batres,  Peralta 
Trevino,  Jose  M.  Romero,  and  lieutenant-colonels  Manuel  Aguirre  and 
Luelmo,  besides  5  captains  and  12  lieutenants.  Houston's  Jlepoi't,  utsup.,  9; 
Caro,  Verdad.  Idea,  43.  Yoakum,  ii.  146,  gives  the  names  of  Col  Mora  and 
Lieut-col  Castilloii.  Among  the  prisoners,  besides  Santa  Anna  and  Cos, 
captured  later,  were  colonels  Almonte,  Bringas,  Cespedes,  Portilla,  and 
Delgado. 

50 The  names  of  the  killed  are:  William  Motley,  aid-de-camp  to  the  sec 
retary  of  war;  1st  lieut  J.  C.  Hale,  2d  lieut  Lamb,  and  1st  sergt  Thomas 
P.  Fowl,  2d  regiment  Texas  volunteers;  privates  Lemuel  Blakely,  J.  Tom, 
B.  R.  Brigham,  and  A.  R.  Stevens  of  the  1st  named  regiment.  Olwyn  J. 
Trask  of  the  cavalry,  wounded  on  the  20th,  died  a  few  days  afterward. 
Official  return  in  Battle  of  San  Jacinto,  11,  12,  and  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  160-1, 
in  both  of  which  authorities  will  be  found  a  nominal  list  of  all  the  men  en 
gaged  in  the  battle.  Yoakum,  ii.  146,  supplies  a  list  of  killed  differing  some 
what  from  the  above.  •*«  .. 


264  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

ceal  himself,  crossed  the  creek  later  and  continued 
his  way  on  foot.  In  an  abandoned  house  he  found 
some  clothes,  and  doffing  his  uniform,  assumed  the 
garb  of  a  soldier.  Clad  in  a  blue  cotton  jacket  and 
linen  trowsers,  with  a  leather  cap  and  red  worsted 
slippers,51  he  sought  to  hide  his  identity,  and  crawled 
away  through  the  grass  and  mud  in  the  direction  of 
the  Brazos.  But  on  the  following  morning,  detach 
ments  of  horsemen  were  sent  out  to  scour  the  country, 
and  by  one  of  these  a  mud-bespattered  abject-looking 
creature  was  seen  standing  on  the  bank  of  a  ravina 
The  object  was  brought  into  camp,  and  its  iden 
tity  recognized  by  the  ejaculations  of  the  other 
captives,  who  uttered  the  words,  Santa  Anna,  and  El 
presidente.52  He  was  conducted  to  headquarters,  and 
the  Mexican  dictator,  and  the  director  of  the  massa 
cres  at  the  Alamo  and  Goliad  stood  in  the  presence 
of  his  victor,  who  motioned  him  to  a  seat. 

His  trepidation  was  great,  for  his  life,  he  knew,  was 
in  imminent  danger.  Yet  he  retained  his  presence  of 
mind,  and  having  swallowed  some  opium  that  was 
given  to  him  at  his  request,  somewhat  regained  his 
composure.  There  was  not  much  dignity  about  the 
man  as  he  sat  on  a  box,  with  bowed  head,  in  front  of 
Houston ;  he  was  ready  to  sell  his  country  if  only  he 
could  get  back  to  his  hacienda  of  Manga  de  Clavo, 
and  he  proposed  to  negotiate  for  his  liberation.  In 
his  defence,  he  laid  his  late  murderous  proceedings  to 
the  charge  of  the  congress;  he  had  only  acted,  he 
said,  in  accordance  with  the  congressional  decree,  and 
did  not  consider  himself  responsible  for  the  weight  of 
punishment  inflicted  on  those  who  were  classified 
therein  as  pirates.  In  reply  to  Santa  Anna's  propo 
sition  to  negotiate,  Houston  informed  him  that  he  had 
no  power  to  act  in  a  matter  of  that  nature,  and  that 


f>1  Dclgado's  Diary,  ut  sup.,  38;  Santa  Anna,  Manif.,  67. 

5'2The  names  of  the  party  which  captured  Santa  Anna  were  Joel  N.  Rob 
inson,  Miles,  Sylvester,  Thompson,  and  Vermilion.  There  was  another  man 
whose  name  is  forgotten.  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  166;  Id.,  1868,  43-5. 


FILISOLA'S  MOVEMENTS.  265 

it  must  be  referred  to  the  civil  government.  The 
captive  was  no  Regulus  ready  to  die  for  his  country, 
no  self-sacrificing  Morelos,  and  to  secure  his  personal 
safety  for  the  present,  he  eagerly  entered  into  an  ar 
mistice,  or  convention,  with  the  Texan  general,  by 
which  he  was  not  ashamed  to  agree  that  the  Mexican 
forces  should  retire  pending  negotiations  with  the 
government.  That  same  day  he  sent  despatches  to 
Filisola,  ordering  him  to  withdraw  to  Bejar,  and  to 
instruct  Gaona  to  retire  to  the  same  place  and  Urrea 
with  his  division  to  Victoria.  Filisola  was  further 
more  instructed  to  cause  the  prisoners  at  Goliad  to  be 
set  at  liberty,  and  to  provide  that  no  damage  should 
be  done  to  the  property  of  the  inhabitants  during  the 
retreat.53  On  the  24th  General  Cos  was  brought 
prisoner  into  camp,  having  been  captured  within  a 
short  distance  of  the  woods  on  the  bottom-lands  of 
the  Brazos.54 

Filisola  received  news  of  the  disaster  about  three 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  22d.  He  had  already 
been  joined  by  Gaona,  and  a  large  portion  of  this  gen 
eral's  troops  had  been  put  across  the  Brazos,  prepara 
tory  to  marching  against  Nacogdoches ;  but  when  the 
fatal  tidings  arrived,  Filisola  immediately  gave  orders 
that  they  should  be  brought  back  to  the  right  bank 
of  the  river,  and  despatched  couriers  to  General  Ur 
rea  at  Brazoria  and  Lieutenant-colonel  Jose  Mariano 
de  Salas  at  Columbia,  ordering  them  to  join  him  at 
Old  Fort  with  all  their  forces  as  speedily  as  possible.55 

53  Copy  of  these  despatches  in  his  Manijiesto,  87-8.  A  son  of  Lorenzo  de 
Zavala  acted  as  interpreter  at  the  interview  between  Houston  and  Santa 
Anna.  Id.,  71. 

64  Santa  Anna,  in  his  despatch  to  Filisola,  called  the  agreement  he  made 
with  Houston  an  '  armistice, '  but  the  capture  of  Cos  on  the  24th,  Col  Romero 
on  the  25th,  and  Lieut-col  Gonzalez  on  the  26th,  proves  that  Houston  had 
entered  into  no  such  truce,  and  that  Santa  Anna  ordered  the  withdrawal  of 
his  troops  merely  through  fear  for  his  life,  and  obtained  no  conditions  bear 
ing  upon  the  operations  of  the  Texan  army.  See  Caro,  Verdad.  Idea,  44-5. 

55  The  despatch  addressed  to  Urrea  bears  date  of  April  23,  1836,  3  P.  M., 
which  is  a  clerical  error.  It  should  be  April  22,  1836.  Urrea  points  out 
this  mistake,  and  states  that  he  received  the  despatch  between  9  and  10  A.  M. 


206  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

As  the  magnitude  of  the  catastrophe  was  impressed 
upon  his  mind  by  the  reports  brought  by  the  few  who 
escaped  from  San  Jacinto,  and  who  variously  esti 
mated  the  enemy's  strength  at  from  1,200  to  2,000 
men — numbers  which  he  did  not  consider  impossible 
if  the  Texans  had  concentrated — he  deemed  it  prudent 
to  retreat  at  once  to  a  better  military  position,  and  on 
the  23d  marched  with  his  whole  force  to  Mrs.  Powell's 
place,  on  the  road  to  Victoria,  about  fifteen  miles  from 
Old  Fort.  On  the  following  day  he  was  joined  by 
Urrea,  and  on  the  25th  a  council  of  war  was  held  by 
the  generals.  Considering  the  destitute  condition  of 
the  army,  both  with  regard  to  provisions  and  clothing 
—for  the  long  march  had  exhausted  the  supplies,  and 
the  clothing  of  the  soldiers  was  worn  out— it  was 
unanimously  decided  to  retreat  beyond  the  Colorado 
and  await  instructions  and  assistance  from  the  gov 
ernment.56  Filisola' s  whole  force  on  this  date  was 
2,573  men  of  all  arms,  according  to  the  tabular  state 
ment  in  his  representation  to  the  government  in  de 
fence  of  his  action.57 

On  the  26th,  the  army  commenced  its  retreat,  and 
in  the  afternoon  of  the  27th,  Deaf  Smith  arrived  with 
Santa  Anna's  despatches,58  the  army  being  then  en 
camped  on  the  main  source  of  the  San  Bernardo, 
which  was  rendered  impassable  by  the  heavy  rains. 
The  generals  immediately  met  in  council,  and  though 


of  the  23d.     Diario,  Camp.  Tej.,  28,  in  which  will  be  found  copy  of  the  de 
spatches  on  p.  64-5,  as  also  in  Filisola,  Mem.  Tej.,  i.  118-19. 

56  Urrea  states  that  he  was  opposed  to  this  decision,  but  had  to  submit  to 
the  general-in-chief .  Diario,  31.    Filisola  repudiates  this  assertion.  Represent., 
34-5.     Filisola  wished  to  resign  the  command  to  Sesma,  Tolsa,  or  Urrea, 
each  of  whom  declined  to  accept  it.  Particulars  in  Id.,  Mem.  Tej.,  i.  176-209. 

57  /(/.,  36.     There  were,  besides,  1505  men  stationed  in  detachments  at 
different  places,  1,001  of  whom  were  at  Bejar,   174  at  Goliad,  and   189  at 
Matagorda. 

58Yoakum — ii.  163 — following  Filisola,  says  that  Smith  arrived  on  the 
28th.  But  Filisola  misdated  his  despatch  to  Santa  Anna;  Urrea  dates  a  note, 
on  the  same  occasion,  April  27th,  and  corrects  a  mistake  made  by  Filisola  as 
to  the  day  on  which  the  army  encamped  on  the  San  Bernardo,  where  Smith 
overtook  the  army.  Diario,  31-2;  Filisola,  Represent.,  45-6.  Moreover,  in  /</., 
Mem,  Tej.,  i.  215-16,  it  is  distinctly  stated  that  Santa  Anna's  despatches  ar 
rived  on  April  27th. 


THE  RETREAT.  267 

the  retreat  had  already  been  decided  upon,  it  was  re 
solved  that  it  would  be  good  policy  to  send  a  reply  to 
the  effect  that  the  army  was  retiring  in  obedience  to 
Santa  Anna's  orders,  thereby  not  only  obtaining  for 
him  and  the  other  prisoners  considerate  treatment,  but 
a  safeguard  against  attack  during  the  retreat.  It  was 
also  decided  to  send  General  Woll  to  Houston's  camp, 
who,  under  the  pretence  of  informing  himself  of  the 
particulars  of  the  armistice,  was  to  take  careful  note 
of  the  number,  armament,  and  resources  of  the  enemy. 
Accordingly,  a  despatch  to  that  effect  was  written, 
and  Woll  left  for  the  San  Jacinto  on  the  following 
morning.59  On  his  arrival  at  the  Texan  camp,  he  was 
allowed  free  intercourse  with  the  prisoners,  but  was 
detained  as  a  prisoner  pending  the  negotiations,  and 
in  consideration  of  the  fact  that  the  enemy's  forces 
were  known  to  have  concentrated. 

The  army  continued  its  retrograde  movement ;  and 
seldom  has  a  retreat  been  conducted  under  greater 
hardships  and  difficulties.  All  the  streams  overflowed 
their  banks  and  flooded  the  adjacent  lands,  while  the 
whole  country  was  converted  into  a  swamp.  The 
roads,  where  not  inundated,  were  knee-deep  in  mud. 
On  one  occasion  the  half-famished  soldiers  waded  a 
whole  day's  march  through  water,  after  standing  all 
night  in  water;60  and  when  this  was  passed,  floun 
dered  through  the  mire,  day  after  day,  in  pitiless  rain 
storms.  The  pack-mules  sank  up  to  the  belly  in  mud, 
and  the  ammunition  wagons  were  mired  above  the 
axles.  All  along  the  line  of  march  to  the  Colorado 
baggage,  wagons,  cannon,  and  animals  were  aban 
doned.  Filisola  describes  the  situation  as  horrible. 
The  men  were  half  naked,  their  arms  of  all  kinds  were 
ruined,  the  ammunition  was  spoiled,  and  the  horses 
and  mules  in  the  most  wretched  plight,  numbers  of 

59  Full  particulars  and  copy  of  the  despatch  will  be  found  in  Id.t  i.  218-24; 
Urrea,  Diario,  32-3. 

*®  '  El  ejercito  paso  la  noche  en  una  laguna  sin  tener  doiide  sentar  im  pie 
que  no  fuere  agua.'  Filisola,  Represent.,  50. 


268  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

them  perishing.  Finding  it  impossible  to  retreat  to 
Bejar,  on  the  28th  Urrea  was  sent  in  advance,  with 
out  incumbrances,  to  secure  the  Atascosito  crossing  of 
the  Colorado  on  the  road  to  Victoria,  and  construct 
rafts  for  the  passage  of  the  army.  He  arrived  there 
on  the  evening  of  the  29th  but  it  was  not  till  May 
9th  that  the  last  division  under  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Ampudia  crossed  the  river.  Thenceforward  the  dif 
ficulties  of  the  march  were  somewhat  modified,  and 
on  May  13th  the  storm-beaten  troops,  exhausted 
with  fatigue  and  gaunt  with  hunger,  entered  Victoria.61 

On  April  26th  the  Texan  government,  then  assem 
bled  at  Galveston,  addressed  an  order  to  Houston  in 
structing  him,  in  case  he  deemed  it  inexpedient  to 
risk  an  engagement  with  the  enemy  and  considered  a 
retreat  inevitable,  to  march  for  Galveston.  But  the 
great  victory  had  been  already  won,  and  on  the  27th 
the  joyful  tidings  were  received  by  the  government,62 
together  with  a  request  from  Rusk  that  President 
Burnet  would  repair  to  the  camp  at  San  Jacinto. 
Accordingly  Burnet,  with  his  cabinet,  proceeded 
thither,  arriving  about  the  1st  of  May.63  He  was 
made  acquainted  with  the  convention  entered  into 
by  Houston  and  Santa  Anna,  and  found  the  latter  in 
a  very  pliable  mood — quite  ready  to  purchase  his  life 
at  his  country's  expense.  His  position,  certainly,  was 
not  an  enviable  one.  The  army  was  clamorous  for 
his  execution  as  a  retaliatory  act  of  justice ;  but 
though  some  turbulence  of  spirit  was  displayed,  no 
violence  was  resorted  to,  and  the  captive  was  treated 
by  Houston  with  all  proper  consideration.  That 
commander  knew  well  that  his  humbled  prisoner  was 
a  great  power  in  the  land  of  his  birth,  and  that  as 

61 A  full  account  of  this  retreat  will  be  found  in  FilMola,  Mem.  Tej.,  i., 
225-56;  Id.,  Represent.,  46-56.  Consult  also  Urrea,  Diario,  34-6. 

62  Burnet  states  that  the  news  was  not  received  earlier  on  account  of  the 
inclemency  of  the  weather.     Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  32. 

63  Caro  states  that  Burnet  arrived   April  27th,     Verdad.  Idea,  48.     The 
date  in  the  text  is  that  given  by  Buruet.     Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  33. 


TERMS  OF  TREATY.  269 

long  as  his  life  was  spared,  peace  was  guaranteed  to 
Texas. 

The  preliminaries  to  a  treaty — the  sine  qu&  non  of 
which  was  to  be  the  absolute  independence  of  Texas- 
were  discussed  in  the  camp  at  San  Jacinto.  Rusk, 
the  secretary  of  war,  drew  up  a  protocol  which  served 
as  a  basis  of  the  treaties  subsequently  signed.  Gen. 
Houston's  wound  having  incapacitated  him  for  active 
service,  Rusk  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
army  with  the  rank  of  brigadier,  his  predecessor  pro 
ceeding  to  New  Orleans  on  the  schooner  Flora,  sail 
ing  from  Galveston.  He  arrived  at  his  destination 
May  28th.  In  a  few  days  the  government,64  with 
San  Anna  and  most  of  the  Mexican  officers,  em 
barked  on  the  steamer  Yellowstone^  and  went  to 
Galveston,  whence,  for  want  of  accomodation,  they 
removed  to  Velasco.  Here  on  May  14,  1836,  two 
treaties — one  public  and  the  other  secret — were 
signed,  by  the  first  of  which  Santa  Anna  agreed  not 
to  take  up  arms  or  use  his  influence  to  cause  them  to 
be  taken  up  against  the  people  of  Texas  during  the 
present  war  of  independence ;  all  hostilities  on  land 
and  water  were  to  cease  ;  the  Mexican  troops  were  to 
evacuate  the  territory  of  Texas ;  no  property  was  to 
be  taken  by  the  retreating  army  without  indemnifica 
tion,  and  captured  private  property  was  to  be  restored ; 
the  Mexican  army  was  to  prosecute  its  march  without 
delay  ;  the  agreement  was  to  be  immediately  sent  to 

64  Some  changes  in  the  members  of  the  administration  took  place  at  this 
time.  Samuel  P.  Carson,  the  secretary  of  state,  had  retired  on  account  of 
delicate  health,  and  was  succeeded  by  James  Collingsworth,  and  Peter  W. 
Grayson  accepted  the  office  of  attorney-general,  which  had  become  vacant  by 
the  death  of  David  Thomas.  Col  M.  B.  Lamar  was  appointed  secretary  of 
war,  in  the  place  of  Rusk.  Burnet's  address  published  in  the  Telegraph  ami 
Texas  Register,  Sept.  13,  1836;  extract  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  33-4.  the  attor 
ney-general,  Thomas,  had  been  wounded  in  the  leg  by  the  accidental  dis 
charge  of  a  pistol  on  board  the  Cayuga,  on  the  removal  of  the  government  to 
Galveston,  and  died  three  days  after.  Linns  Reminis.  261. 

05  After  Houston's  departure  from  the  Brazos,  the  Yellowstone  steamed 
down  the  river.  As  she  passed  the  Mexican  lines  at  Fort  Bard,  her  smoke 
stack  was  riddled  with  bullets,  and  attempts  were  made  to  capture  her  with 
lassoes.  Her  helmsmen  being  protected  by  cotton-bales,  she  ran  the  gaunt 
let  in  safety  and  went  to  Galveston.  Id.,  26;  Green's  Journal.  Exped.  Mier, 
93. 


270  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

Generals  Filisola  and  Husk,  that  they  might  exchange 
engagements  to  comply  with  the  stipulations ;  pris 
oners  were  to  be  mutually  released  in  corresponding 
numbers,  rank  and  file ;  the  excess  of  Mexican  cap 
tives  to  be  treated  with  humanity  ;  and  finally  Santa 
Anna  was  to  be  sent  to  Vera  Cruz  as  soon  as  it  should 
be  deemed  proper. 

In  the  secret  treaty  the  same  stipulations  were  re 
iterated,  and  in  the  third  article  Santa  Anna  solemnly 
pledged  himself  so  to  prepare  matters  in  the  cabinet 
of  Mexico  that  the  mission  that  would  be  sent  thither 
by  the  government  of  Texas,  should  be  well  received, 
and  that  by  means  of  negotiations  all  differences 
might  be  settled,  and  the  independence  that  had  been 
declared  by  the  convention  might  be  acknowledged. 
The  fourth  article  provided  that  a  treaty  of  comity, 
amity,  and  limits  should  be  established  between 
Mexico  and  Texas,  the  territory  of  the  latter  not  to 
extend  beyond  the  Rio  Grande.66 

Colonel  Benjamin  F.  Smith  and  Captain  Henry 
Teal  were  sent  as  commissioners  to  Filisola  with  the 
public  treaty  and  full  authority  to  ratify  it  on  the 
part  of  General  Rusk.  The  Mexican  army  had 
moved  from  Victoria  to  Goliad,  and  thence  continued 
its  retreat  toward  Matamoros.  The  Texan  commis 
sioners  overtook  Filisola  at  the  little  stream  called 
Mugerero,  between  Goliad  and  San  Patricio,  and  on 
its  bank  the  treaty  was  ratified,  May  26,  1836,  Gen. 
Tolsa  and  Colonel  Amat  acting  as  commissioners  on 
the  part  of  Filisola.67 

These  treaties  were  not  made  without  opposition 
in  the  cabinet.  Robert  Potter,  secretary  of  the  navy, 

66  The  secret  treaty  containing  these  pledges  was  made  at  the  suggestion 
of  Santa  Anna,  who  represented  that  it  would  be  prudent  that  the  stipula 
tions   relating  to   the  recognition  of   the  independence  of  Texas  and  her 
boundaries   should  not  be   promulgated  until  the  Mexican  president  should 
be  enabled   to  reinstate   himself  in  power  and  secure  its  final  ratification. 
Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  34.     Copies  of  the  treaties  will  be  found  in    Id.t  35-7; 
Yodkum,    ii.    526-8;    Maillard's    Tex.,  112-4;  Wiles'  Reg.,  1.  413-4;  Id.,  Isdx. 
98;  Santa  Anna,  Biog.,  29-32;  Filisola,  Represent.,  68-70;  Bustamante,  Mem. 
Hist.  Mex.,  MS.,  vi.  35-8.     Democratic  Review,  iii.  316-7. 

67  Copy  of  the  Mexican  ratification  in  Filisola,  Represent.,  70-1. 


TEXAN  NAVY.  *J71 

and  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar,  secretary  of  war,  were 
strongly  opposed  to  entering  into  any  negotiations 
with  Santa  Anna,  who,  they  considered,  had  forfeited 
his  life.  On  May  12th  Lamar  addressed  a  long  letter 
to  the  president  and  cabinet  in  which  he  expressed 
his  views  on  the  subject  of  the  disposition  of  the 
Mexican  president  and  the  other  prisoners  of  war. 
He  repudiated  the  idea  that  Santa  Anna,  if  released, 
would  ever  adhere  to  any  engagement  he  pledged 
himself  to  ;  indeed,  he  did  not  believe  that  he  would 
have  the  power  to  do  so,  and  he  suggested  that  an 
exchange  of  prisoners  should  be  made,  according  to 
rank  and  number,  and  that  the  balance  of  Mexican 
captives  should  remain  in  custody  of  the  government 
till  the  conclusion  of  the  war.  But  in  the  case  of 
Santa  Anna,  he  urged  that  no  mercy  should  be  ex 
tended  to  him,  but  -that  his  punishment  should  be 
read  from  the  code  of  Draco.68  When  milder  meas 
ures,  however,  were  finally  adopted,  General  Laniar 
acquiesced  in  them,  and  was  one  of  the  most  zealous 
vindicators  of  his  colleagues  in  the  cabinet,  when 
they  were  shortly  afterwards  bitterly  assailed  by 
popular  clamor  on  the  subject  of  Santa  Anna's  re 
lease. 

It  is  time  that  the  reader  should  be  made  ac 
quainted  with  some  particulars  in  connection  with  the 
Texan  navy  and  its  operations.  Early  in  the  year,  for  the 
purpose  of  carrying  out  the  ordinance  for  the  estab 
lishment  of  a  navy,  two  schooners,  the  Invincible  and 
Liberty, 69  were  purchased  and  equipped  by  McKinney 
and  Williams,  merchants  of  Quintana,  opposite 
Velasco.  Captain  J.  Brown  was  placed  in  command 
of  the  former  and  Captain  William  Brown  of  the 

f*Copy  in  Footc,  ii.  321-32. 

69  The  Lilwty  was  the  same  vessel  which  had  been  fitted  out  by  the  citi 
zens  of  Matagorda  and  retook  the  stranded  Hannah  Elizabeth,  captured  by  the 
Mexican  war  vessel  Bravo,  in  Nov.  or  beginning  of  Dec.,  1835.  She  then 
sailed  under  the  name  of  William  Jfobbim.  Yoakum,  ii.  39;  Tex.  Aim.,  1860, 
162;  Linns  Reminis.,  259. 


272  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

latter.  The  Invincible,  of  125  tons  burden,  carried 
eight  guns  and  was  a  fast  sailer  ;  the  Liberty,  of  sixty 
tons  burden,  had  four  guns,  was  of  stout  construction 
and  of  ordinary  speed.  Two  other  vessels,  the  Brutus, 
Captain  Hurd,  about  130  tons  and  carrying  eight 
guns,  and  the  Independence,  Captain  Hawkins,  of 
nearly  the  same  size  and  metal,  were  purchased  about 
the  same  time.  These  vessels  were  of  great  service 
In  cutting  off  supplies  for  the  enemy.  Off  the  coast 
were  the  Mexican  war  vessels  Montezuma  and  Bravo, 
charged  with  the  importation  of  troops  and  supplies 
for  the  invading  army.  Early  in  April  1836,  the  In 
vincible  fell  in  with  the  Montezuma  off  Brazos,  San 
tiago,  north  of  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and 
after  an  engagement  of  two  hours  crippled  her  and 
drove  her  ashore.  The  Invincible  only  sustained  some 
injury  to  her  rigging,  which  was  soon  repaired. 
Standing  out  'from  shore,  Captain  Brown  fell  in  with 
the  American  brig  Pocket,  bound  from  New  Orleans 
to  Matamoros,  and  loaded  with  provisions  for  the 
Mexican  forces.  She  was  captured  and  brought  into 
Galveston  as  a  prize  ;  her  freight  was  of  great  assist 
ance  to  the  victors  of  San  Jacinto  who,  with  the  large 
number  of  prisoners  on  their  hands,  were  reduced  to 
some  straits  for  provisions. 

General  Rusk,  with  350  men,  had  proceeded  from 
San  Jacinto  in  the  direction  of  the  retreating  Mexi 
cans,  not  with  hostile  intention,  but  with  the  object 
of  observing  whether  the  terms  of  the  armistice  were 
strictly  carried  out.  Toward  the  close  of  May  he 
was  stationed  at  Victoria ;  and  when  the  army  re 
ceived  intelligence  of  the  treaties  which  had  been 
made,  and  that  under  its  provisions  Santa  Anna  would 
obtain  his  liberty,  great  indignation  prevailed.  The 
retreating  Mexicans  had  not  adhered  to  the  strict 
letter  of  the  public  treaty,  but  had  committed  several 
acts  of  violence,  and  it  was  confidently  believed  that 
preparations  were  being  made  for  the  re-invasion  of 


DISSATISFACTION  WITH  THE  GOVERNMENT.  273 

Texas,  which  would  be  carried  into  effect  as  soon  as 
it  was  known  that  Santa  Anna  had  been  released. 
On  May  26th  a  letter  signed  by  nearly  all  the  officers 
of  the  Texan  army,  was  addressed  to  President  Bur- 
net,  in  which,  after  setting  forth  the  privations  of  the 
army  and  the  want  of  provisions,  charging  the  presi 
dent  with  neglect  in  this  matter,  expressing  the  ex 
asperation  of  the  troops  and  peremptorily  demanding 
to  be  immediately  furnished  with  a  sufficiency  of  sup 
plies  and  clothing,  they  insisted  that  Santa  Anna  "be 
safely  secured  and  placed  at  the  disposition  of  the 
coming  congress."  This  letter  was  received  in  the 
afternoon  of  June  4th. 

In  fulfilment  of  their  engagements,  the  Texan  au 
thorities  on  June  1st  placed  the  dictator  and  his  suite, 
consisting  of  Colonel  Almonte,  Colonel  Nunez,  and 
his  Secretary,  Ramon  Martinez  Caro,  on  board  the 
Invincible  for  their  transportation  to  Vera  Crui. 
Vice-president  Zavala  and  Bailey  Hardiman,  secre 
tary  of  the  treasury,  had  been  appointed  commission 
ers  to  accompany  Santa  Anna  to  Mexico,  and  as 
some  time  was  spent  in  furnishing  them  with  instruc 
tions  and  in  preparing  for  their  voyage,  the  vessel 
had  not  yet  sailed  on  the  3d.  On  June  1st  the 
steamer  Ocean  had  arrived  from  New  Orleans  with 
230  volunteers,71  many  of  them  of  the  roughest  and 
lowest  class  to  be  found  in  that  city.  Generals  Men- 
nican  Hunt,  Thomas  J.  Green,  and  Colonel  J.  Pinck- 
ney  Henderson  were  in  command.  The  feelings  of 
the  citizens  of  Velasco  with  regard  to  Santa  Anna's 
release,  were  those  of  intense  dissatisfaction,  but  no 
violent  demonstration  had  been  made.  When,  how 
ever,  the  New  Orleans  volunteers  landed  and  became 
informed  of  the  action  taken  by  the  government,  their 
exasperation  knew  no  bounds.  Public  meetings  were 

70  Yodkum,  ii.  172-3;  Foote,  ii.  332-4.  Copy  of  the  letter  and  Burnet's 
reply  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  39-42. 

71Both  Santa  Anna  and  Caro  give  130  as  the  number.  Verdatl,  Idea,  56, 
102;  Santa  Anna,  Manif.,  75.  The  figures  in  the  text  are  those  given  by  Gen. 
Green.  Journal,  Exped.  Mier,  484. 

HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  IT.    18 


274  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

held  and  inflammatory  speeches  made.  The  more 
violent  threatened  to  put  Burnet  to  death  as  a  traitor, 
and  tear  Santa  Anna  to  pieces.  In  the  popular  fury 
the  executive  was  charged  with  treason  and  venality. 
He  had  accepted  a  large  bribe,  it  was  said,  for  the 
release  of  the  Mexican  murderer.  The  clamor  was 
overwhelming,  and  it  was  seriously  proposed  at  a 
cabinet  council  to  make  a  simultaneous  surrender  of 
the  government  to  the  people.  Burnet,  however, 
was  opposed  to  the  adoption  of  such  an  extreme 
measure,  and  consulted  General  Thomas  J.  Green, 
who,  while  pledging  his  honor  to  shield  the  president 
and  his  cabinet  from  violence,  expressed  his  opinion 
that  the  overwhelming  will  of  the  public  should  be 
obeyed,  and  Santa  Anna  remained  on  shore.  Ac 
cordingly  the  president  issued  an  order  to  Captain 
Brown  to  send  the  prisoners  ashore.  Santa  Anna 
emphatically  refused  to  obey,  and  Green,  Bailey  Har- 
diman,  Hunt  and  Henderson,  were  deputed  to  go  on 
board  the  Invincible  and  bring  him  off.  The  dictator 
gave  way  to  an  agony  of  terror,  and  it  was  necessary 
to  employ  the  threat  of  force,  to  induce  him  to  de 
bark.  In  the  afternoon  of  the  4th  the  captives  were 
landed,  to  ensure  their  better  security  from  violence, 
at  the  village  of  Quintana,  opposite  Velasco,  where 
Santa  Anna  regained  his  composure.72  On  the  9tli 
he  addressed  a  protest  to  the  government,  proclaim 
ing  against  the  infraction  of  the  treaty  on  the  part  of 
Texas,  and  appealing  to  the  judgment  of  civilized  na 
tions.  On  the  following  day  he  received  Burnet's  re 
ply,  in  which  the  Texan  president,  while  deprecating 
Santa  Anna's  assertions  of  his  ill-treatment  as  a  pris 
oner,  felt  compelled  to  make  the  humiliating  confes 
sion  that  the  government,  owing  to  "the  influence  of 
a  highly  excited  popular  indignation,"  had  been  con 
strained  to  deviate  for  a  season  from  the  terms  of  the 
treaty.73  Thus  the  treaty — inadmissible  under  repub- 

72  Green's  Journal,  Eocped.  Mkr,  484-7;  Santa  Anna,  Manif.,  75,    98-100; 
Caro,  Verdad.  Idea,  56-7,  126-9;  Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  38-43. 

73  Copy  of  protest  and  Burnet's  answer  in  Foote,  ii.  345-9. 


PROPOSED  COURT-MARTIAL.  275 

lican  rules  of  government — was  broken. 

With  the  object  of  dismissing  Santa  Anna  from 
Texan  soil,  I  shall  somewhat  anticipate  events.  He 
was  placed  in  the  custody  of  Captain  Patton,  sent 
from  Victoria  to  hold  and  guard  his  person,  by  whom 
he  w^as  removed  to  Velasco,  and  thence  on  June  llth 
to  the  neighborhood  of  Columbia,  where  on  the  27th 
he  was  shot  at  through  the  window  of  the  house  in 
which  he  was  confined,  by  a  drunken  "  American." 
Meantime  Stephen  Austin  returned  from  the  United 
States  and  on  July  1st  visited  the  "  illustrious  cap 
tive."  By  his  advice  Santa  Anna  addressed  a  letter, 
dated  July  4th,  to  Andrew  Jackson,  president  of  the 
United  States,  in  which  he  honestly  stated  the  events 
in  connection  with  his  re-confinement,  and  appealed  to 
him  for  his  interposition,  on  the  grounds  of  humanity, 
expressing  the  wish  that,  by  means  of  political  nego 
tiations,  an  end  might  be  put  to  the  war  by  the  mutual 
recognition  by  the  United  States  and  Mexico  of  the 
independence  of  Texas.75  While  at  Velasco,  a  young 
Spaniard  named  Bartolome  Pages  concerted  a  plan 
to  effect  the  escape  of  Santa  Anna,  and  visited  him 
at  Columbia;  but  the  scheme  was  detected.76  The 
effect  of  this  discovery  was  that  the  army  determined 
to  cause  Santa  Anna  to  be  conducted  to  headquarters 
and  tried  by  court-martial.  Matters  had  proceeded 
so  far  that  a  captain  with  his  command  was  sent  to 
Columbia  to  conduct  the  prisoners  to  Goliad,  where  it 
was  intended  that  the  execution  should  take  place  on 
the  spot  where  Fannin  had  been  put  to  death. 
Houston,  cured  of  his  wound,  had  meantime  returned, 

74 '  El  27  cle  dicho  mes,  muy  de  manana  se  presentd  un  Americano  ebrio 
preguntando  por  ' '  el  general  Santa- Anna, "...  repentinamente  se  acercd  a 
una  pequena  ventana  de  nuestra  habitacion,  y  .  .  .  descargd  el  tiro  de  una 
pistola  que  llevaba  oculta.'  Caro,  ut  sup.,  58. 

75  ' Entablemos  mtituas  relaciones  para  que  esa  nacion ' — the  U.  S. — 'y  la 
mexicana  estrechen  la  buena  amistad,  y  puedan  entrambas  ocuparse  amiga- 
blemente,  en  dar  ser  y  estabilidad  a  un  pueblo  que  desea  figurar  en  el  mundo 
politico,  y  que  con  la   proteccion  de  las   dos  naciones,  alcanzara  su  objeto 
en  pocos  afios. '     Santa  Anna,  Manif.,  102-3. 

76  For  Caro's  particulars  about  this  plot  see   his    Verdad.  Idea,    57-69. 
Santa  Anna  charges  Caro  with  having  betrayed  the  scheme.     Manif.,  76. 


276  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION, 

and  was  then  at  Aes  Bayou.  When  made  aware  ot 
the  fact  he  protested  against  proceedings  alike  adverse, 
impolitic,  and  oppugnant  to  humanity.  The  argu 
ments  employed  were  too  sound  to  be  resisted.  Texas, 
by  Santa  Anna's  execution,  he  said,  would  lose  all 
the  advantage  she  had  gained  by  his  capture.  Her 
future  position  among  the  nations  of  the  earth  would 
be  gauged  by  her  ability  to  deal  humanely  with  a 
captive  ;  by  so  doing  she  would  gain  respect ;  by  the 
other  course  of  action  she  would  become  classed  with 
savages.  Policy,  apart  from  other  considerations, 
ought  to  have  weight.  With  past  experiences  as  a 
guide,  the  army  could  not  fail  to  recognize  that  by 
taking  Santa  Anna's  life,  the  Texans  in  captivity 
would  be  placed  in  the  highest  degree  of  danger.  The 
attention  of  the  United  States  being  attracted  to 
Texas,  it  would  be  disrespectful  to  that  nation  if  ex 
treme  measures  were  adopted,  thereby  endangering 
the  safety  of  Americans  in  Mexico.  By  this  inter 
ference  on  the  part  of  Houston,  Santa  Anna  was  not 
molested.  He  was,  however,  removed  to  Orazimbo 
and  confined  in  irons.77  He  received  Andrew  Jack 
son's  reply,  dated  September  4,  1836,  in  which  the 
president  of  the  United  States,  while  disclaiming  the 
intention  of  that  government  to  interfere — inasmuch 
as  the  Mexican  government  had  notified  him  that  so 
long  as  he  was  a  prisoner,  no  act  would  be  regarded 
as  binding  by  the  Mexican  authorities, — he  expressed 
the  pleasure  it  would  give  him  to  offer  his  good  ser 
vices,  if  Mexico  would  signify  her  willingness  to  avail 
herself  of  them.  Houston,  having  been  elected  to 
the  presidency  of  the  Texan  republic,  released  Santa 
Anna  from  his  fetters,  and  being  convinced  that  a 
further  detention  of  the  prisoner  would  not  conduce 
to  the  interests  of  Texas,  sent  him  with  his  own  con 
sent,  accompanied  by  Almonte,  under  custody  of 
George  W.  Hockley,  inspector  general  of  the  army, 

77  He  states   that  he   and   Col  Almonte  were   kept  in  such    durance  for 
fifty -two  days. 


AUTHORITIES.  277 

to  Washington,  the  capital  of  the  United  States.78 
Santa  Anna  arrived  there  January  17,  1837,  and  had 
several  interviews  with  President  Jackson,  who  re 
ceived  him  with  great  consideration.  On  July  26th 
he  left  that  city  and  embarked  at  Norfolk,  on  board 
the  Pioneer,  for  Vera  Cruz,  where  he  arrived  about 
the  23d  of  February.  Thence  he  retired  to  his  estate 
of  Manga  de  Clavo.  At  the  presidential  election  of 
Mexico,  March  1,  1837,  he  was  ignominiously  de 
feated,  Bustamante  being  chosen  by  a  large  majority,79 
which  event  was  so  signal  a  mark  of  his  unpopularity, 
that  he  signified  his  design  of  retiring  to  private  life.80 

78  In  the  New  Orleans  Standard,  it  was  stated  that  the   Texan  congress 
passed  a  resolution  providing  that  Santa  Anna   and  Almonte  should  not  be 
released  without  concurrence  of  the  Senate,  Houston  vetoed  the  resolution, 
and  congress  thereupon  passed  it  by  a  constitutional  majority  of  two-thirds. 
Houston  then  pronounced  the  resolution  unconstitutional,  and  a  usurpation 
of  the  executive  authority  and  set  Santa  Anna  free,  in  defiance  of  the  con 
gress.     Niles'  Reg.,  li.  321;  Greens  Journal,  Expcd.  Mier,  18. 

79  Bustamante  had  fifty-seven  votes  out  of  sixty-eight  cast;  Santa  Anna 
had  only  two.     Hist.  Mex.,  v.  179-80,  this  series. 

80  For  his  future  career  consult  vols.  v.  and  vi.  Hist.  Mex.  this  series. 

The  authorities  consulted  for  the  five  preceding  chapters  are  the  follow 
ing:  Filisola,  Mem.  Guerra  Tex.,  i.,  ii.,  passim;  Id.,  Rep.  Sup.  Gob  -o, 
1-82;  Footers  Texas,  ii.,  passim;  Yoakum's  Hist.  Tex.,  i.,  ii.,  passim; 
Almonte,  Not.  Estad.  Tex.,  20-88:  Wilson's  Amer.  Hist.,  637-65;  Young's 
Hist.  Mex.,  239-62;  Thrall's  Texas,  168-651,  passim;  Niks'  Register,  xxxix- 
lii.,  inclu.  See  indices  under  Tex.  and  Mex.,  Ixiii.  145,  194-5;  Kennedy's 
Tex.,  ii.,  passim;  Tex.  Almanac,  1858,  1859,  1860,  1861,  1868,  1869;  Tex.  Col. 
Doc.,  MS.  and  Print,  Nos.  1,  2,  8  to  11,  inclu.;  13  to  15,  inclu.,  17,  18,  20 to 
51,  inclu.,  59  to  62,  inclu.,  64;  Morphis,  Hiit.  Tex.,  passim;  Arrangoiz,  Mej., 
ii.  232-278;  Arroniz,  Hist.  Mex.,  270-1;  Arrillaya,  Recop.,  1831,  430;  1832-33, 
105;  1833,  89,  132-7,  433;  1834,  47-50;  1835,  100-7,  145-6,  191-5,  574-6; 
1836,  passim;  Baker's  Hist.  Tex.,  35-101;  NewelTs  Rev.  Tex.,  passim;  Niles 
S.  Am.  and  Mex.,  i.  200-365,  passim;  Pap.  Far.,  55,  No.  17;  75,  No.  14;  99, 
No.  22;  111,  No.  2;  141,  No.  12;  143,  No.  19;  149,  No.  15;  152,  No.  13;  182, 
No.  8;  167,  No.  10;  213,  No.  2;  Urrea,  Diario  Campa  .,  Tex.;  Caro,  Verdad. 
Idea,  Democratic  Review,  iii.  132-45,  305-20;  Dewees,  Letters  from  Tex.,  157- 
217;  Doc.  solve  Mex.,  No.  vi.,  vii.;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  iii.  64-5;  vi.  660; 
Edinlwryh  Rev.,  No.  147,  251,  et.  seq.;  U.  S.  H.  Jour.,  Cong.  24,  Sess.  1, 
1091,  1100-1;  Sen.  Doc.,  Cong.  24,  Sess.  1,  vi.,  No.  415;  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  Mess, 
and  Doc.,  Cong.  29,  Sess.  2,  No.  4,  9-18;  Tornel,  Tej.  y  Estad.  Unid.,  1-98; 
El  Tlempo,  Aug.  14,  Sep.  18,  1834;  Thompsons  Recol,  Mex.,  70-3,  174-7; 
Swisher's  Am.  Sketch  Book,  v.  No.  6;  vi.  Nos.  1,  2,  3,  5  and  6;  Fournel,  Coup 
d'Oeil,  12^4;  State  Gaz.,  127-8,  139-41;  Santa  Anna,  Biog.  del  Gen.-,  Id. 
Tex.  Camp.,  pp.  108;  Id.,  Vindicacion,  p.  8;  Id.  Apeladon  al  buen  triterio; 
Rockwell,  Span,  and  Mex.  Law,  623-7;  Roa  B  rcena,  Recuerdos,  538-41, 
653-61;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii.  263-4,  272-84,  313-14;  Quarterly  Rev.,  Ixi. 
333-41;  Pinart's  Col,  Print  Nos.  248,  374,  386,  389,  450,  457;  La  Oposicion, 
Jan.  6,  Ap.  25,  28,  May  1,  5,  11,  June,  1835;  Nortii  Am.  Rev.,  xliii.,  233-4, 
244-53;  Mex.  Sec.  Estad.,  1835,  38;  Id.,  1830-32,  Doc.  1;  Mex.  Mem, 
Minist.  Just.,  1833,  8-9,  50-1;  Id.,  Reladones,  1832,  Annex,  1,  5-6,  13-4; 
1833,  6-9;  1835,  37-8;  Id.,  Interior,  1838,  19;  Id.,  Guerra,  1839,  5,  11  j  Mex. 


278  SANTA  ANNA'S  HUMILIATION. 

Manifesto  del  Cong.,  1836;  Pap.  Var.,  182,  No.  4;  Id.,  Informe,  Comis.  Pe&j., 
1874,  10;  Id.,  Col  de  Ley.,  Ord.  1853,  v.  4;  Id.,  Legis.  Mej.,  1853,  89-90; 
Id.,  Col.  de  Ley.  y  Dccret.,  1840,  260-1,  768-9;  Mayers  Mex.  Azt.,  i.  320-21, 
329-30;  Maillard's  Hist.  Tex.,  passim;  Linn's  Reminis. ,  passim;  Larenaudiere, 
Mex.  et  Guat.,  231-9;  Hunt's  Address,  1-29;  Gregory^  Hist.  Mex.,  53-6; 
Lester's  Houston,  46-140;  Pattern's  Hist.  U".  S.,  686-9;  McCabes'  Comp.  View, 
760-8;  Jenkins  Mex.  War,  35-7;  Jay's  Mex.  War,  16-8;  Holley's  Tex.,  233- 
410,  passim;  Alaman,  Mej.,  v.  873-5;  Guerraentre  Mex.  y  Estad.  Unid.,  16- 
20;  Gutierrez,  CartayOpin.,  13;  Hist.  Doc.  Gal,  i.  211;  Bustamante,  Voz  de 
laPatria,  v.  Sup.  No.  2;  x.  MS.  136;  xi.  MS.  22-9;  Id.,  Mem.  Hist.  Mex., 
MS.,  ii.,  86-90,  vi.  35-8;  Id.,  Hist.  Invasion,  i.  6-8,  43-4;  Id.,  GaUnete  Mex., 
ii.  15-39;  Domenech,  Hist,  du  Mex.,  ii.  138-54;  Id.,  Mis.  Adventures,  20  et 
seq.;  Gamboa,  Impugnacion,  7-11;  Goulds  Ala-mo  City  Guide,  5-23,  31-2;  Aus 
tin,  Espos.  sobre  Tej.,  p.  32;  Andrade,  Doc.  Evac.  Bejar,  1-24;  Amigo  del 
Pueb.,  Oct.  18,  1845;  U.  8.,  Repub.  of,  57-8,  118-22,  218-26;  Varios  Im- 
presos,  2,  No.  vi.,  passim;  Valkjo,  Col.  Doc.  Mex.,  MS.,  i.,  No.  73;  VattejoDoc., 
ii.  151;  Houritfs  Hist.  U.  S.,  ii.  344-5;  Whites  Col.  Laivs,  i.  514-5,  523;  Bar- 
reiro,  1-36;  Houston s  Message,  May  22,  1838,  p.  23;  Villa- Amor,  Blog. 
Santa  Anna,  14-6;  Pinart,  Col.;  Greens  reply  to  Houston,  7-15,  52-6,  63-4; 
Houston's  Tex.,  i.  214-54;  Gilbert's  Abilene  Rep.,  3d  An.  Edit.,  US;  Mex. 
Apunt.  Hist.  Guerra,  16-29;  Ripley's  War  Mex.,  i.  33-6,  40-1;  Woodman's 
Guide  to  Tex.,  13-6,  67-701,  97-115;  Suarezy  Navarro,  Hist.  Mej.,  247;  Fish 
er's  Memor.,  3-87;  Texas  Repealed,  1-15;  Id.,  in  1840,  219-20;  Id.,  Laws  Rep. 
Tex.,  i.  3-7,  9-25;  Id.,  The  War  in,  instigated  by  slaveholders,  etc.,  1836, 
p.  56;  Id.,  Address  rel,  Galv.  Bay,  22;  Id.,  Address  of  Wharton,  47-53;  Id., 
Battle  San  Jacinto,  Austin,  1878,  pp.  45;  Id.,  Insurrection;  Jones'  Rcpub.  of 
Tex.,  129-160;  Hobbs'  Wild  Dfe  in  Far  West,  32-45;  Edwards,  HM.  Tex.,  14- 
17;  Crockett,  Life  of,  369-70,  383-405;  Cdxillos,  Vind.  de  Mex.,  43-68;  Cabal- 
lero,  Hist.  Aim.,  13;  McCalTs  Letters  from  Front.,  296-9;  London,  Geo<j.  So<: 
Jour.,  xiii.  202;  Payne's  Hist.  Europ.  Col,  310-11;  Hutchinson,  Rent.,  205-8; 
Willard's  Last  Leaves  Am.  Hist.,  21-33;  Tejas  Li:/.  Indk.  Usurp.,  7;  Cowj. 
Debates,  1836-7,  xiii.  524-5;  Sen.  Doc.,  Cong.  24,  Sess.  2,  No.  84,  1-4;  Hay* 
Life,  1;  Napa  County  Reporter,  Ap.  14,  1877,  Ap.  5,  1878;  Cordova's  Tea:,, 
102,  144-5;  Cor.  Atlant.,  May  9th,  June  6,  1835;  Baker's  Rept.,  Disposal  of 
Santa  Anna,  Columbia,  1836,  p.  17;  Tex.  Misc.  Pamph.,  No.  16;  Hartf&rd'* 
Tex.  State  Reg.,  1878,  29-30;  Santa  Maria,  Expos,  y  Protext.,  No.  iii.  13;  Mai*- 
sin,  in  Blanchard's,  8.  Juan  de  Ullua,  531-2;  Crane's  Hist.  Washington,  Tex., 
15-8,  21-3;  Rosa,  Ensayo,  31;  The  United  Service,  Aug.  1885,  168  et  seq.;  San 
Jos6  Argus,  Ap.  14,  1877;  San  Rafael  Jour.,  Dec.  18,  1879;  Stoclton  Inde 
pendent,  Ap.  21,  1877;  Manposa  Gaz.,  Ap.  7,  1877;  Falconer's  Discov.  Missias., 
53;  McClcllan's  Republicanism  in  Amer.,  105;  Dunbar's  Amer.  Pioneer,  15; 
Mexicanische  Zustunde  am  den  Jahren,  1830-2,  i.  77;  Muhlenpfordt,  verswk 
einu  get.,  ii.  508;  Grattons  Civil  Amer.,  ii.  291;  Perez,  Die.  Geo(j.  Estad.,  i. 
267-72;  American  Aim.,  1837,  277;  Robert's  Descrip.  Tex.,  17-21;  Winthrop, 
Report  of  the  trial  of  Thomas  M.  Thompson,  etc.,  New  Orleans,  1835,  p  .  44; 
Mex.  Pamph.,  ii.  No.  9;  Zarco,  Hist.  Cong.,  i.  107-8;  Peterson's  Milit.  fferoet, 
ii.  24;  Rowhand,  Regions  Nouvelles,  27;  Putmans  Month.  Mag.,  iii.  178-80; 
Revist.  Espa  .,  May  26,  1836;  Shea's  Catholic  Mis.,  87. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 
1836-1838. 

FILISOLA  SUPERSEDED — VAIN  THREATS — THE  TEXAN  NAVY — COMMISSION 
ERS  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES — MORFIT'S  REPORT — GENERAL  GAINES 
CROSSES  THE  SABINE — GOROSTIZA'S  PROTEST — HE  DEMANDS  HIS 
PASSPORTS — PASSIVE  CHARACTER  OF  THE  WAR— RETURN  OF  AUSTIN — 
THE  ELECTIONS — POLITICAL  PARTIES — HOUSTON  CHOSEN  PRESIDENT — 
MEETING  OF  THE  FIRST  CONGRESS — HOUSTON'S  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS— 
His  CABINET — LEGISLATIVE  ACTS  OF  CONGRESS — THE  NATIONAL  SEAL 
AND  FLAG — DEATH  AND  BIOGRAPHY  OF  AUSTIN — CONDITION  OF  THE 
REPUBLIC — RECOGNITION  OF  HER  INDEPENDENCE  BY  THE  UNITED 
STATES — REOPENING  OF  CONGRESS — THE  SLAVE  QUESTION — PASSAGE  OF 
THE  LAND  LAW — ITS  PROVISIONS — BRIGHTER  PROSPECTS— INDIAN  WAR 
FARE — FINANCIAL  OPERATIONS — LAMAR  ELECTED  PRESIDENT. 

ON  the  15th  of  May,  1836,  the  Mexican  govern 
ment  received  a  despatch  from  Filisola  conveying  the 
news  of  the  disaster  in  Texas.  On  the  same  date 
Tornel,  the  secretary  of  war,  sent  two  official  commu 
nications  to  that  general,  in  the  first  of  which  he  in 
structed  him  to  address  the  Texan  Commander-in-chief 
with  the  object  of  procuring  Santa  Anna's  release,  or 
at  least  the  consideration  due  to  his  high  dignity. 
Filisola  was  also  directed  to  make  every  effort  to  save 
the  remainder  of  the  army  by  concentrating  it  at  a 
point  convenient  for  the  receipt  of  supplies.  The  pre 
servation  of  Bejar  was  absolutely  necessary.  With 
regard  to  the  prisoners  he  was  authorized  to  propose 
an  exchange,  and  for  that  purpose  to  preserve  the 
lives  of  Texan  prisoners  then  in  his  power,  and  also 
of  such  as  might  be  taken  in  future.  The  so-called 
armistice  agreed  to  by  Houston  and  Santa  Anna  was 

(279^ 


280  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

the  subject  of  the  second  despatch.  Filisola's  action  in 
observing  it  was  approved  by  the  government ;  at  the 
time  he  was  reminded  that  Santa  Anna  being  a  pris 
oner  had  not  been  a  free  agent  in  the  matter.  The 
government,  therefore,  wished  Filisola  to  act  with  the 
greatest  prudence,  and  while  endeavoring  not  to  com 
promise  in  any  way  the  life  of  the  illustrious  captive, 
he  was  to  avoid  pledging  the  honor  of  the  nation. 
Under  no  circumstances  was  the  recognition  of  the 
independence  of  Texas  to  be  taken  into  consideration, 
as  the  nation  would  never  agree  to  it.1 

When  Filisola  received  these  despatches,  May  28th, 
Bejar  had  already  been  evacuated,  Andrade  having 
demolished  the  fortifications  of  the  Alamo  and  joined 
him  at  Victoria;  the  public  treaty  with  Santa  Anna 
had  been  ratified  by  him ;  and  the  whole  Mexican  army 
had  already  crossed  the  Nueces.  On  the  1 9th  of  May, 
the  government  having  recovered  from  the  first  effects 
of  the  lblow,  Tornel  addressed  another  despatch  to 
Filisola  in  which  he  urged  upon  him  the  obligation  of 
endeavoring  to  preserve  the  conquests  already  ac 
quired,  instructed  him  to  discontinue  his  retreat, 
secure  all  sustainable  points,  and  await  reenforce- 
ments,  as  the  government  was  already  occupied  in 
organizing  a  division  of  4,000  men,  which  would  em 
bark  at  Vera  Cruz  for  Matamoros.2  But  these  in 
structions  arrived  too  late;  Urrea  was  already  at 
Matamoros,3  and  Filisola  was  approaching  that  city. 
The  change  of  the  government's  intentions  placed  the 
commander-in-chief  in  a  dilemma.  He  assembled 
the  generals  in  council  and  laid  before  them  the  new 
orders  he  had  received,  expressing  his  readiness  to 
countermarch  if  they  considered  the  movement  prac 
ticable.  It  was  unanimously  agreed  that,  in  view  of 

1  Copy  of  the  despatches  in  Filisola,  Represent.,  66-8. 

'2  Copy  of  this  despatch  and  Filisola's  reply  in  Id.,  76-7  and  62-6. 

3  He  had  been  sent  in  advance  from  Victoria,  which  place  he  left  May 
14,  reaching  Matamoras  May  28th.  Before  his  departure  from  Victoria  he 
had  in  vain  urged  Filisola  not  to  retreat  further.  Diario,  36.  Henceforth 
there  was  discord  between  the  two  generals. 


RESULT  OF  MEXICAN  INVASION.  281 

the  deplorable  condition  of  the  troops  and  the  want 
of  resources,  such  a  movement  was  impossible.  Fill- 
sola,  therefore,  continued  his  retreat,  and  June  12th 
received  from  the  Mexican  government  a  despatch 
instructing  him  to  resign  the  command  to  General 
Urrea,  and  assigning  Monterey,  Leona  Vicario,  or 
Matamoros  as  his  place  of  residence  according  to  his 
choice.  Filisola  immediately  halted  the  troops  then 
on  the  inarch,  drew  them  up  in  line  and,  in  the  ab 
sence  of  Urrea,  resigned  the  command  to  General 
Andrade  ad  interim.4  On  the  following  day  he  started 
for  Leona  Vicario,  and  Andrade,  in  spite  of  orders 
from  Urrea  to  return  to  Goliad  continued  to  march  to 
Matamoros.  On  June  14th  he  received  a  despatch 
from  Urrea,  commanding  him  to  halt  the  army  imme 
diately  on  its  receipt,  place  General  Gaona  in  com 
mand,  and  report  in  person  at  Matamoros.  But  the 
salvation  of  the  troops  depended  on  their  reaching 
their  destination.  Not  a  day  passed  but  some  of 
them  perished  on  the  way,  and  Andrade,  in  defiance 
of  orders,  pushed  forward  reaching  Matamoros,  June 
18th.  Thus  ended  Santa  Anna's  invasion.  Not  a 
Mexican  soldier  remained  on  Texan  soil,  and  of  the 
imposing  array  with  which  the  would-be  oppressor 
of  the  Anglo-Texans  entered  the  country,  barely 
4,000  troops,  in  most  wretched  plight,  re-crossed  the 
Rio  Grande. 

Meantime  the  treaty  dropped  through.  A  few 
prisoners  appear  to  have  been  released  on  the  part  of 
the  Mexicans ;  and  it  is  curious  to  observe  that  while 
the  Texans  even  detained  Woll,5  and  do  not  seem  to 
have  released  any  of  their  captives,  captains  Carnes 

4 Filisola,  Mem.  Tej.,  i.  330-41;  Id.,  Mem.  Guerra  Tej.,  ii.  503-9.  It 
appears  that  Urrea  as  early  as  May  11,  1836,  had  despatched  a  communica 
tion  from  Victoria  to  the  government  reflecting  upon  Filisola 's  course  of 
action.  This  despatch  induced  the  government  to  remove  Filisola  from  the 
command,  and  the  answer  to  it  bears  the  same  date,  May  31,  1836,  as  that 
addressed  to  Filisola  informing  him  of  his  removal.  Mem.  Tej.,  i.  343-51; 
Urrea,  Diario,  108-111. 

5  He  rejoined  the  Mexican  army  on  the  day  on  which  Filisola  surrendered 
the  command.  Filisola,  Mem.  Tej.,  i.  340. 


282  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

and  Teal  were  sent  as  commissioners  to  Matamoros, 
to  inform  themselves  respecting  the  restoration  of 
slaves  and  property  belonging  to  Texans.  In  re 
prisal  for  the  treatment  extended  to  Woll  on  their 
arrival  early  in  June,  they  were  confined  in  prison, 
whence,  however,  they  soon  escaped  through  the  aid 
of  outside  friends,  but  not  before  they  had  created  a 
false  alarm  in  Texas  by  reporting  that  the  Mexicans 
were  making  vigorous  preparations  for  a  second  and 
early  invasion.6  The  fact  is,  the  Mexican  government 
would  fain  have  continued  hostilities,  and  on  May 
21st  an  act  was  published  setting  forth  that  it  was 
the  intention  of  the  government  to  prosecute  the  war 
with  vigor,  and  declaring  that  all  treaties  and  stipu 
lations  made  by  Santa  Anna  while  in  captivity  would 
be  regarded  as  null/  But  the  political  condition  of 
the  country  prevented  any  serious  demonstration. 
Centralism  was  in  peril;  the  states  were  beginning  to 
proclaim  in  favor  of  federalism ;  and  in  the  confusion 
of  affairs,  the  threatened  invasion  of  Texas  was  im 
practicable.  The  4000  troops  were  never  sent  from 
Vera  Cruz,  and  the  ill-conditioned  soldier's  at 
Matamoros,  under  Urrea,  constituted  all  the  force 
arrayed  against  the  revolted  province.  Nevertheless 
the  Texans  made  preparations  to  resist  invasion  and 
before  long  over  2000  men,  mostly  volunteers  from 
the  United  States,8  were  in  the  field,  and  minor  hos 
tilities  were  carried  on. 

Mayor  Isaac  Burton  with  twenty  mounted  rangers, 
while  scouring  the  coast,  received  news  of  the  arrival  of 
a  suspicious  looking  craft  in  the  bay  of  Copano.  On 
the  3d  of  June  he  ambushed  his  men  near  the  beach, 
seized  the  crew  of  a  boat  sent  ashore,  and  manning  it 
with  sixteen  of  his  rangers,  captured  the  vessel,  which 

6  Urrea,  Diario,  44-5,  100-1;  Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  74-6;  Id.,  1861,  45. 

7  Copy  of  act  and  of  others  relative  to  the  action  taken  by  the  govern 
ment  in  Arrillaya,  Recop.,  En.—  Jun.,  1836,  430-7. 

8  Early   in   June,   Pres.  Burnet    made   a  contract  with  Gen.  Mennican 
Hunt,  to  introduce  from  the  U.  S.,  a  division  of  4,000  men.     Hunt's  success 
was  but  partial.     Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  44. 


MOVEMENTS  OF  VESSELS.  283 

proved  to  be  the  Watchman,  loaded  with  provisions 
for  the  Mexican  army.  The  vessel  was  ordered  to 
Velasco,  but  was  detained  by  contrary  winds.  On 
the  17th,  the  Comanche  and  Fanny  Butler  anchored 
off  the  bar.  The  captains  were  decoyed  on  board  the 
Watchman,  and  their  vessels  being  captured,  were 
found  to  be  similarly  freighted.  All  three  were  sent 
to  Velasco  and  condemned.  Their  cargoes,  worth 
$25,000,  were  of  great  service  to  the  Texan  army,9 
Henceforth  Burton  and  his  rangers  became  known  as 
the  '  Horse-marines/ 

Nor  was  the  Texan  navy  inactive.  The  Invincible, 
after  being  taken  by  a  United  States  man-of-war,  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  on  the  charge  of  piracy, 
and  acquitted  by  the  judicial  courts,  made  a  cruise  on 
the  Mexican  coast,  visiting^  Matamoros,  Tampico, 
Vera  Cruz,  and  Tabasco.  Returning  to  Velasco,  she 
was  sent  in  September  to  New  York  for  repairs.  In 
March,  1837,  this  vessel  returned  to  Galveston,  and 
some  time  afterward  captured  the  Mexican  schooner 
Avispa.19 

On  August  25th  of  the  same  year,  the  Invincible, 
in  company  with  the  Brutus,  arrived  at  Galveston  bar 
with  a  Mexican  schooner  in  tow.  The  Brutus  crossed 
in  safety  with  the  prize,  but  the  Invincible,  unable  to 
get  in,  was  attacked  on  the  following  day  by  two 
armed  brigs  of  the  enemy.  In  going  out  to  her  aid, 
the  Brutus  ran  aground,  and  the  Invincible,  being  over 
powered,  in  endeavoring  to  escape  struck  on  the 
breakers  near  the  southeast  channel.  The  crew  gained 
the  land,  but  the  vessel  went  to  pieces  during  the 
night.  The  schooner  Liberty  had  been  sent  to  New 
Orleans,  and  was  there  sold  to  defray  her  expenses. 

9  Telegraph,  Aug.  2,  1836;  Yoakum,  ii.  180-1;  Morfitin  his  report  to  the 
U.  S.  government  places  the  value  of  these  vessels'  in  voices  at  about  $20, 192. 
Exec.  Doc.,  cong.  24,  sess.  2,  No.  35,  p.  29. 

10 Called  by  Yoakum — ii.  213 — Alispa,  and  thus  copied  by  Swante  Palm 
in  Baker's  Tex.,  78.  Th*  Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  164,  gives  Obispo  as  the  name  of 
the  vessel;  but  it  is  probable  that  as  b  and  v  are  frequently  used  for  each 
other  in  Spanish  America,  the  I  in  Yoakum  is  a  misprint  for  bt  and  that  the 
right  name  of  the  schooner  was  Avispa,  the  Wasp. 


284  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

The  Independence,  in  April  1837,  fell  in  ^with  two 
Mexican  brigs-of-war,  the  Vencedor  del  Alamo  and 
the  Libertador,  and  being  overpowered,  was  taken  into 
Brazos  Santiago,  whence  the  captives  were  removed 
to  Matamoros.  Thus  the  Brutus  was  the  last  re 
maining  vessel  of  the  old  navy,  and  she  was  lost  in 
Galveston  harbor  during  the  severe  equinoctial  gale 
of  1837,  which,  besides  destroying  shipping  to  the 
number  of  fourteen  or  fifteen  vessels,  flooded  nearly 
the  whole  city.  In  April  of  this  year,  the  Champion 
and  Julius  Csesar,  freighted  with  provisions  for  the 
Texan  army,  were  captured  by  the  enemy.11 

In  the  United  States,  the  interest  felt  for  Texas 
was  great,  and  much  material  aid  was  furnished  to  the 
struggling  republic.  Public  discourses  were  delivered 
at  different  places  by  the  commissioners,  Austin, 
Wharton,  and  Archer,  who  succeeded  in  enlisting  the 
sympathy  of  the  people.  Appeals  were  made  for 
moral  support,  and  the  object  of  the  Texans  declared 
to  be  independence  as  a  new  republic  or  annexation  to 
the  United  States.12  After  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto, 
^the  desire  for  annexation  became  widely  spread ;  and 
on  May  30th,  President  Burnet,  in  view  of  the  gen 
eral  wish,  appointed  James  Collingsworth  and  Peter 
W.  Grayson  as  commissioners  to  Washington  to  ask 
for  the  friendly  mediation  of  that  government  in  pro 
curing  from  Mexico  the  recognition  of  the  indepen 
dence  of  Texas,  to  endeavor  to  obtain  a  like  recognition 
from  the  United  States,  and  to  state  that  it  was  the 
opinion  of  the  Texan  government  that  the  annexation 
of  the  new  republic  to  the  American  union  would  be 
most  acceptable  to  the  people  of  the  former.  When 
the  commissioners  reached  Washington,  congress  had 

11  Id.,  I860,  163-6,  where  will  be  found  a  list  of  officers  who  served  in  the 
Texan  navy  from  1835  to  1837  inclusive.    Yoafaim,  ii.  212-13,  216-17;  Bafor's 
Tex.,  77-80. 

12  See  Austin's  address  to  the  people  of  Louisville,  Kentucky,  March  7, 
1836,  in  Rollers  Tex.,  252-80;  and  his  letter  to  Houston  of  June  16,  1836,  in 
Yoakum,  ii.  177;  also  Wharton's  address  in  N.  York,  Apr.  26,  1836,  in  Tex. 
Misc.  Pamph,,  no-  14. 


THE  QUESTION  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  285 

adjourned,  but  there  was  among  its  members  a  general 
feeling  in  favor  of  the  recognition  of  the  independence 
of  Texas.13  Nothing  was  immediately  accomplished 
beyond  the  formal  presentation  of  the  matter  to  the 
authorities  at  Washington;  but  President  Jackson 
sent  Henry  M.  Morfit  as  a  commissioner  to  Texas,  to 
inform  himself,  and  report  on  the  military,  political, 
and  civil  condition  of  the  people.  The  date  of  Mor- 
fit's  first  despatch  is  August  13,  1836,  that  of  his  last, 
September  14th  of  the  same  year.  His  report  is 
pretty  full.  He  assigns  a  population  to  Texas  of 
nearly  58,500  souls.14  He  expresses  surprise  that 
Texas  has  carried  on  a  successful  war  so  long  with  so 
little  embarassment  to  her  own  citizens  or  treasury, 
and  estimated  that  the  probable  total  amount  of  her 
outstanding  debts  did  not  exceed  $1,250,000.15 

The  deep  interest  taken  by  the  United  States  in 
the  success  of  Texas  was  naturally  displeasing  to  the 
Mexican  government.  During  the  period  from 
March  9  to  October  15,  1836,  the  Mexican  minister, 
Gorostiza,  maintained  a  correspondence  with  the  de 
partment  of  state  relative  to  the  ambiguous  neutrality 
observed  by  the  United  States  during  the  Texan 
revolution.  In  his  letters  he  complains  of  measures 

• 

13  The  two  houses,  acting  separately,  passed  resolutions  '  that  the  inde 
pendence  of  Texas  ought  to  be  acknowledged  by  the  U.  S.  whenever  satisfac 
tory  information  should  be  received  that  it  had  in  successful  operation  a  civil 
government,  capable  of  performing  the  duties  and  fulfilling  the  obligations  of 
an  independent  power.'  Exec.  Doc.,  cong.  24,  sess.  2,  no.  35,  1,  where  will  be 
found  copy  of  Morfit's  despatches. 

li  Anglo- Americans,  about  30,000;  Mexicans,  3,470;  Indians,  including 
8,000  northern  Indians  from  the  United  States,  about  20,000;  and  5,000  ne 
groes.  Id.,  12-13.  Yoakum's  figures,  ii.  197,  derived  from  the  same  source 
and  copied  by  Thrall,  Hist.  Tex.,  286,  are  incorrect.  But  Morfit  himself  is 
somewhat  contradictory. 

15 Thus  exhibited  in  Morfit's  report  of  Sept.  4,  1836,  ut  sup.: 
Treasury  orders  already  issued  and  debts  under  consideration  of  the 

auditor's  office $309,280 

Estimate  of  supplies  exclusive  of  the  amount  audited 250,000 

Loans 100,000 

Amount  due  navy,  exclusive  of  the  amount  audited 60,000 

Amount  due  army,  exclusive  of  the  amount  audited 412,000 

Amount  of  civil  contingent  expenses,  exclusive  of  amount  audited. .   118,720 

$1,250,000 


286  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

in  progress  for  recognizing  the  independence  of  Texas, 
of  the  entrance  of  armed  bands  from  the  United 
States  into  that  country,  especially  of  the  occupation 
of  Mexican  territory,  by  United  States  forces,  and 
enumerates  several  instances  of  violation  of  the  neu 
trality  laws. 

The  particulars  connected  with  the  occupation 
of  Texan  territory  by  United  States  troops  are 
as  follow:  It  was  well  understood  that  the  Ind 
ians  in  the  eastern  and  northern  regions  of  Texas 
were  assuming  a  hostile  attitude,  having  been  visited 
by  Mexican  agents,  who  strove  to  persuade  them  to 
take  up  arms.  On  January  23,  1836,  General  Ed 
mund  Gaines  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
United  States  troops  on  the  western  frontier  of 
Louisiana.  His  instructions  were  that,  in  view  of  the 
war  between  Mexico  and  Texas,  strict  neutrality  was 
to  be  observed,  and  none  of  the  contending  parties 
were  to  be  allowed  to  cross  into  territory  of  the 
United  States.  Hostile  incursions  of  Indians,  how 
ever,  directed  either  against  the  Mexican  or  Anglo- 
American  states  were  to  be  prevented  by  force. 
Gaines  replied  March  29th;  and  after  referring  to 
scenes  of  barbarism  in  Texas  added  that,  in  case  he 
noticed  a  disposition  on  the  part  of  Mexicans  to 
menace  the  frontier,  he  should  deem  it  his  duty  to 
cross  the  boundary  and  meet  the  marauders.  Under 
date  of  April  25th  the  secretary  of  war,  while  averring 
that  it  was  no  wish  of  the  president  to  acquire  any 
portion  of  Mexican  territory,  nevertheless  approved 
of  Games'  suggestion;  but,  in  no  case,  was  he  to 
advance  further  than  Nacogdoches.  Gaines  on  April 
8th  had  called  upon  the  governors  of  Louisiana,  Mis 
sissippi,  Alabama,  and  Tennessee  for  reinforcements, 
but  recalled  his  requisition  soon  after,  believing  from 
later  information  that  the  troops  would  not  be 
wanted.  On  the  14th  of  the  same  month,  informa 
tion  was  received  by  him  from  General  Mason,  com 
mandant  at  Nacogdoches,  to  the  effect  that  a  large 


MEXICO  ALARMED.  287 

number  of  Mexicans  and  Indians  were  concentrated 
with  hostile  intentions  about  sixty  miles  from  that 
town.  It  appears  that  Irvin,  the  alcalde  of  Nacog- 
doches,  made  this  statement  to  Mason  on  April  12th 
— a  statement  which  was  found  to  be  greatly  exag 
gerated.  Gaines  consequently  ordered  up  the 
squadron  of  United  States  dragoons  and  six  com 
panies  of  infantry  from  Fort  Gibson  to  Fort  Towson, 
on  Red  River,  went  in  person  with  fourteen  com 
panies,  namely,  the  sixth  regiment  and  four  companies 
of  the  third  United  States  infantry,  to  the  Sabine 
River,  and  there  encamped.  Owing  to  the  victory  of 
San  Jacinto,  and  the  retreat  of  the  Mexicans,  the 
Indians,  whatever  might  have  been  their  original  in 
tentions,  now  showed  a  disposition  favorable  to  the 
white  men,  and  there  does  not  seem  much  reason  for 
Games'  remaining  on  the  bank  of  the  Sabine.  Never 
theless,  in  their  excited  state,  it  was  not  unlikely  that 
the  Indians  would  commit  depredations,  and  on  May 
19th  a  large  body  of  them  appeared  before  Fort 
Parker,  on  the  head  waters  of  the  Navasota.  There 
were  only  six  men  and  some  women  and  children  in 
the  place.  Attempts  at  conciliation  were  made  in 
vain;  several  of  the  men  were  killed,  the  fort  was 
plundered,  and  some  of  the  women  and  children  were 
carried  into  captivity.16  On  June  28th  Gaines  re 
ceived  a  letter  from  Rusk,  then  at  Victoria,  stating 
that  the  Mexicans,  7,000  strong,  were  advancing  from 
Matamoros,  their  motto  being,  "Extermination  as  far 
as  the  Sabine,  or  death."  These  circumstances  com 
bined,  induced  Gaines  to  consider  the  frontier  again 
in  danger.  Accordingly  on  the  day  on  which  he  re 
ceived  Rusk's  letter,  he  repeated  his  requisition — which 
this  time  was  disapproved  by  the  president — and  sent 
a  detachment  of  regular  troops  under  Colonel  Whistler, 
to  take  post  near  Nacogdoches,  instructing  him  July 
llth  to  occupy  that  town  and  fortify  it  with  a  small 
breast-work  and  block-houses. 

16 Full  account  of  this   massacre  in  Shield's  Fall  of  Parkers  Forty  MS.« 
fols.  18. 


288  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

When  Gorostiza  became  aware  that  an  actual  vio 
lation  of  Mexican  territory  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States  had  occurred,  he  reiterated  his  representations; 
and  not  satisfied  with  the  assurances  of  the  govern 
ment  at  Washington,  that  the  measures  adopted  were 
of  a  temporary  and  purely  defensive  character,  by 
letter  of  October  15th  he  declared  that  he  considered 
his  mission  at  an  end,  and  asked  for  his  passports, 
which  were  sent  to  him  on  the  20th  of  the  same 
month,  diplomatic  relations  between  the  two  countries 
being  thus  broken  off.  Gaines  was  relieved  of  his 
command  by  Brigadier  General  Arbuckle,  who  was 
instructed,  under  date  of  October  10th,  to  report  on 
the  condition  of  affairs.  Nevertheless  similar  direc 
tions  to  those  sent  to  Gaines  were  given  to  Arbuckle, 
to  whose  discretion  the  retaining  possession  of  Nacog- 
doches  was  in  a  great  measure  left.  He  was  informed 
by  the  secretary  of  war  that  it  was  not  in  the  power 
of  the  department,  with  its  limited  information,  to 
give  any  positive  order  in  regard  to  the  further  occu 
pation  of  the  post,  but  he  was  instructed  to  withdraw 
the  troops  stationed  there,  unless  he  had  in  his  pos 
session  information  satisfying  him  that  the  main 
tenance  of  it  was  essential  to  the  protection  of  the 
United  States  frontiers,  and  to  the  due  execution  of 
treaty  stipulations.17 

Viewed  in  an  impartial  light,  the  action  of  the 
United  States  government  cannot  be  regarded  as 

K  House  Rep.,  cong.  24,  sess.  1,  No.  256,  1-blyPvb.  Doc.,  1835-6,  Vol.  vi; 

g.  Debates,  1835-6,  xii.  3511-48;  Tex.  Corres.,  in  Pap.   Var.,    iii.  No.   1; 

c.  Doc.,  cong.  24,  sess.  2,  No.  2,  1-101,  105;  Cong.  Debates,  1837,  xiv.  176- 
249; H.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  25,  sess.  2,  Vol.  X.  No.  190,  1-120/Jfe.  Corres.  sotoe  el 
Paso  del  SaUna,  122;  Niles  Rey.,  1.  162,  207-9,  364-5,  377,  384-6,  402;  /,/., 
li.  21,  33,  87-8,  97,  113,  129,  194,  369,  378,  385,  409-12;  Morphis,  333,  353-4; 
Jay's  Mex.  War,  23-30.  The  government  at  Washington  considered  that 
they  were  authorized  to  send  troops  into  Mexican  territory  by  the  33d  ar 
ticle  of  the  treaty  between  the  two  nations,  which  required  both  the  con 
tracting  parties  to  prevent  by  force  all  hostilities  and  incursions  on  the  part 
of  the  Indian  nations  living  within  their  respective  boundaries,  so  that  the 
United  States  will  not  suffer  their  Indians  to  attack  the  citizens  of  the 
Mexican  states,  nor  will  the  Mexican  states  suffer  their  Indians  to  attack 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States.  As  the  Indians  west  of  the  supposed 
boundary  were  assuming  a  warlike  attitude,  and  Mexico  had  no  troops  on 
the  ground  to  keep  them  quiet,  the  U.  S.  considered  themselves  justified  in 
assuming  an  advanced  position  temporarily  in  their  own  defence. 


ATTITUDE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  i>89 

other  than  subterfuge,  and  unfair  to  a  neighbor  from 
which  it  desired  to  steal  territory.  While  making  the 
strongest  assurances  that  neutrality  should  be  ob 
served,  and  issuing  orders  to  that  effect,  it  cannot  be 
denied  that  the  latter,  were  easily  evaded,  and  the 
former  counterbalanced  by  the  moral  support  secretly 
extended  to  Texas.  At  the  same  time  it  must  be 
observed  that  the  Mexican  government  in  its  future 
conduct  in  regard  to  the  revolted  province  showed 
neither  prudence  nor  foresight,  and  rendered  the  war, 
on  her  part,  with  Texas  a  farce.  Mexican  patriotism 
was  excited,  and  the  Texan  war  used  as  a  pretext  for 
levying  contributions;  henceforth  it  assumed  a  pas 
sive  character,  and  became  a  rallying  cry  of  political 
parties  as  a  means  of  their  advancement.  Says  a 
Mexican  historian  of  repute,  "With  the  failure  of 
Santa  Anna's  expedition  against  Texas,  and  consider 
ing  the  intentions  of  the  United  States,  the  Mexican 
government  ought  to  have  rid  itself  of  that  province 
by  a  convention  with  the  United  States,  as  did  Spain 
in  the  case  of  Florida  in  1818,  endeavoring  therebv 
to  form  a  nation  between  Mexico  and  the  United 
States,  which  in  time  would  counterbalance  the  pre 
ponderance  of  the  north;  but  the  government  and  its 
enemies  made  the  reconquest  of  Texas  an  object  of 
charlatanism,  and  a  party  weapon,  both  sides  urging 
the  continuation  of  the  war  as  necessary  for  the  vin 
dication  of  the  national  honor,  though  they  had 
neither  the  will  nor  the  power  to  carry  it  on.18 

By  July  the  Texan  army  had  increased  to  2,300 
strong,  and  General  Rusk  experienced  much  difficulty 
in  preventing  confusion.  Houston  was  at  this  time 
at  Nacogdoches,  and  according  to  Yoakum  addressed 
several  communications  during  that  month  to  Gaines, 
which  may  have  had  some  influence  on  his  decision 
to  occupy  Nacogdoches.  About  the  first  of  the  month 
the  government  appointed  Colonel  Mirabeau  Lamar 

18  Rivera,  Hint.  Jalapa,  iii.  290-1. 

HIST.  HEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    19 


290  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

major-general  of  the  army,  who  on  his  arrival  at 
head-quarters  on  the  14th  found  so  strong  a  feeling 
expressed  against  the  right  of  the  cabinet  to  super 
sede  General  Houston  that  he  was  constrained  to  put 
to  the  vote  of  the  troops  the  question,  whether  the 
army  were  willing  to  receive  him  as  coinmander-in- 
chief.  This  being  done,  only  179  votes  were  found 
to  be  in  his  favor.  Nevertheless  Lamar  began  to  act 
as  commander-in-chief,  which  caused  such  dissatisfac 
tion  that  many  of  the  men  began  to  leave  the  camp. 
Whereupon  Lamar  called  a  meeting  of  the  officers, 
the  discussion  at  which  resulted  in  his  retiring.19 

As  the  Mexicans  were  unable  to  carry  out  their 
meditated  re-invasion,  and  the  rumors  of  such  having 
proved  deceptive,  it  was  proposed  on  the  part  of  the 
Texan  leaders  to  make  a  descent  upon  Matainoros, 
and  with  that  object  detachments  were  sent  to  Bejar 
and  San  Patricio  on  the  river  Nueces.  Two  mounted 
companies  were  despatched  to  the  former  place,  while 
500  men,  also  mounted,  were  stationed  at  San  Patri 
cio,  under  Brigadier-General  Felix  Houston,  who  had 
lately  arrived  from  the  United  States  with  a  consid 
erable  force.  Owing,  however,  to  the  want  of  means 
to  cooperate  by  sea,  the  project  was  abandoned. 

Early  in  July  the  commissioners,  Austin,  Archer, 
and  Wharton  returned,  having  accomplished  much  in 
arousing  sympathy  in  the  United  States  for  Texas. 
On  the  23d  of  the  same  month,  tranquillity  for  the 
time  assured  by  the  political  confusion  in  Mexico, 
President  Burnet  issued  a  proclamation'  for  the  elec 
tions  of  president,  vice-president,  and  senators  and 
representatives  in  congress.  The  first  Monday  in 
September  was  appointed  election  day,  and  the  sena 
tors  and  representatives  were  to  assemble  at  Colum 
bia  on  the  first  Monday  in  October  following.20  The 

19  Lamar  argued  that  Houston  had  forfeited  his  position  as  commander- 
in-chief,  by  leaving  Texas  without  a  furlough.  See  Gen.  Felix  Huston's 
account  of  this  affair  in  Yodkum,  ii.  183-8;  Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  46. 

>20Copy  of  proclamation  m  Id.,  1861,  48-9.     It  provided  that  in  the  pre- 


ELECTION.  291 

managers  of  the  elections  were  to  ask  each  voter 
whether  he  was  willing  to  clothe  his  senators  and 
representatives  with  conventional  power  to  revise  and 
amend  the  constitution;  also  whether  he  was  in  favor 
of  the  adoption  of  the  constitution  as  it  stood,  or  of 
its  rejection,  or  revision  and  amendment  by  the  con 
gress.  Moreover  as  it  was  important  for  the  inter 
ests  of  the  country  that  the  people  should  determine 
whether  they  were  in  favor  of  annexing  Texas  to  the 
United  States,  the  managers  were  required  to  put 
the  question  direct  to  each  voter,  and  make  a  return 
of  the  number  of  votes  for  and  against  it. 

Three  candidates  were  nominated  for  the  presidency, 
Stephen  F.  Austin,  Sam.  Houston,  and  the  late  gov 
ernor  Henry  Smith.  Houston  at  first  was  unwilling 
to  accept  his  nomination,  but  was  induced  to  do  so  on 
the  consideration  that  there  being  two  political  parties 
in  Texas,  known  as  the  Austin  and  Wharton  parties 
—the  ostensible  head  of  the  latter  being  Governor 
Smith — he  became  impressed  with  the  belief  that  were 
either  Smith  or  Austin  elected,  the  opposition  to  the 
administration  would  be  such  as  to  be  most  detrimen 
tal  to  the  interests  of  the  young  republic.  The  situ 
ation  required  the  united  efforts  of  all,  and  as  he  was 
identified  with  neither  party,  he  was  of  the  opinion 
that  in  case  of  his  election  he  would  be  able  to  har- 

cinct  of  Austin  there  should  be  elected  one  representative  to  congress;  in 
Brazoria,  two;  Be  jar,  two;  Colorado,  one;  Sabine,  one;  Gonzalez,  one;  Jeff 
erson,  one;  Goliad,  one;  Matagorda,  one;  Mina,  two;  Naeogdoches,  two; 
Red  River,  three;  Victoria,  one;  San  Augustine,  two;  Shelby,  two;  Refugio, 
one;  San  Patricio,  one;  Washington,  two;  Milan,  one;  and  Jackson,  one. 
From  the  senatorial  district  of  Bejar,  there  should  be  elected  one  senator; 
from  San  Patricio,  Refugio  and  Goliad,  one;  from  Brazoria,  one;  from  Mina 
and  Gonzalez  one;  from  Nacogdoches,  one:  from  Red  River,  one;  from 
Shelby  and  Sabine,  one;  from  Matagorda,  Jackson  and  Victoria,  one;  from 
Austin  and  Colorado,  one;  from  San  Augustine,  one;  from  Milan,  one;  from 
Jasper  and  Jefferson,  one;  from  Liberty  and  Harrisburg,  one;  and  from 
Washington,  one.  In  consideration  that  a  large  number  of  persons  were 
serving  in  the  army,  and  might  thereby  lose  their  right  of  sufferage,  it  was 
ordained  that  all  such  persons  entitled  to  vote  might  do  so  by  holding  an 
election,  and  sending  the  returns  to  the  managers  of  the  election  at  the 
capital  of  the  precinct  of  which  they  were  citizens;  the  name  of  each  voter 
being  taken  down  in  writing  and  forwarded  with  the  returns.  The  same 
rule  applied  to  persons  absent  from  precincts  that  had  been  temporarily 
abandoned. 


292  THE  EEPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

monize  the  two  factions,  and  organize  a  government 
that  would  triumph  over  all  difficulties.21  Houston's 
popularity  at  this  date  is  evidenced  by  the  result  of 
the  polls.  He  was  elected  president  by  a  large 
majority,  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar  being  chosen  vice- 
president.22  The  constitution  was  adopted  almost 
unanimously,  as  also  the  proposition  of  annexation. 

On  October  3d,  the  first  Texan  congress  met  at  Co 
lumbia,  and  on  the  following  day  President  Burnet 
delivered  his  message.  It  is  a  somewhat  lengthy  doc 
ument,  but  represents  too  truthfully  the  events  con 
nected  with  his  administration  and  the  condition  of 
the  country.  He  describes  the  state  of  the  army  and 
navy,  and  calls  attention  to  the  defectiveness  of  the 
military  organization  and  the  want  of  more  war  ves 
sels.  The  judicial  department,  he  stated,  was  in  a 
very  imperfect  state,  and  the  land  question  was  one 
which  would  require  serious  consideration.  He  trusted 
that  the  titles  of  the  early  settlers  would  not  be  en 
croached  upon,  and  that  the  present  congress  and  all 
succeeding  ones  would  promptly  and  decisively  put 
the  seal  of  their  reprobation  upon  all  sinister  and 
unrighteous  speculations  in  the  public  domain.  He 
concluded  by  urging  the  members  to  banish  from  their 
council  all  party  spirit  and  political  intrigue.23 

After  using  his  best  endeavors  to  conciliate  the 
Indians,  Houston  left  Nacogdoches  for  Columbia, 
where  he  arrived  on  October  9th.  By  a  provision  of 
the  adopted  constitution,  he  could  not  enter  upon  the 
duties  of  his  office  before  the  second  Monday  in  De 
cember  next  succeeding  his  election,24  but  both  Presi 
dent  Burnet  and  Vice-president  Zavala  were  equally 
willing  to  retire  from  office,  and  on  the  22d  of  October 

21  See  his  letter  to  Guy  M.  Bryan  of  Nov.  15,  1852,  quoted  in  Yoakum,  ii. 
193-4. 

22  Houston  received  4,374  votes,  Smith  743,  and  Austin  587,  the  total  num 
ber  of  votes  cast  being  5,704.     Lamar  had  a  majority  of  2,699.   Thrall's  Hist. 
Tex.,  287. 

23  Copy  of  Burnet 's  message  will  be  found  in  Niles*  Reg.,  li.  189-91. 

4  Art  vi.,  sec.  2.,  of  the  constitution,  in  Laws  of  the  Republic  of  Texas,  vol, 
i  15. 


HOUSTON  AND  LAMAR.  293 

sent  in  their  resignations.  The  congress  considered 
that  there  was  no  radical  obstruction  to  the  premature 
installation  of  the  new  president,  and  on  the  same  day 
Houston  was  inducted  into  office. 

In  his  inaugural  address,  Houston  referred  to  the 
relations  of  the  coordinate  departments  of  the  govern 
ment  as  peculiarly  delicate  and  important,  maintaining 
that  if  he  failed  to  obtain  the  cooperation  and  support 
of  the  congress,  wreck  and  ruin  would  be  inevitable. 
If,  therefore,  he  failed  in  the  attainment  of  the  great 
objects  in  view,  it  would  be  the  duty  of  the  house  to 
correct  his  errors  and  sustain  him  by  its  superior  wis 
dom.  The  administration,  he  said,  was  fraught  with 
perplexities,  but  zeal  and  a  spirit  of  patrotism  would 
surmount  all  difficulties.  He  recommended  that  the 
friendship  of  the  Indians  should  be  obtained  by  treaties 
of  peace  and  a  strict  maintenance  of  good  faith  with 
them;  and  urged  abstinence  from  all  acts  of  aggression, 
the  establishment  of  commerce  with  the  different 
tribes,  even-handed  justice  to  be  ever  maintained  with 
them.  He  contrasted  the  barbarous  mode  of  warfare 
practised  by  the  enemy  with  the  humanity  and  for 
bearance  displayed  by  the  Texans  in  the  hour  of  vic 
tory.  The  moral  effect  of  such  conduct  had  done  more 
toward  the  liberation  of  Texas  than  the  defeat  of  the 
army  of  veterans.  Her  cause  had  received  the  warm 
est  sympathy  and  manly  aid  of  friends  in  the  land  of 
their  origin.  Lastly,  he  dwelt  upon  the  question  of 
annexation  with  the  United  States,  a  consummation 
unanimously  wished  for  the  Texan  people,  who  were 
cheered  by  the  hope  that  they  would  be  welcomed 
into  the  great  family  of  freemen.20  General  Lamar, 
in  his  two-fold  capacity  as  vice-president  of  the  re 
public  and  president  of  the  senate,  also  delivered 
addresses  in  which,  breathing  a  spirit  of  patriot 
ism,  he  deprecated  party  antagonism  and  contro 
versy. 

25  Copy  of  the  address  in  Pease's  Hist.  View  Tex.,  in  Niles' South  Amer.  and 
Jtfex.,  i.  357-60. 


294  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

Congress  having  authorized  the  president  to  appoint 
his  cabinet,  his  selection  proves  his  anxiety  to  weld 
together  in  harmony  the  two  opposing  factions  by  an 
impartial  appointment  to  office  of  the  separate  leaders. 
Stephen  F.  Austin  was  made  secretary  of  state,  Henry 
Smith,  secretary  of  the  treasury,  Thomas  J.  Rusk,  of. 
war,26  S.  Rhodes  Fisher,  of  the  navy,  Robert  Burr, 
postmaster-general,  and  J.  Pinkney  Henderson,  attor 
ney-general.  On  November  16th,  congress  passed  an 
act  empowering  the  president  to  appoint  a  minister  to 
the  United  States  to  negotiate  with  that  government 
for  the  recognition  of  the  independence  of  Texas,  and 
her  annexation  to  that  republic.  Houston  accordingly 
appointed  William  H.  Wharton  to  the  position.27 

Another  of  the  first  acts  of  the  congress,  dated 
November  18th,  authorized  the  president  to  issue 
bonds  of  the  republic  in  sums  of  $1,000  each,  to  an 
amount  not  exceeding  $5,000,000.  These  bonds  were 
to  bear  interest  not  exceeding  ten  per  centum,  and 
be  made  redeemable  in  thirty  years  from  the  day  of  date. 
Two  commissioners  were  to  be  appointed  to  negotiate 
them  in  the  United  States  or  Europe,  the  commis 
sioners  being  authorized  to  sell  bonds  to  the  amount 
of  $2,000,000,  redeemable  in  not  less  than  five  years. 
Holders  should  have  the  privilege  of  purchasing 
public  lands  of  the  republic  at  the  lowest  government 
price  payable  in  bonds.  In  regard  to  volunteers  from 
the  United  States  the  congress  displayed  great  liber 
ality,  extending  by  a  joint  resolution  on  the  23d  the 
same  pay  and  bounties  in  lands  to  those  who  entered 


26  The  command  of  the  army  was  given  to  General  Felix  Houston. 

<27  Linn,  page  273,  narrates  that  Wharton  was  not  pleased  with  the  ap 
pointment,  and  remarked  that  the  president  was  sending  him  into  honorable 
exile  to  get  him  out  of  some  one  else's  way.  Houston  did  not  hear  of  this 
till  some  months  after,  when  three  commissioners  were  to  be  named  by  him 
whose  duties  were  the  purchase  of  a  navy.  John  A.  Wharton,  brother  of 
William  Wharton,  was  one  of  the  candidates,  and  to  the  surprise  of  many, 
was  not  appointed.  Meeting  the  latter  after  his  return  from  the  U.  S. ,  the 
president  could  not  refrain  from  delivering  a  home-thrust.  '  I  did  not  ap 
point  John  A.  Wharton,'  he  said,  'one  of  the  three  naval  commissioners  be- 
caxise  I  did  not  wish  to  drive  any  more  of  the  Wharton  family  into  exile. ' 


CONGRESSIONAL  MEASURES.  295 

the  service  after  July  1st  as  to  those  who  had  entered 
it  prior  to  that  date.28 

The  duties  of  the  congress  were  not  light,  and  dur 
ing  its  first  session,  which  lasted  to  the  close  of  De- 

O 

cember,  numerous  laws  were  passed  for  the  organization 
of  the  government  and  promotion  of  the  public  weal. 
Provisions  were  made  for  the  increase  of  the  navy  by 
the  purchase  of  a  24-gun  sloop  of  war,  two  armed 
steam  vessels,  and  two  11 -gun  schooners;  rules  and 
articles  were  established  for  the  government  of  the 
navy  and  army,  the  latter  of  which  the  president  was 
authorized  to  reorganize;  and  measures  were  adopted 
for  the  protection  of  the  frontier,  and  for  the  national 
defence  by  the  organization  of  militia.  The  judiciary, 
moreover,  was  fully  organized,  a  supreme  court,  courts 
of  justice,  and  inferior  courts  being  established,  and 
their  powers  and  jurisdictions  defined/9  Enactments 
were  also  passed  for  the  raising  of  a  revenue  by  im 
port  duties;  establishing  the  salaries  of  the  president 
and  government  officers ; 30  for  the  creation  of  a  gen 
eral  post-office ;  and  for  the  establishment  of  a  general 
land-office.31 

A  national  seal  and  standard  for  the  republic  were 
adopted  December  10th.  The  former  consisted  of  a 
single  star  with  the  letters  Republic  of  Texas  circular 
on  the  seal,  which  was  also  circular.  The  national 
flag  was  to  have  an  azure  ground  with  a  large  golden 
star  central,  and  to  be  dominated  the  national  stan- 


28  The  president  vetoed  this  act,  but  it  was  passed  by  a  constitutional 
majority  in  both  houses.  Tex.  Laws,  i.  34. 

29 President  Burnet  had  created  a  district  judge  for  the  district  of  Brazos, 
conferring  the  appointment  on  Benjamin  C.  Franklin,  who  was  the  first 
judge  in  Texas  invested  with  common  law  and  maritime  jurisdiction.  Nile*' 
Re<j.,  li.  190. 

30  The  salary  of  the  president  was  fixed  at  $10,000  a  year,  of  the  vice- 
president  $3,000;  that  of  each  member  of   the  cabinet  at  $3,500;    of    the 
attorney-general  $3,000;  of  the  postmaster-general  $2,000,    and  other  civil 
officers   in   proportion.        Congressmen  received   each  $5  a  day,  and  were 
allowed  a  mileage  of  $5  for  every  25  miles,  going  and  coming.    Tex.  Law*,  i. 
69-70. 

31  This  act  was  vetoed  by  the  president,  but  passed  by  a  constitutional 
majority  in  both  houses  Dec.  22,  1836.     The  above  synopsis  of  the  labors 
of  the  first  congress  is  derived  from  Id. ,  i.  27-227. 


296  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

dard  of  Texas.  The  flag  for  tlie  naval  service  was  to 
be  the  same  as  that  adopted  by  President  Burnet  at 
Harrisburg,  April  9,  1836,  its  conformation  being 
union  blue,  star  central,  with  thirteen  stripes  pro 
longed,  alternate  red  and  white.32 

Congress,  however,  did  not  display  the  highest 
wisdom  in  all  its  legislative  acts.  On  December  16th 
a  bill  was  passed  to  incorporate  the  Texas  Railroad, 
Navigation,  and  Banking  Company,  with  a  capital 
stock  of  $5,000,000,  and  the  privilege  of  increasing  it, 
when  the  welfare  of  the  company  should  require  it, 
to  $10,000,000.  The  enactment  granted  to  the  com 
pany  the  right  of  connecting  the  waters  of  the  Rio 
Grande  and  the  Sabine  by  means  of  internal  naviga 
tion  and  railroads,  with  the  privilege  also  of  con 
structing  branch  canals  and  railroads  in  every 
direction.  As  soon  as  the  bank  went  into  operation, 
which  it  could  not  do  until  a  specie  capital  of  $1,- 

32  On  Jan.  25,  1839,  an.  act  was  passed  adopting  as  the  national  arms  a 
•white  star  of  five  points  on  an  azure  ground,  encircled  by  an  olive  and  live 
oak  branches.  The  national  flag  was  to  consist  of  a  blue  perpendicular  stripe 
of  the  width  of  one  third  of  the  whole  flag  with  a  white  star  in  the  centre, 
and  two  horizontal  stripes,  the  upper  white  and  the  lower  red.  The  origin 
of  the  lone  star  flag  is  somewhat  obscure.  It  is  claimed  by  the  Savannah 
Georgian  that  it  was  first  unfurled  within  the  present  limits  of  Louisiana  in 
1810,  by  a  gallant  band  of  Americans,  who  fell  suddenly  upon  the  fort  at 
Baton  Rouge,  drove  out  the  Spaniards,  and  raised  the  lone  star  flag  in  place 
of  the  banner  of  old  Spain.  Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  75.  The  date  of  its  first  ap 
pearance  in  Texas  is  also  in  dispute.  Guy  M.  Bryan  in  a  speech  before  the 
lexan  veterans  delivered  May  14,  1873,  says:  'The  first  lone  star  flag  that 
I  can  find  any  account  of  was  made  at  Harrisburg  and  presented  to  the 
company  of  Capt.  Andrew  Robinson  in  1835.  The  lone  star  was  white,  five 
pointed,  and  set  in  ground  of  red.'  Bakers  Tex.,  195.  Lewis  Washington, 
an  assistant  in  the  office  of  the  Gahvxton  News,  in  1854,  states  that  it  was  of 
plain  white  silk,  bearing  an  azure  star  of  five  points  on  either  side.  On  one 
side  was  the  inscription  Liberty  or  Death!  and  on  the  other  the  Latin  motto 
Ubi  Libertas  habitat,  ibi  nostra  patri  est.  This  flag  was  unfurled  at  Velasco 
Jan.  8,  1836.  Gen.  McLeocl  of  Galveston  asserted  that  it  was  the  work  of 
Miss  Troutmaii  of  Knoxville,  Georgia.  A  correspondent  of  the  Central 
Texan  denies  the  claim  of  Georgia,  and  insists  that  the  first  lone  star  flag 
unfurled  in  Texas  was  the  one  raised  in  Harrisburg  in  1835.  Tex.  Aim.,  1861, 
75-7.  Thrall  makes  the  curious  statement  that  the  lone  star  emblem  was  a 
fortunate  accident.  Gov.  Smith,  for  want  of  a  seal,  used  one  of  the  large 
brass  buttons  of  his  coat,  which  bore  the  impress  of  a  five-pointed  star. 
The  Mexican  government  in  a  circular  of  Jan.  28,  1836,  describes  the  Texan 
rebel  flag  as  consisting  of  stripes  like  that  of  the  U.  S.,  but  instead  of  the 
blue  square  containing  the  stars,  the  Texan  flag  had  a  white  square  with  a 
cross  and  the  number  1824.  ArriUaya,  Recap-,  En. — Jun.,  1836,  234.  The 
'flag  of  independence,' says  one,  first  hoisted  at  Goliad,  bore  a  blood-red 
sword  grasped  by  a  hand.  Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  76. 


BOUNDARY.  297 

000,000  was  paid  in,  a  bonus  of  $25,000  was  to  bo 
paid  into  the  Texan  treasury;  but  in  the  event  of 
said  sum  not  being  paid  within  eighteen  months  after 
the  passage  of  the  act,  the  charter,  which  was  to  con 
tinue  in  force  for  forty-nine  years,  was  to  be  forfeited. 3:1 
This  act  was  regarded  by  many  with  great  disfavor 
and  denounced  by  Anson  Jones  as  corrupt,  and 
tending  to  render  the  public  lands  worthless  if  the 
scheme  had  been  practicable.34  The  necessary  capital 
of  $5, 000, 000  was  subscribed  by  eight  individuals  and 
firms,  but  the  payment  of  $1,000,000  in  specie  before 
the  bank  could  commence  operations,  was  a  stumbling- 
block  which  fortunately  overthrew  the  project. 3a 
With  regard  to  the  territorial  extent  of  the  infant 

o 

republic,  congress  was  not  backward  in  defining 
the  boundaries.  By  an  act  of  December  1 9th  it  was 
declared  that  the  civil  and  political  jurisdiction  of 
Texas  extended  from  the  mouth  of  the  Sabine  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Bio  Grande,  thence  up  the  principal 
stream  of  the  latter  river  to  its  source ;  thence  due 
north  to  the  forty-second  degree  of  north  latitude, 
thence  along  the  boundary  line  as  defined  in  the  treaty 
between  the  United  States  and  Spain  to  the  be 
ginning.  The  president  was  authorized  and  required 
to  open  negotiations  with  the  government  of  the 
United  States  to  ascertain  the  boundary  line  as 
agreed  upon  in  said  treaty.  These  boundaries  in 
cluded  the  greater  and  best  portion  of  New  Mexico, 
to  which  Texas  had  not  the  shadow  of  a  right.  But 
it  is  more  easy  to  make  a  claim  than  substantiate  it, 
as  Texas  found  to  her  cost  at  a  later  date,  on  the 
occasion  of  the  ill-conducted  expedition  to  Santa  Fe. 

"3  Tex.  Laws,  i.  128-32. 

•i4  He  writes  :  '  The  company  would  ha,ve  been  the  great  feudal  landlord 
of  the  whole,  and  held  them  by  a  feudal  tenure. '  He  attacked  the  scheme 
severely  in  an.  article  signed  Franklin,  published  in  a  Matagorda  paper.  His 
opposition  gained  for  him  many  lasting  enemies.  Repub.  Tex.,  18-19. 

35  Gouge  states  that  even  as  it  was,  some  people  made  money  out  of  the 
scheme.  None  of  the  subscribers  paid  anything.  One  of  them  sold  his  in 
terest  to  a  speculator  of  New  York  for  $30,000.  Another  disposed  of  his 
interest  for  three  leagues  of  land,  which  he  subsequently  sold  for  $2.50  per 
acre.  Fiscal  Hint,  Tex,,  60-1, 


298  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

After  two  months  of  assiduous  labor,  during  which 
the  members  of  both  houses  appear  to  have  been 
guided  by  a  spirit  of  patriotism  and  singleness  of 
purpose/ congress  closed  its  session,  and  adjourned  till 
the  first  Monday  in  May,  1837,  when  it  was  to  meet 
at  the  newly  founded  town  of  Houston,  on  Buffalo 
Bayou,  which  by  act  of  December  15th  was  declared 
to  be  the  seat  of  the  government  till  1840.36 

Toward  the  close  of  the  year  Texas  was  bereaved, 
not  only  of  one  of  its  most  prominent  patriots,  but  of 
its  father  and  founder  as  a  great  state.  On  November 
15th  Lorenzo  de  Zavala,  whose  health  had  been  for 
some  time  past  failing,  died  at  his  residence  on  the 
San  Jacinto,  near  Lynchburg,  fifty-five  years  of  age. 
The  biography  of  this  true  friend  of  Texas,  previous 
to  his  exile  from  his  native  country,  has  already  been 
given.  His  arrival  in  Texas  was  hailed  with  joy; 
and  the  appreciation  in  which  his  worth  and  love  of 
liberty  were  held,  is  shown  by  the  important  ap 
pointments  which  were  conferred  upon  him  by  men 
of  a  different  race.  His  name  will  ever  be  cher 
ished  among  Texans  as  a  champion  of  freedom. 

Within  little  more  than  a  month  after  the  loss  of 
this  patriot,  Stephen  Fuller  Austin  breathed  his  last  at 
Columbia.  He  had  contracted  a  cold,  which  was  suc 
ceeded  by  an  attack  of  pneumonia,  and  died  December 
27th,  at  the  comparatively  early  age  of  forty-three 
years — father  and  son  being  thus  victims  of  the  same 
disease.  His  remains,  followed  by  the  president  and 
his  cabinet,  both  houses  of  congress,  officers  of  the 
government,  and  a  large  concourse  of  citizens,  were 
placed  on  board  the  Yellowstone,  and  conveyed  to 
Peach  Point,  Brazoria  county,  where  they  were  in 
terred  with  funeral  honors.  His  place  in  the  cabinet 
was  filled  by  R.  A.  Irwin. 

Stephen  Fuller  Austin  was  born  November  3,  1793 

3GAnson  Jones  denounces  the  location  of  Houston  as  the  seat  of  gov 
ernment,  as  being  an  unblushing  speculation  by  members  of  the  legis 
lature.  Repub.  Tex.,  18-19. 


BIOGRAPHY  OF  AUSTIN.  299 

at  Austinville,  Wythe  county,  Virginia.  In  1804,  he 
was  sent  to  Colchester  academy,  in  Connecticut,  and 
having  remained  there  one  year,  he  removed  to  an 
academy  at  New  London.  At  the  age  of  fifteen,  he 
became  a  student  of  Transylvania  University,  Ken 
tucky,  where  he  completed  his  education.  When 
twenty  years  of  age,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
territorial  legislature  of  Missouri,  and  was  regularly 
reflected  till  1819,  in  which  year  he  went  to  Little 
Rock,  Arkansas,  where  he  was  made  circuit  judge  of 
that  territory.  Thence  he  moved  to  New  Orleans, 
in  order  to  cooperate  with  his  father  in  the  projected 
colonization  scheme.  On  the  death  of  Moses  Austin, 
his  son,  in  obedience  to  his  wishes,  determined  to  carry 
out  the  enterprise.  His  efforts,  trials,  and  final  suc 
cess  in  that  undertaking  are  already  before  the  reader. 
Stephen  Austin  was  eminently  adapted  as  a  leader 
of  settlers  in  an  unknown  country.  Nurtured  in  his 
childhood  in  the  wilds  of  a  frontier  state,  he  imbibed 
a  familiarity  with  the  wilderness  and  a  fearlessness  of 
its  dangers  which  never  deserted  him,  while  the  liberal 
education  which  he  received  well  fitted  him  to  occupy 
the  position  of  ruler,  diplomatist,  or  commissioner. 
As  a  commander  of  an  army,  he  himself  admits  his 
want  of  competency,  and  with  eager  willingness  he 
resigned  his  military  appointment  on  the  occasion  of 
his  being  chosen  commissioner  to  the  United  States. 
With  regard  to  his  character,  I  cannot  do  better  than 
transcribe  his  own  words,  which,  however,  make  no 
mention  of  his  noble  qualities,  but  reveal  only  his 
weaknesses.  Writing  to  Edwards,  the  Fredonian 
leader,  in  1825,  he  says:  "My  temper  is  naturally 
hasty  and  impetuous;  the  welfare  of  the  settlement 
required  that  I  should  control  it  effectually,  for  one 
in  my  situation,  falling  suddenly  into  a  fit  of  passion, 
might  do  hurt  to  the  interests  of  hundreds.  My  dis 
position  is  by  nature,  also,  open,  unsuspecting,  confid 
ing,  and  accommodating  almost  to  a  fault.  I  have 
been,  therefore,  subject  in  a  peculiar  manner  to  impo- 


300  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

sition.  Experience  has  enlightened  me  as  to  this 
latter  deficiency,  I  fear,  almost  too  late,  for  I  am  ap 
prehensive  of  having  fallen  somewhat  into  the  opposite 

i  >J  37 

extreme. 

It  was  true  as  he  says,  that  under  the  most  trying 
circumstances,  and  assailed  by  enemies,  he  exercised  a 
strong  control  over  his  impulses,  fearful  of  inflicting 
injury  on  others.  He  made  self-assertion  subordinate 
to  the  public  weal.  But  other  traits  of  his  character 
remain  to  be  added.  His  sense  of  equity  and  his  con 
stancy,  his  perseverance  and  fortitude,  his  intelligence, 
prudence,  and  sagacity,  and  lastly,  his  endurance 
under  persecution,  benevolent  forgiveness  of  injuries, 
and  far-reaching  philanthropy  mark  him  as  no  common 
person,  and  place  him  on  the  pedestal  of  great  men. 
He  was  never  married.  During  the  first  years  of  his 
residence  in  Texas,  his  home  was  the  house  of  S.  Cas- 
tleman,  on  the  Colorado.  Later,  when  his  brother- 
in-law,  James  F.  Perry,  removed  to  the  colony,  he 
lived,  when  in  Texas,  with  his  sister,  at  Peach  Point 
plantation,  in  Brazoria  county.  Besides  this  sister, 
he  had  a  younger  brother,  named  James  Brown  Aus 
tin,  who  was  well  known  in  Texas.38 

It  cannot  be  said  that  at  the  opening  of  the  new 
year  the  situation  of  the  young  republic  was  flattering. 
It  is  true  that  she  was  temporarily  relieved  from  in- 

37  Copy  of  an  extract  from  this  letter,  which  well  describes  his  difficult 
position  with  regard  to  decisions  about  land  grants,  and  is  marked  by  candor 
and  the  frank  admission  on  the  part  of  the  writer  that  he  had  committed 
errors,  will  be  found  in  Foote,  i.  300-5. 

38  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  153-60.     From  this  article  I  quote  the  following  ex 
tract:  'Sometimes  the  voice  of  detraction  and  obloquy  was  heard.     Some 
times   curses   were   heaped  upon  him   by  men  whom  he  had  served  with 
conscientious  fidelity.     But  these  are  things  which  come  to  most  men  who 
act  a  principal  part  in  what  is  transpiring  around  them,  and  in  Austin's  case 
these  things  were  more  than  counterbalanced.     The  great  body  of  his  colo 
nists  loved  him,  and  he  knew  it.     They  had  tried  him,  and  had  found  him 
to  be  true  to  them  and  to  their  interests. '  Thrall,  Hist.  Tex.,  480-97;  Kennedy, 
ii.  270-2;  Bakers  Tex.,  253-4;   Yoakum,  ii.  202-3.     Linn,  in  his  Remind.,  362, 
says  of  Austin:  'He  made  many  personal  sacrifices  of  his  own  comfort  and 
property  in  the  interest  of  his  colonists,  and  was  in  return  repaid  by  ingrati 
tude  by  too  many  of  them.     He  had  the  patience  of  Franklin,  and  was  a  man 
of  solid  rather  than  of  brilliant  parts. ' 


CONDITION  OF  THE  COMMONWEALTH  301 

vasion ;  but  the  enemy  still  threatened,  and  there  was 
no  certainty  that  a  powerful  army  would  not  before 
long  be  put  in  motion  against  her.  Although  in  an 
agricultural  point  of  view,  she  had  somewhat  recov 
ered  from  the  wide-spread  desolation  to  which  she  had 
been  the  victim,  much  land  still  remained  abandoned, 
and  the  people  were  universally  impoverished.  The 
army,  which  it  was  still  necessary  to  keep  on  foot  to 
the  number  of  nearly  1,000  men,39  was  reduced  to  a 
destitute  condition  for  want  of  food  and  clothing.  The 
government  was  overwhelmed  with  claims ;  the  treas 
ury  was  empty,  and  no  immediate  prospects  of  pecu 
niary  relief  could  be  expected. 

But  the  year  was  not  destined  to  pass  without 
Texas  meeting  with  some  outside  encouragement. 
The  recognition  of  her  independence  had  been  the 

O  A 

subject  of  much  discussion  in  the  congress  of  the 
United  States,  and  many  memorials  from  different 
parts  of  that  nation  were  addressed  to  the  government 
in  behalf  of  it.  In  the  north,  however,  considerable 
opposition  was  brought  to  bear  by  the  anti-slavery 
party,  which,  foreseeing  annexation  as  the  ultimate 
result,  was  strongly  opposed  to  the  adoption  of  a 
measure  that  would  create  additional  slave  territory. 
Apart  from  the  question  of  slavery,  there  were  others 
of  a  commercial  nature  which  also  had  weight.  In 
case  Texas  maintained  her  independence,  she  would 
be  able  to  open  a  market  for  English  manufactures, 
which  would  prove  detrimental  to  the  interests  of  the 
United  States.  Again,  if  she  were  admitted  into  the 
union,  the  anti-tariff  party  would  gain  preponderance 
over  that  which  sought  to  procure  a  monopoly  for 
American  goods  by  protective  duties.  On  December 
22,  1836,  a  message  of  President  Jackson,  on  the 
subject  of  the  recognition  of  Texas  was  laid  before 
congress.  At  its  conclusion  he  makes  use  of  these 

39Yoakum  states  that  at  the  close  of  1836  the  Texan  army  consisted  of 
about  700  men  enlisted  for  the  period  of  the  war,  and  80  who  had  still  six 
months  to  serve.  Hist.  Tex.,  ii.  205. 


302  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

words:  "Pruaence,  therefore,  seems  to  dictate  that 
we  should  still  stand  aloof,  and  maintain  our  present 
attitude,  if  not  until  Mexico  Itself  or  one  of  the  great 
foreign  powers  shall  recognize  the  independence  of 
the  new  government,  at  least  until  the  lapse  of  time 
or  the  course  of  events  shall  have  proved,  beyond  cavil 
or  dispute,  the  ability  of  the  people  of  that  couutry  to 
maintain  their  separate  sovereignty,  and  to  uphold 
the  government  constituted  by  them." 

But  it  was  well  known  that  Jackson  was  in  favor 
of  the  recognition  of  the  independence  of  Texas.  On 
January  11,  1837,  Walker,  senator  from  Mississippi, 
submitted  a  resolution  to  the  senate  to  the  effect  that 
the  independence  of  Texas  should  be  acknowledged, 
urging  as  a  reason  that  the  threatened  invasion  of 
that  country  had  proved  abortive,  that  the  army  of 
General  Bravo  "  had  been  reduced  by  desertion  and 
other  causes  to  a  very  small  number,  that  Bravo  had 
consequently  resigned,  and  the  invasion  in  all  proba 
bility  would  be  abandoned.  After  several  efforts  on 
the  part  of  Walker — who  expressed  himself  convinced 
that  the  president  would  cheerfully  unite  with  con 
gress  in  recognizing  the  independence  of  Texas — to 
bring  his  resolution  to  the  vote,  on  March  1,  1837,  it 
was  called  up,  and  after  some  discussion,  passed  by  a 
vote  of  twenty -three  to  nineteen/2  On  the  following 
day  a  motion  was  made  to  reconsider  the  vote,  but 
was  lost  by  a  vote  of  twenty-four  to  twenty-four.43 
The  negotiations,  however,  for  the  annexation  of 
Texas  were  not  listened  to  by  the  United  States  gov 
ernment. 

Shortly  after  the  passage  of  this  resolution  the 
Texan  minister  in  Washington  was  duly  recognised, 
and  Alcee  Labranche  appointed  by  Jackson  as  charge 

*»H.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  24,  sesa.  2.,  No.  35,  p.  4. 

41  Bravo  had  been  appointed  to  the  command  in  the  place  of  Urrea,  who 
was  removed  on  account  of  his  leaning  toward  federalism. 

**  Not  as  Yoakum  states, — ii.  207 — twenty -three  to  twenty -two. 

43  Cony.  Debate*,  1836,  1837,  xiii.  360,  527,797,986,  1010-13,  1018.  It 
must  be  remarked  that  on  March  1st,  when  the  resolution  was  passed,  six 
members  of  the  senate  were  absent, 


PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  303 

d'affaires  to  the  new  republic,  the  house  of  repre 
sentatives  having  made  an  appropriation  for  a  diplo 
matic  agent  to  that  government. 

It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  on  April  17, 
1837,  the  Independence  was  taken  by  two  Mexican 
brio's-of-war.  On  the  vessel  was  William  H.  Wharton 

t^ 

who  was  on  his  return  from  the  United  States.  He 
was  conveyed  to  Matamoros  with  the  other  captives, 
and  confined  in  prison.  His  brother,  Colonel  John 
H.  Wharton,  having  obtained  permission  and  a  flag, 
proceeded  thither  with  thirty  Mexican  prisoners,  in 
the  hope  of  effecting  his  release,  but  on  his  arrival  he 
was  seized  and  thrown  into  a  dungeon.  William 
Wharton  in  the  meantime,  by  the  aid  of  Captain 
Thompson  of  the  Mexican  navy,  escaped  and  reached 
home.  His  brother,  after  an  imprisonment  of  six 
days,  also  succeeded  in  escaping  and  returned  to 
Texas.  Thompson,  who  had  agreed  to  desert  the 
enemy's  service,  had  previously  left  Matamoros,  his 
departure  being  hastened  by  information  given  against 
him  to  the  authorities. 

On  May  1,  1837,  congress  reassembled  at  the  town 
of  Houston,  and  on  the  5th  the  president  read  his  mes 
sage.  Referring  to  the  recognition  of  their  independ 
ence  by  the  United  States,  he  said:  "We  now  occupy 
the  proud  attitude  of  a  sovereign  and  independent  re 
public,"  and  toward  the  close  of  his  address,  remarked 
that  Texas,  confident  of  her  power  to  sustain  the 
rights  for  which  she  had  contended,  was  not  willing 
to  invoke  the  mediation  of  other  powers.  With  re 
gard  to  the  financial  position  of  the  government,  it 
could  hardly  have  assumed  a  much  worse  state.  On 
account  of  the  unfavorable  condition  of  the  money 
market  in  the  United  States,  no  portion  of  the 
$5,000,000  loan  had  been  realized,  and  the  land  scrip4' 

44  In  order  to  raise  means  to  meet  the  most  pressing  wants  until  some 
portion  of  the  $5,000,000  loan  could  be  realized,  the  president  had  been 
authorized  by  acts  of  December  10,  1836,  to  borrow  $20,000,  and  to  sell  land 
scrip  to  the  amount  of  500,000  acres,  at  a  price  not  less  than  50  cents  per 


304  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

had  produced  nothing,  owing  to  the  questionable  ac 
tion  of  the  agents  at  New  Orleans,  who  would  render- 
no  account  of  their  transactions  to  the  executive,  and 
dishonored  drafts  drawn  upon  them  by  the  latter. 
Speaking  of  the  land-bill,  of  December  22,  1836, 
which  had  been  vetoed  by  the  president,  but  passed 
by  a  constitutional  majority — Houston  stated  that  his 
views  on  that  question  had  undergone  no  change.  He 
considered  that  the  bill  was  not  adapted  to  the  situa 
tion/5  inasmuch  as  no  provision  was  made  for  section- 
izing  the  public  domain;  and  he  recommended  that 
some  plan  should  be  devised  that  would  ascertain  all 
the  located  lands  of  the  country,  by  which  method 
the  vacant  lands  would  be  readily  indicated.  Unless 
some  such  precaution  were  adopted  endless  litigation 
would  be  the  consequence.  On  the  subject  of  the 
boundary  question  with  the  United  States,  he  believed 
that  all  trifling  difficulties  that  had  previously  existed 
would  be  obviated  by  reference  to  the  treaty  of  1811) 
between  Spain  and  that  nation.  In  connection  with 
this  question  he  called  attention  to  a  treaty  recently 
made  by  the  government  of  the  United  States  with 
^the  Caddo  Indians  on  the  north-eastern  frontier,  by 
which  the  latter  ceded  certain  lands  to  the  former. 
The  Caddo  Indians,  he  said,  were  the  principal  ag 
gressors  on  the  Texan  frontiers,  and  showed  a  dispo 
sition  to  amalgamate  with  the  wild  tribes  undoubtedly 

O  W 

within  the  unquestionable  boundary  of  Texas.  Urgent 
remonstrances  had  been  made  to  the  government  of 
the  United  States  by  the  Texan  representatives  at 
Washington  on  the  subject  of  the  condition  and  dis 
position  of  these  Indians.  The  army  of  Texas  had 
never  been  in  a  more  favorable  condition,  and  its  im 
provement  since  the  last  session  of  congress  was  con 
spicuous.  It  had  been  successfully  reorganized,  and 

acre.  This  scrip  was  issued  to  Toby  and  Bros,  of  New  Orleans  and  David 
White  of  Mobile,  who  were  appointed  agents  for  the  government.  Tex, 
Laws,  i.  76-7;  Gouye,ut  sup.,  62,  64. 

45 The  constitution  provided  that  'the  whole  territory  of  the  republic 
should  be  sectionized,  in  a  manner  hereafter  to  be  prescribed  by  law.'  Gen 
eral  provisions  sec.  10.  Tex.  Laws,  i.  21. 


SLAVERY.  305 

a  system  of  discipline  and  subordination  established. 
By  the  reduction  of  the  number  of  supernumerary 
officers,  its  expenses  had  been  diminished  to  $229,032 
por  annum/6  A  similar  favorable  report  could  not  be 
made  with  regard  to  the  navy,  the  insufficiency  of 
which  required  the  serious  consideration  of  congress. 
A  confidential  officer  had  been  despatched  to  the 
United  States  for  the  purpose  of  purchasing  such 
vessels  as  would  enable  Texas  to  keep  command  of 
the  gulf.  The  weak  condition  of  the  navy  had  not 
been  without  injurious  result  upon  commerce,  which 
had  suffered  to  some  extent.  President  Houston 
next  makes  remarks  upon  the  African  slave  trade,  and 
in  conformity  with  the  constitution"  denounced  it  as 
an  unholy  and  cruel  traffic.  It  being  known  that 
thousands  of  Africans  had  lately  been  imported  into 
the  island  of  Cuba  with  the  design  of  introducing  a 
portion  of  them  into  Texas,  the  ministers  of  the  re 
public  had  made  the  matter  a  subject  of  representa- 

46  On  December  15,  1836,  an  act  was  passed  appropriating  $700,000  to 
defray  the  expenses  of  the  army  for  the  years  1836  and  1837;  8150,000  those 
of  the  navy;  and  $150,000,  those  of  the  executive  and  civil  departments  of 
the  government — in  all  $1,000,000.     In  case  there  should  be  no  moneys  in 
the  treasury  when  these  demands  were  made  upon  it,  according  to  law,  the 
secretary  was  authorized  to  issue  scrip  to  persons  lawfully  entitled  to  the 
same.  Id.,  i.  85-6. 

47  In  the  general  provisions  of  the  constitution,  sec.  9,  the  importation  or 
admission  of  Africans  or  negroes  into  the  republic,  excepting  from  the  U.  S.  of 
America,  was  forever  prohibited,  and  declared  to  be  piracy.     rlhe  phrase 
ology  'excepting  from  the  U.  S.'  may  seem  at  first  sight  singular.     But  it 
must  be  borne  in  mind  that  most  of  the  settlers  in  Texas  came  from  the 
slave-holding  states  of  the  northern  union;  that  those  states  were  the  stanch 
allies  of  Texas,  and  by  immigration  from  them  she  expected  to  increase  her 
population,  strength,  and  prosperity.     Unless  future  settlers  were  allowed 
to  bring  their  slaves  it  was  well  known  that  they  would  be  very  few  in 
number.     Moreover,  the  scarcity  of  labor  and  the  abundance  of   rich  land 
made  the  tolerance  of  slave  labor  an  important  item  in  the  future  progress 
of    the   country.     Thus,   though   Texas  properly  denounced  the   traffic   in 
African  slaves,  her  vital  interests  required  that  she  should  not  refuse  to  ad 
mit  a  system  legalized  in  the  states  from  which  most  of  her  immigrants 
came,  by  allowing  them  to  bring  their  property  with  them,  and  employ  it 
profitably  alike  to  themselves  and  the  republic.     But  her  law  on  the  sub 
ject  was  stringent.     By  act  of  Dec.  21,  1836,  all  persons  convicted  of  intro 
ducing  African  slaves,  with  the  above  exception,  were  to  suffer  death,  with 
out  benefit  of  clergy;  the  same  penalty  was  to  be  inflicted  upon  persons  who 
should  introduce  any  slave  or  slaves  from  the  U.  S.,  except  such  as  had  been 
previously  introduced  and  held  in  slavery  in  that  republic,  in  conformity 
with  the  laws  of  that  government. 

HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    20. 


306  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

tion  to  the  government  at  Washington,  to  enable  it 
to  devise  means  of  preventing  the  landing  of  slaves 
in  Texas,  which  the  insufficiency  of  her  own  navy 
precluded  her  from  doing.  This  last  consideration 
should  be  a  sufficient  reason  to  redeem  the  republic 
from  the  suspicion  of  connivance,  and  induce  both 
England  and  the  United  States  to  employ  such  a 
portion  of  their  force  in  the  gulf  as  would  arrest  the 
traffic.  England,  he  believed,  would  not  regard  the 
prosperity  of  Texas  with  unkind  feelings.  A  corres 
pondence  with  the  Mexican  consul  at  New  Orleans 
had  been  opened,  containing  propositions  for  the  ex 
change  of  prisoners.  No  official  response  had  been 
received  from  that  government,  but  nevertheless 
Houston  was  of  opinion  that  all  the  prisoners  should 
be  released  and  allowed  to  leave  the  shores  of  Texas 
as  soon  as  they  could  do  so.48 

The  most  important  question  which  occupied  con 
gress  during  1837  was  that  of  the  land  bill.  During 
the  two  sessions  held  this  year/9  the  matter  was 
brought  up  again  and  again,  and  several  acts  amend 
ing  the  original  one  were  passed.  One  difficulty  arose 
from  the  requirement,  by  the  provision  of  the  consti 
tution,  that  the  public  domain  should  be  sectionized, 
instead  of  being  laid  off  in  leagues  and  labors  after  the 
Spanish  land  system.  The  older  settlers  were  opposed 
to  this  new  plan,  and,  as  seen,  it  was  not  adopted.  It 
was  no  easy  matter  to  solve  this  problem  of  the  dis 
posal  of  the  public  lands.  There  were  many  knotty 
points  involved  in  it.  On  the  closing  of  the  land- 
offices  in  November  1836,  hundreds  of  land  titles, 
many  of  them  corruptly  issued  by  the  legislature  of 
Coahuila  and  Texas,  or  fraudulently  obtained  by  land 
speculators,  were  lying  incomplete  in  the  commission- 

48  The  Mexican  prisoners  were  first  placed  under  guard  on  Galveston 
Island  where  their  privations  were  very  severe.     On  August  10,  1836,  they 
were  removed  to  An£huac,  and  thence  to  Liberty.     On  April  25,  1837,  they 
were  finally  released.  Ddyado's  Diary;  Linns  Reminis.,  246. 

49  The  president  called  a  special  session  of  congress  in  Sept.  25th,  which 
merged  into  the  regular  session. 


LAND  MATTERS.  307 

ers'  offices.  The  grants  to  empresarios  and  titles  de 
pending  thereon  had  to  be  considered.  To  distinguish 
legitimate  claims  and  guard  against  fraud  was  a  most 
difficult  matter ;  and  to  frame  a  bill  that  would  defeat 
the  ingenuity  of  land-stealers  without  violating  the 
rights  of  citizens  of  Texas,  justly  acquired  under  the 
legislations  of  Mexico,  of  Coahuila  arid  Texas,  and 
even  of  Texas  herself,  was  almost  an  impossibility. 
Again,  land  bounties  had  been  granted  to  the  volun 
teers  who  had  so  valiantly  stepped  forward  to  aid 
Texas  in  her  direst  need,  and  land  scrip  had  been  sold 
in  the  United  States.  To  protect  the  soldier  and 
colonist  in  the  priority  of  choice  of  location  against 
unprincipled  speculators,  who  supported  their  prior 
claims  by  perjury,50  was  no  easy  matter.  Head-rights 
of  individuals  were  purchased  by  numbers  of  persons 
who  never  intended  to  make  Texas  their  home ;  names 
of  natives — to  whom  exceptional  privileges  as  to  ex 
tent  of  grants  were  extended — were  used  to  substan 
tiate  claims,  and  in  fault  of  this  recourse,  fictitious 
names  were  supplied,  and  head-rights  under  them  ob 
tained.  No  legislature  has  ever  had  the  task  of  un 
ravelling  a  more  complicated  entanglement  of  just 
with  unjust  claims,  or  has  been  called  upon  to  devise 
a  law  that  could  discriminate  between  rights  almost 
equipoised  in  the  scale  of  justice.  When  the  decree 
of  November  1835  was  passed,  many  old  settlers  and 
many  soldiers  entitled  to  the  land  bounty  were  in  the 
field,  and  continued  in  service  long  afterward.  By 
opening  the  land-office  and  recommencing  the  distri 
bution  of  grants,  these  men,  in  their  absence,  would 
be  deprived  of  their  just  right  to  prior  choice  of  loca 
tion.  This  was  one  of  Houston's  reasons  for  opposing 
the  passage  of  the  land  law  of  December  22,  1836. 
The  law  was  to  have  gone  into  effect  June  1,  1837, 

^Speaking  of  the  land  law  of  1838 — of  which  mention  will  be  made  in  the 
text — Anson  Jones,  who  voted  in  favor  of  it,  says:  '  The  greatest  fault,  after 
all,  that  can  be  found  with  this  bill  is  that  it  did  not  stop  perjury;  for  aside 
from  perjury,  which  no  law  can  stop,  few  evils  have  grown  out  of  it.  The 
law  itself  possesses  every  possible  safeguard  against  fraud.'  Repub.  Tex,,  20. 


308  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

but  the  opposition  to  it  caused  it  to  be  suspended  till 
October  1st  of  that  year;  and  on  September  30th,  in 
consideration  of  the  president's  statement  that  prepa 
rations  were  being  made  to  run  the  boundary  line 
between  Texas  and  the  United  States,  which  would 
doubtless  increase  the  limits  of  the  former's  civil  and 
political  jurisdiction,  a  joint  resolution  was  adopted  to 
suspend  the  operation  of  the  land-office  until  the  fur 
ther  action  of  congress.  Finally,  on  December  1 4th, 
the  several  acts  being  amended,  were  reduced  to  one 
act,  and  a  general  land  law  adopted.51  Under  this 
law,  a  commissioner  of  the  general  land-office,  with  a 
salary  of  $3,000  a  year,  was  to  be  appointed  by  the 
president,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
senate.  For  each  county  a  surveyor  was  to  be  ap 
pointed,  and  a  board  of  commissioners,  whose  duty  it 
was  to  investigate  claims  for  head-rights,  and  grant 
certificates  upon  proof  of  right  being  established. 
Persons  advancing  claims  under  the  old  colonization 
laws  were  required  to  take  oath  that  they  were  resi 
dent  in  Texas  at  the  time  of  the  declaration  of  inde 
pendence,  that  they  had  not  left  the  country  during 
the  campaign  of  the  spring  of  1836,  and  prove  by  two 
or  more  creditable  witnesses  that  they  were  actually 
citizens  of  Texas  at  the  date  of  the  declaration  of  in 
dependence.  In  this  provision,  widows  and  orphans 
were  excepted.  Conflicting  claims  were  to  be  tried 
before  the  nearest  justice  of  the  peace  and  six  disin 
terested  jurors.  Empresario  contracts  having  ceased 
at  the  date  of  the  independence,  all  vacant  lands  in 
cluded  in  such  grants  were  declared  the  property  of 
the  republic.  Surveyors'  field-notes,  with  county 
commissioners'  certificates,  were  to  be  sent  to  the 
commissioner  of  the  general  land-office,  who,  on  their 
being  found  to  be  correct,  and  the  locations  therein 
described  situated  on  vacant  lands,  was  authorized  to 
issue  patents  signed  by  the  president  and  countersigned 

51  This  law  was  also  vetoed  by  the  president,  but  was  speedily  passed  in 
both  houses  by  a  constitutional  majority. 


GENERAL  CONDITION  AND  PROSPECTS.  309 

by  himself.  Each  county  was  declared  to  constitute 
a  section,  and  each  surveyor  was  required  to  make  out 
a  map  of  his  respective  county,  on  which  the  plots  of 
deeded  lands  were  to  be  fairly  shown.  Lastly,  audited 
claims  against  the  government  were  made  receivable 
in  payment  of  public  dues  on  lands  for  a  quantity  not 
exceeding  two  leagues  and  two  labors  for  any  one  in 
dividual. 

The  land  office  was  to  be  opened  for  old  settlers  and 
soldiers  on  the  first  Thursday  in  February,  1838,  and 
for  other  claimants  six  months  later.  Though  the 
law  was  defective,  and  under  it  many  fraudulent 
claims  were  passed  through  the  formalities  necessary 
to  secure  titles,  it  was  the  best  that  could  be  secured 
at  that  time,  without  conflicting  with  rights  acquired 
under  former  legislations.  Early  in  1838  a  large 
number  of  claims  were  presented  and  decided  upon, 
old  Spanish  grants  being  generally  sustained,  owing 
to  the  conflicting  interests  in  the  Texan  legislature, 
which  had  the  power  to  set  aside  grants  only  on  the 
ground  of  non-performance  of  conditions. 

Among  the  acts  of  congress  in  1837,  mention  must 
be  made  of  one  which  was  passed  June  12th,  pro 
viding  for  the  sale  of  Galveston  and  other  islands 
belonging  to  the  republic,  in  lots  of  from  ten  to  forty 
acres.  Anson  Jones  denounced  this  action;  but  it 
must  be  observed  that,  while  affording  some  relief  to 
the  government  in  its  financial  straits,  it  gave  a  great 
impulse  to  the  growth  of  the  new  town  of  Galveston, 
which  soon  became  the  most  important  seaport  of 
Texas. 

During  the  last  session  of  the  congress  in  this  year, 
much  attention  was  paid  to  incorporating  towns,  to 
defining  the  boundaries  of  old  counties  and  creating 
new  ones.52  Having  remained  in  session  from  Sep- 

52  The  towns  of  Shelbyville,  Brazoria,  Richmond,  San  Felipe  de  Austin, 
Lagrange,  San  Antonio,  Victoria,  Gonzalez,  Matagorda,  Mina,  Houston, 
Washington,  Crockett,  Refugio,  Columbia,  Clarksville,  Lexington,  Milam, 
Goliad,  San  Patricio,  and  Jonesborough,  were  all  incorporated  during  this 
session.  The  new  counties  of  Montgomery,  Fayette,  Fanum,  Robertson, 


310  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

tember  25th  to  the  end  of  December,  it  adjourned  till 
May,  1838. 

The  prospects  of  the  republic  now  held  out  prom 
ises  of  permanency  and  success.  The  crops  of  1837 
had  been  unexpectedly  good;  immigrants  were  flock 
ing  into  the  country,  whereby  the  imports  were 
increased,  and  the  revenue  from  tariff  dues  propor 
tionately  augmented ;  lands  were  rising  in  price ;  and 
commerce  was  assuming  a  prosperous  condition. 
From  Mexico,  Texas  had  nothing  to  fear  for  the 
present,  as  that  nation  was  embroiled  with  France, 
whose  navy  blockaded  her  ports  in  April,  1838,  to 
enforce  the  payment  of  certain  claims  against  her, 
made  by  the  French  government.  Relieved  from  the 
presence  of  the  enemy  in  the  gulf,  trade  was  not  only 
safely  carried  on  with  New  Orleans,  but  was  extended 
to  eastern  cities  of  the  United  States,  while  the 
western  frontier  enjoyed  rest  from  war. 

Though  military  operations  during  these  two  years 
may  be  said  to  have  ceased,  considerable  trouble  was 
caused  by  Indians  in  the  frontier  portions  of  the 
republic.  In  search  of  the  best  lands,  locators 
pushed  forward  into  regions  regarded  by  the  Indians 
as  their  hunting  grounds,  and  the  latter,  instigated  by 
Mexican  agents,  opposed  these  encroachments,  not 
unreasonably  believing  their  assertions  that  the  white 
people  would  deprive  them  of  their  lands.  A  number 
of  murders  were  committed  by  the  savages,  and  a 
special  corps  was  organized  to  suppress  their  depreda 
tions.  Several  conflicts  of  minor  importance  were 

and  Fort  Bend  were  created.  Tex.  Laws,  ii.  12-122  passim.  The  original 
counties,  according  to  a  list  supplied  by  Thrall,  Hist.  Tex.  287,  were: 
Austin,  Brazoria,  Bejar,  Sabine,  Gonzalez,  Goliad,  Harrisburg,  Jasper, 
Jefferson,  Liberty,  Matagorda,  Mina,  Nacogdoches,  Red  River,  Victoria, 
San  Augustine,  Shelby,  Refugio,  San  Patricio,  Washington,  Milam,  Jackson, 
and  Colorado.  It  should  be  remarked  that  some  of  the  towns  above  men 
tioned  had  been  incorporated  in  the  previous  session  by  act  of  June  5th, 
which  declared  Nacogdoches,  San  Augustine,  Texana,  Washington,  Brazoria, 
Columbia,  Velasco,  Richmond,  Matagorda,  Columbus  in  Colorado  county, 
Independence  in  Washington  county,  Houston,  Bejar,  Nashville,  Sarahville, 
Anahuac,  Bevilport,  and  Harrisburg,  were  all  declared  incorporated  towns, 
as  was  also  Liberty  two  days  later. 


INDIAN  DIFFICULTIES.  311 

engaged  in,  which  did  not  always  result  in  victory  for 
the  Texans.  The  fight  most  disastrous  to  the  white 
men  took  place  in  Navarro  county,  in  the  fall  of  1838. 
Captain  William  M.  Love,  with  a  party  of  twenty- 
four  men,  while  engaged  in  a  land -locating  expedition, 
met  a  large  number  of  Indians,  who  declared  their 
intention  to  kill  them  if  they  did  not  desist  from  their 
survey.  Love,  with  another  man,  at  this  juncture, 
returned  for  a  compass  to  supply  the  place  of  one 
which  had  got  out  of  order,  leaving  urgent  injunctions 
to  his  comrades  to  desist  from  their  work  and  join  the 
Indians  in  buffalo  hunting  until  their  return.  Love's 
advice  was  neglected ;  the  Indians,  true  to  their  word, 
attacked  the  Texans  and  killed  seventeen  of  them. 
The  Indians  lost  three  times  that  number.  This  en 
gagement  became  known  as  the  fight  of  Battle  Creek.53 
On  October  25th  of  the  same  year,  Colonel  Neil  en 
gaged  in  a  fierce  battle  at  Jose  Maria  village,  later 
Fort  Graham,  with  the  Comanches,  General  Rusk 
having  a  few  days  previously,  at  the  head  of  200 
men,  fought  with  a  combined  force  of  Indians  and 
Mexican  marauders  at  the  Kickapoo  town,  near  Fort 
Houston,  on  the  Trinity.  In  both  these  conflicts  the 
savages  were  defeated. 

According  to  the  report  of  the  commissioner-general 
of  the  land-office,  10,890  certificates  had  been  issued 
by  the  different  county  boards  up  to  November  1, 
1838,  representing  26,242,199  acres,  while  the  secre 
tary  of  war  reported  that  up  to  October  15th,  2,990,000 
acres  had  been  distributed  to  soldiers  as  land  boun 
ties.'*  The  issues  of  land  scrip  amounted  to  2,193,000 

53  An  account  of  it  is  given  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1868,  52-3.     Further  particulars 
with  regard  to  Indian  afl'airs,  will  be  found  in  Niles'  Reg.  liii.,  index,  p.  vii., 
Id.,  iv.  19,  65,  69,  98,  178,  198,  215;  Houston's  Mess.  Ind.  Aff.,  Nov.  19,  1838; 
Pinart's  Tex.  Col.  Doc.,  Nos.  19,  65,  MS.  Filisola,  Mem.  Guerra  Tex.,  ii.  131-5; 
Tex.  Misc.  Pamplu,  Nos.  11,  13. 

54  Owing  to  defect  in  the  laws  regulating  bounty  lands,  many  instances 
had  occurred  of  a  soldier  claiming  twice  the  amount  it  was  intended  that  he 
should  receive.     Enlisting  for  a  definite  period,  he  obtained  his  discharge 
and  received  his  land;  then  reenlisting,  he  claimed  the  same  amount  again. 
Report  of  Sec.   of  War,  in  Tex.  Misc.  Pamph.,  no.  7,  p.  13-14,  28;  Gouge, 
Fisc.  Hist.  Tex.,  82-3. 


312  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  TEXAS. 

acres,  of  which  scrip  to  the  amount  of  870,000  acres 
had  been  returned  by  the  agents,  and  a  portion  repre 
senting  60,800  acres  had  been  funded. 

In  a  financial  point  of  view,  the  outlook  was  bad. 
The  public  debt  had  been  increased,  and  the  credit  of 
the  republic  was  well-nigh  exhausted.  On  June  7, 
1837,  an  act  was  passed  for  funding  the  debt,  by  the 
provisions  of  which  the  government  stock  thereby 
created  should  bear  an  interest  of  ten  per  centum  a 
year,  and  be  redeemable  at  the  discretion  of  the  gov 
ernment  at  any  time  after  September  1,  1842.  Two 
days  later,  another  act  authorized  the  president  to 
issue  promissory  notes  to  the  amount  of  $500,000, 
which  were  made  receivable  in  payment  of  dues  to 
the  government.  From  the  report  of  the  secretary 
of  the  treasury,  November  3,  1838,  it  appears  that 
the  funded  debt  amounted  to  $427,200,  consisting  of 
military  scrip  in  the  sum  of  $396,800  and  land  scrip 
of  $30,400.  With  regard  to  promissory  notes,  a  bill 
was  passed  through  both  houses  early  in  May  author 
izing  the  issue  to  be  increased  to  $1,000,000.  This 
act  the  president  vetoed,  and  in  his  message  on  the 
subject  urged  as  his  main  reason  the  depreciation 
which  such  notes  had  already  suffered  in  the  money 
market.55  Another  bill  was  then  introduced,  author 
izing  the  president  to  reissue  the  promissory  notes  as 
they  returned  into  the  treasury,  and  leaving  the  ques 
tion  of  increasing  the  issue  to  $1,000,000  to  his  discre 
tion.  After  some  discussion  the  bill  was  passed,  May 
18th,  and  approved  by  Houston.  The  amount  of 
promissory  notes  in  circulation  at  the  end  of  Novem 
ber  1838,  according  to  a  communication  from  the  sec 
retary  of  the  treasury  to  the  senate,  was  $739,739. 56 
As  the  unpaid  audited  claims  amounted  to  over 
$775,000,  it  appears  that  the  indebtedness  of  the  re- 

55 '  When  the  first  issue  reached  New  Orleans  last  autumn,  it  was  passed 
at  a  slight  discount,  but  as  the  Quantity  increased  in  that  market,  the  depre 
ciation  increased,  until  the  value  of  the  paper  was  reduced  to  forty  cents  on 
the  dollar.'  Houston'*  Message,  May  12,  1838,  in  Tex,  Mi*c.  Pamph.,  no.  10. 

56 The  communication  bears  the  date  of  Nov.  29,  1838;  copy  in  Id.,  no.  9. 


FINANCIAL  AFFAIRS.  313 

public  at  the  close  of  1838  was  nearly  $1,942, OOO.57 
Notwithstanding  this  debt  and  the  diminution  of  in 
come  by  making  the  promissory  notes  receivable  in 
payment  of  public  dues,  the  prospects  of  relief  were 
not  wanting.  A  deep  interest  was  taken  in  Texan 
securities  by  persons  in  the  United  States;  from  im 
port  duties,  up  to  September  1838,  the  net  receipts 
had  amounted  to  $278,134,  and  this  source  of  revenue 
was  expected  proportionately  to  increase  with  the  rap 
idly  increasing  population  and  commerce.  Gouge,  in 
his  Fiscal  History  of  Texas,  sneers  at  the  financial  op 
erations  of  the  new  government;  but  it  is  difficult  to 
conceive  by  what  other  methods  it  could  have  main 
tained  itself  during  this  period  of  poverty  and  neces 
sity. 

By  a  provision  of  the  constitution,  the  term  of  office 
of  the  first  president  was  limited  to  two  years,  without 
his  being  eligible  to  reelection;  succeeding  presidents 
were  to  hold  their  office  for  three  years.  Houston's 
term  consequently  expired  on  the  second  Monday  in 
December  1838.  The  elections  were  held  on  Septem 
ber  3d,  the  candidates  being  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar, 
Peter  W.  Gray  son,  James  Collirigsworth,  and  Robert 
Wilson.  Before  the  election,  Grayson  and  Collings- 
worth  put  an  end  to  their  lives,  the  former  at  Bean's 
station  in  Tennessee,  and  the  latter  by  throwing  him 
self  from  a  steamer  into  Galveston  Bay.58  Mirabeau 
B.  Lamar  was  chosen  president  almost  unanimously,09 
and  David  G.  Burnet,  vice-president. 


57  The   exact   amount   for   the   fiscal   year   ending   Sept.    30,    1838,  was 
$1,886,425.  Sec.  of  Treasury's  fieport,  Nov.  3,  1838;   Yoakum,  ii.  249.     Consult 
GoiKje,  tit  sup.,  115. 

58  The  canvass  ™ 
in  recriminations 

Thrall,  300,  528,  546.     John  A.  Wharton,  member  of  congress  from  Brazoria, 
also  died  this  year. 

59 The  votes  cast  were:  for  Lamar,  6,995;  for  Wilson,  252.  Id.,  300. 


C-y      M-t/    Ott'L/.  j      -IJ-CJ. 

1  The  canvass  was  a  very  Litter  one,  and  the  Texan  newspapers  abounded 
criminations  and  abuse  in  the  political  discussion.    Yoakum,  ii.  245,  250; 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION. 
1838-1841. 

PRESIDENTS'  VIEWS  ON  ANNEXATION — His  MESSAGE  TO  CONGRESS — ORIGIN 
OF  THE  TEXAN  RANGERS — FINANCIAL  MATTERS — HAMILTON'S  MISSION  TO 
EUROPE — His  FAILURE  TO  EFFECT  A  LOAN — INDIAN  WARFARE — THE 
NACOGDOCHES  REVOLT — MEXICAN  INTRIGUES — THE  MISSION  AND  DEATH 
OF  FLORES — EXPULSION  OF  THE  CHEROKEES — FIGHT  AT  SAN  ANTONIO — AN 
INDIAN  RAID— MASSACRE  OF  THE  COMANCHES — THE  FEDERAL  CAMPAIGN — 
BATTLE  OF  ALCANTRO — REPUBLIC  OF  THE  Rio  GRANDE  PROCLAIMED — 
TREACHEROUS  ALLIES — BATTLE  OF  SALTILLO — THE  SANTA  FE  EXPEDITION — 
ITS  OBJECT  AND  DISASTROUS  RESULT — THE  NEW  CAPITAL — RECOGNITION 
BY  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND — RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO — ENGLISH  MEDIA 
TION  REJECTED — HOUSTON  RE-ELECTED  PRESIDENT — CONDITION  OF  THE 
REPUBLIC. 

PRESIDENT  Lamar  delivered  his  inaugural  address  to 
congress  on  the  9th  of  IDecember.     The  most  note- 

o 

worthy  portion  of  it  is  that  in  which  he  expressed 
his  views  in  regard  to  annexation  to  the  United 
States.  On  that  subject  he  said:  "I  have  never 
been  able  myself  to  perceive  the  policy  of  the 
desired  connection,  or  discover  in  it  any  advantage 
either  civil,  political,  or  commercial,  which  could  pos 
sibly  result  to  Texas.  But  on  the  contrary,  a  long 
train  of  consequences  of  the  most  appalling  character 
and  magnitude  have  never  failed  to  present  themselves 
whenever  I  have  entertained  the  subject,  and  forced 
upon  my  mind  the  unwelcome  conviction  that  the 
step  once  taken  would  produce  a  lasting  regret."  He 
then  enumerates  the  rights  which  Texas  would  have 
to  give  up  with  the  surrender  of  her  independence, 
and  draws  a  bright  picture  of  her  possibilities  as  a 
sovereign  nation,  remarking  that  he  could  not 
'v  regard  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  American 

(314) 


PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  315 

union  in  any  other  light  than  as  the  grave  of  all  her 
hopes  of  happiness  and  greatness."1 

On  December  21st  he  submitted  his  message  to  the 
two  houses.  It  is  a  lengthy  document  and  sets  forth 
unreservedly  the  president's  future  line  of  policy.  He 
advocated  the  speedy  adoption  of  measures  to  provide 
for  a  system  of  public  education,  and  urged  congress 
to  promote  a  general  diffusion  of  knowledge  and  in 
dustry  by  the  appropriation  of  lands  for  educational 
purposes  and  the  establishment  of  a  university.  The 
municipal  code,  which  embraced  a  portion  of  two 
systems  discordant  in  their  provisions  required 
reforms. 

With  regard  to  the  frontier  question,  he  said,  that  the 
outlying  settlers  were  continually  exposed  to  predatory 
aggression  on  the  part  of  Mexican  banditti  and  the 
barbarous  warfare  waged  by  hostile  Indians;  that 
moderation  extended  to  the  natives  had  been  followed 
by  the  perpetration  of  atrocious  cruelties;  a  merciful 
policy  had  only  acted  as  an  incentive  to  savage  tribes 
to  persevere  in  their  barbarities,  and  it  was  time  that 
an  exterminating  war  was  opened  against  them, 
which  would  "  admit  of  no  compromise,  and  have  no 
termination  except  in  their  total  extinction,  or  total 
expulsion."  He  did  not  consider  that  the  government 
was  under  any  moral  obligation  to  carry  out  the  con 
ditions  of  the  "solemn  decree"  passed  November  13, 
1835,  by  the  consultation,2  and  the  treaty  made  con 
sequent  upon  it  in  February,  1836,  inasmuch  as  the 
Indians  had  repeatedly  violated  its  provisions. 
Friendly  tribes  should  be  allowed  to  occupy  suitable 
portions  of  land.  For  the  protection  of  the  frontiers, 
he  proposed  the  establishment  of  a  line  of  military 
posts,  and  as  a  general  protection  of  the  country 
against  possible  invasion  by  Mexico,  the  organization 
of  a  militia,  and  the  encouragement  of  volunteer  asso 
ciations. 

1  Lamar,  Inaurj.  Address,  in  Tex.  Misc.  Paraph.,  no.  12. 

2  See  note  40,  chap,  ix,  this  volume. 


316  LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

Lamar  discussed  at  length  the  subject  of  finance. 
Though  opposed  to  levying  burdensome  taxes  on  a 
people  still  struggling  to  repair  the  desolation  caused 
by  the  war,  or  laboring  under  the  embarrassments 
incident  to  new  settlements,  the  exigency  of  the  times, 
nevertheless,  urgently  required  that  the  land  tax 
should  not  be  abated.  Lands,  however,  ought  to  be 
more  equally  and  uniformly  assessed.  While  admitting 
the  same  necessity  for  continuing  the  tariff  laws,  under 
the  existing  straitened  circumstances  of  the  govern 
ment,  he  expressed  his  decided  bias  for  free  trade. 
"I  look  forward,"  he  says,  "to  a  period,  I  hope  near 
at  hand,  when  we  shall  be  able,  and  will  find  it  to  be 
our  interest,  to  invite  the  commerce  of  the  world  to 
our  free  and  open  ports."  "The  radical  policy  of 
Texas  is  anti-tariff,  because  its  commercial  commodities 
are  of  raw  material  which  fears  no  impost  rivalry,  and 
paying  no  contributions  to  manufactories."  The  im 
mediate  adoption  of  free  trade  would,  however, 
exhibit  a  recklessness  and  imprudence,  which  would 
not  fail  to  affect  the  credit  of  Texas  abroad. 

He  then  proposed  the  establishment  of  a  national 
bank  to  be  "the  exclusive  property,  and  under  the 
exclusive  control  of  the  republic,"  branches  of  which 
were  to  be  established  at  every  convenient  point. 
Such  a  bank,  he  maintained,  would  be  supported  by 
the  triple  security  of  the  hypothecation  of  a  com 
petent  portion  of  the  public  domain,  the  guarantee  of 
the  plighted  faith  of  the  nation,  and  an  adequate 
deposit  of  specie  in  its  vaults.3  With  regard  to 
the  deposit  of  specie  he  remarks:  "It  is  evident, 
that  a  bank  so  constituted,  the  exclusive  property  of 
a  stable  and  popular  government,  and  combining  the 
three  guarantees,  of  land,  specie,  and  the  public  faith, 
would  not  require  to  retain  in  its  vaults  as  large  a 
proportion  of  dormant  capital  as  is  acknowledged  to 

3  He  does  not,  however,  state  where  the  specie  was  to  come  from.  See 
the  remarks  of  Gouge  on  this  illusory  scheme,  which,  if  carried  out,  would 
have  entailed  untold  evils  on  the  people  of  Texas.  F-isc.  Hist.  Tex.,  87-92. 


MILITARY  AND  FINANCE  317 

be  indispensable  to  the  safe  conduct  of  a  private  insti 
tution/ 

In  order  to  follow  consecutively  the  financial  policy 
which  ruled  during  the  administration  of  Lamar,  it 
will  be  necessary  to  furnish  the  reader  with  the  most 
important  particulars  down  to  the  end  of  his  term. 
On  December  21,  1838,  it  was  enacted  that  a  regi 
ment  of  840  mounted  men,  rank  and  file,  should  be 
raised  for  the  protection  of  the  frontiers,  their  term 
of  service  to  be  three  years ;  and  that  $300,000  in 
promissory  notes  of  the  government  should  be  appro 
priated  for  that  purpose.  On  the  29th  it  was  pro 
vided  that  this  force  should  be  increased  by  another 
regiment  consisting  of  472  mounted  volunteers,  rank 
and  file,  for  which  an  appropriation  was  made  of 
$75,000.  These  volunteers  were  called  to  serve  for 
six  months,  and  to  these  corps  is  ascribed  the  origin 
of  the  famous  Texan  Rangers  who,  drawn  to  a  great 
extent  from  the  frontier  settlers,  formed  a  bulwark 
to  the  interior  settlements  as  very  successful  Indian 
fighters.5  On  January  26,  1839,  112  additional  rang 
ers  were  ordered  to  be  raised,  a  sum  of  $1,000,000 
having  been  appropriated  two  days  previously  for  the 
protection  of  the  frontier  and  general  military  pur 
poses. 

As  a  Texan  navy  no  longer  existed,  on  January 
10th  a  contract  made  by  agents  of  the  republic 
with  General  James  Hamilton  for  the  purchase  of 
the  steam-ship  Zavala  for  the  sum  of  $120,000  was 
sanctioned  by  act  of  congress;  and  on  the  26th 
$250,000,  in  promissory  notes  of  the  government, 
were  appropriated  for  the  payment  of  the  price  of  an 
aighteen-gun  ship,  two  war  brigs  of  twelve  guns  each, 
and  three  schooners  of  six  guns  each. 

4  Which  is  equivalent  to  saying  that  the  establishment  could  be  main 
tained  by  paper  money  of  the  public  credit  without  anxiety  about  the 
amount  of  metallic  deposits.  A  bill  to  incorporate  the  Bank  of  the  Republic 
of  Texas  was  read  a  second  time,  January  21,  1839,  and  then  laid  on  the 
table. 

*Marcy,  Thirty  years  of  Army  Life,  63;  Hay's  Life,  7-11,  17,  33. 


318  LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

A  supplementary  act  was  passed,  January,  22d, 
bearing  upon  the  $5,000,000  loan  authorized  to  be 
raised  by  act  of  May  16,  1838.  By  provisions  of 
the  first  mentioned  enactment  the  pledges  of  security 
were  strengthened.  The  president  was  authorized  to 
affix  the  seal  of  the  republic  to  bonds  or  certificates 
of  stock  issued,  and  when  the  government  should 
deem  it  expedient  to  sell  the  public  lands,  $300,000 
of  the  proceeds  were  to  be  annually  set  apart,  and  a 
sinking  fund  formed  for  the  redemption  of  the  loan. 
On  the  same  day  the  president  was  authorized  to 
issue  bonds  to  the  amount  of  $1,000,000,  at  eight  per 
centum  per  annum. 

The  United  States  had  lately  passed  through  a 
crisis  in  banking  speculations.  All  reliable  banks 
were  extremely  cautious  at  this  time,  and  Texan 
securities  were  not  regarded  by  their  managers  as 
worth  investing  in.  It  was,  therefore,  necessary  to 
look  to  some  other  country  for  relief.  Accordingly, 
General  James  Hamilton,  of  South  Carolina,  who 
had  shown  himself  a  warm  friend  of  Texas,  was 
offered  the  appointment  as  commissioner  to  Europe 
to  procure  the  loan.  He  accepted  the  position  and 
his  mission  being  known  in  the  United  States  a  loan 
was  obtained  of  $280,000,  dependent  on  his  eventual 
success.  But  of  this  amount  little  more  than  $62,000 
was  received  in  the  treasury,  the  balance  being  in 
vested  in  arms  and  supplies  for  the  forces  now  en 
gaged  in  opposing  the  serious  inroads  of  the  Indians. 
Hamilton  went  to  London  and  Paris,  but  while  his 
negotiations  were  being  conducted  with  every  proba 
bility  of  success — having  reported,  February  4,  1840, 
that  he  had  "  concluded  a  contract  with  the  bank  of 
Messrs  J.  Lafitte  &  Company  for  the  Texan  loan"- 
a  quarrel  occurred  between  M.  D.  Saligny,  and  the 
French  minister  to  Texas,6  and  an  hotel-keeper  in 

6  It  is  necessary  to  state  that  France  recognized  the  independence  of 
Texas,  and  signed,  Sept.  25,  1839,  a  treaty  of  commerce  and  independence. 
Faurnel,  21;  Barley,  Tex.,  5;  Kennwfy,  ii.  346-8.  Consult  Nik*'  R&J.,  liv. 
321;  Ivii.  1,  66,  120,  132,  150,  250;  aho  Id.,  Ixix.  404-5,  regarding  corres- 


PUBLIC  INDEBTEDNESS.  319 

which  the  Texan  minister  of  state  became  involved. 
Saligny  was  the  brother-in-law  of  the  French  minis 
ter  of  finance,  and  as  the  protection  of  French  gov 
ernment  had  been  procured  for  the  negotiation  of  the 
loan  in  France,  the  representations  of  Saligny  were 
sufficient  to  upset  previous  arrangements.  Owing  to 
this  ridiculous  personal  quarrel7  Hamilton  failed.  He 
was  equally  unsuccessful  in  England. 

Meantime  treasury  notes  had  been  issued  and  re 
issued  as  fast  as  they  came  in  in  payment  of  import 
dues.  The  credit  of  Texas  now  became  exhausted. 
Bad  as  was  her  financial  condition  at  the  beginning 
of  Lamar's  presidency,  when  the  end  of  his  term 
arrived  it  was  infinitely  worse.  Gouge  states  that  as 
far  as  it  can  be  ascertained,  the  public  debt  increased, 
during  his  three  years  of  service,  from  $1,887,526  to 
$7,300,000,  and  the  securities,  which  at  the  time  of 
his  entry  into  office  were  at  from  sixty-five  cents  to 
eighty-five  cents  per  dollar,  were  not  worth  more  than 
fifteen  to  twenty  cents.8 

Though  Lamar's  administration,  in  a  financial  point 
of  view,  cannot  be  looked  upon  as  a  success,  consider 
ation  must  be  allowed  for  his  position.  The  greatest 
difficulty  which  he  had  to  contend  with  at  home  was 
the  hostile  and  aggressive  attitude  of  the  Indians  on 

pondence  between  the  U.  S.  minister  at  Paris  and  the  French  minister  of 
foreign  affairs  regarding  Texas.  A  protest  was  entered  by  Mexico  against 
the  above  recognition.  Max.  Mem.  Guerra,  1840,  46-9;  Mex.  Mem.  fielac. 
Exter.,  1840,  in  Diario  del  Gob.  Mex.,  May  20,  1840,  in  Mex.  Mem.  Min.  ReL, 
i.  Doc.  12. 

7  See  Gouge,  utsup.,  108-11. 

8  Consult  Mennkan  Hunt's  Address,  Nov.  30, 1848,  4-6,  in  which  he  remarks 
in  a  foot-note  that  '  the  large  appropriations  and  issues  of  treasury  notes 
under  Lamar's  administration  were  made  in  anticipation  of  the  $5,000,000 
of  bonds  which  were  authorized  by  one  law,  and  the  $1,000,000  of  bonds 
authorized  by  another.     Gouge's  statement  with  regard  to  Texan  securities 
is  at  variance  with  Pres.  Houston's  assertion  that  promissory  notes  had  de 
preciated  to  forty  cents  on  the  dollar.     This  assertion  was  made  in  his  mes 
sage  of  May  12,  1838.     It  is  not  easily  to  be  understood  how  the  government 
scrip,  after  an  increase  of  issue,  could  ever  have  doubled  its  value.     From 
the  first  issue  of  the  treasury  notes  the  credit  of  Texas  declined.     Finding 
her  paper  obligations  had  no  effect  in  raising  it,  and  during  the  period  of 
her  republican  existence,  the  financial  operations  of  her  government  were 
never  successful. 


320  LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

the  frontier.  New-comers  were  very  careless  about 
making  encroachments,  and  frontier-men  were  fearless 
of  risks.  Provided  that  they  could  obtain  rich  land, 
they  were  prepared  to  take  the  chance  of  holding  it 
against  the  savages.  A  great  immigration  into  Texas, 
after  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto  and  Santa  Anna's  sub 
sequent  pledges,  had  taken  place ;  speculators  invested 
in  the  government  scrip,  and  settlers  flocked  into  the 
country  in  such  numbers  that  their  influence  overpow 
ered  that  of  the  pioneers.  The  new-comers,  in  their 
greediness  to  grasp  the  best  lands,  pushed  forward 
into  domains  occupied  not  only  by  friendly  Indians, 
but  by  hostile  tribes.  The  speculator  with  his  sur 
veyor  penetrated  into  districts  which  hitherto  had 
been  admitted  to  be  the  hunting-grounds  of  the  native 
race.  It  is  not  difficult  to  draw  the  conclusion.  Though 
Texas  was  relieved  from  fear  of  invasion  by  her  na 
tional  foe,  her  borders  became  subject  to  ceaseless  ir 
ruptions  made  by  Indians.  It  is  beyond  the  scope  of 
this  work  to  enter  into  details  of  this  frontier  warfare, 
or  describe  the  many  atrocities  committed,  the  hard- 
contested  struggles,  and  the  numerous  exhibitions  of 
personal  courage  on  both  sides.  Many  a  household 
was  made  desolate,  women  and  children  being  carried 
into  captivity  worse  than  death.  Many  a  time  the 
rangers  fought  and  beat  thrice  their  number,  and 
many  a  deed  of  individual  heroism  remains  unrecorded. 
The  narration,  however,  of  the  main  events  cannot 
be  omitted.  During  the  latter  part  of  1838,  a  revolt 
occurred,  which  has  been  called  the  Nacogdoches  re 
bellion.  In  August  of  that  year  the  Mexican  settlers 
assembled  in  considerable  numbers  on  the  banks  of 
the  Angelina,  and  being  joined  by  300  Indians,  by 
the  10th  their  force  amounted  to  600  men,  under  the 
leadership  of  Nathaniel  Norris,  Vicente  Cordova,  and 
others.  President  Houston,  who  was  then  at  Nacog- 
doches,  received  a  communication  from  these  leaders, 
disclaiming  allegiance  to  Texas ;  the  malecontents  then^ 
directed  their  march  to  the  Cherokee  nation.  A 


INDIAN  WARS  AND  REVOLUTION.  321 

requisition  for  men  having  been  made,  General  Rusk 
was  sent  forward  with  the  main  body  toward  the 
headquarters  of  Bowles,  the  Cherokee  chief,  while 
Major  Augustin,  with  a  detachment  of  150  men,  fol 
lowed  the  trail  of  the  malecontents.  Rusk  presently 
discovered  that  the  Mexican  leaders  had  gone  to  the 
head-waters  of  the  Trinity  river,  his  followers  had 
dispersed,  and  many  of  them  returned  to  their  homes 
without  any  blood  being  shed.9  The  object  of  this 
curious  attempt  at  revolution  has  never  been  fully 
explained,  but  the  leaders  soon  recognized  the  hope 
lessness  of  it. 

Cordova  had  been  in  correspondence  with  the  enemy 
at  Matarnoros,  and  appears  to  have  held  a  commission 
from  Filisola 10  to  raise  the  Indians  as  auxiliaries  to 
the  Mexican  army.  Early  in  1839,  Filisola  was  suc 
ceeded  by  General  Canalizo,  who,  on  February  27thr 
issued  instructions  to  the  captains  and  chiefs  of  the 
friendly  nations,  inciting  them  to  wage  incessant  war 
against  Texas,  and  laying  down  a  plan  of  campaign 
for  their  guidance.  Mexico,  he  said,  being  engaged 
in  war  with  France,  could  not  at  present  resume  oper 
ations  against  the  revolted  province,  but  the  friendly 
tribes  had  it  in  their  power  to  prevent  the  enemy  from 
taking  advantage  of  fortunate  circumstances.  They 
were,  however,  cautioned  not  to  advance  too  near  the 
frontier  of  the  United  States,  but  should  occupy  the 
line  of  San  Antonio  de  Bejar,  about  the  Guadalupe, 
and  from  the  heads  of  the  San  Marcos  to  their  mouths. 
This  position  would  have  the  advantage  of  keeping 
the  enemy  in  front,  and  a  friendly  nation  in  the  rear, 
besides  cutting  off  the  enemy's  commerce  with  the  in 
terior  of  Mexico,  and  furnishing  abundant  spoil.  They 
were  "not  to  cease  to  harass  the  enemy  for  a  single 
day;  to  burn  their  habitations;  to  lay  waste  their 
fields,  and  to  prevent  them  assembling  in  great  num- 

9  Houston  issued  a  proclamation,  Aug.  8thv  requiring  them  to  return  to 
their  homes,  under  penalty  of  being  declared  enemies  of  the  republic.  Red- 
laiuler,  Sept.  1838,  in  Yoakum,  ii.  245-6. 

19  Filisola  had  been  reinstated  in  his  command  on  the  Rio  Grande 

HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    21 


322  LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

bers,  by  rapid  and  well-concerted  efforts."  In  case 
they  should  succeed  in  uniting  in  a  considerable  num 
ber,  they  were  to  be  harassed  day  and  night,  and  oper 
ations  to  be  directed  with  the  greatest  vigor  against 
distant  points.11 

Such  was  Canalizo's  plan  to  launch  against  Texas  a 
thunderbolt  of  desolation.  Manuel  Flores  was  ap 
pointed  commissioner  to  the  Indians,  and  provided 
with  letters  of  a  like  tenor  to  the  principal  chiefs  and 
Cordova,  who  was  instructed  to  concert  with  him  in 
conducting  the  proposed  operations.  Happily  for 
Texas,  an  event  occurred  which  warned  her  of  her 
danger,  and  prevented  the  dire  plot  from  being  carried 
into  effect.  Flores  started  on  his  mission,  and  on 
May  14th  passed  between  Bexar  and  Seguin  with  a 
party  consisting  of  twenty -five  Mexicans  and  Indians. 
Having  committed  several  murders,  they  were  pur 
sued  by  Lieutenant  James  O.  Rice,  with  seventeen 
men,  and  wrere  overtaken  about  fifteen  miles  from 
Austin.  In  the  engagement  which  followed,  Flores 
and  two  of  his  marauders  were  killed,  the  rest  being- 
put  to  flight.  By  this  fortunate  result,  Canalizo's 
correspondence  and  instructions  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  victors,  and  the  whole  plot  was  revealed  to  the 
Texan  government.  A  considerable  quantity  of  am 
munition  and  over  100  mules  and  horses  were  also 
captured.12 

Lamar's  Indian  policy,  as  the  reader  is  aware, 
was  the  very  reverse  of  that  of  the  previous  ad 
ministration.  But  conciliatory  measures  were  no 
longer  possible;  pioneers  would  push  forward  into 
lands  occupied  by  native  tribes,  and  the  Indians 
would  take  their  revenge.  Texas  was  no  exception  to 
the  rule  that  wherever  the  aboriginal  American  and 
the  European  came  in  contact,  the  former  had  to  give 

11  Copy  of  these  instructions  will  be  found  in  U.  8.  Sen.  Doc.,  cong.  32, 
sess.  2,  no.  14,  31-2. 

12  Some  of  the  intercepted  letters  were  addressed  to  the  chiefs  of  the  Cad- 
does  and  Seminoles,  and  to  Big  Mush  and  Bowles  of  the  Cherokees.  Id.,  27, 
35;   Yoakum,  ii.  257-60. 


CHEROKEES.  323 

way  The  lands  occupied  for  many  years  by  the 
Cherokees  became  subject  to  similar  invasion.  Their 
title  had  never  been  disputed.  They  had  been  recog 
nized  by  the  Mexican  authorities,  had  never  intruded 
on  the  whites,  and  in  a  great  measure  had  become  an 
agricultural  tribe.  But  their  territory  "in  point  of 
richness  of  soil,  and  the  beauty  of  situation,  water, 
and  productions  would  vie  with  the  best  portions  of 
Texas."  13 

Their  lands  were  consequently  encroached  on,  and 
the  usual  retaliatory  murders  followed.  When,  how 
ever,  the  papers  of  which  Manuel  Flores  was  bearer 
to  the  chiefs  of  the  Cherokees  came  into  the  posses 
sion  of  the  government,  it  was  determined  to  remove 
the  tribe.  Colonel  Burleson,  from  the  Colorado, 
Colonel  Landrum,  with  his  regiment  from  eastern 
Texas,  and  General  Rusk,  with  the  Nacogdoches 
regiment,  were  ordered  to  invade  the  territory,  and 
accordingly  took  up  positions  near  the  Cherokee  vil 
lage  about  the  middle  of  July.  The  whole  force, 
about  500  men,  was  placed  under  the  command  of 
General  Douglass.  Negotiations  for  the  peaceable 
removal  of  the  tribe  to  Arkansas  whence  they 
had  migrated,  having  failed,  on  July  15th  Douglass 
advanced  against  the  Indian  camp,  on  arriving  at 
which  he  found  that  the  Indians  had  retreated  higher 
up  the  river.  Being  pursued  the  Cherokees  took  up 
a  position  in  a  ravine  from  which  they  were  driven  at 
night-fall,  with  the  loss  of  eighteen  killed,  the  Texans 
having  three  killed  and  five  wounded.  On  the  follow 
ing  day  the  pursuit  was  continued,  and  the  Indians 
were  overtaken  in  the  afternoon,  having  strongly 
posted  themselves  in  a  ravine  protected  in  the  rear  by 
a  dense  thicket.  A  well  contested  engagement  of  an 
hour  and  a  half  ensued,  but  the  Cherokees,  after  los 
ing  about  100  men  in  killed  and  wounded,  were  dis 
lodged  from  their  position  and  put  to  flight,  taking 

13  Thus  writes  Gen.  Douglass  in  his  reports  referred  to  in  the  secretary  of 
war's  report,  Nov.  1839;  Yoakum,  ii.  270. 


324  LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

refuge  in  the  t/hickets  and  swamps  of  the  Neches 
bottom.  Among  their  dead  was  the  famous  chief 
Bowles.  The  Texan  loss  was  five  killed  and  twenty- 
seven  wounded.  About  800  Indians  were  engaged  in 
these  two  contests.14  Thus  were  the  Cherokees 
driven  from  their  homes  and  cultivated  fields ;  more 
over,  the  crops  of  other  civilized  Indians  were  de 
stroyed,  under  the  natural  belief  that  they  were  being 
raised  in  order  to  cooperate  with  the  Mexicans.10  But 
the  expelled  owners  did  not  all  leave  the  country; 
Cherokees  were  encountered  on  the  western  bank  of 
the  Colorado;  and  depredations  on  the  frontier  con 
tinued.  The  native  tribes  were  deeply  exasperated 
against  the  Texans. 

The  most  hostile  and  troublesome  Indians  were  the 
Comanches,  and  their  depredations  exceeded  those  of 
all  other  tribes.  In  February,  1840,  they  showed  a 
disposition  to  make  a  treaty  of  peace,  and  on  March 
19th  twelve  of  their  principal  chiefs  met  the  Texan 
commissioners  in  council  at  Bejar,  where  General  H. 
D.  McLeod  was  in  command.  It  was  known  that 
the  Comanches  had  thirteen  white  captives  in  their 
power,  and  the  release  of  these  was  demanded.  The 
Indians  produced  only  one,  a  little  girl.  After  a  brief 
discussion,  in  which  the  Indians  displayed  a  defiant 
demeanor,  an  order  was  sent  to  Captain  Howard,  to 
bring  his  company  into  the  council-room,  and  as  soon 
as  the  men  had  taken  their  position,  the  chiefs  were 
informed  that  they  would  be  detained  as  prisoners 
until  the  captives  were  surrendered.  A  terrible  con 
flict  ensued.  The  twelve  chiefs,  who  were  fully 
armed,  were  killed  in  the  council-room,  while  the 
warriors  in  the  yard  outside  maintained  a  desperate 
fight.  All  were  finally  slain,  either  there  or  in  the 
pursuit.  Thirty-two  Indians  were  killed  and  twenty- 

uld.,  ii.  267;  Kennedy,  ii.  841-4. 

15 Gen.  Douglass  says:  The  Cherokees,  Dela wares,  Shawnees,  Caddoes, 
Kickapoos,  Biloxies,  Creeks,  Ouchies,  Muskogees,  and  some  Seminoles,  had 
cleared  and  planted  extensive  fields  of  corn,  beans,  peas,  etc.,  preparing 
evidently  for  an  efficient  co-operation  with  the  Mexicans  in  a  war  with  this 
country,  Sec,  of  War's  Report,  Nov.  1839. 


COMANCHES.  325 

seven  women  and  children  made  prisoners.  The 
Texans  had  seven  killed  and  eight  wounded.16 

Maddened  by  the  loss  of  so  many  of  their  chiefs, 
and  what  they  deemed  an  infamous  act  of  treachery, 
the  Comanches  returned  to  their  homes  to  prepare  for 
revenge.  On  August  4th,  a  body  of  them,  600  strong, 
suddenly  appeared  at  Victoria,  surrounding  the  town 
before  their  presence  was  known.  Their  attack  was, 
however,  repulsed,  and  they  then  turned  their  at 
tention  to  driving  off  the  horses  and  stock,  and  mur 
dering  all  those  who  fell  into  their  power.  A  second 
attack  on  Victoria  also  failed,  and  on  the  8th  they 
crossed  the  Guadalupe  and  sacked  and  burned  Linn- 
ville,  most  of  the  inhabitants  escaping  on  a  lighter  in 

J.          O  O 

the  bay.  Having  thoroughly  raided  the  neighborhood 
of  Victoria  and  Linnville,  and  killed  twenty-one 
persons,  the  Comanches  retired  toward  their  homes, 
with  a  large  number  of  horses  and  an  immense  quan 
tity  of  booty.  Meantime  their  trail,  as  they  had 
passed  down  the  Guadalupe,  had  been  discovered,  and 
a  force,  quickly  raised  at  Gonzalez,  was  in  hot  pursuit. 
On  the  9th,  the  Texans — who  had  proceeded  to 
Victoria — came  up  with  the  Indians,  and  a  slight 
skirmish  took  place.  But  the  Comanches  declined  a 
general  engagement  and  continued  their  retreat.  The 
news  of  their  inroad,  however,  had  spread  through 
the  settlements,  and  a  large  number  of  volunteers  was 
posted  at  Plum  Creek,17  to  intercept  them  on  their 
return,  General  Felix  Houston  in  command.  On  the 
12th  the  approach  of  the  Comanches  was  reported  by 
the  scouts  and  preparations  were  made  to  recieve 
them.  In  the  conflict  which  followed  the  Indians 
were  completely  routed,  and  scattering,  were  pursued 
for  fifteen  miles,  up  to  the  San  Antonio  road,  leaving 
from  fifty  to  eighty  dead  on  the  line  of  their  flight. 
Several  hundred  horses  and  mules  with  packs  and 

16 From  Gen.  McLeod's  official  report,  Baker's  Tex.,  154-5. 
17  Plum  Greek,  a  tributary  ofthe  Sail  Marcos,  was  some  distance   beyond 
the  settlement  of  Gonzalez, 


326  LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

baggage  were  recovered  by  the  victors.18 

The  Texan  government  now  determined  dire  revenge 
on  the  Comanches.  On  October  5th  Colonel  John 
H.  Moore,  with  ninety  Texans  and  twelve  Lipan 
Indians,  were  sent  up  the  Colorado  in  pursuit  of 
those  who  escaped  at  Plum  Creek.  Pursuing  a 
devious  course  for  many  days  in  search  of  the  trial, 
he  at  last  found  it  on  the  Red  Fork  of  the  Colorado, 
and  on  October  23d  his  Lipan  spies  discovered  the 
Cornanche  village.  At  daybreak  on  the  following 
morning  the  Texans  made  their  attack.  The  Indians, 
unprepared  to  fight,  fled  to  the  river  on  their  approach, 
a  murderous  fire  being  opened  upon  them.  Many 
were  shot  or  drowned  in  the  stream,  while  those  who 
succeeded  in  crossing  it  met  their  death  at  the  hands 
of  a  detachment  that  had  been  sent  across  under 
Lieutenant  Owen.  Lamar's  system  of  extermination 
was  well  carried  out.  Men,  women,  and  children 
alike  were  put  to  death.  The  work  of  annihilation 
in  the  village  lasted  half  an  hour,  and  the  pursuit  was 
continued  about  four  miles.  Having  killed  128  of 
both  sexes,  the  Texans,  who  had  only  two  wounded, 
spared  the  lives  of  thirty-four  captives.  When  the 
massacre  was  ended  the  village  was  burned  to  the 
ground,  and  Moore,  having  collected  500  horses,  re 
turned  to  Austin,  where  he  arrived  November  7th, 
one  of  his  men  having  died  on  the  road.19 

Although  the  revolutionary  movements  of  the  fed 
eralists  were  one  of  the  causes  which  secured  for 
Texas  so  long  an  interval  of  peace,  she  was  not  left 
entirely  out  of  the  influences  of  them,  extending  as 
they  did  to  the  states  bordering  on  the  Rio  Grande. 
General  Canalizo's  force  at  Matamoros  at  the  end  of 
this  year  did  not  exceed  1,500  men,20  and  they  were 

18Z/mn'*  Remind.,  298-9,  338-44;  Yoahim,  ii.  29£-304.  These  writers  are 
not  in  accord  as  to  the  exact  date  of  the  attack  on  Victoria.  Linn  was 
present  at  Victoria  in  that  town  on  the  occasion,  and  I  consider  his  account 
in  all  respects  reliable. 

19  Moore's  report,  Nov.  7,  1840.    Yoahim,  ii.  304-5. 

20  'En  Matamoros  solamente  se  encontraban   1,500  hombres  almando  del 
general  Canalizo.'  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii.  429. 


BATTLE  OF  ALCANTRO.  1527 

occupied  in  holding  the  federalists  in  check. 
In  the  s'pring  of  1839  General  Anaya,  who  was 
looked  upon  as  the  chief  of  the  federalist  party,  visited 
Texas  in  person,  and  made  certain  propositions  to  the 
government  on  condition  that  permission  were  granted 
him  to  convey  arms  for  the  federalists  through  the 
territory  and  raise  troops  therein.21  Both  requests 
were  refused ;  but  there  is  little  doubt  of  the  anxious- 
ness  on  the  part  of  the  northern  federalists  to  enter 
into  a  coalition  with  Texas,  from  the  fact  that  they 
deputed  Francisco  Vidaurri,  governor  of  Coahuila, 
to  make  overtures  of  alliance  between  Texas  and  the 
states  of  Nuevo  Leon,  Tamaulipas,  Coahuila,  Chihua 
hua,  New  Mexico,  Durango,  and  the  Californias, 
and  separate  from  the  rest  of  the  Mexican  states." 
Though  these  overtures  were  not  accepted  by  the 
Texan  government,"  many  people  in  Texas  were  in 
favor  of  the  formation  of  such  a  republic. 

Some  time  later  General  Antonio  Canales,  Colonels 
Jose  Maria  Gonzalez,  and  Antonio  Zapata,  who  were 
engaged  in  revolutionizing  the  northern  towns,  estab 
lished  themselves  for  safety  at  the  town  of  Lipantitlan 
on  the  Nueces  river,  with  a  number  of  followers. 
There  Canales  issued  a  proclamation  inviting  the 
Texans  to  join  him.  Having  united  a  number  of 
Mexicans,  and  about  180  Texans  under  Colonels  Reu 
ben  Ross  and  S.  W.  Jordan,  on  September  30,  1839, 
with  a  force  of  600  men,  he  crossed  the  Rio  Grande, 
and  marched  against  Guerrero,  then  occupied  by  Gen 
eral  Pavon  with  500  regulars  and  four  pieces  of  artil 
lery.  Pavon,  however,  retreated  toward  Mier  and 

21  Id.,  iii.  427-8.  The  recognition  of  the  independence  of  Texas  was 
doubtless  promised  by  Anaya  in  case  centralism  was  overthrown.  The 
periodical,  La  Enxeiia,  published  in  the  Mexican  capital,  urged  it,  and  a  large 
number  of  Mexicans,  recognizing  that  reconquest  was  impossible,  was  in  favor 
of  the  same. 

22 Taken  from  the  Houston  Teleyraph,  in  Nik*?  Reg.,  Ivii.  19. 

23  Perhaps  there  was  some  truth  in  Rivera's  remark  that  the  Texans  had 
no  wish  to  mix  themselves  iip  in  the  domestic  quarrels  of  Mexico,  but  while 
strengthening  themselves  leave  her  to  grow  weaker.  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii.  428. 
He  nevertheless  states  that  the  Texans  wished  to  form  a  North-Mexican 
republic. 


3-2S  LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

Canales  occupied  the  town  October  1st.  On  the  3d 
Pavon,  who  had  taken  up  a  position  about  twelve 
miles  southwest  of  Mier,  offered  battle.  In  the  en 
gagement  which  ensued,  nothing  could  restrain  the 
impetuosity  of  the  Texans  who,  in  defiance  of  the 
orders  of  Ross  and  Jordan  rushed  within  point-blank 
range  of  the  enemy,  and  opened  fire,  while  their  Mex 
ican  allies  coolly  looked  on.  Whereupon  Ross  and 
Jordan  gave  the  order  to  charge.  In  twenty  minutes 
the  Texans  had  carried  everything  before  them,  and 
the  centralists  were  in  full  flight.  The  victory  cost 
them  fourteen  in  killed  and  wounded,  while  the 
enemy's  loss  was  about  150  in  all.  This  engagement 
is  known  as  the  battle  of  Alcantro.  Pavon,  owing 
to  the  confusion  and  incapacity  of  Canales,  made  good 
his  retreat  to  a  stone  rancho  five  miles  distant ;  but  on 
the  following  morning,  being  without  water  or  pro 
visions,  surrendered  to  the  Texans.  The  artillery 
and  350  prisoners  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  federalists. 

The  advantages  of  this  achievement  were  en 
tirely  lost  by  Canales,  who  after  remaining  inactive 
at  Mier  for  forty  days  inarched  against  Matamoros, 
his  force  having  increased  to  over  1,000  men.  On 
December  12th  he  laid  siege  to  the  place  which 
was  defended  by  1,500  men  and  18  pieces  of  artil 
lery.  Of  course  he  effected  nothing,  and  on  the 
16th  declared  his  intention  of  raising  the  siege.  This 
decision  disgusted  both  the  federalists  and  Texans,  the 
latter  of  whom  offered  to  lead  as  a  forlorn  hope  in 
storming  the  place.  The  proposal  was  rejected  and 
Ross  with  fifty  Texans  returned  to  their  homes. 

Canales  then  directed  his  course  to  Monterey  where 
General  Arista  commanded.  On  December  23d,  hear 
ing  that  the  centralist  general  had  received  a  large 
reenforcement,  he  entrenched  himself  within  six  miles 
of  the  city,  and  in  the  morning  was  confronted  by 
Arista  with  an  army  of  about  2,000  men.  A  few 
insignificant  skirmishes  took  place,  but  Arista  seems 
not  to  have  been  anxious  to  draw  on  an  engagement 


REPUBLIC  OF  THE  RIO  GRANDE.  329 

while  the  Texans  were  in  the  opposing  ranks.  He 
succeeded,  however,  in  detaching  by  intrigue  most  of 
Canales'  troops.  Compelled  to  retreat,  he  recrossed 
the  Rio  Grande  with  the  Texans  and  a  few  faithful 
Mexicans,  January  7,  1840,  when  forty -five  of  the 
former  returned  to  their  homes. 

The  force  of  Canales  was  now  very  small,  yet  he 
issued  a  proclamation  calling  a  convention  of  dele 
gates  to  organize  the  republic  of  the  Rio  Grande. 
This  was  done,  January  18th,  Jesus  Cardenas  being 
chosen  president  and  Canales  commander-in-chief. 
Having  received  some  addition  to  his  force  Canales 
proceeded  to  Guerrero,  where  he  remained  till  Febru 
ary  18th,  and  then  went  to  the  old  presidio  of  Rio 
Grande.  Here  Jordan,  with  sixty  Texans,  displeased 
at  his  refusal  to  march  to  the  Nueces  for  reenforce- 
ments,  left  him,  and  returned  to  Texas.  After  this 
Canales  advanced  to  Morales  where  he  sustained, 
March  15th,  a  severe  defeat  at  the  hands  of  Arista 
and  barely  escaped  into  Texas. 

After  these  disasters  and  his  repeated  exhibitions 
of  bad  generalship,  it  is  astonishing  that  he  should 
have  met  with  any  more  encouragement  in  Texas. 
Nevertheless,  having  fixed  his  headquarters  at  San 
Patricio,  and  raised  the  banner  of  the  Republic  of 
the  Rio  Grande,  by  June  he  was  again  joined  by 
Jordan  with  110  volunteers,  by  Colonel  William  S. 
Fisher  with  200,  and  Colonel  John  N.  Seguin  with 
100.  These,  with  300  Mexicans,  raised  his  force  to 
710  men.  He  now  set  out  on  a  third  expedition, 
Jordan  with  his  command  and  150  Mexicans  under 
Colonels  Lopez  and  Molano  being  sent  in  advance  of 
the  main  army.  What  his  object  was  in  thus  divid 
ing  his  force,  and  especially  the  Texans,  is  inexplicable. 
I  can  only  suppose  that  he  was  influenced  by  Lopez 
and  Molano,  whose  treachery  became  evident  by  sub 
sequent  events. 

Jordan,  unconscious  of  any  design  to  destroy  him, 
successively  occupied  Laredo,  Guerrero,  Mier,  and 


330  LAMAK'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

Camargo.  Induced  by  the  representations  of  Lopez 
and  Molano  he  then  pushed  rapidly  forward  into  the 
interior,  leaving  Camargo  June  26th.  Tula,  Morallo, 
and  Linares  were  in  turn  occupied,  and  on  August 
17th  the  federalists  entered  Victoria,  the  capital  of 
Tamaulipas,  where  they  were  received  with  demon 
strations  of  joy.  Here  a  new  state  government  was 
established  and  some  time  was  spent  in  recruiting. 
Reports  having  arrived  that  Arista  was  approaching 
with  a  strong  force,  Lopez  and  Molano  decided  to 
retreat  to  the  mountains,  a  movement  so  strongly 
opposed  by  the  Texans,  that  the  army  was  halted 
three  miles  from  Victoria  and  took  up  a  position  in 
which  it  remained  for  a  week  without  the  enemy  ap 
pearing.  It  then  proceeded  to  Jaumare,  a  mining 
town  in  Sierra  Madre,  and  a  counsel  of  war  having1 

*  O 

been  held,  it  was  decided  to  march  against  Saltillo. 

O 

The  route  was  unknown  to  the  Texans,  arid  Lopez 
and  Molano  were  really  conducting  them  toward  San 
Luis  Potosi.  Fortunately  all  the  Mexicans  were  not 
so  treacherous,  and  Jordan  was  secretly  informed  by 
Captain  Pena  of  the  direction  in  which  they  were 
marching,  whereupon  the  Texans  insisted  upon  their 
course  being  altered.  In  twelve  days  they  arrived  at 
the  hacienda  del  Potosi,  one  day's  inarch  from  Saltillo, 
where  Jordan  received  an  express  from  a  friend  at 
Victoria  informing  him  that  he  was  betrayed,  and 
that  the  Mexican  leaders  for  a  sum  of  money  had  en 
gaged  to  place  the  Texans  in  such  a  position  that  they 
would  be  overwhelmed  by  the  enemy.  They  now 
prepared  for  the  worst,  and  on  October  23d  set  out 
for  Saltillo.  Three  miles  south  of  the  city  the  enemy 
was  discovered  entrenched  on  a  hill ;  whereupon  the 
federalists  took  up  a  position  on  an  eminence  sepa 
rated  from  it  by  a  ravine. 

The  centralist  army  was  1,000  strong,  with  two 
nine-pounders;  that  of  the  federalists,  335  strong, 
consisting  of  110  Texans,  150  mounted  rancheros,  and 
75  infantrv.  At  one  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the 


FEDERALISTS  AND  CENTRALISTS.  331 

centralists  under  generals  Vasquez  and  Montoya  pre 
pared  to  attack.  The  Texans,  convinced  of  the  in 
tended  treachery  of  their  allies,  at  once  moved  rapidly 
along  the  ravine  and  took  possession  of  an  old  haci 
enda  within  150  yards  of  the  enemy's  entrenchments. 
The  infantry  being  ordered  to  occupy  a  stone  house 
on  their  left,  unhesitatingly  marched  over  to  the 
enemy.  And  now  the  centralists  opened  fire  with 
their  artillery  upon  the  position  of  the  Texans.  At 
the  first  shot,  Lopez  rode  over  to  them  with  the  ran- 
cheros  under  his  command,  taking  with  him  the  am 
munition  of  the  federals.  The  situation  of  the  Texans 
was  desperate.  Yet,  deserted  as  they  were,  and  with 
no  more  ammunition  than  that  which  they  had  on 
their  persons,  they  determined  to  fight  to  the  death. 
For  some  time  the  enemy's  guns  played  upon  them, 
but,  crouching  low  behind  the  old  walls,  they  suffered 
no  harm.  At  four  o'clock  the  centralists  advanced  to 
the  assault.  Hitherto  the  Texans  had  not  fired  a  shot 
—they  had  no  powder  to  waste  in  long  range  practice. 
When,  however,  the  assailants  had  advanced  to  within 
thirty  yards  of  the  walls,  they  rose,  and  with  a  shout 
of  defiance  poured  into  them  a  dreadful  volley,  every 
bullet  striking  its  human  mark.  But  the  enemy 
fought  well.  The  inhabitants  of  Saltillo,  informed 
that  the  triumph  of  the  centralists  was  certain,  had 
sallied  forth,  men,  women,  and  children,  to  witness 
the  combat,  and  column  after  column,  encouraged  by 
their  cheers,  advanced  to  the  attack,  only  to  be  suc 
cessfully  repulsed  by  the  withering  fire  of  the  Texans. 
At  length  the  centralist  ranks  became  disordered  and 
demoralized.  A  panic  followed,  and  the  soldiers  fled 
to  Saltillo,  with  thousands  of  frantic  spectators,  in  the 
utmost  confusion.  They  left  408  men  dead  on  the 
field — few  were  the  wounded  on  that  day — their  two 
guns,  and  a  great  quantity  of  small  arms  and  ammu 
nition.  The  Texans  had  five  killed  and  seven  wounded. 
Jordan,  after  this  victory  and  experience  in  Mexican 
good  faith,  wisely  took  up  his  retreat  to  Texas.  On 


332  LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

his  route,  he  encountered  a  body  of  the  enemy's  cav 
alry,  400  strong,  which  charged  him  on  an  open  plain. 
But  the  rifle  soon  put  them  to  flight,  and  he  and  his 
heroic  band  reached  the  Rio  Grande  without  mishap. 
Meantime,  Canales  had  effected  nothing.  After  the 
departure  of  Jordan,  he  crossed  the  Rio  Grande  and 
marched  against  the  small  town  of  San  Marino,  in 
eastern  Tamaulipas.  Finding  that  a  centralist  force 
was  near  that  place,  he  retreated  to  Camargo,  where 
having  remained  for  some  months  in  comparative  in 
activity,  he  finally  entered  into  a  capitulation  with 
Arista,  in  November,  by  which  he  submitted  to  the 
government  and  surrendered  up  his  arms  and  ammu 
nition.  He  stipulated,  however,  for  the  lives  and  lib 
erty  of  his  Texan  auxiliaries.2* 

Thus  ended  the  attempt  to  establish  the  Republic 
of  the  Rio  Grande,  a  scheme  which,  wholly  ignored 
by  the  Texan  government,  may  be  regarded  as  a 
chimerical  aspiration  of  the  northern  federalists.  It 
nevertheless  decoyed  into  their  ranks  a  number  of 
adventurous  Texans,  and  was  undoubtedly  of  service 
in  keeping  the  Mexican  forces  occupied,  thereby  pre 
venting  invasion. 

It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  Texas  claimed 
the  Rio  Grande  to  its  main  source  as  her  boundary 
line.  The  claim  was  a  thoroughly  arbitrary  one,  nor 
had  any  attempt  been  made  by  the  government  to 
establish  j  urisdiction  over  that  portion  of  New  Mexico 
lying  within  the  limits  defined  by  the  act  of  December 
19,  1836.  But  in  1841  an  expedition  to  Santa  Pe 
was  projected,  which,  it  was  hoped,  would  lead  to  the 
acquirement  of  that  territory.  Congress  not  having 
made  an  appropriation  for  the  regular  army,  it  was 
disbanded,  and  many  adventurous  men,  thus  thrown 
on  their  own  resources,  were  very  anxious  to  take 

24  Pratt? s  Notes  of  the  Federal  Campaign  of  1839-40,  closely  followed  by 
Yoakum,  ii.  274-9,  288-97;  Bustamante,  Manif.,  in  Pap.  Var.,  185,  no.  1; 
Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii.  440,  441-2,  465-6;  Thrall,  307-10;  Niks'  Reg.,  lix. 
225-6. 


EXPEDITION  TO  SANTA  FE.  333 

part  in  such  an  enterprise.  The  project  was  recom 
mended  by  the  secretary  of  war,  who  proposed  the 
opening  of  a  military  road  from.  Austin  to  Santa  Fe, 
and  it  was  regarded  with  especial  favor  by  Lamar. 
An  extensive  trade  had  been  carried  on  for  many  years 
between  the  latter  place  and  the  United  States  through 
St  Louis,  and  it  was  expected  that  it  would  be  di 
verted  and  take  a  direction  through  Texas  if  that  as 
sumed  portion  of  her  territory  could  be  conciliated 
and  united  by  the  bonds  of  commercial  interests.  The 
scheme  was  an  ill-digested  one.  Between  the  settled 
districts  of  the  two  sections  extended  a  region  600 
miles  in  width,  uninhabited  except  by  roaming  hordes 
of  savages;  the  population  of  Santa  Fe  was  entirely 
Mexican,  under  Mexican  rule,  and  the  governor,  whose 
power  was  autocratic,  would  not  be  likely  to  sanction 
any  change  that  would  affect  his  petty  sovereignty. 

In  the  spring  of  1841,  active  preparations  were 
made  for  the  expedition,  which  was  organized  on  a 
military  basis.  The  friends  of  the  movement  intro 
duced  a  bill  into  congress  which,  if  passed,  would  have 
authorized  it  and  provided  a  portion  of  the  necessary 
outfit.  The  bill,  however,  was  rejected  in  both  houses. 
The  responsibility  of  the  undertaking,  which  thus 
wanted  the  sanction  of  law,  rests  therefore  upon  La- 
mar,25  who  officially  supported  it,  and  addressed  a 
proclamation  to  the  authorities  at  Santa  Fe  setting 
forth  the  object  of  the  expedition.  If  they  were  will 
ing,  he  said,  to  submit  to  the  laws  of  the  Texan  re 
public,  and  acknowledge  her  jurisdiction,  arrangements 
would  be  made  to  extend  the  laws  over  that  territory ; 
but  in  case  the  people  were  averse  to  changing  their 
allegiance,  then  he  wished  to  establish  friendly  com 
mercial  relations  with  New  Mexico.  The  instructions 
given  to  the  commander  of  the  expedition  prohibited 
him  from  attempting  the  subjugation  of  the  country 
if  the  people  were  unwilling  to  submit.  The  military 

'&  Lamar  had  obtained  permission  from  congress  to  absent  himself,  and 
the  government  was  being  administered  by  Burnet  at  this  time. 


334  LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

organization  of  the  expedition  was  only  for  the  purpose, 
of  self-protection  against  the  savages. 

On  June  20th,  1841,  the  expedition  started  from 
Brushy  creek,  about  twenty  miles  from  Austin.  It 
consisted  of  five  companies  of  mounted  infantry,  and 
an  artillery  company,  which  had  one  brass  six- 
pounder,  in  all  270  soldiers.  They  were  accompanied 
by  about  fifty  other  persons — traders,  teamsters,  and 
adventurers.  William  G.  Cooke,  R.  F.  Brenham, 
and  J.  A.  Navarro,  were  appointed  as  commissioners, 
and  charged  by  the  president  with  the  execution  01 
his  instructions.  The  expedition  was  placed  under 
the  command  of  Brigadier-General  Hugh  McLeod. 
From  the  first  start  difficulties  were  encountered. 
The  wagons  were  overloaded,  and  much  delay  occurred 
therefrom;  the  guides  were  ill-acquainted  with  the 
route,  and  finally  lost  their  way  in  the  Washita  moun 
tains.  The  distance  to  Santa  Fe  had  been  greatly 
under-estimated,  and  having  started  too  late  in  the 
season,  both  grass  and  water  were  sadly  wanting. 
After  great  sufferings  and  losses,  exposed  to  at 
tacks  by  Indians,  who  cut  off  all  stragglers,  the  expe 
dition  arrived  August  llth,  at  a  point  which  was 
supposed  to  be  about  seventy-five  or  eighty  miles  from 
San  Miguel.  Here  three  of  the  party,  Howland, 
Baker,  and  Rosenbury  were  sent  in  advance  to  that 
place  to  procure  provisions  and  consult  with  the  inhab 
itants  as  to  the  probable  reception  of  the  expedition. 

The  main  body,  slowly  continued  its  march,  men 
and  animals  gaunt  and  feeble  with  hunger.  A  few 
days  after  the  departure  of  Howland,  Lieutenant 
Hull  and  four  men,  being  in  advance,  were  killed  by 
Indians,  antl  their  bodies  mutilated.  The  31st  of 
August,  after  a  consultation,  it  was  decided  to  divide 
the  command,  and  send  in  advance  those  best  able  to 
travel.  Accordingly  ninety -nine  men  were  detached 
and,  under  Captain  Lewis,  left  the  main  body  for  San 
Miguel.26 

26 Kendall,  the  historian  of  the  expedition  says:     'However  impolitic  if 


IGNOMINIOUS  FAILURE.  335 

The  final  disaster  now  approached :  Howland, 
Baker,  and  Rosenbury  had  made  their  way  to  San 
Miguel,  where,  as  soon  as  their  mission  was  known, 
they  were  arrested  and  sent  to  Santa  Fe.  General 
Manuel  Armijo,  governor  of  New  Mexico,  was  the 
last  man  in  the  world  to  allow  his  authority  to  be  in 
terfered  with.  He  was  a  tyrant,  and  hated  by  the 
greater  portion  of  the  people;  if  the  Texans  reached 
Santa  Fe  and  the  inhabitants  became  aware  of 
Lamar's  invitation,  he  knew  well  that  they  would  turn 
against  him,  and  he  determined  to  crush  the  invaders 
before  they  reached  the  capital.  Proclaiming  to  the 
people  that  the  Texans  were  approaching  to  kill  and 
destroy,  he  marched  out  of  Santa  Fe  with  a  strong 
force  to  attack  them.  Meantime  Captain  Lewis  and 
his  command  had  reached  the  Rio  Gallinas  where  they 
found  settlements  and  flocks  of  sheep,  which  supplied 
them  with  abundance  of  food.  From  this  place  Lewis, 
with  four  others,  one  of  whom  was  Kendall,  were  sent 
forward  September  14th  to  San  Miguel,  with  a  letter 
to  the  alcalde,  informing  him  that  a  trading  party  was 
approaching,  and  taking  with  them  a  number  of  copies 
in  Spanish  of  Lamar's  proclamation.  Before  reaching 
their  destination,  however,  they  were  made  prisoners 
and  sent  to  Santa  Fe.  Meeting  Armijo  on  the  way, 
they  were  brought  back  by  him  to  San  Miguel,  where 
they  witnessed  the  execution  of  Howland  and  Baker. 
These  unfortunate  men  with  their  companion,  had 
effected  their  escape,  but  were  recaptured  after  a  des 
perate  resistance,  Rosenbury  being  slain  on  the  spot. 

Events  now  followed  quickly.  Lewis  proved  a 
traitor,  and  by  his  representations  the  advance  troops, 
then  under  Colonel  Cooke,  one  of  the  commissioners, 
were  induced  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  surrender  to 
Salazar,  who  had  almost  surrounded  them  with  600 
men.  This  was  on  the  17th.  On  the  following  day, 

may  be  considered  to  divide  a  command,  in  this  instance  such  a  course 
could  not  be  avoided.  We  were  completely  lost,  and  without  power  of 
moving  forward;  our  provisions,  which  had  for  weeks  been  scanty,  were  now 
almost  entirely  exhausted.'  Tex.  Santa  Fe  Exped.,  i.  211. 


336  LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

Armijo  came  up  with  the  rest  of  his  forces.  By  his 
orders  the  prisoners  were  tied  together  in  companies 
of  four,  six  or  eio-ht,  according  to  the  different  lengths 

O  ^  <^  ^ 

of  the  lariats  with  which  they  were  bound,  and  sent 
forthwith  to  Mexico.  He  then  marched  against  the 
main  body  under  McLeod,  which  had  painfully  ad 
vanced  to  Laguna  Colorado,  about  thirty-five 
miles  from  Rio  Gallinas.  Most  of  the  horses  had 
perished ;  many  of  the  men,  in  desperation  induced 
by  famine  and  exhaustion,  had  thrown  away  their 
arms,  and  few  of  them  had  strength  enough  to  fight. 
Upon  assurances  being  given  that  they  should  receive 
good  treatment,  the  Texans  surrendered ;  which  was 
no  sooner  done  than  they  were  plundered,  bound  to 
gether  in  batches,  and  marched  off  to  San  Miguel, 
where  the  last  of  them  arrived  October  12th.  From 
that  place  they  were  sent  on  the  same  long  journey 
on  which  their  companions-in-arms  were  toiling  in 
advance  of  them. 

Such  was  the  miserable  end  of  this  foolishness,'27 
from  which  so  much  had  been  expected.  The  miseries 
of  the  captives  during  their  march  were  almost  insup 
portable.  On  their  arrival  at  the  Mexican  capital, 
they  were  thrown  into  noisome  dungeons,  some  in 
Mexico,  and  others  in  Puebla  and  Perote.  Fortunate 
were  those  who  could  prove  themselves  citizens  of  the 
United  States  or  subjects  of  European  nations;  the 
representatives  of  their  respective  countries  strenuously 
interested  themselves  in  their  behalf,  and  obtained 
their  release28  in  the  spring  of  1842.  On  the  13th 
of  June,  119  prisoners  were  released  by  the  clemency 
of  Santa  Anna,  who  had  again  risen  to  the  supreme 
power,  on  the  celebration  of  his  birthday.29  But  the 

27 Gen.  Jackson  in  a  letter  to  Houston,  of  May  25,  1842,  writes:  'The 
wild-goose  campaign  to  Santa  Fe  was  an  ill-judged  affair;  and  their  sur 
render  without  the  fire  of  a  gun  has  lessened  the  prowess  of  the  Texans  in 
the  minds  of  the  Mexicans. '  Yoakum,  ii.  329. 

28  See  Dub  fan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  iv.  154,  198. 

29  Kendall's  Narrative  of  ttie  Texan  Santa  Fe  Expedition,  New  York,  1844,, 
2  vol.,  pp.  405,  406;   Yoakum,  ii.  321-31,  336,  341-3;  Thompsons  Recol  Mex., 
52-3,  77-9,  92-3,  155,  279-81;  Dcrecho,  Intern.  Mex.,  pte  3  a  237; 


SEAT  OF  GOVERNMENT.  337 

unfortunate  commissioner,  Navarro,  having  incurred 
the  special  hatred  of  the  tyrant,  was  incarcerated  first 
in  the  capital  and  afterward  in  a  dungeon  in  San  Juan 
de  Ulua,  where  he  languished  for  fourteen  months, 
finally  escaping  from  Vera  Cruz  in  January,  1845.30 

It  soon  became  evident  that  the  situation  of  Hous 
ton  was  not  such  as  to  entitle  it  to  become  the  per 
manent  seat  of  the  government.  On  January  14,  1839, 
an  act  was  passed  by  congress  appointing  five  commis 
sioners  to  select  a  site  for  the  future  capital.  The 
commissioners  were  Albert  C.  Horton,  Lewis  P.  Cook, 
Isaac  W.  Burton,  William  Menifee,  and  J.  Campbell, 
who  made  choice  of  the  location  where  Austin  now 
stands.  Although  at  that  date  the  new  town,  which 
was  immediately  laid  out,  was  situated  on  the  extreme 
frontier  of  the  settlements,  the  commissioners  showed 
their  wisdom  in  the  selection.  They  aimed  at  estab 
lishing  a  permanent  capital,  which  would  occupy  a 
central  position  when  Texas  had  become  a  thickly 
populated  country;  and  though  the  government  and 
congress  would  be  within  striking  distance  of  hostile 
Indians,31  Austin  as  their  seat  would  draw  westward 

Hist.  Santa  Anna,  MS.,  iii.  8-9;  Id.,  Diario  Mex.,  MS.,  xliv.  81,  169;  xlv.  71; 
U.  8.  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  27  cong.,  2  sess.,  vol.  v.,  Doc.  266. 

30  Jose  Antonio  Navarro  was  born  in  San  Antonio  de  Bejar,  Feb.  27, 
1795,  his  father  being  a  native  of  Corsica,  and  an  officer  in  the  Spanish 
army.  He  was  a  stanch  federalist  and  a  foe  to  military  depotism.  In 
1834-35  Navarro  was  land  commissioner  for  Bejar  district;  a  member  of  the 
convention  in  1836,  and  a  member  of  congress  in  1838-39.  He  was  con 
demned  by  Santa  Anna  to  imprisonment  for  life,  though  during  his  captivity 
he  was  several  times  offered  pardon,  liberty,  and  high-office, if  he  would 
abjure  forever  Texas,  his  country.  These  propositions  were  rejected  with 
scorn.  In  Dec.  1844,  just  before  the  fall  of  Santa  Anna,  he  was  removed  from 
San  Juan  de  Ulua  and  allowed  to  remain  a  prisoner  at  large  in  Vera  Cruz, 
whence  he  escaped  Jan.  2d,  arriving  at  Galvestoii,  Feb.  3,  1845,  after  an 
absence  of  more  than  three  years  and  a  half.  On  his  return  he  was  elected 
delegate  to  the  convention  held  that  year,  to  decide  upon  the  question  of 
annexation,  and  was  afterward  senator  from  Bejar  district  in  the  state 
congress.  He  died  in  his  native  city  in  1870.  Cordova's  Tex.,  145-53: 
Thrall,  596. 

31  Nor  did  the  Indians  fail  to  strike.  I  copy  the  following  from  the  memo- 
ramda  of  Anson  Jones  for  the  year  1840:  'Austin,  March  13th.  Woke  up  at 
night  with  the  alarm  of  Indians.  The  suburbs  of  the  town  were  plundered 
of  all  the  horses,  and  Ward  and  Hedley  killed  and  scalped ;  heard  the  cries 
of  the  latter  while  under  the  hands  of  the  Indians.  April  6th.  Constant 
alarms  of  Indians  and  Mexicans.  Our  wise  government  has  resolved  upon 

HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    22. 


338  LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

settlers,  who  would  populate  that  portion  of  the  coun 
try,  and  serve  as  a  protection  to  an  ever-extending 
frontier  of  'civilization.  In  August,  the  town-lots  of 
the  new  capital  were  sold,  buildings  were  soon  erected, 
the  offices  of  the  government  were  transferred  thither, 
and  in  November  congress  assembled  in  a  hall  sur 
rounded  by  the  wilderness.3" 

During  the  administration  of  Lamar,  the  relations 
of  Texas  with  European  powers  wore  as  favorable  an 
aspect  as  could  possibly  be  expected.  While  Houston 
was  president,  General  J.  P.  Henderson  had  been  sent 
as  commissioner  to  London  and  Paris  to  obtain  an 
acknowledgment  of  her  independence.  The  British 
government  was  kindly  disposed  toward  the  new  re 
public,  inasmuch  as  it  was  plainly  foreseen  that 
Texas,  being  chiefly  an  agricultural  country,  her  people 
would  become  large  consumers  of  foreign  manufactures, 
while  her  capacity  for  the  production  of  raw  material, 
especially  cotton,  England's  great  demand,  was  im 
mense.  Moreover,  the  known  tendency  of  the  Texans 
to  free-trade  principles  was  another  inducement  for 
that  great  power  to  hold  out  the  hand  of  friendship 
to  an  infant  nation  that  would  grow  robust  in  time. 
Great  Britain  desired  to  find  in  Texas  a  market  for 
her  merchandise,  "without  having  to  climb  over  the 
United  States  tariff."1  Henderson  therefore  experi 
enced  no  difficulty  in  making  a  commercial  treaty  in 
1838  with  the  British  government,  under  the  reserva 
tion,  however,  that  until  that  power  formally  recog 
nized  Texas,  it  would  consider  her  as  a  part  of  Mexico. 
In  November  of  the  same  year,  a  similar  treaty  was 
made  with  France,  but  without  the  reservation;  and 

fortifications  at  Austin.  June  12th.  Stood  guard  over  the  town  all  night.' 
Rep.  Tex.,  38. 

32  Austin  did  not  retain  her  eminence  as  the  capital  of  Texas  without  a 
struggle.     In  1872,  however,  that  city  was  proclaimed  by  popular  vote  the 
permanent  capital  of  the  state,  Austin  receiving  63,297  votes,  Houston  35, 188, 
and  Waco  12,776.   Tlirall,  306. 

33  These  are  Lord  Aberdeen's  words  to  Ashbel  Smith,  the'Texan  "minister 
to  England  and  France  in  1842.  Smith,  R&mms.  Tex.  Rep.,  36, 


TREATIES.  339 

in  September  1839,  the  treaty  was  ratified,  and  the 
independence  of  Texas  acknowledged  by  the  French 
government.  Owing  to  the  ridiculous  affair  before 
mentioned,34  diplomatic  intercourse  was  soon  afterward 
suspended  between  the  two  nations  until  1842,  when 
friendly  relations  were  resumed. 

When  General  Hamilton  arrived  in  London  as  the 
Texan  representative,  he  negotiated  a  convention  with 
the  British  government,  in  which  it  was  stipulated 
that  Texas  should  assume  £1,000,000  of  the  debt  due 
by  Mexico  to  English  holders  of  her  bonds.  This 
convention,  as  well  as  the  commercial  treaty,  as  finally 
agreed  upon,  was  signed  in  London  November  13, 
1840;  both  were  ratified  by  Texas  in  February  1841. 
The  treaty,  however,  met  with  much  opposition  by 
the  British  and  Foreign  Anti-slavery  Society,  which 
urgently  remonstrated  against  its  being  ratified  by 
the  English  government.  Ashbel  Smith,  the  Texan 
minister  to  London,  arrived  in  that  city  April  1842, 
bearing  the  ratified  copies  of  both  agreements,  which, 
after  some  delay,  were  exchanged  with  Lord  Aber 
deen  in  face  of  opposition,  a  treaty  granting  the  recip 
rocal  right  of  search  for  the  suppression  of  the  African 
slave  trade  having  been  first  exchanged.35  The  inde 
pendence  of  Texas  was  thus  recognized  by  two  of  the 
greatest  powers  of  Europe.  It  remains  to  be  added 
that  Holland  and  Belgium  recognized  her  independence 

34 The  particulars  are  as  follows:  The  horses  of  M.  Saligny,  the  French 
representative  in  Texas,  were  fed  on  corn.  The  pigs  belonging  to  Mr  Bullock, 
a  hotel-keeper,  intruded  into  the  stables  to  pick  up  the  corn  which  the  horses 
let  fall  to  the  ground.  One  of  M.  de  Saligny 's  servants  killed  some  of  the 
pigs.  Bullock  whipped  the  servant.  This  enraged  M.  de  Saligny,  and  Bul 
lock  was  arrested  for  assault,  and  bound  over  to  answer  at  the  next  term  of 
the  district  court.  Affronted  soon  afterward  by  Bullock,  Saligny  demanded 
his  immediate  punishment,  and  a  warm  correspondence  between  him  and  the 
Texan  sec.  of  state  followed.  Not  obtaining  the  satisfaction  he  wished,  the 
r«xasperated  Frenchman  demanded  his  passports  and  Lleft  his  post.  Gauge's 
Fixe.  Hist.  Tex.,  110-11;  Snath's  Reminis.  Tex.  Rep.,  32.  Saligny  returned  to 
Texas  in  1842.  Id.,  34. 

35  Id.,  33,  38;  Halliard's  HiM.  Rep.  Tex.,  180-92,  411-29;  Niks'  Reg.,  Ix. 
33,  177;  Ixii.  337,  384;  Kennedy,  ii.  353-4;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii.  515-16; 
Smtaj^ante,  GaUnete  Mex.,  ii.  7-14;  Id.,  MS.,  ii.  158-70,  183-5;  Rivero,  Mex. 
m  18J2,  118. 


340  LAMAR'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

in  1840,  a  treaty  of  commerce  with  the  former  country 
being  signed  at  The  Hague  September  18th  of  that 
year.36 

While  Texas  was  thus  successful  in  obtaining  the 
acknowledgment  of  her  independence  by  foreign  na 
tions,  all  her  efforts  to  secure  the  same  from  Mexico 
failed.  In  1839,  the  Texan  government,  entertaining 
some  expectation  that  Mexico  would  be  inclined  to 
listen  to  proposals  for  peace,  sent  Bernard  E.  Bee,  as 
diplomatic  agent  to  that  government.  Bee  arrived 
at  Yera  Cruz  in  May,  where  he  remained  for  ten 
days,  pending  the  decision  of  the  government,  with 
regard  to  the  question  of  his  reception.  He  was 
courteously  treated  by  General  Victoria,  governor  of 
Vera  Cruz  during  his  stay  in  that  city.  The  Mexican 
authorities  finally  decided  not  to  receive  him,  and  he 
embarked  on  the  French  frigate,  La  Gloere,  bound  for 
Habana.37  Texas,  however,  had  a  secret  agent  in  the 
Mexican  capital  who,  in  1840,  under  the  auspices  of 
Packenham,  the  English  minister  in  that  city,  suc 
ceeded  in  submitting  to  the  government  the  basis  of 
a  treaty  of  peace.  Packenham,  moreover,  offered  to 
act  as  mediator.  The  treaty  and  the  offer  were  alike 
rejected  by  Mexico.  In  1841  the  British  government, 
without  waiting  for  the  exchange  of  ratifications  of  the 
mediation  convention,  officially  instructed  Packenham 
to  bring  before  the  Mexican  authorities  the  proffer  of 
Great  Britain,  to  mediate  between  that  power  and 
Texas,  and  Mr  Burnley,  provided  with  a  letter  of  in 
troduction  to  him  from  Lord  Palmerston,  proceeded 
to  Mexico  as  negotiator  on  the  part  of  Texas.38  But 

36  The  Mexican  minister  of  foreign  relations  found  faiilt  with  Holland  for 
not  having  previously  advised  the  Mexican  government  of  her  intention. 
Hex.,  Mem.  Min.  Rel,  i.  doc.  13;  JDiario  del  Gob.  Mex.,  Jan.  24,  1841,  p.  2. 

37  Bee's  letters  in  Niks'  Reg.,  Ivi.  242,  259,  273-4.     Victoria  was  instructed 
to  say  to  Bee,  that  he  might  represent  to  him  the  object  of  his  mission  in 
writing,  not  in  any  public  character,  but  as  a  commissioner  of  the  revolted  ' 
colonists  of  Texas.     If  the  object  was  to  ask  the  recognition  of  the  inde 
pendence   of  Texas,   Bee   was   to   be   immediately  required  to  reembark. 
Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  418-19;  Bmtaniante,  Galinete  Mex, ,  ii.  7-8. 

38  James  Webb  was  also  sent  from  Texas  as  commissioner,  to  open  and' 
conduct  the  negotiations.     He  was  not  received,  and  immediately  returned.  ) 
Yoakum,  ii.  318. 


PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION.  341 

Mexico  paid  no  more  heed  to  the  British  nation  than 
she  had  done  to  her  diplomatic  agent.  She  unhesi 
tatingly  declined  any  such  mediation,  refused  to  en 
tertain  the  question  of  peace,  unless  Texas  resigned 
her  claim  to  independent  sovereignty,  and  prepared 
for  war.39 

In  September  1841,  the  presidential  election  was 
held,  by  which  General  Houston  was  a  second  time 
chosen  president,  receiving  7,915  votes  against  3,616 
cast  for  David  G.  Burnet,  Edward  Burleson  was 
elected  vice-president  with  6,161  votes,  his  compet 
itor,  Mennican  Hunt,  having  received  4,336. 

When  congress  met  in  November,  Lamar  opened 
his  message  with  congratulations  upon  the  prosperity 
of  the  country.  The  relations  with  Mexico  were  such 
that  he  advised  hostilities,  and  stated  that  he  had 
made  arrangements  to  send  the  Texan  navy  to  coop 
erate  with  the  government  of  Yucatan,  which  had 
lately  declared  her  independence  of  Mexico.  He  was 
opposed  to  a  military  invasion  of  the  enemy's  country, 
but  advised  the  establishment  of  military  posts  west 
of  the  Nueces,  for  the  protection  of  that  portion  of 
Texas.  He  recommended  congress  to  take  into  con 
sideration  the  traffic  conducted  by  the  people  of  the 
western  frontier — a  trade  of  which  he  highly  approved; 
and  spoke  in  glowing  terms  of  the  probable  results  of 
the  Santa  Fe  expedition.  In  his  sanguine  hopes,  he 
already  saw  the  rich  resources  of  the  commerce  of 
New  Mexico  pouring  wealth  into  the  coffers  of 
Texas ! 

But  Lamar,  distinguished  though  he  was  for  his 
courage,  unquestioned  integrity,  and  pure  patriotism, 
utterly  failed  as  a  ruler;  and  when  he  retired  from 
the  presidency,  the  republic  was  in  a  dilapidated  con 
dition.  The  public  debt  had  been  increased  nearly 
four- fold,  and  the  public  credit  had  fallen  to  zero ;  by 

39  Gorostim,  Dictamen,  1840,  in  Pap.  Far.,  21 2,  no.  8;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa, 
iii.  440;  Bustamante,  Gabinete  Mex.,  ii.  11-12;  Id.,  MS.,  iv.  17;  Niks'  Reg., 
lix.  195,  257;  Youwfs  Hist.  Mex.,  305;  Otero,  Obras,  MS.,  i.  313-7;  ii.  1-4; 
Tex.  Cot.  Doc.,  no.  5,  in  Pinart's  Col.  Smith's  Reminis.,  Tex.  Rep.,  38. 


342  LAMAK'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

his  savagism  as  displayed  in  the  extermination  creed, 
the  Indians  had  been  driven  to  the  highest  degree  of 
exasperation ;  the  balance  of  trade  was  heavily  on  the 
debit  side;40  and  his  last  pet  scheme,  the  Santa  Fe 
expedition,  ended  in  a  climax  of  disaster. 

During  Lamar's  administration,  the  question  of  an 
nexation  to. the  United  States  lay  in  abeyance.  As 
the  reader  is  aware,  he  was  violently  opposed  to  such 
a  union,  and  in  Texas  the  subject,  though  sometimes 
alluded  to,  was  apparently  dropped.  In  the  United 
States,  however,  it  was  not  only  discussed  by  the 
press,  but  was  brought  from  time  to  time  before 
congress.  The  application  for  admission  into  the  Union 
had  been  peremptorily  refused.  On  August  4,  1837, 
Mennican  Hunt,  the  Texan  envoy  to  Washington, 
addressed  a  letter  to  Forsyth,  the  American  secretary 
of  state,  making  a  proposition  for  annexation.  For 
syth  replied  on  the  25th,  rejecting  the  overture  in 
decided  terms,  and  the  subject  was  dismissed  without 
reserving  it  for  further  consideration.  The  govern 
ment  at  Washington  justly  maintained  that  so  long  as 
Texas  was  at  war  with  Mexico,  and  the  United  States 
at  peace  with  her,  annexation  would  constitute  a 
breach  of  treaty  with  Mexico,  not  only  dishonorable, 
but  also  certain  to  involve  the  United  States  in  war 
with  that  nation." 

The  labors  of  office  and  the  animadversions  to 
which  he  was  exposed,  induced  Lamar  to  apply  to 

40 The  following  table  of  imports  and  exports  is  obtained  from  Gauges 
Fisc.  Hist.  Tex.,  84,  128: 

IMPORTS.  EXPORTS. 

Year  ending  Sept.  30,  1838 $1,740,376.87        8183,323.00 

Year  ending  Sept.  1,  1839 1,506,897.67          274,518.09 

Year  ending  Sept.  1,   1840 1,378,568.98  220,401. 15 


$4,625,843.52        $678,242.24 

Showing  a  balance  of  trade  for  these  three  years  against  the  republic  of 
$3,947,600. 

41  Copy  of  correspondence  in  Hunt's  Address,  21-43;  U.  S.  H.  Ex.  Doc., 
25  cong.,  1  sess.,  Doc.  40;  and  Cong.  Debates,  1837,  xiv.,  app.  117-22.  For 
further  discussions  on  the  subject  in  the  U.  S.  congress,  see  H.  Ex.  Doc., 
vol.  iv.,  25  cong.,  2  sess.,  Doc.  196;  U.  S.  Sen.  Doc.,  25  cong.,  2  sess.,  Doc. 
50;  Congress  Globe,  1837-8,  p.  12,  25,  app.  555;  Id.,  1838-9,  p.  18;  Id., 
1839-40,  p.  274,  281,  541. 


EURNET,  ACTING  GOVERNOR.  343 

congress  for  permission  to  absent  himself;  and  his 
request  being  granted,  during  the  last  year  of  his 
term,  the  government  was  administered  by  Vice- 
President  Burnet/2 

42  Thrall,  317.  From  Dec.  15,  1840  to  Feb.  3,  1841,  the  acts  of  congress 
are  approved  by  David  G.  Burnet,  after  which  date  no  signatures  are  at 
tached  to  the  acts  passed  in  the  copy  of  The  Laws  of  the  Republic  of  Texas  in 
my  possession,  only  the  word  'approved,'  with  the  date,  being  used. 


CHAPTER   XIV. 

END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 
1841-1846. 

HOUSTON'S  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION — REDUCTION  or  EXPENSES — VASQUEZ 
TAKES  BEJAR — CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  SANTA  ANNA — OPERATIONS  OF 
THE  NAVY — THE  ARCHIVE  WAR — REGULATORS  AND  MODERATORS- 
ENGLAND'S  NEUTRALITY — WOLL'S  INROAD — DAWSON'S  DEFEAT— SOMER- 
VILLE'S  DUBIOUS  CONDUCT — BATTLE  OF  MIER — MEXICAN  GUILE — THE 
CHARGE  ON  THE  GUARD — A  GRIEVOUS  MISTAKE — THE  DEATH-LOTTERY 
-—THE  PRISONERS  AT  PEROTE — SNIVELY'S  EXPEDITION — ROBINSON'S 
DIPLOMACY — THE  ARMISTICE — RIVALRY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  ENG 
LAND — ANSON  JONES  ELECTED  PRESIDENT — HOUSTON'S  FAREWELL  MES 
SAGE — His  DIFFICULT  POSITION — ANNEXATION — THE  STATE  CONSTI 
TUTION. 

PRESIDENT  Houston  sent  in  his  message  to  congress 
December  13,  1841.  He  did  not  conceal  the  fact 
that  his  administration  would  be  guided  by  a  policy 
diametrically  opposite  to  that  of  his  predecessor.  He 
deprecated  the  interference  on  the  part  of  Texas  in 
the  revolutionary  movements  in  Mexico,  and  recom 
mended  that  kindness  should  be  extended  to  that 
people,  and  an  armed  neutrality  maintained.  As  all 
overtures  for  peace  had  been  rejected  by  the  Mexican 
government,  no  further  effort  would  be  made  in  that 
direction.  On  the  subject  of  relations  with  the  Ind 
ians,  he  declared  his  policy  would  be  different  from 
that  lately  pursued.  He  urged  the  establishment  of 
trading-posts  on  the  frontier,  each  protected  by  a 
garrison  of  twenty-five  inen,  and  recommended  that 
treaties  should  be  made  with  the  savages.  This  sys 
tem,  he  believed,  would  conciliate  them,  and  could  be 
carried  out  at  an  expense  of  less  than  one  quarter  of 
the  appropriations  that  had  been  made  in  the  attempt 

(344  ) 


PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  345 

to  exterminate  them.1  With  regard  to  the  deplorable 
financial  condition  of  the  republic,  he  remarked  that 
there  was  not  a  dollar  in  the  treasury ;  the  nation  was 
"not  only  without  money ,  but  without  credit,  and  for 
want  of  punctuality,  without  character,"  The  amount 
of  liabilities  had  not  been  ascertained,  but  he  advised 
a  total  suspension  of  the  redemption  of  the  national 
debt  until  such  time  as  the  government  could  redeem 
in  good  faith  those  liabilities  which  it  ought  to  redeem. 
To  sustain  the  government,  the  president  recommended 
the  reduction  of  taxes  by  one  half,  and  that  all  taxes 
arid  customs  should  be  paid  in  specie  or  paper  at  par 
value.  He  then  expressed  himself  in  favor  of  a  new 
issue  of  exchequer  bills  to  the  amount  of  $350,000,  for 
the  redemption  of  which  he  proposed  that  1,000,000 
acres  of  the  Cherokee  country  should  be  reserved.  He 
also  suggested  raising  a  loan  of  $300, 000  on  the  public 
domain. 

Acting  upon  the  president's  suggestion,  congress, 
on  January  19,  1842,  authorized  him  to  issue  exche 
quer  bills  to  the  amount  of  $200,000,  the  law  further 
providing  that  only  gold,  silver,  and  such  bills  should 
be  received  in  payment  of  duties  and  taxes,  and  that 
when  the  bills  returned  to  the  treasury,  they  should 
be  cancelled.  But  this  paper  soon  suffered  the  same 
fate  as  the  treasury  notes,  or  red-backs  as  they  were 
called  from  the  color  of  the  paper.  The  same  act 
declared  that  the  treasury  notes  were  no  longer  re 
ceivable  in  payment  of  public  dues,  and  no  one  could 
assert  that  congress  would  not  adopt  a  similar  meas 
ure  with  regard  to  the  new  issue.  The  consequence 
was  that  the  bills  sank  rapidly  to  thirty-three  cents, 
and  before  the  end  of  the  year  to  twenty -five  cents.2 

As  long  as  Texas  had  been  able  to  borrow,  she  bor- 

1  See  note  6,  this  chapter. 

2  A  special  session  of  congress  was  convened  June  27,  1842,  and  on  July 
23d  an  act  was  passed  requiring  the  collectors  of  revenue  to  receive  exchequer 
bills  only  at  the  current  rate  at  which  they  were  sold  in  the  market.    Tex. , 
Laws  Rep.,  1842,  4.     This  measure,  however,  did  not  cause  them  to  rise  much 
in  value.     Consult  G&uld's  Fisc.  Hist.  Tex.,  116-19. 


346  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

rowed,  and  as  long  as  her  paper  was  of  any  value  at 
all,  she  issued  it  and  lived  on  the  proceeds,  no  matter 
how  ruinous  the  rate.  But  at  the  close  of  Lamar's 
administration,  the  treasury  notes  had  sunk  to  fifteen 
and  twenty  cents  in  the  dollar,3  and  though  economy 
was  regarded  with  no  high  favor  by  the  Texans,  it 
became  evident  that  retrenchment  was  the  only  re 
course  left.  Under  the  first  administration  of  Hous 
ton,  the  salaries  of  the  president  and  all  members  of 
the  government  had  been  fixed  exorbitantly  high, 
while  a  great  number  of  superfluous  offices  had  been 
created.  To  do  away  with  this  extravagance — ridic 
ulous  in  a  nation  whose  Anglo-Saxon  population  did 
not  amount  to  100,000* — congress  passed  a  law  De 
cember  11,  1841,  abolishing  many  offices,  and  reducing 
salaries  to  less  than  one  half.5  This  was  striking*  at 

O 

the  root  of  the  evil,  and  produced  effect.  The  system 
of  economy,  moreover,  was  practised  in  all  branches, 
as  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that,  according  to  the  best 
accounts  to  be  gathered,  the  payments  made  by  the 
treasurer  during  Lamar's  administration  amounted  to 
$4,855,215,  while  during  the  three  years  of  Houston's 
second  term,  they  only  amounted  to  $493,175,  and 
$17,907  disbursed  on  account  of  mail  service  and  tax 


3 The  passage  of  the  Exchequer  Bill  act  deprived  them  of  what  little  value 
they  had.  They  rapidly  fell  to  ten,  five,  four,  and  two  cents  in  the  dollar, 
till  finally  no  price  at  all  coiild  be  obtained  for  them  in  many  parts  of  Texas. 

*  Kennedy,  ii.  390,  who  published  his  work  in  1841,  while  admitting  the 
difficulty  of  forming  a  close  estimate,  fixed  the  average  of  the  Anglo-Ameri 
can  population  at  200,000.  Fournel  gives  480,000  as  the  total  popiilation  in 
1840.  Both  of  these  estimates  are  far  beyond  the  mark.  Coup  d'Oeil,  41. 
Maillard,  who,  as  Ashbel  Smith  says,  *  published  a  voluminous  libel  of  500 
or  600  pages  on  Texas,  its  climate,  its  productions,  and  its  people, '  Rern.  Tex. 
Rep.,  38,  places  the  number  of  the  Anglo-Americans  at  about  54,088;  that  of 
the  Indians  at  80,000;  and  of  the  negroes  at  10,000  to  12,000;  in  all,  146,088. 
Hist.  R<»p.  Tex.,  202-4.  Thrall,  page  316,  says  the  whole  population  was 
less  than  50,000  at  this  time.  In  1847  the  first  census  was  taken,  showing  a 
total  of  135,775,  exclusive  of  Indians.  Of  that  number,  100,508  were  whites, 
35,267  slaves,  and  ten  free  negroes. 

5 The  president's  salary  was  reduced  to  $5, 000  per  annum;  vice-president, 
to  $1,000;  members  of  the  cabinet,  to  $1,500;  att'y-gen.v  to  $1,000;  com.  gen. 
land-office,  to  $1,200;  treasurer,  comptroller,  and  auditor,  to  $1,000.  The 
chief  justice  was  to  receive  $1,750  instead  of  $5,000  as  heretofore;  and  so  on 
in  proportion.  Tex.  Laws  Rep.,  6  cong.,  13-14.  Consult  act  of  Dec.  9,  1836, 
7rf.,  i.  69-70,  and  chap,  xii.,  this  volume. 


ANNEXATION.  347 

collecting.6  It  is  true  that  the  limit  of  credit  had 
been  reached,  and  that  Houston  could  not  obtain  the 
money  to  spend  which  his  predecessor  had  commanded ; 
but  it  is  equally  true  that  Lamar  carried  his  paper- 
money  principle  to  the  height  of  extravagance,  and 
rode  his  horse  to  death. 

One  of  the  arguments  used  by  the  advocates  of 
annexation  was  the  failure  of  Mexico  to  attempt  to  re 
conquer  Texas.  For  six  years,  they  said  no  hostile 
army  had  invaded  the  territory,  and  the  war  might 
be  considered  as  virtually  ended,  though  no  formal 
recognition  had  been  made  by  Mexico,  her  inactivity 
displayed  an  indifference  which  had  all  the  appearance 
of  a  tacit  acknowledgment  that  she  considered  re- 
conquest  impossible.  In  order,  therefore,  to  main 
tain  her  claim,  it  became  necessary  to  make  some 
military  demonstration,  and  at  the  close  of  1841  prep 
arations  were  made  to  invade  Texas.  On  January  9, 
1842,  General  Arista  issued  a  proclamation  from  his 
headquarters  at  Monterey,  to  the  inhabitants  of 
Texas,  in  which  he  stated  that  the  Mexican  nation 

«  Gouge,  ut  mp.,  126-7.  Yoakum,  ii.  340-1,  supplies  a  comparative  state 
ment  of  the  salaries  paid  the  officers  employed  at  the  seat  of  government  in 
the  years  1840-2,  made  out  by  James  B.  Shaw,  comptroller,  Dec.  16,  1842. 
As  the  figures  show  an  astonishing  retrenchment,  I  reproduce  them: 

1840 $174,200 

1841 173,506 

1842 32,800 

The  same  comptroller  exhibited  a  statement  dated  March  20,  1854,  showing 
the  expenses  incurred  by  the  republic  in  protecting  her  frontier  against  the 
Indians  during  the  years  1837-44  inclusive.  Yoakum,  ii.  282,  compiled  the 
following  table  from  it: 

Houston's  first  term 

( 

$190,000 

1839  ^  (  $1,430,000 

1840  }-  Lamar'sterm  -I      1,027,319 

1841  )  95,000 


$2,552,319 

1842  ^j  (    $20,000 

1843  \  Houston's  second  term  \       66,950 

1844  }  (       17,142 

$104,092 


348  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

would  never  consent  to  the  separation  of  the  territory, 
and  that  it  was  only  owing  to  the  civil  wars  in 
Mexico,  that  revolutionary  men  had  compelled  them 
to  constitute  themselves  as  an  independent  nation. 
He  solemnly  declared  that  Mexico  was  determined  to 
recover  her  rights  through  the  only  means  left  her, 
namely,  persuasion  or  war.  After  stating  that  hos 
tilities  would  only  be  directed  against  those  who  sus 
tained  and  fought  to  maintain  the  Texan  nationality, 
he  called  upon  the  people  to  reflect  and  consider  their 
own  interests,  and  to  return  to  their  allegiance.7 

On  March  5th,  General  Rafael  Vasquez  appeared 
before  San  Antonio  de  Rejar,  at  the  head  of  500  men.8 
The  Texan  force  stationed  there  was  too  small  to  cope 
with  the  enemy,  and  evacuated  the  town  when  the  sur 
render  of  it  was  demanded.  Having  taken  possession 
of  the  place,  hoisted  the  Mexican  flag,  and  declared 
the  Mexican  laws  to  be  in  force,  Vasquez  on  the  7th 
departed.9  About  the  same  time  small  forces  of 
Mexicans  occupied  Refugio  and  Goliad,  but  likewise 
soon  retired. 

This  inroad,  which  was  intended  as  nothing  more 
than  a  mere  demonstration  by  Mexico  in  support  of 
her  rights,  thoroughly  roused  the  Texans.  On  the 
10th  of  March,  Houston  issued  a  proclamation  calling 
upon  all  citizens  subject  to  military  duty,  to  hold 
themselves  in  readiness  to  repair  to  the  scene  of  ac 
tion  in  the  event  of  a  formidable  invasion ;  and  on 
the  21st  of  the  same  month  he  addressed  a  letter  to 
Santa  Anna,  which  was  extensively  circulated  in 
Europe  and  the  United  States,  and  even  published 
in  Spanish  in  Yucatan,  whence  copies  found  their 
way  into  Mexico.10  Houston  was  instigated  to  ad- 

7  Translation  of  proclamation  in  Nik*  Re<j. ,  Ixii.  67. 

8  Yoakum  says  about   700   men, — ij    349, — but  Arista   reporting   to   the 
comandante  general  at  Chihuahua,  gives  the  number  in  +he  text.      Voto  de. 
Son.,  April  15,  1842,  i.,  no.  9,  p.  34. 

9 Bustamante,  Hut.  Santa  Anna,  49-50;  Id,  Dmrio  Mcx.,  M.S.,  109,  127; 
ElSvjlot-x\-x..t  March  30,  1842;  Diario,  Gob.  Mex.,  March  19,  1842;  Yoakum, 
ii.  349-50. 

10  Besides  being  published  in  pamphlet  form  it  is  reproduced  in  Id.,  ii. 
544_58;  Houston,  Life  of,  211-24;  and  elsewhere. 


MEXICO  INDIGNANT.  349 

dress  the  Mexican  president  by  the  perusal  of  certain 
correspondence  which  had  lately  passed  between 
Santa  Anna,  and  Bernard  E.  Bee  and  General  Ham 
ilton,  and  to  which  his  notice  had  been  called.  These 
agents  of  Texas  had  written  to  Santa  Anna  on  their 
own  responsibility.  Bee's  main  object  was  to  pro 
cure  good  treatment  of  the  Santa  Fe  prisoners;  but 
he  urged  that  that  expedition  afforded  an  opportunity 
of  again  discussing  the  question  of  a  treaty  of  peace 
with  Texas,  and  somewhat  imprudently  asserted  that 
Mexico  would  never  be  able  to  conquer  Texas  except 
in  defiance  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  law  of  na 
tions.  All  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley  of  the  Mis 
sissippi,  he  said,  would  march  upon  Texas  as  soon  as 
they  heard  that  she  was  invaded.  Hamilton's  com 
munication  contained  a  proposal  that  a  treaty  of  peace 
and  limitation  should  be  entered  into,  on  the  basis  of 
an  indemnification  of  $5,000,000  being  paid  to  Mexico, 
and  $200,000  to  the  secret  agents  of  the  Mexican 
government.  Santa  Anna  was  professedly  very  in 
dignant  at  these  letters,  especially  that  of  Hamilton.11 
In  no  measured  terms  he  expressed  his  profound  dis 
gust  that  a  proposition  should  be  made  to  him  for 
"the  sale  of  Texas  and  the  acquisition  of  infamy."  It 
was  a  miscalculation,  he  said,  and  an  audacity ;  and 
the  offer  of  $200,000  for  the  secret  agents  of  the 
Mexican  government  was  "an  insult  and  infamy  un 
worthy  of  a  gentleman."  Having  thus  given  vent  to 
his  virtuous  indignation,  Santa  Anna  asserted  that 
Mexico  would  not  vary  her  hostile  attitude  until  she 
had  planted  her  eagle  standard  on  the  banks  of  the 
Sabine.  Santa  Anna  had  but  lately  emerged  from 
his  retreat,  and  again  won  his  way  to  the  chief 
magistracy  of  the  nation.  Hamilton's  proposal  af 
forded  him  a  convenient  weapon  with  which  to 
destroy  the  bad  impression  caused  by  his  previous 
conduct  with  regard  to  Texas,  and  deaden  his  coun 
trymen's  remembrance  of  his  readiness  to  barter  that 

11  Copy  of  the  correspondence  will  be  found  in  N&ti  Reg.t  Ixii.  48-51. 


350  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

province  for  his  life.  Nor  did  he  fail  to  make  use  of 
it.  Though  Hamilton's  letter  was  marked  confiden 
tial,  he  caused  it  to  be  published,  together  with  his 
reply,  February  18,  1842. 

Houston,  in  his  letter  above  alluded  to,  says:  "You 
appear  to  have  seized  upon  the  flimsy  pretext  of  con 
fidential  communications,  unknown  to  the  officers  of 
this  government,  and  unknown  to  the  world  until  di 
vulged  by  you  for  the  purpose  of  manufacturing  popu 
larity  at  home."  He  recapitulates  the  circumstances 
under  which  the  Anglo-Americans  were  invited  to 
settle  in  Texas,  and  the  causes  which  had  led  them  to 
assert  their  freedom.  Having  contrasted  the  enormi 
ties  of  Santa  Anna  with  the  clemency  experienced  by 
him  at  the  hands  of  the  Texan  authorities,  and  calling 
attention  to  the  desire  for  peace  which  Texas  had 
shown,  he  adds:  "You  continue  aggression;  you  will 
not  accord  us  peace.  We  will  have  it" ;  and  concludes 
with  a  piece  of  counter  bombast:  "Ere  the  banner  of 
Mexico  shall  triumphantly  float  on  the  banks  of  the 
Sabine,  the  Texan  standard  of  the  single  star,  borne 
by  the  Anglo-Saxon  race,  shall  display  its  bright  folds 
in  liberty's  triumph  on  the  isthmus  of  Darien." 

On  March  26th,  the  president  issued  a  proclama 
tion  declaring  all  the  Mexican  ports  on  the  eastern 
coast  from  Tabasco,  including  the  mouth  of  the  Rio 
Grande  and  the  Brazos  Santiago,  to  be  in  a  state  of 
blockade.  And  here  it  is  necessary  to  give  some  ac 
count  of  the  condition  of  the  Texan  navy  and  its  op 
erations. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  first  congress 
authorized 12  the  purchase  of  a  certain  number  of  war 
vessels.  A  contract  was  made,  November  1838,  with 
Frederick  Dawson  of  Baltimore,  who,  in  the  months 
of  June,  August,  and  October  1839,  delivered  to  the 
Texan  government  the  schooners  San  Jacinto,  San 

12  Nov.  18,  1836;  does  not  seem  to  have  been  acted  upon,  as  another  one 
was  passed  Nov.  4,  1837,  providing  for  the  purchase  of  a  500-ton  ship  mount 
ing  18  guns,  two  300-ton  origs,  12  guns  each,  and  three  130-ton  schooners,  5 
guns  each.  Tex.  Laws  Rep.,  ii.  13-14. 


THE  NAVY.  36] 

Antonio,  and  San  Bernard,  each  mounting  5  guns ;  the 
sloop-of-war  Austin,  20  guns,  and  the  brigs  Colorado 
and  Dolphin.  General  Hamilton  also  purchased  for 
the  government,  in  March  of  the  same  year,  the 
steamship  Zavala,  mounting  8  guns.13  In  June  1840, 
this  naval  force,  with  the  exception  of  the  Colorado, 
was  sent  to  the  coast  of  Yucatan,  which  state,  and 
that  of  Tabasco,  had  revolted  against  the  central  gov 
ernment.  The  Texan  authorities  were  therefore  de 
sirous  of  ascertaining  the  feelings  of  these  states  toward 
Texas.  After  their  visit  to  Yucatan,  the  vessels  were 
ordered  to  cruise  about  the  eastern  coast  of  Mexico 
and  annoy  her  commerce.  As  the  Mexican  navy  had 
been  destroyed  by  the  French,  the  Texans  at  this 
time  were  masters  on  the  sea,  and  Houston  was  justi 
fied  in  proclaiming  the  blockade.  In  May  1841,  Yu 
catan  proclaimed  her  independence,  and  in  September 
sent  Colonel  Martin  Francisco  Peraza  as  envoy  to 
Texas  to  arrange  a  treaty  of  friendship  and  alliance 
against  Mexico.  Arrangements  were  soon  concluded, 
Texas  engaging  to  furnish  a  naval  squadron  for  the 
protection  of  the  coast  and  commerce  of  Yucatan, 
while  the  latter  agreed  to  pay  its  expenses  in  part 
during  the  time  it  operated  against  the  common 
enemy.14  In  the  autumn  of  that  year,  the  greater 
portion  of  the  Texan  navy  sailed  to  Yucatan.  The 
vessels  returned  in  May  1842,  and  were  ordered  to 
New  Orleans  and  Mobile  to  undergo  repairs,  prepara 
tory  to  enforcing  the  blockade.  While  in  the  Missis 
sippi,  a  mutiny  occurred  on  board  the  San  Antonio, 
and  several  of  the  ringleaders  were  hanged  at  the 
yard-arm.  In  August  of  the  same  year,  that  vessel 
was  sent  to  Yucatan  to  collect  dues  from  the  govern 
ment  of  that  seceded  state,  but  was  never  heard  of 
afterward.  It  is  believed  that  she  foundered  at  sea 


13  The  cost  of  this  navy  was  nearly  $800,000,  which  were  paid  in  govern 
ment  bonds.  Report  of  Sec.  of  the  Navy,  Nov.  8,  1839;  Yoakum,  ii.  272. 

u  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii.  440-1,  514-15;  Baqueiro,  Ensayo  Yuc,,  42-5; 
Yuc.  Manifiesto,  16-37;  Niks'  Reg.,  Ixi.  66,  131,  196. 


352  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

and  all  hands  perished.  After  the  president  had  is 
sued  his  proclamation  of  blockade,  he  sent  instructions 
to  Commodore  Moore  to  sail  to  Galveston  for  orders. 
Moore  failed  to  report,  and  Houston  sent  a  message 
to  congress,  which  having  been  discussed  in  secret 
session,  an  act  was  secretly  passed,  January  16,  1843, 
authorizing  the  sale  of  the  navy.  Moore,  however, 
refused  to  deliver  the  vessels  up  to  the  commissioners 
sent  to  receive  them,  and  went  with  the  Austin  and 
Wharton — originally  named  the  Dolphin — on  a  cruise 
off  the  coast  of  Yucatan,  with  the  consent  of  the  com 
missioner,  Colonel  Morgan,  who  accompanied  him. 
The  president  thereupon  issued,  March  23d,  a  proc 
lamation  declaring  Moore  suspended,  and  his  future 
actions  piratical.  The  naval  officers  of  all  friendly 
governments  were  requested  to  seize  him  and  the  two 
vessels,  and  bring  them  with  their  crews  into  the  port 
of  Galveston.  This  proclamation  created  a  great  sen 
sation  in  Texas,  and  the  press  passed  numerous  com 
ments  on  it,  most  of  which  were  unfavorable  to 
Houston  and  violent  in  language.15  The  fact  is,  that 
the  popular  sympathies  were  with  the  suspended 
commodore,  who  had  assumed  responsibilities  with 
regard  to  the  expenses  of  the  navy  incurred  at  New 
Orleans.  Moore  pledged  himself  not  to  leave  that 
port  until  he  could  pay  for  provisions  and  repairs. 
When  the  Texan  government  failed  to  furnish  him 
with  funds,  he  considered  that  in  honor  he  was  bound 
not  to  leave  until  the  debts  were  paid,  and  conse 
quently  disregarded  repeated  orders  from  his  govern 
ment  to  proceed  to  Galveston.  On  the  arrival  of  the 
commissioners,  James  Morgan  and  William  Bryan, 
the  former  was  so  impressed  with  Moore's  explanation 
that  when  the  government  of  Yucatan  offered  pecu 
niary  aid  on  the  understanding  that  Moore  should 
repair  to  the  port  of  Campeachy,  and  afford  relief  to 
the  revolutionists,  who  were  then  besieged  by  a  Mex 
ican  army,  he  not  only  consented  that  the  commodore 

15  See  Niks'  Reg.,  Ixiv.  229-31. 


THE  ARCHIVE  WAR.  353 

should  sail  thither  before  going  to  Galveston,  but  also 
accompanied  him.  The  operations  of  the  Texan  navy 
before  Campeachy  were  crowned  with  success,  the 
enemy's  land  batteries  being  destroyed,  and  his  war- 
vessels  damaged,  and  driven  from  that  water.  Moore 
then  sailed  to  Galveston,  whose  people  presently  be 
came  greatly  exasperated  when  it  leaked  out  that 
congress  had  passed  an  act  for  the  sale  of  the  navy. 
Popular  feeling  was  so  strong  that  the  sale  was  not 
attempted,  and  the  act  was  repealed  February  5,  1844, 
and  authority  given  to  the  secretary  of  war  and  marine 
to  lay  the  vessels  up  in  ordinary.16  When  the  annex 
ation  was  effected  in  the  following  year,  the  remaining 
vessels,  four  in  number,  were  transferred  to  the  navy 
of  the  United  States,  and  in  March  1857,  an  appro 
priation  was  made  for  the  pay  granted  the  surviving 
officers  for  five  years  from  the  time  of  annexation, 
provided  that  all  claim  to  any  position  in  the  United 
States  navy  was  relinquished.17  ^.^ 

When  Vasquez  occupied  San  Antonio,  much  alarm 
was  felt  for  the  safety  of  Austin  and  the  government 
archives,  especially  the  records  of  the  general  land- 
office.  The  president,  to  the  indignation  of  the  in 
habitants  of  that  city,  removed  his  cabinet  to  Houston, 
where  congress  held  the  special  session  convened  June 
27,  1842.  But  the  exasperation  of  the  people  of  Aus 
tin  was  so  great  that  they  determined  to  hold  pos 
session  of  the  archives.  A  vigilance  committee  was 
formed,  the  records  were  encased  in  boxes,  and  a  guard 
placed  over  them.  A  force,  moreover,  was  organized 
at  Bastrop  to  patrol  the  roads,  and  prevent  the  pas 
sage  of  any  wagons  containing  government  archives:. 

16  The  navy  at  that  time  consisted  of  the  Austin,  the  Wharton,  Archer — 
formerly  the  Colorado — and  the  San  Bernard,  the  other  vessels  having  been 
wrecked.   Tex.  Laws  Hep.,  8  cong.,  115;  Niles'  Reg.  Ixiv.,  1,  18,  51,  97,  117, 
131,  146,  160-1,  192,  208-10,  229-31,  256,  260-1,  293,  320,  336,  339,  354,  384, 
404;  Mex.  Mem.,  Guerra  y  Mar.,  1844,   15-16,  98;  Robinsons  Mex.,  259-61; 
Thrall,  339-40. 

17  Cong.  Globe,  1856-7,  app.  427;  U.  8.  Sen.  Misc.,  cong.  35,  seas.  1,  ii.  doc. 
132. 

HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.  23. 


354  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

On  December  10,  1842,  Houston  gave  instructions  to 
Captain  Thomas  I.  Smith  to  raise  a  company  secretly, 
and  bring  the  most  necessary  books  and  documents  to 
Washington,  where  congress  was  to  convene  in  regu 
lar  session  that  month.  Smith,  having  avoided  the 
patrols  by  taking  a  circuitous  route,  entered  Austin 
in  the  night  of  December  30th,  and  succeeded  in  load 
ing  three  wagons  with  archive  matter.  This  step  on 
the  part  of  the  president  was  a  surprise  to  the  inhabi 
tants  of  Austin,  and  Smith  hastened  back,  after  hav 
ing  been  fired  upon  without  effect  by  Captain  Mark 
B.  Lewis,  who  having  rallied  a  volunteer  company, 
and  procured  a  cannon  from  the  arsenal,  fired  it  at 
the  intruders.  Having  reached  Kinney's  fort,  on 
Brushy  creek,  Smith  encamped,  but  on  the  following 
morning  discovered  that  Lewis,  with  his  cannon 
pointed,  had  taken  a  position  in  front.  After  some 
parley,  Smith  agreed  to  take  back  the  wagons  to  Aus 
tin.  This  affair  has  been  called  the  Archive  War. 
No  further  attempt  was  made  to  remove  the  records ; 
the  people  of  Austin  retained  possession  of  them  till 
1845,  when,  on  the  occasion  of  the  annexation  con 
vention  being  summoned  to  meet  in  July,  they  deliv 
ered  them  over  to  the  administration  of  Anson  Jones, 
on  condition  that  the  convention  should  assemble  at 
Austin.18 

During  the  second  administration  of  Houston,  Texas 
was  greatly  agitated  by  what  has  been  called  the  war 
of  the  Regulators  and  Moderators.  The  first  out 
break  occurred  in  1842.  The  reader  will  not  fail  to 
remember  that  in  the  early  years  of  the  nineteenth 
century  the  "neutral  ground"  became  the  asylum  of 
adventurers  and  desperate  men,  who  can  only  be  classi 
fied  as  marauders  and  fugitives  from  j ustice.  Although, 
in  the  course  of  events,  these  land  buccaneers  had  been 
suppressed  with  regard  to  their  banditti  organization,19 

18 Id.,  322-C;  Morphii,  Hut.  Tex.,  435-7. 
19  See  pages  16  and  20  of  this  volume. 


REGULATORS  AND  MODERATORS  355 

their  social  element  still  prevailed  on  the  northeastern 
border.     As  immigrants  flocked  into  Texas,  ill-feeling 
was  developed,  which  culminated  in  hostilities.     The 
county  of  Shelby  was  the  main  scene  of  action.     The 
land  commissioners  in  that  county  found  a  profitable 
business  in  issuing  forged    " head-right"  certificates, 
and  it  became  a  focus  for  such  illegal  operations  in  the 
surrounding  districts.     The  holders  of  such  certificates 
were  not  men  inclined  to  give  up  land  which  they  had 
settled  upon.     In   1842,  one,  Charles  W.  Jackson,  a 
fugitive  from  justice,  arrived  in  Shelby  county  from 
Louisiana,  and  offered  himself  as  a  candidate  for  the 
Texan  congress.     Being    defeated,  he    undertook  to 
expose  the  land  frauds,  declaring  that  his  defeat  was 
owing  to  the  opposition  of  the  party  connected  with 
them.     Having  notified  the  general  land-office  of  the 
illegal  proceedings  which  had  taken  place,   Jackson 
received  an  intimation  from  Joseph  Goodbread  that, 
if  he  did  not  desist  from  interfering,  his  life  would  be 
taken.     Whereupon  the  former,  while  presenting  his 
reply,  shot  the  latter  dead  in  the  town  of  Shelby ville. 
Great  excitement  followed ;  Jackson  was  called  to  trial ; 
the  court  was  thronged  by  armed  men,  and  the  judge 
failed  to  appear.     The  fugitive  from  Louisiana  now 
organized  his  party,  and  formed  a  society  which  as 
sumed  the  name  of  Regulators.     The  operations  of 
this  society  were  somewhat  arbitrary,  and  there  is  no 
doubt  that  many  honest  men  lost  their  lands,  and  the 
prospective  fruit  of  their  industry.     Opposition  there 
fore    appeared.     A    society  which    styled    itself  the 
Moderators  was   organized,  and  a  kind  of  vendetta 
warfare  was   carried   on    for   three   years.     Matters 
finally  assumed  so  serious  an  aspect  that  the  two  fac 
tions  drew  up  in  battle-front  against  each  other.     The 
executive  now  interfered.     The  country  was  threat 
ened  with  civil  war,  and  Houston  ordered    General 
Smith  to  raise  a  militia  force,  and  put  a  stop  to  this 
internecine    struggle.     With  about    500  men,  Smith 
marched  to  the  scene  of  action,  finding  the  opposing 


356  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

forces  in  front  of  each  other.  By  the  exercise  of 
prudence  and  good  judgment,  he  induced  the  belliger 
ents  to  lay  down  their  arms,  and  submit  to  the  laws 
of  the  republic;2'  but  for  some  years  afterward,  the 
spirit  developed  by  this  clash  of  interests  found  ex 
pression  in  many  a  homicide. 

In  August,  1842,  the  British  government  declared 
its  intention  to  remain  neutral  during  the  struggle  of 
Texas  for  independence,  and  prohibited  English  sea 
men  from  serving  in  the  cause  of  Mexico.  In  April 
of  the  same  year,  Ashbel  Smith,  minister  to  England 
and  France,  discovered  that  two  heavily  armed  war 
ships  were  being  constructed  in  England  for  the  Mexi 
can  government,  the  Guadalupe  and  the  Montezuma. 
On  representations,  forcibly  expressed  by  the  Texan 
representative,  these  vessels  were  forbidden  to  leave 
port  in  an  armed  condition,  or  carrying  ammunition  of 
war.  British  officers,  captains  Cleveland  and  Charle- 
wood  of  the  English  navy,  had  been  appointed  to 
command  them,  and  the  vessels  were  principally 
manned  by  British  seamen.  With  some  tardiness  the 
British  government  yielded  to  the  energetic  remon 
strances  of  Ashbel  Smith,21  caused  the  vessels  to  dis 
charge  their  recruits  and  armament,  and  notified  the 
above-mentioned  captains  that  if  they  took  part  in 
operations  against  Texas  their  names  would  be  stricken 
from  the  rolls  of  her  Majesty's  service.  The  Monte 
zuma  and  Guadalupe  sailed  to  the  Mexican  coast,  and 
were  roughly  handled  by  Commodore  Moore  off  the 
shore  of  Yucatan. 

'*  Further  particulars  of  this  war  of  the  Regulators  and  Moderators  will 
be  found  in  Yoakum,  ii.  4.37-40,  where  notice  will  be  found  of  Moorman  kill 
ing  Bradley  at  the  church  door  of  San  Augustine  at  the  close  of  divine  ser 
vice,  in  the  summer  of  1844.  During  the  hostilities  at  this  time,  about  50 
persons  were  killed  or  wounded.  Moorman  was  killed  by  Burns  two  or  three 
years  afterward  as  he  was  crossing  the  Sabine.  Id. ,  Defensor  Irdey.  Nac. ,  Oct. 
'23,  1844,  3;  Todd's  Sketch,  MS. 

21  By  act  59,  George  III.,  discretionary  powers  were  conferred  on  the 
privy  council  relative  to  British  naval  officers  entering  the  service  of  a  for 
eign  power.  For  general  particulars  consult  Smith,  Rem.  Tex.  Rep.,  34-5, 
H9-40;  Hansard's  Parl  Record,  Ixv.  964-5. 


AFFAIRS  WITH  MEXICO.  357 

President  Houston,  in  his  message  to  congress  in 
June  1842,  did  not  take  the  responsibility  of  advis 
ing  an  invasion  of  Mexico.  Though  he  did  not  be 
lieve  that  any  formidable  invasion  would  ever  be 
accomplished  by  Mexico,  he  felt  convinced  that  even- 
impediment  would  be  interposed  to  the  peace  and 
prosperity  of  the  frontiers,  and  urged  congress  to 
adopt  measures  for  their  protection.  Congress,  how 
ever,  passed  a  bill  authorizing  an  offensive  war  against 
Mexico.  As  the  carrying  out  of  such  a  measure 
would  require  at  least  5,000  troops,  and  it  was  im 
possible  to  devise  means  for  the  payment  of  so  large 
a  body,  the  president  vetoed  the  bill, — a  proceeding 
which  brought  out  strong  feeling  against  him.  Early 
in  July  General  Davis  on  the  Nueces  was  attacked 
by  Canales  with  700  men,  500  of  whom  were  cavalry. 
The  former,  however,  repulsed  the  enemy,  though  he 
had  only  192  volunteers.  Two  months  later  General 
Woll  took  possession  of  San  Antonio,  September 
llth,  after  some  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  Anglo- 
Texan  citizens.  After  some  parley  the  Texans,  fifty- 
two  in  number,  surrendered  on  condition  that  they 
should  be  treated  with  all  the  consideration  of  prison 
ers  of  war.  Woll's  force  was  nearly  1,000  men, 
twelve  of  whom  were  killed  and  twenty-nine  wounded. 
The  Texans  sustained  no  casualties  whatever.22 

When  it  became  known  in  Gonzalez  that  Bejar  was 
again  occupied  by  the  Mexicans,  a  force  of  about  220 
men,  under  Colonel  Mathew  Caldwell  assembled  in 
the  Salado  bottom,  about  six  miles  east  of  the  town. 
A  good  position  was  taken  up  in  a  thick  wood,  and 
Captain  John  C.  Hayes  sent  forward  with  his  mounted 
company  to  draw  out  the  enemy.  The  ruse  was  suc 
cessful,  a  strong  body  of  cavalry  advanced  upon 

22  Green's  Journal,  29-30.  Woll  in  his  report  says,  that  his  loss  was  one 
killed  and  20  wounded,  that  of  the  Texans  12  killed,  3  wounded,  and  52 
prisoners.  Ezpedic.  hecha  en  Tejas,  15,  35;  also  20-1,  where  a  list  of  the  names 
of  the  prisoners  will  be  found,  and  among  them  those  of  the  district  judge, 
of  lawyers,  physicians,  surgeons,  and  other  civilians.  According  to  Woll  a 
number  of  combatants  escaped. 


358  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

Hayes  who  retreated  toward  the  main  body.  Woll 
presently  came  up  with  the  remainder  of  his  forces 
and  maintained  a  fight  for  about  an  hour,  losing  many 
men  in  killed  and  wounded.  Meantime  a  company  of 
53  Texans,  from  Payette  county  under  command  of 
Nicolas  Dawson,  hastened  to  the  assistance  of  Cald 
well,  and  being  perceived  by  the  enemy  on  their 
approach,  were  presently  surrounded.  The  enemy, 
however,  kept  well  out  of  range,  and  bringing  up 
a  light  field-piece  poured  showers  of  grape  upon  the 
exposed  Texans.  In  a  short  time  two  thirds  of  them 
had  fallen,  and  nearly  all  of  their  horses  were  killed. 
Dawson  now  hoisted  a  white  flag,  but  several  of  his 
men  continued  to  fire  and  were  put  to  death.  By  the 
exertions  of  the  Mexican  officers  the  lives  of  fifteen 
were  spared;  five  of  these  prisoners  were  wounded. 

Two  men  only  made  their  escape.  After  this  affair, 
which  took  place  September  18th,  Woll  returned  to 
San  Antonio  having  lost,  according  to  his  own  state 
ment,  29  killed  and  58  wounded.23  He  took  with  him 
67  prisoners  who,  as  usual,  were  sent  on  foot  to  the 
city  of  Mexico.  On  the  20th  he  departed  for  the  Rio 
Grande,  while  Caldwell,  whose  force  was  now  over 
500  men,  followed  close  upon  his  heels,  and  on  one 
occasion  engaged  in  a  skirmish  with  his  rear  guard. 
For  some  reason  that  is  not  clear  the  Texans  failed  to 
attack,24  and  after  a  pursuit  of  thirty  or  forty  miles 
returned. 

When  the  news  of  this  second  invasion  became 
known  the  demon  of  war  was  aroused,  Houston  hav 
ing  issued  a  proclamation,  September  1 6th,  calling  for 

23  Among   the    killed    was   Vicente    Cordova,    the    Mexican    agent    at 
Nacogdova. 

24  General  Thomas  Green  says:  '  Much  has  been  said  against  Caldwell  and 
others  for  not  so  doing,  and  the  blame  has  been  charged  upon  several; '  but 
he   regarded  it  a  mischance   in  war   rather   than   the   want  of    bravery. 
Journal,  35.     Besides  the   authorities  on  Woll's  campaign  already  quoted, 
see  Pap.   Var.,  162,  no.  4;  Joseph  C.  Robinson's  account  in  Tex.  Aim.,  1368, 
45-8;  La  Minerva,  May  15,  1845,  3;  Rivera,  Hint.  Jalapa,  iii.  539-41;  Bmta- 
,»ante,  Hist.  S.  Anna,  83-4;  Diario  del  Gob.,  June  1,  1842,  and  Feb.  8  and  9r 
1843,  in  Id.-,  Diario  Mex.,  MS.,  xlv.  53,  xlvi.  77,  87;  Niks'  Ren.,  Ixiii.  177-8, 
338;  Domenech,  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  177-8;   Yoalcum.,  ii.  363-6. 


RESULT  OF  INVASION.  359 

volunteers  to  cross  the  Rio  Grande,  and  assigning 
Bejar  as  the  place  of  rendezvous,  a  considerable 
number  of  troops  was  soon  in  motion  toward  that 
place.  General  Somerville  had  been  sent  by  Hous 
ton,  from  Matagorda,  to  take  command,  an  appoint 
ment  which  did  not  meet  with  the  favor  of  the  militia 
men  drafted,  who  wished  to  be  led  by  General  Burle- 
son.  On  arriving  at  Columbus,  on  the  Colorado. 
Somerville  found  between  200  and  300  men  collected. 
When  he  learned  that  Burleson  had  been  sent  for, 
and  was  expected  to  arrive  presently,  he  forthwith  dis 
banded  the  men  and  returned  to  Matagorda.  Never 
theless,  on  October  13th,  a  special  order  was  issued 
to  General  Somerville,  instructing  him  to  organize 
and  drill  such  volunteers  as  would  be  obedient  to 
orders,  and  to  establish  his  camp  some  distance  from 
Bejar.  On  his  arrival  there,  he  found  about  1,200 
militia  men  and  volunteers  encamped  in  the  vicinity  at 
six  or  eight  different  points,  at  distances  varying  from 
one  to  ten  miles.  Much  discontent  soon  manifested 
itself,  owing  to  want  of  provisions,  ammunition,  and 
clothing,  and  disorder  was  occasioned  by  the  insubor 
dinate  tendencies  of  some  persons  and  the  aspirations 
of  others  to  the  chief  command.  Somerville's  indif 
ference,  moreover,  and  want  of  interest  in  the  cam 
paign,  caused  much  murmuring,  and  gave  encourage 
ment  to  these  ambitious  malecontents.  The  result  was 
that  a  large  number  of  the  volunteers  returned  home. 
On  November  18th,  however,  Somerville,  with  750 
men,  commenced  his  march  to  the  Rio  Grande  and 
reached  Laredo  on  the  Texan  side  of  the  river,  De 
cember  8th. 

That  Somerville  had  no  control  over  his  troops  is 
apparent.  But  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the 
men  under  him  were  bent  on  invading  Mexico,  a 
movement  contrary  both  to  the  executive's  secret 
wishes  who  saw  reasons  to  change  his  previous  views,25 

25  Somerville's  instructions  were:  '  When  the  force  shall  have  assembled, 
if  their  strength  and  condition  will  warrant  a  movement  upon  the  enemy,  it 
is  desirable  that  it  should  be  executed  with  promptness  and  efficiency.' 


360  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

and  to  the  inclinations  of  Somerville.  On  the  day 
after  entering  Laredo,  which  was  evacuated  on  the 
approach  of  the  Texans,  Somerville  moved  down  the 
river  instead  of  crossing  as  was  expected  by  the 
troops.  This  movement  was  regarded  as  an  indica 
tion  on  his  part  to  return  home.  About  300  men 
marched  to  Loredo  and  plundered  the  town ;  but  the 
spoils,  for  the  most  part,  were  restored  to  the  owners. 
On  the  10th  a  council  of  war  was  held,  the  general 
addressed  the  troops  with  regard  to  the  question  of 
crossing  the  Rio  Grande  or  returning  home,  stating 
his  readiness  to  lead  them  if  it  was  still  their  desire  to 
pursue  the  enemy.  About  200  voted  to  return,  and 
were  permitted  to  do  so. 

The  Texan  force  was  still  some  550  strong,  but 
Somerville's  generalship  disgusted  the  men.  He 
caused  them  to  march  tnrough  thick  chaparral  down 
the  left  side  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and  arriving  opposite 
Guerrero,  December  14th,  crossed  the  river  on  that, 
and  the  following  day,  and  made  a  requisition  on  the 
town.  This  was  very  indifferently  complied  with, 
and  Somerville,  instead  of  enforcing  it,  recrossed  the 
river,  the  passage  being  greatly  facilitated  by  the  use 
of  six  large  flat-boats  found  near  Guerrero.  This 
retrograde  movement  increased  the  contempt  for  the 
general,  now  openly  expressed.  On  December  19th 
he  issued  an  order  of  march,  to  the  effect  that  the 
army  would  proceed  to  Gonzalez,  and  there  be  dis 
banded;  whereupon  captains  Cameron,  Eastland, 
Reese,  Pierson,  Ryan,  and  Buster,  supported  by  their 
companies,  refused  obedience,  declaring  it  their  in 
tention  to  march  down  the  river  and  accomplish 
something  that  would  redeem  the  expedition  from 
contempt.  Somerville,  with  about  200  men,  mostly 
drafted  militia,  returned  to  Bejar,  leaving  300  vol- 

M.  C.  Hamilton,  Sec.  qf  War,  to  A.  Somerville,  Oct.  13,  1842;  Yoahum,  ii. 
367-8.  Green  asserts  that  the  president  never  intended  to  punish  the 
enemy,  and  therefore,  maintained  Somerville  in  command,  knowing  that  if 
Burleson  was  appointed  according  to  the  wish  of  the  army,  an  invasion  of 
Mexico  would  follow.  Journal,  40. 


ARMY  MOVEMENTS. 

unteers  to  operate  against  Mexico  as  they  please 

On  the  departure  of  Somerville,  Colonel  William  S. 
Fisher  was  elected  commander,  and  it  being  decided 
to  descend  the  river  to  Mier,  a  portion  of  the  force 
was  embarked  with  baggage  and  provisions,  on  board 
the  flat-boats,  which  were  placed  under  the  direction 
of  General  Green.27  The  flotilla  arid  land  force  pro 
ceeded  in  company  until  December  21st,  when  the 
troops  encamped  together  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  about  seven  miles  above  Mier.  On  the  fol 
lowing  morning,  a  council  of  war  being  held,  it  was 
decided  to  march  into  the  city,  and  make  a  requisition 
on  it  for  supplies.  A  sufficient  number  of  men  having 
been  detailed  for  a  camp-guard,  Fisher,  with  the  main 
body,  crossed  over,  entered  the  town,  and  made  the 
requisition,  the  alcalde  promising  to  deliver  the  stores 
demanded  on  the  next  day  at  the  river.  Fisher  then 
returned  to  camp,  taking  with  him  the  alcalde  as 
security.  On  the  23d  the  army  was  moved  down 
stream  to  a  point  opposite  the  town,  where  the  sup 
plies  were  to  be  sent.  Nothing  transpired  till  the 
25th.  The  requisition  had  not  been  filled,  nor  had 
any  intelligence  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy  been 
brought  in  by  the  scouts.  But  on  that  day  a  Mexican 
was  captured,  who  gave  the  information  that  General 
Ampudia,  and  the  former  federal  leader,  Colonel 
Canales  had  entered  the  town  with  700  men,  pre- 

26 Id.,  41-69;  Stapp's  Prisoners  of  Perote,  22-30.  Both  this  author  and 
Gen.  Thomas  J.  Green  accompanied  the  expedition,  and  were  fellow-pris 
oners  at  Perote.  They  published  their  narratives  from  journals  kept  by 
themselves.  Alexander  Somerville  was  a  native  of  Maryland,  and  migrated 
to  Texas  in  1833,  where  he  followed  his  business  as  a  merchant  at  San  Felipe. 
In  1835  he  participated  in  the  operations  around  San  Antonio,  and  on  the  re 
organization  of  the  army,  early  in  1836,  was  made  lieutenant-colonel.  After 
the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  in  which  he  took  part,  he  became  senator  in  the 
Texan  congress  in  1836-7.  After  his  return  from  the  ill-conducted  expe 
dition  to  the  Rio  Grande,  he  was  made  collector  of  customs  at  Saluria. 
Somerville  was  accidentally  drowned  in  1854.  Yoakum,  ii.  368;  Thrall,  622. 
Both  of  these  authors  write  'Somervell.' 

27  The  aubhor  of  the  Journal  of  the  Texan  Expedition  against  Mier,  ....  New 
York,  1845,  8vo.  pp.  487.  Green  was  an  opponent  of  Houston's,  and  in  hia 
Reply  to  the  Speech  of  General  Sam  Houston  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  Aug. 
1,  1854,  makes  use  of  a  style  of  vituperation  which  could  only  have  been  en 
joyed  by  Houston's  bitterest  enemies. 


END   OF   THE  TEXAN   REPUBLIC. 


vented  the  performance  of  the  alcalde's  promise,  and 
taken  up  a  position  on  the  river  two  miles  below. 
The  Texans  decided  to  cross  the  river  and  engage 
the  Mexicans,  Captain  Baker  with  his  spy  company 
being  sent  in  advance.  Ampudia,  however,  on  the 
approach  of  the  army  retreated  into  the  town. 

The  Texans  now  inarched   in  the  direction  of  the 
city,  and  at  7  o'clock  in  the  evening,  took  up  a  posi- 


&AUSTIN 


•'•  n  I 

M  I   \  l  <   n 


ROUTES  OF  ARMIES. 

tion  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Alcantro,28  a  small  stream 
flowing  into  the  Rio  Grande,  after  describing  a  semi 
circle  round  the  northern  portion  of  the  town.  The 
night  set  in  very  dark.  At  the  lower  ford  the  Mexi 
can  cavalry  was  stationed,  and  a  constant  fire  was 
kept  upon  them  by  Baker's  company,  distracting  at 
tention  while  Green  succeeded  in  discovering  a  cross 
ing  some  little  distance  above.  Having  crossed  with 
some  difficulty — the  bluff  being  about  forty  feet  above 
the  water's  edge,  and  very  steep — the  Texans  having 
fired  into  a  picket,  advanced  into  a  street  leading  to 
the  principal  square  and  protected  by  a  cannon.  From 
this  thoroughfare  they  turned  to  the  right  and  took 
possession  of  some  stone  houses,  where  they  main- 

148  Called   by  Ampudia,  in  his  report,    the  Alamo.  Diario  del  Gob.  Mex.. 
Jan.  19,1843. 


HARD   FIGHTING.  3G3 

tained  themselves  till  morning.  Thus  lodged,  the 
Texans  ceased  their  fire,  husbanding  their  ammunition 
for  the  coming  conflict.  The  Mexicans  kept  up  a 
continuous  but  useless  fire  for  the  rest  of  the  night. 

When  morning  dawned  the  artillery  of  the  enemy 
was  soon  silenced  by  the  rifles  of  the  Texans,  and  the 
Mexicans  had  recourse  to  the  house-tops,  from  which 
they  poured  down  volleys  of  musketry  at  the  win 
dows  and  loopholes  of  the  buildings  occupied  by  the 
Texans.  But  while  the  fire  of  the  former  had  little 
effect,  that  of  the  unerring  Texan  marksmen  was 
deadly.  Several  times  the  enemy  charged  the  in 
vaders,  but  was  repulsed  with  slaughter.  Thus  the 
contest  was  carried  on  till  noon. 

Captain  Berry  on  the  previous  evening  had  fallen 
down  a  precipice  and  broken  his  thigh.  lie  was  re 
moved  to  a  hut  some  little  distance  from  the  place  of 
his  accident,  and  Doctor  Sinnickson  and  a  guard  of 
seven  men  were  detailed  to  attend  upon  him.  About 
this  time  the  men  with  Berry  attacked  and  routed  a 
troop  of  the  enemy's  cavalry,  and  were  presently  sur 
rounded  by  a  strong  body  of  horsemen.  In  attempting 
to  fight  their  way  through,  two  Texans  only  suc 
ceeded  in  joining  their  comrades  engaged  in  the  town; 
three  were  made  prisoners,  and  three  killed ;  while 
Captain  Berry  was  killed  in  his  bed.  Captain  Cam 
eron  had  lost  three  men  killed  and  seven  wounded, 
and  some  little  confusion  for  the  first  time  showed 
itself  in  the  Texan  command.  It  was  soon,  however, 
suppressed;  and  the  men  were  well  prepared  to  resist 
another  charge  momentarily  expected,  when  a  flag  of 
truce  arrived  from  the  enemy's  line  borne  by  Sinnick 
son, — one  of  the  captives  just  taken  by  the  Mexican 
cavalry, — who  was  unaware  of  the  heavy  losses  sus 
tained  by  the  Mexicans,  and  the  shattered  condition  of 
the  force. 

Yes,  the  Mexican  commander  had  recourse  to  the 
old  ruse  of  the  white  flag ;  and  again  the  Texans  were 
hoodwinked  by  their  crafty  and  treacherous  foe. 


364  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

Sinnickson 29  was  directed  to  state  to  Fisher  that  the 
Mexican  regular  force  in  the  city  was  1700  strong, 
and  that  a  reenforcement  of  800  more  troops  was 
hourly  expected  from  Monterey.  Ampudia,  there 
fore,  in  the  cause  of  humanity,  offered  the  Texans  an 
honorable  surrender,  promising  them  that  they  should 
be  treated  as  prisoners  of  war,  and  should  not  be  sent 
to  Mexico.  An  hour  was  allowed  them  to  choose 
between  capitulation  and  death.  Much  discussion 
followed  the  arrival  of  the  flag.30  Most  of  the  men 
were  not  disposed  to  become  dupes,  and  wished  to 
hold  their  position  till  night  and  then  retreat ;  but 
still  there  were  many,  who  in  view  of  the  supposed 
superior  numbers  of  the  enemy,  the  diminished  supply 
of  their  own  ammunition,  and  the  apparent  hopelessness 
of  retreat,  were  willing  to  surrender.  Among  the 
latter  was  Fisher,  who  believed  that  a  retreat  would 
involve  the  loss  of  two-thirds  of  the  force.  Ad 
dressing  the  troops,  he  recommended  them  to  accept 
the  terms  offered.  One  half  of  the  force  thereupon 
marched  into  the  square  and  delivered  up  their  arms, 
followed  by  the  rest,  furious  with  indignation. 

In  this  engagement  the  aggregate  force  of  the 
Texans  was  261  men,  42  having  been  left  on  the  east 
bank  of  the  Rio  Grande  as  camp-guard.  These  latter 
returned  home  in  safety.  The  loss  of  the  invaders 
was  16  killed  or  mortally  wounded,  17  severely,  and 
several  slightly  wounded.31  The  number  of  Mexicans 
engaged  was  over  2,000;32  what  their  loss  was  can 

29  Sinnickson 's  part  has  been  severely  condemned.     See  Stapp,  Prisoners 
ofPerote,  101-2. 

30  Ampudia  states  in  his  official  report,  that  the  Texans  sent  in  the  flag  of 
truce,  and  that  he  dictated  his  terms  to  them.     Diario  del  Gob.  Hex. ,  Jan. 
19,  1843.     The  fact  is  he  was  preparing  to  retreat  in  case  the  white  flag  was 
not  received. 

31  List    of    those    engaged    at    Mier,    who    were    killed    and    mortally 
wounded  will  be  found  in  Green,  utsup.,  437-43.     In  Ampudia 's  official  re 
port,  as  above  quoted,  a  list  of  the  prisoners,  248  in  number,  and  their  avo 
cations  in  Texas  will  also  be  found.     The  Mexican  general  states  that  the 
Texans  had  38  killed,  and  56  wounded. 

32  The  army  was  composed  of  the  battalion  of  zapadores;  a  company  of 
regular  artillery;  several  companies  of  the  7th  infantry;  several  companies 
of  the  Yucatan  infantry;  the  3d  cavalry  regiment,  and  some  companies  of 
citizen  defenders — ( defensores. ' 


ESCAPE   OF   PRISONERS.  365 

only  be  conjectured;  but  it  was  probably  about  600 
in  killed  and  wounded.33 

After  their  surrender  the  Texan s  were  closely  con 
fined  in  crowded  and  filthy  apartments  till  December 
31st,  when  Ampudia,  leaving  behind  the  more  seri 
ously  wounded  of  the  Texans,  took  up  his  march  to 
Matamoros,  where  he  arrived  with  his  footsore  pris 
oners  to  the  number  of  235,  January  9,  1843.  The 
unfortunate  captives,  who  already  realized  the  mis 
take  that  had  been  made  in  relying  upon  Mexican 
veracity,  were  started  on  the  14th,  under  a  strong 
cavalry  guard,  on  their  journey  to  Mexico.  Their 
hardships  and  privations  on  the  road  were  similar  to 
those  suffered  by  the  Santa  Fe  prisoners,  but  at  the 
large  towns,  especially  at  Monterey,  they  received 
kind  treatment.  Moreover  Colonel  Barragan,  an 
accomplished  and  humane  officer,  took  command  of 
their  escort  at  this  city.  But  the  deception  that  had 
been  practised  upon  them  added  gall  to  the  bitterness 
of  captivity,  and  they  determined  to  strike  for  free 
dom.  Preparations  were  made  to  charge  the  guard 
at  the  hacienda  of  Rinconada,  but  the  plan  was  frus 
trated  by  the  vigilance  of  the  commanding  officer, 
who  suspected  the  plot.  Having  passed  Saltillo  and 
reached  the  hacienda  del  Salado,  forty  leagues  be 
yond,  on  the  evening  of  the  10th,  it  was  determined 
no  longer  to  defer  making  the  attempt  to  escape. 
The  prisoners  having  matured  their  plans,  Captain 
Cameron  was  appointed  to  give  the  signal  next 
morning. 

Between  daylight  and  sunrise  their  breakfast  was 

33  Green,  page  108,  says  between  700  and  800  killed  and  wounded.  Stapp, 
visup.,  37,  considered  that  upward  of  600  were  slain,  and  that  the  number 
of  wounded  was  unknown.  But  he  places  the  Mexican  army  at  the  high 
number  of  over  3,200.  Ampudia  reported  his  loss  to  be  33  killed  and  65 
wounded;  and  that  22,000  musket  cartridges  had  been  expended  in  the  battle, 
besides  900  double-shotted  ones,  and  a  quantity  of  artillery  ammunition. 
These  figures  do  not  agree  with  Green's  statement  on  page  109.  He  says, 
according  to  the  official  report  to  the  war  department,  900  cannon  cartridges, 
43,000  musket  cartridges,  and  300  rockets  were  expended.  Mexican  ac 
counts  of  the  Mier  expedition  will  be  found  in  El  Siylo  XIX.,  Jan.  11,  1843; 
Bmtamante,  Hist.  Santa  Anna,  110-12;  JRivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii.  571-2. 


366  END  OF  THE  TEXAN   REPUBLIC. 

dealt  out  to  the  captives,  who  were  confined  in  a  large 
corral  surrounded  by  high  walls.  The  cavalry  were 
picketed  outside,  and  the  infantry  occupied  a  quad 
rangular  stone  court  and  the  buildings  connected  with 
it.  A  large  doorway  opened  from  the  court  into  the 
corral.  Cameron  carelessly  lounged  up  to  the  doorway, 
the  eyes  of  all  his  fellow-prisoners  intensely  fixed 
upon  him.  Suddenly,  shouting  out  the  signal  cry,  he 
seized  one  of  the  sentinels  and  disarmed  him.  S. 
H.  Walker  dealt  similarly  with  the  other.  The 
Texans  rushed  like  unleashed  hounds  into  the  court, 
and  seizing  the  muskets  stacked  against  the  walls 
drove  out  the  infantry  after  a  few  shots.  But  while 
arming  themselves  a  company  of  infantry  and  some 
cavalrymen  rallied  outside,  and  prepared  to  receive 
them.  There  could  be  no  hesitation  now.  Doctor 
Brenham  and  Patrick  Lyons34  leading  the  way,  the 
Texans  rushed  through  the  gateway.  Brenham  and 
Lyons  immediately  fell,  and  several  others  were 
wounded.  But  the  Mexicans  had  too  much  dread  of 
Texans  with  firearms  in  their  hands,  and  fled  after  a 
feeble  resistance.  The  loss  of  the  victors  was  five 
killed  and  five  wounded;35  that  of  the  Mexicans 
probably  not  many  more.  By  this  bold  charge,  so 
suddenly  and  successfully  executed,  the  Texans  ob 
tained  possession  of  160  muskets  and  carbines,  a 
dozen  swords  and  pistols,  three  mule  loads  of  ammu 
nition,  and  nearly  100  mules  and  horses. 

To  the  number  of  193,36  the  fugitives,  at  10  o'clock 
A.  M.,  started  for  home.  Leaving  Saltillo  on  their 
right,  they  struck  the  road  to  Monclova,  about  thirty- 
five  miles  north  of  the  former  place.  Thus  far,  all 

3*  'Both  released  Santa  Fe  prisoners.'  Stapp,  ut  sup.,  58.  Brenham  was 
one  of  the  foremost  to  counsel  a  charge  upon  the  guard.  Id.,  56. 

35  The  names  of  the  killed  were:  Brenham,  Lyons,  Rice,  Capt.  Fitzgerald, 
and  John  Hagerty;  of  the  wounded  Captain  Baker,  and  privates  Hancock, 
Harvey,  Sansbury,  and  Trahern.  Id.,  59. 

36  The  wounded  were  left  behind  with  about  20  others,  who  refused  to  ac 
company  them.  Stapp,  59.     Col  Fisher  and  Gen.  Green,  with  some  others, 
had  been  started  in  advance  that  morning  before  the  charge  was  made,  and 
could  not  take  part  in  it. 


RECAPTURE  AND   DECIMATION.  867 

had  gone  well;  but  on  February  14th,  Cameron,  who 
had  been  chosen  commander,  was  induced  by  the  ob 
stinacy  of  the  more  timid  of  the  party  to  abandon  the 
road  and  take  refuge  in  the  mountains.  This  was 
contrary  to  the  urgent  advice  of  a  European  friend, 
who  had  met  them  on  the  way,  and  assured  them 
that  if  they  kept  on  the  road  to  Monclova,  no  detach 
ment  could  immediately  be  sent  in  pursuit  large  enough 
to  recapture  them.  The  step  taken  was  fatal;  they 
entered  a  barren  and  waterless  mountain  region.  Hag 
gard  with  hunger,  crazy  with  thirst,  having  killed 
some  of  their  animals  for  food,  and  abandoned  the 
rest,  they  wandered  on  till  the  18th,  when  the  main 
body,  scattered  and  exhausted,  surrendered,  without 
show  of  resistance,  to  a  body  of  cavalrymen.  Cameron, 
with  about  fifty  of  the  stronger  men,  had  preceded 
the  rest,  and  been  already  recaptured.  During  the 
following  days,  stragglers  were  continually  brought 
in,  till  the  number  of  prisoners  retaken  amounted  to 
182.37  On  March  25th,  the  forlorn  captives,  heavily 
fettered,  reentered  the  hacienda  del  Salado,  the  scene 
of  their  former  desperate  achievement.  Here  they 
were  presently  informed  that  orders  had  been  received 
from  Santa  Anna  to  decimate  them.  No  time  was 
lost.  The  same  evening  159  white  beans  and  17  black 
ones38  were  placed  in  an  earthern  crock,  and  the  pris 
oners  made  to  draw  one  consecutively,  a  black  bean 
signifying  death.  Cameron  was  made  to  draw  first, 
but  escaped  the  fate  it  was  hoped  would  fall  upon  him. 
Three  fourths  of  the  beans  were  drawn  before  the  urn 
yielded  up  the  last  fatal  lot ;  then  the  irons  were  struck 
off  the  victims,  and  at  sunset  they  were  led  forth  to 
die.  Seated  upon  a  log  near  the  eastern  wall,  they  were 
blindfolded,  and  fired  upon  till  they  ceased  to  breathe.39 

37  According  to  Green,  165-8.     The  same  author  states  that  5  men  died  in 
the  mountains;  5  were  left  there,  and  were  supposed  to  have  perished;  and 
4  effected  their  escape  to  Texas.  Id.,  444,  446.     There  is  therefore  a  discrep 
ancy  of  three  between  the  original  number  193  and  the  latter  figures  given  by 
this  writer. 

38  Representing  176  prisoners,  the  sick  having  been  left  on  the  road.    Stapp 
says  the  number  was  174. 

39  Their  names  were:    John  S.  Cash,  James  D.  Cocke,  Major  Robert  Dun- 


END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 


The  survivors  were  marched  to  the  city  of  Mexico, 
several  dying  on  the  way.  At  Huehuetoca,  about  six 
leagues  from  the  capital,  Captain  Cameron,  who  had 
escaped  the  death-lottery  of  March  25th,  was  exe 
cuted,  April  25th,  by  order  of  Santa  Anna.  The  re 
mainder  of  the  prisoners  were  put  to  work  at  road- 
making.  In  September,  the  greater  portion  of  them 
were  sent  to  the  fortress  of  Perote,  where  they  found 


FORTRESS  or  PEROTE. 

most  of  the  Bejar  prisoners.  .  General  Green,  Colonel 
Fisher,  and  some  others  had  been  sent  direct  to  this 
stronghold,  and  on  July  2d,  Green  and  seven  other 
captives  effected  their  escape,  having  tunnelled  through 
the  foundations  of  the  fortress.  Through  the  inter- 
ham,  Captain  William  M.  Estland,  Edward  E.  Este,  Robert  Harris,  Thomas 
L.  Jones,  Patrick  Mahan,  James  Ogden,  Charles  M.  Roberts,  William  Rowan, 
James  L.  Shepherd,  J.  M.  N.  Thompson,  James  N.  Torrey,  James  Turnbull, 
Henry  Whaling,  M.  C.  Wing.  Shepherd  being  struck  in  the  face  at  the  first 
fire,  the  ball  inflicting  only  a  bad  flesh-wound,  fell  forward  and  feigned 
death.  When  night  came  on,  he  crawled  away  to  the  mountains,  but  com 
pelled  by  hunger,  after  wandering  for  several  weeks,  surrendered  himself, 
was  taken  to  Saltillo,  recognized,  and  shot  in  the  public  square.  Id.,  74; 
Thrall,  331. 


PELEASE   OF  PRISONERS.  369 

cession  of  General  Waddy  Thompson,  the  last  of  the 
Bejar  prisoners,  to  the  number  of  thirty-eight,  were 
released  in  March  1844.40 

On  the  subject  of  the  release  of  the  Mier  prisoners, 
much  correspondence  was  carried  on  between  the  gov 
ernments  of  Texas  and  those  of  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain,  through  their  representatives.  The 
expedition  under  Fisher  was  conducted  without  the 
sanction  of  the  Texan  government,  and  in  direct  de 
fiance  of  General  Sornerville's  order  to  march  home. 
By  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  it  was  re 
garded  as  a  marauding  incursion,  and  those  powers 
remonstrated  with  Texas,  when  it  sought  their  inter 
position  in  behalf  of  the  prisoners.  The  defence  of 
the  Texan  government,  however,  was  based  on  reason 
able  grounds.  Admitting,  said  the  executive,  that 
!  they  went  without  orders,  and  were  thereby  placed 
beyond  the  protection  of  the  rules  of  war,  yet  the 
Mexican  officers,  by  proposing  terms  of  capitulation 
to  the  men,  relieved  them  from  the  responsibility 
which  they  had  incurred.41 

™  Thompson,  Recol  Mex.,   77-9.     Particulars  as  to  the  fates  of  the  67 
Bejar  prisoners  are  supplied  by  Green,  pp.  447-8. 

i   Number  of  tbose  who  escaped  July  2,  1843 5 

Released  by  Santa-Robinson,  his  commissioner 1 

:    Released  through  the  intercession  of  U.  S.  minister 3 

Released  through  the  intercession  of  Gen.  Jackson 1 

Killed  at  Salado 2 

Died  in  prison  in  Mexico 8 

Escaped  from  Mexico 3 

Released  from  Perote 38 

Number  of  prisoners  of  whom  there  is  no  knowledge,  but  who  are  presumed 
to  have  perished 6 

Total 67 

41  On  this  subject,  see  Yoakum,  ii.  395-8.  The  opposition  papers  of  the 
time  charged  the  president  with  endeavoring  to  prejudice  Santa  Anna  against 
the  prisoners  by  admitting  that  the  movement  across  the  Rio  Grande  had 
been  made  on  their  own  responsibility.  On  Jan.  10,  1846,  Gen.  Green  pub 
lished  an  address  to  the  people  of  Texas  in  which  he  holds  Houston  respon 
sible  for  the  decimation  of  the  Mier  prisoners  March  25,  1843,  on  the  ground 
that  he  begged  the  mercy  of  the  Mexican  government  for  them,  '  though  they 
had  entered  Mexico  contrary  to  law  and  authority. '  Copy  will  be  found  in 
Green's  Reply,  ut  sup.,  29-36  et  seq.  Green,  in  his  Journal  of  the  Texan  Expe 
dition  against  Mier,  expressed  himself  very  bitterly  against  Houston,  and 
brought  forward  charges  against  him  which  the  latter  considered  so  serious 
that  he  denounced  them,  Aug.  1,  1854,  as  calumnies  before  the  U.  S.  senate, 
of  which  he  was  then  member  from  Texas.  Houston  dealt  equally  severely 
HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.  24 


370  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

Meantime  the  captives  were  kept  in  confinement, 
and  most  of  them  made  to  do  servile  labor.  From 
time  to  time  a  few  escaped;  eleven  were  released 
through  the  intercession  of  the  United  States  and 
British  ministers,  and  no  small  number  of  them  died 
under  their  privations.  Finally  the  remainder,  107 
in  number,  were  liberated  by  Santa  Anna,  September 
16,  1844,  in  commemoration  of  Mexico's  national 
day.42 

Both  the  Santa  Fe  and  Mier  expeditions  prove 
that  Texas  was  in  no  condition  to  carry  on  an  offen 
sive  war  against  Mexico. 

o 

with  Green,  and  considered  that  his  book  should  receive  the  attention  of  the 
chairman  of  the  committee  of  the  library  of  congress,  and  be  condemned. 
Houston's  speech  elicited  a  reply  from  Green,  who  in  scathing  terms  assailed 
his  opponent.  Cony.  Glo!>e,  1854,  app.  1214-18;  Id.t  1855,  742;  Green's  Reply 
to  Houston,  Feb.  15,  1855,  p.  67. 

42  De/ensor  Intey.  Nac.,  Sept.  25,  Oct.  5,  1844;  the  names  of  the  released 
prisoners  being  given.  Three  of  them  were  released  from  the  Santiago 
prison  in  the  capital,  and  the  remaining  104  from  Perote.  Rivera,  Hist. 
Jalapa,  iii.  633.  From  Green's  Journal  I  gather  the  following  particulars 
relative  to  the  Mier  prisoners. 

Number  Texans  who  fought  at  Mier 261 

Number  of  killed  in  battle 10 

Number  of  men  who  died  of  wounds 6 

Number  of  men  who  escaped  from  Mier 2     18 

Number  of  prisoners 243 

Killed  at  Salado,  Feb.  11,  1843 5 

Texans  shot  at  Salado,  March  25,  1843 17 

Captain  Camero,  shot  Apr.  25,  1843 1 

Texans  who  died  in  the  mountains 5 

Texans  left  in  the  mountains 5 

Texans  who  escaped  from  the  mountains 4 

Texaus  left  wounded  at  Mier  and  who  escaped 8 

Texans  who  died  in  Mexico  (1843) 35 

Released  through  intercession  of  U.  S.  min 7 

Released  through  intercession  of  H.  B.  M.'s  min 4 

Released  by  Santa  Anna  voluntarily 3 

Escaped  from  the  city  of  Mexico 9 

Escaped  from  Perote,  July  2,  1843 3 

Escaped  from  Perote,  March  25,  1844 9  115 

Number  of  captives  remaining 128 

Released  in  September  1844 107 

21 

Orlando  Phelps  was  released  by  Santa  Anna  on  the  arrival  of  the  prisoners 
at  the  capital — Tlwnpsons  Recollec.  Mex.,  75-6 — and  W.  P.  Stapp — author 
of  The  Prisoners  of  Perote,  Philadelphia,  1845,  p.  164— was  liberated  May 
16,  1844,  and  five  other  captives  a  few  weeks  previous  to  the  final  i-elease. 
Green,  477.  Thus  14  prisoners  are  unaccounted  for,  it  being  presumable  that 
they  may  be  added  to  Green's  list  of  those  who  died  of  sickness  and  priva 
tions  during  their  incarceration. 


ANOTHER  ILL-FATED  AFFAIR.  371 

One  more  unsuccessful  expedition  has  to  be  re 
corded.  In  1842  information  was  received  in  Texas 
that  a  richly  laden  Mexican  caravan  would  start  on 
its  return  to  Santa  Fe  from  Missouri  in  the  spring  of 
1843.  On  application  to  the  government,  Colonel 
Jacob  Snively  was  authorized  to  organize  a  force  for 
the  purpose  of  intercepting  it,  as  it  crossed  territory 
claimed  by  Texas,  south  of  the  Arkansas  river,  and 
through  which  the  Santa  Fe  trail  ran.  At  the  end 
of  May,  Snively,  with  about  180  men,  reached  the 
Arkansas  and  encamped  on  the  right  bank,  25  miles 
below  the  point  where  the  caravan  route  crossed  the 
river.  Here  they  learned,  through  their  scouts,  that 
a  Mexican  force  of  500  or  600  men  was  in  the  neigh 
borhood  waiting  to  escort  the  caravan  when  it  arrived. 
On  June  17th  the  Texans  received  news  of  its  ap 
proach,  and  moreover,  that  it  was  guarded  by  200 
U.  S.  dragoons  under  Captain  Philip  St  George 
Cooke.  On  the  20th  they  fell  in  with  a  large  ad 
vance  party  of  the  Mexican  force;  an  encounter  en 
sued,  seventeen  of  the  enemy  were  slain,  and  eighty 
taken  prisoners,  the  Texans  obtaining  a  good  supply 
of  provisions  and  horses.  After  this  feat,  dissension 
divided  the  command  into  two  parties,  one  of  which, 
about  seventy  in  number,  abandoned  the  enterprise 
and  elected  Captain  Chandler  as  their  leader  to  con 
duct  them  home.  Snively's  camp  was  discovered  by 
Cooke,  June  30th,  who  thereupon  sent  for  the  Texan 
leader  and  informed  him  that  he  was  on  United 
States  territory.  Snively  protested  ;  Cooke  refused 
to  listen  to  any  explanation,  crossed  the  river  with  his 
dragoons,  and  compelled  the  Texans  to  give  up  their 
arms.  Snively's  party  numbered  only  107  men,  and 
Cooke  had  brought  two  pieces  of  artillery  to  bear  upon 
them.  The  United  States'  officer  allowed  them  to 
retain  ten  muskets  for  self-protection!  They  were 
600  miles  away  from  home,  with  Mexicans  on  one 
side  and  hostile  Indians  on  the  other.  Fortunately 
Chandler's  party  was  still  not  far  off  and  had  escaped 


372  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

the  observation  of  Cooke,  who  offered  to  escort  to 
Independence,  Missouri,  as  many  of  Snively's  men  as 
might  choose  to  go  thither.  About  50  Texans  ac 
cepted  the  invitation ;  the  rest  united  with  Chandler's 
command.  Some  attempt  was  still  made  to  go  after 
the  caravan,  but  the  adventurers,  fearing  they  would 
be  overpowered,  abandoned  the  project,  and  turned 
their  steps  homeward.  After  two  encounters  with 
Indians,  in  which  four  of  their  number  were  killed, 
the  Texans  reached  Bird's  Fort,  on  the  Trinity, 
August  6th,  and  there  disbanded." 

One  of  the  Bejar  prisoners  confined  in  the  fortress 
of  Perote  was  J.  W.  Robinson,  lieutenant-governor 
of  Texas  hi  1835.  Probably  with  no  other  intention 
than  that  of  gaining  his  liberty,  he  addressed,  Janu 
ary  9,  1843,  a  letter  to  Santa  Anna,  then  in  retire 
ment  at  Manga  de  Clavo,  stating  that  he  believed,  if 
a  personal  interview  were  granted  him,  that  he 
could  furnish  Santa  Anna  with  important  information, 
and  lay  before  him  a  plan  for  the  reunion  of  Texas 
with  Mexico,  the  details  of  which  it  would  be  impos 
sible  to  explain  by  letter.  He  proceeded  to  state  that 
the  Texans  were  anxious  for  peace,  but  its  establish 
ment  could  not  be  effected  without  first  entering  into 
an  armistice;  that  if  this  were  done  great  benefits 
would  result  to  Mexico.  The  Texan  people,  he  said, 
discontented  with  the  administration  of  Houston, 
would  become  disposed  to  a  reunion,  and  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  assure  his  excellency  that  Texas  would 
agree  to  reunion  under  the  following  nine  conditions : 
that  there  should  be  an  amnesty  for  the  past;  that 

*3Yoakum,  ii.  399-405;  Tlirall,  332-6.  Both  these  authors  consulted 
various  manuscripts,  written  by  persons  who  accompanied  the  expedition, 
among  which  may  be  mentioned,  S.  A.  Millers  Journal,  and  the  account  by 
Colonel  Hugh  F.  Youny,  of  San  Antonio.  The  U.  S.  afterward  recognized 
that  the  Texans  were  not  on  U.  S.  soil,  and  finally  paid  $18.50  for  each  fire 
arm  taken.  When  Gen.  Houston  was  senator  in  the  congress  at  Washing 
ton  he  declared  that  the  expedition  was  unauthorized,  but  Yoakum  quotes 
from  the  letter  of  instructions  from  the  sec.  of  war,  and  Young — according 
to  Thrall — states  that  he  saw  one  signed  Sam  Houston. 


INTERPOSITION  INVOKED.  373 

Texas  should  recognize  the  sovereignty  of  Mexico; 
that  Texas  should  have  a  separate  government ;  should 
defend  herself  against  hostile  Indians,  and  assist 
Mexico  in  reducing  them  to  obedience;  should  send 
representatives  to  the  Mexican  congress;  would  pay 
her  contingent  of  Mexico's  national  debt ;  contribute 
her  quota  toward  the  expenses  of  the  general  govern 
ment;  in  cases  of  litigation  Texas  should  have  the 
right  of  appeal  to  the  supreme  court  of  Mexico ;  and 
that  Mexicans  who  had  taken  part  in  the  Texan  revo 
lution  should  not  lose  their  rights. 

This  precious  communication  was  sent  by  Santa 
Anna  to  Jose  Maria  Tornel,  the  minister  of  war,  re 
questing  him  to  lay  it  before  the  substitute  president, 
Nicolas  Bravo;  if  that  functuary  gave  his  approval, 
Santa  Anna  would  grant  Robinson  an  interview. 
Bravo  did  approve,  and  the  government  authorized 
the  retired  dictator  to  negotiate  with  Robinson  as  he 
might  think  proper.  The  result  was  that  the  Bejar 
prisoner  was  released,  appointed  commissioner  by 
Santa  Anna,  and  despatched,  without  loss  of  time, 
with  instructions  to  propose,  on  the  part  of  Mexico, 
the  reincorporation  of  Texas,  on  the  basis  appended  in 
the  note  below/* 

Of  course  the  proposition  was  not  entertained  for  a 
moment ;  in  fact  it  was  scoffed  at  by  the  people.  But 
all  the  world  might  laugh  while  Robinson  had  the 
satisfaction  of  having  gained  his  liberty. 

In  the  meantime  the  Texan  government  had  applied 

44  Mexico,  desirous  of  terminating  the  war,  offered  to  grant  an  unre 
stricted  amnesty  to  all  whom  it  might  concern;  the  security  of  person  and 
property  would  be  guaranteed;  the  inhabitants  of  Texas  should  lay  down 
their  arms,  and  acknowledge  the  sovereignty,  laws,  rules,  and  orders  of 
Mexico,  without  the  slightest  modification;  this  fundamental  basis  being 
admitted,  Texas  might  appoint  her  functionaries  and  authorities,  military 
and  political,  in  accordance  with  the  constitution;  Mexican  troops  should  not 
be  sent  into  Texas  while  Texas  should  provide  for  her  own  security  on  the 
frontiers;  with  regard  to  the  legislative  power,  laws  considered  proper  for 
the  good  government  of  Texas,  might  be  proposed  to  the  general  congress 
for  approval;  and  lastly  Texas  should  conform  in  all  other  matters  to  regu 
lations  that  might  be  established  for  the  other  departments  of  the  republic. 
El  Sit/lo  XIX,  July  12, 1843,  in  which  the  whole  official  correspondence  on  this 
matter  is  published. 


374  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

to  the  three  powers,  the  United  States,  Great  Britain, 
and  France,  invoking  their  joint  interposition,  to  Dut 
an  end  to  the  war.45 

The  British  government,  however,  while  signifying 
its  readiness  to  mediate  alone,  declined  to  act  jointly 
with  the  United  States,  believing  'that  the  relations 
between  the  latter  power  and  Mexico,  were  such  as 
would  not  tend  to  advance  the  object  aimed  at  by  the 
proposed  representation.  But  Great  Britain,  none 
the  less,  proffered  her  good  services  to  Mexico  singly.46 
That  a  more  narrow  than  usual  self-interest  guided 
England's  policy  with  regard  to  Texas  cannot  be 
denied.  She  would  gladly  have  seen  the  young  nation's 
independent  sovereignty  acknowledged  by  Mexico, 
and  lastingly  maintained;  and  was  corresponding! v 
unwilling  to  witness  the  aggrandizement  of  the  United 
States  by  the  annexation  of  Texas.  When,  therefore, 
the  annexation  question  was  again  agitated  in  the 
cabinet  at  Washington  early  in  1843/7  Percy  Doyle, 
the  British  representative  at  Mexico,  mediated  so  suc 
cessfully  that  Santa  Anna,  secretly  disposed  to  treat, 
agreed  to  an  armistice.  Doyle  was  authorized  to  in 
form  President  Houston,  through  Charles  Elliot, 
British  charge  d'affairs  to  Texas,  that  he  would  give 
immediate  orders  for  the  cessation  of  hostilities,  and 
would  be  ready  to  receive  commissioners  from  Texas, 
to  treat  on  the  terms  of  peace  proposed  by  him. 
Doyle's  courier  was  taken  by  the  British  sloop-of-war 
Sylla,  to  Galvestpn,  arriving  there  June  9th.  Houston 
accepted  the  proposal,  and  on  the  15th  of  the  same 
month  issued  a  proclamation,  ordering  a  cessation  of 
hostilities  pending  negotiations  for  peace  between  the 
two  countries.48 

45  Copy  of  Houston's  address  to  the  Great  Powers,  dated  Oct.  15,  1842, 
is  supplied  in  Lester's  Houston  and  his  Hep.,  163-7. 
46 Smith's  Hem.  Tex.  Rep.,  44. 

47  Tyler  and  his  cabinet  were  favorable  to  annexation.     On  Feb.  10,  1843, 
Van  Zandt,  the  Texan  charge  d'affairs  at  Washington,  was  informed  by  his 
government  that  he  was  authorized  to  intimate  to  the  U.  S.  gov't,  if  the 
matter  were  brought  up,  that  in  case  any  advance  were  made  on  its  part, 
Texas  would  renew  the  proposal  for  annexation.    Yoakum,  407 

48  Copy  in  Wiles'  Key,,  Ixiv,,  307, 


COMMISSIONERS  APPOINTED.  375 

Negotiations  were  conducted  slowly.  Texas  was  in 
no  haste  in  the  matter.  The  longer  the  interval  of 
peace,  the  better  would  it  be  for  her  interests  in  every 
point  of  view.  Communications  were  interchanged 
through  the  medium  of  the  British  representatives  in 
the  two  countries,  relative  to  various  matters  prelim 
inary  to  the  appointment  of  commissioners,  such  as 
the  question  of  the  reciprocal  release  of  prisoners — the 
Mexican  government  complaining  that  all  the  pris 
oners  captured  at  San  Jacinto  had  not  been  liberated— 
the  recalling  of  the  forces  under  Snively,  and  the 
killing  of  Mexicans  lately  on  the  south-western 
border.  All  these  matters  were  successively  settled 
by  Houston,  who  stated  that  all  San  Jacinto  prisoners 
had  been  set  at  liberty  in  1837,  that  Snively  had  been 
recalled,  and  that  the  Mexicans  killed  on  the  borders 
were  banditti,  who  assumed  either  nationality  as 
suited  their  marauding  purposes. 

On  September  26th,  George  W.  Hockley  and 
Samuel  M.  Williams  were  appointed  the  commissioners 
on  the  part  of  Texas,  to  meet  those  of  General  Woll, 
who  had  been  authorized  by  Santa  Anna  to  treat 
with  Texas  concerning  the  terms  of  the  armistice. 
The  appointees  of  Woll  were  Senores  Landeras  and 
Jaunequi.  The  instructions  given  to  Hockley  and  Wil 
liams  indicate  the  desire  of  the  Texan  government  to  gain 
time.  They  were  to  endeavor  to  establish  a  general 
armistice  pending  negotiations  for  a  permanent  peace, 
and  for  such  further  period  as  they  could  agree  upon, 
requiring  due  notice  to  be  given  by  either  party  dis 
posed  to  resume  hostilities,  through  the  minister  of 
Great  Britain,  near  the  corresponding  government, 
six  months  previous  to  any  act  of  hostility.  They 
were  also  to  agree  that  Texas  should  appoint  com 
missioners,  clothed  with  full  powers,  to  meet  at  the 
capital  of  Mexico,  to  negotiate  for  the  adjustment  of 
difficulties  and  the  establishment  of  a  permanent 
peace. 

The  United  States  and  Great  Britain  were  watch- 


376  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

ing  each  other's  action  as  bearing  upon  the  future  of 
the  young  republic,  with  jealous  eyes;  and  now  the 
government  of  the  former  nation  showed  its  intention 
no  longer  to  look  quietly  on.  President  Tyler's  views 
with  regard  to  annexation  were  no  secret,  nor  was  it 
a  matter  of  doubt  that  the  question  would  be  brought 
before  the  house  when  congress  met  in  December 
1843.  The  Mexican  government,  accordingly,  in 
August  of  that  year,  declared  that  the  passage  of  any 
act  by  the  congress  at  Washington  to  incorporate 
Texas  with  the  United  States  would  be  considered 
equivalent  to  a  declaration  of  war/9  Tyler,  in  his 
message  to  congress  December  5,  1843,  regarded  this 
threat  on  the  part  of  Mexico  as  extraordinary,  and 
after  remarking  that  since  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto 
the  war  had  consisted  for  the  most  part  of  predatory 
incursions,  stated  that  the  United  States  had  an  im 
mediate  interest  in  seeing  that  an  end  be  put  to  the 
state  of  hostilities  existing  between  Mexico  and  Texas ; 
that  such  a  system  of  warfare,  by  weakening  both 
powers,  rendered  them  subjects  of  interference  on  the 
part  of  more  powerful  nations  ;  that  the  United  States 
could  not  be  expected  to  permit  such  interference  to 
their  own  disadvantage,  and  that  the  government  was 
bound,  by  every  consideration  of  interest  and  sym 
pathy,  to  see  that  Texas  should  be  left  free  to  act, 
unawed  by  force,  and  unrestrained  by  the  policy  of 
other  countries. 

The  language  is  plain,  and  the  intention  evident. 
Mexico  was  not  to  wage  war  with  Texas,  nor  were 
European  powers  to  interfere  by  mediation  in  the  ad 
justment  of  the  difficulties  between  the  two  nations, 
or  endeavor  to  establish  peace  between  them.  While 
the  preliminary  negotiations  for  the  armistice  were 
going  on,  England  invited  France  to  join  her  in  the 
mediation,  and  these  powers  did  not  fail  to  comment 
severely  upon  the  ill-advised  remarks  of  President 

49 JSocanegra  to  Waddy  Thompson,  in  U.  S.  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  28  cong.,  1  sess., 
no.  2,  26-7.  See  correspondence  on  the  subject  in  Id.,  27-30,  35,  38-9,  41-8. 


ANNEXATION  AND  SLAVERY.  377 

Tyler,  made  at  a  time  when  a  cessation  of  hostilities 
had  actually  occurred,  and  without  considering  in  any 
degree  what  might  be  the  wishes  of  the  people  of 
Texas  or  the  decision  of  her  government  on  matters 
touching  her  own  welfare.  But  the  United  States 
were  greatly  agitated  by  the  idea  that  a  blow  was  be 
ing  aimed  by  England,  through  Texas,  at  one  of  their 
own  institutions.  It  was  believed  by  the  entire  mass 
of  the  southern  people,  and  a  large  portion  of  the  in 
habitants  of  the  northern  states,  that  a  plan  was  being 
formed  in  Great  Britain  to  abolish  slavery  in  the 
south.50  Opposed  as  were  the  people  of  the  north  to 
slavery,  they  were  not  going  to  tolerate  the  interfer 
ence  of  a  foreign  power  in  the  settlement  of  the 
nation's  domestic  concerns.  Texas  was,  therefore,  no 
longer  to  be  regarded  unfavorably  by  them,  as  had 
hitherto  been  the  case,  and  a  tolerably  strong  party, 
friendly  to  annexation,  sprung  up  among  them.  As 
for  Mexico,  when  she  became  aware  of  the  steps 
which  were  being  taken  in  the  United  States  and 
Texas  to  procure  the  incorporation  of  the  latter,  her 
indignation  knew  no  bounds. 

Meantime  the  peace  commissioners  met  at  Salinas51 

*  It  was  considered  in  the  U.  S.  that  the  leading  motive  of  England  in 
taking  such  an  active  interest  in  the  affairs  of  Texas  was  her  design  to  effect 
the  abolition  of  slavery  in  that  country.  Yoakum  takes  this  view,  and  goes 
so  far  as  to  state  that  '  Mr  Doyle,  the  British  charge  d'affaires,  had  been  in 
structed  to  propose  to  Mexico  a  settlement  of  her  difficulties  with  Texas,  based 
upon  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  latter. '  This  is  untrue;  and  Ashbel  Smith, 
Texan  minister  in  London  at  the  time,  takes  the  trouble  to  correct  this  '  grave 
error '  as  he  calls  it.  '  Mr  Doyle, '  says  he,  '  was  not  so  instructed;  he  was  not 
instructed  at  all  on  these  matters.'  Hem.  Tex.  Rep.,  58.  llie  fact  of  the 
matter  is  that  it  was  the  British  and  Foreign  Anti-slavery  Society  in  London, 
and  not  the  English  cabinet  that  caused  the  hubbub,  and  produced  the  exas 
peration  in  the  U.  S.  against  Great  Britain.  It  was  the  meddlesome  mem 
bers  of  this  society  that  hastened  the  annexation;  and  the  same  author 
expresses  his  belief  that  the  British  government  had  no  sympathy  with  or 
respect  for  them.  Consult,  on  this  subject,  IcL,  49-58.  Anson  Jones  says — 
Mem.,  1850,  p.  52,  in  Thrall,  347 — 'the  subject  of  domestic  slavery,  about 
which  so  much  alarm  existed  in  1844-5,  was  never  so  much  as  mentioned  or 
alluded  to  by  the  British  minister  to  the  government  of  Texas,  except  to 
disclaim,  in  the  most  emphatic  terms,  any  intention  on  the  part  of  England 
ever  to  interfere  with  it  here.'  See  also  Niks'  Recj.,  Ixiv.  404.  On  the  diplo 
matic  negotiations  with  Great  Britain  see  Smith,  ut  sup.,  50-64. 

51  Not,  as  Yoakum  has  it,  Sabinas,  ii.  421 ;  Thrall,  p.  337,  seems  to  have 
copied  this  error.  See  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii.  624. 


378  END  OF  THE  TEXAN   REPUBLIC. 

on  the  west  side  of  the  Rio  Grande.  After  some 
difficulties  the  proceedings  were  hastened  by  the  agi 
tation  which  prevailed,  owing  to  the  news  from  the 
United  States,  and  on  February  15,  1844,  the  armis 
tice  was  signed,  the  arrangements  being  made  thai 
hostilities  should  cease  pending  negotiations  for  peace 
the  duration  of  which  was  not  to  be  extended  beyonc 
May  1st,  unless  peace  was  probable.  Houston  refusec 
to  ratify  it,  as  it  referred  to  Texas  as  a  department  o: 
Mexico,  and  on  June  16th,  Woll  instructed  by  Sante 
Anna,  sent  in  a  manifesto  to  Houston  announcing 
that  Mexico  had  resumed  hostilities.52  But  d urine 
the  short  remaining  existence  of  the  Texan  republic 
her  foe  confined  her  hostile  intentions  to  menaces  anc 
preparations  for  war. 

At  the  election  held  September  2,  1844,  Ansor 
Jones  was  chosen  president,  and  Kenneth  L.  Ander 
son,  vice-president.  No  more  important  election  hac 
yet  been  held  in  the  republic,  inasmuch  as  it  repre 
sented  at  that  date  the  feelings  of  the  people  on  th( 
great  question  of  incorporation  into  the  United  States 
Edward  Burleson  was  Jones'  competitor  and  an  an 
nexationist.  The  total  number  of  votes  cast  was 
12,752,  of  which  Jones  polled  7,037,  and  Burlesor 
5,661,  the  remaining  54  votes  being  scattering.5 
Jones  was  supposed  to  be  an  anti-annexationist. 

The  ninth  congress  having  met  and  organized 
December  3d,  President  Houston  delivered  his  fare 
well  message.  He  represented  the  foreign  and  do 

62  Assigning  as  the  reason,  the  failure  of  the  commissioners  to  proceed  t< 
Mexico,  according  to  the  4th  art.  of  the  armistice,  to  regulate  differences 
Copy  in  Niles'  Rey.,  Ixvi.  382.  Relative  to  this  armistice  and  English  rela 
tions  with  Texas  the  reader  can  consult,  Id.,  Ixiv.  307,  404;  Ixv.  34,  178 
212;  Ixvi.  96-8,  113,  280,  382;  Ixvii.  113-14;  Rivera,  Hi*t.  Jalapa,  iii.  600-1 
623-7;  fiustamante,  Hist.  S.  Anna,  112-16;  Be  Bow's  Encyc.,  1844,  2d  ed 
265-9. 

53  The  number  of  coiinties  was  36,  which  sent  up  61  delegates  to  the  con 
vention  of  1845,  35  of  whom  were  anti-annexationists,  and  26  annexationists 
In  Niles'  Rey. ,  Ixviii.  249,  will  be  found  a  tabular  form,  giving  the  name 
of  the  counties,  the  number  of  votes  cast  in  each,  and  the  number  o 
delegates  sent  by  each.  Only  five  counties,  namely,  Harris,  Harrison 
Nacogdoches,  Red  River,  and  Washington  sent  three  delegates;  Mont 
gomery  sent  four;  eighteen  counties  sent  one  delegate,  and  thirteen  sent  two 


ANSON  JONES,   PRESIDENT.  379 

mestic  relations  of  the  republic  to  be  in  a  prosperous 
condition.  Treaties  of  ainity,  navigation,  and  com 
merce  had  been  exchanged  with  several  of  the  German 
states.  The  most  important  part  of  the  message 
refers  to  the  subjects  of  the  proceeding  pages  of  this 
chapter.  "  The  governments  of  Great  Britain  and 
France,"  he  says,  "still  maintain  towards  us  those 
sentiments  of  friendship  and  good  feeling  which  have 
ever  marked  their  intercourse  with  us,  and  which  it 
should  continue  to  be  our  studious  care,  by  every 
proper  manifestation  on  our  part,  to  strengthen  and 
reciprocate.  There  is  no  ground  to  suspect  that  the 
late  agitation  of  international  questions  between  this 
republic,  and  that  of  the  United  States,  has  in  any 
degree  abated  their  desire  for  our  continued  pros 
perity  and  independence,  or  caused  them  to  relax  their 
good  offices  to  bring  about  the  speedy  and  honorable 
adjustment  of  our  difficulties  with  Mexico.  That 
they  should  evince  anxiety  for  our  separate  existence, 
and  permanent  independence  as  a  nation  is  not  only 
natural,  but  entirely  commendable."  And  he  adds, 
that  they  were  too  well  acquainted  with  the  history 
of  the  Texan  republic's  origin,  to  suppose  that  she 
would  surrender  one  jot  of  liberty  and  right  of  self- 
government.  "They  will  not  ask  it,  they  do  not  ex 
pect  it,  we  would  not  yield  it."  Such  were  the 
words  of  the  president  some  ten  months  before  the 
popular  vote  proclaimed  almost  unanimously  in  favor 
of  annexation.  But  Houston  had  some  reason  for 
expressing  himself  thus.  On  June  8th  the  United 
States  senate,  after  continuing  in  secret  session  till 
9  o'clock  p.  M.,  discussing  the  treaty  of  annexation, 
which  had  been  brought  before  it  by  a  joint  resolution 
of  the  house,  rejected  its  ratification  by  a  vote  of  35 
to  16.55  Politically,  Texas  was  not  in  an  enviable 
position  at  this  time.  She  was,  unwittingly,  the 
shuttlecock  of  stronger  powers.  Influenced  by  agi- 

54 Niks'  Reg.,  Ixvii  272. 

65  Cong.  Globe,  28  cong.,  1  sess.,  xiii.;pt  1,  p.  692. 


380  END   OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

tators  from  the  United  States,  which  used  England 
as  their  bugbear,  her  people  rapidly  changed  their 
feelings  against  annexation.  Rather  than  occupy  the 
position  of  a  minor  nation,  she  consented  to  throw 
down  the  sceptre  of  individual  sovereignty  under  the 
shield  of  her  powerful  sister,  while  saving  her  own 
dignity  by  waiting  to  be  invited  to  do  so. 

On  retiring  from  office,  Houston  was  surrounded  by 
stanch  friends  and  bitter  enemies,  who  were  not  choice 
in  the  language  they  made  use  of  in  denouncing  each 
other's  policy.  But  it  is  not  my  purpose  to  record 
the  many  unseemly  recriminations,  the  numerous 
personal  insults,  which  at  this  time  and  later,56  were 
bandied  to  and  fro  between  the  parties,57  or  to  con 
stitute  myself  a  judge.  But  an  unbiased  observer 
cannot  ignore  facts.  Houston,  by  the  close  of  his 
second  administration,  had  again,  by  a  pacific  policy, 
brought  the  Indians  to  terms  of  peace;58  by  his  sug 
gestions  the  expenses  of  the  government  were  so  re- 

66  Consult,  Green's  Journal,  Mier  Exped.,  passim.  Houston's  Speech,  Aug. 
1,  1854,  in  Cow/.  Globe,  1854,  append.  1214-18.  Id.,  1855,  742.  Green's  Reply  to 
Houston,  Feb.  15,  1855,  p.  67. 

57  On  the  question  of  annexation,  Branch  T.  Archer — formerly  a  member 
of  Lamar's  cabinet — came  out  with  a  letter  in  which  he  considered  that  he 
proved  that  Houston  and  Jones  '  pledged  themselves  to  the  Brittsh  govern 
ment  that  they  were  opposed  to  annexation.'  Id.,  Ixviii.  374.  How  utterly 
at  variance  with  this  assertion  are  Anson  Jones'  remarks  !  In  his  Memor 
anda  for  1850,  under  date  of  Feb.  1st,  we  read:  'The  annexation  of  Texas 
is  an  event,  the  resulting  consequences  of  which  are  too  vast  to  be  yet  rea 
lized  or  calculated.  Of  this  measure  I  was  the  architect.  I  saved  it  subse 
quently  from  the  destructive  violence  of  some  potent  enemies,  as  well  as  of 
its  best  friends  in  the  United  States  and  Texas,  who,  like  the  boys  in  cha:;e 
of  the  butterfly,  would  have  crushed  it  in  their  imprudent  and  impatient 
grasp.  The  exciting  and  balancing  of  the  constantly  acting  and  re-acting 
rival  influences  of  England,  France,  Mexico,  and  the  United  States,  and 
conveying  them  all  to  the  one  point,  with  the  view,  and  for  the  purpose  of 
effecting  my  object,  was  a  labor,  in  which  for  five  years  I  did  not  give  sleep 
to  my  eyes  or  slumber  to  my  eyelids,  and  in  which  I  was  finally  successful.' 
Pep.  Tex.,  44-5.  The  course  adopted  by  Jones  gave  mortal  offence  to 
Houston. 

68  A  treaty  of  perpetual  amity  was  concluded  Sept.  28,  1843,  with  ten 
tribes,  viz:  the Tiwaheones,  Keachies,  Wacoes,  Caddoes,  Anadalikoes,  Ironies, 
Cherokees,  Boloxies,  Dela wares,  and  Chickasaws.  Wiles'  Rey.,  Ixv.  195.  The 
celebrated  Texan  ranger,  Col  John  C.  Hays,  says:  'Before  the  annexation 
of  Texas  the  Indians  in  that  part  of  the  country  were  pretty  well  whipped 
out,  and  they  retreated  far  back  into  the  interior  with  their  families,  and 
mostly  ceased  their  depredations  iipon  the  whites.'  Hays'  Life  and  Adoen., 
MS.,  11.  The  Comanches  are,  doubtless,  referred  to  by  the  colonel. 


CHARACTER  OF  HOUSTON.  381 

duced  that  the  revenue  was  adequate  to  meet  them  ; 
and  both  in  an  agricultural  and  commercial  point  of 
view  Texas  thrived  under  his  non-hostile  policy. 

Houston  was  a  singular  man.  Gifted  with  no  ordi 
nary  abilities  and  well  educated,  he  was  fully  capable 
of  guiding  the  helm  of  government.  His  great  fail 
ings  were  vanity  and  its  companion — jealousy.  More 
over,  he  clothed  himself  in  a  robe  of  mystery,  thereby 
causing  offence.  The  student  of  history  cannot  fail 
to  be  impressed  with  his  achievements  in  the  cause  of 
Texas.  Mistakes  he  made,  but  they  were  more  in 
the  direction  of  giving  offence  to  opponents  than 
measures  detrimental  to  the  solidity  and  vitality  of 
his  adopted  country,  whose  interests  he  had  ever  at 
heart.  Houston  had  hard  men  to  deal  with — fiery 
spirits,  all  ambitious  of  fame.  During  the  struggle 
for  independence,  the  most  enterprising  and  the  boldest 
men  flocked  into  Texas  from  the  United  States — men 
prominent  alike  by  their  physical  and  mental  capabilities. 
Texas  offered  a  field  on  which  they  might  win  renown. 
Thus  it  was  that  high  position  in  the  army  was  ever 
a  contested  prize,  and  each  aspiring  officer  sought  to 
be  the  leader.  With  such  aspirants,  it  is  not  to  be 
wondered  that  every  move  and  every  act  of  the  gen- 
eral-in-chief  were  taken  notice  of  and  criticised  un 
favorably  by  those  who  thought  they  could  do  better. 
His  Fabian  policy  in  his  famous  retreat  from  Gonzalez 
caused  much  murmuring  and  ill-will  among  his  impa 
tient  followers.  But  his  principle  was  sound  in  the 
highest  degree.  To  lure  the  enemy  to  the  banks  of 
the  Sabine,  far  from  his  base  of  supplies  and  source 
of  recruits,  and  give  him  battle  on  a  broader  land, 
where  the  Texans  could  confidently  expect  military 
aid  from  the  United  States,  was  matchless  strategy. 
This  engagement  with  the  foe  at  San  Jacinto  was 
doubtless  brought  about,  to  some  extent,  by  pressure. 
But,  if  Houston  had  not  had  a  clear  perception  of 
every  probability  of  victory,  he  never  would  have 
fought  that  battle.  His  moral  courage  was  para- 


382  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

mount  to  insubordinate  dictation.  His  troubles,  also, 
with  regards  to  immigrants  were  not  light.  Every 
incomer  was  determined  and  ready  to  sustain  his 
claim  to  the  land  on  which  he  settled,  whether  hold 
ing  a  forged  or  legal  certificate  of  "head-right/  The 
fact  that  Houston  maintained  himself  at  the  head  of 
such  a  community  proves  his  ability  and  worth. 

In  his  inaugural  address  President  Jones  stated 
that  his  object  would  be  the  maintenance  of  public 
credit ;  the  reduction  of  the  expenses  of  government ; 
the  abolishment  of  paper  issues;  the  revision  of  the 
tariff  law;  the  establishment  of  a  system  of  public 
schools ;  the  attainment  of  speedy  peace  with  Mexico, 
and  friendly  and  just  relations  with  the  Indians  on 
the  frontier ;  the  introduction  of  the  penitentiary  sys 
tem  ;  and  the  encouragement  of  internal  improvement. 
Not  a  word  was  said  on  the  subject  of  annexation. 

Jones'  administration  was  destined  to  be  short.  On 
February  28,  1845,  a  joint  resolution  of  the  two 
houses  in  favor  of  the  incorporation  of  Texas  into  the 
union  was  passed  in  the  United  States'  congress.  On 
March  1st  President  Polk  signed  the  document,  and 
to  Texas  was  left  the  decision  of  accepting  or  not  the 
invitation.  President  Jones  on  May  5th  issued  a 
proclamation  for  the  election  of  delegates  to  a  gen 
eral  convention  to  consider  the  proposition  passed  by 
the  United  States'  congress.  On  July  4th  the  con 
vention  met  at  Austin,  and  appointed  a  committee  to 
which  the  question  was  referred  to  be  reported  upon. 
The  committee  drew  up  an  ordinance  in  the  form  of  a 
joint  resolution  in  favor  of  annexation,  recommending 
its  adoption  by  both  houses  of  congress.  Only  one 
member  voted  against  the  ordinance,59  which  was 

59  Richard  Bache,  a  grandson  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  representative  for 
Galveston.  Thrall,  350.  Copy  of  the  joint  resolution  of  the  U.  S.  congress 
submitted  to  Texas  will  be  found  in  U.  S.  Charters  and  Comtit.,  ii.  1704-5. 
By  the  tenns  of  it  all  public  edifices,  fortifications,  barracks,  ports,  and 
harbors,  navy  and  navy-yards,  docks,  magazines,  arms,  and  armanent  were 
to  be  ceded  to  the  U.  S.,  while  Texas  was  to  retain  possession  of  all  her 
public  lands. 


CONSTITUTION  AND  ADMISSION.  383 

submitted,  together  with  a  new  constitution,6*  framed 
and  adopted  by  the  convention,  to  the  decision  of  the 
people.  On  October  1 3th  both  the  ordinance  and  the 
constitution  were  ratified  by  an  almost  unanimous 
vote.  President  Polk,  December  29,  1845,  approved 
the  joint  resolution  of  the  United  States  congress 
that  Texas  should  be  admitted  into  the  union,61  and 
on  February  19,  1846,  President  Jones  surrendered 
the  executive  authority  to  the  newly  elected  governor, 
J.  Pinckney  Henderson.62  The  lone  star  of  Texas 
sank  below  the  horizon  to  rise  again  amidst  a  constel 
lation  of  unapproachable  splendor. 

60  According  to    this  state   constitution,    the    legislature  was  to  meet 
biennially;  senators  were  to  be  chosen  for  four  years,  one-half  biennially; 
ministers  of  the  gospel  were  not  elegible  to  the  legislature;  bills  for  raising 
revenue  were  to  originate  in  the  house  of  representatives;  the  governor's 
veto  to  any  bill  could  be  nullified  by  a  subsequent  two-thirds'  vote  of  both 
houses  in  its  favor;  after  1850  a  census  of  the  free  white  population  was  to 
be  taken  every  eight  years  for  the  apportionment  of  representation.     The 
judiciary  was  to  consist  of  one  supreme  court,  district  courts,  and  inferior 
courts;  the  judges  of  the  supreme  and  district  courts  were  appointed  by  the 
governor,  with  consent  of  two  thirds  of  the  senate,  and  hold  office  for  six 
years;  the  supreme  court  had  appellate  jurisdiction  only,  and   in  criminal 
cases,  and  in  appeals  from  interlocutory  judgments,  it  was  regulated  by 
the  legislature.     The  district  courts  had  original  jurisdiction  in  all  criminal 
cases,  and  if  the  punishment  was  not  specifically  determined  by  law,  the  jury 
were  to  determine  it.     County  courts  for  probate  business  were  established 
and  held  in  each  county.     The  governor  was  chosen  by  plurality  of  votes 
for  two  years,  and  was  only  elegible  for  four  years  out  of  six;  he  could  hold 
no  other  office,  civil  or  military      One-tenth  of  the  annual  revenue  by  taxa 
tion  was  to  be  appropriated  to  free  public  schools.     No  corporation  with 
banking  privileges  was  to  be  chartered.     The  aggregate  of  state  debt  con 
tracted  in  future  was  not  to  exceed  8100,000.     Family  homesteads,  not  ex 
ceeding  200  acres,  and  in  value  §2,000,  were  exempted  from  forced  sale. 
Amendments  to  this  constitution,  after  having  been  agreed  to  by  two-thirds 
of  each  house,  were  to  be  submitted  to  the  people;  if  then  approved  by  a 
majority  of  the  voters,  and  subsequently  by  two  thirds  of  each  house  of  the 
next  legislature,  they  became  valid  parts  of  the  constitution.  Fisher  and 
Colby's  A  mer.  Statis.  An.,  1854,  394-5. 

61  U.  S.  H.  J/wr.,  vol.  19,  doc.  45,  pt  4,  122-4. 

62  For  fuller  particulars  on  the  subject  of  the  Texan  annexation  see  Hist. 
Mex.,  v.  -322-38,  this  series;  files'  Reg.,  Ixxii.  222-3,  267-8,  287;  Ixxiii    11, 
31,  47,  147,  235-9,  280-2,  398^411;  Ixxiv.  105-6;  U.  S.,  Pepuh.  of,  62;  Galla- 
tins  Peace  with  Nex.,  7-9;  Otero,  Conmn.  Negoc.  Dip.,  in  Pap.  Far.,  87,  no.  14. 

William  Kennedy,  Texas:  The  Rise,  Progress,  and  Prospects  of  the  Reputtic 
qf  Texas.  London,  1841,  8vo,  2  vols.,  pp.  lii,  378,  and  vi.  548;  2  maps.  Ihe 
author  of  this  valuable  work  served  in  1838,  under  Lord  Durham,  Governor- 
General  of  Canada,  as  assistant  commissioner  for  enquiring  into  the  munici 
pal  institutions  of  Lower  Canada.  Lord  Durham's  abrupt  resignation  having 
brought  the  commission  to  a  permature  close,  Kennedy  took  the  opportunity 
of  visiting  a  large  portion  of  the  U.  S.,  and  extended  his  journey  to  lexas. 
During  his  residence  there  circumstances  were  so  favorabls  to  his  acquiring 


384  END  OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

information  on  the  political  condition  of  the  country,  as  to  induce  him  to 
undertake  the  task  of  publishing  the  result  of  his  enquiries  and  observations. 
His  work  contains  a  comprehensive  history  of  all  important  events  in  Texas, 
from  1G90  to  1840,  and  supplies  a  vast  amount  of  information  on  every 
subject  included  in  the  '  rise,  progress,  and  prospects'  of  a  new  country. 
Kennedy  was  a  keen  observer;  and  better  still,  his  observations  were  con 
ducted  without  prejudice,  and  are  correct;  his  reflections  were  deeply 
thoughtful,  and,  though  evidently  regarding  with  favor  the  Anglo-American 
colonists,  and  vindicating  them  in  their  action  with  regard  to  Mexico,  his 
conclusions  are  just.  His  style  is  particularly  graceful,  felicitous,  and  at 
tractive,  rising  frequently  to  eloquence;  and  the  different  topics  and  subjects 
of  his  work  are  well  and  carefully  combined.  Two  good  maps  accompany 
it,  one  of  which,  facing  p.  336,  vol.  1.,  indicates  the  grants  of  land  conceded 
under  the  empresario  system  of  Mexico.  Another  edition  was  published  in 
N.  Y.  in  1844. 

H.  Y  oakum — History  of  Texas  from  its  first  settlement  in  1685,  to  its  Annexa 
tion  to  the  United  States  in  1846.  New  York,  1856,  8vo,  2  vols.,  pp.  482,  576. 
Illust.  and  maps.  This  is  a  work  which  may  be  considered  as  one  of  the 
best,  if  not  the  best,  history  of  Texas.  No  other  production  of  the  kind  in 
English  supplies  a  more  complete  account  of  Texan  events,  the  author  hav 
ing  had  the  advantage  of  preceding  works  of  importance,  such  as  those  of 
Kennedy,  Foote,  and  other  writers.  His  account  of  the  early  missionary 
labors  and  the  founding,  system,  and  decline  of  the  missions  is  good,  though 
brief;  as  also  the  information  which  he  gives  about  the  Indian  tribes  and 
their  wars  against  the  whites.  Yoakum  certainly  made  many  mistakes, 
and  has  been  frequently  corrected  by  subsequent  writers  ;  he  was  an  in 
timate  friend  of  General  Houston,  and  displays  his  admiration  of  him  in  his 
work;  but  this  does  not  warrant  Richardson,  in  saying  that  Yoakum's 
partiality  was  carried  to  an  extreme  of  adulation,  and  habitually  ignored 
the  sanctity  of  truth.  The  same  writer  considered  that  there  was  no  doubt 
that  Y" oakum  received  his  data  and  voluminous  documents  from  Houston,  in 
spite  of  the  latter 's  assertion  that  the  work  was  one  with  which  the  com- 
mander-in-chief  had  no  connection.  This  may  be  true  to  some  extent,  but 
when  he  goes  on  to  say,  '  we  entertain  no  doubt  that  there  are,  in  that  book, 
letters,  despatches,  and  documents,  which  were  concocted  for  the  book,  and 
long  posterior  to  the  events  they  refer  to,' — Tex.  Aim.,  1860,  36 — such  a 
remark  is  not  only  reckless,  as  Richardson  does  not  produce  a  shadow  of 
proof,  but  bears  the  mark  of  enmity  and  malice.  Yoakum  supplies  a  large 
number  of  documents  in  his  appendices,  among  which  mention  must  be  made 
of  the  copy  of  an  old  record  in  the  archives  of  Be  jar,  bearing  the  elate  of 
1744,  and  which  contains  much  information  on  the  early  history  of  Texas; 
and  of  a  memoir  written  by  Col.  Ellis  P.  Bean,  about  the  year  1816,  in 
which  an  account  of  Nolan's  inroad  is  given,  and  of  Bean's  subsequent 
romantic  career  in  Mexico,  first  as  a  prisoner,  and  afterward  as  a  soldier 
fighting  in  the  cause  of  the  independence. 

Henry  Stuart  Foote — Texas  and  the  Texans.  or  Advance  of  the  Anglo-Ameri 
cans  to  the  South- West,  etc.,  etc.  Philadelphia,  1841,  12mo,  2  vols.,  pp.  viii. 
314,  and  v.  403.  This  author  opens  his  work  with  a  review  of  the  leading 
events  in  Mexico,  from  the  conquest  by  Cortes  to  the  termination  of  the 
war  of  independence.  He  then  enters  upon  Texan  matters,  and  describes 
the  numerous  expeditions  into  Texas  from  the  U.  S.  Of  the  Fredonian  war 
he  gives  a  very  full  account,  preceded  by  a  sketch  of  the  progress  of  Austin's 
colony.  The  second  volume  is  devoted  to  the  Texan  war  of  independence, 
and  the  causes  which  led  to  its  outbreak.  In  a  postscript  some  informa 
tion  is  given  concerning  the  claims  of  the  U.  S.  to  riexas,  at  different  periods 
after  the  purchase  of  Louisiana,  and  the  efforts  to  confirm  a  title  to  the  ter 
ritory.  Foote  had  at  his  disposal  much  valuable  material,  and  supplies 
copies  of  a  number  of  important  documents.  He  had  been  invited  while  in 
Texas,  he  informs  us  in  his  preface,  '  to  undertake  a  History  of  the  War  of 
Texan  Independence,  by  more  than  twenty  of  the  most  conspicuous  actors  in 


BIBLIOGRAPHY.  385 

that  war.'  This  may  explain  his  strong  one-sidedness,  but  is  no  excuse  for 
his  frequently  indulging  in  contemptuous  and  undignified  expressions  when 
speaking  of  the  Mexicans.  -  His  work,  however,  is  a  valuable  contribution  to 
Texan  history. 

Mary  Austin  Holley,  Texas.  Lexington,  Ky.,  1836.  12mo.,  pp.  viii.  410; 
Map.  This  authoress  published  a  few  years  previously,  Texas,  Observations, 
Historical,  Geographical,  and  Descriptive,  in  a  Series  of  Letters  written  during  a 
Visit  to  Austins  Colony,  with  a  View  to  a  Permanent  Settlement  in  that  Country, 
in  the  Autumn  of  1831.  Baltimore,  1833,  12  mo.,  pp.  167.  The  work  under 
consideration  is  an  enlargement  of  the  former  issue,  and  contains  a  very 
correct  description  of  the  physical  features  of  Texas,  besides  a  large  amount 
of  historical  matter,  which  is  supported  by  copies  of  important  documents. 
Mrs  Holley  concludes  her  narrative  with  a  brief  recital  of  the  battle  of  San 
Jacinto,  furnishing  a  list  of  the  killed  and  wounded  on  the  Texan  side,  as 
also  Houston's  Army  Orders  of  May  5,  1836.  Attached"  is  ,an  appendix 
containing  'The  Constitution  of  the  Mexican  United  States,'  and  'Constitu 
tion  of  the  Republic  of  Texas, '  with  a  list  of  the  signers  of  the  '  Declara 
tion  of  Rights.  In  The  Quarterly  Review,  vol.  Ixi.  p.  332,  a  slighting  remark 
is  made,  charging  the  authoress  with  giving  the  most  favorable  prospect  of  the 
new  country  for  the  purpose  of  inducing  the  immigration  of  settlers  from  the 
U.  S. — the  writer  of  the  article  sarcastically  printing  her  name  'Austin  '  in 
italics.  But  the  whole  tone  of  his  article  is  stamped  with  a  lack  of  appreciat 
ing  what  a  struggle  for  free  principles  against  despotism  really  is.  With 
regard  to  Mrs  Holley 's  style  I  quote  the  following  passage  from  The  Nortli  Amer 
ican  Review,  vol.  xliii.,  no.  xcii.  p.  257.  'Mrs  Holley  has  given  an  agreeable 
account  of  her  visit,  in  her  own  femininely  graceful  style,  yet  by  no  means 
destitute  of  expression  and  force;  and  her  statements,  as  to  the  natural 
features  of  the  country,  are,  in  substance,  correct.'  This  remark  refers  to 
her  earlier  work. 

W.  B.  Dewees — Letters  from  an  Early  Settler  of  Texas.  Compiled  by  Car  a 
Cardelk.  Louisville,  Ky.,  1852,  12mo/pp.  viii.  312.  There  is  internal  evi 
dence  that  his  work  is  not  what  it  purports  to  be.  The  compiler  states  in 
her  preface  that  she  '  chanced  to  find,  among  the  papers  of  a  worthy  friend, 
a  large  pile  of  letters  from  Texas,  some  of  them  bearing  an  early  date  in 
the  history  of  that  country. '  Interested  in  the  perusal  of  them  she  professes 
to  have  obtained  leave  from  Dewees  to  publish  them,  and  remarks,  '  I  give 
them  as  they  are,  from  the  pen  of  the  author,  lest  by  revising  and  correct 
ing,  some  gem  should  be  lost  or  beauty  marred. '  The  first  letter  is  dated 
'Long  Prairie,  Ark.,  March  1,  1819,' and  the  last  'Columbus,  Texas,  Feb. 
3,  1852,'  being  in  answer  to  the  compiler's  request  that  Dewees  would  write 
her  '  concerning  the  prosperity  of  your  country,  from  the  date  of  your  last 
letter  (January,  1850)  up  to  the  present  time; '  that  is,  Jan.  15,  1852.  Now 
without  discussing  the  many  extraordinary  historical  mistakes  scattered 
through  the  volume,  attention  is  called  to  that  in  the  third  letter  dated  June 
10,  1821.  The  writer  says,  on  pp.  20-22,  'Nacogdoches  is  an  old  Spanish 
town,  situated  on  the  San  Antonio  and  Louisiana  road,  about  sixty  miles 
west  of  the  Sabine  river,  in  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas; '  and  again: 
'During  my  stay  in  Nacogdoches,  I  learned  that  Mr  Moses  Austin,  of 
Missouri,  had  received  permission  from  the  Mexican  government  to  estab 
lish  a  colony  in  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas.'  Here  is  a  glaring  anach 
ronism  that  could  not  have  been  perpetrated  by  Dewees;  the  state  of  Coa 
huila  and  Texas  was  not  formed  till  May  7,  1824 — see  index  this  volume. 
That  at  least  some  of  these  letters  are  spurious  there  is  incontrovertible 
evidence.  In  the  19th  letter,  dated  Columbus,  Texas,  May  15,  1836,  the 
writer  has  not  scrupled  to  copy  almost  verbatim  from  Mrs  Holley's  Texas, 
pp.  354-5.  1  quote  a  few  passages.  Dewees  writes  'Colonel  Travis,  on 
whose  head  a  price  was  set,  when  wounded  and  dying  was  attacked  by  a 
Mexican  officer  who  seemed  intent  on  striking  the  body  of  the  dead; '  Mrs  Holley 
has,  '  who,  in  imitation  of  the  western  savage  seemed  desirous  of  striking  the 
body  of  the  dead,  the  other  portion  of  the  passage  being  identical.  Dewees 

HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    25. 


386  END   OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 

has,  '  Travis  met  and  plunged  his  sword  in  the  breast  of  the  savage 
Mexican,  and  they  fell,  the  victor  with  the  victim,  to  rise  no  more. '  Mrs 
Holley  writes,  'Travis  met  and  plunged  his  sword  in  the  breast  of  the 
advancing  enemy,  and  fell,  the  victor  with  the  victim,  to  rise  no  more. ' 
Again  the  following  passage  is  almost  word  for  word,  the  same  as  the  corres 
ponding  one  in  Mrs  Holley 's  work.  '  Immediately  after  the  fall  of  the 
Alamo,  Gen.  Santa  Anna  sent  Mrs  Dickenson  and  Col  Travis'  servant  to 
Gen.  Houston's  camp,  accompanied  by  a  Mexican,  with  a  flag,  who  bore  a 
note  from  Santa  Anna  offering  the  Texans  peace  and  a  general  amnesty  if 
they  would  lay  down  their  arms  and  submit  to  his  government.  Gen. 
Houston's  reply  was  "True,  sir,  you  have  succeeded  in  killing  some  of  our 
brave  men,  but  the  Texans  are  not  yet  whipped."  '  Now  Mrs  Holley  pub 
lished  in  her  work,  which  was  issued  in  Lexington,  Kentucky,  in  183(5, 
Army  Orders  of  Gen.  Houston,  dated  May  5,  1836,  and  it  was  impossible 
that  Dewees  could  have  had  the  work  before  him  at  the  time  when  his  letter 
is  pretended  to  have  been  written.  The  conclusion  that  the  letters  were 
written  long  after  the  dates  assigned  to  them  is  indisputable.  With  regard 
to  their  matter,  they  contain  numerous  accounts  of  fights  with  Indians,  and 
of  the  distressed  condition  of  the  early  settlers.  In  historical  matters  they 
are  marked  by  inaccuracies  and  exaggeration. 

Anson  Jones — Memoranda  and  Official  Correspondence  relating  to  the  Republic 
of  Texas;  its  History  and  Annexation.  Including*  a  lyrief  Autobiography  of  the 
Author.  New  York,  1859,  8vo,  pp.  648.  The  author  of  this  work  went  to 
Texas  in  1833,  and  fought  against  the  Mexicans  as  a  soldier  in  the  ranks. 
After  the  independence  of  Texas,  he  was  successively  representative,  sena 
tor,  secretary  of  state,  minister,  and  president.  His  book  consequently  con 
tains  a  vast  amount  of  information;  as  he  gives  in  it  not  only  his  private 
memoirs,  but  all  his  official  correspondence,  especially  during  1841  to  1844. 
It  is  divided  in  'Private  Memoirs,'  'Memoranda,'  in  the  form  of  a  journal, 
and  'Letters,  etc.,' among  which  appear  extracts  from  a  number  of  Texan 
and  U.  S.  newspapers.  The  work  contains  extensive  information  on  all 
political  affairs  in  Texas,  from  the  time  of  his  arrival,  to  within  a  few  weeks 
of  his  death,  Jan.  7,  1858.  Especially  valuable  are  his  remarks  on  the  cam 
paign  of  1836,  the  annexation  question,  and  the  schemes  of  England.  During 
Jones'  presidency  Gen.  Houston  became  estranged  from  him  and,  according 
to  his  own  statement,  page  520,  assumed  a  hostile  attitude  toward  him, 
both  politically  and  personally.  Doctor  Jones  was  subject  to  paroxysms  of 
gloom,  and  in  a  fit  of  despondency  took  his  own  life  on  the  above  mentioned 
date. 

An  elaborate  volume  by  Homer  S.  Thrall, — A  Pictonal  History  of  Texas, 
from  the  Earliext  Visits  of  European  Adventurers,  to  A.  D.,  1879,  etc.,  etc.,  St 
Louis,  Mo.  8vo,  pp.  xix.  and  861,  map, — supplies  extensive  information  re 
garding  Texas,  the  author  having  had  access  to  many  official  documents, 
and  the  opportunity  of  perusing  a  large  number  of  histories,  pamphlets,  and 
addresses  bearing  upon  his  subject.  He  has,  therefore,  been  able  to  place 
before  his  reader,  in  a  condensed  form,  a  vast  accumulation  of  historical 
events,  and  in  all  main  features,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  he  is  generally 
correct.  Toward  the  close  of  the  period  which  Thrall's  work  covers,  he  is 
scanty  and  very  delicate  about  expressing  any  views  of  political  matters. 
The  works  comprises  all  matters  connected  with  the  history  of  the  state. 
Lists  of  the  executives  and  the  personnel  of  the  different  departments  will 
be  found  in  the  notes,  and  brief  descriptions,  in  alphabetical  order,  of  the 
counties  are  supplied,  as  also  accounts  of  charitable  and  educational  insti 
tutions  and  churches.  Information  is  given  on  agricultural  industries,  rail 
ways  and  commerce,  population  and  the  growing  wealth  of  the  state. 
Perhaps  the  most  valuable  and  interesting  portion  of  the  book  is  that 
devoted  to  biographical  notices  of  prominent  Texans,  of  whom  he  furnishes  a 
list  of  over  200,  their  names  arranged  alphabetically.  The  work  is  so  com 
prehensive  in  details,  and  methodical  in  construction,  that  it  may  be  regarded 
as  a  miniature  cyclopedia  rather  than  a  history  of  Texas. 


FULLER  REFERENCE.  387 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  principal  authorities  consulted  in  the  preced 
ing  chapters:  U.  S.  government  documents,  notably  Cony.  Debates;  Id.  Globe; 
Sen.  Doc.;  Sen.  M-iscel.  Doc.;  Sen.  Rep.;  H.  Ex.  Docs;  II.  Miscel  Docs;  H. 
Com.  Rep. ;  If.  Jour. ;  Charters  and  Constitutions ;  Sen.  Jour. ;  to  the  respective 
indices  of  which  the  reader  is  referred  for  Texas  affairs;  Rules  and  Articles 
for  Govt  Armies,  Houston,  1839,  20pp.;  Texas  Repealed,  passim;  Texas  State 
Gaz.,  iv.  app.;  Laws  of  Rep.  of  Texas,  for  the  years  1838-45;  Texas,  Message 
of  Pres.,  Houston,  1838,  32pp.;  Laying  Corner-stone  New  State  Capital,  Aus 
tin,  1885,  43  pp.;  Tex.  Almanacs,  for  the  years  1858-61,  1867-9,  see  indices; 
Filisola,  Mem.  Hist.  Guer.  Tex.,  vols  i.  and  ii. ;  Kennedy's  Tex.,  vols  i.  and  ii. ; 
Bakers  Tex.,  passim;  Cordovas  Tex.,  3-6,  102-53;  Jay's  Mex.  War,  20-106; 
Holley's  Tex.,  passim;  Houston's  Letter  to  Santa  Ana;  Id.,  Life  of,  211-24;  Id., 
Message,  May  12th,  Houston,  1838,  9pp.;  Id.,  Mess.  Relative  to  Ind.  Affairs, 
Houston,  1838,  13  pp.;  Footers  Tex.,  passim;  Mex.  Manifest  del  Cong.  Gen., 
Mex.,  1836,  20pp.;  Id.,  Rel.  Exter.,  1838,  12-14,  18;  Id.,  Mem.  Hac.,  1838, 
7;  Id.,  Col.  Leyes,  1829-30;  Thrall's  Tex.,  18-701;  Rivera,  Jalapa,  iii.,  passim; 
Youngs  Hist,  of  Mex.,  262-606;  Grays  Outline  Hist.,  1-16;  Linn's  Reminis, 
65,  225-312;  U.  S.  Repub.,  58-268;  Burnett's  Address  to  the  Sen.,  Houston, 
1838,  8  pp.;  Lester's  Houston  and  his  Repub.,  45-201;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg. 
Mex.,  iii.  141-88;  iv.  154,  198;  v.  17;  Roberts'  Descript.  Tex.,  i.-iv.;  Wilkon's 
Amer.  Hist.,  665-72;  G wins  Memoirs,  MS.,  2-1,  249-55;  Potters  Texas  Revol, 
27  pp.;  Tex.  Coll.  Docs,  nos  3-7,  19,  53-8,  65;  Hansard's  Parl.  Rec.,  Ixv. 
964-5;  Ixxiv.  1227,  1330;  Id.,  Parl.  Deb.,  xxxvii.  191-202;  Hay's  Life,  MS., 
3,  7,  11-33;  Niles'  Register,  covering  the  period,  see  indices;  Federacion  y 
Texas,  39  pp.;  Dewees  Letters  from  Tex.,  223-98,  304-8;  Potion's  Hist.  U.  S., 
686-91;  Domenech,  Hist,  du  Mex.,  177-8,  187-96;  Id.,  Jour.  Missionaire,  10, 
25,  325-442;  Falconer's  Discov.  Miss.,  34-52;  Hist.  Doc.  Cal.,  i.  72;  ii.  21,  36; 
Fry's  Life  of  Taylor,  71-86;  Gallatin's  Peace  with  Mex.,  7-9,  15-23;  Green's 
Journal,  passim;  Id.,  Repb/  to  Houston,  29-66;  Id.,  Speech  in  U.  S.  Sen.,  3-67; 
Gratton's  Civ.  Amer.,  ii.  261-5,  278-311;  Hootons  St  Louis  Isle,  Lond.,  1847, 
204  pp.;  Jenkins'  Mex.  War,  passim;  Id.,  Life  of  Polk,  120-33,  236-45;  Peirce's 
Rough  Sketch,  MS.,  93-8;  Id.,  Jour.,  MS.,  100-9;  Varios  Impresos,  2,  no.  vi. 
1-96;  Giddings  Speeches,  97-118;  Smith's  Reminis.  Tex.,  Galv.,  1876,  82  pp.; 
Barbey,  Tex.;  Bentons  Deb.  in  Cong.,  xii.  650-2,  805;  xiii.  802;  xx.  673^; 
Id.,  Thirty  Years'  View,  ii.  581-624,  665-76;  Bustamante,  Diario  Mex.,  MS., 
xliv.  81,  109,  127,  169;  xlv.  53,  71,  168;  xlvi.  31,  77,  87;  Id.,  Gabinete  Mex., 
MS.,  i.  5,  23-4,  45;  ii.  7-14,  158-70,  183-5;  iv.  17;  Id.,  Mem.  Hist.  Mex.,  MS., 
ii.  46-50,  61-2,  71-6,  90-3,  166-7;  Id.,  Hist.  Santa  Anna,  5-6,  42-50,  110-16, 
301;  Ceballos,  Vind.  de  Mex.,  43-50,  73-7;  Channing's  Letter  to  Clay;  Complaint 
of  Mex.;  Bonnell's  Descrip.  Tex.,  117-50;  Kendall's  Narr.  of  Tex.,  Santa  Fe 
Exped.,  ii.  11— 406;  Kennedy's  Speech  in  U.  S.  Sen.,;  Blanchard's  S.  Juan,  522- 
6,  543-72;  Almonte,  Notic.  Estddist.  Tex.,  5-10,  51,  68-70,  76-7;  Adams,  Dis- 
curso  del  Ex-presidente,  Mex.,  1836,  22  pp.;  Rep.  Mex.  Border  Commiss.,  245 
etseq.;  Tornel,  Tejas  Estad.  Unid.,  1-98;  Niles' S.  A mer.  and  Mex.,  i.  250-69, 
356-69,  372;  Ramsey's  Other  Side,  21-4;  Crane's  Wash.  Co.  Tex.,  25-9,  33; 
Tex. ,  Dictamen  de  Comis  Unidas,  24  pp. ;  Texas,  History  of,  or  Emiy.  Guide  to, 
K  Y.,  1844,  275pp.;  Fournel,  Coup  d'Oeil,  20-1,  38,  41,  53-6;  Tejas,  Exped. 
hechaen,  1-56;  Id.,  Com.  Agreg.  Estad.  Unid.,  3-30;  Porter's  Rev.  Mex.  War, 
9-35;  Mex.  Comunic.  Agree}.  Tex.,  7-30;  Mansfield's  Mex.  War,  9-19,  22-4; 
Amer.  State  Papers,  vi.  412-27;  Arrillar/a,  Recop.,  1836,  234,  331-3;  1837,  40, 
8()-7,  268-9,  398,  596-7;  1838,  187,  212-13;  Austin  Directory,  1877-8,  1-33; 
Tex.  in  1840,  23-8,  61-7,  209-22,  248-56;  Marcy's  Army  Life,  63,  356-90; 
Texas  Com.  from  Sec.  of  the  Treas.,  Houston,  1838,  16  pp.;  Goodriclis  Hist.  N. 
and  S.  Amer.,  268-70,  810-61;  Diclcenson's  Speeches,  i.  127-59;  Larenaudiere. 
Mex.  y  Guat.,  239—40;  Lamar's  Letter  on  Annex,  of  Tex.;  Id.,  Inaug.  Address, 
Houston,  1838,  11  pp.;  Rivero,  Mex.  en  1842,  118,  223;  Guerra entre  Mex.  ylos 
Estad.  Unid.,  17,  21-2;  Yuc.  Manifest  Gob.  Prov.,  16-37;  Peeler  aiid  Maxey's 
Mercer  Colony  Case;  McCabe's  Comprehensive  View,  761-2;  Thompsons  RecoL 
Mex.,  passim;  Olmsted's  Journey,  472-4;  Sumner's  Orations,  ii.  107-16;  Robin- 
aon's  Mex.,  256-61;  Ripky's  War  Mex.,  i.  58;  Texan  Revolution;  MacGregor's 


END   OF  THE  TEXAN  REPUBLIC. 


Progress  of  Amer.,  ii.  1036,  1256;  Baqueiro,  Ensayo  Yuc.,  1T42-5;  Barrdro, 
Resumen,  36  pp.;  Hutchison's  Re-minis. ,  198-208;  War  in  Texas,  64  pp.;  Rejon, 
Crecencio  Justification,  1-35;  Hunt 's  Address  to  People  of  Tex.,  21-43;  Id.,  Pub 
lic  Lands  and  Debt  of  Tex.,  16  pp.;  Palado Leyes,  1844-6,  115-17;  Otero,  Obras, 
MS.,  1.  313-17;  ii.  l^t;  Tex.,  Ult.  Comunic.,  Mex.,  1846,  22  pp.;  Democratic 
Rev.,  1839-45;  Pap.  Var.,  75,  no.  U,  85,  no.  15,  106,  no.  7,  111,  no.  1,  143, 
no.  19,  149,  no.  12;  Mayer's  Mex.  War,  54-66,  74-5;  Id.,  Mex.  as  It  Was  and 
Is,  312;  RouJian,  Regions  Nouvelles,  27;  Lond.  Geog.  Soc.  Jour.,  xiii.  202-44; 
Fishers  Memorials,  3-87;  De  Bow's  Stat.  View,  32-168;  Edinburgh  Rev.,  no. 
147,  p.  266,  no.  157,  p.  180-2;  North  Amer.  Rev.,  xliii.  251-7;  Hunt's  Merch. 
Mag.,  ii.  264-5;  iv.  564;  xvi.  486,  557;  xviii.  504;  Amer.  Rev.,  75-81;  Gouges 
Fiscal  Hist.  Tex.,  54-102,  292-318;  Gould's  Alamo  City  Guide,  23-7;  Putnam's 
Monthly  Mag.,  iii.  183-94;  iv.  639-44;  Hobb's  Wild  Life  in  Far  West,  18-32; 
Reid's  Tramp,  42-5,  52;  Payne's  Hist.  European  Colonies,  310-11;  Hardman's 
Frontier  Life,  197-248;  Midler,  Reisen  en  Mex.,  iii.  315-17  In  connection, 
with  the  preceding,  a  large  number  of  newspaper  authorities  have  been  ex 
amined. 


SEAL  OF  TEXAS. 


CHAPTER   XV 

TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 
1846-1859. 

SOCIAL  CONDITION  OF  THE  TEXANS — POPULATION — POSITION  OF  MALE 
FACTORS — SIMPLICITY  OF  HOUSEHOLDS — THE  LITERATE  ELEMENT — GOV 
ERNOR  HENDERSON'S  INAUGURATION — TEXANS'  DOINGS  IN  THE  MEXICAN 
WAR— WOOD'S  ADMINISTRATION — DISPUTE  ABOUT  THE  POSSESSION  OF 
SANTA  FE — GOVERNOR  BELL — THE  TEXAN  DEBT — PEARCE'S  BILL — THE 
SANTA  FE  AND  PUBLIC  DEBT  QUESTIONS — SCALING  THE  DEBT — PEASE'S 
ADMINISTRATION — PROSPERITY — INDIAN  DEPREDATIONS — NATIVE  COLO 
NIES — PROSPECTS  OF  SUCCESS — Vicious  INDIAN  SETTLERS — ANGRY 
FRONTIER-MEN — A  BARBAROUS  MASSACRE — REMOVAL  OF  THE  INDIAN 
COLONISTS — FINAL  ADJUSTMENT  OF  THE  PUBLIC  DEBT — FINANCIAL 
MATTERS — HOSTILITY  TO  MEXICANS — THE  CART  WAR — POLITICAL  PAR 
TIES — BIOGRAPHY  OF  RUSK — ADMINISTRATION  OF  RUNNELS — THE 
SLAVERY  AGITATION — HOUSTON  ELECTED  GOVERNOR. 

TEXAS  now  entered  upon  a  new  phase  of  existence. 
She  had  presented  to  the  world  the  extraordinary 
spectacle  of  a  nation  voluntarily  surrendering  its  na 
tionality,  of  a  sovereign  people  laying  down  their 
sceptre  of  autonomy.  But  her  gain  was  not  small. 
No  longer  had  she  to  support  an  army  and  navy,  or 
bear  the  expenses  of  a  diplomatic  corps  and  postal 
service.  With  regard  to  her  internal  condition  it  had 
greatly  improved.  Agricultural  productions  had  in 
creased,  and  by  1845  the  exports  nearly  equalled  the 
imports.1  Having  arrived  at  a  distinctive  period  of 

1  For  the  year  ending  July  31,  1844,  the  imports  amounted  to  $686,503, 
and  the  exports  to  $615,119,  showing  a  balance  of  trade  against  the  re 
public  of  $71,384.  In  1839  the  corresponding  balance  was  $1,232,379,  or 
more  than  17  times  as  much.  Gouge,  in  his  Fiscal  Hist.,  128,  supplies  these 
figures,  and  points  out  the  effect  of  excessive  issues  of  paper  currency  in  en 
couraging  imports  and  discouraging  exports.  Though  there  is  some  truth  in 
his  remark,  he  fails  to  take  notice  of  the  fact  that  the  production  of  raw 
material  in  Texas  was  rapidly  increasing,  and  would  naturally  affect  the 
balance  of  trade. 
4389) 


390  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

Texan  history,  it  will  not  be  out  of  place  to  take  a 
retrospective  glance  at  the  social  condition  of  those 
extraordinary  men  who  wrested  from  a  powerful 
nation  this  fair  portion  of  her  territory. 

It  is  impossible  to  arrive  at  any  certain  estimate  as 
to  the  number  of  the  Anglo-Texan  population  before 
the  year  1847,  when  the  first  census  was  taken,  show 
ing  the  number  of  that  race  to  be  10 0,5 08. 2  A  cal 
culation  based  upon  the  number  of  votes  cast  in  Sep 
tember,  1844,  at  the  presidential  election,  gives  the 
figures  51,008  ;3  but  when  it  is  considered  how  widely 
the  population  was  dispersed,  and  the  consequent 
probability  that  no  small  number  of  the  country 
voters  would  be  unable  to  appear  at  the  polls,  these 
figures  may  be  regarded  as  too  low.  The  Mexican 
element  at  this  time  numbered  about  4,000  souls. 
These,  with  the  exception  of  the  Mexicans  resident  at 
Bejar,  Goliad,  and  Nacogdoches,  were  scattered 
among  the  settlements.  Some  few  European  immi 
grants,  for  the  most  part  English,  Irish,  and  Germans, 
were  also  to  be  found.4  San  Patricio,  which  was  es 
sentially  an  Irish  colony,  contained  quite  a  number  of 
that  race.  English  settlers,  also,  shortly  before  the 
annexation,  were  constantly  arriving,  some  of  whom 
engaged  in  raising  sheep,  bringing  with  them  flocks 
of  the  best  bred  wool-producers  in  Great  Britain. 

When  it  is  borne  in  mind  from  how  many  states  of  the 
northern  union  the  early  settlers  of  Texas  proceeded, 
that  descendants  of  the  pilgrim  fathers,  and  Hollanders 
from  the  north,  of  the  old  Virginia  cavaliers,  and 
of  the  ancient  Huguenots  who  settled  in  South  Caro 
lina,  that  hunters  from  Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  and 
illiterate  frontier  farmers  all  flocked  to  this  land  of 
promise,  it  will  be  recognized  how  motley  was  the 

2  Consult  note  4,  chapter  xiv. 

3  The  number  of  votes  was  12,752,  and  each  voter  is  estimated  to  repre 
sent  four  persons,  including  himself. 

4  In  1 845  a  German  colony  wai  founded  by  Prince  de  Solms,  on  the  Guad- 
v,lupe  river.     At  first  these  settlers  suffered  much  from  sickness,  but  their 
county  capital,  New  Braunfels  is  now  a  thriving  place.  Linns  Rem.,  348. 


ELEMENTS  OF  SOCIETY.  391 

community  at  this  time.  But  on  their  arrival, 
previous  rivalries  and  jealousies,  arising  from  dif 
ferent  origins  and  local  interests,  to  a  great  extent 
disappeared.  They  had  met  in  a  new  land  under  a 
common  name,  and  were  ready  to  aid  each  other 
and  live  in  friendship,  but  as  yet  no  national 
character  distinguished  the  people  of  Texas.  Neither 
in  manners,  customs,  nor  dress,  did  they  display  uni 
formity  ;  and  each  new-comer,  finding  no  general 
model,  retained  the  habits  he  had  brought  with  him. 
In  their  intercourse  with  each  other  and  with  strang 
ers,  they  exhibited  a  freedom,  and  a  want  of  the  tinsel 
of  politeness — so  often  the  cloak  of  insincerity — which 
might  not  always  have  pleased  the  transient  traveller ; 
but  if  he  possessed  ordinary  common  sense,  he  soon 
discovered  the  virtues  of  frankness,  truthfulness,  and 
hospitality  in  the  Texan  settler. 

With  regard  to  the  criminal  element,  the  murderers 
and  fugitives  from  justice  of  which  the  people  were 
said  to  be  largely  composed,  I  fail  to  find  these  hasty 
assertions  verified.  Either  the  Texans  were  intention 
ally  maligned,  or  else  they  were  introduced  to  the 
world  by  writers  who  had  no  personal  knowledge  of 
them.  That  numbers  of  malefactors  found  their  way 
into  Texas  cannot  be  denied ;  but  they  were  in  so 
small  a  minority  that  they  possessed  no  influence ;  and 
it  may  justly  be  said  that  in  respect  to  this  social 
detriment,  Texas  suffered  no  more  than  the  settle 
ments  in  all  the  frontier  states  of  the  union.5  Over 
the  class  of  people  which  is  the  subject  of  these  re 
marks  a  vigilant  watch  was  kept  by  the  community, 
and  an  immigrant  guilty  of  crime,  who  had  made 

5  Unbiassed  travellers  recognized  this.  Consult  Parker's  Trip  to  the  West 
a-nd  Tex.,  169-70;  Texas,  A  Visit  to,  being  the  Journal  of  a  Traveler,  214-16; 
Texas,  A  History  of,  or  the  Emigrants'  Guide,  230.  These  works,  published  re 
spectively  in  1835,  1834,  and  1844,  contain  much  excellent  information,  and 
are  evidently  reliable.  Jake  Johnson,  a  native  Texan,  and  son  of  an  old 
pioneer  who  in  early  days  was  a  stock-raiser  and  farmer  in  Gonzalez  county, 
writing  in  1886,  says,  *  The  reason  Texas  has  such  a  bad  name  is  that 
when  the  lawless  of  other  portions  of  the  country  commit  depredations,  they 
come  to  Texas,  and  thus  give  the  state  a  bad  name.'  Race  Horses  in  Tex., 
MS.,  1. 


392  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

Texas  his  place  of  refuge,  was  generally  careful  not  to 
repeat  the  offence  which  had  caused  his  expatriation. 
To  suppose  that  no  murders,  or  no  violence  occurred 
in  Texas,  would  be  to  imagine  a  millennium.  Many 
abominable  crimes  were  perpetrated;  but  they  were 
not  in  greater  proportion  than  every  newly  settled 
country  in  the  United  States  has  been  subject  to; 
while  at  the  same  time  theft  and  burglary  were  car 
ried  on  to  a  much  less  extent.  In  manners  and 
morals  the  conduct  of  the  Anglo-Texans  would  bear 
comparison  with  those  of  any  new  country. 

In  most  of  the  towns  could  be  found  a  billiard 
room,  and  in  the  suburbs  a  race-course.  The  amuse 
ments  derived  from  these  sources  were  greatly  in 
vogue  among  the  Texans.  Though  the  legislature 
attempted  to  suppress  gambling,6  this  vice  was  greatly 
practised  in  private.  With  regard  to  the  use  of  in 
toxicating  liquors  the  Texans  could  not  be  charged 
with  too  strict  temperance. 

In  the  older  settlements  some  comfortable  frame- 
houses  could  be  seen  at  this  date,  and  occasionally  a 
few  of  brick.  In  these  might  be  found  good  imported 
furniture  and  articles  of  luxury,  such  as  pianos,  sofas, 
and  bureaus.  But  the  dwellings  of  most  of  the  set 
tlers,  especially  in  the  country,  were  of  logs,  with 
furniture  of  the  simplest  kind,  generally  made  on  the 
spot  out  of  materials  at  hand.  A  few  boards  with 
supports  roughly  put  together,  constituted  the  house 
hold  table,  and  chair  frame-works  were  covered  with 
raw  hides.  The  female  part  of  the  community  per 
formed  nearly  all  the  household  duties;  and  refined 
as  were  the  wives  of  many  immigrants,  they  were  not 
exempt  from  severe  toil  unless  they  held  slaves. 

Food  was  of  the  simplest  kind,  except  in  the  towns 
and  the  better  class  of  country  establishments.  Corn- 
meal  bread,  meat,  and  sweet  or  Irish  potatoes  consti- 

6  On  May  26,  1837,  an  act  was  passed  making  all  games  of  chance,  played 
by  persons  holding  banks  for  the  purpose  of  inviting  betters  thereto,  penal 
offences.  Laws  Repub.  Tex.,  i.  228-9.  This  law  had  the  effect  of  suppressing 
gambling  in  public  only. 


HENDERSON,  FIRST  GOVERNOR  393 

tuted  the  principal  viands  in  the  outly'ng  districts. 
The  corn  was  frequently  left  standing  in  the  field,  and 
gathered  only  as  it  became  wanted.7  The  chief  ex 
ports  were  cotton,  sugar,  live-stock,  and  peltries. 
Indeed,  the  agricultural  productions  as  yet  were  very 
few,  and  confined  to  those  of  the  first  necessity. 

A  large  portion  of  the  settlers  at  this  time  was 
composed  of  illiterate  men,  drawn  from  the  class  of 
industrious  husbandmen  whose  tastes  and  avocations 
precluded  the  acquirement  of  an  education.  But, 
nevertheless,  among  the  early  immigrants  into  Texas 
were  many  highly  cultured  persons.  The  various 
professions  were  represented  by  numerous  indi 
viduals  who  displayed  great  intelligence  and  skill  in 
their  particular  callings ;  many  were  gifted  with  con 
versational  powers  and  versed  in  literature  and  science. 
During  the  last  years  of  the  republic,  graduates  from 
half  the  colleges  in  the  United  States  could  be  found 
in  Texas.8 

On  the  16th  of  February,  1846,  the  inauguration 
of  J.  Pinckney  Henderson,9  the  first  governor  of  the 

7  Parker — writing,  however,  a  decade  before  the  annexation — says:  '  It 
used  to  amuse   me,  when  we  rode  up  to  a  house  at  night  and  called  for  a 
meal,  to  hear  the  women  sing  out  to  a  boy,  "  Run  to  the  field  and  bring  two 
or  three  ears  of  corn,  I  want  to  make  some  bread  for  the  gentlemen's  supper. '  " 
Utsup.,  130-1. 

8  Texas,  A  Hist,  of,  230-1. 

9  Henderson  was  born  in  Lincoln  county,  N.  C.,  March  31,  1809.     For 
several  years  he  studied  at  the  university  of  Chapel  Hill,  and  having  adopted 
the  profession  of  law  was  admitted  to  practise  in  N.  C.  at  the  early  age  of 
nineteen.     His  intense  application  while  preparing  for  his  profession  injured 
his  constitution.     He  went  to  Texas  in  1836,  and  in  1837  was  appointed 
minister  from  the  republic  of  Texas  to  England  and  France,  where  he  suc 
ceeded  in  obtaining  a  recognition  of  the  independence  of  Texas.     He  married 
Frances  Cox,  in  London,  in  October,  1839.     On  his  return  to  Texas  in  1840 
he  practised  his  profession  till  1844,  when  he  was  appointed  minister  pleni 
potentiary  to  act  in  concert  with  Colonel  Van  Zandt,  the  charge  d'  affairs  of 
Texas  to  the  United  States,  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  annexation.     The  treaty 
was,  however,  rejected  by  the  U.  S.  senate.     In  the  war  with  Mexico,  Hen 
derson  signalized  himself,  especially  at  the  capture  of  Monterey,  and  was 
one  of  the  commissioners  appointed  by  Taylor  to  treat  with  Ampuclia  for 
the  surrender  of  that  place.     On  his  return  to  Texas  he  declined  a  renomi- 
nation  as  candidate  for  the  governship,  and  resumed  the  practise  of  his  pro 
fession.     He  died  in  June,  1858,  at  the  federal  capital,  having  proceeded 
thither  to  fill  the  vacancy  in  the  U.  R.  senate  occasioned  by  the  death  of 
Senator  Rusk.    Tex.  Aim,,  1808,   55-8;  Thrall,   551;  Cony.   Globe,  1858,  899; 
Tex.  State  Gaz.,  iv.  app.,  161-6. 


394  TEXAS   AS  A  STATE. 

new  state  took  place.  By  the  constitution  which  had 
been  drawn  up  by  the  convention  and  ratified  by  pop 
ular  vote  the  year  before,1®  the  governor's  term  of 
office  was  fixed  at  two  years,  the  power  of  veto  being 
granted  him.  He  also  had  the  privilege  of  nominat 
ing  the  justices  of  the  supreme  court,  and  the  judges 
of  the  eight  judicial  districts  which  were  formed  by 
the  legislature.  His  nominations  were  to  be  con 
firmed  by  a  vote  of  two  thirds  of  the  senate,  and  the 
appointees  were  to  hold  office  for  six  years. 

When  the  joint  resolutions  of  the  United  States 
congress,  in  favor  of  annexation,  were  officially  pub 
lished,  March  7,  1845,  General  Almonte,  the  Mexi 
can  minister  at  Washington,  denounced  the  proceeding 
in  a  vehement  protest,  and  demanded  his  passports. 
As  there  could  now  be  no  doubt  of  war  with  Mexico 
—a  result  which  the  United  States  was  really  playing 
for — General  Taylor,  who,  pending  negotiations,  had 
been  stationed  on  the  Sabine  with  a  strong  force  of 
United  States  troops,  was  ordered  to  establish  his 
headquarters  at  Corpus  Christi,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Nueces.  This  significant  movement  was  effected  at 
the  end  of  June.  The  Mexicans  were,  however, 
making  vigorous  preparations  for  war,  and  were  mass 
ing  troops  at  Matamoros,  evidently  the  first  point  to 
be  attacked  if  the  enemy  invaded  Mexican  territory. 

As  the  events  of  the  Mexican  war  are  fully  nar 
rated  in  another  volume,11  I  shall  not,  of  course,  enter 
into  particulars  here;  yet  it  would  be  an  injustice  to 
the  Texan  volunteers,  who  bore  a  noble  part  in  that 
struggle,  that  in  the  history  of  their  country,  no 
mention  of  their  achievements  should  be  made. 

As  soon  as  hostilities  seemed  inevitable,  the  Texan 
legislature  passed  a  bill  authorizing  Governor  Hen 
derson  to  take  command  of  the  Texans  who  might  be 
mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United  States.  On 

10  It  was  approved  by  the  people  on  the  second  Monday  in  Oct.  1846. 
uHist.  Mex.,  v.  346-548,  this  series. 


THE  MEXICAN  WAR. 


395 


May  2,  1846,  a  requisition  for  two  regiments  of  in 
fantry  and  two  of  cavalry  was  made  on  Texas.  On 
May  8th  and  9th,  the  battles  of  Palo  Alto  and  Re- 
saca  de  la  Palma  were  fought,  but  it  does  not  appear 
that  many  Texans  took  part  in  them,12  and  it  is  prob 
able  that  Henderson  did  not  join  Taylor  with  his 
command  until  the  army  had  reached  Camargo.  The 
limited  means  of  transportation,  and  uncertainty  with 
regard  to  supplies,  induced  Taylor,  while  on  his  march 


CITY  OF  MONTEREY. 

against  Monterey,  to  leave  a  large  number  of  volun 
teers  on  garrison  duty  in  towns  on  the  Rio  Grande. 
Thus,  the  1st  and  2d  regiments  only  of  the  Texan 
division  accompanied  the  army  on  that  memorable 
campaign.  In  the  attack  upon  Monterey,  the  1st 
regiment  mounted  volunteers  under  Colonel  John  C. 
Hays,  the  celebrated  ranger,  was  detached  and  sent 
with  General  Worth  to  make  a  demonstration  on  the 
western  side  of  the  town,  while  Taylor  assaulted  on 
the  east. 

l2Capt.  Samuel  H.  Walker,  of  the  Texan  Rangers,  however,  performed 
eminent  service  as  a  scout.  He  was  afterward  killed  at  Huamantla,  while 
serving  iu  Gen.  Lane's  command. 


396  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

The  city,  which  was  strongly  fortified  and  garris 
oned,  was  assailed  by  Taylor  September  21st.  The 
attack  lasted  three  days,  on  the  last  of  which  Hender 
son  led  in  person  the  2d  regiment  of  Texans,  who, 
dismounting,  acted  as  infantry.  Being  cut  off  from 
his  men  by  a  murderous  fire,  he  narrowly  escaped 
death. 

Meanwhile  Worth,  making  a  detour,  had  gained 
the  other  side  of  the  town.  On  the  21st,  he  engaged 
a  body  of  Mexicans  1,500  strong,  and  it  was  mainly 
owing  to  the  strategy  of  Hays,  and  the  deadly  fire  of 
the  Texan  Rangers,  who  were  in  advance,  that  a 
furious  cavalry  charge  was  repulsed  and  a  victory 
gained. 

On  the  western  side  of  Monterey  lie  two  fortified 
heights,  one  on  each  side  of  the  river  on  which  the 
town  is  situated.  These  strongholds,  known  by  the 
names  of  La  Federacion  and  Cerro  del  Obispado, 
commanded  the  approach  to  the  place.  That  after 
noon  a  force  of  300  men,  half  of  them  Texans,  stormed 
and  occupied  La  Federacion  on  the  south  side ;  and 
before  daylight  on  the  following  morning  200  Texans 
led  by  Hays  and  Walker,  with  three  companies  of  the 
artillery  battalion  and  three  companies  of  the  8th  in 
fantry,  scaled  in  two  columns,  under  cover  of  a  mist, 
the  almost  perpendicular  height  of  El  Obispado,  and 
well  nigh  reached  the  summit  before  the  alarm  was 
given.  Then  a  volley  was  poured  down  upon  them. 
But  the  work  was  soon  carried,  and  as  fresh  troops 
arrived  in  support,  the  strong  fort  of  El  Obispado  was 
assaulted  and  taken.  The  Texans,  however,  had  to 
mourn  the  death  of  Captain  Gillispie,  whose  loss  was 
deeply  lamented. 

The  investment  of  the  city  on  the  west  side  was 
complete ;  and  during  the  next  two  days  the  Ameri 
cans  so  successfully  pushed  their  way  into  the  city— 
the  Texans  bearing  a  prominent  part  in  the  struggle 
—that  on  the  24th  Ampudia  capitulated,  General 
Henderson  being  appointed  by  Taylor  one  of  the  com- 


TEXAN  HEROES.  397 

missioners  to  treat  about  the  terms  of  surrender. 

All  through  the  war  the  Texans  distinguished 
themselves.  Hays'  regiment,  of  which  the  old  rangers 
formed  the  nucleus,  and  among  whom  were  such 
spirits  as  Benjamin  McCulloch,  Major  Mike  Chevalie, 
Samuel  A.  Walker,  McMullen,  Kit  Acklin,  J.  B. 
McGowan,  and  others,  after  serving  in  Taylor's  cam 
paign  on  the  Rio  Grande,  was  transferred  to  Scott's 
command.  The  efficiency  of  these  mounted  troopers 
was  marked  wherever  the  army  marched.  Serving 
equally  as  well  on  foot  as  on  horseback,  they  would 
storm  a  height  or  charge  the  enemy's  cavalry  with 
the  same  indifference,  intrepidity,  and  success.  On 
the  road  they  were  the  terror  of  the  guerrilla  bands, 
and  in  the  towns  objects  of  dread  to  antagonists,  and 
of  awe  to  non-combatants.  Their  uncouth,  wild,  and 
fierce  appearance,  their  strange  garb,  and  their  repu 
tation  for  contempt  of  every  form  of  danger,  gained 
for  them  in  Mexico  the  belief  that  they  were  more 
than  human — that  they  were  beings  intermediate  be 
tween  man  and  devil.  In  the  city  of  Mexico,  some 
of  these  brave,  single-hearted,  and  patriotic  men  fell 
beneath  the  knives  of  assassins,  and  the  smouldered 
remains  of  many  others  lie  buried  in  Mexican  soil  all 
the  way  from  Vera  Cruz  to  the  capital.13 

While  Governor  Henderson  was  absent  in  command 
of  the  Texan  volunteers,  his  place  was  filled  by  Lieu 
tenant-governor  Horton.  On  December  21,  1847, 
George  T.  Woodu  was  inaugurated  as  the  second 
governor  of  the  state,  and  John  A.  Greer  as  lieuten 
ant-governor.  During  Wood's  administration,  a  con 
troversy  arose  between  Texas  and  the  United  States 
which  could  not  fail  to  make  the  former  reflect  some 
what  seriously  upon  the  surrender  of  her  separate 

13  Hays'  Life,  MS.,  39-60;  Tex.  Aim.,  1868,  58-9;  Thrall,  358-9;  Morphy, 
450-1. 

"Wood  was  a  native  of  Georgia;  came  to  Texas  in  1836,  and  in  1846 
raised  a  regiment  for  the  Mexican  war,  in  which  he  served  with  distinction. 
He  died  in  Panola  county  in  1856.  Thrall,  635. 


398  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

nationality.  When  war  was  formally  declared  be 
tween  Mexico  and  the  United  States,  General  Kearney 
took  possession  of  Santa  Fe  in  the  name  of  the  latter 
power;  and  when,  by  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo, 
February  22,  1848,  New  Mexico  was  ceded  to  the 
United  States,  Colonel  Munroe  was  placed  in  com 
mand  there.  As  the  reader  is  aware,  Texas  laid 
claim  to  all  that  portion  of  New  Mexico  lying  east  of 
the  Rio  Grande;  and  in  1848  the  state  legislature 
passed  an  act  extending  her  jurisdiction  over  it,  and 
Judge  Beard  was  sent  to  hold  the  district  court. 
Colonel  Munroe  ignored  the  Texan  judge,  and  ordered 
the  election  of  a  territorial  delegate  to  the  United 
States  congress.  The  controversy  assumed  a  serious 
phase.  Governor  Wood  threatened  force,  a  menace 
which  the  cabinet  at  Washington  met  by  notifying 
the  bellicose  governor  that  if  the  Texans  attempted 
to  take  forcible  possession  of  New  Mexico  they  would 
be  treated  as  intruders.  This  question,  which  not 
only  deeply  concerned  Texas  but  threatened  a  serious 
breach  between  the  northern  and  southern  states 
owing  to  the  sympathy  of  the  latter  with  Texas,  was 
finally  combined  with  that  regarding  the  settlement  of 
the  public  debt. 

At  the  election  of  1849,  P.  Hansborough  Bell15 
was  chosen  governor,  and  John  A.  Greer  reflected 
lieutenant-governor.  Governor  Bell  was  inaugurated 
in  December  of  the  same  year,  and  on  the  expiration 
of  his  term,  was  reflected.  His  administration  was 
marked  by  the  settlement  of  the  two  absorbing  ques 
tions  of  the  boundary  line  and  the  public  debt. 

On  the  incorporation  of  Texas  into  the  union,  the 
United  States'  government,  of  course,  acquired  the 
revenue  derived  from  the  customs.  These  receipts, 
however,  had  been  pledged  by  the  late  republic  as 

15  Was  a  native  of  Virginia;  landed  at  Velasco  in  March  1836,  and  fought 
as  a  private  at  San  Jacinto.  In  1845  he  became  a  captain  of  rangers,  and 
during  the  Mexican  war  was  colonel  of  volunteers.  He  served  two  terms  in 
the  IL  S.  congress,  and  then  settled  in  N.  C.  According  to  Thrall,  501,  he 
was  still  alive  in  1879. 


INDEBTEDNESS  AND  BOUNDARY.  399 

security  for  the  payment  of  a  certain  portion  of  her 
debt ;  and  when  they  were  passed  over  to  the  federal 
government,  the  bond-holders  clamorously  maintained 
that  the  United  States  had  become  responsible  for  the 
liabilities  of  Texas,16  and  pressed  for  a  speedy  settle 
ment.  This  matter,  as  well  as  the  boundary  question, 
was  discussed  at  great  length  in  both  houses,  and  on 
January  29,  1850,  Henry  Clay  introduced  among 
other  "  compromise  resolutions,"  one  designed  to  solve 
the  perplexing  questions  of  dispute  with  Texas.17 

Meantime  the  excitement  with  regard  to  the 
question  of  ownership  of  that  part  of  New  Mexico 
lying  east  of  the  Rio  Grande  increased  both  in  Texas 
and  the  United  States.  To  show  her  serious  deter 
mination  not  to  yield  her  claim,  a  joint  resolution 
was  passed,  February  11,  1850,  by  the  legislature 
of  the  new  state,  not  only  asserting  her  right 
to  the  disputed  ground,  but  declaring  her  intention  to 
maintain  the  integrity  of  the  territory.18  The  several 
resolutions  of  Clay's  bill  were  slowly  discussed,  and 
on  August  5,  1850,  James  A.  Pearce,  senator  from 
Maryland,  introduced  a  bill  making  definite  proposi 
tions  to  the  state  of  Texas  relative  to  her  boundary 
and  the  payment  of  her  public  debt.  They  were  to 

16  That  portion  of  the  debt,  however,  for  which  the  revenue  from  customs 
was  specially  pledged,  only  amounted  to  $868,000,  ostensible  value,  or  $611,- 
784.50  par  value.  Hunt's  Merch.  Mag.,  xxiv.  111. 

17  '  Resolved,  that  it  be  proposed  to  the  state  of  Texas,  that  the  U.  S. 
will  provide  for  the  payment  of  all  that  portion  of  the  legitimate  and  bona 
fide  public  debt  of  that  state  contracted  prior  to  its  annexation  to  the  U.  S., 
and  for  which  the  duties  on  foreign  imports  were  pledged  by  the  said   state 

to  its  creditors,  not  exceeding  the  sum  of  $ ,  in  consideration  of  the 

said  duties  so  pledged  having  been  no  longer  applicable  to  that  object,  after 
the  caid  annexation,  but  having  thenceforward  become  payable  to  the  U.  S., 
and  upon  condition,  also,  that  the  said  state  of  Texas  shall,  by  some  solemn 
and  authentic  act  of  her  legislature,  or  of  a  convention,  relinquish  to   the 
U.  S.  any  claim  which  it  has  to  any  part  of  New  Mexico.,'  Benton's  Abridg. 
Debates,  Cong.,  xvi.  388,  391. 

18  '  Resolved  by  the  legislature  of  the  state  of  Texas,  that  all  that  terri 
tory  which  lies  east  of  the  Rio  Grande,   and  a  line  running  north  from 
the    source    of    the   Rio    Grande    to    the    forty-second    degree   of    north 
latitude,  and  south  of  the  forty-second  degree  of  north  latitude  and  west  and 
south  of  the  line  designated  in   the  treaty  between  the  U.  S.  and  the  Jate 
republic  of  Texas,  of  right  belongs  to  the  state  of  Texas,  is  included  within 
her  rightful  civil  and  political  jurisdiction,  and  the  state  of  Texas  will  main 
tain  the  integrity  of  her  territory.'  Tex.,  General  Laws,  iii.,  pt  1,  207-8. 


400  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

this  effect :  Texas  was  to  agree  that  her  boundary  on 
the  north  should  commence  at  the  point  at  which  the 
meridian  of  one  hundred  degrees  west  from  Green 
wich  is  intersected  by  the  parallel  of  thirty-six  de 
grees  and  thirty  minutes  north  latitude,  and  should 
run  from  that  point  due  west  to  the  meridian  of  103° 
west  from  Greenwich;  thence  the  boundary  line 
should  run  due  south  to  the  328  of  north  latitude, 
thence  on  the  said  parallel  to  the  Rio  Grande,  and 
thence  with  the  channel  of  that  river  to  the  gulf  of 
Mexico.  Texas  was  to  cede  to  the  United  States  all 
her  claim  to  territory  outside  of  these  limits,  and  to 
relinquish  all  claim  on  the  United  States  for  liability 
for  her  debts,  or  compensation  for  the  surrender  of 
her  ships,  forts,  custom-houses,  custom-house  revenue, 
public  buildings,  etc.  The  United  States,  in  consid 
eration  of  the  establishment  of  said  boundary,  and 
relinquishrnent  of  claims,  would  pay  to  Texas  $10,- 
000, 000, 19  in  stock  bearing  five  per  centum,  and  re 
deemable  at  the  end  of  fourteen  years.  Xo  more 
than  §5,000,000  of  said  stock  was  to  be  issued  until 
the  creditors  of  the  state  of  Texas  had  filed  at  the 
treasury  of  the  United  States  releases  of  ah1  claims 
against  the  United  States  on  account  of  Texan  bonds. 2* 
This  bill  passed  the  senate,  August  7th,  by  a  vote  of 
thirty  yeas  and  twenty  nays,  and  on  September  4th 
following,  passed  the  house  by  a  vote  of  108  against  97. 
The  president  having  signed  the  bill,  which  was 
called  the  Boundary  Act,  it  was  forwarded  to  Gov 
ernor  Bell,  who  forthwith  called  an  extra  session 
of  the  legislature.  The  propositions  met  with 
violent  opposition.  Bell  in  his  message  advised  the 
occupancy  of  Santa  Fe  with  a  military  force,  suggest 
ing,  however,  that  the  vacant  lands  of  that  district 
might  be  sold  to  the  United  States  provided  that 
Texas  retained  jurisdiction  over  it.  Apart  from  the 

19Benton  had  proposed,  Jan.  16th,  that  $15,000,000  should  be  paid  Texas 
for  similar  considerations.  Cong.  Globe,  xxii.,  pt  2,  1262. 

29 Copy  of  the  bill  will  be  found  in  Benton's  Abridg.  Debates*  Cong.,  xvi. 
590. 


TEXAS  CLAIMS.  401 

unwillingness  to  yield  territory  on  a  general  principle, 
there  was  one  feature  in  the  bill  especially  repulsive 
to  the  Texans,  and  that  was  the  retaining  half  of  the 
$10,000,000  in  the  United  States'  treasury  until  the 
creditors  of  Texas  were  paid.  This  self-protective 
condition  imposed  by  the  United  States  was  regarded 
as  a  reflection  on  Texas,  since  it  seemed  to  insinuate 
that  she  would  not  be  disposed  to  meet  her  liabilities 
promptly  if  she  obtained  possession  of  the  whole 
amount.  Then  again,  agreement  to  the  propositions 
was  required  to  be  given  on  or  before  December  1, 
1850,  a  proviso  which,  taken  with  the  general  tone  of 
the  document,  and  the  unconditional  assent  expected, 
was  regarded  as  a  symptom  of  domination  to  which  a 
sovereign  state  ouojht  not  to  be  subject.  The  ques 
tion  having  been  discussed  with  much  warmth  and  at 
great  length,  the  propositions  of  the  United  States 
were  finally  accepted,  November  25th,  and  a  law 
passed  to  that  effect.21  By  this  act  Texas  waved  her 
fictitious  claim  to  about  98,380  square  miles  of  the 
territory  of  New  Mexico.22 

21  After  reciting  the  provisions  of  Pearce's  bill,  it  is  declared  in  the  act, 
*  1st.  That  the  state  of  Texas  hereby  agrees  to  and  accepts  said  propositions; 
and  it  is  hereby  declared  that  the  state  shall  be  bound  by  the  terms  thereof, 
according  to  their  true  import  and  meaning;  2d.  That  the  governor  of  this 
state  be,  and  he  is  hereby  requested  to  cause  a  copy  of  this  act,  authenti 
cated  under  the  seal  of  the  state,  to  be  furnished  to  the  president  of  the  U. 
S.,  by  mail,  as  early  as  practicable.'  Gouge,  Fisc.  Hist.  Tex.,  179. 

2-2  The  claim  of  Texas  to  Santa  Fe  and  district  was  as  unwarrantable  as 
the  earlier  claim  of  the  U.  S.  that  the  Rio  Grande  was  the  boundary  line  of 
Mexico.  Yet  Texans  and  Texan  writers  still  regard  it  as  a  legitimate  one. 
Thrall,  page  367,  says:  '  It  will  be  seen  that  Texas  sold  98,380  square  miles, 
equal  ,to  56,249,640  acres.  Had  Mr  Clay's  bill  passed,  we  should  have  lost 
much  more.'  It  is  not  easy  to  perceive  how  Texas  could  lose  what  she 
never  had.  On  the  boundary  question  consult  ^Tiles'  Reg.,  lii.  241;  liii.  180, 
306;  liv.  180-5;  Iv.  118,  304;  Ivii.  1,  65,  280;  Iviii.  99,  227,  274;  Ixxv.  156-7; 
U.  S.  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  25,  sess.  1,  doc.  42;  Mex.  Treaties,  i.  no.  6;  Cong.  Globe, 
1838-9,  98-9,  109-10,  219;  U.  S.  Repub.  of,  269;  Mayers  Hex.  Azt.,  i.  334-6; 
Gallatins  Peace  irith  Mex. ,  15-25;  Hunt's  Merck.  Mag  ,  xix.  328;  fiii.sk's  Speech, 
1850;  Masons  Speech,  May27,1850;  Me  Leans  Speech,  Juneo,  1850;  GrattonsCw. 
Amer.,u.  269-70;  TJirall,  361-7.  It  may  be  argued  that  the  U.S.  seemed  to  recog 
nize  to  some  extent  the  claim  of  Texas  to  the  eastern  half  of  New  Mexico.  Such 
was  not  the  case;  the  speakers  in  the  debates  on  the  boundary  bill  generally 
disclaimed  all  right  of  Texas  to  the  territory  of  Santa  Fe.  Moore  of  Pennsyl 
vania  expressed  the  general  opinion  when  he  said  that  not  one  dollar  would 
he  vote  as  a  remuneration  for  the  territory  which  Texas  claimed;  but  that 
that  state  having  been  annexed  to  the  U.  S.,  which  took  all  her  means  of 
revenue,  they  were  responsible  for  her  debts.  Gouge,  ut  sup.,  177-8. 
HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.  26 


402  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

This  matter  having  been  settled,  the  $5,000,000 
was  paid  into  the  state  treasury  in  February,  1852. 
The  amount  of  the  indebtedness  of  the  late  republic 
had  been  determined  previously  by  the  state.  Ac 
cording  to  the  report  of  the  auditor  and  comptroller, 
dated  November  12,  1851,  the  ostensible  indebted 
ness  of  Texas  was  $12,436,991,  including  interest. 
But  the  state,  in  view  of  the  low  price  at  which  a 
large  portion  of  the  bonds  issued  by  the  republican 
government  had  been  sold,  did  not  consider  itself 
bound  to  pay  their  full  face  value.  It  is  here  neces 
sary  to  take  a  retrospective  glance  at  the  action  taken 
by  the  state  government  in  this  matter. 

The  first  legislature  met  at  Austin,  February  16r 
1846,  and  gave  its  attention  to  the  subject  of  the 
public  debt.  A  select  committee  was  appointed,  and 
sent  in  its  report  March  1,  1846.  This  committee 
stated  that  there  was  no  other  means  of  paying  the 
public  creditors  than  by  the  sale  of  the  public  lands, 
and  recommended  that  these  be  sold  to  the  United 
States'  government.  So  much  with  regard  to  the 
question  of  means  at  that  date;  respecting  the  amount 
to  be  paid,  however,  the  committee  were  of  opinion 
that  Texas  should  only  be  bound  to  return  to  her 
creditors  what,  according  to  just  average,  they  had 
paid  for  her  securities,  with  interest  at  the  rate  stip 
ulated  in  the  bond.  On  March  24th  a  committee 
of  the  state  senate  made  a  report  in  favor  of  selling 
the  public  lands  to  the  federal  government,  but  ex 
pressed  the  opinion  that  there  should  be  a  legislative 
classification  of  all  debts  against  the  extinct  republic 
of  Texas,  and  that  each  creditor  should  be  awarded 
relief  and  payment  according  to  the  merits  of  his 
case.23  The  committee  accordingly  sent  in  the  draft 
of  an  act  to  classify  the  liabilities  of  the  republic  of 

23 '  For  your  committee  cannot  consent  that  the  parties  who  have  ad 
vanced  cash  and  important  service  to  Texas  shall  be  placed  on  equal  footing 
with  those  who  hold  the  liabilities  of  the  republic  of  Texas,  for  which  they 
have  paid  not  more  than  twenty  cents  on  the  dollar,  and  for  which  Texa? 
received  perhaps  a  less  amount,  as  it  is  notoriously  and  universally  admitted 


AUDITORS  REPORT.  403 

Texas  and  of  another  entitled  an  act  for  the  dis 
charge  of  the  public  debt  of  the  republic  of  Texas, 
in  which  the  scaling  principle  was  to  operate. 

The  stand  taken  by  the  first  legislature  that  a  dis 
tinction  should  be  made  between  the  original  and  final 
holders  of  Texan  bonds  was  maintained  by  the  second 
legislature,  which  assembled  at  Austin  in  December 
1847.  On  March  20,  1848,  an  act  to  provide  for 
ascertaining  the  debt  of  the  late  republic  of  Texas 
was  approved.24  This  act  required  the  auditor  and 
comptroller  of  the  state  to  reduce  all  claims  to  the 
actual  par  value  which  was  realized  by  the  republic. 
Accordingly  on  December  27,  1849,  the  auditor  and 
comptroller  sent  in  their  report  with  the  scale  of  re 
ductions  as  estimated  by  them,  and  a  more  thorough 
one  November  12,  185 1.25  According  to  their  show 
ing  the  claims  filed  of  all  descriptions,  including  in 
terest  up  to  the  latter  date  amounted  to  $9,647,253, 
which  amount  was  scaled  down  to  $4,807,764.  The 
claims  not  filed,  including  interest,  amounted  to 
$2,789,738,  and  were  scaled  down  to  $2,019,514. 
Thus  the  total  debt  with  interest,  including  filed  and 
unfiled  claims,  was  $12,436,991,  which  amount  was 
scaled  down  to  $6,827,278.26  In  January,  1852,  the 


that  a  great  portion  of  the  liabilities  now  in  circulation  were  issued  and 
paid  out  at  about  sixteen  cents  on  the  dollar.'  Extract  from  committee's 
report  in  Gouge,  ut  sup.,  153. 

2*A  supplementary  act  was  passed  Feb.  8,  1850,  extending  to  the  first 
Monday  in  September,  1851,  the  time  within  which  creditors  were  required 
to  present  their  claims  against  the  late  republic.  Tex.  Gen.  Laws,  Hi.  pt  i., 
144. 

25  John  M.  Swisher  was  auditor  and  James  B.  Shaw  comptroller.  The 
latter  was  appointed  comptroller,  under  the  republic,  in  1840,  and  continued 
to  hold  that  office  till  Nov.  1,  1858.  Shaw  was  a  native  of  Ireland,  emi 
grated  to  Texas  in  1837,  and  served  as  a  private  in  the  army.  His  knowl 
edge  of  the  financial  affairs  of  the  republic  was  of  great  service  in  the  ad 
justment  of  the  public  debt.  Cordova's  Tex.,  102;  Tex.  Col.  Doc.,  no.  i,  3, 
pp.  48,  62. 

26 The  claims  were  divided  into  three  classes:  1st  class  consisted  of 
audited  or  ascertained  claims,  $8,587,132;  2d  class,  of  claims  sufficiently 
authenticated  to  admit  them  to  audit  under  the  laws  of  the  late  republic, 
$902,445;  3d  class,  claims  not  sufficiently  authenticated  to  authorize  their 
being  audited,  $97,675.  The  following  table  will  be  found  useful  as  showing 
the  different  issues  of  bonds  by  the  republican  government,  and  the  scale  on 
which  their  face  values  were  reduced: 


404 


TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 


legislature  passed  a  law  by  which  the  state  recognized 
and  adopted  the  rate  of  payment  and  classification 
assigned  to  each  class  of  debt  by  the  auditor  and 
comptroller  in  their  last  report.  The  bill  was  sent  to 
Governor  Bell  on  the  23d  of  the  same  month,  and 
on  the  29th  he  returned  it  on  the  ground  that  he 
considered  that  there  existed  cases  of  individual  hard 
ship  to  which  an  application  of  the  general  basis 
would  not  render  justice.  Nevertheless,  in  spite  of 
the  governor's  veto  the  bill  was  passed  in  the  senate 
by  a  vote  of  29  to  5,  and  in  the  house  by  a  vote  of 
47  to  12.  Thus  the  state  finally  decided  the  amount 
of  her  indebtedness  by  repudiating  to  the  extent  of 
one  half  the  liabilities  which  she  had  engaged  to  meet 
according  to  the  face  of  her  bonds. 

At   the   September   election   in  1853,   Elisha   M. 
Pease27  was  chosen  governor,  and  David  C.  Dickson 


OSTENSIBLE 
VALUE 

RATE 

PAB  VALUE 

Ten  per  cent,  bonds  under  act  of  June  7,  1837 
Ten  per  cent,  bonds  under  act  of  June  7,  1837) 
for  relief  of  Swartout  ) 

632,526 
7,970 

70cts. 
1.00 

442,768 
7,970 

Ten  per  cent,  funded  debt,  under  act  of  Feb. 
5    1840  

754,000 

.30 

226,200 

Eight  per  cent,  funded  debt,  under  act  of  Feb. 
5,  1840     

24,280 

.30 

7,284 

Eight  per  cent,  treasury  bonds,  under  act  of 
Feb.  5,  1840  

766,800 

.20 

153,360 

Ten  per  cent,  treasury  notes,  under  act  June) 
9,  1837  j 

41,630 

1.00 

41,630 

Ten  per  cent,  treasury  notes,  second  issue.  ... 
Ireasury  notes,  without  interest,   under  act} 
of  Jan.  19,  1839.  ) 

331,371 
1,828,192 

.50 
.25 

165,685 
457,048 

Ten  per  cent,  bonds,  for  loan  of  U.  S.  Bank.  . 
Ten  per  cent,  bonds,  for  purchase  of  Steamer) 
Zavala  f 

457,380 
195,907 

.8745 
.50 

400,000 
97,953 

Ten  per  cent,  bonds,  for  purchase  of  naval  ) 
vessels,  contract  with  F.  Dawson  ) 

280,000 

.50 

140,000 

The  above  figures  represent  values  without  interest.  >  A  copy  of  the  report 
will  be  found  in  Gouye,  304-11. 

27  A  native  of  Connecticut,  born  in  1812,  and  a  lawyer  by  profession.  In 
1835  he  went  to  Texas,  and  wa?  appointed  secretary  of  the  executive  council 
at  San  Felipe.  During  1836-7  he  held  several  positions  under  the  govern 
ment.  Resigning  the  comptrollership  of  public  accounts  in  the  latter  year, 
he  began  to  practise  his  profession  in  Brazoria  county.  He  was  a  member  of 
the  house  of  representatives  of  the  1st  and  2d  legislatures,  and  was  trans 
ferred  to  the  senate  of  the  third  legislature.  At  the  end  of  his  second  admin- 


GOVERNOR  PEASE.  405 

lieutenant-governor.28  Pease  was  reflected  in  1855, 
thus  holding  office  for  four  consecutive  years.  In  his 
first  message  to  congress,  he  recommended  that  meas- 

^  O 

ures  should  be  adopted  to  provide  adequately  and 
permanently  for  the  support  of  public  schools,29  and 
for  the  establishment  of  a  state  university.  He  also 
advised  the  establishment  of  asylums  for  lunatics,  or 
phans,  and  for  the  education  of  deaf-mutes  and  the 
blind. 

The  period  of  Pease's  administration  was  one  of 
great  prosperity.  After  the  annexation,  emigrants 
from  the  United  States  flocked  into  the  country,  and 
the  war  with  Mexico  having  decided  forever  the  posi 
tion  of  Texas,  and  secured  the  prospect  of  uninter 
rupted  peace,  every  branch  of  industry  thrived ;  wealth 
and  population  rapidly  increased,  and  progress  in  com 
merce  and  internal  development  was  marked  in  an 
unprecedented  degree 

The  only  interference  to  this  steady  advance  was 
occasioned  by  Indian  depredations  on  the  frontiers. 
Though  the  main  body  of  each  border  tribe  professed 
friendship,  the  outlying  settlements  sustained  consid 
erable  damage,  especially  on  the  western  frontier. 
These  depredations  were  committed  for  the  most  part 
by  the  Comanches,  who,  while  showing  no  disposition 
to  attack  the  Texan  settlements  directly,  made  fre 
quent  inroads  into  Mexico,  and  on  their  journeys  to 
and  from  that  country  could  not  desist  from  foraging 
in  Texan  territory,  and  pillaging  settlements.  On 

istration,  he  took  up  his  residence  at  Austin,  and  in  1867  was  appointed 
governor  by  Gen.  Sheridan  on  the  removal  of  Gov.  Throckmorton.  In  1874, 
ne  was  appointed  collector  of  customs  for  Galveston,  which  office  he  did  not 
accept.  In  1879  he  was  reappointed  to  the  same  position,  and  took  charge 
of  the  custom-house  Feb.  1st  of  that  year.  Thrall,  598;  Cordovas  Tex.,  101-2. 

28  The  total  number  of  votes  cast  was  36,152,  of  which  Pease  received 
13,091,   W.  B.  Ochiltree  9,178,  George  T.  Wood  5,983,  Lemuel  D.  Evans 
4,677,  T.  J.  Chambers,  2,449,  J.  W.  Daney  315,  and  459  were  scattered. 
Gov.  Bell  having  been  elected  to  the  U.  S.  congress,  the  executive  chair  was 
filled  by  J.  P.  Henderson  for  a  short  time  at  the  close  of  his  term.   TkralL 
368. 

29  By  the  constitution,  ratified  by  the  people  Oct.  13,  1845,  one  tenth  of 
the  annual  revenue  by  taxation  was  to  be  appropriated  for  the  maintenance 
of  public  schools. 


406  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

several  occasions,  white  men  were  killed  and  captives 
taken.  The  military  being  unable  to  afford  protection 
all  the  roads  leading  from  Bejar  to  the  Rio  Grande 
were  unsafe.  On  the  northern  frontier,  the  Texan 
Indians  were  all  friendly,  but  that  portion  of  the  state 
was  exposed  to  hostile  incursions  made  by  Indians 
from  the  Choctaw  and  Chickasaw  United  States'  re 
serve,  north  of  Red  River.  The  Kickapoos  were  es 
pecially  troublesome,  and  from  time  to  time  crossed 
into  Texas  and  committed  depredations.  In  the 
spring  of  1854  a  band  of  this  tribe  killed  the  special 
agent,  Stem,  and  a  Mr  Lepperman  of  Ohio,  near  Fort 
Belknap.  The  special  Indian  agent  at  San  Antonio 
de  Bejar  invoked  the  action  of  the  commissioner  for 
Indian  affairs  at  Washington,  touching  this  condition 
of  affairs.30 

Owing  to  the  advance  of  the  white  race,  and  the 
diminution  of  the  buffalo  and  other  game  from  which 
the  native  tribes  mainly  derived  their  subsistence,  the 
Texan  Indians  were  in  danger  of  being  reduced  to  a 
state  of  destitution.  This  condition  applied  to  all 
Indians  of  the  plains,  and  was  regarded  as  the  main 
cause  of  the  outrages  committed  by  roving  bands 
within  the  borders  of  Texas. 

As  a  remedy  for  this  evil,  a  system  of  colonization 
was  applied,  means  being  furnished  by  the  United 
States  government  to  aid  and  instruct  Indian  settlers 
in  the  cultivation  of  land.  In  pursuance  of  this  policy 
in  the  spring  of  1855  two  Indian  colonies  were  es 
tablished  in  Texas,  on  reservations  granted  by  the 
state  in  Young  county,31  one  of  which,  consisting  of 
eight  leagues  of  land,  was  located  on  the  Brazos 
river,  below  the  junction  of  Clear  Fork  and  Main 
Brazos,  about  fifteen  miles  from  Fort  Belknap.  This 

30  Robert  S.  Neighbors,  the  agent,  considered  that  the  Kickapoos  were 
not  under  the  charge  of  the  Choctaw  agent,  but  existed  as  renegades,  and 
were  under  no  control.  Ind.  Aff.  Rept,  1854,  158-66;  Id.,  1855,  10-11,  185-6. 

31  Twelve  leagues  of  land,  or  55,728  acres,  were  set  apart  for  this  purpose 
by  act  of  the  legislature,  to  be  reserved  to  the  U.  S.  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Texan  Indians  exclusively.   Tex.  Aim,,  1859,  130;  Id.,  1858,  92, 


INDIAN  AFFAIRS.  407 

reservation  was  called  the  Brazos  agency.  The  other 
settlement  was  located  on  Clear  Fork,  about  forty- 
five  miles  above  its  confluence  with  the  main  river. 
It  comprised  four  leagues  of  land.  The  first  colony 
was  composed  of  Anadahkos,  Caddoes,  Tahwaccorroes, 
Wacoes,  and  Tonkahwas,  numbering  in  all  794  souls. 
On  the  reservation  on  Clear  Fork,  277  northern 
Comanches  were  settled.  The  reports  of  the  agents 
at  these  reservations  held  out  every  prospect  of 
success.  The  Indians  of  the  Brazos  settlement,  in 
good  behavior,  morality,  and  industry,  surpassed  the 
most  sanguine  expectations.  They  voluntarily  ab 
stained  from  the  use  of  ardent  spirits,  and  drunken 
ness  was  unknown  among  them.  By  the  end  of 
August  public  buildings  had  been  erected — store 
rooms,  houses  for  agents  and  employes,  and  a  black 
smith's  shop.  Two  farmers  with  assistant  laborers 
were  employed  to  instruct  the  Indians,  and  295  acres 
of  land  had  been  ploughed  and  planted  with  corn.  On 
the  reservation  on  Clear  Fork  farming  operations  had 
not  been  commenced,  owing  to  the  season  being  too 
far  advanced  when  the  Comanches  were  located 
thereon,  but  from  the  disposition  evinced  by  them, 
the  agents  looked  confidently  forward  to  the  success 
of  the  settlement.32 

Nor  were  these  expectations  without  realization. 
Within  three  years'  these  settlements  attained  a 
high  degree  of  prosperity,  especially  that  of  the  Brazos 
agency.33  The  Indians  tilled  their  land,  tended  and 
garnered  their  crops,  and  possessed  stocks  of  cattle, 
horses,  and  hogs.  They  erected  comfortable  dwell 
ings,  had  school-houses,34  and  were  steadily  pro- 

32  Reports  of  agents,  R.  S.  Neighbors  and  G.  W.  Hill  in  Id.,  1855,  177-85. 

33  The  Comanches  did  not  make  the  same  progress  as  the  Indians  on  the 
Brazos  reserve,  owing  to  their  not  having  had  the  same  experience  in   the 
manners  of  the  white  race.     They  were  not  more  indolent  than  the  other 
tribes, — but  whereas  the  latter  had  long  lived  near  the  white  settlers,  the 
Comanches  had  hitherto  been  outside  of  all  friendly  intercourse.   Tex.  Aim., 
1859,  130. 

34  According  to  the  reports  of  the  teachers,  Aug.  18,  1858,  the  school  in 
the  Comanche  settlement  was  attended  by  37  students,  25  male  and   12 
female,    On  Sept,  7}  1858,  the  teacher  of  the  school  at  the  Brazos  agency,,  re- 


408  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

gressing  in  civilization,  peaceably  pursuing  their  agri 
cultural  occupations.  Moreover,  they  afforded  no 
little  protection  to  the  frontier,  from  fifty  to  one 
hundred  warriors  being  employed  in  ranging  service. 
In  the  spring  of  1858  this  band  went  out  with  the 
Texan  rangers,  on  an  expedition  against  the  Coman- 
ches,  and  fought  gallantry,  thereby  winning  the 
praises  of  their  Anglo-American  neighbors.  Had 
they  been  allowed,  and  a  proper  forbearance  been  ex 
tended  to  them,  they  would  have  developed  into 
thriving  and  self-supporting  communities.35  But  they 
were  doomed  to  be  driven  from  the  homes  they  had 
made  for  themselves,  deprived  of  the  lands  they  had 
put  under  cultivation,  and  removed,  in  almost  a  desti 
tute  condition,  beyond  the  borders  of  Texas.  The 
aggressive  nature  of  Anglo-American  settlers  would 
not  let  them  rest  in  peaceful  possession  of  their  small 
domains ;  and  a  persistent  hostility  to  these  Indians 
and  their  agents  soon  exhibited  itself. 

In  1858  the  number  of  these  natives  thus  reclaimed 
from  barbaric  life  was  1,483.  Among  this  number  it 
cannot  be  denied  that  there  were  many,  particularly 
in  the  Comanche  reservation,  who  were  addicted  to 
horse-stealing,  and  who  associating  with  wild  bands 
of  their  tribe,  or  with  the  Kickapoos  .beyond  Red 
river,  took  part  in  predatory  incursions,  and  after 
ward,  by  circuitous  routes,  ree'ntered  the  reservations. 
There  was,  moreover,  a  set  of  villainous  white  men, 
scattered  from  the  Rio  Grande  to  Kansas,  who  made 
robbery  their  pastime,  and  horse-stealing  their  busi 
ness.  These  wretches  leagued  themselves  with  the 
worthless  Indians,  instigating  them  to  commit  depre 
dations  from  which  they  reaped  a  profit.  Positive 

ported  the  number  of  his  scholars  at  60,  47  of  whom  were  boys  and  13  girls. 
U.  8.  Ind.  Aff.  Kept.,  1858,  178-9,  183. 

35 The  U.  S.  gov't  expended  on  account  of  these  Indian  settlements? 

For  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1856,  $101,430;  1857,  $89,658.50; 
1858,  $91,707.50;  1859,  $61,655.25;  total,  $344,451.25. 

The  estimate  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1860,  was  $62,186.50;  Id., 
1855-1858  inclu.,  where  full  information  on  the  progress  of  these  colonies 
will  be  found. 


MASSACRE  OF  NATIVES.  409 

proof  was  adduced  that  Indians  from  the  reserves 
during  this  year  killed  cattle  and  hogs  belonging  to 
citizens,  and  the  strongest  circumstantial  evidence 
seemed  to  show  that  the  practice  of  horse-stealing 
had  been  extensively  carried  on  by  these  vicious 
members.36  But  the  large  majority  of  the  community 
were  faithful  to  the  white  inhabitants.  Nevertheless, 
the  crimes  of  the  few  were  visited  on  all.  In  the 
counties  adjoining  the  reserves  the  unreasonable 
opinion  was  expressed  by  a  portion  of  the  settlers 
that  all  depredations  were  committed  by  the  Indian 
colonists.  In  fact  it  was  determined  to  get  rid  of 
them  by  some  means,  and  an  organized  conspiracy 
against  the  Indian  policy  of  the  general  government 
seems  to  have  been  formed  for  the  purpose  of  break 
ing  up  the  Texan  reservations. 

The  Indians  had  been  in  the  habit  of  making  hunt 
ing  excursions  outside  their  reservations  under  permits 
issued  by  the  agents.  But  designing  men  so  preju 
diced  the  public  mind  against  the  reserve  Indians,  by 
attributing  to  them  the  depredations  of  the  unsettled 
Comanches  and  other  native  tribes,  that  under  threats 
of  extermination  they  had  been  compelled  to  confine 
themselves  during  1858  strictly  to  the  reservations. 
In  the  autumn  of  that  year,  however,  several  hunting 
parties  ventured  beyond  the  limits.  And  now  was 
planned  and  perpetrated  as  cold-blooded  and  brutal  a 
massacre  as  ever  disgraced  a  civilized  people.  In  a 
bend  of  the  Brazos,  just  above  the  mouth  of  Keochi 
creek,  a  party  of  Indians,  men,  women,  and  children, 
encamped.  Here  they  remained  for  several  weeks, 
engaged  in  hunting,  conducting  themselves  peaceably, 
and  offering  no  molestation  to  the  white  settlers,  who 
visited  their  camp  on  several  occasions.  On  Decem 
ber  21st,  between  forty  and  fifty  men,  mostly  of  Erath 
county,  assembled  in  conclave  on  Bosque  river  to  con 
sult  upon  a  general  extermination  policy.  A  com- 

36 Report  of  Peace  Commissioners  to  the  governor,  June  27,  1859.  Id., 
1859,  297-303. 


410  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

mittee  was  appointed,  which  proceeded  to  organize  a 
company,  the  command  of  which  was  given  to  Peter 
Garland.37  Then  the  order  was  issued  to  kill  any 
Indians  found  south  of  Cedar  creek.  The  company 
proceeded  to  the  Indian  camp  on  the  Brazos,  which 
contained  eight  men,  eight  women,  and  eleven  chil 
dren.  Having  stealthily  approached,  at  early  morn 
of  December  27th,  while  their  victims  were  sound 
asleep,  they  poured  into  them  a  volley  of  buckshot 
and  rifle-balls.  Seven  were  killed  outright,  of  whom 
three  were  women ;  three  men,  two  women,  and  three 
children  were  severely  wounded,  and  nearly  all  the 
rest  more  or  less  injured.  One  warrior,  after  being 
struck  by  a  bullet,  seized  his  gun,  and  rushing  outside 
of  his  tent,  shot  Samuel  Stephens  dead,  to  fall  himself 
almost  at  the  same  moment,  struck  through  the  brain. 
The  wounded  succeeded  in  escaping  to  the  reservation. 
On  their  return,  as  the  murderers  passed  through 
Golconda,  in  Palo  Pinto  county,  they  told  the  citizens 
of  that  town  that  "they  had  opened  the  ball,  and  the 
people  there  should  dance  to  the  music." 

This  atrocity  naturally  caused  great  excitement. 
The  exasperated  Indians  threatened  vengeance  on  the 
perpetrators ;  a  proclamation  issued  by  the  governor, 
denouncing  the  act,  and  warning  all  persons  against 
joining  organizations  for  hostilities  against  the  friendly 
Indians,  was  without  effect.  The  press  published 
biased  accounts  and  inflammatory  articles  on  the 
subject,  and  meetings  of  citizens  were  held  at  various 
frontier  towns,  resolutions  being  passed  that  the  Ind 
ians  must  be  removed.38  In  the  surrounding  counties 

37  The  names  of  the  others,  doomed  to  immortal  infamy,  were  Daniel 
Thornton,  J.  Hightower,  E.  Fireash,  T.  Wilie,  W.  E.  Motheral,  W.  W.  Mc- 
Neal,  Robert  Duval,  J.  P.  Harris,  W.  Fitzgerald,   A.  L.  Braw,  R.  Dupuy, 
W.  J.  F.  Lowder,  W.  Wood,  J.  Barnes,  H.  Highsaw,  J.  R.  Waller,  George 
Harden,  Samuel  Stephens,  and  one  Dalton. 

38  An  idea  of  the  spirit  that  prevailed  at  these  meetings  may  be  formed 
from  a  resolution  passed  by  the  citizens  of  Weatherford,  June  24,  1859.    After 
stating  that  they  '  believed '  that  certain  outrages  had  been  perpetrated  by 
the  reserve  Indians,  they  pledged  themselves  to  act  in  concert  with  sister 
counties  in  any  action  necessary  for  the  removal  of  them,  '  whether  the  same 
be  over  Jordan  or  Red  River,' 


CRUELTY  TO  INDIANS  411 

bands  of  armed  citizens  were  organized,  and  scouted 
round  the  reservations.  Tame  Indians  found  outside 
the  limits  would  not,  it  was  declared,  be  known  from 
wild  ones,  but  would  be  killed.  The  removal  was 
peremptorily  demanded,  under  threats  of  extermina 
tion.  In  vain  the  agents  endeavored  to  avert  the 
blow;  their  action  caused  offence  to  the  citizens  of 
the  frontier,  who,  on  April  25,  1859,  boldly  demanded 
their  immediate  resignation.  All  they  could  do  was 
to  postpone  the  exodus  for  a  time,  aided  by  the  pres 
ence  of  a  detachment  of  the  United  States  troops. 
On  May  23d,  Captain  Baylor,  the  ex-agent,  at  the 
head  of  250  armed  men,  marched  upon  the  Brazos 
reservation  with  the  avowed  intention  of  attacking 
the  Indians.  Captain  Plummer,  1st  infantry,  warned 
him  to  leave  the  reservation,  and  he  departed  the 
same  day.  A  skirmish  occurred  with  the  Indians, 
and  several  on  both  sides  were  killed  and  wounded.39 
That  the  Indians  could  not  remain  in  Texas  was  no 
longer  a  matter  of  doubt;  and  on  the  representations 
of  the  agents,  and  the  pressing  instance  of  the  state 
authorities,  the  department  at  Washington,  in  order 
to  avoid  bloodshed,  issued  an  order  to  break  up  the 
reservations  as  soon  as  the  standing  crops  could  be 
harvested.  But  this  did  not  satisfy  the  frontier  men ; 
they  peremptorily  demanded  the  immediate  removal 
of  the  Indians,  and  at  the  urgent  request  of  the  super 
vising  agent,  R.  S.  Neighbors,  permission  was  given 
him  to  conduct  them  at  once  beyond  Red  river.  The 
evil  passions  of  the  white  people,  however,  were  thor 
oughly  aroused.  One  hundred  men  of  the  state 
troops  had  been  sent  by  the  governor  to  the  Brazo? 
reservation  to  preserve  order,  but  these  even  displayed 
an  attitude  hostile  to  the  Indians,  while  the  bands  of 
armed  citizens  threatened  to  attack  them  on  their 
march.  It  became  necessary  to  call  in  the  aid  of  the 
United  States  army,  and  on  July  30th  and  August 
1st,  the  unhappy  exiles  from  both  reservations,  under 

39  U.  S.  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  36,  sess,  1,  ii,  372-3, 


412  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE, 

strong  escorts  of  infantry  and  cavalry,  and  accompan 
ied  by  the  agents,  left  their  homes  for  the  new  loca 
tion  which  had  been  assigned  to  them  on  Washita 
river.  On  August  8th,  they  crossed  Red  river,  and 
on  the  1 6th  arrived  at  their  destination.  The  number 
of  Indians  thus  removed  by  the  pressure  of  a  popular 
outbreak,  fomented  to  a  great  extent  by  the  unreason 
able  clamor  raised  by  unprincipled  men,  was  1,415,  of 
whom  380  were  Comanches.40  Owing  to  the  unre- 
mitted  persecution  on  the  part  of  their  white  foes,  the 
exiles  were  compelled  to  leave  their  cattle  behind,  it 
being  impossible  even  to  collect  them.  As  a  climax 
to  this  practical  illustration  of  Lamar's  principle  of 
expulsion  or  extermination,  Superintendent  Neighbors, 
having  returned  to  Texas  in  September,  was  waylaid 
on  the  14th  near  Fort  Belknap  by  a  man  unknown 
to  him,  and  shot.  He  died  in  twenty  minutes  after 
being  fired  upon,  and  it  was  believed  that  the  crime 
was  .perpetrated  on  account  of  the  free  opinion  ex 
pressed  by  Neighbors  relative  to  the  killing  of  a  reserve 
Indian  some  time  previously/1 

During  the  administration  of  Governor  Pease  a 
final  adjustment  of  financial  questions  between  the 
state  and  the  federal  government  was  arrived  at,  and 
a  settlement  made  with  the  creditors  of  the  old  re 
public.  The  bond-holders  had  not  been  satisfied  with 
the  terms  offered  them  under  the  state  law  of  Janu 
ary,  1852,  and  little  or  nothing  was  done  toward  the 
liquidation  of  their  claims  before  1855.  Matters  be 
came  still  more  complicated  by  an  additional  claim 
raised  by  Texas  against  the  federal  government.  By 

40  According  to  the  census  rolls,  there  were,  in  the  May  preceding,  1,492 
souls  on  the  two  reservations,  viz.:  258  Toiikahuas,  204  Tahwaccaros,  171 
Wacos,  244  Caddoes,  235  Anahdahkoes,  and  380  Comanches.    U.  8.  Ind.  Affairs 
Rept,  1859,  267, 

41  The  official  correspondence  and  full  particulars  relative  to  the  removal 
of  the  Texan  Indians  will  be  found  in  Id.,  1859,  5-6,  220-334.  and  U.  8.  Mess. 
and  Doc.,  cong.  36,  sess.  1,  pt  i.  588-702.     In  June  1860,  a  law  was  passed 
appropriating  $45,650  for  the  expenses  of  recolonixing  these  Indians  during 
the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1861.  Cong.  Globe,  1859-60,  app.  486. 


FINANCES.  413 

the  terms  of  an  old  treaty  the  United  States  were 
under  the  obligation  to  prevent  Indians  making  pre 
datory  incursions  into  Mexican  territory.42  On  the 
strength  of  this  treaty  it  was  claimed  that  the  United 
States  was  responsible  for  the  expenses  incurred  dur 
ing  the  days  of  the  republic  in  protecting  the  frontier 
against  inroads  by  savages  from  United  States'  terri 
tory.  It  was  argued  that  Texas  at  the  time  this 
treaty  was  made  was  a  part  of  Mexico,  and  that 
although  she  separated  from  that  country  soon  after 
ward  by  revolution,  that  fact  did  not  obliterate  the 
obligations  of  the  treaty.  In  July  1854  Thomas  J. 
Rusk,  senator  from  Texas,  brought  this  view  of  the 
case  before  the  senate,  maintaining  that  as  more  than 
one  half  of  debt  of  Texas  had  been  expended  in  pro 
tection  against  Indians,  the  United  States  ought  to 
provide  a  sum  sufficient  to  pay  off  the  debt  in  full. 
After  quoting  extracts  from  diplomatic  correspondence 
in  support  of  the  views  taken  by  Texas,  he  intro 
duced  a  statement  made  out  by  James  B.  Shaw, 
comptroller,  showing  that  the  late  republic  had  ex 
pended  from  December  5,  1836,  to  February  1,  1845, 
the  sum  of  $3,815,011  exclusive  of  interest,  in  pro 
tecting  the  frontier  from  incursions  of  Indians  be 
longing  to  the  United  States. 

Meantime  the  creditors  of  Texas  had  appealed  to 
the  United  States  for  payment  of  their  claims,  alleg 
ing  that  the  general  and  not  the  state  government 
was  liable.  Under  these  circumstances  the  United 
States'  government  intervened.  The  scale  of  reduc 
tion  adopted  by  the  state  law  was  cast  aside,  and  a 
bill  passed  by  congress  was  approved  February  28, 
1855,  by  which  it  was  provided  that  $2,750,000 
should  be  added  to  the  $5,000,000  lying  in  the  treas 
ury  pertaining  to  Texas,  and  that  the  whole  sum  of 
$7,750,000  should  be  apportioned  pro  rata  among  the 
creditors;  any  portion  of  the  debt  that  had  been 

42  Thirty-third  article  of  the  treaty  with  Mexico  of  April  5,  1831.  Cong. 
Globe,  xxviii.,  pt  iii.,  p.  1808-9. 


414  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

already  paid  by  the  state  of  Texas  should  be  refunded 
to  her;  no  payment  would  be  made  until  the  claimant 
filed  a  receipt  in  full  releasing  forever  the  United 
States  from  all  claim  against  them.  The  act  was 
not  to  take  effect  until  it  had  been  assented  to  by  the 
legislature  of  the  state  of  Texas,  and  until  the  same 
legislature  passed  an  act  abandoning  all  claims  and 
demands  against  the  United  States,  growing  out  of 
Indian  depredations  or  otherwise.43 

By  this  pro  rata  system  of  payment  each  creditor 
would  realize  seventy-eight  cents  on  the  dollar.44 
Three  classes  of  bonds,  as  scaled  by  the  state's  law, 
would  have  yielded  more  than  this,45  and  the  holders 
were  consequently  dissatisfied.46  By  the  people  of 
Texas  the  bill  was  received  with  great  disfavor,  and 
when  called  upon  by  proclamation  of  the  governor 
to  vote  upon  it,  out  of  45,000  voters  19,573  refused 
to  cast  their  votes;  13,818  voted  against  accepting  the 
bill,  and  11,609  voted  for  it.47  It  was,  however, 
finally  passed  by  the  state  legislature,  and  the  credi 
tors,  who  were  secured  by  a  pledge  of  the  import 
duties  of  the  extinct  republic,  on  filing  their  receipts 
in  the  treasury  department  of  the  United  States  re 
ceived  their  pro  rata  payments.  The  sum  of  $299, 602 
was  refunded  to  the  state  in  consideration  of  Texas' 
having  already  paid  that  portion  of  the  debt. 

43  Copy  of  the  act  will  be  found  in  Hunt's  Merch.  Mag.,  xxxii.  485. 

**  Tex.  Journal  Sen.,  1857,  140. 

^Namely,  10  per  cent  bonds,  June  7,  1837  (Swartout),  allowed  at  face 
par,  10  per  cent  bonds  for  loan  from  U.  8.  Bank,  scaled  at  $.8745;  and  10 
per  cent  treasury  notes,  June  7,  1837,  allowed  at  face  par.  In  Id.,  xxxiii. 
89,  a  tabular  form  is  supplied  exhibiting  the  rate  of  adjustment  established 
by  Texas  and  the  rate  proposed  in  the  above  act  of  the  United  Spates  con- 

f'ess.      It  should  be  remarked  that  the   state   legislature   passed  an  act 
ebruary  11,  1850,  declaring  that  all  liabilities  of  the  late  republic  should 
'  cease  to  draw  interest  from  and  after  the  first  day  of  July,  1850.  Gouge,  ut 
slip.,  168.     Interest,  therefore,  was  only  calculated  to  that  date. 

46  Governor  Pease  in  his  message  to  congress,  Nov.  2,  1857,  recommended 
that  the  state  should,  out  of  the  sum  refunded  to  Texas  by  the  U.  S.,  pay 
these  creditors  the  difference  between  the  amounts  which  they  received  under 
the  above  act  of  congress,  and  those  at  which  their  claims  were  rated  and 
classified  by  the  state  law,  in  all  $123,217.  The  committee  appointed  to 
consider  the  question  reported  unfavorably  to  the  proposition.  Hunt's  Merck. 
Mag.,  xxxviii.  468;  Tex.  Journal  Sen.,  1857,  17-18,  139-42. 
«  TkraU,  371. 


REVENUE.  415 

The  reader,  doubtless,  will  wish  to  learn  how  the 
$5,000,000  in  United  States'  bonds  paid  into  the  state 
treasury  were  employed.  In  order  to  dismiss  this 
subject,  once  for  all,  it  will  be  better  to  give  a  succint 
account  of  the  financial  condition  of  the  government 
up  to  the  time  of  the  final  exhaustion  of  those  funds 
in  1861. 

From  1852  to  1858  nine  tenths  of  the  taxes  col 
lected  were  remitted  to  the  several  counties  to  enable 
them  to  build  court-houses  and  jails;  the  remaining 
tenth  being  set  apart  by  the  constitution  for  the  sup 
port  of  schools  was  paid  into  the  treasury.  The 
rapid  progress  that  was  being  made  in  Texas  during 
this  period  will  be  perceived  by  a  comparison  of  the 
amount  of  taxes  collected  in  the  two  consecutive 
years  1856  and  1857.  In  the  first  named  year  the 
valuation  of  the  property  assessed  was  $161,304,025, 
which  produced  $242,964  in  taxes;  the  poll  tax 
yielded  $22,413;  and  those  on  occupations  and  sales 
of  merchandise  $28,993,  making  a  total  of  $294,370. 
The  net  proceeds  received,  after  deducting  the  ten 
per  centum  for  the  school  fund  and  the  expenses  of 
assessing  and  collecting,  amounted  to  $229,289.  The 
corresponding  figures  for  1857  were:  assessments  of 
property,  $183,594,205;  taxes  on  the  same  $276,663; 
poll  tax  $24,463;  other  taxes  $26,940.  The  net 
yield  after  making  the  same  deductions  was  $255,044, 
showing  an  excess  of  more  than  $25,000  net,  over  the 
proceeds  of  the  previous  year.  Had  the  incomes 
not  been  relinquished  to  the  counties,  they  would 
have  about  covered  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the 
government/8  As  it  was  the  expenses  had  to  be 
paid,  during  the  period  from  1852  to  1858  inclusive, 
out  of  the  $5,000,000  United  States  bonds. 

As  the  bonds  bore  an  interest  of  five  per  centum, 
the  state  received  up  to  January  1861,  interest  to 

48  Comptroller's  report  for  1856  and  1857  in  Cordova's  TPX.,  336-7.  Com 
pare  governor's  message  in  Tex.  Journal  Sen.,  1857,  14-16;  Thrall,  375,  where 
will  be  found  an  extract  from  Pease's  message  of  Nov.  1855. 


416  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

the  amount  of  $1,625,441,  making  the  total  receipts 
of  principal  and  interest,  $6,625,441,  which  sum  is 
thus  accounted  for.  By  act  of  February  16,  1852, 
$36,000  were  transferred  to  the  school  fund  to  reim 
burse  it  for  state  bonds  destroyed.  By  act  of  Jan 
uary  31,  1854,  $2,000,000  were  donated  to  the  same 
fund/9  and  at  subsequent  dates  interest  and  premium 
on  the  bonds  were  paid  to  the  amount  of  $653,619. 
Again  by  act  of  February  11,  1856,  $100,000  were 
transferred  to  the  university  fund,  and  interest  paid 
on  the  same  up  to  January  1861,  amounting  to  $9,- 
472.  Besides  these  sums,  $1,425,296  were  disbursed 
in  payment  of  certain  debts  of  the  late  republic — for 
it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  state  had  other 
liabilities  than  those  assumed  by  the  United  States, 
which  only  became  responsible  for  claims  that  were 
secured  by  a  pledge  of  the  impost  and  tonnage  duties 
of  the  late  republic.  The  remaining  $2,401,054,  to 
gether  with  the  premium  derived  from  the  sale  of  the 
bonds,  were  used  for  the  general  expenses  of  the  gov 
ernment  from  1852  to  1861  inclusive,  appropriations 
being  made  for  the  establishment  of  an  insane  asylum, 
and  institutions  for  the  education  of  the  blind,  and  the 
deaf  and  dumb.  In  1858  and  1859  the  receipts  from 
taxation  were  not  sufficient  to  meet  the  expenses  of 
the  s-tate  government,  and  United  States  bonds  were 
expended  to  the  amount  of  $443,000.  The  remainder 
of  the  bonds  were  used  in  1860  and  1861,  besides 
$100,000,  transferred  from  the  university  fund.50 

The  general  feeling  toward  the  Mexican  population 
was  one  of  intense  animosity  in  those  counties  where 
they  were  more  thickly  congregated.  The  inhabi 
tants  of  that  race  were  mostly  of  the  lower  orders, 
and  were  charged  with  associating  with  the  slaves, 

49  By  a  law  of  1856  the  ten  per  centum  of  taxes  set  apart  for  school  pur 
poses  was  blended  with  the  $2,000,000,  and  one  general  school  fund  formed. 

50  Comptroller  Clement  R.  Johns'  report  of  Sept.  1,  1859,  No.  3  in  Tex. 
Col.  Doc.,  No.   1;  Governor's  Message  of  June  10,   1879,  app.,  18-19.     Treas 
urer's  report  of  Aug.  31,  1860,  in'  Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  248-9;  Tex.  Kept  Comp 
troller,  Aug.  31,  1876,  6-7. 


ANIMOSITY  TOWARD  MEXICANS.  417 

and  frequently  stealing  horses  and  carrying  off  negro 
girls  to  Mexico.  In  the  autumn  of  1856  a  dangerous 
negro  conspiracy  was  discovered  in  Colorado  county, 
which  contemplated  a  simultaneous  insurrection,  and 
the  massacre  of  the  white  population,  with  the  ex 
ception  of  their  young  women,  who  were  to  be  made 
captives.  The  slaves  had  formed  an  organized  plan, 
adopted  secret  signs  and  passwords,  and  provided 
themselves  with  bowie-knives  and  some  fire-arms. 
Their  intention  was,  after  having  accomplished  the 
first  part  of  their  plot,  and  obtained  possession  of  the 
horses  and  arms  of  their  intended  victims,  to  fight 
their  way  into  Mexico,  or  the  "free  state,"  as  they 
called  that  country.  On  the  detection  of  the  con 
spiracy  more  than  200  negroes  were  severely  pun 
ished  with  the  lash — two  being  whipped  to  death— 
and  three  prominent  ring-leaders  hanged  on  September 
5th.  It  was  maintained  that  every  Mexican  in  the 
county  was  Lnplicated  in  this  intended  uprising,  and 
they  were  ordered  to  leave  and  never  return,  under 
penalty  of  death.  In  Matagorda  county,  also,  a 
popular  meeting  was  held,  and  every  Mexican  ordered 
to  leave.31 

In  1857  much  trouble  was  caused  by  the  perpetra 
tion  of  numerous  acts  of  violence  by  Texan  wagoners 
on  Mexican  cartmen.  In  the  transportation  of  goods 
from  the  sea-ports  to  San  Antonio,  the  freight  rates 
charged  by  the  latter  were  so  low  as  practically  to 
drive  the  Texan  teamsters  from  the  field  of  compe 
tition.  As  the  Mexicans  were  thoroughly  trust 
worthy,  and  generally  made  better  time  than  their 
rivals,  the  merchants  naturally  employed  them  in 
preference  to  paying  higher  rates  to  carriers  of  their 
own  race.  This  gave  umbrage  to  the  Texan  drivers, 
who  proceeded  to  form  secret  organizations  for  the 
purpose  of  ousting  their  competitors  from  the  road. 
A  system  of  the  most  outrageous  persecution  followed. 

^Ol  Extracts  from  the  Galveston  News,  and  True  Issue,  in  OlmsteiVs  Journey,, 
HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.  27. 


418  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

Bands  of  masked  men  way-laid  the  Mexican  wagon- 
trains,  destroyed  the  wheels,  drove  off  the  oxen,  mur 
dered  cartmen,  and  often  pillaged  the  freight,  carry 
ing  off  valuable  cargoes.  This  practice  was  carried 
on  to  such  an  extent  that  General  Twiggs,  the  United 
States'  commander  at  San  Antonio,  was  compelled  to 
protect  with  a  military  escort  trains  transporting 
government  supplies.  About  the  end  of  July,  a  train 
was  attacked  by  night  and  three  Mexicans  wounded; 
in  September  following  the  cartmen  of  another  train 
were  fired  upon  by  masked  men,  one  man  being  killed 
and  three  wounded;  and  again  on  November  21st 
two  more  were  killed. 

In  October  the  Mexican  minister  at  Washington 
addressed  the  United  States  government  on  the 
matter,  stating  that  he  had  been  assured  that  the 
number  of  men  thus  murdered  was  no  less  than 
seventy-five,  and  that  the  persecution  directed  against 
Mexicans  had  compelled  many  to  abandon  their 
homes  in  San  Antonio  and  elsewhere,  and  seek  refuge 
on  Mexican  territory  in  a  state  of  destitution.  On 
November  llth  and  30th,  Governor  Pease  addressed 
special  messages  to  the  legislature  on  the  subject,  in 
which  after  making  particular  mention  of  the  three 
cases  above  mentioned,  and  denouncing  such  acts  of 
violence,  he  remarked  that  it  was  evident  that  there 
was  no  security  for  the  lives  of  citizens  of  Mexican 
origin  engaged  in  the  business  of  transportation, 
unless  they  were  escorted  by  a  military  force.  As 
the  counties  in  which  these  deeds  were  perpetrated, 
took  no  trouble  to  put  a  stop  to  them,  he  invited  the 
legislature  to  consider  whether  their  citizens  should 
not  be  compelled  to  pay  a  heavy  penalty,  which  would 
arouse  them  to  the  necessity  of  preserving  the  public 
peace. 

The  senate  referred  the  matter  to  the  committee  on 
state  affairs,  which  on  December  1st  reported  the 
necessity  of  a  bill  to  establish  a  penalty,  and  provide 
for  the  punishment  of  those  who  unlawfully  combined! 


THE   CART  WAR.  419 

to  prevent  people  from  engaging  in  lawful  employ 
ments,  and  that  such  a  bill  was  being  prepared  by  the 
committee.  It  does  not  appear,  however,  that  any 
further  action  was  taken.  Meantime  the  governor 
had  called  into  service  a  volunteer  company,  which 
proceeding  was  approved  by  the  legislature.  This 
force  proved  inadequate  to  suppress  the  lawlessness, 
and  other  means  were  brought  to  bear  upon  the  male 
factors.  When  the  road  was  abandoned  by  the 
Mexican  cart  men,  and  booty  became  scarce,  they 
began  to  commit  "depredations  on  the  property  of  citi 
zens.  However  indifferent  the  people  had  been  to 
outrages  perpetrated  on  Mexicans,  they  now  energeti 
cally  took  the  matter  in  hand.  Lynch  law  was  vig 
orously  applied,  and  in  the  neighborhood  of  Goliad 
the  passing  traveller  would  see  many  a  corpse  sus 
pended  from  the  boughs  of  the  black  oaks.  The  dia 
bolical  organization  was  thus  speedily  broken  up,  and 
this  system  of  murder  and  robbery — which  was 
dignified  by  the  name  of  the  Cart  War — was  brought 
to  an  end.52 

Political  parties,  strictly  so  called,  were  first  organ 
ized  in  Texas  during  Pease's  administration.  The 
party  factions  opposed  to  each  other  in  the  days  of 
the  republic  were  of  a  personal  rather  than  of  a  politi 
cal  nature.  Being  in  reality  the  offspring  of  the  ri 
valry  between  prominent  men,  they  did  not  originate 
from  differences  in  political  opinions,  but  merely  sup 
ported  their  respective  leaders  in  their  candidateship 
for  office,  without  being  materially  influenced  by  prin 
ciples  of  policy.  When,  however,  Texas  was  annexed 
to  the  union,  under  the  auspices  of  the  democratic 
party,  she  soon  became  involved  in  the  political  antag 
onism  which  prevailed  in  the  United  States.  Her 
constitution  was  framed  on  the  principles  of  democracy, 
and  during  the  first  years  of  her  existence  as  a  state, 

52/d,  1857,  82,  96,  145-6,  154-5,  158-60,  171-2,  186;  Mcx.  Informe  Comis. 
Pesq.,  1873,  73-4;  Linn's  Remind.,  352-4;  Thrall,  372. 


420  TEXAS   AS  A  STATE. 

candidates  for  office  were  elected  on  personal  consid 
erations.  When  the  disruption  of  the  great  national 
whig  party  occurred  in  1854,  the  abolitionists  of  the 
north  gained  thereby  large  reinforcements,  which  were 
supplemented  by  defections  from  the  democratic  ranks 
of  members  who  thought  they  had  cause  to  be  dis 
pleased  with  President  Pierce's  administration.  At 
this  time  what  was  called  the  "native  party"  whose 
principles  were  opposed  to  naturalized  foreigners  hold 
ing  office,  was  in  a  moribund  condition;  but  it  was 
now  resuscitated,  and  undergoing  a  kind  of  metempsy 
chosis,  developed  into  the  know-nothing  party.  By 
this  later  organization,  the  creed  of  the  old  native 
party  was  enlarged,  and  made  to  include  proscription 
of  Roman  catholic  citizens,  while  the  opposition  to 
naturalized  aliens  was  intensified.  The  know-noth 
ings  cast  over  their  proceedings  a  cloak  of  mystery. 
They  constituted,  in  fact,  a  secret  political  society; 
applied  tests  of  a  religious  character,  and  endeavored 
to  pit  the  different  races  against  each  other.  All 
these  principles  were  contrary  to  the  constitution  of 
the  United  States.  In  Texas,  the  know-nothings 
for  a  short  time  acquired  considerable  influence.  Nu 
merous  lodges  were  organized,  and  in  1855  L.  D. 
Evans  was  returned  by  the  party  to  congress  from 
the  eastern  district.  On  the  reelection  of  Pease  the 
same  year,  he  was  opposed  by  their  candidate,  Dick- 
son,  who  obtained  no  less  than  17,968  votes,  being 
between  4,000  and  5,000  more  than  had  ever  before 
been  cast  for  governor.  However,  on  their  failure  to 
elect  their  candidate,  the  career  of  the  know-nothings 
in  Texas  was  brought  to  a  close.  The  unconstitution- 
ality  of  their  doctrines,  and  the  violence  to  civil  and 
religious  liberty  entailed  in  their  intolerant  principles- 
were  denounced  by  their  more  enlightened  opponents ; 

53  Prominent  among  their  opponents  was  Anson  Jones,  who  states  that  he 
'wrote  upwards  of  fifty  articles  for  the  Ranger,  and  other  Texan  newspapers, 
in  opposition  to  know-nothingism,  and  the  various  isms  associated  with  it, 
omitting  no  opportunity  to  strike  at  the  hydra  which  offered.'  Letters,  etc., 
520-42.  Consult  also,  Thrall,  376-7;  Linns  Reminis.,  354-5. 


RUSK  AND  HAMILTON.  421 

the  democratic  party  called  upon  the  people  in  the 
name  of  liberty  and  the  constitution  to  discountenance 
the  secret  organization,  and  their  influence  rapidly 
waned. 

In  1857,  Texas  was  called  upon  to  mourn  the  loss 
of  two  men  conspicuous  for  their  services  during  the 
revolutionary  struggle — Thomas  J.  Rusk  and  James 
Hamilton  of  South  Carolina. 

Thomas  Jefferson  Rusk,  whose  earlier  biography 
has  been  already  given,54  migrated  to  Texas  in  1834, 
and  having  distinguished  himself  in  the  war  of  inde 
pendence,  subsequently  held  the  command  of  various 
expeditions  against  hostile  Indians.  In  1839,  he  was 
appointed  chief  justice  of  the  republic,  but  soon  re 
signed  that  position,  retired  to  Nacogdoches,  and 
resumed  his  practice  as  a  lawyer.  In  1845,  he  was 
chosen  president  of  the  annexation  convention,  and  on 
the  incorporation  of  Texas  into  the  union  was  elected 
at  the  first  session  of  the  state  legislature  to  the 
United  States  senate.  This  position  he  held  till  the 
time  of  his  death  in  1857.  In  1856,  Rusk  lost  his 
wife,  while  he  was  in  Washington  engaged  in  his  sen 
atorial  duties.  This  bereavement  deeply  affected  him, 
and  on  his  return  to  his  home  he  was  prostrated  by  a 
serious  illness,  his  recovery  from  which  was  slow. 
Enervated  in  mind  and  body,  and  afflicted  by  a  tumor 
on  his  neck  which  probably  affected  the  brain,  he  took 
his  own  life  at  Nacogdoches,  July  30,  1857. 

Rusk  was  a  man  of  rare  qualities,  and  took  a  prom 
inent  part  in  the  United  States  senate.  He  was  a 
statesman  of  a  high  order,  energetic,  and  possessed  of 
a  mind  of  great  clearness  and  strength.  Of  remark 
ably  sound  judgment,  supported  by  wide  experience, 
he  had  an  accurate  and  extensive  knowledge  of  man 
kind.  And  his  wisdom  and  talents  were  equalled  by 
his  virtues — courage,  honesty,  and  truth  being  his 
marked  characteristics.  Insensible  to  adulation,  he 
never  stooped  to  flattery.  In  his  intercourse  with 

->4See  note  39,  chap,  viii.,  this  vol. 


422  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

men.  he  did  not  affect  dignified  importance,  but  was 
accessible  to  all;  and  it  was  a  habit  of  his  to  converse 
with  men  in  the  humblest  stations  in  life  as  freely  as 
with  those  in  the  highest,  while  his  sympathy  for  the 
unfortunate  or  oppressed,  and  his  love  of  justice  and 
candor  won  for  him  the  respect  and  affections  of 
every  class.  Uninfluenced  by  selfish  motives  and  by 
personal  ambition,  he  labored  in  the  senate  for  the  ag 
grandizement  of  the  nation  at  large,  and  the  promotion 
of  its  general  welfare.  In  just  recognition  of  his  loss, 
and  as  a  mark  of  respect,  the  United  States  congress 
wore  the  usual  badge  of  mourning  for  thirty  days.55 

General  James  Hamilton  was  a  native  of  South 
Carolina,  of  which  state  he  was  governor.  In  the 
struggle  of  Texas  for  independence  he  boldly  advo 
cated  her  cause,  and  gave  both  his  services  and  means 
in  her  support.  As  member  of  the  senate  of  South 
Carolina  he  powerfully  upheld  the  purity  of  the  revo 
lutionists'  motives,  and  devoted  himself  to  the  inter 
ests  of  the  new  republic.  He  secured  the  treaty  with 
Great  Britain,  and  negotiated  one  with  the  kingdom 
of  the  Netherlands.  In  recognition  of  his  services 
he  was  vested  with  the  rights  of  Texan  citizenship 
by  a  special  act  of  congress.  While  engaged,  how 
ever,  in  his  service  as  diplomatic  agent  of  Texas  in 
Europe  he  became  involved  in  embarrassments  which 
eventually  ruined  him.  In  1857  Hamilton  sailed 
from  New  Orleans  for  Galveston  in  the  steamship 
Opelonsas,  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  indemnification  for 
his  losses  and  of  retrieving  his  fortune  in  the  country 
for  which  he  had  done  so  much.  The  vessel  was 
wrecked  on  her  passage  by  a  collision  with  the 
steamer  Galveston,  and  Hamilton  was  one  of  the  vic 
tims  of  the  disaster.  The  state  congress  went  into 
mourning  out  of  respect  to  his  memory.56 


ff.  Globe,  1857-8,  pt  i.,  331-8;  Tex.  Aim,,  1858,  105-9;  Cordova's  Tex., 
165-7;  Thrall,  607-11;  Gov  Pease's  message  of  Nov.  2,  1857,  in  Tex.,  Jour 
nal  Sen.,  1857,  38. 

56  Id.,  121-2;  Thrall,  549;  Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  82-3. 


GOVERNOR  RUNNELS.  423 

On  December  21,  1857,  Hardin  R  Runnels 5;- —the 
successful  democratic  candidate — was  inaugurated 
governor,  having  defeated  his  competitor,  Sam 
Houston,  by  a  poll  of  32,552  votes  against  23,628 
cast  in  favor  of  the  latter. 

When  Runnels  entered  office,  symptoms  had  already 
made  their  appearance  that  the  time  was  rapidly  ap 
proaching  of  the  great  national  disruption,  which  a 
few  years  later  tore  asunder  the  United  States,  and 
deluged  the  country  in  blood.  On  the  admission  of 
Missouri  into  the  union  as  a  slave  state,  Henry  Clay 
introduced  into  the  United  States  senate,  in  1820,  a 
compromise  measure  which  provided  that  the  institu 
tion  of  slavery  should  be  thereafter  excluded  from  all 
territory  lying  north  of  latitude  36°  30',  that  line  be 
ing  the  southern  boundary  of  Missouri.  The  adop 
tion  of  this  bill,  known  as  the  Missouri  compromise, 
gave  rise  in  time  to  bitter  controversies  between  the 
free  and  slave  states,  the  latter  regarding  it  as  an  en 
croachment  on  the  part  of  the  federal  government  on 
the  constitutional  rio'ht  of  future  sovereign  states  to 

O  O 

arrange  their  own  domestic  affairs. 

<^ 

In  1850  the  same  statesman  submitted  to  the  sen 
ate  other  compromise  resolutions  designed  for  the  pur 
pose  of  arranging  amicably  the  controversies  between 
the  free  and  slave  states  on  the  subject  of  slavery. 
These  resolutions  declared  that  congress  in  establish 
ing  territorial  governments  should  impose  no  restric 
tions  on  the  people  of  such  territories  with  respect  to 
slavery.  A  very  memorable  discussion  followed, 
which  resulted  in  the  passage  of  bills  admitting  Cali 
fornia  into  the  union  as  a  free  state,  and  in  the  orga 
nization  of  the  territories  of  Utah  and  New  Mexico 
without  restriction  as  to  slavery.  The  fugitive  slave 
law  was  enacted  at  the  same  time.  Again  in  1854, 
on  the  establishment  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska  as  ter- 

57  Runnels  migrated  to  Texas  in  1841  from  Mississippi,  and  engaged  in 
cotton  planting  on  Red  river.  He  represented  Bowie  county  in  the  legisla 
ture  for  eight  years.  During  1853-5  he  was  speaker  in  the  house.  He  died 
at  his  home  in  Bowie  county  in  1873.  Thrall,  607. 


424  TEXAS  AS  A  STATE. 

ritories,  Senator  Douglas,  from  Illinois,  introduced 
into  the  bill  brought  before  congress  on  that  occasion, 
an  amendment  which  virtually  repealed  the  Missouri 
compromise.  The  principles  of  non-intervention  by 
congress  with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the  states 
and  territories  had  clearly  been  recognized  by  the  legis 
lation  of  1850.  Supported  by  the  compromise  acts 
of  that  year  Senator  Douglas  maintained  that  con 
gress  had  no  right  to  legislate  in  the  matter  of  slav 
ery,  and  that  the  people  of  any  state  or  territory 
should  be  allowed  to  decide  for  themselves  questions 
of  their  domestic  institutions.58  Both  Kansas  and 
Nebraska  would  have  been  free  territories  under  the 
Missouri  compromise,  but  the  bill  was  passed  with 
the  amendment,  May  25,  1854. 

Nevertheless  it  met  with  great  opposition.  Reso 
lutions  were  passed  by  the  legislatures  of  various 
states  denouncing  it ;  memorials  from  abolitionist 
societies  were  addressed  to  congress ;  and  clergymen 
petitioned  for  its  repeal.  Moreover,  it  was  soon  ap 
parent  that  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  Kansas 
from  the  south  would  meet  with  violent  opposition  on 
the  part  of  the  people  of  that  territory.  Intense 
sectional  agitation  prevailed;  and  it  was  regarded  as 
a  foregone  conclusion  that  Kansas  would  be  admitted 
into  the  union  only  as  a  free  state,  unless  some  action 
were  taken  by  the  combined  south. 

Governor  Runnels  addressed  a  message,  January 
20,  1858,  to  the  legislature  calling  attention  to  the 
aspect  of  affairs  in  Kansas,  and  clearly  advocating 
the  doctrine  of  secession.  On  the  8th  of  the  same 
month  a  democratic  state  convention  had  been  held 
at  Austin,  at  which  it  was  resolved  that  there 
were  grounds  for  the  serious  apprehension  that  the 
doctrine  of  non-intervention  was  in  danger  of  being 
repudiated  by  the  United  States  congress ;  and  a  re 
quest  was  made  to  the  state  legislature  to  provide 
for  the  appointment  of  delegates  to  a  convention  of 

58  Cong.  Qhbe,  xxviii.  pt  i.,  175,  221-2,  239-40,  275. 


PRECAUTIONARY  MEASURES.  425 

the  southern  states  on  the  occasion  of  one  being  as 
sembled.  But  bolder  resolutions  than  these  were 
offered.  T.  J.  Chambers  proposed  that  it  should  be 
resolved  that  any  action  on  the  part  of  the  congress 
of  the  United  States  tending  to  embarrass,  delay  and 
defeat  the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  member  of  the 
union,  under  any  pretext  referable  to  the  question 
of  slavery,  would  be  a  usurpation  of  power  and  a 
violation  of  the  compact  of  the  union;  that  in  case 
of  such  an  event,  the  representatives  of  Texas  in  the 
United  States  congress  were  requested  to  give  notice 
of  the  intention  of  the  state  to  resume  her  independ 
ence  and  withdraw  from  the  union.  Sister  states  "at 
tached  to  the  benign  domestic  institution  of  slavery" 
were  to  be  invited  to  join  her  in  that  measure.59 

In  response  to  the  governor's  message  the  legisla 
ture  of  Texas,  having  submitted  the  subject  to  the 
committee  on  federal  relations,  passed  on  February 
16,  1858,  a  joint  resolution.  In  the  preamble  it  was 
set  forth  that  a  violent  determination  existed  on  the 
part  of  a  portion  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  territory 
of  Kansas  to  exclude  by  force  the  citizens  of  slave- 
holding  states  from  a  just,  equal,  and  peaceful  partici 
pation  in  the  use  and  enjoyment  of  the  common  prop 
erty  and  territory  of  the  confederacy.  Whereas  this 
determination,  owing  to  the  state  of  political  feeling 
in  the  northern  states,  operating  upon  the  federal 
government,  might  become  effectual,  and  the  exclu 
sion  perpetual,  it  was  resolved  that  the  governor 
should  be  authorized  to  order  the  election  of  seven 
delegates  to  meet  delegates  appointed  by  the  other 
southern  states  in  convention,  whenever  the  executives 
of  a  majority  of  the  slave-holding  states  should  ex 
press  the  opinion  that  such  convention  was  necessary 
to  preserve  the  equal  rights  of  such  states  in  the 
union.  An  appropriation  of  $10,000  was  made  to 
defray  the  expenses  of  the  delegates,  and  the  governor 

59 Id.,  cong.  35,  sess.  1,  1858,  app.  63-4.  Governor's  message  in  Tex. 
Journal  Sen.,  1857-8,  373-8. 


426 


TEXAS   AS   A  STATE. 


was  authorized,  in  case  an  exigency  arose,  in  which 
it  would  be  necessary  for  Texas  to  act  alone,  to  call  a 
special  session  of  the  legislature  to  provide  for  a  state 
convention.60 

During  Runnels'  administration  Texas  continued  to 
progress.  Population  steadily  increased  by  the  ad 
vent  of  new  settlers,  and  with  the  exception  of  troub 
les  connected  with  Indians,  as  previously  narrated, 
peace  reigned  within  her  borders,  and  the  inhabitants 
pursued  their  avocations  in  security.  Toward  the 
close  of  his  term  a  Mexican  named  Juan  N.  Cortina 
began  to  commit  depredations  on  the  lower  Rio 
Grande;  but  as  they  were  continued  at  intervals  dur 
ing  the  administration  of  his  successor,  it  will  be  con 
venient  to  defer  for  a  time  the  relation  of  them. 

At  the  election  held  in  September,  1859,  the  same 
two  candidates  competed  for  the  executive  office. 
Runnels  being  nominated  by  the  democratic  party, 
Houston  ran  as  an  independent  candidate,  and  was 
elected  by  a  majority  of  8,757  votes  over  his  oppo 
nent.61 

69  Cong.  Globe,  1857-1858,  p.  1000;  Tex.  Rept  Admis.  Kansas,  no.  2,  in 
Tex.  Col  Doc.,  no.  1. 

clThe  number  of  votes  cast  was  64,027,  of  which  Houston  obtained 
36,257,  and  Runnels  27,500.  Thrall,  379;  Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  215. 


CHAPTER   XVI. 

CIVIL  WAR, 
1859-1862. 

THE  NORTH  AND  THE  SOUTH — HOUSTON'S  MESSAGE — REPORTS  OF  COMMITTEES 
ON  RESOLUTIONS  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA — KNIGHTS  OF  THE  GOLDEN  CIRCLE 
— SPECIAL  SESSION  OF  THE  TEXAN  CONGRESS  CONVENED — A  CONVENTION 
ILLEGALLY  CALLED — SURRENDER  OF  GENERAL  TWIGGS — HOUSTON'S 
SPEECH  AT  GALVESTON — TEXAS  SECEDES  FROM  THE  UNION — PROCEEDINGS 
OF  THE  CONVENTION — HOUSTON  DEPOSED — His  PROTEST — CLARK  IN 
STALLED  PROVISIONAL  GOVERNOR — INDIAN  SETTLEMENT  ON  TRINITY 
RIVER — CORTINA'SI  INSURRECTION — His  DEFEAT  AND  FLIGHT — LIST  OF 
SENATORS  AND  REPRESENTATIVES — COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR- 
MILITARY  OPERATIONS — INVASION  OF  NEW  MEXICO — ITS  FAILURE. 

THE  election  of  Houston  to  the  executive  chair  was 
a  victory  of  the  unionist  party  in  Texas  over  the  confed 
erate  party.  At  this  time  the  majority  of  the  Texans 
were  opposed  to  separation  from  the  union;  and 
though  the  late  governor  had  been  elected  by  the 
maneuvering  of  the  democratic  party,  which  won 
the  confidence  of  the  people  by  its  crusade  against 
the  know-nothings,  they  presently  became  alarmed  at 
the  development  of  the  secession  intentions  of  the 
democratic  leaders.  In  1858  a  vacancy  occurred  on 
the  supreme  bench,  and  the  democrats  nominated 
Buckley,  who  bore  no  enviable  character,  and  was  of 
well-known  disunion  proclivities.  He  was  defeated  by 
an  overwhelming  majority  by  Bell,  an  avowed  unionist. 
In  the  canvass  of  1859  the  democratic  convention 
met  at  the  town  of  Houston;  confederate  sentiments 
were  expressed  in  it,  and  the  African  slave-trade  was 
held  in  favor.1  The  democratic  party  had  thrown  off  the 

lJVewcomb,  Hist.  Seces.  Tex.,  4-5.     James  P.  Newcomb  was  the  editor  of 
the  Alamo  Express  published  in   San  Antonio.     He  opposed  disunion,  and 
(427) 


428  CIVIL   WAR. 

mask,  and  the  result  was  the  defeat  of  their  candidate 
by  a  large  majority. 

Houston  took  his  seat  at  a  time  when  intense 
political  excitement  prevailed  all  over  the  United 
States.  The  measures  adopted  by  the  legislation  in 
1850  and  1854,  so  far  from  producing  harmony,  only 
aggravated  political  hostility.  However  conciliatory 
they  might  have  been  to  the  southern  states,  they 
only  embittered  the  feelings  of  the  free-soil  party  in 
the  north.  The  non-prohibition  of  slavery  in  New 
Mexico  and  Utah  was  regarded  by  the  latter  as  im 
politic  and  unjust,  while  the  fugitive  slave-law,  which 
stringently  provided  for  the  arrest  and  return  of  es 
caped  slaves,  was  denounced  as  unconstitutional  and 
cruel.  The  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  of  1854  roused  the 
indignation  of  the  free  states,  and  the  ranks  of  the 
anti-slavery  party  thenceforth  gained  strength  daily. 
By  the  close  of  1859  the  opposing  factions  were  un 
compromisingly  arrayed  against  each  other,  and  the 
fire  of  disruption  was  already  being  kindled.  Im 
mediately  after  the  passage  of  the  bill  of  1854  Kansas 
became  a  field  of  strife  between  the  free-soil  and  pro- 
slavery  parties,  and  emigrants  from  Missouri  and  the 
south  engaged  in  deadly  contest  with  settlers  from 
the  northern  states.  The  polls  were  taken  possession 
of  by  armed  bands,  and  elections  were  carried  by  ille 
gal  voting.  Counter-constitutions  were  promulgated 
in  turn  by  antagonists,  and  for  several  years  the 
condition  of  the  territory  was  anarchical.  Finally,  in 
July  1859,  a  constitution  prohibiting  slavery  was 
adopted  by  a  convention  which  met  at  Wyandotte, 
and  was  ratified  by  popular  vote  October  4th  fol 
lowing. 

This  defeat,  aggravated  by  the  raid  of  John  Brown 
on  Harper's  Ferry  dur  y  the  same  month,  exasper- 

wheii  the  secession  of  Texas  was  declared,  rather  than  be  compelled  to  sacri 
fice  his  principles,  he  determined  to  leave  the  country,  and  did  so  in  July 
1861,  proceeding  to  Cal.  by  way  of  Monterey  and  Durango.  He  published 
his  little  work,  consisting  of  12  and  33  octavo  pages,  at  San  Francisco  in 


GOVERNOR'S  MESSAGE.  429 

ated  the  southern  states,  and  in  December  1859,  both 
branches  of  the  legislature  of  South  Carolina,  passed 
unanimously  startling  resolutions  on  the  subject  of 
federal  relations.  Affirming,  in  the  preamble,  the 
right  of  the  state  to  secede  from  the  confederation,  and 
asserting  that  for  the  last  seven  years  assaults  upon 
the  institution  of  slavery,  and  upon  the  rights  and 
equality  of  the  southern  states,  had  continued  with  in 
creasing;  violence,  the  legislature  resolved  that  it  was 

O  ^ 

their  deliberate  judgment  in  general  assembly,  that 
the  slave-holding  states  should  immediately  meet,  and 
adopt  measures  for  united  action ;  that  the  resolutions 
should  be  communicated  by  the  governor  to  all  the 
slave  states,  with  the  earnest  request  that  they  would 
appoint  deputies,  and  adopt  measures  to  promote  said 
meeting;  and  that  for  the  purpose  of  preparation  for 
an  emergency,  the  sum  of  $100,000  should  be  appro 
priated  for  military  contingencies.2 

On  the  receipt  of  these  resolutions,  Governor 
Houston  in  January,  1860,  addressed  a  message  on 
the  subject  to  both  houses  of  the  state  congress. 
The  document  is  somewhat  lengthy,  comprising  six 
teen  8vo  pages,  and  is  an  able  exposition  of  arguments 
against  the  doctrines  of  nullification  and  secession. 
Houston  entered  his  unqualified  protest  against  the 
principles  enunciated  in  the  resolutions.  To  nullify 
constitutional  laws  would  not  allay  the  existing  dis 
cord.  Separation  from  the  union  would  not  remove 
the  unjust  assaults  made  by  a  class  in  the  north  upon 
the  institutions  of  the  south;  "they  would  exist  from 
like  passions,  and  like  feelings  under  any  government." 
"The  union,"  he  remarks,  "was  intended  as  a  per 
petuity.  In  accepting  the  conditions  imposed  prior 
to  becoming  a  part  of  the  confederacy,  the  states 
became  part  of  the  nation.  What  they  conceded 
comprises  the  power  of  the  federal  government;  but 
over  that  which  they  did  not  concede,  their  sover- 

2  Copy  of  these  resolutions  will  be  found  in  Tex.  State  Gaz.,  iv.,  App.  178- 
9;  Houston's  Message  on  S.  C.  Rtsol,  1860,  No.  1,  in  Tex.  Col  Doc.,  No.  2. 


430  CIVIL  WAR. 

eignty  is  as  perfect  as  is  that  of  the  union  in  its  ap 
propriate  sphere."  With  regard  to  the  position  of 
Texas,  he  says:  "In  becoming  a  state  of  the  union, 
Texas  agreed  'not  to  enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance,  or 
confederation,  and  not,  without  the  consent  of  con 
gress,  to  keep  troops  or  ships  of  war,  enter  into  any 
agreement  or  compact  with  any  other  state  or  foreign 
power/  All  these  rights  belonged  to  Texas  as  a 
nation.  She  ceased  to  possess  them  as  a  state." 
After  quoting  the  language  of  Washington,  Jefferson, 
Madison,  Jackson,  Clay,  and  Webster,  with  regard  to 
the  necessity  of  preserving  the  union,  he  called  atten 
tion  to  the  effect  of  secession  and  disunion  in  Mexico, 
where  "  a  disregard  for  a  constitutional  government 
had  involved  that  country  in  all  the  horrors  of  civil 
war,  with  robbery,  murder,  rapine,  unrestrained."  In 
the  event  of  disruption  of  the  United  States,  to  all 
these  evils  would  be  added  the  combined  efforts  of 
the  powers  of  tyranny  to  crush  out  liberty.  In  con 
clusion  he  recommended  "the  adoption  of  resolutions, 
dissenting  from  the  assertion  of  the  abstract  right  of 
secession,  and  refusing  to  send  deputies  for  any  present 
existing  cause,  and  urging  upon  the  people  of  all  the 
states,  north  and  south,  the  necessity  of  cultivating 
brotherly  feeling,  observing  justice,  and  attending  to 
their  own  affairs." 

This  message,  with  which  the  resolutions  of  the 
general  assembly  of  South  Carolina  were  transmitted, 
was  referred  by  the  senate  to  the  committee  on  state 
affairs,  and  by  the  house  of  representatives  to  the 
committee  on  federal  relations.  The  former  commit 
tee  was  unanimous  in  the  opinion  that  the  union  and 
constitution  should  be  preserved  and  defended,  but  it 
was  divided  as  to  the  form  of  the  joint  resolutions  to 
be  submitted  to  the  senate.  Those  reported  by  the 
majority,  while  expressing  the  firm  resolution  to  de 
fend  the  constitution  of  the  United  States  and  support 
the  union,  at  the  same  time  maintained  the  doctrine 
of  state  defence  against  aggressions.  It  was  further 


STATE  RIGHTS  AND  WRONGS.  431 

declared  that  the  statutes  of  several  of  the  non-slave- 
holding  states  nullifying  the  fugitive  slave  laws,  and 
the  purpose  of  the  dominant  political  party  in  the 
northern  states,  called  the  black  republican  party,  to 
use,  if  it  could  get  possession  of  the  federal  govern 
ment,  all  the  powers  of  that  government  for  the  ex 
termination  of  slavery,  were  all  in  violation  of  the 
spirit  and  principles  of  the  constitution.  In  view  of 
this  danger,  Texas  appealed  to  the  people  of  the  other 
states  to  prove,  in  the  ensuing  state  and  federal  elec 
tions,  their  devotion  to  the  constitution  and  the  union, 
and  to  the  sovereignty  and  equality  of  states.  In 
case  the  appeal  should  be  disregarded,  the  subject  of 
present  and  probable  exigencies  was  commended  to 
the  consideration  of  the  people  of  Texas,  to  devise 
ways  and  means  of  maintaining  the  rights  and  liber 
ties  of  the  states. 

The  joint  resolutions  reported  by  the  minority  of 
the  committee  on  state  affairs  were  far  more  definite. 
It  was  resolved  that  the  state  did  not  admit  the  con 
stitutional  right  of  a  state  to  secede ;  that  secession 
was  a  voluntary  act,  and  could  only  be  justified  by 
oppressive  infractions  of  the  constitution  by  the  gen 
eral  government;  that  nothing,  as  yet,  had  been  done 
by  that  government  to  justify  such  revolutionary  ac 
tion,  and  Texas  therefore  held  the  resolutions  of  South 
Carolina  to  be  premature  and  unnecessary,  and  de 
clined  to  appoint  deputies;  that  the  people  of  Texas, 
however,  solemnly  warned  their  northern  brethren 
against  the  fanaticism  of  the  abolitionists  and  black 
republicans.  Whenever  an  assault  was  made  upon 
slavery  by  those  wielding .  the  powers  of  the  federal 
government,  Texas  would  resist  such  aggression  by 
every  means  in  her  power.  Whenever  the  federal 
government  became  powerless  to  protect  the  rights  of 
the  states,  it  ceased  to  answer  the  purpose  for  which 
it  was  instituted,  and  the  union  would  no  longer  be 
worth  maintaining.  In  the  event  of  such  being  the 
case,  "Texas  would  again  raise  the  revolutionary 


432  CIVIL  WAR. 

standard,  as  in  the  struggle  of  1835  and  1836,  when 
the  Mexican  confederation  became  the  corrupt  repre 
sentative  of  mere  forms  of  constitutional  liberty.  In 
such  a  contest,  the  people  would  act  with  those  who 
opposed  a  common  danger,  holding  an  aggression  on 
the  rights  of  any  one  of  her  sister  states  as  an  aggres 
sion  upon  'her  own ;  but  rather  than  submit  to  a  vio 
lation  of  their  constitutional  rights,  they  would,  if 
necessary,  single-handed  and  alone,  again  unfurl  the 
banner  of  the  Lone  Star."J 

Majority  and  minority  reports  were  also  submitted 
to  the  house  of  representatives  by  the  committee  on 
federal  relations.  In  the  former,  it  was  resolved  that 
whenever  one  section  of  the  union  presumed  upon  its 
strength  for  the  oppression  of  the  other,  the  constitu 
tion  became  a  mockery ;  that  Texas  would  neither 
violate  any  federal  right,  nor  submit  to  any  violation 
of  her  rights  by  federal  authorities;  that  she  would 
not  submit  to  the  degradation  threatened  by  the 
black  republican  party,  but  would  sooner  reassert  her 
independence,  and  again  enter  upon  a  national  career ; 
that  Texas  pledged  herself  to  any  one  or  more  of  the 
states  to  cooperate  with  them,  should  it  become  neces 
sary,  to  resist  federal  wrong. 

The  report  of  the  minority  was  similar  in  spirit  to 
that  presented  by  the  minority  of  the  committee  on 
state  affairs.  It  was  denied  that  any  of  the  alleged 
evils  were  ascribable  to  the  legitimate  operations  of 
the  federal  government,  but  were  chargeable  to  the 
disloyalty  of  those  who,  by  obstructing  the  laws  and 
authorities,  were  themselves,  designedly  or  undesign- 
edly,  enemies  of  the  union.  The  dissolution  of  the 
union  would  cure  no  evils,  but  on  the  contrary,  would 
be  the  source  of  unnumbered  evils ;  the  minority  dis 
sented  from  the  doctrines  of  secession  and  nullification ; 
they  deemed  it  inexpedient  to  send  deputies  to  a  con 
vention  of  the  slave-holding  states,  as  invited  by  South 
Carolina,  and  it  was  their  opinion  that  there  was  no 

3  Copy  of  joint  resolutions  proposed  in  Tex.  State  Gaz.,  iv.,  app.  177-8. 


SECRET  ORGANIZATION.  433 

sufficient  cause  to  justify  Texas  in  taking  the  incipient 
steps  for  a  dissolution  of  the  union/ 

It  will  be  perceived  that,  with  the  exception  of  the 
majority  report  of  the  committee  on  federal  relations, 
the  sentiments  expressed  were  in  all  main  points  in 
harmony  with  Houston's  views.  But  the  year  1860 
was  one  of  unprecedented  agitation,  caused  by  the 
excitement  over  the  canvass  for  the  presidential  elec 
tion.  A  great  national  crisis  was  at  hand.  By  the 
platform  adopted  by  the  republican  national  conven 
tion,  which  met  at  Chicago  on  May  16th,  it  was 
denied  that  the  authority  of  congress  or  of  a  territo 
rial  legislature  could  give  legal  existence  to  slavery 
in  any  territory  of  the  United  States.  The  ballots 
resulted  in  the  nomination  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  who 
was  elected  president  by  a  large  majority  of  the  elec 
toral  college's  votes.5 

Meantime  in  Texas  the  democratic  confederate 
leaders  had  not  been  idle  after  their  defeat  at  the 
polls.  They  now  had  recourse  to  a  secret  organiza 
tion,  and  the  same  men  who  had  denounced  the  know- 
nothing  society  availed  themselves  of  the  services  of 
a  secret  organization,  known  as  the  Knights  of  the 
Golden  Circle,  which  had  been  formed  some  years 
before  with  the  object  of  establishing  an  empire,  the 
foundation  of  which  was  to  rest  on  the  institution  of 
slavery.  The  boundary  of  this  visionary  empire  was 
to  be  the  circumference  of  a  golden  circle,  as  it  was 
called  by  the  projectors,  having  for  its  centre  Habana, 
in  Cuba,  and  a  radius  of  sixteen  geographical  degrees. 
It  would  extend  to  the  isthmus  of  Panamd  on  the 
south,  and  the  Pennsylvania  line  on  the. north,  and 
include  the  West  Indies,  the  islands  of  the  Caribbean 
sea,  and  the  largest  portions  of  Mexico  and  Central 
America.  Under  the  auspices  of  this  society,  all  the 
filibustering  movements  during  the  period  from  1850 
and  1857  were  undertaken,  but  on  the  failure  of 

4 Copy  of  reports  in  Id.,  166-7. 

6  Lincoln  obtained  180  votes,  Breckenridge  72,  Bell  39,  and  Douglas  12. 
HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    28 


434  CIVIL  WAR. 

Walker's  expedition  in  Nicaragua,  the  organization 
was  partially  broken  up.  The  more  persistent  of  its 
members,  however,  still  devoted  their  energies  to  the 
accomplishment  of  disunion,  and  the  baffled  secession 
ist  party  in  Texas  turned  to  them  for  assistance.  In 
1860,  two  members  of  the  order,  George  W.  Bickley 
and  his  nephew,  were  employed  to  organize  "  castles," 
or  lodges,  in  Texas,  receiving  as  remuneration  for 
their  work  the  initiation  fees  paid  by  incoming  mem 
bers.  Such  castles  were  soon  established  in  every 
principal  town  and  village  in  the  state,  and  among 
the  knights  of  this  order  were  many  members  of  the 
legislature  arid  prominent  politicians.  It  became  a 
power  in  the  land.  By  its  influence  the  sentiments 
of  the  people  were  revolutionized ;  from  its  fold  were 
drawn  the  first  armed  rebels  in  Texas,  under  the  fa 
mous  ranger,  Benjamin  McCullough;  it  furnished 
the  vigilance  committees ;  and  to  its  members  were 
charged  murders  and  incendiary  acts  committed  dur 
ing  the  war.  So  says  Newcomb.6 

No  sooner  was  it  known  that  the  majority  of  elec 
tors  chosen  on  November  6th  were  in  favor  of  Lin 
coln  than  South  Carolina  took  the  initiative,  and 
called  for  a  convention  of  the  southern  states,  to  meet 
at  Columbia,  December  17th.  Heavy  pressure,  too, 
was  brought  to  bear  upon  Houston  to  force  him  to 
call  a  special  session  of  the  legislature,  to  which  he 
finally  yielded,  much  against  his  will,  appointing  Jan 
uary  21,  1861,  as  the  day  for  its  assembly.  His  pre 
vious  views  were  now  slightly  modified,  though  he 
was  still  as  strongly  opposed  to  secession  as  ever.  In 
his  message  to  congress,  when  it  met  at  the  appointed 
time,  he  stated  that  he  felt  the  necessity  of  the  slave- 
holding  states'  taking  action  to  secure  to  the  fullest 
extent  their  rights,  but  he  could  not  reconcile  his 
mind  to  the  idea  that  safety  demanded  an  immediate 
separation  from  the  federal  government  before  having 

6  (ft  sup.,  6-7;  Lossin<js  Hist.  Civ.  War,  i.  187;  Oreeleys  Amer.  Conflict,  L 
350. 


CHANGE  OF  OPINION.  435 

stated  their  grievances  and  demanded  redress.  While 
deploring  the  election  of  Lincoln,  he,  nevertheless,  did 
not  yet  see  in  that  event  any  cause  for  the  secession 
of  Texas.  He  believed,  however,  that  the  time  had 
arrived  when  the  southern  states  should  cooperate, 
and  take  counsel  together.  Such  a  convention  as 
that  contemplated  by  the  joint  resolution  of  February 
16,  1858,  would,  he  believed,  soon  be  held,  and  desir 
ing  that  the  people  of  Texas  should  be  represented  in 
it,  he  had  ordered  an  election  for  that  purpose  to  be 
held  on  the  first  Monday  in  February  1861.  Since 
the  issue  of  his  proclamation,  four  of  the  southern 
states  had  declared  themselves  no  longer  members  of 
the  union.7  The  interests  of  Texas,  he  said,  were 
identified  with  those  of  the  remaining  states,  which, 
as  yet,  had  taken  no  action.  If  by  joining  her  coun 
sels  with  theirs  such  assurances  could  be  obtained  of 
a  determination  on  the  part  of  the  northern  states  to 
regard  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  south  as  would 
induce  the  states  which  had  seceded  to  rescind  their 
action,  the  end  attained  would  silence  the  reproaches 
of  the  rash  and  inconsiderate.  He  also  called  atten 
tion  to  the  necessity  of  providing  against  Indian  hos 
tilities,  and  for  the  wants  of  an  empty  treasury. 

Houston  thus  stood  to  his  principles.  He  still 
hoped  that  disunion  might  be  avoided  by  temperate 
representations  of  a  convention  of  the  southern  states. 
But  the  operations  of  the  knights  of  the  golden  circle 
had  already  had  dire  effect  in  Texas.  The  voices  of 
the  unionists  were  silenced  by  threats,  by  the  spec 
tacle  of  the  corpses  of  outspoken  advocates  of  free- 
state  principles  hanging  from  the  trees,8  and  by  the 
t  destroying  flames  of  incendiary  fires.  The  legislature, 

7 These  states  were  South  Carolina,  which  seceded  on  Dec.  20,  I860; 
Mississippi,  on  Jan.  9,  1861;  Florida,  Jan.  10th;  and  Alabama,  Jan.  llth. 

8  On  Dec.  4,  1800,  Senator  Clingman  from  North  Carolina,  after  remark 
ing  that  the  senator  from  New  York  was  reported  to  have  said  that  Texas 
was  excited  by  '  free  debate,'  made  use  of  these  words  in  the  senate:  'Well, 
sir,  a  senator  from  Texas  told  me  the  other  day  that  a  good  many  of  those 
debaters  were  hanging  up  by  the  trees  in  that  country! '  Con>/.  Gfahe,  1860-1, 
pt  i.,  4.  The  senators  from  Texas  were  John  Hemphill  and  Louis  T.  WigfalL 


436  CIVIL  WAR. 

too,  was  packed  with  members  of  the  order.  Ignor 
ing  the  governor's  proclamation,  the  knights  proceeded 
to  hasten  matters,  and  on  January  8th  sixty  of  them 
issued  a  call  for  a  state  convention,  to  meet  at  Austin 
on  the  28th  of  that  month,  the  chief  justices  of  the 
counties  being  recommended  to  order  the  opening  of 
the  polls  at  the  different  precincts  for  the  election  of 
delegates  to  said  convention.  The  election  was  held 

O 

January  8th,  polls  being  opened  by  the  knights  of  the 
golden  circle  wherever  judges,  loyal  to  the  union,  re 
fused  to  obey  the  call.  By  the  mass  of  the  people, 
the  proceeding  was  regarded  as  irregular,  and  out  of 
the  whole  number  of  voters  in  the  state  not  more 
than  10,000  appeared  at  the  polls.9  Barely  half  of 
the  counties  were  represented  by  the  people. 

But  the  confederate  party  had  the  upper  hand,  and 
was  determined  to  push  matters  to  a  crisis.  The 
legislature  by  a  joint  resolution  recognized  the  infor 
mally  elected  delegates,  and  declared  the  convention 
a  legally  constituted  assembly.13  Houston's  veto  was 
overruled,  and  on  the  appointed  day  the  convention 
met  at  Austin.  On  February  1st  the  ordinance  of 
secession  was  passed  by  a  vote  of  167  to  7,  subject  to 
ratification  or  rejection  by  a  vote  of  the  people  on  the 
23d.  Without  waiting  till  the  result  was  known  the 
convention  proceeded  to  appoint  a  "committee  of 
public  safety"  to, which  secret  instructions  were  given. 
It,  moreover,  appointed  delegates11  to  the  confederate 
convention  at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  and  having 
thus  assumed  the  power  to  act  before  the  will  of  the 
people  was  expressed,  adjourned  to  March  2d. 

The  committee  of  safety  precipitated  events  in  a 
still  more  arbitrary  manner.  It  usurped  the  powers 

9  Thrall,  page  381,  does  not  represent  the  opinions  of  the  Texans  in  their 
true  liglit  with  respect  to  this  matter.     He  says,  '  the  people,  by  common 
consent,  on  the  8th  of  January,  elected  delegates  to  a  state  convention. ' 

10  In  the  house  the  resolution  passed  with  little  opposition.     In  the  senate 
a  substitute  resolution  was  offered  by  one  of  the  members,  to  the  effect  that 
an  election  should  be  held  for  a  convention  to  meet  on  March  4th  following; 
it  was  lost  by  a  vote  of  20  nays  to  10  yeas. 

11  Namely,  John  H.  Reagan,  Lewis  T.  Wigfall,  John  Hemphill,  William  j 
S.  Oldham,  John  Gregg,  and  W.  B.  Ochiltree.   Thrall,  408. 


COMMITTEE  OF  SAFETY.  437 

of  the  executive,  and  appointed  three  commissioners, 
Thomas  J.  Devine,  P.  N.  Luckett,  and  S.  A.  Mave 
rick,  to  treat  with  General  Twiggs,  in  command  of 
the  United  States  forces  in  Texas,  for  the  surrender 
of  his  army  and  the  national  posts  and  property. 
Twiggs  was  already  in  communication  with  the  con 
federates,  and  when  in  January  Governor  Houston 
had  inquired  of  him  confidentially  as  to  what  disposi 
tion  would  be  made  of  the  public  property  in  Texas, 
he  evasively  replied,  on  the  22d,  that  he  had  re 
ceived  no  instructions  from  Washington  in  regard  to 
the  disposition  of  the  public  property  or  of  the  troops, 
in  the  event  of  the  state's  seceding.  " After  secession," 
he  wrote,  "if  the  executive  of  the  state  makes  a  de 
mand  on  the  commander  of  the  department  he  will 
receive  an  answer."  In  his  communications  with  the 
commissioners,  Twiggs  required  of  them  to  support 
their  demand  with  some  show  of  force,  and  on  Feb 
ruary  16th  Ben  McCullough,12  with  a  party  of  be 
tween  300  and  400  men,  took  possession  of  the  main 
square  of  San  Antonio,  the  Alamo  having  been  cap 
tured  that  morning  by  a  body  of  the  knights.  On 
the  18th,  an  agreement  was  entered  into,  and  Twiggs 
surrendered  the  national  forces  stationed  in  Texas,  to 
the  number  of  2,500  men,13  all  the  forts,  arsenals,  and 
military  posts,14  and  the  public  stores  and  munitions 
of  war  valued  at  $1,200,000,  cost  price. 

1-2  He  was  a  native  of  Tennessee,  went  to  Texas  during  the  time  of  the 
revolution,  and  commanded  a  cannon  in  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto.  After 
the  independence  of  Texas  he  was  captain  of  a  company  of  rangers.  Dur 
ing  the  war  of  secession  he  was  appointed  brigadier-general  in  the  confederate 
army,  and  was  killed  in  the  second  day's  fight  at  Pea  Ridge,  Arkansas, 
March  24,  1862.  Thrall,  589. 

13  By  the  terms  of  the  agreement  the  U.  S.  troops  were  to  leave  the  soil 
of  the  state  by  the  way  of  the  coast,  being  allowed  to  retain,  their  arms. 
While  in  Matagorda  Bay,  450  of  these  soldiers  under  Major  Sibley,  on 
board  of  two  schooners  for  transportation,  were  captured,  April  24,  1801, 
by  the  confederate  officer,  Major  Earle  Van  Dorn,  who  then  proceeded  with 
1,500  men  to  San  Antonio,  where  he  made  prisoners  of  300  more,  under  Col 
Reeve  on  May  9th  following.  This  was  an  infraction  of  the  agreement. 
Nciocomb,  ut  sup.,  10-12;  Lossing,  ut  sup.,  i.  265-73;  U.  S.  Sen.  Misc.  Doc., 
cong.  37,  seas.  1,  no.  i.  19-20. 

**  The  military  posts  and  ports  in  Texas  occupied  by  the  U.  S.  troops  at 
this  time  were  as  follows:  Camp  Cooper,  Fort  Chadbourne,  Camp  Colorado, 
Fort  Bliss,  Fort  Quitman,  Fort  Mason,  Fort  Stockton,  Fort  Lancaster,  Fort 


438  CIVIL  WAR. 

A  few  days  before  the  popular  vote  was  taken 
Houston  delivered  a  speech  from  the  balcony  of  the 
Tremont  House,  in  Galveston,  to  the  excited  public 
on  the  question  of  secession.  His  personal  friends, 
fearing  that  violence  would  be  offered,  entreated  him 
to  remain  quiet.  But  he  was  not  to  be  stopped  by 
any  apprehension  of  danger.  He  stood  erect  before 
the  people,  and  in  prophetic  language  pictured  to 
them  the  dark  future.  ''Some  of  you,"  he  said, 
"laugh  to  scorn  the  idea  of  bloodshed  as  a  result  of 
secession,  and  jocularly  propose  to  drink  all  the  blood 
that  will  ever  flow  in  consequence  of  it  I  But  let  me 
tell  you  what  is  coming  on  the  heels  of  secession: 
The  time  will  come  when  your  fathers  and  husbands, 
your  sons  and  brothers,  will  be  herded  together  like 
sheep  and  cattle  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and 
your  mothers  and  wives,  and  sisters  and  daughters, 
will  ask,  Where  are  they  ?  You  may,  after  the  sacri 
fice  of  countless  millions  of  treasure,  and  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  precious  lives,  as  a  bare  possibility,  win 
southern  independence,  if  God  be  riot  against  you; 
but  I  doubt  it.  I  tell  you  that,  while  I  believe  with 
you  in  the  doctrines  of  state  rights,  the  north  is  de 
termined  to  preserve  this  union.  They  are  not  a  fiery 
impulsive  people  as  you  are,  for  they  live  in  cooler 
climates.  But  when  they  begin  to  move  in  a  given 
direction,  where  great  interests  are  involved,  such  as 
the  present  issues  before  the  country,  they  move  with 
the  steady  momentum  and  perseverance  of  a  mighty 
avalanche,  and  what  I  fear  is  they  will  overwhelm  the 
south  with  ignoble  defeat."  He  expressed  the  belief 
that  the  existing  difficulties  could  be  solved  by  peace 
able  means.  Otherwise,  he  would  say,  "  Better  die 
freemen  than  live  slaves."  Whatever  course  Texas 


Davis,  Camp  Hudson,  Camp  Verde,  Camp  Ives,  Camp  Wood,  Fort  Clark, 
•San  Antonio  Barracks,  Fort  Inge,  Fort  Duncan,  Fort  Mclntosh,  Ringgold 
Barracks,  Camp  Palo  Alto,  and  Fort  Brown.  DisturnelCx  U.  S.  R&jvstcr,  1861- 
62,  62-3;  Tex.  Aim.,  I860,  144-6.  In  U.  8.  Mess,  and  Doc.,  1860-61,  218-21, 
three  other  camps  appear  on  the  list,  situated  on  the  Rio  Grande  below  Fort 
Ringgold, 


HOUSTON'S  DEPOSAL  AND  PROTEST.  439 

should  determine  to  pursue,  his  faith  in  state  suprem 
acy  and  state  rights  would  carry  his  sympathies  with 
her.  As  Henry  Clay  had  said,  "My  country,  right 
or  wrong,"  so  said  he  "my  state,  right  or  wrong." 

On  February  23d  the  polls  were  opened.  Houston 
had  been  right  in  saying  that  bloodshed  was  not  an 
ticipated.  By  most  Texans  the  possibility  of  war  was 
not  thought  of,  and  his  warnings  fell  on  heedless  ears. 
Austin,  the  capital,  San  Antonio,  and  other  western 
towns,  as  well  as  counties,  gave  union  majorities;  the 
German  colonists,  too,  were  for  the  union;  but  in  the 
other  portions  of  the  state  the  vote  was  confederate. 
Out  of  70,000  legal  voters,16  53,256  cast  their  votes. 
Of  this  number  39,415  were  in  favor  of  secession  and 
13,841  against  it. 

This  result  was  known  March  5th,  and  then  the 
convention,  which  had  reassembled  on  the  2d,  forth 
with  assumed  the  powers  of  the  government.  It  in 
structed  its  delegates  at  Montgomery,  to  ask  for  the 
admission  of  Texas  into  the  southern  confederacy  that 
had  just  been  formed ;  it  sent  a  committee  to  Governor 
Houston  to  inform  him  of  the  change  in  the  political 
position  of  the  state ;  it  adopted  the  confederate  con 
stitution;  and  appointed  representatives  to  the  con 
federate  congress.17 

O 

Houston  in  his  reply  to  the  convention  considered 
that  it  had  transcended  its  powers,  and  stated  that  he 
would  lay  the  wrhole  matter  before  the  legislature 

15  North's  Five  Years  in  Texas,  88-95.  The  author  of  this  little  work  was 
present  on  the  occasion  of  this  speech,  and  supplies  a  portion  of  it.  His 
book  contains  a  good  description  of  Texas,  at  this  time,  of  the  social  elements, 
and  the  different  political  parties,  some  historical  events,  which  took  place 
during  the  years  1861-5,  being  interspersed. 

16Newcomb,  page  S,  places  the  number  of  legal  voters  at  over  80,000, 
which  seems  too  high.  The  yearly  influx,  however,  of  settlers  was  great,  as 
will  be  seen  by  a  comparison  of  the  number  of  votes  cast  at  the  guberna 
torial  elections  in  the  years  1855,  1857,  and  1859,  which  were  respectively 
46,339,  56,180;  and  64,027. 

17  During  the  confederacy,  Lewis  T.  Wigfall  and  William  S.  Oldham, 
represented  Texas  in  the  senate;  and  John  A.  Wilcox,  C.  C.  Herbert,  Peter 
\\".  Gray,  B.  F.  Sexton,  M.  D.  Graham,  William  B.  Wright,  A.  M.  Branch, 
John  R.  Baylor,  S.  H.  Morgan,  Stephen  H.  Darden,  and  A.  P.  Wiley  in  the 
house.  Thrall,  408. 


440  CIVIL  WAR, 

which  was  to  assemble  on  the  1 8th ;  whereupon  the 
convention  defied  his  authority,  and  passed  an  ordi 
nance  requiring  all  state  officers  to  take  the  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  new  government.  Houston  and  E. 
W.  Cave,  secretary  of  state,  refused  to  take  the  oath; 
they  were  both  deposed  by  a  decree  of  the  convention, 
and  Edward  Clark,  the  lieutenant-governor,  was  in 
stalled  as  the  executive.  Houston  then  appealed  to 
the  people,  and,  when  the  legislature  met,  sent  in  a 
message  protesting  against  his  removal,  at  the  same 
time  stating  that  he  could  but  await  their  action  and 
that  of  the  people.  If  driven  at  last  into  retirement, 
in  spite  of  the  constitution  of  the  state,  he  would  not 
desert  his  country,  but  his  prayers  for  its  peace  and 
prosperity  would  be  offered  up  with  the  same  sin 
cerity  and  devotion  with  which  his  services  had  been 
rendered  while  occupying  public  station. 

In  his  address  to  the  public  two  days  previously, 
he  denounced  the  usurpations  of  the  convention.  It 
had  elected  delegates,  he  said,  to  the  provisional 
council  of  the  confederate  states  before  Texas  had 
withdrawn  from  the  union ;  it  had  created  a  com 
mittee  of  safety,  a  portion  of  which  had  assumed  exe 
cutive  powers,  by  having  entered  into  negotiations 
with  federal  officers,  and  caused  the  removal  of  the 
United  States  troops  from  posts  in  the  country  ex 
posed  to  Indian  depredations;  it  had  deprived  the 
people  of  the  right  to  know  their  doings,  by  holding 
its  sessions  in  secret;  it  had  appointed  military  offi 
cers  and  agents  under  its  assumed  authority ;  it  had 
declared  that  the  people  of  Texas  ratified  the  consti 
tution  of  the  provisional  government  of  the  confederate 
states,  had  changed  the  state  constitution,  and  estab- 
tablished  a  test  oath  of  allegiance  ;  and  it  had  over 
thrown  the  theory  of  free  government  by  combining 
in  itself  all  the  departments  of  government  and  exer 
cising  the  powers  belonging  to  each.  Nevertheless 
Houston  was  far  from  wishing  that  his  deposal  should 
be  the  cause  of  bloodshed.  "  I  love  Texas,"  he  de- 


FRONTIER  TROUBLES.  441 

clared,  "too  well  to  bring  civil  strife  and  bloodshed 
upon  her.  To  avert  this  calamity,  I  shall  make  no 
endeavor  to  maintain  my  authority  as  chief  executive 
of  the  state,  except  by  the  peaceful  exercise  of  my 
functions.  When  I  can  no  longer  do  this  I  shall 
calmly  withdraw  from  the  scene,  leaving  the  govern 
ment  in  the  hands  of  those  who  have  usurped  its 
authority,  but  still  claiming  that  I  am  its  chief  execu 
tive."  He  then  entered  his  formula :  "I  protest  in 
the  name  of  the  people  of  Texas  against  all  the  acts 
and  doings  of  this  convention,  and  declare  them  null 
and  void.  I  solemnly  protest  against  the  act  of  its 
members,  who  are  bound  by  no  oath  themselves  in 
Declaring  my  office  vacant,  because  I  refuse  to  appear 
before  it  and  take  the  oath  prescribed." 

The  legislature,  however,  in  face  of  appeal,  protest, 
and  message,  sanctioned  the  proceedings  of  the  con 
vention;  and  Clark,  who  had  already  been  sworn  in 
on  the  16th,  assumed  the  functions  of  provisional 
governor  on  the  21st.18  Houston  soon  after  left  the 
capital  and  retired  to  private  life. 

During  the  last  two  years  Texas  had  been  unusu 
ally  harassed  by  depredations  committed  on  her  fron 
tiers.  After  the  removal  of  the  Indians  from  the 
reservations  in  Young  county,  the  hostility  of  the 
native  races  was  intensified,  and  the  northern  and 
western  borders  were  subject  to  all  the  horrors  of 
savage  warfare.  The  United  States'  troops  and 
Texan  rangers  engaged  in  frequent  conflicts  with 
these  subtle  enemies,  and  many  wearisome  expe 
ditions  were  undertaken  in  pursuit  of  bands  which  had 
accomplished  successful  raids,  leaving  behind  them 
devastation  and  death.  For  hundreds  of  miles  along 
the  frontier,  numerous  small  parties  of  from  six  to 
fiftetn  warriors  simultaneously  attacked  settlements, 
and  generally  escaped  without  punishment.19  Some 

l*Newcomb,  tit  sup.,  8-9;  Lossiny,  tit  sup.,  i.   188-90;  Thrall,  385-9,  566-7. 
19Gov.    Houston  reported,   March,    12,   1860,    that  during  the  last   four 


442  CIVIL  WAR. 

savages  were  occasionally  killed  in  these  encounters, 
but  many  of  the  troops  employed  in  this  tedious  and 
desultory  service — so  aggravating  to  the  soldier— 
also  fell.20 

At  this  epoch  the  native  tribes,  with  one  exception, 
no  longer  occupied  the  lands  within  the  settlements. 
The  more  savage  had  been  driven  to  the  distant,  and 
as  yet  unsettled,  borders  of  the  state,  while  those 
of  peaceable  habits  and  industrious  disposition  had 
been  expelled.  The  exception  alluded  to  was  a  band 
of  emigrants  from  the  Creek  nation,  which,  early  in 
the  century,  considering  the  contest  with  the  white 
race  as  hopeless,  sought  a  home  in  Texas,  and  settled 
near  Alabama  creek  on  land  lying  between  that  stream 
and  Trinity  river.  These  Indians  were  principally 
Alabamas  and  Coashattas,  a  few  Muscogees  only  be 
ing  united  with  them.  From  the  time  of  their  arrival 
they  persistently  pursued  a  peaceful  policy,  content 
to  cultivate  their  clearings,  tend  their  flocks  and 
herds,  and  when  their  crops  were  garnered,  indulge 
in  their  passion  for  the  chase.  When  Texas  began 
to  be  settled  by  Anglo-Americans,  they  still  remained 
steadfast  to  their  peace  policy,  and  ever  showed  them 
selves  faithful  to  the  new-comers.  Though  abstain 
ing  from  giving  offence,  their  loyalty  was  often  sorely 

months,  51  persons  had  been  murdered,  and  probably  as  many  wounded  and 
made  prisoners.  U.  S.  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  36,  sess.  1,  No.  52,  139-42. 

"•Consult  U.  S.  Mess,  and  Doc.,  1800-61,  18-51,  193-205.  By  an  act 
of  congress,  April  7,  1858,  the  president  was  authorized  to  receive  into  the 
service  of  the  U.  S.  a  regiment  of  mounted  volunteers  for  the  protection  of 
the  Texan  frontier.  U.  S.  H.  Jour.,  cong.  36,  sess.  1,  238.  On  June  21,  1860 
an  act  was  approved,  providing  for  the  repayment,  to  Texas,  of  moneys 
advanced  in  payment  of  volunteers  called  out  by  competent  authority 
since  Feb.  28,  1855,  for  the  defense  of  the  frontiers,  provided  that  the 
amount  did  not  exceed  $123,544.  Cong.  Globe,  1859-60,  App.  489.  Claims 
for  indemnity  for  spoliations  by  Indians  were  made  by  Texas  against 
the  U.  S.  government.  Id.,  1859-60,  2046,  2167,  2186,  3139.  U.  S.  H. 
Com.  Rept,  cong.  36,  sess.  1,  iv.,  no.  535.  In  an  expedition  in  1859 
for  a  topographical  reconnoissance  between  the  Pecos  river  and  the 
Rio  Grande,  conducted  by  Lieut.  Edward  L.  Hartz,  24  camels  were  em 
ployed  to  test  their  usefulness  as  a  means  of  military  transportation.  Lieut. 
Hartz  sent  in  to  the  government  an  interesting  report  in  the  form  of  a  diary, 
extending  from  May  18  to  Aug.  7,  1859.  Mess,  and  Doc.,  cong.  36,  sess.  1, 
pt  ii.  422^41.  Though  the  report  was  not  unfavorable  as  to  the  usefulness 
of  these  animals,  the  employment  of  them  was  soon  discontinued, 


MEXICAN  OUTRAGES.  443 

tried  by  outrages  committed  by  unprincipled  men, 
who  from  time  to  time  would  rob  them  of  their  crops 
and  cattle.  Their  patience  under  these  wrongs  was 
exemplary;  they  abstained  from  reprisal  when  no  re 
dress  could  be  obtained,  and  were  gratefully  thankful 
when  justice  was  meted  out  to  them.  These  Indians 
thus  won  many  friends ;  public  opinion  sustained  them, 
and  the  legislature  of  Texas  took  them  under  its  pro 
tection,  and  purchased  a  tract  of  land  for  them.  They 
were  a  docile,  hospitable,  warm-hearted  people,  easily 
restrained  from  over-indulgence  in  spirituous  liquors, 
cheerful  and  humorous,  generous  and  unselfish;  and 
what  is  a  special  mark  of  their  kindly  nature,  their 
women  were  treated  with  a  degree  of  consideration 
not  to  be  observed  among  other  savage  tribes.21 

While  the  northern  and  western  frontiers  were 
depredated  by  the  stealthily  conducted  forays  of  sav 
ages,  the  southern  borders  on  the  Rio  Grande  were 
subjected  to  more  open  hostilities,  carried  on  by  out 
laws  and  banditti  under  the  leadership  of  Cortina.22 
This  border  ruffian  and  his  gang,  in  pursuit  of  their 
business  as  dealers  in  stock,  had  long  been  notorious 
for  their  frequent  robbery  of  cattle,  and  depredations 
committed  on  Texan  territory.  Connected  with  this 
organization  was  a  number  of  Mexican  citizens,  who, 
crossing  the  river,  took  part  in  marauding  expeditions, 
and  with  their  companions  removed  their  booty  to 
Mexican  soil,  evading  all  attempts  to  punish  them. 
As  for  Cortina,  he  made  either  country  his  asylum  in 

21  The  above  account  of  this  settlement  is  obtained  from  an  article  in  the 
Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  126-31,  the  writer  of  which  states  that  his  estimate  of  the 
character  of  these  Indians  was  based  on  20  years'  observation.     See  also  Id., 
1869,  157,  where  his  views  are  indorsed.     The  number  of  the  Indians  in  1869 
was  considered  to  be  less  than  500. 

22  Juan  Nepomuceno  Cortina  was  a  native  of  Camargo,  but  spent  his  early 
life  on  a  rancho  owned,  by  his  mother  on  the  Texan  side  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
about  nine  miles  above  Brownsville.     In  1847,  he  was  employed  by  a  Mr 
Somerville  to  buy  mules,  and  having  purchased  a  band,  started  with  Somer- 
ville  for  the  interior.     When  nine  miles  distant  from  the  river,  he  murdered 
his  employer,  and  sold  the  animals  to  the  U.  S.  govt  at  Brazos  Santiago. 
Though  indicted  for  this  crime,   he  escaped  arrest.     Henceforth  he  led  a 
vicious  life,  associated  himself  with  robbers,  and  engaged  in  horse  and  cattle 
stealing.  U.  S.  Sen.  Doc.,  cong.  36,  sess.  1,  vol.  ix.,  no.  21,  9,  13, 


444  CIVIL  WAR. 

turn,  claiming  American  and  Mexican  citizenship 
alternately,  according  to  the  vigor  with  which  efforts 
were  made  from  time  to  time  to  arrest  him.  Sur 
rounded,  however,  by  a  band  of  about  seventy  despe 
radoes,  he  was  generally  able  to  defy  the  authorities. 
In  1859,  this  leader's  proceedings  began  to  assume  a 
political  character.  The  reader  is  already  aware  of 
the  deep  feelings  of  hostility  which  existed  between 
the  Anglo-Texans  and  the  Mcxican-Texans.  Of  the 
latter  race,  Cortina  suddenly  stood  forth  as  the  cham 
pion,  not  so  much  from  philanthropy  as  from  a  re 
vengeful  desire  to  prosecute  a  private  feud  in  which 
he  had  involved  himself  with  certain  individuals  resid 
ing  in  Cain tr on  county. 

On  July  13,  1859,  he  entered  Brownsville  with  some 
of  his  companions,  and  as  it  happened,  a  Mexican,  who 
had  formerly  been  his  servant,  was  arrested  by  the 
city  marshal,  Adolph  Glaevecke,  for  disturbing  the 
peace.  Cortina  interfered,  fired  upon  the  marshal, 
wounding  him  in  the  shoulder,  rescued  the  prisoner, 
and  escaped  with  him  on  horseback  to  Matamoros, 
defying  the  authorities  to  arrest  him.  This  flagrant 
act  aroused  the  indignation  of  the  people  of  Browns 
ville,  and  an  attempt  was  made  to  raise  a  sufficient 
force  to  capture  him,  but  failed.  Several  of  those 
most  active  on  the  occasion  were  known  to  Cortina, 
who  marked  them  as  his  enemies,  and  determined  to 
take  revenge. 

At  the  head  of  a  mounted  body  of  men,  variously 
estimated  at  from  forty  to  eighty  in  number,  early  in 
the  morning  of  September  28th,  he  entered  Browns 
ville,  and  took  possession  of  the  unprotected  city. 
Constable  Morris  and  a  young  man  named  Neal  were 
killed/3  as  also  Johnson,  the  jailer — who  refused  to 
deliver  up  his  keys — and  two  Mexicans,  in  whose 
house  he  had  taken  refuge.  Johnson  defended  him- 

23  Both  these  men  were  murderers,  being  known  to  have  killed  several 
Mexicans  in  cold  blood,  and  had  deadly  enemies  in  Cortina's  hand.  U.  S.  H. 
Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  36,  sess.  1,  viii.,  no.  52,  65;  Id.,  xii.,  no.  81,  4. 


CABRERA  AND  CORTIN A.  445 

self  obstinately,  killing  one  of  Cortina' s  men,  and 
severely  wounding  another  before  he  was  slain. 
Cortina  now  liberated  the  prisoners,  paraded  the 
town,  and  demanded  that  Glaevecke  and  other  per 
sons  whom  he  named  should  be  delivered  up  to  him. 
No  attempt,  however,  was  made  to  plunder  the  city, 
and  he  was  finally  induced  by  the  representations  of 
the  Mexican  consul,  Manuel  Tresino,  General  Cara- 
vajal,  and  influential  citizens  of  Matamoras  to  abandon 
it.  He  retired  with  his  followers  to  his  mother's 
hacienda,  the  rancho  del  Carmen,  which  he  converted 
into  a  military  camp. 

On  the  30th  of  the  same  month,  he  issued  his  first 
proclamation,  in  which  he  declared  that  his  object 
was  to  protect  those  who  had  been  persecuted  and 
robbed  on  account  of  their  Mexican  origin,  and  that 
an  organization  had  been  formed  for  the  purpose  of 
chastising  their  enemies,  and  delivering  them  from 
the  machinations  of  a  multitude  of  lawyers  and  others, 
who  were  bent  upon  despoiling  Mexican-Texans  of 
their  lands. 

It  was  claimed  that  Cortina  was  aided  by  Mexican 
money  and  arms.  That  he  found  favor  in  the  eyes  of 
the  public  and  some  officials  is  more  than  probable; 
but  this  was  not  the  case  with  the  Mexican  authori 
ties.  In  response  to  an  appeal  for  protection  made 
by  the  inhabitants  of  Brownsville,  the  commander  at 
Matamoros  sent  over  a  detachment  of  his  troops  on 
September  30th,  and  they  were  not  withdrawn  till  all 
danger  of  a  renewal  of  hostilities  seemed  over.  But 
about  the  12th  of  October,  Cortina  having  by  that 
time  retreated  across  the  Rio  Grande,  his  second  in 
command,  Cabrera,  was  captured  at  the  rancho  del 
Carmen  by  the  sheriff.  Cortina  threatened  to  lay 
Brownsville  in  ashes  unless  he  was  released ;  a  prom 
inent  merchant  of  Matamoros  passed  over  at  the  re 
quest  of  the  most  influential  men  in  that  city,  and 
tried,  though  ineffectually,  to  persuade  the  people  to 
comply  with  the  demand ;  Captain  Tobin's  company 


446  CIVIL  WAR. 

of  rangers  arrived  a  few  days  afterward,  and  on  the 
night  of  their  arrival  Cabrera  was  found  hanged. 

Cortina  now  proceeded  to  act.  He  returned  to  the 
rancho  del  Carmen,  where  the  number  of  his  followers 
rapidly  increased.  His  movement  was  very  popular 
with  the  Mexican-Texans,  whose  cause  met  with  much 
sympathy  south  of  the  Rio  Grande.  The  people  of 
Brownsville  again  asked  the  authorities  at  Matamoros 
to  aid  them  in  repelling  the  threatened  attack,  and  a 
company  under  Colonel  Loranco  was  sent  over. 

On  October  24th  a  combined  force  of  Mexicans  and 
Americans  with  two  pieces  of  artillery24  attacked 
Cortina  and  compelled  him  to  retreat  into  the  chapar 
ral.  An  attempt  to  dislodge  him  failed;  one  gun 
became  bogged  and  was  dismounted  on  being  dis 
charged.  The  advance  fell  back;  the  other  gun  was 
abandoned,  and  an  ignominious  flight  followed,  the 
Mexicans,  however,  bringing  up  the  rear.  The  guns 
remained  in  the  possession  of  Cortina. 

About  November  18th  Lieutenant  Littleton  with 
thirty  men  fell  into  an  ambuscade  and  sustained  a 
loss  of  three  men  killed  and  one  wounded,  and  one 
taken  prisoner.  On  the  23d  of  that  month  Cortina 
issued  a  second  proclamation  in  which,  after  recount 
ing  to  the  Mexicans  in  Texas  the  grievances  suffered 
by  them,  he  calls  on  them  to  join  him  in  his  enter 
prise.  He  informed  them  that  a  society  was  orga 
nized  in  the  state  for  the  extermination  of  their 
tyrants ;  that  the  veil  of  impenetrable  secrecy  covered 
1  'the  great  book"  in  which  the  articles  of  the  society's 
constitution  were  written,  but  that  no  honorable  man 
need  have  cause  for  alarm ;  and  that  the  Mexicans  of 
Texas  reposed  their  lot  in  the  governor  elect,  General 
Houston,  trusting  that  he  would  give  them  legal  pro 
tection  within  the  limits  of  his  power.  In  conclusion 

24 Major  Heintzelman,  1st  regt  U.  S.  infantry,  says  in  his  report,  'The 
Mexican  troops  had  but  from  8  to  12  rounds  of  ammunition,  and  they  did 
not  retreat  until  it  gave  out.  They  are  accused,  but  I  think  unjustly,  of 
having  fired  blank  cartridges,  and  that  the  cap  squares  were  loosened  to  dis 
mount  the  gun.'  Id.,  xii.,  no.  81,  5. 


DESPERATE  JX)INGS.  447 

this  reprobate  cattle-stealer  appealed  to  the  good  in 
habitants  of  Texas  to  look  upon  Mexicans  as  broth 
ers,  "and  keep  in  mind  that  which  the  holy  spirit 
saith :  Thou  shalt  not  be  the  friend  of  the  passionate 
man;  nor  join  thy  self  to  the  mad  man,  lest  thou 
learn  his  mode  of  work  and  scandalize  thy  soul." 

Meantime  more  volunteers  arrived,  and  Captain 
Tobin  collected  about  250  men  at  Santa  Rita,  seven 
miles  from  Brownsville.  On  November  24th  he  ad 
vanced  against  Cortina  who  was  now  well  intrenched 
and  protected  by  the  captured  cannon.  Tobin's  force 
was  a  disorganized  crowd,  and  after  receiving  and  re 
turning  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  he  gave  the  order  to 
fall  back  and  wait  for  a  2 4 -pounder  howitzer,  which 
he  had  left  with  sixty  men  at  Santa  Rita.  The  whole 
force,  however,  retreated  to  that  place;  a  misunder 
standing  occurred  and  some  of  the  men  returned  to 
Brownsville.  On  the  following  day  he  again  ad 
vanced,  but  again  fell  back,  deeming  it  imprudent  to 
attack. 

Cortina's  force  kept  rapidly  increasing,  and  he  soon 
had  between  400  and  500  followers,  a  number  of  whom 
were  criminals  who  escaped  from  the  prison  at  Vic 
toria,  and  had  joined  him  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of 
the  Mexican  authorities  to  prevent  them.26 

On  December  5th  Major  Heintzelman,  1st  regi 
ment  U.  S.  infantry,  arrived  at  Brownsville  with  122 
officers  and  men,  where  he  was  joined  by  Captain 
Rickett's  company,  1st  artillery,  of  48  men,  and  Major 
Tobin  with  150  rangers.  On  the  14th  he  attacked 
the  enemy  with  165  officers  and  men  of  the  regular 

25  Copy  of  proclamation  in  U.  S.  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  36,  sess.  1.  viii.,  no. 
52,  79-82. 

26  The  Texans  charge  the  Mexican  authorities  with  wilfully  making  no 
endeavor  to  prevent  Cortina  receiving  such  recruits.     This  was  not  the  case. 
Considering  the  nature  of  the  country  and  the  willingness  on  the  part  of  the 
Mexican  people  to  aid  fugitives,  the  authorities  did  all  that  was  possible. 
A  force  was  sent  from  Matamoros  to  guard  the  fords  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
and  other  measures  were  taken  to  arrest  the  criminals.     The  report  of  the 
Mexican  investigating  committee  of  May  15,   1873,  contains  a  very  fair  ac 
count  of  Cortina's  insurrection,  and  the  position  of  Mexico  in  regard  to  it. 
Mex,  Informe  Comis,  Pesg.,  1873,  71-85, 


448  CIVIL  WAR. 

army  and  120  rangers,  and  captured  one  of  Cortina's 
principal  camps  without  difficulty.  The  insurrection 
ary  leader  now  concentrated  his  forces  and  retired  up 
the  river,  devastating  the  country  on  his  march,  as 
far  as  Rio  Grande  City,  which  place  he  took  posses 
sion  of  as  well  as  of  Fort  Ringold.  Heintzelman 
started  in  pursuit  of  him  on  the  21st  and  on  the  27th 
attacked  his  camp,  which  was  situated  about  half  a 
mile  outside  of  Rio  Grande.  Cortina  sustained  a 
complete  defeat,  losing  his  guns,  ammunition  and 
baggage.  His  force  was  between  500  and  600  men 
of  whom  60  were  killed,  or  drowned  in  the  river. 
The  Americans  had  sixteen  wounded,  most  of  them 
only  slightly.  The  routed  leader  with  his  followers 
took  refuge  in  Tamaulipas.  The  devastation  which 
he  had  caused  was  serious.  Major  Heintzelman  in 
his  report  already  quoted  says  :  "  The  whole  country 
from  Brownsville  to  Rio  Grande  City,  120  miles,  and 
back  to  the  arroyo  Colorado,  has  been  laid  waste. 
There  is  not  an  American,  or  any  property  that  could 
be  destroyed,  in  this  large  tract  of  country.  Busi 
ness  as  far  as  Laredo,  240  miles,  has  been  interrupted 
or  suspended  for  five  months.  The  amount  of  claims 
for  damages  is  $336,826.  There  have  been  fifteen 
Americans  and  eighty  friendly  Mexicans  killed.  Cor 
tina  has  lost  151  men  killed ;  of  the  wounded  I  have 
no  account."2 

In  June  1860  Cortina  was  put  to  flight  by  Mexican 
troops,  which  were  kept  for  six  months  in  the  field  to 
operate  against  him,  and  succeeded  in  capturing  many 
of  his  lawless  followers.  Having  found  a  refuge  in  the 
mountains  of  Burgos,  in  May,  1861,  he  thence  again 
invaded  Texas  and  burned  Roma,  but  was  again  de 
feated.  This  was  the  closing  event  of  his  insurrec 
tionary  movements  against  Texas.28 

27  Detailed  particulars  of  this  insurrection  will  be  found  in  lb.;  U.  S.  S. 
Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  36,  sess.  1,  ix.,  no.  21  and  24;  H.  Misc.  Doc.,  cong.  36,  sess. 
1,  v.,  no.  38;  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  42,  sess.  3,  vii.,  no.  39,  where  on  pp.  43-4, 
the  claims  for  damages  will  be  seen  to  amount  to  $1,906,619:  Id.,  cong.  36, 
sess.  1,  viii.,  no.  52,  xii.,  no.  81. 

28  He  afterward  revolutionized  Tamaulipas,  became  gov.,  and  intrigued 


EFFECT  ON  TEXAS.  449 

By  proclamation  of  April  15,  1861,  President  Lin 
coln  declared  the  states  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia, 
Alabama,  Florida,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and  Texas 
in  rebellion,  called  out  75,000  of  the  militia,  and 
summoned  congress  to  assemble  on  the  4th  of  July 
following.  On  the  llth  of  that  month,  senators 
Hemphill  and  Wigfall,  having  failed  to  take  their 
seats,  were  declared  expelled  frorn  the  senate  of  the 
United  States.29  together  with  certain  members  from 
Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Tennessee, 
and  Arkansas,  by  a  vote  of  10  nays  against  32  yeas.39 

The  great  civil  war  began,  and  fortunate  it  was  for 
Texas  that  her  geographical  position  placed  her  out 
side  the  cyclone  of  that  Titan  tic  strife.  While  the 
whirlwind  of  destruction  and  death  swept  for  years 
over  the  unhappy  south,  she  was  only  disturbed  by 
the  commotion  raised  on  the  edge  of  the  dreadful 

Loth  with  the  confederates  and  the  U.  S.  officials.  In  1871  he  was  a  general 
under  Juarez,  and  in  1875  mayor  of  Matamoros  and  gen.  in  the  Mexican 
army.  For  refusing  to  obey  orders  he  was  arrested  and  sent  prisoner  to 
Mexico.  Mex.  Informs  Com.  Pesq.,  1873,  83-5;  Thrall,  528-9. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  senators  from  Texas  previous  to  the  secession. 

Thomas  F.  Rusk from  1845  to  1857 

Samuel  Houston from  1846  to  1859 

Pickney  J.  Henderson from  1857  to  1859 

Matthias  Ward from  1858  to  1859 

John  Hemphill from  1859  to  1861 

Lewis  T.  Wigfall from  1859  to  1861 

Henderson  and  Ward  in  succession  completed  the  unexpired  term  of  Rusk. 
Texas  up  to  1861  was  entitled  to  two  representatives  in  the  lower  house,  cor 
responding  to  the  eastern  and  western  districts.  From  the  eastern  district 
they  were: 

David  S.  Kaufman from  1846  to  1851 

Richardson  Scurry from  1851  to  1853 

0.  W.   Smyth from  1854  to  1855 

Lemuel  Dale  Evans from  1856  to  1857 

John  H.  Reagan from  1858  to  1861 

The  western  district  was  represented  by 

Timothy  Pillsbury from  1846  to  1849 

Volney  E.  Howard from  1850  to  1853 

P.  H.  Bell from  1854  to  1857 

<  iuy  M.  Bryan from  1858  to  1859 

Andrew  J.  Hamilton from  1860  to  1861 

Population  in  Texas  had  increased  so  rapidly  that  in  the  apportionment 
of  representation  of  the  states  in  the  house,  of  July  1861,  Texas  was 
allowed  four  representatives.  U.  S.  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  37,  sess.  1,  no.  2. 

MU.S.   Sen.  Jour.,  cong.  37,  sess.   1,   25,   29-30;  Cong.   Glolx  and  App. , . 
1861,  1. 

HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.   29. 


450  CIVIL  WAR. 

storin.  Her  territory,  in  all  its  length  and  breadth, 
did  not  become  a  battle-field,  and  agriculture  met  not 
with  the  same  destruction,  as  in  some  other  sections. 
It  is  true  that  many  places  were  abandoned  and 
became  desolate,  and  thousands  of  acres  under  culti 
vation  were  left  to  weeds  and  thistles;  but  the  flail 
of  famine  did  not  fall  upon  the  land.  Her  commerce 
naturally  suffered  much,  but  even  in  this  respect  the 
detriment  to  Texas  was  less  than  that  felt  by  any  other 
of  the  southern  states.  She  had  the  advantage  of  being 
the  solitary  portion  of  the  territory  of  the  confederacy 
bordering  on  a  foreign  nation,  and  found  in  Mexico  a 
market  for  her  cotton,  and  a  source  from  which  she 
could  procure  supplies  of  the  most  necessary  commo 
dities.  Her  numerous  posts  on  the  gulf,  too,  afforded 
her  better  facilities  for  running  the  blockade  which 
was  established  than  those  possessed  elsewhere  by 
the  south.  Thus,  comparatively  speaking,  Texas, 
locally  considered,  suffered  less  than  any  other  con 
federate  state.  Nevertheless  a  stop  was  put  to  her 
progress;  internal  improvement  and  immigration 
ceased,  and  thousands  of  her  sons  perished  in  the  war. 
For  she  did  not  flinch  from  taking  her  full  share  in 
the  struggle,  and  in  many  a  hard  fought  battle  her 
flag  was  borne  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight. 

Within  one  month  after  the  installation  of  Clark, 
hostilities  broke  out.     On  April  14,  1861,  Fort  Sum- 
ter  was  evacuated  by  Major  Anderson,  and  on  the 
following   day   Lincoln's    proclamation    was    issued. 
Enlistment    for   service  was  at    once    commenced  in 
Texas,  and   early  in   May,  Colonel   W.    C.    Young, 
crossing   Red    river,    captured    Fort    Arbuckle    and! 
other  military    posts  of  the    United    States   in    the 
Indian  Territory,    the  federal    soldiers  retreating  to 
Kansas.     Colonel   Ford,  also,  assisted  by  an  expedi 
tion  which  sailed  from  Galveston,  took  possession  of1 
Fort  Brown,  opposite   Matamoros,  without  meeting 
with  resistance.     Captain  Hill,  in  command,  had  re- 1 
fused  to  obey  the  order  of  Twiggs  to  evacuate  it,  but'l 


GOVERNOR  LUBBOCK.  451 

found  that  he  could  not  possibly  hold  it  with  his  small 
force. 

On  June  8th  Governor  Clark  issued  a  proclamation, 
announcing  that  a  state  of  war  existed,  and  shortly 
after  the  ports  of  Texas  were  blockaded  by  a  squadron 
of  the  gulf  fleet.  The  Texans  had  never  been  lag 
gards  in  hastening  to  the  field  of  action,  and  now, 
after  an  interval  of  nearly  twenty-five  years  of  almost 
uninterrupted  peace,  their  warlike  spirit  was  again 
aroused.  Military  districts  were  formed,  a  system  of 
instruction  in  evolutionary  movements  and  the  use  of 
arms  was  established,  and  great  numbers  enlisted  in 
the  cause  to  which  Texas  had  pledged  herself.  By 
November  15,000  men  were  enrolled  in  the  service  of 
the  confederate  army. 

The  election  of  1861  showed  a  majority  in  favor  of 
Francis  H.  Lubbock,31  for  governor,  who  defeated 
Clark  by  only  124  votes.32  He  was  inaugurated 
November  7,  1861. 

In  July  of  this  year  Lieutenant-colonel  John  R. 
Baylor  had  occupied  Fort  Bliss,  on  the  Rio  Grande, 
and  crossing  the  river  took  possession  of  Mesilla  on 
the  25th.  Major  Lynde,  17th  U.  S.  Infantry,  in 
command  at  Fort  Fillmore  near  by,  having  failed  to 
dislodge  Baylor,  surrendered  his  whole  command  of 
about  700  men.  Lieutenant-colonel  Canby  was  at 
this  time  in  command  of  the  department  of  New 
Mexico,  and  made  preparations  to  meet  the  invasion. 
Meantime  Major  Sibley  of  the  United  States'  Army, 

31  He  was  born  in  Beaufort,  S.  C.,  Oct.  16,  1815,  and  migrated  to  Texas 
Dec.  1836,  settling  in  the  town  of  Houston,  where  he  opened  a  mercantile 
business  house.  In  1838  he  was  comptroller  of  the  treasury,  and  from  1841 
to  1857  held  the  office  of  clerk  of  the  district  court  for  Harris  county.  In 
the  last  named  year  he  was  elected  lieut-gov.,  and  in  1860  was  appointed 
delegate  to  the  Charleston  convention.  At  the  close  of  his  term  as  gov. ,  he 
entered  the  confederate  army  as  an  adjutant-general  on  the  staff  of  President 
Davis,  was  captured  with  him  in  1865,  and  imprisoned  in  Fort  Delaware.  In 
1866  he  resumed  business  in  Houston,  and  two  years  later  removed  to  Gal- 
veston.  Lubbock,  in  1876  was  elected  to  the  office  of  state  treasurer,  and  re 
flected  in  1880.  Burke's  Tex.  Aim.,  1882,  154;  Cordwa's  Tex.,  102,  168-70. 

3'The  total  number  of  votes  cast  was  57,343,  of  which  Lubbock  obtained 
21,  854;  Clark,  21,730;  and  T.  J.  Chambers,  13,759.  John  M.  Crockett  was 
elected  lieut-gov.  Thratt,  391. 


452  CIVIL  WAR 

had  joined  the  confederates,  and  with  the  rank  of 
brigadier-general  was  ordered  in  July  to  proceed  to 
Texas,  and  organize  an  expedition  for  the  purpose  of 
driving  the  federal  troops  out  of  New  Mexico.  Sibley 
reached  El  Paso  with  his  force  about  the  middle  of 
December,  and  issued  a  proclamation,  inviting  his  old 
comrades-in-arms  to  take  service  in  the  confederate 
army,  an  appeal  which  met  with  no  response. 

Colonel  Canby,  early  in  1862  made  Fort  Craig, 
on  the  Rio  Grande  north  of  Mesilla,  his  headquarters, 
and  on  February  21st,  after  some  maneuvering,  and 
a  skirmish  on  the  day  before,  crossed  the  river  and 
engaged  the  Texans.  Canby's  force  aggregated  3,810 
men,  but  of  these  only  900  were  regulars,  the  re 
mainder,  consisting  of  volunteers  and  New  Mexican 
militia,  were  of  little  service.  Sibley  reported  the 
number  of  his  force  to  have  been  1,750.  The  en 
gagement,  called  the  battle  of  Valverde,  took  place  in 
the  afternoon,  and  resulted  in  the  discomfiture  of  the 
federals,  who  retreated  to  the  fort,  leaving  six  pieces 
of  artillery  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

Sibley  now  marched  to  Alburquerque,  and  from 
that  place  sent  a  detachment  to  occupy  Santa  Fe, 
which  having  been  evacuated  by  the  federal  officer  in 
command,  Major  Donaldson,  was  entered  by  the 
Texans  March  23d.  Fort  Union,  on  the  Santa  Fe 
route,  was  the  next  point  to  which  Sibley  directed  his 
march,  but  on  the  28th  of  the  same  month  his  ad 
vance,  under  Colonel  W.  R.  Scurry,  became  engaged 
at  the  eastern  mouth  of  Apache  Canon,  with  a  federal 
force  over  1,300  strong,  with  eight  pieces  of  artillery, 
under  Colonel  Slough,  who  had  advanced  against  the 
invaders  from  Fort  Union.  Slough  detached  about 
500  of  his  men,  under  Major  Chivington,  by  a  difficult 
and  dangerous  mountain  trail,  to  assail  the  enemy's 
camp  in  the  rear,  while  he  engaged  the  main  body. 
The  maneuvre  was  successful ;  the  camp  with  all  the 
supplies  of  every  kind  was  taken  by  the  enemy,  and 
though  Slough's  column  was  repulsed  after  a  fierce 


HEAVY  LOSSES.  453 

fight  of  five  hours,  Scurry  sent  in  a  flag  of  truce,  and 
after  burying  his  dead  retreated  to  Santa  Fe. 

Slough's  loss  was  one  officer  and  28  men  killed  ;  two 
officers  and  40  men  wounded,  and  15  men  taken  pris 
oners;  that  of  Scurry,  four  officers  and  32  men  killed, 
and  60  wounded. 

This  check  stopped  further  advance.  Early  in 
April  Santa  Fe  was  evacuated,  and  the  Texans  re 
treated  down  the  Rio  Grande.  On  the  1 5th  they 
were  attacked  at  Peralta  by  Colonel  Canby,  and  an 
indecisive  engagement  took  place.  In  the  night  the 
Texans  resumed  their  retreat,  and  on  May  18th, 
Canby  reported1 !  them  as  scattered  along  the  Rio 
Grande  between  Dona  Anna  and  El  Paso.  On  July 
6,  1862,  the  last  of  the  confederates  crossed  into  Texas. 
It  was  a  bootless  campaign,  in  which  the  devoted  sons 
of  Texas  lost  by  sickness  and  in  killed,  wounded,  and 
prisoners,  over  500  men.  New  Mexico,  with  its 
rugged  mountain  ranges,  desolate  regions,  and  water 
less  deserts,  was  not  a  desirable  country  in  which  to 
undertake  military  expeditions.  General  Sibley,  writ 
ing  to  Richmond  from  Fort  Bliss  expressed  the  con 
viction  that  the  territory  was  not  worth  a  quarter  of 
the  blood  and  treasure  expended  in  its  conquest,  and 
that  his  men  had  manifested  an  irreconcilable  detes 
tation  of  the  country  and  the  people.33 

33  The  above  particulars  are  mainly  derived  from  the  account  of  thia  in 
vasion  by  A.  A.  Hayes,  in  Mag.  Amer.  Hist.,  Feb.  1886,  171-84.  The  writer 
had  access  to  valuable  official  documents,  visited  New  Mexico  in  1879,  and 
'  devoted  much  time  to  inquiries  from  those  who  took  part  in  the  campaign. ' 


CHAPTER   XVII. 

PROGRESS  AND  END  OF  THE  WAR. 
1862-1865. 

OPERATIONS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES'  NAVY — RECAPTURE  or  GALVESTON  BY 
THE  TEXANS — MILITARY  DESPOTISM — DEFEAT  OF  THE  FEDERALS  AT 
SABINE  PASS — DEATH  OF  GENERAL  HOUSTON — His  CHARACTER  AND 
POLICY-»-MURRAH  ELECTED  GOVERNOR — OPERATIONS  OF  THE  FEDERALS 
ON  THE  GULF  COAST — ATTEMPT  AGAINST  TEXAS  BY  RED  RIVER — 
BROWNSVILLE  TAKEN  BY  CORTINA — ADMINISTRATION  OF  HURRAH- 
FINANCIAL  MATTERS — THE  CONSCRIPTION  LAWS — LAMENTABLE  SOCIAL 
CONDITION  OF  TEXAS — INDUSTRIAL  PROGRESS — COTTON  PLANTERS — 
REVERSES  OF  THE  CONFEDERATE  ARMS — THE  LAST  ENGAGEMENT. 

IN  May  1862,  the  surrender  of  the  city  of  Gal- 
veston  was  demanded  by  Commodore  Eagle  in  com 
mand  of  the  blockading  squadron.  No  attention  was 
paid  to  the  summons,  and  as  the  commodore  had  no 
troops  at  the  time  to  enforce  his  demand,  no  attempt 
was  made  to  occupy  the  place  till  October  4th,  when 
Commander  Renshaw,  of  the  United  States'  steamer 
Westfield,  with  the  Harriet  Lane,  Owasco,  and  Clifton, 
captured  the  defences  of  the  harbor  and  city  after  a 
mere  show  of  resistance  on  the  part  of  General  He- 
bert,  who  withdrew  his  troops  to  Virginia  Point,  on 
the  mainland. 

Meantime,  about  the  middle  of  September,  Lieu 
tenant  J.  W.  Kittredge,  with  his  vessel,  the  Arthur, 
and  the  steamer  Sachem,  took  possession  of  Corpus 
Christi,  captured  several  vessels,  and  necessitated  the 
burning  of  others  by  the  confederates.  Subsequently 
Kittredge,  while  on  shore,  was  captured  with  his 
boat's  crew.  Somewhat  later  Francis  Crocker,  com 
manding  the  steamer  Kensington,  with  the  schooners 

(454) 


GENERAL  MAGRUDER.  455 

Rachel  Seaman  and  Henry  Janes,  captured  the 
defences  of  Sabine  city.  He  then  proceeded  to  Cal- 
casieu  river,  and  took  or  destroyed  several  blockade- 
runners.  * 

So  incensed  were  the  people  at  the  abandonment 
of  Galveston  by  General  Hebert,  that  they  petitioned 
for  his  removal,  and  he  was  superseded  in  November 
1862  by  General  Magruder,  who  forthwith  made 
preparations  to  recapture  the  island.  On  Buffalo 
Bayou,  a  few  miles  below  the  city  of  Houston,  he 
transformed  four  river  steamers  into  gun-boats,  pro 
tecting  their  sides  with  compressed  cotton-bales.  The 
return  of  Sibley's  brigade  from  New  Mexico,  gave  him 
an  efficient  force  of  men  already  experienced  in  war, 
and  he  had  also  at  his  disposal  5,000  Texans,  who  had 
been  called  into  service  for  the  protection  of  the  coast. 
Galveston  was  occupied  by  the  42d  Massachusetts 
volunteers;  the  Harriet  Lane  was  lying  at  the  wharf, 
and  five  other  United  States'  vessels  were  stationed 
off  the  shore  toward  the  pass.2 

Magruder's  plan  was  to  assault  the  enemy  simul 
taneously  by  land  and  water.  His  preparations  were 
conducted  with  the  greatest  secrecy,  his  intention  be 
ing  known  only  to  himself  and  staff.  On  December 
29th,  he  proceeded  to  Virginia  point  with  the  land 
forces,  sending  the  gun-boats  Neptune,  Bayou  City, 
Lucy  Gwinn,  and  John  F.  Carr  to  the  head  of  the 
bay,  with  instructions  to  commence  their  attack  when 
the  moon  went  down,  on  the  night  of  the  31st.  At 
the  appointed  time,  about  4  A.  M.,  on  January  1st,  the 
land  forces,  which  had  silently  and  unperceived  crossed 
over  to  the  island,  assaulted  the  position  of  the  fed 
erals.  The  gun-boats,  delayed  by  a  low  tide,  could 
not  reach  the  scene  of  action  in  time  to  cooperate  in 
the  opening  of  the  attack,  and  victory  began  to  seem 
doubtful.  At  this  crisis  they  fortunately  arrived,  and 

lCong.  Globe,  1862-63,  app.  14. 

2  Namely,  the  Westfield,  Clifton,  Owasco,  SacJiem,  and  Coryphem,  the  last 
two  having  joined  the  squadron  two  days  before  the  attack.  U.  S.  H.  Ex. 
Doc.,  cong.  38,  sess.  ],  iv.,  doc.  1,  app.  312. 


456  PROGRESS   AND   END  OF  THE  WAR. 

attacked  the  Harriet  Lane.  The  Neptune  was  soon 
struck  by  a  shell  below  the  water-line,  and  sunk,  but 
the  Bayou  City,  steaming  up,  ran  into  the  enemy's 
vessel,  and  became  entangled  in  her  rigging.  The 
Texans  leaped  on  board,  and  a  hand-to-hand  conflict 
ensued,  in  which  Commander  Wainwright,  of  the 
Harriet  Lane,  and  Lieutenant-commander  Lea  were 
slain.  On  their  fall  the  ship  surrendered.  The  West- 
field,  in  trying  to  leave  the  harbor,  ran  aground,  and 
in  order  to  prevent  her  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
Texans,  it  was  determined  to  blow  her  up.  The  ex 
plosion  took  place  prematurely,  and  Commander  Ren- 
shaw  with  fifteen  men  perished.  All  the  other  vessels 
escaped.  Meantime,  the  efforts  of  the  confederate 
land  forces  were  crowned  with  success ;  the  federals 
surrendered,  and  Galveston  island  was  again  in  pos 
session  of  the  Texans,3  who  retained  their  hold  of  it 
till  the  termination  of  the  war,  though  the  port  con 
tinued  to  be  blockaded. 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  and  during  the  earlier 
part  of  Lubbock's  administration,  it  was  confidently 
believed  by  the  mass  of  the  people  in  Texas  that  the 
establishment  of  the  confederacy  would  be  accom 
plished.  It  is  true  that  after  the  passage  of  the  se 
cession  ordinance  the  unionists  began  to  organize 
secret  leagues,  with  the  object  of  controlling  the  gen 
eral  election  to  be  held  in  August  following ;  but  the 
attack  on  Fort  Sumter,  and  the  destruction  of  any 
lingering  hope  that  the  question  could  be  settled  oth 
erwise  than  by  an  appeal  to  arms,  paralyzed  the  effort. 
A  feeling  of  helplessness  and  consequent  apathy  took 
possession  of  the  unionist  leaders,  while  a  general  en 
thusiasm  pervaded  the  people  at  large,  and  the  ranks 
of  the  confederates  proportionately  gained  strength. 
Stringent  laws  and  orders  that  were  issued,  being  re 
garded  as  measures  necessary  to  success,  were  at  first 
submitted  to  with  promptness  and  cheerfulness,  and 

3/f/.,  309-18;  Thrall,  395-6;  North' 8 Five  Years  in  Tex.,  106-11. 


LUBBOCK'S  ADMINISTRATION.  457 

calls  for  volunteers  were  liberally  responded  to  by  the 
Texans.  But  presently  they  began  to  perceive  that 
they  had  placed  their  necks  under  the  yoke  of  a  mili 
tary  despotism.  On  April  28,  1862,  martial  law  was 
proclaimed  by  General  Bee,  in  command  at  San  An 
tonio,  over  the  western  military  district,  and  on  May 
30th  following,  General  Hebert  proclaimed  that  it  was 
extended  over'  the  whole  state.  Every  white  male 
person  above  the  age  of  sixteen  years  was  required, 
when  summoned,  to  present  himself  before  the  provost 
marshal,  and  have  his  name,  residence,  and  occupa 
tion  registered ;  aliens  were  made  to  take  an  oath  to 
maintain  the  laws  of  the  state  and  the  confederacy; 
.persons  disobeying  orders  and  summonses  issued  by 
the  provost  marshal  would  be  summarily  punished; 
and  any  attempt  to  depreciate  the  currency  of  the 
confederate  states  was  declared  to  constitute  an  act  of 
hostility.4 

On  November  21st,  an  order  was  issued  forbidding 
the  exportation  of  cotton,  except  by  the  agents  of  the 
government,  and  in  February  1863  further  restrictions 
were  made  on  the  exportation  of  the  same  article 
across  the  Rio  Grande.  These  and  similar  measures 
were  condemned  as  interfering  writh  trade,  and  de 
priving  the  people  of  the  means  of  procuring  many 
necessary  supplies. 

Moreover,  after  the  first  excited  rush  of  volunteers 
into  the  service  had  subsided,  the  stern  law  of  con 
scription  was  passed,  and  in  Texas  was  enforced  to 
the  utmost.  All  males  from  eighteen  years  of  age  to 
forty-five  were  made  liable  to  service  in  the  confeder 
ate  army,  with  the  exception  of  ministers  of  religion, 
state  and  county  officers,  and  slave-holders,  the  pos 
session  of  fifteen  slaves  being  the  minimum  number 
entitling  an  owner  to  exemption.  Governor  Lubbock 
was  an  extremist  in  regard  to  this  system.  In  his 
message  to  the  legislature  in  November  1863,  he 
suggested  that  every  male  person  from  sixteen  years 

4  Copy  of  proclamation  in  Thrall  398. 


458  PROGRESS  AND    END   OF  THE  WAR. 

old  and  upward  should  be  declared  in  the  military 
service  of  the  state ;  that  no  one  should  be  permitted 
to  furnish  a  substitute,  and  that  the  right  to  do  so 
should  be  abolished,  both  by  the  state  and  confederate 
governments.  In  the  same  message  he  informed  the 
legislature  that  90,000  Texans  were  already  in  the 
confederate  service.  When  it  is  borne  in  mind  that 
the  greatest  number  of  votes  ever  polled  in  the  state 
was  little  over  64,000,  it  will  be  seen  what  a  tremen 
dous  drain  had  been  made  on  the  strength  of  the 

o 

country. 

Again,  the  confiscation  act,5  and  the  law  authoriz 
ing  the  banishment  of  persons  still  adhering  to  the 
union,6  were  scrupulously  enforced.  Many  persons 
who  had  spent  their  lives  in  Texas  thus  lost  their 
property,  and  even  temporary  absentees  in  the  north, 
who  would  have  found  it  difficult,  if  not  impossible, 
to  return,  were  likewise  deprived  of  their  possessions. 
But  still  more  unfortunate  were  persons  of  union 
proclivities  who  yet  remained  in  the  country.  Under 
authority  of  the  banishment  act,  the  settlers  in  the 
western  counties,  and  the  German  colonists,  who  still 
held  to  their  anti-slavery  propensities,  were  severely 
punished.  After  the  proclamation  of  martial  law  in 
Texas,  no  household  of  anti-confederate  ideas  in  those 
districts  was  permitted  to  dwell  in  peace,  just  as  was 
the  case  in  regard  to  confederates  in  the  northern 
states,  the  feeling  of  loyalty  to  country  being  in  Texas 
somewhat  intensified.  Many  unionists  attempted  to 
escape  to  Mexico.  The  earlier  fugitives  were  mostly 
successful,  but  of  those  who  followed  in  their  wake 
the  greater  portion  was  captured  and  put  to  death.7 

5  Passed  by  the  confederate  congress  Aug.  31,  1861.     It  provided  that  all 
property  within  the  limits  of  the  confederacy  belonging  to  union  men  who 
did  not  proclaim  their  allegiance  to  the  confederacy,  or  had  left  it,  should  be 
confiscated. 

6  This  law  was  passed  Aug.  8,  1861.     By  it  every  male  over  14  years  of 
age  who  adhered  to  the  U.  S.  govt  was  made  subject  to  banishment  from  the 
limits  of  the  confederate  states,  and  the  courts  of  justice  were  ordered  to 
arrest  and  treat  as  alien  enemies  all  union  men  who  did  not  tender  their  al 
legiance  or  leave  the  confederacy  within  40  days. 

7  Lossing  quotes  from  the  San  Antonio  Herald,  an  organ  loyal  to  the  con 
federacy,  as  follows:   'Their  bones  are  bleaching  on  the  soil  of  every  county 


FEDERAL  REVERSES.  459 

By  the  close  of  Lubbock's  administration  the  tide 
of  opinion  was  changing.  The  confederate  arms  had 
met  with  serious  reverses,  and  the  dark  shadow  of 
the  impossibility  of  an  independent  south  had  already 
cast  a  gloom  around  over  the  country.  After  the  capt 
ure  of  Galveston  island  no  other  operation  of  importance 
occurred  in  1863  until  September,  when  an  attempt, 
with  the  object  of  invading  Texas,  was  made  to  effect 
a  lodgment  at  Sabine  City,  where  was  the  terminus 
of  a  railroad  leading  into  the  interior.  It  was  be 
lieved  by  General  Banks,  to  whom  the  conduct  of  the 
expedition  was  entrusted,  and  to  whom  discretionary 
power  was  given,  that,  by  gaining  possession  of  this 
point,  he  could  concentrate  an  army  of  15,000  men  at 
Houston,  and  thereby  gain  control  of  all  the  railroad 
communications  in  Texas. 

It  appears  that  in  January,  1863,  the  blockade  of 
Sabine  pass 8  was  not  considered  effective  by  General 
Magruder,  and  on  the  2 1st  of  that  month  he  issued  a 
proclamation  inviting  neutral  nations  to  resume  a 
commercial  intercourse  with  that  port.9  The  fact  is 
that  on  the  morning  of  that  day  the  United  States 
squadron  sustained  a  reverse,  and  the  blockade  of 
Sabine  Pass  was  temporarily  destroyed  by  the  cap 
ture  of  the  Morning  Light  and  the  Velocity  by  two 
confederate  cotton-clad  steamboats,  the  Josiah  Bell 
and  the  Uncle  Ben.  The  engagement  was  fought  out 
side  the  bar,  and  after  a  hot  conflict  of  two  hours  the 
federal  vessels  surrendered.10  The  blockade,  how 
ever,  was  soon  resumed,  and  on  April  18th  of  the 

from  Red  river  to  the  Rio  Grande,  and  in  the  counties  of  Wise  and  Dcnton 
their  bodies  are  suspended  by  scores  from  the  Black  Jacks. '  Hist.  Civ.  War, 
ii.  536.  See  his  account,  page  537,  of  the  massacre  of  about  40  German  colo 
nists,  Aug.  10,  1862,  on  the  Nueces  river,  out  of  a  party  of  sixty  who  were 
endeavoring  to  make  their  way  to  Mexico. 

8  J.  J.  Jarvis,  banker  and  stock  raiser,  residing  at  Fort  Worth,  Texas, 
says:   '  Sabine  Pass,  perhaps,  has  superior  natural  advantages  for  a  seaport 
city  to  any  other  point  on  the  gulf  coast  of  this  state;  deep  water  might  be 
obtained  there  perhaps  with  smaller  appropriations  than  any  other  point  on 
the  coast  of  Texas.'  Observ.  Agric.,  MS.,  8. 

9  U.  S.  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  28,  sess.  1,  iv.,  no.  1,  331-3. 

10  Reports  of  Surgeon  Sherf y  and  Acting  Master  Dillingham,  in  Id. ,  cong. 
38,  sess.  2,  vi.,  no.  1,  493-8. 


460  PROGRESS   AND  END   OF  THE  WAR. 

same  year,  a  skirmish  took  place  in  which  Lieuten 
ant-Commander  McDermot  of  the  federal  gun-boat 
Cayuya,  who  was  reconnoitring  the  enemy's  position, 
was  killed  and  several  men  severely  wounded.  Since 
this  time  the  confederates  in  Sabine  city  had  been 
unmolested,  and  they  erected  a  fort  defended  by  a 
formidable  battery  of  eight  heavy  guns,  three  of 
which  were  rifled. 

General  Banks,  in  pursuance  of  his  plan  for  the 
conquest  of  Texas,  placed  4,000  men  under  the  com 
mand  of  Major  General  Franklin,  with  instructions 
to  effect  a  landing  at  Sabine  Pass,  with  the  coopera 
tion  of  the  navy.  The  necessary  transports  were 
provided,  and  the  steamers,  Clifton,  Sachem,  Arizona, 
and  Granite  City,  under  Lieutenant  Frederick  Crocker, 
were  assigned  to  support  the  movement.  On  Sep 
tember  8th  these  gun-boats  with  the  transports  crossed 
the  bar.  It  had  been  intended  to  effect  a  surprise, 
and  to  make  the  attack  at  early  dawn  on  the  morning 
of  the  7th ;  but  this  plan  seems  to  have  been  discon 
certed  by  want  of  unity  of  action,  and  the  expedition 
appeared  for  twenty-eight  hours  off  the  pass  before 
it  moved  against  the  enemy,  who  thereby  became 
aware  of  the  threatened  danger. 

Franklin,  moreover,  failed  to  follow  his  instruc 
tions,  by  which  he  was  ordered  to  land  his  troops  be 
low  the  pass.  Instead  of  doing  so  he  arranged  with 
Crocker  that  the  gun-boats  should  first  bombard  the 
fort,  expel  the  garrison,  and  drive  off,  or  capture  two 
cotton -clads  of  the  enemy  stationed  in  the  river. 
This  accomplished,  the  troops  were  to  land  and  take 
possession.  Accordingly  the  federal  vessels  steamed 
up  and  opened  fire,  which  was  not  returned  till  they 
were  abreast  of  the  fort.  There  a  heavy  cannonade 
was  directed  against  them,  and  the  Clifton  and  SacJiem 
were  soon  disabled,  being  struck  in  their  boilers  or 
steam-pipes.  The  Clifton  ran  aground,  and  in  a  short 
time  both  vessels  hauled  down  their  colors.  This 
disaster  decided  the  affair,  which  resulted  in  ignomin- 


DEATH  OF  HOUSTON.  461 

ious  defeat  on  the  part  of  the  federals.  The  Arizona 
and  Granite  City  backed  out  of  the  contest,  and  the 
transports  being  left  unsupported,  Franklin  made  no 
attempt  to  land.  On  trying  to  cross  the  bar  the 
Arizona  grounded,  but  succeeded  in  getting  afloat  at 
flood-tide.  The  transports  also  passed  safely  outside, 
and  the  expedition  then  returned  to  New  Orleans, 
having  lost  two  gun-boats,  mounting  fifteen  rifled 
guns,  and  over  100  men  in  killed  and  wounded,  besides 
at  least  250  prisoners.11  The  garrison  of  the  fort 
consisted  of  only  200  Texans,  of  whom  no  more  than 
42  took  part  in  the  action.  These  were  presented  by 
President  Davis  with  a  silver  medal,  the  only  honor 
of  the  kind  known  to  have  been  bestowed  by  the 
confederate  government.12 

On  the  26th  of  July  1863,  General  Houston,  the 
soldier  and  statesman,  the  architect  of  Texan  inde 
pendence,  breathed  his  last  at  his  home  in  Huntsville, 
Walker  county.  His  health  had  been  declining  for 
some  time,  and  with  a  broken  spirit  he  had  watched 
for  the  last  two  years  from  his  place  of  retirement, 
the  current  of  the  events  which  he  had  predicted. 
The  spirit  of  the  loyal  south  had  pervaded  even  his 
own  family,  and  his  son  Sam,  who  had  enlisted  early 
in  the  confederate  ranks,  had  been  wounded,  and  was 
a  prisoner.  This  embittered  the  last  days  of  the 
steadfast  old  patriot. 

Though  the  ex-governor  offered  no  active  opposi 
tion  to  the  victorious  party  after  his  deposal,  his  views 
as  to  the  revolution  and  the  possibility  of  its  success 
underwent  no  change.  Nor  was  he  merely  a  silent 
and  uninterested  spectator;  his  voice  was  raised,  from 
time  to  time,  against  the  arbitrary  proceedings  of  mili- 

11  The  confederates  reported  having  buried  28  of  the  federals.  Id. ,  365-8, 
390-5;  Lossing,  ut  sup.,  iii.  221-2.     According  to  the  report  of  the  secretary 
of  the  navy,  the  killed,  wounded,  and  missing  amounted  to  107.    U.  S.  If. 
Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  28,  sess.  2,  no.  1,  491-3,  495-6. 

12  It  was  made  of  a  thin  plate  of  silver,  with  the  words  *  Davis  Guards  * 
and  a  Maltese  cross  stamped  on  one  side,  and  the  place  and  date  of  the 
achievement  on  the  other. 


462  PROGRESS   AND   END   OF  THE  WAR. 

tary  despotism.  When  martial  law  was  proclaimed 
by  General  Hebert,  he  addressed  a  strong  protest  to 
Governor  Lubbock,  denouncing  the  proclamation. 
The  general,  he  said,  abrogated  thereby  all  the  powers 
of  the  executive,  ignored  the  bill  of  rights,  the  consti 
tution  and  the  laws  of  the  state,  and  arrogated  to 
himself  undefined  and  unlimited  powers.  The  docu 
ment  was  not  published  till  many  months  after ;  but 
when  it  did  appear,  it  produced  a  profound  impression. 
At  a  later  date  when  confederate  paper  was  made 
the  currency,  Houston,  in  a  public  speech  at  Bren- 
ham,  disapproved  of  the  resolutions  passed  to  force 
those  who  had  lent  their  gold  to  receive  in  payment 
depreciated  treasury  notes;  yet  this  is  exactly  what 
the  men  of  the  north  were  doing. 

General  Houston  was  endowed  with  great  natural 
abilities,  and  gifted  with  no  ordinary  physical  strength. 
His  intuitive  quickness  of  perception;  his  foresight 
and  far-reaching  mental  grasp;  his  penetration  and 
ready  comprehension  of  the  drift  of  parties,  and  his 
sagacity  and  tact  in  devising  means  wherewith  to  ac 
complish  ends,  were  indeed  exceptional.  In  self- 
possession  and  confidence  in  his  own  resources,  he  was 
unrivalled ;  his  influence  among  the  masses  was  ex 
traordinary  ;  and  as  a  speaker,  his  power  over  a  Texan 
audience  was  magical.  Yet,  as  a  public  man,  whether  in 
a  military  or  civil  capacity,  no  leader  had  more  bitter 
enemies,  but  at  the  same  time  none  had  warmer  friends. 

As  president  of  the  republic  his  administration  was 
marked  by  economy,  by  a  pacific  policy  in  relation  to 
the  border  Indian  tribes,  and  by  a  defensive  and  not 
an  aggressive  attitude  toward  Mexico.  He  would 
rather  feed  Indians  than  kill  them ;  was  ever  ready  to 
ward  off  threatened  invasion,  and  adopt  protective 
measures  against  predatory  incursions  on  the  frontier, 
but  not  to  organize  such  undertakings  as  the  Santa 
Fe  expedition.  The  enterprise  attempted  by  Colonel 
Fisher  and  his  followers  in  their  attack  on  Mier  was 
never  contemplated  by  Houston. 


A  GREAT  MAN.  463 

In  the  senate  of  the  United  States,  where  he  rep 
resented  Texas  for  well  nigh  fourteen  years,  he  was 
persistently  conservative,  attaching  himself  to  the  old 
democratic  party.  But  when  his  associates  began  to 
drift  toward  secession,  he  could  not  follow  them.  His 
leniency  toward  the  north  first  displayed  itself  in 
1848-9.  He  voted  against  the  extension  of  the  Mis 
souri  compromise  line  to  the  Pacific  coast,  the  non- 
passage  of  which  bill  virtually  excluded  slavery  from 
the  territories  newly  acquired  south  of  36°  30'. 
Moreover,  he  voted  for  the  Oregon  territorial  bill  with 
the  slavery  exclusion  clause.  For  this  he  was  as 
sailed  ;  but  his  constituents  sustained  him,  as  Texas, 
by  virtue  of  the  articles  of  annexation,,  was  in  no  way 
affected  by  the  measure.  When,  however,  he  voted 
against  Douglas'  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill,  intro 
duced  into  the  senate  in  1854,  in  which  the  doctrine 
of  squatter  sovereignty  was  upheld,  giving  territorial 
legislatures  the  right  to  decide  on  the  question  of 
slavery  within  their  respective  territories,  Houston 
was  abandoned  by  his  southern  adherents.  Yet  his 
support  of  the  Missouri  compromise  on  this  occasion 
proved  his  unerring  foresight.  He  contended  that  if 
the  bill  were  passed,  those  territories  would  in  any  case 
exclude  slavery.  The  north,  with  its  large  population, 
would  pour  into  them  a  tide  of  emigrants  which  would 
inevitably  make  them  free-soil  states.  And  such  was 
the  result. 

About  this  time,  also,  Houston  became  affiliated 
with  the  know-nothing  party.  He  did  not  believe  in 
his  country  being  flooded  with  paupers  and  felons, 
with  the  scum  and  refuse  of  Europe.  He  was  indig 
nant  that  such  an  outcast  class  of  aliens,  after  a  few 
months'  residence  in  the  United  States,  should  be  ad 
mitted  to  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  native-born 
Americans,  crowding  to  the  wall  the  true  patriots,— 
the  men  of  wealth  and  intelligence,  and  those  who 
had  shed  their  blood  for  their  country.  In  a  speech 
delivered  at  Nacogrdoches,  in  December  1855,  he 


464  PROGRESS   AND   END   OF  THE  WAR. 

vehemently  inveighed  against  the  bill  for  the  naturali 
zation  of  foreigners,  which  allowed  every  alien  the 
right  to  vote  after  six  months'  residence  in  the  country. 
Was  it,  he  asked,  by  such  means  as  these  that  slavery 
was  to  be  ingrafted  upon  Kansas?  The  south  had 
given  way  to  the  evil,  but  his  voice  should  never  be 
raised  in  favor  of  allowing  the  vote  of  the  foreigner, 
who  had  been  but  six  months  on  United  States' 
soil,  to  weigh  against  the  vote  of  a  native  or  natural 
ized  citizen,  in  moulding  the  institutions  of  a  sover 
eign  state  of  the  union. 

Houston's  know-nothing  tendencies,  and  his  oppo 
sition  to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  compromise, 
naturally  alienated  many  of  his  old  democratic  friends, 
and  his  popularity  waned.  At  the  election  in  1857 
he  was  defeated  by  Runnels,  a  propagandist  of  dis 
union  sentiments,  and  an  advocate  of  the  re-opening 
of  the  African  slave-trade;  and  though  in  1859  he 
gained  the  victory  at  the  polls,  the  majority  of  the 
legislature  was  opposed  to  him.  His  steadfast  oppo 
sition  to  the  confederacy  worked  his  downfall. 

The  victor  of  San  Jacinto  was  a  truly  great  man. 
If  Austin  laid  the  foundation  stone,  Houston  erected 
the  edifice.  Apart  from  his  high  intellectual  capa 
bilities,  he  possessed  many  of  the  noblest  qualities 
that  adorn  the  human  character.  His  courage,  his 
kindness,  his  scrupulous  honesty  in  every  official 
station  which  he  occupied,  and  the  open  expression  of 
his  sentiments  regardless  of  personal  consequences  can 
never  be  questioned.  His  enemies  accused  him  of 
cowardice,  because  he  had  the  firmness  not  to  yield  to 
hot-headed  individuals,  who  would  have  driven  him, 
if  they  could,  to  engage  Santa  Anna  prematurely, 
and  thereby  have  placed  in  jeopardy  the  indepen 
dence  of  Texas;  and  because  he  scorned  to  resent 
with  brute  force  the  abuse  that  was  heaped  upon  him 
by* political  and  personal  enemies,  seeking  his  blood. 
His  career  is  before  the  reader,  who  will  be  able  to 
decide  for  himself  this  question  of  bravery.  In  both 


GOVERNOR  HURRAH.  465 

of  the  battles  in  which  he  was  engaged  he  was 
wounded  while  leading  on  his  men ;  moreover,  it 
cannot  be  said  that  Andrew  Jackson  was  a  person 
likely  to  bestow  his  regard  upon  a  poltroon.  But 
Houston  was  not  blood-thirsty;  and  he  possessed 
that  higher  kind  of  courage  which  enabled  him  to 
brave  the  contempt  of  a  community  which  still  held 
to  the  savagism  that  insults  should  be  wiped  out 
with  blood. 

In  private  life  he  was  affable  and  courteous,  kind, 
and  generous.     When  thwarted,  however,  he  became 
harsh,  and  not   unfrequently  vindictive.     He  never 
failed  to  repay  with  compound  interest,  sooner  or  later, 
any    insinuation    or   coarse    attack,    and    those   who 
crossed  his  political  pathway  were  chastised  with  a 
scathing  invective  which  they  never  forgot.     Acts  of 
i  friendship  and  of  enmity  were  equally  retained  in  his 
memory,  and  met  with  corresponding  return.     Majes- 
i  tic  in   person,    of  commanding   presence,   and   noble 
i  countenance,  he  was  a  striking  figure  in  public  and  in 
i  private.     Sorrow    for   the    miseries    of  his   country, 
!  poverty  in  his  household,  and  a  broken  down  consti- 
1  tut  ion,  saddened  the  days,  as,  shattered  and  worn — to 
j  use  his  own  words13-— he  approached  the  narrow  isth- 
i  mus  which  divides  time's  ocean  from  the  sea  of  eter 
nity  beyond.     So  straightened  were  his  means  that  his 
family  were  often  stinted  for  the  necessaries  of  life. 
Some  years  after  settling  in  Texas  Houston  again 
married,  and  at   his  death  left  a  widow  and  seven 
children,  the  eldest  of  whom  had  not  yet  attained  the 
age  of  majority.14 

On   November  5,    1863,  Pendleton  Murrah,15  the 

13  In  his  last  public  speech,  delivered  March  18,  1863,  in  the  city  of  Hous 
ton,  in  Tliratt,  567. 

14  Lester's  Houston  and  his  Rep.,  passim;  Thrall,  400,  555-68;  Baker's  Tex., 
255-7;  LinnsReminis.,  258,  272-7;  Greens  Reply,  passim;  Kennedy,  ii.  159-60; 
Harpers  Mag.,  xxxii.  630-5;  The  Century,  Aug.  1884;  8.  F.  Bulletin,  Apr.  11, 
1866,  sup.;  Tex.  Aim,,  1859,  119-25;  Cordovas  Tex.,  178-9. 

15  Murrah  was  a  native  of  South  Carolina,  a  lawyer  by  profession.     In 
early  life  he  went  to  Alabama,  whence  he  migrated  to  Texas,  settling  in 

HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    80 


466  PROGRESS  AND  EKD  OF  THE  WAR. 

governor  elect,  was  inaugurated,  Fletcher  S.  Stock- 
dale  being  lieutenant-governor.16 

After  the  failure  of  the  expedition  against  Sabine 
city,  General  Banks  determined  upon  another  to  get 
possession  of  the  Texan  ports,  break  up  the  trade 
that  was  being  carried  on  with  Mexico  through 
Brownsville  and  Matamoros,  and  put  a  stop  to  the 
evasion  of  the  blockade  by  vessels  sailing  to  and  from 
the  Rio  Grande.  Being  the  boundary  between  the 
United  States  and  Mexico,  this  river  was  open  to  the 
navigation  of  both  countries  and  could  not  be  block 
aded.  Numerous  schemes  were  projected  to  take  ad 
vantage  of  the  facilities  thus  offered,  and  under  the 
disguise  of  neutral  trade,  Matamoros  had  become  a 
great  commercial  mart  for  the  Texans  and  European 
speculators.17 

Late  in  October,  1863,  Banks,  supported  by  a 
naval  squadron  under  Commander  Strong,  sailed  with 
6,000  troops  from  New  Orleans  for  the  Rio  Grande, 
the  immediate  command,  however,  being  given  to 
General  Napoleon  Dana.  On  November  2d  the 
soldiers  were  landed  at  Brazos  Santiago,  and  Browns 
ville  was  taken  possession  of  on  the  6th.  The  occu 
pation  of  Corpus  Christi,  of  the  confederate  works 
at  Aransas  pass,  and  of  Cavallo  pass,  and  Fort  Esper- 
anza,  at  the  entrance  of  Matagorda  bay,  speedily  fol 
lowed.  By  the  end  of  December,  Indianola  and  the 
Matagorda  peninsula  were  in  possession  of  the  federals, 
only  a  faint  show  of  resistance  being  made  by  the 
Texans,  who  withdrew  from  the  coast  defences  west 
of  the  Colorado.  At  the  beginning  of  1864  the  only 
places  on  the  gulf  coast  of  importance  that  remained 
in  their  possession  wero  at  the  mouth  of  the  Brazos 

Harrison  County.  In  1857  he  represented  that  county  in  the  state  legisla 
ture.  On  the  surrender  of  the  confederate  armies  in  1865,  Murrah  left  the 
country  and  sought  refuge  in  Mexico.  He  died  in  Monterey  in  July  of  the 
same  year.  Thrall,  408,  596. 

16  The  votes  polled  for  governor  were:  for  Murrah,  17,511;  T.  J.  Cham- 
bers  12,455;  scattering  1,070— making  a  total  of  31,036. 

17  Report  of   the  secretary  of  the  navy,   Dec.   7,  1863.   U.   S.  H.  Doc.t 
cong.  38,  sess,  1,  no,  1,  p.  viii. 


F  •  ACTION  OF  TEXANS.  467 

and  Galveston  island,  both  of  which  were  too  strongly 
defended  to  admit  of  the  enemy  making  any  attempt 
against  them.  The  occupation  of  Brownsville  effect 
ually  stopped  the  extensive  trade  carried  on  by  the 
Texans  through  Matamoras,  and  on  February  18th, 
President  Lincoln,  by  proclamation,  relaxed,  condi 
tionally,  the  blockade  of  that  port.  This  possession 
of  the  forts  of  Texas  was  of  short  duration.  After  a 
few  months'  occupation  the  military  forces  were  with 
drawn,  with  the  exception  of  a  detachment  left  at 
Brazos  Santiago,  and  the  duty  of  guarding  that  coast 
henceforth  devolved  upon  the  navy,  which  succeeded 
in  capturing  several  confederate  vessels.18 

Banks'  expedition  having  failed,  so  far  as  its  ulti 
mate  object,  the  repossession  of  Texas,  was  concerned, 
another  plan  was  formed  for  the  recovery  of  that 
state  by  an  invasion  on  the  north-east  by  the  line  of 
the  Red  river.  The  first  object  of  this  enterprise, 
which  was  conducted  by  generals  Banks  and  Steele, 
was  the  capture  of  Shreveport,  and  the  dispersion  of 
the  confederates  in  that  region,  which,  being  once 
accomplished,  would  open  the  road  into  Texas.  This 
undertaking  also  failed.  After  occupying  Alexandria, 
on  March  23d,  Banks  directed  his  march  toward 
Shreveport.  A  number  of  battles  were  fought,  and 
at  Sabine  Cross  Roads  the  federals  sustained  a  serious 
defeat,  which  their  subsequent  victories  at  Pleasant 
Grove  and  Pleasant  Hill  could  not  repair.  The  ad 
vance  of  the  national  army  was  effectually  checked. 
Banks  retreated  to  Alexandria,  and  Steele  to  Little 
Rock.  In  these  engagements  the  Texans  played  a 
prominent  part.  At  the  disastrous  battle  of  Pleas 
ant  Hill,  Sweitzer's  regiment  of  Texas  cavalry,  about 
400  strong,  in  making  a  desperate  charge  upon  the 
enemy's  line,  was  almost  annihilated.19 

18  Report  of  sec.  of  the  navy,  Dec.  5,  1864,  in  Id,  cong.  38,  seas.  2,  vi., 
no.  l,^pp.  vi,-vii.  480-7,  489-90,  498-9,  508-9;  Lossing,  iii.  223-4. 

9 '  He  was  met  by  one  of  the  most  destructive  fires  known  in  the  annals  of 
war.  Of  his  regiment,  not  more  than  ten  escaped  death  or  wounds. '  An  eye 
witness  said  that  the  federal  infantry  retained  their  fire  till  the  cavalry  were 


468  PROGRESS   AND   END   OF  THE  WAR. 

In  September.  Brownsville  was  captured  by  her  old 
enemy,  Cortina,  under  somewhat  peculiar  circum 
stances.  A  French  force  about  5,000  strong  took 
possession  of  Bagdad,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
with  the  object  of  capturing  Matamoros,  where  Cor 
tina  was  then  in  command.  Brownsville  was  occupied 
by  Colonel  Ford  with  a  considerable  force  of  Texan 
cavalry,  and  Brazos  Santiago  was  still  held  by  the 
federals.  On  the  6th,  the  French  force  began  to 
move  up  the  right  bank  of  the  river,  and  their  ad 
vance  became  engaged  with  Cortina,  who  had  marched 
with  3,000  Mexicans  and  16  pieces  of  artillery  from 
Matamoros  to  meet  them.  There  seems  to  have  been 
some  understanding  between  Ford  and  the  French 
commander;  for  during  the  engagement,  the  former 
appeared  on  the  other  side  of  the  Rio  Grande  with  a 
large  herd  of  cattle  for  the  use  of  the  invading  army, 
and  immediately  crossing  the  river  took  part  in  the 
conflict  by  attacking  Cortina's  rear.  The  Mexican 
commander,  however,  succeeded  in  both  repulsing 
Ford  and  driving  back  the  French,  who  retreated  to 
Bagdad.  Cortina  now  turned  his  attention  to  Ford. 

O 

On  the  9th,  he  passed  over  his  whole  force,  with  the 
artillery,  drove  the  Texans  from  Brownsville,  and 
took  possession  of  the  town  for  the  United  States. 
The  federal  flag  was  hoisted,  the  commander  at  Brazos 
Santiago  was  informed  of  the  event,  and  the  town 
placed  at  his  disposal.20 

Governor  Murrah  did  not  find  his  position  a  sine 
cure.  It  was  fraught  with  anxiety  and  care,  trouble 
and  annoyances,  while  the  salary  attached  to  it  was 
paid  in  a  currency  which  was  only  worth  from  three 
to  four  cents  on  the  dollar.  The  functions  of  the 


within  forty  yards,  and  then  the  14th  Iowa  emptied  nearly  every  saddle  as 
quickly  as  though  the  order  had  been  given  to  dismount.  Lossing,  iii.  2G1. 

'^  Vozde  Mej.,  Sept.  22,  1804.  The  accounts  of  this  affair  are  somewhat 
confusing,  but  agree  in  the  above  main  particulars.  It  does  not  appear  that 
the  officer  in  command  at  Brazos  Santiago  sent  troops  to  the  mainland  to 
occupy  Brownsville.  Nor  is  it  likely  that  he  could  do  so  with  his  small  force. 


MUKRAH'S  ADMINISTRATION.  469 

three  branches  of  government  were  usurped.  Mili 
tary  orders  and  congressional  acts  set  aside  state  laws, 
and  denuded  him  of  his  authority  as  the  executive. 
As  he  was  a  firm  believer  in  state  rights  and  state 
sovereignty,  he  was  soon  involved  in  a  labyrinth  of 
difficulties.  In  the  hope  that  some  means  might  be 
devised  to  mitigate  financial  perplexities,  harmonize 
conflicting  interests,  and  promote  cooperation  between 
the  state  and  the  confederacy  in  the  protection  of  in 
dustrial  enterprises,  the  success  of  which  would  be  of 
equal  benefit  to  both,  he  convened  the  legislature  to 
meet  in  extra  session  on  May  11,  1864. 

From  his  message  of  that  date,  a  clear  perception 
of  the  condition  of  Texas  can  be  gained.  In  the  pre 
ceding  regular  session,  the  legislature,  for  the  purpose 
of  sustaining  the  confederate  currency,  had  made  all 
appropriations  in  it,  and  authorized  all  taxes  as  well 
as  state  obligations  to  be  paid  therewith.  The  state 
government  had  discontinued  the  issue  of  treasury 
warrants  to  prevent  them  from  being  paid  out  in  con 
nection  with  confederate  notes,  and  at  the  same  de 
preciated  rates.  But  the  congress  of  the  southern 
states  had  recognized  the  fact  that  the  confederate 
currency  was  almost  worthless,  and  had  provided  for 
its  withdrawal  from  circulation.  As  a  large  accumu 
lation  of  the  worthless  paper  already  existed  in  the 
state  treasury,  the  future  financial  policy  of  Texas  was 
a  question  of  the  gravest  importance.  The  state  could 
not  afford  to  hold  such  currency  and  fund  it  in  bonds, 
and  the  possibility  of  its  being  exchanged  for  the  new 
issue  was  a  matter  that  demanded  immediate  inquiry. 
Moreover,  a  revolution  had  taken  place  in  the  views 
of  the  general  government  and  of  the  people.  Specie 
was  being  recognized  as  the  standard  by  which  to  de 
termine  the  value  of  confederate  paper  money.  From 
Richmond  to  San  Antonio,  the  currency  was  treated 
as  depreciated  in  every-day  transactions,  and  the 
question  arose  whether  Texas  alone  should  continue 
to  receive  it  at  par  with  specie.  While  sustaining  as 


470  PROGRESS  AND  END  OF  THE  WAR. 

far  as  possible  the  confederate  currency  by  making  all 
reasonable  sacrifices,  nevertheless  it  was  an  object  of 
the  deepest  importance  to  maintain  the  credit  of  the 
state.  The  resources  and  isolated  position  of  Texas 
would  enable  her  to  carry  a  very  large  debt,  and  the 
preservation  of  her  credit  was  important  to  the  whole 
trans-Mississippi  department.  The  regular  payment 
of  the  interest  on  outstanding  bonds  ought  to  be  made, 
and  this  could  be  done,  provided  that  the  state  was 
unembarrassed,  by  the  judicious  purchase  and  sale  of 
cotton. 

The  governor  suggested  that  the  collection  of  taxes 
under  the  existing  regulation  should  be  arrested. 
They  might  be  collected,  he  said,  in  state  treasury 
warrants,  coupons  of  state  bonds  at  par,  specie,  and 
confederate  currency  at  the  market  value.  Treasury 
warrants  could  be  substituted  for  the  coupons  as  they 
were  paid  into  the  treasury,  and  provision  made  for 
funding  the  warrants  in  six  per  cent  bonds.  The  fact 
that  the  coupons  were  received  in  payment  of  taxes 
would  probably  increase  their  value,  and  at  the  same 
time  diminish  the  cost  of  their  redemption  in  specie. 
The  legislature,  however,  either  through  inability,  or 
through  unwillingness  to  recognize  the  depreciation  of 
confederate  currency,  devised  no  plan  of  relief,  and  all 
it  did  was  to  provide  for  exchanging  its  bundles  of  old 
confederate  notes  for  the  new  issue. 

The  next  matter  which  Governor  Murrah  brought 
under  consideration  was  the  complication  which  had 
arisen  with  regard  to  conscription.  At  the  last  ses 
sion  provision  had  been  made  for  the  organization  of 
a  state  military  force  embracing  all  capable  of  bearing 
arms  between  the  ages  of  eighteen  and  forty-five 
years  not  liable  to  confederate  service,  and  also  those 
between  the  ages  of  forty-five  and  fifty.  This  organi 
zation  was  never  completed,  and  became  a  subject  of 
disagreement  between  the  executive  and  General 
Magruder,  the  military  chief  in  command  of  Texas. 
The  time  for  which  those  already  in  the  service  had 


STATE  TROOPS.  471 

been  drafted  had  not  yet  expired,  and  February  20, 
1864,  was  mutually  agreed  upon  between  Murrali  and 
Magruder  as  the  day  for  the  reorganization ;  the  gov 
ernor  issued,  January  23d,  an  order  continuing  those 
troops  in  service,  and  announcing  to  them  that  Feb 
ruary  20th  had  been  appointed  as  the  day  for  their 
reorganization.  This  caused  great  discontent,  and 
many  of  them  left  their  posts;  Magruder  began  to 
act  independently,  in  face  of  the  governor's  orders, 
and  an  effort  was  made  to  enroll  into  the  confederate 
army  state  soldiers  between  eighteen  and  forty-five 
years  of  age  whose  terms  of  service  had  not  yet  ex 
pired.  The  men  enrolled  in  the  state  service  had  not 
been  given  to  understand  that,  when  their  term 
expired,  they  were  liable  to  conscription  into  the  con 
federate  army,  and  were  consequently  refractory. 
However,  the  governor  and  general  came  to  an  ar 
rangement  by  which  it  was  agreed  that  all  state  troops 
should  be  permitted  at  their  option  to  form  new  or 
ganizations  to  serve  for  the  war  in  the  confederate 
army,  and  elect  their  own  officers,  or  join  existing 
organizations  in  that  service;  and  that  all  who  did 
not  join  either  should  be  reorganized  on  February  20th 
as  state  troops,  under  the  late  state  law.  An  order 
to  this  effect  was  issued  February  4th,  with  the  noti 
fication  that  all  men  liable  to  conscription  would  be 
allowed  to  remain  in  the  state  troops  for  the  period 
of  six  months,  at  the  expiration  of  which  they  would 
be  transferred  to  the  confederate  service. 

This  difficulty  was  thus  satisfactorily  overcome; 
the  state  troops  and  conscripts  rendezvoused  at  the 
headquarters  of  the  respective  military  districts,  and 
the  reorganization  of  the  companies  was  effected.  But 
in  the  mean  time,  another  and  far  more  serious  matter 
of  dispute  arose.  The  confederate  congress  had  re 
cently  passed  a  new  and  sweeping  act  of  conscription, 
and  on  its  publication  in  Houston,  about  the  middle 
of  March,  General  Magruder  refused  to  receive  the 
newly  organized  state  troops  as  state  troops,  although 


472  PROGRESS  AND  END  OF  THE  WAR. 

tendered  to  him,  expressing  his  determination  to  rely 
solely  upon  the  congressional  law  for  troops.  It  will 
be  observed  that  the  position  assumed  by  Magruder 
involved  the  assumption  that  the  laws  of  congress 
annulled  state  laws,  and  that  confederate  military 
officers  had  authority  to  break  up  an  organization 
formed  under  an  enactment  of  the  legislature.  Gov 
ernor  Murrah  opposed  any  such  views,  and  insisted 
that  the  Texans  should  go  to  the  field  as  state  troops 
until  the  legislature  should  meet  and  dispose  of  the 
embarrassing  question.  Magruder,  however,  was 
unyielding,  and  the  governor  considered  himself  under 
the  necessity  of  disbanding  the  state  troops,  and  by 
proclamation  of  April  1 2th  called  upon  all  those  liable 
to  conscription  under  the  recent  act  of  congress  to 
volunteer,  and  organize  in  conformity  with  the  con 
federate  law,  but  as  to  ordering  them  to  do  so,  he  had, 
as  he  said,  no  authority.  Thus,  the  state  was  without 
any  military  force,  and  this  at  a  time  when  the  enemy 
was  threatening  Texas  on  the  north  and  northeastern 
frontier;  the  coast  defenders  had  been  mostly  with 
drawn  to  meet  the  foe  in  Louisiana ;  in  no  county  was 
there  a  sufficient  police  force  that  could  efficiently  con 
trol  the  slave  population,  and  prevent  them  from  be 
ing  tampered  with,  while  in  many  portions  of  the 
country  murders,  robberies,  and  outrages  were  being 
daily  committed.  Under  these  circumstances,  the 
governor  was  of  opinion  that  minute  companies  should 
be  thoroughly  organized  in  the  counties  of  all  men 
between  the  ages  of  fifty  and  sixty  years,  and  those 
exempt  from  service  under  the  laws  of  the  confederate 
congress.  This  system  would  supply  an  efficient  po 
lice  force,  strengthen  the  local  organization  for  the 
defence  of  the  state,  and  retain  a  reserve  of  laborers 
that  could  give  time  and  attention  to  domestic  in 
terests. 

The  governor  then  calls  attention  to  the  "  fearful 
demoralization  and  crimes  prevailing  throughout  the 
state."  The  picture  which  he  draws  of  the  social  con- 


SOCIAL  CONDITION.  473 

dition  of  Texas  during  this  period  is  truly  frightful. 
Let  his  own  words  speak:  "In  some  sections,  society 
is  almost  disorganized ;  the  voice  of  the  law  is  hushed, 
and  its  authority  seldom  asserted.  It  is  a  dead  letter 
—an  unhonored  thing  upon  the  unread  pages  of  the 
statutes.  Murder,  robbery,  theft,  outrages  of  every 
kind  against  property,  against  human  life,  against 
everything  sacred  to  a  civilized  people,  are  frequent 
and  general.  Whole  communities  are  under  a  reign 
of  terror,  and  they  utter  their  dreadful  apprehensions 
and  their  agonizing  cries  of  distress  in  vain.  The  rule 
of  the  mob,  the  bandit,  of  unbridled  passions,  rides 
over  the  solemn  ordinances  of  the  government.  Foul 

O 

crime  is  committed,  and  the  criminal,  steeped  in  guilt, 
and  branded  by  his  own  dark  deeds  with  eternal  in 
famy,  goes  unwhipped  of  justice.  Not  even  a  warrant 
is  issued  for  him — no  effort  made  by  the  sworn  offi 
cers  of  the  law,  or  by  the  community,  to  bring  him 
to  punishment  Too  often  the  deed  is  excused;  the 
community  is  divided  in  opinion  as  to  the  guilt,  and 
the  criminal  is  screened  from  justice,  unless  his  offend 
ing  chances  to  touch  some  particular  influence  or  pre 
vailing  notions,  and  then,  without  trial,  and  without 
the  forms  of  law,  he  is  hung  by  a  mob."5  This  really 
worthy  governor  then  remarks  that  the  law  was  not 
at  fault,  and  that  if  the  officers  and  people  would 
earnestly  cooperate  to  root  out  these  evils,  the  law 
would  again  become  the  "  harmony  of  society,  and  se 
cure  it  against  this  fearful  confusion,  and  these  fearful 
dangers."  He  exhorts  the  judiciary  and  all  other 
officers  to  faithfully  discharge  their  duties,  and  boldly 
declares  that  the  severest  penalties  should  be  provided 
for  the  civil  officer  who  neglected  his  sworn  obligations. 
In  spite  of  this  lamentable  condition  of  Texas  in  a 
social  point  of  view,  her  industrial  prospects  were  far 
from  unfavorable.  Numbers  of  refugees  from  Louisi 
ana,  Arkansas,  and  Missouri,  after  the  abolition  of 

21  Message  of  Gov.  P.  Hurrah  to  the  extra  session,  May  11,  1864,  110.  2, 
p.  14,  in  Tex,  Col  Doc.,  no.  2. 


474  PROGRESS  AND  END  OF  THE  WAR. 

slavery,  sought  an  asylum  in  Texas,  which  that  law 
failed  to  reach,  bringing  with  them  their  slaves.  The 
consequence  was  that  the  year  1863  was  marked  by 
an  unprecedented  production  of  cotton  and  corn. 
Looms  were  supplied  in  ample  abundance,  great 
quantities  of  cloth  were  manufactured,  and  industrial 
enterprises  undertaken  on  an  extensive  scale.  Capital 
was  employed  by  associations  and  chartered  companies 
for  the  manufacture  of  iron  and  other  articles  for  home 
consumption  and  the  use  of  the  army,  and  machinery 
for  manufacturing  purposes  were  introduced.  But  the 
producers  were  called  upon  to  make  sacrifices  so  great 
that  their  patience  became  exhausted.  The  demand 
for  cotton,  both  by  confederate  officers  and  the  state 
military  board,  was  imperative,  and  the  planter  was 
called  upon  to  sell  one  half  of  his  staple  for  state 
bonds  bearing  seven  per  centum  interest.  Means  of 
transportation  to  the  Rio  Grande  were  scarce  and  ex 
pensive,  and  it  was  generally  conceded  that  the  cost 
of  transferring  cotton  thither  from  any  distance  in  the 
interior  was  equal  to  one  half  of  its  value,  losses  and 
wastage  being  considered.22  Moreover,  serious  embar 
rassments  occurred  between  the  confederate  and  state 
authorities,  and  cotton  transported  under  the  state 
regulations  was  interfered  with  on  the  Rio  Grande. 
Horses  and  mules  were  impressed  for  the  use  of  the 
army,  and  all  surplus  corn  was  appropriated.  A 
gloomy  sentiment  began  to  prevail.  Many  terrible 
battles  had  been  fought,  and  it  was  felt  that  the  end 
was  drawing  near. 

The  latter  part  of  1864  was  disastrous  to  the  con 
federate  arms,  and  during  the  first  six  months  of  the 
following  year  the  catastrophe  came.  After  the  sur 
render  of  generals  Lee,  Johnston,  and  Taylor,  in 

22  The  system  adopted  by  Gov.  Murrah  was  as  follows:  The  vend  or  trans 
ported  his  cotton  to  the  Rio  Grande  at  his  own  expense  and  risk.  One  half 
of  it  he  retained  for  his  own  use,  and  for  the  other  half  he  received  state 
bonds  at  its  specie  value.  He  had,  moreover,  to  pay  the  tithe  imposed  by 
the  confederate  congress,  and  the  export  duty.  Gov.  Murralis  Mes.,  16,  no. 
2,  in  Tex.  Col.  Doc.,  no.  2. 


THE  LAST  SHOT.  475 

April  and  early  in  May,  a  battle  was  fought  in  Texas, 
where  the  struggle  was  still  prolonged.  General 
Kirby  Smith  addressed,  April  21,  a  proclamation  to 
his  soldiers.  "You  possess  the  means,"  he  said,  "  of 
long  resistance.  Protract  the  struggle,  and  you  will 
surely  receive  the  aid  of  nations  who  already  deeply 
sympathize  with  you."  In  Texas  public  meetings  were 
held  and  resolutions  adopted  to  continue  the  war.  A 
large  federal  force  was  set  in  motion  against  Texas  under 
Sheridan;  but  on  May  26th  Kirby  Smith  surrendered 
his  command  to  General  Can  by,  before  the  unionists 
had  reached  their  destination.23 

Meantime  on  May  13th,  the  engagement  above 
alluded  to,  the  last  in  the  war,  was  fought  near  the 
old  battle-field  of  Palo  Alto,  the  scene  of  Taylor's  vic 
tory  over  Arista.  The  confederates  were  stationed  at 
Palmetto,  and  Colonel  Theodore  H.  Barrett  who  was 
in  command  at  Brazos  Santiago,  sent  on  the  llth 
300  men  under  Lieutenant-Colo nel  Bronson  to  attack 
them.  Early  in  the  morning  of  the  12th  Bronson 
assaulted  the  enemy's  camp,  drove  him  from  it,  and 
captured  a  number  of  horses  and  cattle.  He  then 
fell  back,  and  on  the  13th  was  joined  by  Lieu 
tenant-colonel  Morrison  with  200  men.  The  confed 
erates  had  again  assembled  at  Palmetto  rancho  in 
force,  and  were  commanded  by  General  J.  E.  Slaugh 
ter.  Colonel  Barrett  now  took  command  of  the  fed 
eral  force  in  person,  and  advanced  against  the  foe, 
who  was  again  driven  from  his  position.  About  four 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  however,  the  federals  were 
assailed  in  front  by  a  strong  body  of  infantry  with 
six  12-pounders,  while  a  squadron  of  cavalry  suc 
ceeded,  under  cover  of  the  chaparral,  in  flanking 
them.  Barrett's  position  was  critical,  and  retreat  was 
his  only  alternative.  For  three  hours  a  running  fight 
was  maintained  without  the  confederates  being  able 
to  break  the  federal  line,  and  at  sunset  they  retired.2* 

23 Report  of  the  sec.  of  war,  in  Mess,  and  Doc.,  Abridg.,  cong.  39,  sess.  1, 
702-3.  Generals  Magruder  and  Smith  surrendered  formally  the  Trans- 
Mississippi  department  on  May  6th.  Thrall,  407. 


476  PROGRESS   AND   END   OF  THE  WAR. 

The  last  shot  in  the  great  civil  war  had  been  fired. 

24  Col  Barrett  reported  his  loss  in  this  expedition  to  be  four  officers  and 
111  men  in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing.  Lossing,  iii.  >79-80. 

The  reader  will  find  in  the  following  a  more  extended  list  of  authorities 
consulted.  Those  having  an  official  character  are:  U.  8.  Laws;  U.  S.  Stat 
utes;  Cong.  Globe.;  Sen.  Ex.  Docs.;  Sen.  Jour.;  Sen.  Miscel.  Docs.;  If.  Jour.; 
H.  Ex.  Docs.;  H.  Miscel.  Docs.;  H.  Com.  Rep.;  Census  Reps.;  Mess,  and  Docs.; 
Acts  and  Res.;  Ind.  Affair  Rep.;  Sec.  Int.  Reps.;  Charters  and  Constitutions; 
Sec.  War  Reps.;  to  the  indices  of  which  reference  is  made  for  Texan  affairs 
during  the  period.  Texas  state  documents  are  State  Gaz.;  Leyisl.  Jours.; 
Houston s  Mess,  on  S.  C.  Resolutions;  Id.,  on  Secession;  Mess.  Govs.;  Tax  Laws, 
Constitution;  Comptrollers  Reps.;  Penal  Code;  Land  Office  Reps;  Adjt-Gen. 
Reps.;  Code  Grim.  Proced.;  Rep.  Com.  Pub.  Safety;  Tex.  vs  Maney,  92  pp.; 
Tex.  vs  Cooper,  190  pp.;  Tex.  vs  Newcomb,  102  pp.;  Tex.  vs  Scott,  179pp.; 
Houston  City  Charter,  1871,  140  pp.;  Throckmor ton's  Final  Rep.;  Galveston; 
Act  to  Incorp.,  1876,  44  pp.  The  following  are  works  of  a  non-official  char 
acter.  Cordova's  Tex.,  passim;  Jenkins  Mex.  War;  Id.,  Life  of  Polk,  263-386; 
Tex.  Almanac,  1857-61,  1868,  see  indices;  Kennedy's  Tex.;  Lossing  s  Civ.  War, 
i.  62-273;  iii.  221-4,  251-69,  579-80;  Houston's  Tex.,  i.  255-314;  ii.  88-258; 
Id.,  Life  of,  17-402;  Holley's  Tex.,  125-50;  U.  S.  Repub.,  62-269;  Petersons 
Mil.  Heroes,  ii.  29-80;  Henry's  Campaign  Sketches,  75-115;  Murray's  Hist.  U. 
S.,  468-99;  Montgomery's.  Life  of  Taylor,  60-373;  Olmstead's  Journey,  42, 
463-516;  Potions  Hist.  U.  S.,  691-704,  Porter's  Rev.  of  Mex.  War,  52-79; 
Ramsey's  Other  Side,  24-57;  Morft's  Hist.  Tex.,  passim;  Thrall's  Tex.,  passim; 
Ripley's  War  Mex.,  16-29,  100-2;  Taylor  and  his  Staff,  23-36;  Furbers  Volun 
teers,  120-87,  241-6;  Jones'  Repub.  of  Mex.,  23-648;  Willson's  Amer.  Hist., 
619-68,  Miallard's  Tex.,  passim;  Harrison's  Battle  Fields,  339-46;  Livermores 
War  with  Mex.,  187-200;  Prairiedom,  19-166;  Thorpe's  Army  on  Rio  Grande, 
73-111;  Mayer's  Mex.  Azt.,  i.  330-9;  Id.,  Mex.  War,  87-149;  Niles*  Reg.,  see 
indices  during  the  period;  Harper's  Monthly  Mag.,  xxvi.,  557;  xxxii.,  630-5; 
Jay's  Mex.  War,  121-43;  Linn's  Re  minis.,  348-54;  McCall's  Letters,  429-56; 
Mansfield's  Mex.  War,  19-43;  Hunt's  Address  to  the  People  of  Tex.,  1-83;  Id., 
Merch.  Mag.,  vols.  xix.  toxl.,  see  indices;  Putnam's  Mag.,  iii.  170-80,  252-60, 
365-78;  Bustamante,  Mem.  Hist.  Mex.,  MS.,  iv.  200-51;  v.  64-5;  Lond.  Geog. 
Soc.  Jour.,  xiii.  199-226;  Moore's  Descrip.  Tex.,  8-14,  38^41;  Young's  Hist. 
Mex.,  289-91,  341-58,  380,  436;  Taylor 's  Rough  and  Ready  Aim.,  7-20;  Cuba, 
Battles  of,  17-30;  Domenech's  Miss.  Advent.,  8-243;  Id.,  Hist,  du  Mex.,  207-10; 
Distumell's  U.  S.  Reg.,  1861-2,  61-4,  83;  De  Bow's  Rev.,  xiii.  53-6;  xvi. 
473-6;  xvii.  168-9;  xix.  157-8,  201-5,  578-87;  North's  Five  Years  in  Tex., 
92-154;  Cremony's  Life  among  Apaches,  13—34;  Kendall's  Narr.  of  Tex.  and 
Santa  F6  Exped.,  i.  13-173;  Deivees'  Letters  from  Tex.,  148-52,  247-51,  298- 
303;  Edward's  Tex.,  41-53;  Fournel,  Comp.  D'Oeil,  23-57;  Dodge's  Plains  Gt 
West,  48-52,  131,  152,  391-4,  403-4;  Howard's  Speech  U.  S.  H.  Rep.,  June 
11,  1850;  Fry's  Life  of  Taylor,  97-195;  McCabe's  Comp.  Vieiv,  158-9,  763; 
D'Orbigny,  Hist.  Gen.  des  Voy.,  iii.  358-62;  Mason's  Speech  U.  S.  Sen.,  May 
27,  1850;  Fisher  and  Colby's  Amer.  State  Annual,  1854,  394-9;  Lester's  Hous 
ton  and  his  Repub.,  155-85;  Gouge's  Fiscal  Hist.  Tex.,  passim:  Frost's  Mex. 
War,  10-24,  51-4;  Id.,  Pict.  Hist.  Mex.,  194-253,  467;  Guerra  cntre  Mex.  y 
Exfad.  Unid.,  31-46;  Tejas  Diet,  de  la  Comis.;  Cutt's  Conquest  Col.  andN.  Mex.; 
Democratic  Rev.,  xvi.  419-28;  Gratton's  Civ.  Amer.,  ii,  269-78;  Parker's  Notes; 
Semmes'  Service  Afloat,  62-74;  Ross'  Tex.  Brigade,  Louisville,  1881,  185  pp.; 
Rodenbough's  2d  Dragoons,  102-13,  514-16;  Graham's  Mag.,  xlvii.,  369-70; 
xlviii.  174;  Gallatin's  Peace  with  M ex. ,  15-23;  Barby,  Tex.,  10-13;  Freeman's 
Speech  in  Cong.,  Aug.  13,  1850;  Robertson's  Reminis.  Camp  in  Mex.,  49-55; 
Pap.  Var.,  99,  no.  2,  20;  106,  no.  7;  107,  no.  2,  10;  167,  no.  10;  173,  no.  19; 
Fillsola,  Rep.  al  Sup.  Gob.,  no.  iii.,  16-21;  Id.,  Hist.  Guerra  Tex.,  ii.  232-9; 
Thompsons  Recol  Mex.,  70-3;  Froebel's  Cent.  Amer.,  424-7,  442-50;  Mosquito 
Kuste  und  Tex.,  39-65;  Monette's  Vol.  of  the  Miss.,  ii.  579-95;  Tex.  Bus. 


AUTHORITIES.  477 

Direc.,  1878-9,  279-89;  Tex.  ITU.  Comunic.,3-22;  BonneWs  Top.  Descrip.  Tex., 
7-122;  Rusk's  Speech,  1-14;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii.  515-16;  Burlce's  Tex. 
Aim.,  1878,  1882,  154;  Smith,  Notice  sur  la  Geog.  du  Tex.,  Paris,  24  pp.; 
Peeler  and  Maxey  Hist.  Mercer  Colony,  104-6;  Pena  y  Pena,  Comunic.  Oust. 
Tex.,  44  pp.;  Hex.  War;  Complete  Hist.,  19-27;  Mission.  Life  in  the  19th  Cen 
tury,  208-16;  Corbels  Leg.  Manual,  282;  Gleason's  Hist.  Cath.  Church,  ii. 
158;  Benton's  Deb.  in  Cong.,  xvi.  590;  Marcy's  Army  Life,  170;  McCleans 
Speech  in  Cong.,  June  5,  1850;  Molhausen,  Tagelmch,  104-71;  Hanford's  Tex., 
State  Reg.,  1876-9,  see  indices;  Rocks'  S.  W.  Tex.,  21-37,  242,  249,  260-1; 
Sleeper  and  Hutchins'  Waco,  Waco,  1876,  171,  pp.;  Merricle  and  Durant's  Mem. , 
Austin,  1879,  57  pp.;  Mercantile  Agency  An.,  1871,  136-7;  Tex.  and  her  Capa 
bilities,  15-16;  Maxey' s  Speech  Ind.  Affairs,  Wash.  1876,  15  pp.  Numerous 
Mexican  and  American  newspapers  have  been  examined. 


CHAPTEE   XVIII. 

THE  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD. 
1865-1870. 

GOVERNOR  HAMILTON — THE  QUESTION  or  FREEDMEN  s  RIGHTS— LAWLESSNESS 
IN  TEXAS — EMANCIPATION  OF  SLAVERY  DECLARED  IN  TEXAS — ITS  EFFECT 
— THE  STATE  CONVENTION — THROCKMORTON  ELECTED  GOVERNOR — A 
BOLD  MESSAGE — LAWS  PASSED  BY  THE  LEGISLATURE — DISCORD  BETWEEN 
PRESIDENT  JOHNSON  AND  CONGRESS — A  RIGOROUS  ACT — TEXAS  UNDER 
MILITARY  RULE — JUDICIAL  DISTRICTS — THROCKMORTON 's  DIFFICULTIES 
AND  REMOVAL — His  VIEWS  ON  THE  POSITION — PEASE  APPOINTED  GOV 
ERNOR — CHANGES  OF  MILITARY  COMMANDERS — REGISTRATION  QUESTIONS 
— THE  RECONSTRUCTION  CONVENTION — DISAGREEMENTS — THE  GENERAL 
ELECTION — AMENDED  CONSTITUTION  RATIFIED — DOINGS  OF  THE  LEGIS 
LATURE. 

AFTER  the  formal  surrender  of  Smith  and  Magruder, 
Governor  Murrah  retired  to  Mexico,  and  on  June  19 
1865,  General  Granger,  of  the  United  States  army, 
assumed  temporary  command.  On  the  17th  of  that 
month  President  Johnson,  in  pursuance  of  his  plan  of 
reconstruction,  appointed  Andrew  J.  Hamilton  1  pro 
visional  governor  of  Texas.  As  a  preliminary  step  to 
the  reorganization  of  the  subdued  states,  the  president 
had  removed,  on  April  29th,  certain  commercial  re 
strictions,  and  on  May  29th  issued  a  proclamation 
granting  an  amnesty,  with  certain  exceptions,  to 
persons  who  had  been  engaged  in  the  rebellion,  on 
condition  of  their  taking  an  oath  of  allegiance. 

The  provisional  governor  arrived  at  Galveston  at 
the  end  of  July.  He  was  clothed  with  the  power  to 

1  Hamilton  was  a  native  of  Alabama,  and  came  to  Texas  in  1846.     Was 
attorney-general  in  1849,  and  later  a  member  of  the  state  legislature.     In 
1859  he  was  elected  to  congress,  where  he  opposed   secession.     During  the 
war  he  left  Texas.     He  died  at  Austin  in  April  1875.   Thrall,  549-50. 
(478) 


PROVISIONAL  GOVERNOR.  479 

reorganize  the  state  government,  assemble  a  conven 
tion  of  citizens  who  had  taken  the  amnesty  oath,  and 
provide  for  the  election  of  representatives  to  the  na 
tional  congress.  Accordingly  boards  of  registration 
were  established  in  the  different  counties,  with  au 
thority  to  administer  the  oath,  and  register  all 
persons  who,  from  their  loyalty  to  the  United  States, 
would  be  allowed  to  vote.  State,  district,  and  county 
officers  were  appointed,  and  under  the  circumstances, 
Governor  Hamilton  gave  general  satisfaction.  But 
confederate  principles  and  hopes  were  as  yet  far  from 
dead  in  Texas,  and  the  anti-union  portion  of  the  com 
munity  began  to  grow  anxious  as  they  watched  the 
action  of  the  president.  It  was  soon  feared  that 
Hamilton  was  more  an  agent  of  Johnson  than  the 
real  governor  of  Texas,  and  that  the  easy  manner  in 
which  confederates,  known  to  be  still  hostile  to  the 
union,  were  registered  as  voters,  would  enable  such  to 
control  the  state. 

The  all-absorbing  question  was  the  future  condition 
of  the  freedmen.  Were  they  to  enjoy  the  rights  of 
citizenship,  and  the  elective  franchise,  or  to  be  re 
garded  merely  as  aliens?  On  January  31,  1865,  the 
house  of  representatives  had  adopted  the  thirteenth 
amendment  of  the  national  constitution,2  which  had 
already  passed  the  senate  during  the  preceding  ses 
sion,  and  there  was  no  doubt  that  future  legislation 
would  be  directed  toward  securing  to  the  freedmen 
all  the  rights  of  citizenship. 

President  Johnson  displayed  a  leniency  toward  the 
subdued  confederates,  and  an  attitude  that  could  only 
be  regarded  as  friendly  to  them  by  the  clear-sighted 
observer.  Profuse  with  his  pardons,3  many  promi- 

2  The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  amendment: 

Section  1.  Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a  pun 
ishment  for  crime,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted,  shall 
exist  within  the  United  States,  or  any  place  subject  to  their  jurisdiction. 

Section  2.  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article  by  appro 
priate  legislation. 

3  During  the  years  1865  and  1866  pardons  were  extended  to  over  600 
Texans  included  in  the  classes  of  exemption  under  the  amnesty  proclama 
tion.  H.  Com.  Rept,  cong.  40,  sess.  1,  no.  7,  1029-43. 


480  THE  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD. 

nent  and  influential  secessionists  were  placed  in  the 
same  rank  with  unionists ;  and  he  showed  an  inclina 
tion  hastily  to  secure  the  return  of  the  revolted 
states  into  the  union,  before  any  further  provision 
in  favor  of  the  freedmen's  franchise  could  be  made,  in 
order  that  their  pressure  might  be  felt  in  congress. 

With  regard  to  the  unionists  in  Texas  they  were 
placed  in  a  peculiar  position.  After  the  confederate 
troops  were  disbanded,  the  men  with  union  sympa 
thies  were  looked  upon  as  traitors  to  their  country,  and 
many  outrages  were  committed  by  disbanded  soldiers 
and  banditti.  Toward  the  union  troops  quartered  in 
the  towns  an  intense  hatred  was  felt  by  most  of  the 
citizens.  The  military  force  which  occupied  Texas 
was  not  adequate  to  suppress  the  lawlessness  which 
prevailed  in  many  parts  of  the  country,  and  it  was 
only  in  the  vicinity  of  the  garrisoned  towns  and  posts 
that  security  of  person  and  property  was  sustained. 
In  the  courts  justice  was  warped  to  favor  those 
who  had  fought  for  home  and  country  in  the  south.4 

At  the  beginning  of  the  war  there  were  about 
275,000  slaves  in  Texas,  and  during  its  progress 
about  125,000  were  sent  thither  from  the  southern 
states  in  order  to  secure  them  from  the  federal  forces. 
Thus  at  the  close  of  the  war  there  was  a  slave  popu 
lation  of  400,000  in  the  country,  distributed  for  the 
most  part  on  the  plantations  situated  on  the  Sabine, 
Neches,  Trinity,  Brazos,  and  Colorado  rivers.  As 
soon  as  General  Granger  took  military  possession  of 
Texas  he  proclaimed  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves, 
and  at  once  a  great  surging  movement  of  the  hitherto 
servile  population  took  place.  The  negroes  could  not 
fully  realize  that  they  possessed  their  freedom  with 
out  practical  proof  that  such  was  the  case.  They 

4 Gen.  Ouster  testified,  March  10,  1866,  before  the  'Reconstruction  Com 
mittee,  '  thus:  '  Since  the  establishment  of  the  provisional  government  in  Texas 
the  grand  juries  throughout  the  state  have  found  upwards  of  500  indict 
ments  for  murder  against  disloyal  men,  and  yet  not  in  a  single  case  has 
there  been  a  conviction.'  Report  Joint  Com.  fiecons.,  cong.  39,  sess.  1,  pt  iv. 
75. 


FREEDMEN.  481 

left  the  plantations  on  which  they  had  toiled  so  long 
and  roamed  in  crowds  from  place  to  place  in  asser 
tion  of  their  new  right;  they  flocked  to  the  freed- 
men's  bureau 5  for  registration ;  and  a  tide  of  black 
men  who  had  been  brought  into  Texas  during  the 
war,  set  in  toward  Louisiana  in  search  of  their  old 
homes  to  which  they  were  anxious  to  return.  Dur 
ing  their  journey  they  met  with  much  suffering.  A 
deep  bitterness  was  entertained  toward  them  by  their 
former  masters,  who  tried  to  constrain  them  to  remain 
on  the  plantations,  and  numbers  of  them  were  killed.6 

Nevertheless,  when  the  excitement  subsided,  they 
returned  to  work,  and  by  the  beginning  of  1866  it  be 
gan  to  be  seen  that  free  labor  would  soon  prove  a 
success  in  Texas.  The  plantation  owners  were  com 
pelled  to  yield  to  necessity,  and  offered  them  terms 
which  promised  to  ensure  steady  labor.7 

As  regards  the  disposition  of  Texas  toward  the 
union,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  the  feeling  was  less  bitter 
here  than  in  any  other  part  of  the  confederacy.  A 
large  portion  of  the  population,  whose  voices  had 
been  hushed  during  the  long  struggle,  were  still  union 
ists  at  heart ;  the  German  inhabitants,  estimated  at 
40,000,  had  ever  been  for  the  union,  and  no  small 
proportion  of  the  secessionists  themselves,  having 
fought  the  fight  and  lost,  were  ready  to  accept  their 
defeat  and  the  new  order  of  things.  The  refractory 

5  An  act  establishing  a  bureau,  in  the  war  department,  for  the  relief  of 
freedmen  <*,  1  refugees  was  approved  March  3,  1865.  Cony.  Globe,  1864-5, 
ap.  141.  Bra.  3s  of  this  department  were  established  in  Austin  and  other 
places  in  Texas,  as  elsewhere  in  the  other  southern  states.  On  the  same 
day  an  act  to  incorporate  the  Freedmen 's  Savings  and  Trust  Company  was 
approved. 

6Gov.  Hamilton  stated  that  he  had  information  of  the  dead  bodies  of 
freedmen  being  found  here  and  there  throughout  the  state — some  in  the  creeks, 
others  floating  down  streams,  others  by  the  roads — amounting  in  all  to  about 
260  up  to  the  middle  of  Jan.  1866.  Testimony  of  John  T.  Allen,  in  Report, 
utsup.,  ptiv.,  88. 

7  Wages  $20  a  month,  or  §  the  cotton  or  \  the  corn  crops.  G.  W.  Little- 
field,  a  resident  of  Austin,  and  a  cotton  grower  under  both  the  slave  and 
free  systems  of  labor,  says:  'After  the  war  closed  we  used  the  same  labor 
on  the  plantations  by  paying  a  percentage  of  the  crop  raised.  Under  good 
management  at  that  time  we  calculated  to  make  from  J  to  \  bale  of  cotton, 
per  acre.  Remarks,  Cattle  and  Agric. ,  MS.,  1-2. 
HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.  31. 


482  THE  RECONSTRUCTION   PERIOD. 

spirit  manifested  during  the  days  which  succeeded 
the  occupation  of  Texas  by  the  victors  was  due,  in  a 
great  measure,  to  the  fact  that  her  territory  had  never 
been  made  the  seat  of  war.  The  people  could  not 
brook  the  restraint  which  was  now  imposed  upon 
them ;  while  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  conduct  of 
the  federal  officers  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties, 
especially  in  the  treasury  department,  afforded  just 
grounds  for  irritation  and  complaint.8 

On  January  8,  1866,  an  election  was  held  for  dele 
gates  to  a  state  convention  to  form  a  new  constitution. 
There  was  no  excitement,  and  little  interest  was 
shown.  Governor  Hamilton  in  his  message  to  the 

O 

convention,  which  met  on  February  10th,  declared 
that  the  apathy  of  the  people  filled  him  with  deep 
concern,  and  stated  that  there  was  reason  to  believe 
that  less  than  half  the  voters  had  participated  in  the 
recent  election. 

Having  elected  J.  W.  Throckmorton  president,  and 
W.  L.  Chalmers  secretary,  the  convention  proceeded 
with  its  labors,  and  the  new  constitution  was  com 
pleted  by  April.  In  it  every  measure  that  was  de 
manded  as  a  prerequisite  for  readmission  into  the 
union  was  adopted.  The  abolition  of  slavery  was 
recognized,9  and  freedmen  were  allowed  the  right  to 
make  contracts ;  to  sue  in  the  courts ;  to  acquire  and 

8  It  was  a  common  practice  of  the  agents  of  the  treasury  department  to 
seize  cotton  on  the  pretext  that  it  belonged  to  the  late  confederate  states; 
to  refuse  to  give  the  party  who  owned  the  cotton  a  paper  designating  the 
weights  of  the  bales,  an  J  subsequently  return  the  claimant  the  same  num 
ber  of  bales  taken  from  him  after  abstracting  a  portion  of  the  cotton.     In 
other  cases  permits  to  ship  cotton  were  not  respected,  and  bribes  exacted 
before  it  was  allowed  to  be  shipped.     Again,  permits  were  often  refused, 
and  persons  employed  to  purchase  the  cotton  at  reduced  prices.     Such  con 
duct  afforded  a  pretext  for  sedition  and  turbulence.     Testimony  of    T.  J. 
Mackay,  May  18,  1866,  in  Id.,  157. 

9  'Art.  VIII.     African  slavery,  as  it  heretofore  existed,  having  been  ter 
minated  within  this  state  by  the  gov.  of  the  U.  S.  by  force  of  arms,  and  its 
reestablishment  being  prohibited  by  the  amendment  to  the  constitution  of 
the  U.  S.,  it  is  declared  that  neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  ex 
cept  as  a  punishment  for  crime  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  con 
victed  shall  exist  in  this  state. '     Copy  of  the  amended  constitution  will  l>e 
found  in  U.  S.  charters  and  constitutions  ii.,  1784-1801. 


GOVERNOR  THROCKMORTON.  483 

transmit  property;  and  to  testify  as  witnesses  in  civil 
and  criminal  cases.  The  convention,  moreover,  passed 
ordinances  declaring  the  act  of  secession  null;  repu 
diating  the  war  debt  of  the  rebellion;  proclaiming 
the  permanency  of  the  union,  and  the  supremacy  of 
the  laws  of  the  United  States;  and  assuming  the 
direct  tax  levied  upon  the  state  by  the  United  States. 1<J 
The  amended  constitution  was  submitted  to  the  people 
and  ratified  June  25th.11  On  the  same  day  the 
general  election  was  held,  and  J.  W.  Throckmorton 12 
was  chosen  governor  and  G.  W.  Jones,  lieutenant- 
governor.13 

On  August  18th,  Governor  Throckmorton,  having 
been  duly  inaugurated,  sent  in  his  first  regular  mes 
sage.  After  alluding  to  the  outrages  perpetrated  by 
lawless  characters  following  the  disbandment  of  the 
confederate  army,  and  congratulating  the  country 
upon  their  end,  he  supplies  the  legislature  with  a 
financial  statement  of  the  condition  of  the  treasury, 
the  available  funds  in  which  amounted  to  $90,028,  of 
which  $31,399  were  in  specie,  and  the  balance  in 
United  States  currency.  He  then  calls  attention  to 


19  During  Hamilton's  administration  a  tax  of  12^  cts  on  the  $100  was  col 
lected.  Thrall,  411. 

11  For  the  amendments  28,119  votes  were  cast,  and  23,400  against  them. 
Tex.  Aim.,  1867,  262. 

12  Throckmorton  was  born  in  Tenn.  in  1825,  and  migrated  to  Texas  in 
1841  with  his  father's  family;  was  in  the  legislature  from  1851  to  1856  when 
he  was  elected  to  the  senate  where  he  remained  till  1861.     He  was  a  mem 
ber  of  the  secession  convention,  and  was  one  of  the  seven  who  voted  against 
secession.     He  was  true  to  Texas,  however,  when  the  die  was  cast,  and  rais 
ing  a  company  joined  the  confederate  army.     He  took  part  in  the  battle  of 
Elk  Horn,  and  afterward  served  under  General  Dick  Taylor.     In  1864  Gov. 
Murrah  assigned  to  him,  with  the  rank  of  brig. -gen.,  the  command  of  the 
northern  frontier.     In  1865,  Gen.  Kirby  Smith  appointed  him  general  Indian 
agent,  and  he  made  a  treaty  with  numerous  tribes  very  favorable  to  Texas. 
In  1866  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  first  reconstruction  convention,  and 
chosen  president  of  that  body.   Thrall,  625-6. 

13Forgov.,  Throckmorton  obtained  48,631  votes  against  12,051  cast  for 
E.  M.  Pease.  S.  Crosby  was  elected  commissioner  of  the  general  land  office; 
W.  L.  Robards,  comptroller;  and  M.  H.  Royston,  treasurer.  The  votes 
cast  for  amendments  to  state  constitution  were  28,119  and  against  them 
20,400.  Tex.  Aim.,  1867,  278.  The  white  population  of  Texas  at  this  time 
was  probably  aj>out  the  same  in  number  as  in  1860,  which  according  to  the 
census  was  420,890.  Estimating  the  number  of  voters  at  one-fifth  of  the 
population  it  will  be  noticed  how  many  absented  themselves  from  the  polls. 


484  THE  RECONSTRUCTION   PERIOD. 

the  alarming  loss  of  life,  which  had  occurred  within 
the  last  three  months,  along  the  entire  frontier  line, 
owing  to  inroads  made  by  the  Indians,  and  to  the  fact 
that  a  considerable  number  of  children  had  been  car 
ried  into  captivity.  The  legislature,  he  urges,  should 
appropriate  a  sum  of  money  for  the  redemption  of 
these  captives,  and  devise  some  means  for  the  pro 
tection  of  the  frontier,  in  the  event  of  a  failure  to 
get  the  necessary  assistance  from  the  United  States 
government. 

In  order  to  ensure  a  future  supply  of  labor  on 
which  the  prosperity  of  the  country  depended,  he 
recommended  that  laws  should  be  passed,  carrying 
out  the  objects  of  the  ordinance  "authorizing  the  ap 
pointment  of  a  commissioner  of  statistics,  for  the 
promotion  of  immigration."  With  regard  to  the 
freed  blacks,  he  remarked  that  every  effort  should  be 
made  to  impress  upon  them  that  their  labor  was  de 
sirable  ;  and  that  laws  should  be  passed  carrying  out 
the  intention  of  the  eighth  article  of  the  constitu 
tion,  in  securing  to  them  protection  of  person  and 
property.  He  adds:  " It  is  desirable  that  all  military 
force,  and  the  agents  of  the  freedmen's  bureau  should 
be  withdrawn  from  the  interior  of  the  state.  The 
most  certain  way  to  effect  this  object  will  be  the  en 
actment  of  just  laws  for  the  protection  of  the  blacks, 
and  their  rigid  enforcement." 

But  considering  the  position  of  affairs,  no  part  of 
the  message  is  more  striking  and  pregnant  with  future 
trouble  than  that  which  touches  upon  the  amend 
ments  to  the  constitution  of  the  United  States.  Sub 
mitting  a  copy  of  the  joint  resolution  of  congress, 
proposing  to  the  several  states  a  thirteenth  article  to 
the  federal  constitution,14  the  governor  remarked  that 
the  article,  having  been  already  ratified  by  the  requi 
site  number — three  fourths — of  states,  had  become  a 
law  of  the  land,  and  being  no  longer  an  open  ques 
tion,  he  did  not  consider  it  necessary  that  the  legisla- 

14  Abolishing  slavery.     See  note  2  this  chapter, 


THE  THIRD   SECTION.  485 

ture  should  take  any  action  upon  the  matter.  He 
also  enclosed  an  attested  copy  of  a  resolution  of 
congress,  proposing  to  the  legislatures  of  the  several 
states  a  fourteenth  article  to  the  constitution,  deeply 
affecting  the  status  of  the  late  seceders.  With  re 
gard  to  this  amendment  he  does  not  hesitate  to  ex 
press  his  unqualified  disapproval,  it  being,  in  his 
opinion,  unwise  and  unjust.  "  To  say  nothing  of  its 
harshness,"  he  continues,  "the  effect  of  the  adoption 
of  the  third  section15  of  the  article  will  be  to  deprive 
the  state,  for  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century,  of  the 
services  of  her  ablest  and  best  men;  at  a  time  and 
amidst  circumstances  which  render  these  services 
more  important  than  at  any  period  of  her  history.  I 
recommend  the  unqualified  rejection  of  the  proposed 
fourteenth  article." ' 

The  legislature  acted  on  Throckmorton's  suggestion, 
having  submitted  the  separate  questions  to  special 
committees,  which  endorsed  his  opinions.  The  first 
named  amendment  was  respectfully  returned  to  the 
secretary  of  state,  without  any  action  being  taken 
upon  it,  and  the  fourteenth  amendment  was  rejected 
by  a  vote  of  67  nays  against  five  yeas. 

Numerous  laws  for  the  internal  improvement  of  the 
state  were  passed  at  this  session,  which  continued  dur 
ing  the  months  of  August,  September,  October,  and 
November.  For  the  protection  of  the  frontier,  an  act 
was  passed  providing  for  three  battalions  of  Texan 
Bangers,  each  consisting  of  five  companies,  each  100 
strong.  County  courts  were  organized,  and  the  sala 
ries  of  the  judges  and  officials  connected  with  them 
assigned.  A  general  apprentice  law  provided  that 

15  It  is  as  follows:  *  Sec.  3.  No  person  shall  be  a  senator  or  representative 
in  congress,  or  elector  of  president  or  vice-president,  or  hold  any  office,  civil 
or  military,  under  the  U.  S.,  or  under  any  state,  who,  having  previously 
taken  an  oath  as  a  member  of  congress,  or  as  an  officer  of  the  U.  S.,  or  as  a 
member  of  any  state  legislature,  or  as  an  executive  or  judicial  officer  of  any 
state,  to  support  the  constitution  of  the  U.  S.,  shall  have  engaged  in  insur 
rection  or  rebellion  against  the  same,  or  given  aid  or  comfort  to  the  enemies 
thereof.  But  congress  may,  by  a  vote  of  two  thirds  of  each  house,  remove 
such  disability. 

16 Copy  of  Gov.  Throckmorton's  message  in  no.  3  of  Tex.  Col.  Doc.,  no.  2. 


486  THE  RECONSTRUCTION   PERIOD. 

minors  could  be  bound  as  apprentices  with  the  con 
sent  of  the  parents  or  guardians,  or  without  their 
consent  if  the  minor  agreed  in  open  court  to  be  so 
bound.  Another  enactment  granted  a  lien  on  crops 
and  stock  for  advances  made  to  assist  in  producing  the 
crop.  Other  laws  provided  regulations  with  regard 
to  labor  contracts,  and  for  the  punishment  of  persons 
tampering  with  laborers  or  apprentices,  or  enticing 
them  away  from  work.  Income,  salary,  and  license 
taxes  were  established,  and  the  rates  defined.  Va 
grancy  was  defined,17  and  punishment  proscribed.  An 
act,  called  the  Stay  Law,  was  passed,  regulating  the 
collection  of  debts,18  and  another  regulating  the  duties 
of  assessors  and  collectors.  The  judicial  districts  were 
changed,  and  the  number  of  them,  which  had  previ 
ously  been  twenty,  was  reduced  to  fifteen.19  Provision 
was  made  for  the  education  of  indigent  white  children ; 
fines  were  imposed  upon  any  person  laboring  or  hiring 
others  to  work  on  the  sabbath,  engaging  in  horse- 
racing  or  games,  selling  spirituous  liquors,  gambling, 
hunting  game,  or  carrying  on  trade  on  that  day. 

Nor  did  the  legislature  fail  to  adopt  such  measures 
as  were  deemed  conducive  to  the  progress  of  the 
country.  Skilled  labor  and  capital  were  invited  into 
the  country ;  acts  were  passed  for  the  benefit  of  exist- 

17  Under  this  head  the  act  ranked  fortune-tellers,  exhibitors  of  tricks  in 
public  without  license,  prostitutes,  professional  gamblers,  beggars  not  afflicted 
by  physical  malady,  drunkards  who  did  not  support  their  families,  and  per 
sons  strolling  about  without  employment.     The  laws  of  the  llth  legislature, 
in  a  condensed  form,  will  be  found  in  Tex.  Aim,.,  1867,  244-71. 

18  This  act  provided  that  on  all  judgments  rendered  prior  to  Jan.  1,  1867, 
the  debtor  should  have  12  months  thereafter  within  which  to  pay  the  plaintiff 
one  fourth  part  of  the  judgment  and  costs.     If  within  that  time  the  debtor 
paid  the  amount  specified,  then  he  should  have  24  months  from  Jan.  1,  1867, 
within  which  to  pay  one  third  of  the  remainder;  and  so  on,  by  similar  instal 
ments  and  extensions  of  time,  till  the  whole  debt  was  paid. 

19  The  judicial  districts  were  reorganized  for  the  express  purpose  of  legis 
lating  out  of   office  judges  who  were  stanch  unionists.     Ashbel  Smith  of 
Houston,  one  of  the  leading  men  of  the  house,  as  well  as  other  speakers, 
stated  that  the  districts  had  been  so  reorganized  as  to  legislate  out  of  office 
Stribling  a,nd  Bacon,  whom  he  denounced  as  radicals,  and  regret  was  expressed 
that  the  districts  could  not  be  so  arranged  as  to  exclude  Judge  Noonan.     All 
three  were  union  men.    U.  S.  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  4,  sess.  1,  no.  20,  90-2, 
where  will  be  found  a  list  of  the  judges,  and  the  judicial  districts  as  they 
stood  before  the  passage  of  this  act. 


ATTITUDE  OF  THE  PRESIDENT.  487 

ing  railroad  companies,  granting  extensions  of  time  to 
complete  their  contracts,  and  sections  of  land  to  assist 
them  in  their  undertakings;  and  other  companies, 
engaged  in  a  variety  of  enterprises,  were  incorporated.20 
In  relation  to  the  United  States  troops  stationed 
in  Texas,  a  joint  resolution  set  forth  that  their  pres 
ence  was  not  only  unnecessary,  but  the  source  of  much 
evil,21  and  as  the  people  of  Texas  had  returned  to  their 
allegiance,  the  governor  was  requested  to  use  all 
proper  means  to  obtain  the  removal  of  said  troops 
from  the  towns  to  the  frontier,  for  the  protection  of 
which  they  were  greatly  needed. 

Under  the  plan  pursued  by  President  Johnson, 
state  governments  had  now  been  established  in  all  the 
confederate  states.  But  congress  was  not  in  accord 
with  the  president.  The  former  considered  that  as 
those  governments  had  been  set  up  without  its  au 
thority,  they  had  no  constitutional  validity;  they 
were  under  the  control,  it  was  maintained,  of  unre 
pentant  leaders  of  the  secession,  and  afforded  no  ade 
quate  protection  for  life  or  property.  On  March  2, 
1867,  an  "act  to  provide  for  the  more  efficient  gov 
ernment  of  the  rebel  states/'  was  passed  by  congress 
over  the  veto  of  the  president.  By  this  act  the  ten 

28 Among  which  may  be  mentioned  the  Houston  and  Harrisburg  Turnpike 
co.,  capital  stock  $500,000;  the  Eureka  T  Tanufacturing  co.,  for  the  manufac 
ture  of  cotton  aiid  wool,  capital  stock,  $250,000;  tho  Houston  Direct  Navi 
gation  co.,  capital  0150, 000,  with  authority  to  increase  the  stock  to  $1,000,000; 
and  the  Texas  Land,  Labor,  and  Immigration  co.,  capital  stock  $1,000,000. 
Id.,  264-7.  No  less  than  K'l  acts  of  incorporation  \\oiC  passed,  of  which  30 
were  of  manufacturing  companies,  1 7  of  railroad  companies,  16  of  cities,  16 
of  academies,  colleges,  etc.,  12  of  clubs,  literary  societies,  etc.,  and  70  of 
companies  for  insurance,  building  canals,  bridges,  and  wharves,  navigation, 
deepening  channels,  gas,  cotton-presses,  telegraphs,  and  including  about  20 
petroleum  companies.  Tex.  Aim.,  18C7,  271. 

21  111  feeling  continued  between  the  U.  S.  troops  and  the  inhabitants,  the 
former  on  many  occasions  conducting  themselves  in  an  overbearing  manner. 
On  the  evening  of  Sept.  7,  1866,  owing  to  trouble  caused  by  some  drunken 
soldiers,  a  scrimmage  took  place  between  them  and  the  citizens  of  Brenham, 
in  which  two  of  the  former  were  wounded  by  pistol-shots.  At  a  later  hour, 
a  number  of  soldiers  entered  the  town,  and  set  fire  to  the  store  of  one  of  the 
merchants.  The  conflagration  spread,  and  a  portion  of  the  town  was  reduced 
to  ashes.  The  losses  incurred  amounted  to  $131,026.  U.  S.  H.  Ex.  Doc., 
cong.  41,  sess.  3,  xii.  no.  145. 


488  THE  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD. 

states  were  divided  into  five  military  districts,22  and 
made  subject  to  the  military  authority  of  the  United 
States.  The  power  with  which  the  commander  of  each 
district  was  vested  was  extremely  ample — so  much 
so  that  the  president  in  his  veto,  classified  it  as  that 
of  an  absolute  monarch.23  He  could  organize  military 
tribunals  to  try  offenders,  and  all  interference  of  state 
authority  was  pronounced  null  and  void.  In  all  re 
spects  the  act  was  severely  stringent.  It  was  declared 
that  no  state  under  the  ban  would  be  entitled  to  rep 
resentation  in  congress,  until  it  had  formed  a  consti 
tution  of  government  in  conformity  with  the  consti 
tution  of  the  United  States,  framed  by  a  convention 
of  delegates  elected  by  citizens  of  whatever  race,  color, 
or  previous  condition,  except  such  as  were  disfranchised 
for  participation  in  the  late  rebellion.  Such  constitu 
tion  was  to  provide  that  the  elective  franchise  should 
be  enjoyed  by  all  persons,  irrespective  of  race  or  color. 
It  was  made  compulsory  for  a  state,  by  a  vote  of  its 
legislature  elected  under  that  constitution,  to  adopt 
the  amendment  to  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States,  known  as  article  fourteen;  and  until  the 
people  of  the  rebellious  states  were  admitted  to  repre 
sentation  in  congress,  any  civil  government  would  be 
deemed  provisional  only,  and  subject  to  the  paramount 
authority  of  the  United  States  at  any  time  to  abolish, 
modify,  control,  or  supersede  it. 

General  Sheridan  was  appointed  to  the  command 
of  the  fifth  district,  and  before  long  over  4,000  soldiers 
were  distributed  in  the  towns  and  military  posts  of 
Texas,24  under  General  Griffin,  with  headquarters  at 
Galveston,  to  whom  the  reorganization  of  the  state 
was  entrusted. 


22  Virginia  constituted  the  first  district;  N.  Carolina  and  S.  Carolina  the 
second;  Georgia,  Alabama,  and  Florida,  the  third;  Mississippi  and  Arkansas, 
tho  fourth;  and  Louisiana  and  Texas  the  fifth  district.     Copy  of  the  act  in 
17.  8.  Acts  and  Resol,  lSHti-1867,  60-2. 

23  A  copy  of  the  veto  will  be  found  in  Cong.  Globe,  1866-67,  pt  3,  1969-72. 

24  The   different  places  and  number  of  troops   stationed  at  each  will  be 
found  in  U.  S.  JtepvrtSec.  War,  i.  470-2;  cong.  40,  sesa.  1. 


GOVERNOR  AND  GENERAL.  489 

In  view  of  Governor  Throckniorton's  expectations, 
as  indicated  in  his  message,  and  the  action  taken  by 
the  legislature,  this  change  in  affairs  was  bitterly  un 
palatable,  more  humiliating  in  some  respects  than  the 
war  itself.  Nevertheless,  he  hastened  to  assure 
General  Sheridan,  by  date  of  March  30,  1867,  that 
though  the  people,  with  very  little  division  of  senti 
ment,  regarded  the  terms  imposed  upon  them  as 
onerous  and  oppressive,  they  were  yet  determined  to 
abide  by  the  laws  and  comply  with  them.  At  the 
same  time  he  expressed  his  intention  to  lend  a  prompt 
assistance,  when  in  his  power,  to  carry  into  effect  the 
prerequisites  for  representation,  and  advise  the  people 
to  participate  in  the  reorganization  with  good  feeling. 20 
But  Throckmorton  was  a  marked  man.  As  early  as 
March  28th  Griffin  advised  his  removal.  "I  cannot/' 
he  said,  "find  an  officer  holding  position  under  the 
state  laws,  whose  antecedents  will  justify  me  in  re 
posing  trust  in  him  in  assisting  in  the  registration." 
He  states  that  he  had  again  and  again  called  the 
notice  of  the  governor  to  outrages  perpetrated  on 
union  men,  but  knew  of  no  instance  in  which  the  of 
fender  had  been  punished.  At  a  later  date  he  explains 
that  efforts  were  made  to  exclude  union  men  from  the 
jury  boxes,  to  prevent  which  he  issued  a  circular 
order,  prescribing  a  form  of  oath,  which  virtually  ex 
cluded  every  person  that  had  been  connected  with  the 
confederacy,  from  serving  as  a  juror.26 

Much  dissatisfaction  and  injustice  being  caused  by 
the  late  act  of  the  legislature,  reducing  the  judicial 
districts  from  twenty  in  number  to  fifteen,  whereby 
justice  could  not  be  properly  and  promptly  adminis 
tered,  an  order  was  issued  reestablishing  them  as 

25  See  his  letter  to  Gen.  Sheridan  in  his  Final  Report,  no.  11,  p.  71-2,  in 
Tex.  Col  Doc.,  no.  2. 

26 Copy  of  the  order  in  U.  S.  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong  40,  sess.  1,  no.  20,  73-4. 
This  circular  order,  no.  13,  was  seized  upon  by  some  state  officials,  who  at 
tempted  to  make  it  appear  that  the  courts  were  closed  by  the  enforcement  of 
it.  The  form  of  oath  prescribed  was  that  of  1 862  copy  of  which  is  given 
elsewhere 


490  THE  RECONSTRUCTION   PERIOD. 

they  existed  before  the  passage  of  the  objectionable 
ordinance.27 

Governor  Throckmorton  complains  to  General 
Griffin,  April  5th,  that  certain  papers  were  "  filled 
with  columns  of  abuse  of  himself  and  other  officers," 
and  states  that,  though  he  did  not  feel  called  upon  to 
reply  to  those  slanderous  attacks,  he  would  be  grati 
fied  to  exhibit  all  his  official  acts  to  the  authorities  of 
the  general  government.  But  differences  arose  be 
tween  the  governor  and  the  military  commander  at 
every  move.  Nevertheless  it  is  evident  that  the 
former  was  really  desirous  of  adjusting  himself  and 
the  state  to  the  new  system  of  reconstruction  adopted 
by  congress  in  opposition  to  President  Johnson's 
views.28 

The  important  question  of  registration,  the  appoint 
ment  of  registrars,29  the  election  of  judges  and  high 

-7The  districts  were  as  follow:  District  No.  1,  Fayette,  Colorado,  Whar- 
ton,  Fort  Bend,  Brazoria,  Matagorda,  and  Austin;  No.  2,  Travis,  Hays, 
Guadalupe,  Caldwell,  and  Bastrop;  No.  3,  Washington,  Brazos,  Burleson, 
and  Milam;  No.  4,  Coma],  Kendall,  Kerr,  Blanco,  Gillespie,  and  Bexar;  No. 
5,  Newton,  Jasper,  Sabine,  Shelby,  San  Augustine,  and  Nacogdoches;  No.  6, 
Wood,  Upsher,  Harrison,  Panola,  and  Rusk;  No.  7,  Walker,  Grimes,  Harris, 
Montgomery,  and  Galveston;  No.  8,  Red  River,  Bowie,  Davis,  Titus,  Hop 
kins,  Marion,  and  Lamar;  No.  9,  Houston,  Cherokee,  Anderson,  Smith;  No. 
10,  Victoria,  Jackson,  La  Vaca,  Dewitt,  Gonzales,  Calhoun;  No.  11,  Presidio, 
El  Paso,  and  Worth;  No.  12,  Cameron,  Hidalgo,  Starr,  Zapata,  Webb, 
Kenney;  No.  13,  Madison,  Robertson,  Falls,  Limestone,  Hill,  Freestone, 
Leon,  and  Navarro;  No.  14,  San  Patricio,  Lve  Oak,  Karnes,  Goliad,  Bee, 
Refugio,  Nueces;  No.  15,  Chambers,  Liberty,  Polk,  Trinity,  Tyler,  Hardin, 
Jefferson,  Orange;  No.  16,  Ellis,  Johnson,  Parker,  Dallas,  Tarrant,  Kauf 
man,  and  Van  Zandt;  No.  17,  Burnet,  Llano,  Mason,  Menard,  McCulloch, 
San  Saba,  Browne,  Lampasas,  and  Williamson;  No.  18,  Atascosa,  Bandera 
Uvalde,  Medina,  Wilson,  Maverick,  and  Kenney;  No.  19,  Bell,  Coryell, 
Hamilton,  Comanche,  Palo  Pinto,  Erath,  Bosaue  and  McLeman;  No.  20, 
Collins,  Denton,  Hunt,  Wise,  Jack,  Fannin,  Young,  Ihrockmortou,  Archer, 
('lay,  Montague,  Cooke,  Grayson. 

28  Consult  his  address  to  the  people  of  the  state  no.  11,  70-103  in  Tex.  Col. 
J)oc.,  no.  2. 

29  Throckmorton  submitted  a  list  of  persons  who,  he  considered,   were 
eligible  to  the  appointments  of  assessors  and  collectors.     The  applications 
were  returned  endorsed  with  the  remark  that  the  governor  had  recommended 
so  many  as  qualified  to  take  the  oath  and  act  as  registrars,  that  Gen.  Griffin 
decided  not  to  appoint  any  to  vacancies  who  could  not  take  the  oath  of  1862. 
The  oath  reads  thus:   'I,  A.  B.,  do  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm),  that  I  have 
never  voluntarily  borne  arms  against  the  U.  S.  since  I  have  been  a  citizen 
thereof;  that  I  have  voluntarily  given  no  aid,  countenance,  counsel,  or  en 
couragement  to  persons  engaged  in  armed  hostility  thereto;  that  I  have 
neither  sought  nor  accepted  nor  attempted  to  exercise  the  functions  of  any 
office  whatever,  under  any  authority  or  pretended  authority  in  hostility  to  the 


GOVERNOR  PEASE.  491 

officials,  and  the  dismissal  of  prosecutions  against 
certain  persons  by  order  of  the  military  chief,  be 
came  matters  of  misunderstanding,  and  the  governor 
on  more  than  one  occasion  deemed  it  necessary  to 
communicate  with  the  president  in  reference  to  the 
matters  in  dispute.30  The  breach  widened  day  by 
day,  and  on  July  30th,  General  Sheridan  issued  a 
special  order  of  which  the  following  is  an  extract: 
"A  careful  consideration  of  the  reports  of  Major- 
General  Charles  Griffin,  United  States  Army,  shows 
that  J.  W.  Throckmorton,  governor  of  Texas,  is  an 
impediment  to  the  reconstruction  of  that  state,  under 
the  law;  he  is,  therefore,  removed  from  that  office. 
E.  M.  Pease  is  hereby  appointed  governor  of  Texas, 
in  place  of  J.  W.  Throckmorton,  removed.  He  will 
be  obeyed  and  respected  accordingly." 

Early  in  August  the  deposed  governor  sent  in  his 
final  report  of  his  administration.  It  contains  the 
treasurer's  report,  showing  the  receipts  to  have  been 
$626,518,  and  the  expenses  $625,192;  a  statement  of 
Indian  depredations  from  1865  to  1867, 31  and  his  ad 
dress  to  the  people  containing  copies  of  official  cor 
respondence  explanatory  of  his  conduct.  In  review 
ing  this  correspondence  Throckmorton  remarks  that 
every  fair  minded  person  will  be  satisfied  that  the 
reports  of  General  Griffin  were  made  without  any 
foundation  in  fact,  and  were  not  supported  by  any 
public  or  private  act  of  his ;  and  that  the  imputation 
that  Throckmorton  was  an  impediment  to  the  recon- 

U.  S. ;  that  I  have  not  yielded  a  voluntary  support  to  any  pretended  govern 
ment,  authority,  power,  or  condition  within  the  U.  S.,  hostile  and  inimical 
thereto.  And  I  do  further  swear  (or  affirm)  that,  to  the  best  of  my  knowl 
edge  and  ability,  I  will  support  and  defend  the  constitution  of  the  U.  S. 
against  all  enemies,  foreign  and  domestic;  that  I  will  bear  true  faith  and 
allegiance  to  the  same;  that  I  take  this  obligation  freely,  without  any  mental 
reservation  or  purpose  of  evasion,  and  that  I  will  well  and  faithfully  dis 
charge  the  duties  of  the  office  on  which  I  am  about  to  enter,  so  help  me 
God.'  Copied  from  Cong.  Globe,  1861-62,  ap.  385. 

30  Circular  order,  no.  13,  and  the  reinstallation  of  judges  Stribbling  and 
Bacon  was  among  the  matters  reported  to  the  president.  No.  11,  81-2,  84-7, 
in  Tex.  Col  Doc.,  no.  2. 

31  From  which  it  appears  that  during  two  years  162  persons  were  killed; 
43  carried  into  captivity;  and  24  wounded.  Id.,  39,  41,  95. 


492  THE  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD. 

struction  of  the  state,  showed  the  sinister  influences 
which  surrounded  Griffin  and  his  proclivity  to  error. 
In  examining  the  facts  Throckinorton  proceeds  to  call 
attention  to  the  fact  that  he  tendered  the  cordial 
cooperation  of  the  state  authorities  to  aid  in  the  exe 
cution  of  the  laws  of  congress;  that  he  called  upon 
the  civil  authorities  for  such  information  as  would 
conduce  to  that  end;  and  that  he  advised  the  people 
to  a  cheerful  and  prompt  compliance  with  the  terms. 
But  extraordinary  impediments  to  the  proper,  exe 
cution  of  the  acts  of  congress,  had  been  thrown  in 
the  way.  First  the  circular  order,  no.  13,  relative 
to  jurymen's  qualifications,  filled  the  country  with 
consternation,  and  impressed  the  minds  of  the  people 
that  they  were  not  to  have  the  benefit  of  the  laws;32 
second,  by  refusing  to  fill  vacancies  in  state  offices 
except  by  such  persons  as  conild  take  the  test  oath ; 
third,  by  delay  in  appointing  boards  of  registration 
in  many  counties.  Again,  no  persons  except  those  of 
one  political  party  were  selected  as  registrars,  while 
negroes  notoriously  incompetent  were  appointed  to  act 
on  such  boards ;  such  persons  as  sextons  of  cemeteries, 
auctioneers,  members  of  police,  under- wardens  of 
workhouses,  school-directors,  jurymen,  overseers  of 
the  roads,  and  many  other  classes  had  been  excluded 
from  registration ; 33  and  finally  a  manifest  disinclina 
tion  had  been  shown  on  the  part  of  the  military  au 
thorities  to  believe  in  the  sincerity  of  the  state  officials, 
and  the  people  when  declaring  their  desire  to  comply 
with  the  acts  of  congress.  Such  were  some  of  the 
impediments. 

But  apart  from  impediments,  many  acts,  he  said, 
had  been  committed  which  were  violations  of  the  law. 
The  property  of  citizens  had  been  used  without  com 
pensation,  not  in  a  few,  but  in  many  cases;  the  freed- 
man's  bureau  had  exercised  powers  not  conferred  upon 

32  The  oath  prescribed  would  in  fact  exclude  the  majority  of  the  people, 
except  the  freedmen,  from  serving  as  jurors. 

33  See  copy  of  instructions  secretly  given  by  Griffin  to  the  boards  of  regis 
tration.   Id.,  88-90. 


GENERAL  HANCOCK.  493 

it,  its  agents  having  made  arrests  and  imposed  penal 
ties  not  justified  by  law ;  the  town  of  Brenham  had 
been  set  on  fire  by  United  States'  soldiers,  and  a  large 
amount  of  property  destroyed ;  this  deed  was  perpe 
trated  almost  in  his  presence,  yet  no  effort  was  made 
to  prevent  it,  or  to  punish  the  offenders;  judgments 
and  decrees  of  the  courts  had  been  ordered  to  be  set 
aside,  and  judges  required  to  dismiss  suits  in  a  number 
of  cases.  Freedmen  indicted  for  crimes  had  been  pro 
tected  from  arrest,  and  laws  of  the  state  had  been  set 
aside ;  the  frontier  was  a  scene  of  Indian  devastation, 
and  yet  the  troops  were  scattered  in  the  interior  where 
the  civil  authorities  were  able  to  maintain  order,  and 
no  sufficient  number  of  them  had  been  sent  to  the 
frontier.  Such  were  the  views  expressed  by  Throck- 
morton  as  to  the  position  of  Texas  under  military 
government. 

In  the  early  days  of  August,  Elisha  M.  Pease  for 
the  third  time  became  governor ; "  but  affairs  were 
sadly  changed  since  the  prosperous  and  happy  period 
of  his  first  administration.  The  partisan  feeling  in 
Texas,  not  without  cause,  continued  bitter,  and  in  no 
other  of  the  confederated  states  did  the  work  of  recon 
struction  prove  more  difficult,  evidence  of  which  is 
the  fact  that  she  was  the  last  of  the  ten  to  be  read 
mitted  into  the  union.  On  August  26,  1867,  Sheri 
dan,  whose  administration  of  the  fifth  military  district 
gave  great  dissatisfaction  to  President  Johnson,35  was 
removed,  and  the  command  assigned  to  General  Han 
cock.  The  latter's  views  differed  considerably  from 
those  of  Sheridan,  and  he  was  even  unwilling  to  sub 
mit  civil  offenders  to  trial  by  the  military  tribunals. 
With  regard  to  the  unreasonably  rigid  rules  issued  to 
the  boards  of  registration  by  Griffin,  by  which  num 
bers  of  men  entitled  to  become  voters  were  excluded,36 

34  For  his  biography  see  note  27  of  chap.  xv. 

35 See  the  president's  letter  of  Aug.  19,  1867,  to  Gen.  Grant.  H.  Ex.  Doc., 
cong.  40,  sess.  2,  vii.,  no.  57,  4-6. 

36  For  the  satisfaction  of  the  reader,  I  give  a  synopsis  of  these  secret  in- 


494  THE   RECONSTRUCTION   PERIOD. 

Hancock,  on  January  11,  1868,  declared  them  to  be 
null  and  of  no  effect,  and  ordered  the  boards  of  regis 
tration  "to  look  to  the  laws,  and  to  the  laws  alone, 
for  the  rules  which  were  to  govern  them  in  the  dis 
charge  of  the  delicate  and  important  duties  imposed 
upon  them." 

But  Hancock  gave  as  little  satisfaction  to  congress 
as  his  predecessor  had  given  to  the  president ;  and  the 
want  of  harmony  between  the  executive  and  legislative 
powers  at  Washington  was  the  cause  of  frequent 
changes  of  military  commanders  in  the  south.  Not 
long  after  the  order  setting  aside  General  Griffin's  in 
structions  to  the  registrars,  General  Hancock  was  re 
moved  from  the  command  of  the  fifth  district,  and 
was  succeeded  by  General  Reynolds. 

The  business  of  registration  having  at  last  been 
completed,  the  election  for  the  convention  was  held 
in  February.  Each  voter  was  required  to  register, 
and  present  his  certificate  of  registration  at  the  polls. 
The  election  occupied  four  days,  and  resulted  in 
44,689  votes  being  cast  in  favor  of  the  convention 
being  held,  and  11,440  against  it.87 

On  June  1,  1868,  the  convention,  consisting  of  63 

structions,  described  as  '  Memoranda  of  disqualifications  for  the  guidance  of 
the  boards  of  registration  under  the  military  bill  passed  March  2,  1867.  1, 
every  person  who  has  acted  as  senator  or  representative  in  congress;  2,  all 
who  have  acted  as  electors  of  president  and  vice-president;  3,  every  person 
who  held  any  position  in  the  army  or  navy  of  the  U.  S. ;  4,  all  persons  who 
held  any  position  under  the  U.  S.  in  which  they  were  required  to  take  an 
oath  before  they  entered  upon  the  duties  of  the  office;  such  as  officers  in  the 
custom-house,  clerks,  judges,  and  others;  5,  all  who  have  held  any  office  in 
any  state  under  the  constitution  and  laws  of  such  state  in  force  prior  to  Feb. 
1,  18C1.'  Then  follows  a  long  list  of  disqualified  persons,  among  whom  arc 
included  '  tax  collectors,  coroners,  police  jurors,  auctioneers,  county  record 
ers,  notaries  public,  municipal  officers,  including  members  of  the  board  of 
health,  wardens  and  underwardens  of  prisons  and  work-houses,  school  direc 
tors,  city  surveyors  and  deputies,  inspectors  of  tobacco,  flour,  beef,  etc. , 
weighers  and  measurers,  directors  of  the  asylum  for  deaf  and  dumb,  blind, 
and  lunatic,  and  sextons  of  cemeteries. '  '  6,  all  who,  in  1862  and  1864,  regis 
tered  themselves  as  aliens,  or  obtained  protection  papers  from  the  represen 
tatives  of  foreign  powers.  Any  person  who  at  any  time  held  any  of  the 
above  offices,  and  who  afterward  engaged  in  the  rebellion  against  the  U.  S. ' 
No.  11,  88-9,  in  Tex.  Col.  Doc.,  no.  2. 

37  According  to  Thrall,  420,  56,678  white  voters  registered,  and  47,581 
black  ones.  From  these  figures  it  appears  that  little  over  half  the  number  of 
voters  appeared  at  the  polls. 


AB  INITIO  495 

delegates,  met  at  Austin,  and  organized  by  electing 
Edmund  J.  Davis  president  and  W.  V.  Tunstall,  sec 
retary.  Though  composed  of  loyal  republicans,  it 
soon  became  manifest  that  it  was  divided  into  two 
parties,  entertaining  widely  different  views,  and  such 
as  were  not  to  be  readily  reconciled.  Shortly  before 
Governor  Pease  entered  office,  General  Griffin  had 
been  petitioned  by  a  number  of  persons  to  declare  by 
military  order  all  acts  of  legislation  since  February  1, 
1861 — the  date  of  the  secession  ordinance — to  be  null, 
ab  initio.  This  expression  supplied  a  name  for  one  of 
the  political  parties  in  the  convention.  Griffin  died 
of  yellow  fever  a  few  weeks  after  receiving  the  peti 
tion,  which  thereby  was  not  acted  upon,  and  Pease, 
in  a  proclamation,  recognized  the  constitution  and  laws 
of  1866,  under  certain  exceptions,  as  rules  for  the 
government  of  the  people  of  Texas  and  the  officers  of 
the  civil  government.  Those  members  of  the  conven 
tion  who  believed  that  all  enactments  since  the  passage 
of  the  secession  ordinance  should  be  null  were  called 
Ab  Initios.  Another  point  of  disagreement  was  the 
question  of  suffrage,  a  portion  of  the  convention  dis 
playing  much  intolerance  towards  those  who  had  sus 
tained  the  confederate  cause,  while  the  more  liberal 
were  in  favor  of  enfranchising  all  good  citizens  of  the 
state. 

For  three  months  the  opposing  factions  argued  and 
wrangled  on  their  respective  views,  and  but  little 
progress  was  made  toward  the  framing  of  the  consti 
tution.  On  August  31st,  the  convention  adjourned 
to  reassemble  on  December  7th.  When  it  again  met, 
the  differences  appeared  to  be  more  irreconcilable 
than  ever,  and  much  bitterness  of  feeling  was  shown. 
Finally,  the  more  liberal  party  prevailed,  the  late 
governor,  Hamilton,  having  submitted  a  generous 
substitute  on  the  right  of  suffrage  for  the  report  of 
the  committee,  which  was  marked  by  rigorous  dis- 
franchisement.38  The  substitute  having  been  put  to 

38  Hamilton's  substitute  constituted  art.  vi.  of  the  constitution,  and  reads 


4%  THE  RECONSTRUCTION   PERIOD 

the  vote,  it  was  carried,  February  3,  1869,  by  37  yeas 
against  26  nays. 

The  constitution  was  now  all  but  completed;  but 
on  the  4th,  the  ab  initio  members  entered  a  protest 
against  it,  signed  by  22  members,  among  whom  was 
the  president,  Davis.  The  objection  raised  against  it 
was  that  it  was  based  upon  the  assumption  that  the 
constitution  of  the  United  States  and  the  accepted 
constitution  of  Texas  of  1845  had  not  been  continu 
ously  the  supreme  law  of  the  land.  With  regard  to 
the  article  on  the  right  of  suffrage,  the  disapproving 
members  solemnly  protested  against  it  as  extending 
the  franchise  to  all  those  who  voluntarily  became  the 
public  enemy  of  the  United  States.  "The  majority 
of  the  convention,"  they  said,  "has  deliberately  re 
moved  from  the  constitution  every  safeguard  for  the 
protection  of  the  loyal  voter,  white  or  black.  They 
have  stricken  from  that  instrument  the  whole  system 
of  registry ;  they  have  repudiated  the  oath  of  loyalty 
contained  in  the  reconstruction  laws;  they  have 
spurned  the  test  of  equal  civil  and  political  rights, 
and  we  do  most  solemnly  call  upon  the  registered 
voters  of  Texas  to  vindicate  the  national  honor,  and 
the  cause  of  right  and  justice  by  their  votes." 

This  session  of  the  convention  did  not  terminate  in 
a  very  dignified  manner.  Without  waiting  for  a 
formal  and  orderly  adjournment,  many  members  forth 
with  returned  to  their  homes,  and  at  the  meeting  on 

thus:  'Every  male  citizen  of  the  U.  S.,  of  the  age  of  21  years  and  upward, 
not  laboring  under  the  disabilities  named  in  this  constitution,  without  dis 
tinction  of  race,  color,  or  former  condition,  who  shall  be  a  resident  of  this 
state  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  this  constitution,  or  who  shall  thereafter 
reside  in  this  state  one  year,  and  in  the  county  in  which  he  offers  to  vote  60 
days  next  preceding  any  election,  shall  be  entitled  to  vote  for  all  officers 
that  are  now,  or  hereafter  may  be,  elected  by  the  people;  and  upon  all  ques 
tions  submitted  to  the  electors  at  any  election;  provided,  that  no  person 
shall  be  allowed  to  vote  or  hold  office  who  is  now,  or  hereafter  may  be,  dis 
qualified  therefor  by  the  constitution  of  the  U.  S.,  until  such  disqualification 
shall  be  removed  by  the  congress  of  the  U.  S. ;  provided  further,  that  no  per 
son,  while  kept  in  any  asylum  or  confined  in  prison,  or  who  has  been  con 
victed  of  a  felony,  or  is  of  unsound  mind,  shall  be  allowed  to  vote  or  hold 
office.  U.  S.  Sen.  Misc.,  cong.  41,  sess.  2.,  doc.  77,  20;  U.  8.  Charters  and 
Constit.,  ii.,  1814,  in  both  of  which  authorities  a  copy  of  the  amended  consti 
tution  will  be  found. 


GENERAL  CANBY.  497 

the  6th,  no  quorum  was  present.  On  February  llth 
General  Canby,  who  had  succeeded  Reynolds  in  the 
preceding  December,  addressed  a  letter  to  the  chief 
of  the  staff  at  Washington,  in  which  he  says  that  a 
committee  had  been  appointed  by  the  members  that 
were  left  to  consult  him.  On  finding  that  a  large 
portion  of  the  records  of  the  convention  was  in  an 
unfinished  condition,  the  journal  not  being  made  up, 
and  other  work  of  the  secretary  and  clerks  incom 
plete,  he  advised  that  the  members  present  should 
finish  the  ministerial  work,  and  then  adjourn  in  a 
formal  and  orderly  manner.  He  describes  the  feel 
ings  of  the  two  parties  as  growing  more  intense,  each 
distrusting  the  other,  and  apprehending  that  the 
records  would  be  lost  or  destroyed.  He  urged  upon 
the  president,  Davis,  the  importance  of  his  party 
uniting  with  the  other ;  at  least  let  them  adjourn  in 
a  decorous  manner,  if  they  could  do  nothing  else. 
Davis,  accordingly  called  a  meeting,  at  which  less 
than  half  a  dozen  members  were  present,  and  Canby 
finally  agreed  to  take  charge  of  the  records.  He  ex 
perienced,  however,  no  little  difficulty  in  collecting 
them,  as  the  secretaries  and  clerks  of  the  convention 
had  become  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  the  members, 
and  had  taken  away  a  part  of  the  records  in  their 
keeping.  Having  finally  succeeded,  he  set  a  large 
clerical  force  to  work  to  complete  them  from  the 
rough  copies  and  minutes.39  From  the  above  account 
the  reader  will  be  able  to  form  a  tolerably  correct 
idea  of  the  disorder  which  prevailed  in  the  reconstruc 
tion  convention,  and  the  ill-feeling  which  was  mani 
fested  between  the  conflicting  parties. 

By  the  election  declaration  of  the  convention,  the 
first  Monday  in  July  1869  was  appointed  as  the  day 
on  which  the  amended  constitution  should  be  sub 
mitted  to  the  voters  for  ratification,  and  a  general 
election  held  for  state  officers  and  members  of  the 

39  Consult  Gen.  Canby 's  correspondence  in  U.  S.  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  40, 
sess.  3,  xiii.,  no.  97. 

HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    32. 


498  THE  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD. 

legislature.  But  President  Grant  did  not  see  fit  to 
approve  so  early  a  date,  and  deferred  it  till  November 
30th,  following.  Accordingly  on  that,  and  the  three 
following  days,  the  election  was  held  under  the  direc 
tion  of  Reynolds,  who  had  been  reappointed  to  the 
command  in  Texas,  72,366  votes  being  cast  for  the 
constitution,  and  4,928  against  it,  showing  a  majority 
of  67,438  in  favor  of  it.  At  the  same  time  Edmund 
J.  Davis  was  elected  governor;  J.  W.  Flanagan, 
lieutenant  governor;  A.  Bledsoe,  comptroller;  G.  W. 
Honey,  treasurer;  and  Jacob  Knechler,  land  office 
commissioner;  and  G.  W.  Whitmore,  J.  C.  Conner, 
W.  T.  Clark,  and  Edward  Degener  were  chosen  rep 
resentatives  to  the  United  States  congress.  Mem 
bers  of  the  legislature  were  also  appointed,  and  on 
January  11,  1870,  an  order  was  issued  by  the  military 
commander,  summoning  the  legislature  to  assemble 

O  O 

at  Austin  on  February  8th  following.40 

Governor  Pease  by  no  means  enjoyed  the  position 
in  which  he  found  himself.  The  mixture  of  civil  and 
military  rule  was  most  distastful  to  him,  especially  as 
he  did  not  meet  with  that  cooperation  and  assistance 
on  the  part  of  the  commander  of  the  fifth  district,41 
which  he  was  entitled  to  expect.  On  September  30th 
he  resigned,  and  during  the  interval  between  his  resig 
nation  and  the  accession  of  Governor  Davis,  a  period 
of  more  than  three  months,  the  executive  department 
of  Texas  was  administered  by  an  adjutant  in  charge 
of  civil  affairs. 

Governor  Davis  entered  office  January  18,  1870, 
and  on  the  appointed  day  the  legislature  assembled  at 
the  capital.  It  promptly  ratified  by  joint  resolutions 
the  amendments  to  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States,42  appointed  senators  to  congress,  and  having 

40 Sen.  Misc.  Doc.,  cong.  41,  sess.  2,  no.  77,  30-6;  Kept.  Sec.  War.,  cong. 
41,  sess.  3,  i.,  pt.  ii.,  41. 

41  Confined  at  this  time  to  Texas,  as  Louisiana  had  already  been  reorgan 
ized,  and  her  representatives  admitted  to  congress. 

*a  Namely   Articles  xiii,  xiv,   and  xv,   the  first  abolishing  slavery;  the 


A  REIGN  OF  TERROR.  499 

transacted  the  business  imposed  upon  it  by  the  recon 
struction  laws  as  a  provisional  body,  it  adjourned  on 
February  24th. 

Texas  had  now  drained  the  bitter  cup  to  the  dregs, 
and  forgiveness  was  at  last  vouchsafed  to  her.  On 
March  30, 1870,  the  U.  S.  president  approved  the  con 
gressional  act  readmitting  her  into  the  union,  and  on 
the  following  day,  senators  M.  C.  Hamilton  and  J. 
W.  Flanagan/3  the  oath  prescribed  by  law  having 
been  administered  to  them  by  the  vice-president,  took 
their  seats  in  congress.  On  the  same  day  the  four  repre 
sentatives  to  which  the  state  was  entitled  were  sworn 
in,  the  members  being  those  elected  at  the  general 
election  held  November  30th  to  December  3,  1869." 

The  reconstruction  period  extended  over  five  years, 
during  which  time  Texas  was  a  prey  to  lawlessness 
and  violence  almost  in  a  degree  inconceivable.  The 
breath  of  the  demon  of  homicide  seemed  to  have 
passed  over  the  land,  and  the  efforts  of  the  military 
commanders  to  arrest  its  deadly  influence  were  at 
tended  with  little  success.  It  is  impossible  to  ascer 
tain  how  many  persons  were  the  victims  of  fierce 
passion  and  malevolence  during  these  five  years,  nor 
is  it  a  pleasant  subject  to  dwell  upon.  But  that  the 
reader  may  arrive  at  some  idea  of  the  excessive  crime 
and  the  loss  of  life,  let  him  listen  to  what  General 
Reynolds  says  on  the  subject  in  a  letter  to  the  war- 
office,  dated  October  21,  1869.  "  The  number  of 
murders  in  the  state  during  the  nine  months  from 
January  1,  1869,  to  September  30,  1869,  according  to 
the  official  records,  necessarily  imperfect,  is  384,  be 
ing  an  average  of  about  one  and  a  half  per  day. 

second  declaring  all  persons  born  or  naturalized  in  the  U.  S.  to  bs  citizen  3 
thereof;  and  the  third  declaring  that  the  right  of  citizens  to  vote  should  not 
be  denied  or  abridged  on  account  of  race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of 
slavery.  A  military  board  was  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  eligibility  of  the 
members  of  the  legislature  with  the  power  to  administer  oaths. 

43  J.  W.  Flanagan  had  been  elected  lieut-gov.,  but  the  legisl  ture  ap 
pointed  him  to  the  U.  S.  Senate. 

44 H.  Jour.,  cong.  41,  sess.  2,  548,  1387;  Mess,  and  Doc.,  1870-1,  War 
I)ept.,  pt.  i.,  41;  S.  Jour.,  cong.  41,  sess.  2,  434,  1517;  H.  Jour.,  cong.  41, 
sess.  3,  6;  S.  Mi*c.,  cong.  41,  sess.  2,  doc.  77,  p.  35;  Cong.  Globe,  cong.  41, 
sess.  2,  pt.  3,  2328. 


*00  THE  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD. 

From  this  statement  it  appears  that  with  the  partial 
breaking  up  of  bands  of  desperadoes  by  military  aid 
the  number  of  murders  is  diminishing  from  month  to 
month."45 

45  Rept  of  sec.  of  war,  cong.  41,  sess.  2,  i.  145.  Gov.  Pease  in  his  message 
to  the  convention,  June  1,  1869,  says  that  during  the  six  preceding  months 
206  homicides  had  been  committed  in  67  of  the  127  organized  counties  of  the 
state,  while  but  a  small  number  of  the  perpetrators  had  been  arrested  and 
punished  by  the  process  of  law.  Thrall,  428. 


CHAPTER  XIX 

TEXAS  RESTORED. 

1871-1888. 

ADMINISTRATION  or  GOVERNOR  DAVIS— MESSAGE  TO  THE  LEGISLATURE — 
REPUBLICAN  MEASURES — PARTY  RIVALRY — AUSTIN  THE  PERMANENT 
CAPITAL — REPEAL  OF  OBNOXIOUS  LAWS — CONDITION  OF  THE  TREASURY 
— REPUBLICANS  VERSUS  DEMOCRATS — A  DANGEROUS  CRISIS — VICTORY 
OF  THE  DEMOCRATS — COKE  ELECTED  GOVERNOR — CONDITION  OF  AFFAIRS 
—THE  NEW  CONSTITUTION — COKE'S  CRITICISMS — GOVERNOR  HUBBARB 
— THE  SALT  WAR — FINANCE — GOVERNOR  ROBERTS'  POLICY — INDIAN 
AFFAIRS — THE  BOUNDARY  QUESTION. 

IT  was  the  irony  of  liberty,  equality,  and  the  re 
publican  form  of  government— the  thrusting  at  this 
juncture  into  legislative  halls  and  offices  of  honor  and 
trust,  the  thick-lipped,  curly-haired,  stolid-brained 
black  man,  sometime  from  the  jungles  of  Africa,  late 
the  slave,  now  the  ruler  of  the  pale-faced  intellectual 
European!  What  a  sensible,  statesmanlike,  wise, 
and  politic  thing  was  it  for  our  Yankee  demagogues, 
carpet-baggers,  political  hacks,  hucksters,  and  trick 
sters,  after  the  extinguishment  of  the  savagism  slav 
ery,  to  take  this  black  African  beast  and  set  him  up 
as  a  god  to  rule  over  us,  to  make  laws  for  us,  to  set 
an  example  for  us  in  the  ways  of  intellectual  culture 
and  refinement !  It  is  the  greatest  and  most  lasting 
disgrace  the  people  of  the  United  States  ever  have 
or  ever  can  bring  upon  themselves.  No  wonder  it 
was  a  galling  sore  to  the  south,  ever  open,  ever  fresh. 
It  was  wholly  unworthy  of  the  American  people,  an 
insult  to  their  own  intelligence,  to  their  own  institu 
tions,  a  prostitution  of  what  they  should  hold  most 

(501) 


502  TEXAS  RESTORED. 

high  and  holy — the  privilege  of  suffrage,  of  self- 
government  from  an  intelligent  and  progressive 
stand-point.  There  is  one  consolation  in  it  all,  how 
ever,  and  that  is  that  this  black  republicanism,  which 
foisted  upon  the  nation  this  monstrous  iniquity, 
gained  nothing  by  it — nothing  but  ignominy  and 
retribution.  It  was  a  cowardly  thing  to  do,  a  base 
ignoble  revenge;  an  act  retroactive  in  its  effect, 
bringing  also  its  curse  upon  its  perpetrators. 

Though  Governor  Davis  assumed  the  executive 
office  in  January,  he  was  only  acting  in  a  provisional 
capacity.  When,  however,  the  president  signed  the 
bill  restoring  Texas  to  her  rights  as  a  sovereign  state 
of  the  union,  Davis  issued  a  proclamation,  April  2d, 
announcing  the  fact,  and  signing  himself  governor  of 
Texas.  On  the  16th  of  the  same  month,  General 
Reynolds  remitted  to  the  civil  authorities  the  powers 
that  had  been  conferred  upon  the  military  commander 
by  the  reconstruction  laws,  and  the  troops  were  with 
drawn  from  the  various  posts  in  the  interior  and  sent 
to  the  frontier.  Small  detachments,  however,  were 
retained  at  Jefferson,  Austin,  and  San  Antonio,  the 
latter  point  being  the  principal  distributing  depot  and 
the  future  headquarters  of  the  department.  The 
legislature  assembled  again  on  the  26th,  and  on  the 
28th  the  governor  was  duly  inaugurated. 

In  his  inaugural  address  Governor  Davis  remarked 
that  what  might  be  termed  the  second  annexation  of 
Texas  had  been  consummated;  but  the  Texas  of  1845 
was  very  different  from  that  of  1870.  The  former 
brought  into  the  union  with  her  single  star  also 
thousands  of  slaves;  the  latter  knew  no  bondman  on 
her  soil.  Alluding  to  the  late  war  he  considered 
that  few  on  either  side  at  the  beginning  of  the 
struggle  had  either  calculated  or  desired  the  full  result 
attained  at  its  close.  While  the  one  side  sought  to 
sustain  a  structure  of  which  the  very  corner-stone  was 
a  denial  of  the  truth  of  the  declaration,  "that  all  men 
are  created  equal,"  the  other  grasped  the  sword  mainly 


GOVERNOR'S   MESSAGE.  503 

to  preserve  a  glorious  nationality.  It  required  years 
of  misfortune  to  point  out  the  foundation  of  the 
trouble.  "Let  us/'  he  said,  "accept  the  result  as  an 
indication  and  lesson  that  there  is  no  safe  neutral 
ground  for  human  judgment  between  right  and  wrong. 
Let  us  be  wholly  right." 

On  April  29th,  the  governor  sent  in  his  message. 
He  first  called  attention  to  the  necessity  of  providing 
measures  for  tho  suppression  of  crime,  and  recom 
mended  the  passage  of  a  law  for  the  efficient  organi 
zation  of  the  militia,  and  the  establishment  of  a  police 
system  which  would  embrace  the  whole  state  under 
one  head,  so  that  the  police,  sheriffs,  and  constables 
of  the  different  cities  should  be  made  a  part  of  the 
general  police,  act  in  concert  with  it,  and  be  subject 
to  the  orders  of  the  chief.  He  next  made  mention  of 
a  class  of  criminals  which  consisted  of  mobs  of  lawless 
men,  who  assembled  and  operated  in  disguise  in  carry 
ing  out  some  unlawful  purpose,  generally  directed 
against  the  freedmen.  The  immunity  from  arrest  of 
such  offenders  gave  reason  to  suppose  that  they  were 
protected  or  encouraged  by  the  majority  of  the  peo 
ple.  In  suggesting  measures  to  suppress  this  evil, 
Governor  Davis  advocated  conferring  upon  the  exec 
utive  the  power  of  temporarily  establishing  martial 
law  under  certain  contingencies.  He,  moreover,  con 
sidered  that  the  frequency  of  homicides  was  attribu 
table  to  the  habit  of  carrying  arms,  and  recommended 
the  legislature  to  restrict  that  privilege,  which  it  would 
be  able  to  do  under  the  amended  constitution.2 

On  the  subject  of  education,  the  governor  remarked 
that  the  establishment  of  a  good  system  of  schools 
would  in  time  operate  in  diminishing  crime,  and  re 
minded  the  legislature  that  the  provisions  of  the  con 
stitution  made  it  "the  imperative  duty"  of  that  body 
to  provide  for  tho  education  of  all  children  of  scholas- 

1No.  4  in  Tex.  Col.  Doc.,  no.  2,  is  a  copy  of  the  inaugural  address. 

2 Section  xiii.  of  the  bill  of  rights  reads  tints:  '  Every  person  shall  have 
the  right  to  keep  and  bear  arms  in  the  lawful  defence  of  himself  or  the  state, 
tinder  such  regulations  as  the  legislature  may  prescribe.' 


504  TEXAS  RESTORED. 

tic  age.  A  perpetual  school  fund  was  provided  for  by 
the  constitution,  and  he  produced  a  summary  of  the 
means  then  disposable  for  the  purposes  of  education/ 

Other  matters  brought  before  the  notice  of  the 
legislature  were  the  questions  of  internal  improvement, 
subsidizing  private  enterprises,  the  public  works,  and 
immigration.  With  respect  to  the  first,  Davis  cau 
tioned  the  legislature  against  affording  aid  to  specula 
tors  who,  proposing  schemes  for  private  advantage 
under  the  name  of  internal  improvements,  were  in  the 
habit  of  calling  upon  the  state  for  aid;  he  was  of 
opinion  that,  beyond  a  liberal  charter,  there  was  no 
necessity  for  state  aid  to  insure  the  success  of  any 
honest  and  feasible  enterprise.  With  regard  to  immi 
gration,  he  hoped  that  when  such  respect  for  law  and 
order  had  been  established  as  would  relieve  new-comers 
of  all  apprehensions  for  their  personal  safety,  the  cheap 
and  fertile  lands  of  Texas  would  attract  immigrants. 
It  was  necessary  that  the  immigration  bureau  author 
ized  by  the  constitution  should  be  organized  at  once 
on  a  liberal  basis,  and  a  complete  geological  survey 
undertaken  in  order  to  ascertain  the  capacity  of  the 
state,  both  in  an  agricultural  and  mineral  point  of 
view. 

He  next  calls  attention  to  the  condition  of  the  asy 
lums  for  the  deaf  and  dumb,  the  blind,  and  insane, 
and  the  penitentiary  at  Huntsville.  The  lunatic  asy 
lum  was  far  too  small  to  admit  even  all  such  patients 
as  came  within  the  limited  requirements  of  the  law, 
and  many  had  to  be  denied  admittance;  a  liberal  pro 
vision  should  be  made  for  the  increased  wants  of  the 
state  in  this  respect.  As  to  the  penitentiary,  owing 
to  bad  management  it  had  been,  until  quite  lately,  a 
heavy  expense,  the  excess  of  expenditures  over  receipts 
up  to  November  16,  1869,  being  $107,645.  The  num 
ber  of  convicts,  according  to  the  last  report  of  Febru- 

8  Namely,  cash  in  specie  $58,979,  currency  $543;  in  5  per  cent  bonds  un 
der  act  of  Nov.  12,  1866,  $82,168;  principal  and  interest  due  to  the  school 
fund  from  railroad  companies  §2,742,198.  Governor's  message,  no.  5,  5-7,  in 
Id. 


INDIANS  AND  FINANCES. 

ary  10,  1870,  was  489  confined  within  the  walls,  and 
in  April  following  181  were  laboring  on  the  railroad. 
The  governor  deprecated  the  system  of  employing  the 
convicts  on  the  railroads,  both  as  demoralizing  and 
affording  facilities  of  escape.  He  recommends  that 
the  penitentiary  be  enlarged,  and  the  outside  convicts 
returned  to  it. 

In  speaking  of  the  depredations  committed  by  Ind 
ians,  he  remarked  that  from  time  immemorial  the 
hostile  tribes  had  afflicted  the  country  with  their 
murderous  visits ;  that  no  treaty  or  concession  could 
appease  them,  or  stay  their  hands ;  and  that  the  only 
result  that  could  be  permanently  effectual  was  exter 
mination,  or  total  conquest  and  submission.  The 
measures  adopted  by  the  military  commander  were 
all  that  could  be  done  with  his  limited  resources.4 

The  legislature  would,  it  was  hoped,  encourage  in 
every  reasonable  wpy  the  growth  of  every  kind  of 
manufacture  and  industry.  One  of  the  mo^t  impor 
tant  interests  of  Texas  was  cattle-breeding,  but  unfor 
tunately  the  laws  for  the  protection  of  the  stock-raiser's 
property  were  defective,  especially  in  regard  to  herd 
ing,  branding,  and  selling  cattle.  Practices  had  be 
come  common  in  these  respects  which  almost  destroyed 
the  safety  of  that  kind  of  property. 

Financial  matters  were  the  last  topic  discussed  in 
the  message.  The  governor  was  of  opinion  that  ex 
penditures  would  amount  to  about  $1,500,000.  The 
amount  of  cash  on  hand  September  3,  1867,  was 
$20,232;  receipts  from  that  date  to  April  16,  1870, 
were  $1,384,191,  and  the  expenditures  during  the 
same  period  $1,024,851.  The  amount  of  cash  in  the 
treasury,  exclusive  of  school  and  special  funds,  was 
82,953  in  specie  and  $413,747  in  currency.  Deduct 
ing  appropriations  made  by  military  orders  since 
March  1st,  there  remained  $2,953  in  specie  and 

4  Reynolds  urged  the  establishment  of  a  military  telegraph  line  along  the 
frontier,  and  recommended  that  the  department  commander  should  be  au 
thorized  to  equip  and  employ  frontiersmen  in  co-operation  with  the  U.  S. 
troops.  jRept.  Sec.  War,  cong.  41,  sess.  3,  i.  41. 


506  TEXAS'  RESTORED. 

$368,426  in  currency.  The  debt  of  the  state  was 
small.  Under  act  of  November  12,  1866,  five  per 
centum  state  bonds,  to  the  amount  of  $82,168,  were 
issued  to  the  school  fund,  and  $134,472  of  similar 
bonds  to  the  university  fund.  If  the  act  was  to  be 
respected,  the  state  was  so  much  indebted  to  the 
above-named  funds.  The  only  other  indebtedness 
was  that  of  ten  per  cent  warrants  issued  before  the 
late  war,  but  the  amount  could  not  be  considerable. 
The  governor  remarked  that  the  whole  system  of  col 
lection  of  revenue  would  have  to  be  revised  and  made 
more  effective. 

This  message  represented  very  fairly  the  condition 
and  requirements  of  Texas,  on  her  people  resuming 
self-government.  The  legislature,5  with  a  large  ma 
jority  of  them  republicans,  accepted  the  governor's 
views  in  all  important  points.  The  militia  was  or 
ganized,6  and  divided  into  two  classes,  namely  the 
state  guard,  composed  of  volunteers  and  the  reserve 
military,  which  included  all  persons  liable  to  service, 
not  enrolled  in  the  state  guard.  All  the  troops  were 
placed  under  the  control  of  the  governor,  who  was 
also  empowered  to  declare  martial  law  in  any  county 
or  counties,  and  call  out,  in  cases  of  emergency,  such 
portion  of  the  militia  as  he  might  deem  necessary  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  law.  Other  bills  authorized 
him  to  organize  twenty  companies  for  the  protection  of 
the  frontier,  and  establish  a  state  police,  under  the 
system  suggested  by  him  in  his  message.  An  elec 
tion  law  was  passed  requiring  voters  to  register,  and 
laying  down  stringent  rules  for  conducting  elections; 
the  judicial  districts  were  re-organized  arid  their 
number  was  raised  to  thirty-five,  and  a  bill  was 
passed  establishing  a  system  of  public  free  schools 

6  According  to  Thrall,  page  429,  the  legislature  politically  considered 
stood  thus:  in  the  senate  17  republicans,  two  of  them  Africans,  7  conserva 
tives,  and  6  democrats;  in  the  house,  50  republicans,  8  being  Africans,  19 
conservatives,  and  21  democrats. 

6  The  act  of  congres  proh ibiting  the  organization  of  the  militia,  was  re 
pealed  July  15,  1870,  Cong.  Globe,  1869-70.  Ap.  738, 


PARTY  ISSUES. 

N<^ 

throughout  the  state.     The  session  was  a  long 
and  numerous  enactments  were  passed ;  nor  was  it  till 
August  15th  that  the  legislature  adjourned. 

Though  the  great  civil  war  had  ended  years 
ago,  contention  had  not  ceased.  In  the  political 
arena  republicans  and  democrats — respectively  repre 
senting  the  old  unionists  and  secessionists — carried  on 
the  strife,  and  displayed  toward  each  other  feelings  as 
bitter  and  hostile  as  had  ever  been  entertained  by 
federals  and  confederates  in  their  conflicts  on  the 
battlefield.  Governor  Davis  had  been  a  general  in 
the  federal  army,  while  the  larger  portion  of  the 
people  of  Texas  had  been  confederates.  His  election 
to  office,  as  well  as  that  of  the  members  of  the  legisla 
ture,  had  not  been  an  expression  of  the  will  of  the 
majority,  but  was  due  to  the  pressure  of  the  recon 
struction  laws.  Party  spirit,  therefore,  was  violent, 
and  the  action  of  the  republican  party  in  power  was 
watched  with  critical  scrutiny,  by  the  democrats 
whose  rivalry  was  intensified  by  the  humiliation  of 
defeat.  The  provisions  of  the  militia  and  police  bills, 
and  especially  that  authorizing  the  governor  to  pro 
claim  martial  law,  gave  dissatisfaction  to  both  con 
servatives  and  democrats.  A  large  portion  of  the 
police  force  was  drawn  from  the  black  race;  and  the 
reader  will  doubtless  correctly  estimate  the  passion 
ate  indignation  of  the  white  man,  on  being  interfered 
with  in  his  conduct  by  a  low,  impudent  negro.7 

7  Collisions  consequently  occurred.  In  Jan.  1871,  there  was  a  serious 
affair  in  Huntsville.  A  negro,  an  important  witness  in  a  criminal  case,  was 
killed,  and  persons  implicated  in  the  murder  were  arrested.  Friends  aided 
them  to  escape,  and  the  captain  of  police  who  held  them  in  charge,  was 
wounded  in  the  scrimmage.  Martial  law  was  proclaimed  by  the  gov.,  Jan. 
20,  and  a  military  company  sent  from  an  adjoining  county  to  enforce  the 
law.  The  supremacy  of  the  civil  law,  however,  was  soon  restored.  An 
other  difficulty  occurred  at  Groesbeck,  in  September,  one  Applewhite  being 
killed  in  the  streets  by  three  colored  policemen.  A  serious  disturbance  took 
place,  the  whites  and  negroes  being  arrayed  against  each  other.  On  Oct. 
10,  (lov.  Davis  proclaimed  martial  law  in  Limestone  and  Freestone  counties. 
The  order  was  revoked  Nov.  llth,  but  the  people  were  assessed  for  a  consid 
erable  sum  to  defray  expenses.  In  Hill  county  also  martial  law  was  en 
forced  for  a  short  time.  Thrall,  431. 


508  TEXAS  RESTORED. 

The  growing  strength  of  the  democratic  party, 
however, — or  rather  its  natural  strength  when  re 
leased  from  coercion — showed  itself  in  time.  In 
November,  1872,  from  the  5th  to  the  8th  inclusive,8 
a  general  election  was  held  for  electors  of  president 
and  vice-president  of  the  United  States,  for  members 
to  congress,  to  fill  vacancies  in  the  state  senate,  for 
representatives  to  the  13th  legislature,  for  district  at 
torneys,  and  for  county  officers.  The  late  constitution 
having  provided  that  the  governor  should  hold  office 
for  the  term  of  four  years,  the  election  for  the  execu 
tive  did  not  take  place  till  December  1873.  The 
result  of  the  election  of  1872  was  that  the  democrats 
returned  to  congress  the  six  representatives  to  which 
Texas  was  now  entitled,  and  a  majority  in  the  state 
legislature. 

At  the  same  election,  according  to  a  provision  of: 
the  constitution,  the  vote  of  the  people  was  taken  for1 
the  permanent  location  of  the  seat  of  government,  the 
city  of  Austin  being  chosen  by  a  large  majority  as 
the  capital.9 

Moreover,  an  amendment  to  the  6th  section,  Ar 
ticle  X.,  of  the  constitution10  was  proposed,  and  ac 
cepted  by  a  vote  of  57,611  for,  and  35,076  against  it.. 

The  thirteenth  legislature  met  January  14,  1873, 
and  the  democrats  at  once  exercised  their  controlling1 
majority,  by  causing  obnoxious  laws  to  be  repealed. 
The  militia  bill  passed  by  the  last  legislature,  was  so 
changed  as  to  deprive  the  governor  of  his  power  tc 
declare  martial  war;  the  objectionable  state  police 
force  was  disbanded,  and  material  changes  were  ef 
fected  in  the  election  laws.  Measures  also  were* 
adopted  to  reduce  the  expenses  of  government. 


8  According  to  the  provision  of  the   constitution,  the  polls   at  elections' 
were  to  be  opened  for  tour  days. 

9  Votes  cast  for  Austin,  64,277;  for  Houston,  35,  147;  for  Waco,  12,777 
Tex.  Off.  Returns,  Gen.  Elec.  1872,  18. 

10 Reading  thus:  'The  legislature  shall  not  hereafter  grant  lands  to  an? 
person  or  persons,  nor  shall  any  certificate  for  land  be  sold  at  the  land  office, 
except  to  actual  settlers  upon  the  same,  and  in  lots  not  exceeding  160  acres.! 


FINANCIAL  AFFAIRS.  509 

Governor  Davis  in  his  annual  message  called  atten 
tion  to  the  unsatisfactory  condition  in  which  he  found 
the  state  treasury.  It  appears  that  the  treasurer  had 
vacated  his  office  under  circumstances  that  led  to  the 
suspicion  that  transactions  of  a  doubtful  nature  had 
taken  place  in  the  department  during  his  management. 
Public  comments  reaching  the  governor's  ears  com 
pelled  him  to  investigate  the  matter,  and  he  came  to 
the  conclusion  that  profits  had  been  made  by  the  late 
treasurer  to  the  amount  of  $30,000;  accordingly  he 
directed  the  attorney-general  to  sue  him  and  his 
securities  for  that  amount.11  On  his  suggestion,  too, 
a  select  joint  committee  was  appointed  by  the  two 
branches  of  the  legislature  to  examine  into  the  con 
dition  of  the  offices  of  the  comptroller  and  the  treas 
urer  and  report  upon  it.  From  the  report  of  this 
committee,  sent  in  June  2,  1873,  it  appears  that  there 
had  been  much  irregularity;  that  the  books  in  the 
comptroller's  office  were  kept  in  an  inaccurate  and 
confused  manner,  and  with  such  a  reckless  disregard  of 
system  as  to  render  any  attempt  to  obtain  from  them 
a  correct  statement  of  the  state's  finances  extremely 
difficult ;  and  that  a  deficit  in  the  treasury  actually  ex 
isted. 

The  legislature  having  thus  effected  many  desirable 
reforms  the  democrats  next  determined  to  reform  the 
government.  The  governor  was  a  stanch  republican, 
and  there  was  a  republican  majority  in  the  senate ; 
but  the  democrats  readily  perceived  that  the  thumb 
screw  of  obstruction  would  compel  their  opponents  to 
yield  to  a  measure  which  would  overthrow  them,  and 
the  house  refused  to  vote  money  to  carry  on  the  gov 
ernment  until  it  had  succeed  in  the  scheme  planned 
by  it.  It  was  a  well-conceived  political  stratagem. 
Confident  that  at  the  polls  the  democratic  majority 
would  be  overwhelming,  the  house  decided  to  procure 
a  new  election,  though  it  would  thus  be  legislating 
itself  out.  An  act  was  accordingly  passed  April  24, 

"Davis'  testimony  in  Tex.  Kept  Cam.  Invest.  C&mpt.,  June  2,  1873,  17. 


510  TEXAS  RESTORED. 

1873,  making  a  new  apportionment  of  the  state  arid 
changing  the  senatorial  districts,  which  change  neces 
sitated  a  new  general  election.  On  May  26th,  fol 
lowing,  another  act  was  forced  through  the  legislature, 
prescribing  that  the  election  should  be  held  on  the 
first  Tuesday  in  December,12  the  day  on  which  the 
election  for  the  new  governor  would  take  place. 

On  the  appointed  day  the  election  was  held,  and 
in  all  three  branches  the  democrats  were  triumphant. 
But  the  republicans  were  not  disposed  to  yield  with 
out  a  struggle.  The  constitutionality  of  the  law 
under  which  the  election  had  been  held  was  brought 

O 

before  the  supreme  court  which  decided  that  it  was 
unconstitutional,  and  Davis,  on  January  12th,  issued 
a  proclamation  prohibiting  the  new  legislature  from 
assembling.  In  defiance  of  this  interdict,  however, 
it  met  on  the  following  day  and  organized.  Much 
alarm  was  entertained  that  a  collision  would  take 
place  between  the  two  parties.  And  not  without 
some  cause.  The  two  branches  of  the  legislature 
occupied  the  upper  story  of  the  capitol  with  a  com 
pany  of  the  militia  as  guard ;  at  the  same  time  Davis 
and  the  other  executive  officers  held  possession  of  the 
lower  story  with  a  company  of  colored  soldiers  under 
the  adjutant-general.13  President  Grant  was  appealed 
to  but  refused  to  sustain  Davis.  Fortunately  moder 
ation  prevailed  and  no  conflict  took  place.  J.  P. 
Newcornb,  the  secretary  of  state,  permitted,  under 
protest,  the  election  returns  to  be  delivered  to  a  com 
mittee  of  the  legislature.  The  votes  having  been 
counted,  Richard  Coke14  was  declared  elected  gov- 

12  See  Tex.  Gen.  Laws,  13  leg.,  43,  et  sen. 

13  Grov.  Coke  in  his  annual  message  of  Jan.  1876,  page  4,  makes  this  as 
sertion:   'The  floors  of  the  halls  in  which  you  now  sit  had  been  examined 
by  the  conspirators,  and  it  had  been  ascertained  that  the  armed  forces  en 
trenched  in  the  basement  beneath,  could  piece  them  with  their  missiles  if 
necessary  to  attack  you.' 

14  Coke  was  born  at  Williamsburg,  Va.,  March  13,  1829;  was  educated  at 
William  and  Mary  college,  and  having  studied  law  was  admitted  to  the  bar 
when  21  years  of  age.     In  1850  he  removed  to  Waco,  McLennan  county, 
Texas.     He  served  in  the  confederate  army,  first  as  private  and  afterward  as 
captain;  was  district  judge  in  June  1S5G,  and  in.  1S66  was  elected  by  the 


LEGISLATIVE  MEASURES.  511 

ernor  by  a  majority  of  50,000,  and  Richard  B.  Hub- 
bard,  lieutenant-governor.  For  some  days  the  public 
was  agitated  by  doubt  and  apprehension  as  to  the 
probability  of  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  dispute,  but 
on  the  19th  Governor  Davis  vacated  the  executive 
office  without  making  a  formal  surrender.15  Governor 
Coke  took  undisputed  possession,  and  the  excitement 
was  allayed.  Thus  terminated  this  contest  for  suprem 
acy  between  the  republican  and  democratic  parties, 
happily  without  bloodshed.  But  it  was  a  critical 
point  in  the  progress  of  affairs.  The  least  spark  of 
fire  would  have  exploded  the  magazine  of  animosity 
harbored  on  both  sides.  Thus  the  city  which  had  so 
lately  been  declared  the  permanent  capital  of  the  state 
narrowly  escaped  being  baptized  in  blood. 

During  the  first  session  of  the  14th  legislature,  no 
extraordinary  measures  worthy  of  especial  mention 
were  adopted,16  with  the  exception  of  granting  pen- 
democratic  party  judge  of  the  state  supreme  court,  but  was  removed  in  18G7 
by  Sheridan  as  an  'impediment  to  reconstruction.'  U.  S.  Sen.  MisceL,  cong. 
42,  sess.  2,  no.  8,  pt  i.,  71. 

15  Davis  in  a  speech  made  to  the  citizens  of  Travis  county,  Oct.  4,  1 880, 
alludes  to  this  affair,  and  speaks  of  the  democrats  as  having  '  seized  the  state 
government,  in  January,  1874.'  Davis,  Speech,  3,  with  Gray,  Hist.  Austin. 
Gov.  Coke's  view  of  the  situation  was  different.  In  his  message  mentioned 
in  note  he  says:  'Forebodings  of  danger  to  popular  liberty  and  representa 
tive  government  caused  the  stoutest  and  most  patriotic  among  us  to  tremble 
for  the  result.  A  conspiracy,  bolder  and  more  wicked  than  that  of  Cataline 
against  the  liberties  of  Rome,  had  planned  the  overthrow  of  free  govern 
ment  in  Texas.  The  capitol  and  its  purlieus  were  held  by  armed  men  under 
command  of  the  conspirators;  and  the  treasury  and  department  offices, 
with  all  the  archives  of  the  govt,  were  in.  their  possession.  Your  right  to 
assemble  in  the  capitol,  as  the  chosen  representatives  of  the  people  was  de 
nied,  and  the  will  of  the  people  of  Texas  scoffed  at  and  defied. . .  .  The  presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  was  being  implored  to  send  troops  to  aid  in  over 
throwing  the  government  of  Texas,  chosen  by  her  people  by  a  majority  of 
50,000.  The  local  and  municipal  offinrs  throughout  the  state  in  sympathy 
with  the  infamous  designs  of  these  desperate  and  unscrupulous  revolutionists, 
taking  courage  from  the  boldness  of  the  leaders  at  the  capitol,  were  refusing 
to  deliver  over  to  their  lawfully  elected  successors,  the  offices  in  their  pos 
session.  A  universal  conflict  of  jurisdiction  and  authority,  extending 
through  all  the  departments  of  government,  embracing  in  its  sweep  all 
the  territory  and  inhabitants  of  the  state,  and  every  question  upon  which 
legitimate  government  is  called  to  act,  was  imminent  and  impending. ' 

16  It  should  be  mentioned  that  an  act  was  passed  April  10,  1874,  author 
izing  the  gov.  to  organize  a  battalion  of  six  companies,  each  75  strong,  for 
defence  of  the  frontier  against  Indians.  The  companies  were  organized  June 
4th  following,  and  placed  under  the  command  of  Maj.  John  B.  Jones. 


512  TEXAS  RESTORED. 

sions  to  revolutionary  veterans,  and  the  reorganization 
of  the  supreme  court,  the  number  of  judges  being 
increased  to  five  by  an  amendment  to  the  constitution, 
which  had  provided  that  the  court  should  consist  of 
only  three  members.  But  there  was  manifested  a 
growing  discontent  in  regard  to  the  constitution, 

o  o  o  ' 

which  had  been,  as  it  were,  thrust  upon  the  people  of 
Texas,  and  when  the  legislature  met,  in  January  1875, 
on  the  occasion  of  its  second  session,  Governor  Coke 
recommended  it  to  make  provision  by  appropriate 
enactment  for  assembling  a  convention  to  frame  a 
constitution  of  government  for  Texas.  The  existing 
constitution,  he  said,  was  by  general  consent  admitted 
to  be  a  defective  instrument ;  many  of  its  provisions 
were  incongruous  and  repugnant ;  its  restrictions  were 
so  many,  and  descended  so  much  into  legislative  de 
tail,  as  to  present  incessant  embarrassments;  and 
while  some  provisions  were  oppressive  or  inconvenient, 
others  were  positively  obstructive  to  legislation.  Ne 
cessity,  he  added,  forced  it  on  the  people  of  Texas, 
and  prudence  and  policy  prompted  submission  to  it. 
But  no  reason  existed  for  submitting  to  it  any  longer. 
The  causes  which  a  year  before  had  rendered  it  im 
prudent  to  call  together  a  constitutional  convention 
had  ceased  to  exist ;  federal  interference  was  no  longer 
feared,  and  the  popular  mind  was  free  from  passion 
and  excitement.  "For  twelve  months  past,"  he  said, 
"the  thinking  men  of  the  state  have  been  studying 
and  investigating  the  subjects  to  be  dealt  with  in 
framing  a  constitution,  and  are  now  prepared  to  act." ! 
The  governor's  message  is  a  lengthy  document 
comprising  92  octavo  pages,  and  he  enters  fully  into 
every  subject  to  which  he  calls  the  attention  of  the 
legislature.  All  internal  matters  are  considered,  and 
some  space  is  devoted  to  statements  touching  the  con 
dition  of  the  frontier  in  connection  with  inroads  made 
by  Indians,  and  Mexican  border  troubles.  He  re 
marked  that,  in  nine  cases  out  of  ten,  the  Indians 

"Tex.  Mess.  Gw.t  14th  legis.,  2d  sess.,  1875,  8-9. 


GOVERNOR  CORK  513 

that  devastated  the  frontier  of  Texas  came  from  the 
reservations  on  the  northern  borders.  Governor  Coke 
was  in  favor  of  applying  severe  measures,  and  holding 
the  Indians  to  a  rigorous  accountability.  "  Lenity," 
he  said,  "to  their  murderous  and  thieving  propensities 
is  atrocious  cruelty  to  the  whites."  With  regard  to 
depredations  committed  by  Mexican  marauders,  he 
informed  the  legislature  that  during  the  spring  and 
early  summer  of  the  past  year  they  had  greatly  ex 
ceeded  in  magnitude  and  atrocity  transactions  of  that 
character  for  a  number  of  years  past.  The  complaint 
of  the  people  of  the  districts  exposed  to  these  preda 
tory  inroads  was  universal.  The  expense  to  which 
the  state  was  put,  owing  to  the  inadequacy  of  the 
United  States'  military  establishment,  was  very  oner 
ous,  and  the  governor  recommended  the  legislature  to 
memorialize  congress,  setting  forth  the  losses  of  life 
and  property  on  the  Mexican  border,  and  asking  that 
the  obligation  of  the  general  government  to  protect 
Texas  against  foreign  enemies  be  redeemed,  and  that 
the  money  expended  by  the  state  in  defence  of  her 
people  be  refunded.18 

According  to  the  report  of  Governor  Coke  of  Jan 
uary  1874,  and  that  of  the  comptroller  of  February 
10th,  following,  the  public  debt  was  $1,668,131.  In 
the  present  message,  the  governor  states  that  the  en 
tire  public  debt  of  Texas,  up  to  January  1,  1875,  ac 
cording  to  the  comptroller's  report,  was  $4,012,421,  of 
which  $976,988  represented  the  floating  debt,  leaving 
a  bonded  debt  of  $3,035,433.  He  then  explains  how 
so  large  an  increase  in  figures  appears  in  the  report. 
He  says;  "  The  increase  in  the  public  debt  since  the 
report  in  January  1874,  is  represented  by  the  bonds 
and  certificates  granted  to  the  revolutionary  veterans 
of  Texas,  by  act  of  April  1874,  amounting  to  $899,- 
389,  and  a  few  thousand  dollars  of  miscellaneous  in- 

18  Memorials  to  this  effect  were  laid  before  congress  by  the  14th  legislature, 
and  also  by  the  constitutional  convention  held  in  the  autumn  of  1 875.    Tex* 
J£w.  Gov.,  legis.  15,  sess.  1,  ap.  1876,  58-9. 
HIST.  MKX.  STATES,  Voi,.  II.    33 


514  TEXAS   RESTORED. 

debtedness.  The  remainder  was  incurred  before 
January  1874,  and  is  due  to  school  teachers  and 
others  for  services  in  1873,  and  in  the  confusion  oi 
the  records  when  the  last  report  was  made,  was  not 
noted,  and  in  fact  much  of  it  was  not  reported  until 
subsequent  to  that  time." 

With  regard  to  the  pensions  granted  to  veterans,  it 
is  necessary  to  explain  that  by  an  act  of  August  13, 
1870,  it  was  briefly  provided  that  the  surviving 
veterans  "of  the  revolution  which  separated  Texas 
from  Mexico,  including  the  Mier  prisoners,"  and  no 
others  should  have  certain  pensions.  Comptroller 
Bledsoe,  however,  misapprehended  the  law,  and  ex 
tended  its  provisions  to  persons  not  properly  entitled 
to  the  benefit  of  it.  At  least  such  was  the  reason 
given  by  Governor  Davis,  May  19,  1871,  on  the  occa 
sion  of  his  vetoing  two  items  of  appropriations  to  pay 
claims  of  veterans;  by  which  act  he  exposed  himself 
to  the  attack  of  his  democratic  enemies,  who  charged 
him  with  entertaining  hostile  feelings  toward  the 
veterans.  By  act  of  April  21,  1874,  the  legislature, 
however,  extended  the  list  of  classes  entitled  to  pen 
sions,19  and  by  the  end  of  the  year,  the  governor 
became  reasonably  alarmed  at  the  rapidly  increasing 
number  of  claims;20  in  his  message,  he  urged  the 
immediate  repeal  of  the  act,  which,  if  left  on  the 
statute  book,  afforded  an  opening  for  the  perpetration 
of  frauds  on  the  state.  The  act  was  repealed  March 
13,  1875. 

In  March,  also,  provision  was  made  for  submitting 
the  all  absorbing  question  of  a  constitutional  conven 
tion  to  the  people,  and  an  election  was  ordered  to  be 

19  Under  the  act  of  1870,  a  person  entitled  to  the  pension  would  receive 
$250  if  not  wounded,  and  $500  if  wounded,  commencing  from  Jan.  1,  1871. 
Gov.  Davis  considered  that  there  were  not  at  that  time  100  persons  in  the 
state  jusiily  entitled  to  the  pension,  yet  Comptroller  Bledsoe,  under  his  con 
struction  of  the  act,  soon  found  283  claimants.  Speech  of  Ex-gov.  Davis,  Oct. 
4,  1880,  p.  13,  in  Gray's  Hist.  Austin. 

28  Davis  says  that  Darden  and  Coke,  in  the  course  of  a  year  or  so,  issued 
$1,115,000  worth  of  bonds  in  pension.  '  Some  1 ,100  persons  had  turned  up 
as  veterans  of  the  struggle  between  Texas  and  Mexico. ' 


NEW  CONSTITUTION.  515 

held  for  that  purpose,  and  for  delegates  on  August 
2d.  On  the  appointed  day  69,583  votes  were  cast  for 
the  convention,  and  30,549  against  it.  The  delegates21 
having  been  duly  elected,  the  convention  assembled  at 
Austin,  September  6,  1875,  and  completed  its  labors 
November  24th,  on  which  day  it  adjourned.  The 
constitution  which  it  framed  was  submitted  to  the 
people  for  ratification  February  17,  1876,  when  136, 
606  votes  were  cast  in  favor  of  it,  and  56,652  against 
it.  A  general  election  was  held  on  the  same  day,  arid 
the  regular  democratic  state  ticket  elected.  Coke  was 
reflected  governor,  by  a  majority  of  over  102,000 
votes,  having  polled  150,418  against  47,719  cast  for 
William  Chambers.22 

Some  very  striking  changes  are  noticeable  in  the 
constitution  of  1876.  In  the  bill  of  rights,  the  pro 
visions  of  the  constitution  of  1869  that  declared  seces 
sion  a  heresy,  and  that  the  constitution  and  laws  of 
United  States  are  the  supreme  law  of  the  land,  are 
stricken  out.23  With  respect  to  the  legislative  de- 

'2l  The  names  of  the  delegates,  with  their  places  of  residence  and  nativity, 
as  also  their  occupations,  will  be  found  in  Walsh  and  Pilgrim's  Direct.  Comiit. 
Conven.,  1-3.  The  30  districts  sent  up  eighty-nine  delegates,  of  whom  75  were 
democrats  and  14  republicans,  four  of  whom  were  negroes.  The  greater 
portion  of  the  delegates  were  natives  of  the  southern  states,  there  being  only 
tour  native  Texans. 

22  U.  S.  Sen.  Misc.,  cong.  47,  sess.  2,  i.,  doc.  8,  71;  Thrall,  437. 

23  For  the  purpose  of  comparison,  I  copy  the  preambles  and  corresponding 
provisions  in  the  two  constitutions. 

Constitution  of  Texas,  1869:  We,  the  people  of  Texas,  acknowledging 
with  gratitude  the  grace  of  God  in  permitting  us  to  make  a  choice  of  our 
form  of  government,  do  hereby  ordain  and  establish  this  constitution.  Art. 
I.  Bill  of  Rights.  That  the  heresies  of  nullification  and  secession,  which 
brought  the  country  to  grief,  may  be  eliminated  from  future  political  dis 
cussion;  that  public  order  may  be  restored,  private  property  and  human 
life  protected,  and  the  great  principles  of  liberty  and  equality  secured  to  us, 
we  declare  that:  Sec.  I.  The  constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  the  laws 
and  treaties  made  and  to  be  made  in  pursuance  thereof,  are  acknowledged 
to  be  the  supreme  law;  that  this  constitution  is  framed  in  harmony  with,  and 
in  subordination  thereto,  and  that  the  fundamental  principles  embodied 
herein  can  only  be  changed  subject  to  the  national  authority. 

Constitution  of  Texas,  1876:  Preamble.  Humbly  invoking  the  blessing 
of  Almighty,  the  people  of  the  state  of  Texas  do  ordain  and  establish  this 
constitution.  Art.  L  Bill  of  Rights.  That  the  general,  great,  and  essential 
principles  of  liberty  and  free  government  may  be  recognized  and  established, 
we  declare:  Sec.  I.  Texas  is  a  free  and  independent  state,  subject  only  to 
the  constitution  of  the  United  States;  and  the  maintenance  of  our  free  insti 
tutions,  and  the  perpetuity  of  the  union  depend  upon  the  preservation  of  the 


516  TEXAS  RESTORED. 

partment,  provision  was  made  to  increase  the  number 
of  members  of  the  house  of  representatives  to  150,  at 
the  rate  of  one  additional  member  for  each  15,000  in 
habitants  at  each  fresh  apportionment.  The  number 
of  senators  was  permanently  fixed  at  thirty-one.  The 
legislature  was  to  meet  every  two  years,  and  when 
ever  especially  convened  by  the  governor.  The 
governor's  term  of  office  was  reduced  to  two  years, 
and  his  salary  from  $5,000  to  $4,000.  All  vacancies 
in  state  or  district  offices  were  to  be  filled  by  ap 
pointments  of  the  governor,  with  the  consent  of  two- 
thirds  of  the  senate.  The  judicial  power  was  vested 
in  one  supreme  court,  consisting  of  a  chief  justice  and 
two  associate  justices,  a  court  of  appeals  composed  of 
three  judges,  and  district,  county,  and  other  courts.  The 
state  was  divided  into  twenty-six  judicial  districts,  and 
the  office  of  district  attorney  was  abolished.  Article 
VI.  of  the  constitution  of  1869,  respecting  the  right  of 
suffrage,  was  stricken  out,  and  another  substituted,  in 
which  no  mention  is  made  of  "race,  color,  or  former 
condition."  Provision  was  made  that  separate  schools 
should  be  provided  for  the  white  and  colored  children ; 
and  foreign  immigration  was  discountenanced.24 

The  15th  legislature  met  in  April  1876,  and  the 
formality  of  the  reinauguration  of  the  governor  and 
lieutenant-governor  was  observed.  In  his  message  to 
the  legislature,  Governor  Coke  criticised  the  new  con 
stitution,  and  pointing  out  defects,  recommended  that 
the  legislature  propose  the  necessary  amendments 
which  it  was  empowered  to  do.25  The  judiciary  arti- 

right   of  local  self-government  unimpaired   to  all  the  states.     Sec.  II.  All 

Eolitical  power  is  inherent  in  the  people,  and  all  free  governments  are 
winded  on  their  authority,  and  instituted  for  their  benefit.  The  faith  of 
the  people  of  Texas  stands  pledged  to  the  preservation  of  a  republican  form 
of  government,  and  subject  to  this  limitation  only,  they  have  at  all  times 
the  inalienable  right  to  alter,  reform,  or  abolish  their  government  in  such  a 
manner  as  they  may  think  expedient.  Copies  of  both  constitution  will  be 
found  in  U.  S.  Chart,  and  Constit.,  ii.,  1801-56. 

24  Sec.  56  of  Art.  XVI.,  reads  thus:     l  The  legislature  shall  have  no  power 
to  appropriate  any  of  the  public  money  for  the  establishment  and  main 
tenance  of  a  bureau  of  immigration,  or  for  any  purpose  of  bringing  immi 
grants  to  this  state.' 

25  Art.  XVII.  provided  that  by  a  vote  of  two-thirds  of  all  the  members 


DEFECTS   IN   CONSTITUTION.  517 

cle  occupied  his  special  attention.  He  considered  the 
system  framed  in  it  so  faulty,  inefficient,  and  expen 
sive,  that  in  his  judgment  it  would  be  better  not  to 
attempt  to  amend  it,  but  to  substitute  an  entirely 
new  article.  He  describes  its  prominent  faults  in  the 
following  words  :  "It  provides  for  two  high  courts  of 
last  resort,  giving  supremacy  to  neither,  and  leaves 
the  country  to  be  vexed  with  uncertainty  as  to  what 
is  the  law  when  conflicting  opinions  are  announced  by 
these  tribunals.  It  established  county  courts,  con 
ferring  on  them  extensive  general  and  statutory  juris 
diction,  and  prescribes  no  qualification  for  the  judges, 
thus  submitting  at  least  half  of  the  litigation  of  the 
country,  and  the  administration  of  the  laws  to  judges, 
many  of  whom  are  utterly  uninformed  of  the  laws 
they  must  administer,  leaving  suitors  no  remedy  for 
inevitable  injustice,  except  an  expensive  appeal  to  a 
distant  court.  It  abolishes  the  office  of  district  at 
torney,  heretofore  filled  by  men  of  learning,  ability, 
and  experience,  and  substitutes  that  of  county  at 
torney,  most  frequently  to  be  filled  by  inexperienced 
men,  leaving  many  counties  without  prosecutors  at 
all,  where  they  are  most  needed,  thereby  paralyzing 
the  efficiency  of  the  laws,  exempting  criminals  from 
punishment,  and  inviting  an  increase  of  lawlessness 
and  crime,  so  difficult  to  repress  under  the  most  rigid 
enforcement  of  the  laws."  Moreover,  it  extended  the 
jurisdiction  of  justices  of  the  peace  over  matters  and 
rights  too  important  to  be  submitted  to  the  judgment 
of  men  usually  unlearned  in  the  law ;  it  failed  in  some 
instances  to  provide  for  appeals ;  it  provided  insufficient 
salaries  for  district  judges;  and  surrendered  the  peo 
ple,  in  a  considerable  portion  of  the  state,  "to  the 
domination  of  uneducated  and  ignorant  suffrage,"  in 
three-fourths  of  their  litigation. 

On  the  subject  of  taxation  he  calls  attention  to  the 

elected  to  each  house,  the  legislature  might  propose  amendments  to  the  con 
stitution,  which  were  to  be  published  and  submitted  to  the  people  tor  ratifi 
cation. 


518  TEXAS  RESTORED. 

glaring  inconsistency  in  the  rates  assigned  to  cities 
and  towns  of  10,000  inhabitants  and  less,  and  those 
containing  more  than  10,000  inhabitants.  Sections 
4  and  5,  article  XI.,  provided  that  the  maximum  rate 
of  taxation  for  the  support  of  the  municipal  govern 
ment  of  the  former  should  never  exceed  one-fourth 
of  one  per  centum,  and  for  the  latter  two  and  one 
half  per  centum.  The  enormous  difference  between 
these  rates,  he  remarks,  the  utter  inefficiemry  of  the 
one,  and  the  excessiveness  of  the  other,  are  suggestive 
of  inadvertence  or  mistake.  His  views  with  respect  to 
the  constitutional  prohibition  upon  the  encouragement 
of  immigration  were  condemnatory.  He  regarded  it  as 
unwise  and  contrary  to  the  plainest  dictates  of  a  proper 
policy.  No  amendments  of  the  constitution  in  con 
formity  with  his  suggestions  have  hitherto  been  made. 

While  the  governor  was  able  to  report  a  greatly 
improved  condition  of  affairs  on  the  Indian  frontier, 
and  that  the  predatory  incursions  of  the  savages  were 
becoming  rare,  he  could  not  make  a  similar  favorable 
statement  with  regard  to  the  Mexican  border  troubles. 
Unfortunately  the  depredations  of  Mexican  robbers 
on  the  east  side  of  the  Rio  Grande  had  continued 
almost  without  interruption,  and  with  increasing  bold 
ness  and  audacity.  Murder,  robbery,  and  conflagra 
tion  had  marked  the  track  of  their  raids ;  the  energies 
of  that  portion  of  the  country  were  paralized,  its 
wealth  was  destroyed,  and  the  terror  under  which 
people  lived  threatened  depopulation. 

On  May  5th  Coke  was  elected  senator  to  the  United 
States'  congress,  but  continued  to  exercise  the  func 
tions  of  executive  till  December  1st  when  he  re 
signed,26  and  Lieutenant-governor  Hubbard  succeeded 
to  the  office.27 

26 The  executive  officers  during  Coke's  administration  were  the  following: 
S.  H.  Darden,  comptroller;  A.  J.  Dorn,  treasurer;  J.  J.  Groos,  land  com 
missioner;  A.  W.  DeBerry,  secretary  of  state;  O.  N.  Hollingsworth,  supt 
pub.  instruction;  William  Steele,  adjutant-general;  Geo.  Clark,  attorney- 
general,  also  H.  H.  Boone;  Jerome  B.  Robertson,  supt.  bureau  of  immigra 
tion.  WakJi  and  Piljrims  Direct.  Constit.  Con,ve.n.,  4;  Thrall,  437. 

r>  Richard  B.  Hubbard  was  born  in  Georgia  in  1834;  graduated  at  Mercer 


SALT  LAKES   RIOT.  519 

During  Governor  Hubbard's  administration  a  seri 
ous  trouble  arose  between  the  Texan  and  Mexican 
citizens  of  El  Paso  county.  The  particulars  are  as 
follow:  In  December,  1877,  a  riot  occurred  at  San 
Elizario,  arising  from  interference  with  the  right  of 
Mexican  citizens  of  Texas  to  the  free  use  of  the 
Guadalupe  salt  lakes,  lying  90  miles  east  of  that 
town.  The  anger  of  the  people  was  aggravated  by  a 
personal  feud  existing  between  two  leading  inhabi 
tants,  Charles  H.  Howard,  and  Louis  Cardis,  who 
was  extremely  popular  with  the  Mexicans.  Howard, 
having  located  certam  salt  deposits,  endeavored  to 
establish  a  private  occupation  of  them,  and  the  right 
to  exact  pay  for  salt  taken  therefrom.  Cardis  insti 
gated  the  Mexican  citizens  of  El  Paso  county  to  re 
sist  this  encroachment  upon  their  rights,28  and  when 
Howard  with  the  county  judge  and  a  justice  of  the 
peace,  endeavored  to  force  matters  by  attempting  to 
arrest  certain  parties  engaged  in  the  business  at  San 
Elizario,  they  themselves  were  seized  by  a  mob  of 
Mexicans  who  threatened  to  take  Howard's  life. 
Through  the  efforts  of  Cardis  and  Pierre  Bourgade, 
the  priest  of  the  parish,  they  were  released,  Howard 
being  compelled  to  sign  a  bond  for  $12,000  with  sure 
ties,  engaging  to  leave  the  county  and  not  return. 
This  occurred  at  the  end  of  September,  1877,  and 
Howard  retired  to  New  Mexico. 

But  at  the  beginning  of  October,  notwithstanding 
his  pledge,  he  returned  to  El  Paso  where,  on  the  10th 
of  the  same  month,  he  shot  and  instantly  killed  Cardis 
without  a  word  of  warning.  Cardis,  though  an 

university  in  1851,  and  at  Harvard  law  school  in  1852.  In  the  following 
year  he  migrated  to  Texas  and  settled  at  Tyler,  Smith  county.  He  was  ap 
pointed  U.  S.  district  attorney  in  1856,  and  was  representative  for  his  dis 
trict  in  the  legislature  in  1858.  When  the  civil  war  broke  out  he  com 
manded  the  22d  regiment  Texas  infantry,  and  was  promoted  later  to  the 
command  of  a  brigade.  In  1872  he  was  elector  on  the  Greeley  ticket. 

28  Both  under  the  Spanish  and  Mexican  govts  the  free  use  of  these  «alt 
deposits  had  been  granted  to  the  citizens  of  towns  on  both  sides  of  the  Rio 
Grande.  The  Texan  citizens  of  Mexican  descent  maintained  that  the  treaty, 
by  which  the  territory  wherein  the  salt  lakes  lie  was  transferred  to  the  U.  S., 
did  not  extinguish  the  right  of  the  public  to  them. 


520  TEXAS   RESTORED. 

Italian  by  birth,  possessed  the  entire  confidence  of 
the  Mexican  population,  being  regarded  as  a  friend 
and  champion;  indeed  he  had  been  elected  to  repre 
sent  their  interests  in  the  legislature.  His  death  ex 
cited  the  most  angry  feelings,  and  a  determination  to 
take  vengeance  on  the  murderer  whenever  an  oppor 
tunity  might  present  itself.  Howard,  after  the  perpe 
tration  of  the  deed,  went  back  to  New  Mexico. 

The  exasperation  of  the  Mexican  inhabitants  of 
San  Elizario  displayed  itself  in  the  beginning  of 
November,  when  about  200  men  collected  with  vio 
lent  demonstrations  against  Howard's  bondsmen,  from 
whom  they  demanded  payment  of  the  $12,000,  and 
whose  lives  they  threatened  to  take.  Major  John 
B.  Jones,  of  the  frontier  battalion  of  Texan  rangers 
opportunely  arrived,  and  by  his  representations  the 
malecontents  were  prevented  from  proceeding  to  vio 
lence  and  agreed  to  disperse. 

On  November  16th,  Howard  returned  to  El  Paso 
where  he  surrendered  himself,  and  was  admitted  to 
bail  on  a  bond  for  $4,000.  Somewhat  later  a  train 
of  wagons  left  San  Elizario  for  the  salt  deposits,  and 
were  expected  to  return  by  December  12th.  When 
Howard,  who  was  at  Mesilla,  heard  of  this  he  deter 
mined  to  enforce  his  rights,  and  on  the  evening  of 
that  day,  with  about  25  Texan  Rangers,  under  Lieu 
tenant  J.  B.  Tays,  entered  San  Elizario  for  the  pur 
pose  of  assisting  the  sheriff  to  execute  writs  of  at 
tachment  on  the  cargoes  of  salt.  Whereupon  the 
Mexican  population  rose  in  arms,  being  presently 
joined  by  a  number  of  Mexicans  from  the  other  side 
of  the  river.  Howard  and  John  G.  Atkinson,  one  of 
his  bondsmen,  took  refuge  in  the  rangers'  quarters, 
but  Charles  E.  Ellis,  another  bondsman,  while  en 
deavoring  to  do  the  same,  was  killed  in  the  streets. 
On  the  following  morning  Sergeant  C.  E.  Mortimer 
was  shot  while  within  100  yards  of  the  quarters, 
which  were  forthwith  laid  siege  to  by  the  rioters,  andi 
firing  commenced. 


PERFIDIOUS  MEXICANS.  521 

The  besiegers  repeatedly  demanded  the  surrender 
of  Howard,  which  was  as  often  refused,  their  intention 
to  kill  him  being  well  known.  On  the  1 7th,  however, 
it  appears  that  the  position  of  the  assailed  was  con 
sidered  so  desperate  that  Lieutenant  Tays  and  How 
ard  went  out  to  confer  with  the  rioters,  who  promised 
the  latter  his  life  if  he  would  relinquish  all  claim  to 
the  salt  lakes.  As  there  was  no  one  to  interpret  for 
them,  Atkinson  was  sent  for,  and  on  his  arrival  some 
arrangement  was  made  by  him  with  the  insurgents,29 
upon  which  the  rangers  surrendered,  whereupon 
they  were  immediately  disarmed  and  confined. 

A  meeting  was  now  held  by  the  ring-leaders,  at 
which  it  was  decided  to  put  to  death  Howard,  Atkin 
son,  and  Sergeant  McBride,  a  ranger  who  had  made 
himself  very  obnoxious  to  the  Mexican  element. 
Thereupon  these  men  were  led  out  and  shot,  Howard 
first.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  influence  of  Chico  Ba- 
rela,  the  chief  leader  of  the  mob,  all  would  have  been 
killed ;  as  it  was,  the  rangers  were  permitted  to  depart, 
stripped  of  their  arms  and  equipments.  The  store 
and  mill  of  Ellis  were  sacked,  and  other  robberies 
committed,  as  usual  on  such  outbreaks. 

Meantime  the  United  States'  district  commander, 
Colonel  Edward  Hatch,  hastened  with  troops  to  San 
Elizario,  where  he  arrived  on  the  22d.  He  made 
such  a  disposition  of  his  soldiers  at  Socorro,  Ysleta, 
and  Franklin  as  to  stop  all  further  violence,  and  restore 
order  and  confidence.  Most  of  the  principal  actors  in 
this  tragedy  escaped  into  Mexico,  while  several  per 
sons  resisting  arrest  were  killed  by  rangers  sent  after 
them  by  the  sheriff.  The  Mexican  authorities  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  river  seem  to  have  been  powerless 
to  prevent  their  people  from  taking  part  in  this  riot. 
A  large  gathering  had  collected  at  El  Paso,  Mexico, 
to  attend  the  annual  fair  held  there  December  12th, 

29  According  to  the  account  given  by  an  eye-witness  to  the  Me$itta  Inde 
pendent,  N.  Mex.,  Atkinson  gave  $11,000  in  specie,  currency,  and  drafts,  on 
condition  that  he,  Howard,  and  the  rangers  should  be  permitted  to  depart 
without  molestation.  San  Jose  Pioneer,  Aug.  24,  1878. 


522  TEXAS   RESTORED. 

and  it  was  impossible  to  control  the  great  number  of 
bad  characters  that  had  assembled  in  the  vicinity.30 

At  the  election  held  November  5,  1878,  Oran  M. 
Roberts  was  chosen  governor,  Joseph  D.  Sayers  lieu 
tenant-governor,  S.  H.  Darden  comptroller,  F.  R. 
Lubbock  treasurer,  and  W.  C.  Walsh  land  commis 
sioner.  George  McCormick,  George  F.  Moore,  and 
M.  H.  Bonner  were  respectively  elected  attorney- 
general,  chief  justice,  and  associate  justice.  All  these 
successful  candidates  were  nominated  by  the  state 
democratic  convention,  which  had  met  at  Austin  in 
July. 

On  retiring  from  the  executive  office,  January  14, 
1879,  Governor  Hubbard,  in  his  message  of  that  date, 
supplies  the  legislature  with  a  succinct  and  clear  ac 
count  of  the  financial  condition  of  the  state  during  the 
period  from  August  31,  1876,  to  September  1,  1878, 
from  which  it  appears  that  the  total  receipts  were 
$3,306,059.82  currency,  and  $81,297.10  in  specie;  the 
disbursements  for  all  expenses  of  the  government,  in 
cluding  public  schools  and  frontier  defence,  amounted 
to  $3,227,362.55  currency,  and  $49,880.77  >ecie, 
leaving  a  balance  in  the  treasury  of  $78,697,*/  cur 
rency  and  $31,416.33  specie.  With  regard  to  the 
public  debt,  he  reported  that  it  amounted  to  $5, 086, 783, 
of  which  $5,034,109  were  bonded,31  and  $52,674  float 
ing,  showing  a  decrease  of  $123,290.  Indeed,  the 
financial  condition  of  the  state  was  very  favorable,  her 

30  Fuller  particulars  will  be  found  in  U.  S.  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  45,  sess.  2, 
xvii.,  nos  84  and  93.     See  also  J.  P.  Hague's  Acct,  MS.,  and  San  Jos6  Pioneer, 
ut  sup.     The  Mexicans  were  finally  obliged  to  submit  to  the  tax,  paying  $1 
per  fanega — about  2£  bushels.  H.  Misc.  Doc.,   cong.  47,  sess.   2,  ii.   1025. 
This  affair  is  known  as  the  Salt  war. 

31  Portions  of  the  public  debt  had  been  bonded  at  intervals  from  Nov.  19, 
1866.     On  July  6,  1876,  an  act  was  passed  to  provide  for  the  payment  of  the 
bonds  due  and  returnable  in  the  years  1876  and  1877,  and  to  make  provisions 
for  the  floating  indebtedness  of  the  state,  and  to  supply  deficiencies  in  the  reve 
nue  by  the  sales  of  these  bonds  of  the  state,  and  to  make  an  appropriation  to 
carry  into  effect  the  provisions  of  the  same.     Under  this  act  the  governor 
was  authorized  to  dispose  of  bonds  to  the  amount  of  $1,675,000,  payable  30 
years  from  July  1,  1876,  in  gold  coin,  and  bearing  6  per  cent  interest.  Mes 
sage,  Jan.  14,  1879,  8. 


GOVERNOR  ROBERTS.  523 

credit  being  such  that  her  bonds,  bearing  an  interest 
of  six  per  centum,  sold  in  New  York  at  a  premium  of 
two  and  a  half  per  centum. 

The  policy  of  Governor  Roberts,32  as  expounded  in 
his  inaugural  address,  aimed  at  important  changes. 
He  objected  to  positive  laws  limiting  judicial  discre 
tion  from  fear  of  abuse  of  power;  he  deprecated  the 
present  system  of  procrastination  in  the  sale  of  the 
public  lands,  thereby  burdening  the  present  genera 
tion  with  taxes  for  the  doubtful  benefit  of  future  gen 
erations;  and  he  advocated  the  disposal  of  the  public 
lands  at  a  fair  value  as  soon  as  practicable,  so  as  to 
meet  the  obligations  of  the  government,  increase  the 
school  and  other  funds,  and  relieve  the  present  gen 
eration  from  an  onerous  taxation,  imposed  for  the  dim 
prospect  of  a  future  good  which  would  never  be  realized. 

On  January  27th  he  sent  a  special  message  to  the 
legislature  on  the  judiciary,  in  which,  like  Coke,  he 
advocated  amendments  of  the  constitution,  one  of 
which  savored  somewhat  of  a  dislike  to  the  utter 
overthrow  of  everything  in  the  form  of  centralism.3" 
He  recommended  that  district  attorneys  should  be 
appointed  by  the  governor,  and  be  removable  at  his 
pleasure.  His  reasons  were  not  without  some  force. 
"The  district  attorney,"  he  said,  "is  peculiarly  an 

32Oran  M.  Roberts  was  born,  1815,  in  S.  C.,  and  educated  at  the  univer 
sity  of  Alabama.  Selecting  law  as  his  profession,  he  commenced  practice  in 
1838  in  that  state,  but  in  1841  migrated  to  Texas.  Having  settled  at  San 
Augustine,  he  became  district  attorney  in  1844,  and  district  judge  the  year 
following.  After  annexation,  he  resumed  the  practice  of  his  profession, 
which  he  continued  until  1857,  when  he  was  elected  one  of  the  associate  jus 
tices  of  the  supreme  court.  In  1861,  he  was  chosen  president  of  the  secession 
convention,  assembled  at  Austin,  and  in  that  capacity,  acting  under  its  au 
thority,  proclaimed  Texas  a  free  and  independent  state.  In  1862,  Roberts 
raised  a  regiment  for  confederate  army,  and  was  attached  to  Gen.  Walker's 
division,  but  was  afterward  elected  chief  justice  of  the  state.  He  was  in  the 
first  reconstruction  convention  in  1866,  and  the  ensuing  legislature  elected 
him  to  the  U.  S.  senate,  but  he  was  not  allowed  to  take  his  seat.  He  then 
resumed  the  practice  of  his  profession.  In  1874,  the  supreme  court  having 
been  reorganized,  he  was  restored  to  his  position  as  chief  justice,  and  was 
re-elected  in  1876.  Hanfvrtfs  Tex.  State  Reg.,  1879,  127;  G&v.  Inauy.  Ad., 
Jan.  1879,  11. 

33  Gov.  Coke  also  considered  that  the  rebound  from  centralism  had  been 
too  excessive.  He  wished  the  power  of  the  executive  not  to  be  so  much  cur 
tailed. 


524  TEXAS  RESTORED. 

executive  officer,  representing  the  state;  and,  as  the 
governor  is  required  by  the  constitution  to  see  that 
the  laws  are  executed,  he  should  be  given  full  control 
of  the  attorney  for  the  state  to  enable  him  to  do  it, 
and  then  he  may  be  justly  held  responsible  for  it. 
As  it  is  now,  every  district  attorney  and  county  at 
torney  in  the  state  is  an  independent  executive 
officer."  He  was,  however,  unsuccessful  in  his 
attempt  to  have  the  constitution  amended. 

On  June  10,  1879,  Governor  Roberts  convened  an 
exta  session  of  the  legislature,  and  submitted  no 
less  than  39  different  matters  for  its  action  thereon. 
The  most  important  were  :  to  make  an  appropriation 
for  the  annual  payment  of  the  interest  on  the  public 
bonded  debt,  and  for  a  sinking  fund  for  the  ultimate 
discharge  of  that  debt ;  to  provide  for  the  sale  of  the 
public  lands  and  those  pertaining  to  the  university, 
the  free  schools,  and  the  asylums ;  and  to  make  ap 
propriations  for  the  support  of  those  institutions,  out 
of  the  interest  of  the  state  bonds  and  railroad  bonds, 
at  that  time  amounting  to  over  $3,000,000.  Other 
matters  were  the  amendment  of  old  laws  and  the  pas 
sage  of  new  ones  for  the  better  government  of  the 
country  generally. 

The  system  of  removal  or  extermination  as  applied 
to  the  Indians  in  Texas,  has  been  thoroughly  carried 
out.  For  many  years  after  the  removal  of  the  Indian 
colonists  in  1859,  the  frontier  suffered  from  devasta 
tions  committed  by  wild  tribes,  which  found  a  safe 
retreat  in  uninhabited  regions  of  the  United  States 
and  Mexico.35  The  Comanches  and  Kickapoos  proved 
themselves  conspicuously  troublesome,  the  former 
claiming  the  country  as  their  own,  and  the  right  to 
make  raids  into  it.  and  the  latter  declaring  themselves  at 


Roberts  Message  to  the  15th  Leyis.,  1879,  13. 
35  In  1866  permission  was  granted  by  the  Mexican  authorities  to  Capt. 
Brotherton,  to  cross  the  frontier  in  pursuit  of  Indian  marauders.  Mex.  Col, 
Leg.,  D.  C.,  63-7,  iii.  3-6. 


BOUNDARY.  525 

war  with  Texas,  though  not  with  the  United  States. 
Within  the  territory  of  the  state  itself  few  Indians 
remained,  since  it  appears  that  in  1870  there  were 
only  500  Tonkawas  and  Lipans,  and  a  few  years  later 
Texas  was  relieved  from  the  hostile  incursions  of  the 
Kickapoos,  who  were  removed  to  a  reservation  on 
Indian  Territory.36  Since  that  time  all  hostile  Indians 
have  been  subdued,  and  by  1882  the  remnant  of 
harmless  natives  within  the  borders  of  the  state  had 
been  reduced  to  108  souls,  men,  women,  and  children.3' 

Under  the  terms  of  the  annexation  treaty  of  1845, 
Texas  retained  possession  of  all  vacant  and  unappro 
priated  lands  within  her  boundaries ;  but  from  that 
time  to  the  present  the  boundary  has  not  been  defi 
nitely  settled.  A  dispute  has  occurred,  arising  out  of 
the  old  treaty  with  Spain  of  February  22,  1819,38  in 
which  the  Red  river  is  made  the  boundary  between 
the  94th  and  100th  degree  west  longitude  from  Green 
wich.  At  the  date  when  this  treaty  was  made  but 
little  information  had  been  obtained  respecting  the 
region  extending  along  the  upper  portion  of  Red 
river,  nor  was  it  known  that  the  river  was  divided 
into  two  branches — now  called  the  north  and  west 
forks — between  the  99th  and  the  100th  meridians. 
As  late  as  1848  all  maps  described  Red  river  as  a 
continuous  stream,  the  north  fork  not  being  laid  down 
upon  them.  By  an  exploration,  however,  made  in 

36  By  act  of  congress,  June  22,  1874.     A  portion  of  the  Kickapoos  refused 
to  leave  Mexico,  where  they  had  made  their  new   home.     A  promise  was 
given  by  the  Mexican  authorities  to  locate  them  on  a  reservation  at  such  a 
distance  from  the  border  line  as  to  prevent,  with  the  supervision  that  would 
be  exercised,  any  further  disturbance  from  them.     Prior  to  the  civil   war 
this  tribe  was  located  in  Texas.    U.  S.  Sen.  M-isc.,  cong.  45,  sess.  2,  i.,  no.  23. 

37  They  were  located  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Griffin,  Shackelford  county. 
They  had  no  reservation,  and  were  dependent  to  a  great  extent  upon  the 
whims  of  the  land  owners  of  the  surrounding  country;  had  no  stock,  and 
lived  in  brush-houses  and  topees.     They  had  always  been  friendly  to  the 
whites  and  were  well  contented.     An   insufficient  appropriation   for  their 
support  was  annually  made  by  the  U.  S.  government,  and  the  citizens  of 
Texas  had  assisted  them  from  time  to  time.  Sec.  Interior  Sept.,  1882,  207, 
400,  430;  Id.,  cong.  41,  sess.  2,  835,  893;  U.  S.  Sen.  Misc.,  cong.  41,  sess.  2, 
doc.  136,  17,  21}  //.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  47,  sess.  2,  xxi.,  no.  77,  64. 

;!S  See  pp.  46-7  this  voL 


526  TEXAS  RESTORED. 

1852  by  captains  Marcy  and  McClellan,  under  the 
direction  of  the  war  department,  it  was  discovered 
that  there  were  two  main  branches  to  the  river 
proper;  but,  probably  owing  to  the  inaccuracy  of 
their  instruments,  the  explorers  located  the  100th 
meridian  below  the  junction.  In  1857  the  commis 
sioner  of  Indian  affairs,  who  wished  to  know  the 
boundary  between  the  Choctaw  and  Chickasaw  coun 
tries,  caused  an  astronomical  survey  to  be  made  for 
the  purposes  of  ascertaining  the  true  meridian,  which 
was  found  to  be  80  miles  west  of  the  junction  of  the 
two  forks,  the  surveyors  designating  Prairie  Dog 
Fork,  that  is  South  Fork,  as  the  main  branch.  Texas 
at  once  questioned  this  designation,  and  congress 
passed  an  act,  approved  June  5,  1858,  authorizing  the 
president  in  conjunction  with  the  state  of  Texas  to 
mark  out  the  boundary  line.  Commissioners  on  both 
sides  were  appointed  who  proceeded  to  do  their  work 
in  1860.  No  agreement,  however,  could  be  arrived 
at,  and  Texas,  adopting  the  report  of  her  commis 
sioner,  established  the  territory  in  dispute — about 
2,000  square  miles  in  area — as  a  county  under  the 
name  of  Greer.39  In  1882  a  bill  was  before  congress 
seeking  to  establish  the  North  Fork  as  the  true 
boundary,  but  hitherto  no  settlement  of  the  question 
has  been  attained.  Meantime  complications  have 
arisen,  through  persons  claiming  to  exercise  rights  on 
the  disputed  land  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  state 
of  Texas;  conflicts  have  taken  place,  and  blood  has 
been  shed,  owing  to  procrastination  in  the  adjustment 
of  the  disputed  claim.49 

On  the  16th  of  January  1883  John  Ireland,  having 
been  chosen  governor,  assumed  office  and  was  suc 
ceeded,  in  January  1887,  by  L.  S.  Ross.  No  state 
in  the  Union  has  passed  through  more  political  vicissi- 

39 In  an  act  of  congress  of  Feb.  24,  1879,  'to  create  the  northern  judicial 
district  of  the  state  of  Texas,'  etc.,  Greer  county  is  included  in  the  district. 
U.  8.  Statutes,  1878-9,  318. 

4*The  question  having  been  agitated  for  so  many  years  the  references  re 
specting  it  are  very  numerous.  The  above  sketch  is  derived  from  Sec. 
Interior  Kept,  1882,  15;  U.  S.  H.  Repts,  cong.  47,  sess.  1,  v.,  no.  1282. 


MANY   FURNACE   FIRES.  527 

tudes  than  Texas.  During  the  present  century  her 
people  have  fought  and  bled  under  no  less  than  five 
different  national  flags,  representing  as  many  different 
governments.  First  we  find  her  with  a  sparse  popu 
lation  among  which  might  be  found  some  few  indi- 

O  O 

viduals  of  the  Anglo-American  race,  under  the  royal 
standard  of  Spain,  ruled  by  monarchical  laws;  next 
the  eagle  of  the  Mexican  republic  dictates  the  form 
of  government,  and  exasperates  by  oppression  the  free- 
spirited  settlers  from  the  United  States ;  then  follow 
revolt  and  a  short  but  sanguinary  struggle  for  inde 
pendence,  terminating  in  the  establishment  of  the 
Texan  republic  with  its  emblematic  lone  star  flag. 
After  a  brief  existence,  however,  as  a  sovereign  nation, 
Texas  was  content  to  repose  beneath  the  standard 
of  the  stars  and  stripes,  which  in  turn  she  threw 
aside  to  fight  under  the  confederate  banner.  Such 
is  the  outline  of  her  career.  The  land  which  was 
once  the  abode  of  savages  has  been  converted  into  a 
civilized  country  which  will  prove  a  center  of  human 
development. 


CHAPTER   XX. 

INSTITUTIONAL  AND  EDUCATIONAL  MATTERS. 

1835-1888. 

RAPID  PROGRESS — POPULATION — SOCIAL  ADVANCEMENT — DECREASE  OF 
CRIME — THE  STATE  CAPITOL — THE  HUNTSVILLE  PENITENTIARY — RE 
FORM  OF  ABUSES — RUSK  PENITENTIARY — CHARITABLE  INSTITUTIONS — 
ASYLUM  FOR  THE  DEAF  AND  DUMB — THE  INSTITUTE  FOR  THE  BLIND — 
INSANE  ASYLUM — DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATION — APPROPRIATIONS  FOR 
THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  FREE  SCHOOLS — THE  PUBLIC  SCHOOL  SYSTEM — 
STATISTICS — FOUNDING  OF  THE  TEXAS  UNIVERSITY — THE  AGRICULTURAL 
AND  MECHANICAL  COLLEGE — FIRST  PROTESTANT  CHURCHES — MARRIAGE 
BY  BOND  LEGALIZED — ECCLESIASTICAL  STATISTICS — FIRST  PRINTING 
PRESS  IN  TEXAS — EARLY  NEWSPAPERS — TEXAS  EDITORL\L  AND  PRESS 
ASSOCIATION. 

SHORT  as  has  been  her  life,  the  commonwealth  of 
Texas  has  had  a  varied  experience ;  first  as  the  border 
land  of  contending  colonies,  then  a  lone  republic,  as 
member  of  the  great  federation,  member  of  the  south 
ern  confederacy,  and  finally  reinstated  as  one  of  the 
still  unbroken  union.  The  annals  of  her  past  career, 
as  we  have  seen,  are  replete  with  stories  of  romantic 
events,  and  persevering  struggles  to  shake  off  the 
leaden  weight  of  impeding  influences,  and  elevate  her 
self  to  the  proud  level  of  advancing  civilization.  Her 
future  is  bright;  she  has  entered  the  broad  highway 
of  universal  progress,  and  henceforth  her  march  will 
be  one  of  unprecedented  prosperity.  A  marvellous 
rapidity  has  already  marked  her  onward  course  to 
wealth  and  happiness.  Probably  there  never  was  a 
country  which  entered  upon  the  long  and  brilliant 
progressional  career  which  we  may  confidently  look 
forward  to  in  this  instance,  under  more  favorable 


DEVELOPMENT.  529 

auspices  than  this  state.  Although  older  than  any 
of  the  more  northern  Pacific  states,  it  has  developed 
more  slowly,  and  has  avoided  many  of  their  mistakes. 
The  great  curse  of  California  is  not  here  entailed. 
The  people  are  still  freemen,  and  the  law-makers  and 
public  officials  are  their  servants.  There  is  little  or 
no  public  debt;  their  public  lands  are  their  own,  and 
they  have  not  all  fallen  into  the  hands  of  sharpers 
and  speculators;  they  rule  the  railroad  companies 
instead  of  being  ruled  by  them;  unjust  and  oppressive 
monopolies  are  not  permitted.  Here  are  the  seeds  of 
life  instead  of  the  elements  of  disease  and  death. 
With  her  vast  area  of  tillable  and  grazing  lands,  a 
people  rapidly  increasing  in  numbers,  wealth,  and  re 
finement  ;  with  young  and  healthy  institutions  resting 
on  honest  republican  foundations;  with  a  determina 
tion  on  the  part  of  the  people  to  admit  within  their 
borders  no  species  of  despotism,  no  form  of  tyranny, 
there  is  no  height  of  grandeur  to  which  this  common 
wealth  may  not  reasonably  aspire. 

Indian  depredations  on  the  frontier  have  ceased, 
and  cattle-raiding  on  the  Rio  Grande  border-land  will 
soon  be  a  trouble  of  the  past ;  lawlessness  and  crime 
are  yielding  to  fearless  administration  of  justice  and 
the  application  of  the  laws,  and  order  is  sweeping 
from  her  path  the  refuse  that  for  decades  obstructed 
the  progress  of  large  portions  of  the  state. 

The  advancing  strides  made  by  Texas  since  the 
civil  war,  toward  the  goal  where  lofty  aspirations  will 
win  the  prize  of  unalloyed  prosperity,  are  strikingly 
exhibited  by  official  statistics  on  population,  agricul 
ture,  commerce,  industries,  and  developing  enterprises. 
According  to  the  census  returns  of  the  United  States, 
the  total  population  of  Texas  in  1860,  was  604,215; 
in  1888  it  could  not  be  far  short  of  3,000,000.  From 
the  same  source  it  appears  that  in  1860,  there  were 
51,569  farmers,  2,576  stock-raisers,  2,223  merchants, 
a-nd  1,502  school  teachers.  In  1880  there  were  200,- 
404  farmers  and  planters,  14,031  persons  engaged  in 

HIST,  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    34 


520 


INSTITUTIONAL  AND  EDUCATIONAL  MATTERS. 


stock-raising,  including  drovers  and  herders,  10,964 
traders  and  dealers,  exclusive  of  clerks  and  employes 
in  stores,  and  4,334  teachers.1  In  connection  with 
this  extraordinary  increase  of  population,  due  mainly 
to  immigration,  it  will  be  proper  to  compare  the 
social  and  political  condition  of  the  people  with  what 
it  was  quarter  of  a  century  ago, — as  described  in 
chapter  XV  of  this  volume — and  just  subsequent  to 
the  war. 

During  the  reconstruction  period  the  condition  of 
the  people  of  Texas,  from  all  points  of  view,  may  be 
considered  to  have  reached  its  lowest  ebb.  The 
sudden  elevation  of  the  freedmen  to  the  rights  of  citizen 
ship  and  suffrage,  overwhelmed  for  a  time  the  white 
population  at  the  polls,  and  the  colored  inhabitants 
with  their  partisans,  the  "  black  leaguers,"  carried 
their  candidates  for  all  state  offices.  As  a  result  of 
this  abrupt  change  from  slavery  to  political  equality 
with  the  whites,  not  only  was  a  conflict  between  the 
two  races  inaugurated,  but  the  debased  negroes,  no 
longer  debarred  the  use  of  spirituous  liquor,  under  its 
influence  incessantly,  engaged  in  frays  among  them 
selves,  which  generally  terminated  in  bloodshed.  The 
number  of  murders  committed  during  this  period  was 
unparalleled  in  any  epoch  of  Texan  history,  as  I  have 

1The  following  table,  made  from  the  U.  S.  census  returns,  will  enable 
the  reader  to  mark  the  rapid  increase  in  population: 


1850 

I860 

1870 

1880 

White 

154  034 

420  891 

564  700 

1  197  237 

Black  

58  558 

182'921 

253  475 

393  384 

Indian  

403 

379 

992 

Chinese  

25 

136 

212,592 

604,215 

818,5/9 

1,591,749 

According  to  the  state  bureau  of  statistics,  the  population  in  1884  was 
2,215,700,  showing  an  increase  at  the  rate  of  over  155,000  a  year. 

W.  0.  Hamilton,  representative  in  the  legislature  from  Comanche  and 
Brown  counties,  has  lately  introduced  among  other  important  bills,  one  to 
provide  for  the  taking  of  a  state  census,  witli  a  strong  probability  of  it  5  be 
coming  a  law.  Hamilton  was  born  in  Georgia,  June  30,  1854,  was  admitted 
to  the  bar  in  1879,  in  which  year  he  went  to  Texas  and  settled  in  Comanche 
county.  In  1880  he  was  elected  county  attorney,  and  in  Nov.  1884,  to  the 
legislature.  Bioy.t  MS. 


SOCIETY.  531 

shown,2  and  what  was  worse,  the  judiciary  was  inade 
quate  to  punish.  Intimidation  ruled  the  law  courts, 
party  spirit  swayed  the  jury  boxes,  and  local  public 
passion  dictated  verdicts.  Hence  lynch  law  was 
more  operative  than  the  penal  code.  But  this  chaos 
was  not  destined  to  endure.  The  flood  of  immigra 
tion  which  set  in  from  the  states  and  all  parts  of 
Europe  after  the  war,  soon  turned  the  scale.  It  mat 
tered  not  whence  the  immigrant  came,  he  was  ready 
to  support  the  white  race  against  the  black  leaguers. 
A  "white  league"  started  into  existence,  and  in  1874 
was  triumphant.  The  short-lived  supremacy  of  the 
black  league  was  destroyed  forever  in  Texas. 

Since  that  victory,  hundreds  of  thousands  of  new 
settlers  have  made  Texas  their  home,  and  their  ad 
vent  has  tended,  more  than  any  other  cause,  to  sup 
press  lawlessness  and  crime,  and  build  up  an  orderly 
and  law-abiding  community.  I^)rawn  from  countries 
where  the  rigid  laws  of  monarchical  governments 
compelled  obedience  and  secured  order,  or  proceeding 
from  older  states  where  well-regulated  society  had 
developed  under  the  more  liberal  principles  of  repub 
licanism,  they  brought  with  them  an  abhorrence  of 
savagism  and  a  love  of  social  fraternity.  They  wished 
to  pursue  their  industrious  and  progressive  vocations  in 
peace,  and  turbulence  found  no  encouragement  among 
them.  Thus  it  was  that,  under  the  new  constitution 
of  1876,  a  code  of  laws,  as  stern  in  the  punishment  of 
crime  as  those  prescribed  in  any  civilized  country,  has 
been  framed;  and  more  than  this,  in  Texas  to-day, 
the  laws  against  criminals  are  enforced  with  a  degree 
of  vigor  and  undeviating  justice  observable  in  no  other 

2  Hep  worth  Dixon  writing  in  1875  says:  'We  learn  on  good  authority, 
that  there  were  3,000  murders  in  Texas  last  year,  and  that  nearly  all  the.se 
murders  were  committed  by  negroes  on  their  brother  blacks.'  White  Conquest, 
i.  331.  It  is  to  such  superficial  enquirers  and  writers  as  Dixon,  who  are  apt 
to  accept  and  put  into  print  any  wild  information  supplied  to  them,  that 
Texas  is  indebted  for  much  of  the  bad  reputation  which  she  gained  at  one 
time.  But  if  this  gross  exaggeration  were  true;  if  indeed,  all  the  African  voters 
had  killed  each  other,  instead  of  only  3,000;  and  if  the  low  Irish  voters  had 
done  likewise,  the  world  would  still  turn  round,  and  United  States  politics 
would  be  as  pure  as  it  now  is. 


532 


INSTITUTIONAL  AND  EDUCATIONAL  MATTERS. 


state  of  the  union.3  Nevertheless,  the  people  are  still 
ready  to  take  the  law  into  their  own  hands.  Mur 
derers  caught  red-handed,  horse-stealers,  and  ravishers 
of  women  are  apt  to  have  justice  summarily  dealt  out 
to  them  by  a  crowd  of  indignant  citizens,  who,  when 
the  case  is  clear,  are  too  impatient  to  tolerate  the 
slow  process  of  the  criminal  courts/  Under  the  in 
fluence  of  this  judicial  spectre,  threatening  immediate 
punishment,  and  the  prompt  and  reliable  application 
of  the  laws  in  the  tribunals,  crime  in  Texas  is  decreas 
ing  in  a  marked  degree.5 

3  For  instance:  the  punishment  for  rape  is  death.     On  July  5,  1883,  a  man 
was  hanged  for  this  crime  in  Ysleta,  El  Paso  county.     He  was  a  discharged 
soldier,  on  his  way  through  the  country  to  the  eastern  states. 

4  During  the  six  months  ending  June  30,  1885,  110  less  than  31  persons 
were  lynched  in  Texas.     The  number  of  scoundrels  thus  executed  in  all  the 
states  and  territories  during  the  same  period  was  99,  Texas  heading  the  list, 
followed  by  Tennessee  and  the  Indian  Territory,  each  with  seven.     Of  the 
total  number  thus  put  to  death,  58  were  white  and  41  black.     The  crimes 
they  suffered  for  were:  murder  44,  horse-stealing  31,  rape  14,  incendiarism 
3,  train-wrecking  2,  murderous  assault  2,  unknown  reasons  2,  and  1  for  bur 
glary.  S.  F.  Bulletin,  July  23,  1885,  copied  from  Chicago  Tribune. 

5  By  consulting  the  following  tables  of  criminal  statistics  for  the  four  years 
succeeding  the  adoption  of  the  new  constitution,  the  reader  will  be  able  to 
form  a  comparative  estimate  of  the  proportionate  decrease  of  crime  as  regards 
increased  population,  and  the  increase  of  convictions,  thereby  showing  the 
growing  efficiency  of  the  tribunals. 


INDICTMENTS 

1877 

1878 

1879 

1880 

398 

549 

344 

259 

Theft     

2,260 

2,371 

2,081 

1,758 

Arson     ......      .                .... 

26 

24 

19 

23 

82 

90 

79 

74 

Rape  

53 

53 

34 

44 

Robbery  

51 

49 

47 

99 

Forgery     

85 

256 

155 

131 

Burglary  

175 

154 

183 

204 

Totals  

3,130 

3,546 

2,942 

2,592 

CONVICTIONS 

^Murder                       .  .  . 

71 

122 

115 

88 

Theft  

471 

558 

651 

483 

Arson     .  .              

5 

7 

5 

5 

Perjury                 .    ... 

3 

1 

10 

5 

11 

9 

16 

9 

Robbery     .    . 

13 

24 

9 

18 

Forgery   .                           ..**"".. 

9 

17 

19 

36 

Burglary  

58 

61 

82 

94 

Total*  

641 

799 

907 

738 

From  the  above  showing,  it  appears  that  whereas  in  1877  there  were 
indictments  with  only  641  convictions,  in  1880  the  indictments  had  decreased 
to  2,592,  and  the  convictions  increased  to  738.     This  shows  that  a  healthy 


HOSPITALITY   AND  REFINEMENT.  533 

In  other  respects  progress  in  Texas  is  equally 
marked.  The  log  huts  have  given  way  to  comfortable 
frame  buildings  on  well-fenced  farms,  while  villa  resi 
dences  of  wealthy  agriculturalists  adorn  the  country, 
and  in  the  cities  fine  edifices  and  spacious  public 
buildings  have  been  erected.  The  state  capitol  at 
Austin,  when  completed,  will  rival  in  dimensions  and 
magnificence  any  other  edifice  of  the  kind  in  the 
United  States,  with  the  exception  of  the  national 
capitol  at  Washington.6 

With  all  this  advancement  in  wealth  and  elevation, 
the  former  characteristics  of  the  Texans  still  prevail. 
Hospitality  is  yet  a  prominent  virtue,  and  the  respect 
able  stranger  or  visitor  is  received  with  a  genuine 
welcome.  He  may  be  called  upon  to  give  some  ac 
count  of  himself,  but  inquiries  leading  to  such  infor 
mation — necessary  as  a  provisional  safeguard  consid 
ering  the  condition  that  Texas  has  emerged  from— 
are  never  impertinently  made  or  inconsiderately 
pressed.  The  example  set  by  the  southern  element 
in  hospitality  and  other  virtues  is  not  without  effect 

judicial  tone  has  been  inaugurated,  but  that  there  is  still  room  for  improve 
ment. 

6  By  a  provision  of  the  constitution  of  1876,  art.  xvi.  sec.  57,  3,000,000 
acres  of  the  public  domain  were  appropriated  for  the  purpose  of  erecting  a 
new  capitol  and  other  necessary  buildings  at  the  seat  of  government,  the 
lands  to  be  sold  under  direction  of  the  legislature.  The  lands  appropriated 
by  legislative  act,  approved  Feb.  20,  1879,  amounted  to  3,050,000  acres,  and 
are  situated  in  the  section  known  as  the  Panhandle  of  Texas,  being  included 
in  the  counties  of  Dallam,  Hartley,  Oldham,  Deaf  Smith,  Parmer,  Castro, 
Bailey,  Lamb,  Cochran,  and  Hockley.  In  reply  to  an  advertisement  of  Nov. 
20,  1880,  for  plans  and  specifications,  eleven  designs  were  sent  in,  that  of  E. 
E.  Myers,  architect,  Detroit,  Michigan,  being  adopted.  The  form  of  the 
building  is  that  of  the  Greek  cross,  with  a  rotunda  and  dome  at  the  intersec 
tion.  Its  length  is  562  feet,  exclusive  of  porticos,  and  its  greatest  width  274 
ft.  Besides  the  basement  and  dome,  it  will  comprise  three  full  stories.  Ac 
cording  to  the  contract,  work  was  to  commence  on  or  before  Feb.  1,  1882, 
and  the  edifice  to  be  completed  and  delivered  on  or  before  Jan.  1,  1888.  The 
contractor,  Mattheas  Schnell,  of  Rock  Island,  111.,  engaged  to  erect  the  build 
ing  according  to  the  plan  and  specifications  for  the  3,000,000  acres  of  land. 
The  additional  50,000  acres  appropriated  by  the  legislature  were  set  apart  to 
defray  the  expenses  of  surveying.  Conveyances  of  lands  are  made  to  the 
contractor  by  instalments,  as  the  specified  requirements  as  to  time  and  work 
done  are  complied  with.  The  original  contract  has  undergone  various  modi 
fications.  The  corner-stone  was  laid  March  2,  1885,  being  the  anniversary 
of  the  independence  of  Texas.  Tex.  Kept  Cap.  Building  Com.,  Jan.  1,  1883. 
and  1885. 


534          INSTITUTIONAL  AND   EDUCATIONAL  MATTERS. 

on  immigrants  from  foreign  climes.  While  imitating 
these  high  principles  the  latter  bring  with  them  a 
tranquillizing  influence,  steadily  operating  in  the 
direction  of  a  higher  order  of  civilization.  A  na 
tional  character  is  gradually  being  developed  by  amal 
gamation,  objectionable  distinctions  are  gradually  van 
ishing,  and  refinement  is  taking  the  place  of  coarse 
ness.7  The  day  is  not  far  distant  when  the  white 
people  of  Texas  will  be  a  community  homogeneous  in 
feelings,  principles,  and  aspirations.  Texas  has  passed 
through  the  furnace  of  an  ill-considered  problem ;  has 
been  worsted  in  the  argument  conducted  by  bayonet, 
sword  and  cannon,  and  has  accepted  the  result.  No 
spot  on  earth  is  more  favored  with  all  the  resources 
needed  for  an  advanced  condition  of  progressive  devel 
opment  than  is  Texas,  and  her  people  have  long  since 
settled  down  to  their  pursuits  amid  the  enjoyment  of 
permanent  tranquillity. 

With  reference  to  the  criminal  statistics  given 
above,  it  is  proper  to  make  some  mention  of  the  state 
penitentiaries.  The  first  provisions  for  the  establish 
ment  of  such  an  institution  was  made  by  the  legisla 
ture  in  1846.  In  the  following  year  work  was  com 
menced  at  Huntsville,  and  11,000  square  yards  were 
in  time  inclosed  with  a  brick  wall  and  buildings  erected 
containing  240  cells,  the  first  convict  being  incarcer 
ated  October  1,  1849.  During  the  following  decade 
only  412  malefactors  were  committed,  and  on  Sep 
tember  1,  1860  there  were  no  more  than  200  convicts 
in  prison. 

The  system  adopted  by  the  state  government  was 
to  make  the  penitentiary  self-supporting  by  convict 
labor,  and  in  1856  machinery  and  suitable  buildings 
were  erected  for  the  manufacture  of  cotton  and  woolen 
goods,  work  commencing  in  the  factory  in  June  of 
that  year.8  From  this  time  to  the  close  of  the  civil 

7  Said  an  English  settler  to  Hep  worth  Dixon  more  than  ten  years  ago, 
'we  drink  less  liquor,  and  invoke  more  law.'    White  Cong.,  i.  330. 

8  Provision  was  made  for  the  establishment  of  this  factory  by  the  legisla- 


STATE  PRISON.  535 

war  the  income  derived  was  greatly  in  excess  of  the 
expenditure. 

During  the  reconstruction  period  the  number  of 
convicts  so  increased  that  there  was  neither  room  nor 
employment  for  them  within  the  walls  of  the  peniten 
tiary,10  and  recourse  was  had  to  employing  the  sur 
plus  on  the  railroads — a  system  strongly  deprecated 
by  Governor  Davis.11  Moreover,  the  annual  expenses 
began  to  exceed  the  income  at  a  gradually  increasing 
rate,  and  on  July  5,  1871,  the  penitentiary  was  leased 
to  Ward,  Dewey  &  Co.  for  the  term  of  fifteen  years.12 
This  was  neither  a  humane  nor  enlightened  policy, 
the  convicts  being  submitted  to  systematic  maletreat- 
ment.  They  were  ill  fed,  badly  clothed,  hard  worked, 
and  much  abused.  The  charges  of  inhumanity  be 
came  so  repeated  that  in  April,  1875,  the  govern 
ment  appointed  a  committee  to  investigate  and  report 
upon  the  condition  and  general  administration  of  the 
penitentiary.  The  result  was  that  a  mandatory  law 
was  passed  by  the  fifteenth  legislature  requiring  the 
governor  to  resume  possession  of  the  Huntsville  peni 
tentiary,  and  on  April  2,  1877,  the  lessees  surrendered 
the  control  of  it  to  Governor  Hubbard.  After  this 
lamentable  failure  of  the  lease  system  it  is  surprising 
that  the  government  should  have  persisted  in  it ;  yet 
the  penitentiary  was  again  leased  December  16,  1877, 
to  E.  H.  Cunningham,  of  Bejar  county. 


ture  in  1854.  All  possible  labor  such  as  brickmaking  was  performed  by  the 
convicts,  by  whom  also  most  of  the  work  was  done  in  the  erection  and  ex 
tension  from  time  to  time  of  the  penitentiary. 

9  For  the  23  months  ending  Aug.  31,  1859,  goods  were  manufactured  to 
the  amount  of  $169,365,  yielding  a  profit  of  $14,849.     This  was  the  produc 
tion  of  40  looms.     During  the  war  additional  machinery  was  set  up,  and  the 
superintendent,  Thomas  Caruthers,  in  his  report  to  the  legislature  of  Aug. 
31,  1863,  states  that  in  21  months  2,233,587  yds  of  Osnaburgs,  405,025  yds 
cotton  jeans,  and  322,890  yds  Kersey  and  other  goods  had  been  manufac 
tured.     The  income  amounted  to  $1,521,687,  far  exceeding  the  expenditures. 

10  In  1865  the  number  of  convicts  was  118;  in  1870  it  was  489  and  994  in 
1871. 

11  See  his  message  of  Apr.  29,  1870,  no.  5  in  Tex.  Col  Doc.,  no.  2. 

12  The  leseees  were  to  pay  the  state  annually  $5,000  during  the  first  five 
years;  $10,000  during  the  next  five   years,    and  $20,000  during   the   last 
quinquennium- 


5.%  INSTITUTIONAL  AND  EDUCATIONAL  MATTERS. 

It  had  long  been  evident  that  additional  institu 
tions  of  the  kind  were  necessary,  as  the  existing  one 
contained  accommodation  for  little  more  than  one 
fourth  of  the  convicts.13  In  1875,  therefore,  provis 
ion  was  made  for  the  establishment  of  two  others, 
one  east  of  the  Trinity,  and  one  west  of  the  Colorado. 
The  first  was  established  and  located  near  Rusk,  5,000 
acres  of  land  having  been  purchased  in  the  vicinity  of 
that  town,  and  the  necessary  buildings  erected.  The 
Rusk  penitentiary  was  completed  in  January,  1879; 
it  contains  528  cells,  has  attached  to  it  a  library  and 
epidemic  hospital,  besides  the  general  hospital,  and 
cost  the  state  $160,000. 

This  additional  means  for  the  confinement  of  pris 
oners  has  done  much  toward  the  suppression  of  crime 
in  Texas.  There  is  no  longer  an  avenue  of  escape 
open  to  the  majority  of  convicted  criminals  as  was 
the  case  before  the  erection  of  the  Rusk  penitentiary, 
arid  the  risk  which  malefactors  taks  of  meeting  with 
their  deserts,  without  chance  of  evasion,  is  so  largely 
increased  that  it  constitutes  one  of  the  factors  which 
regulate  the  decreasing  ratio  of  crime  to  population. 
With  regard  to  the  administration  of  these  institu 
tions,  owing  to  the  enlightened  policy  of  Barnett 
Gibbsu  and  his  supporters  in  the  legislature,  the  sys 
tem  of  leasing  the  penitentiaries  has  been  done  away 
with.  On  April  18,  1883,  an  act  to  provide  for  the 
more  efficient  management  of  the  Texas  state  peni 
tentiaries  was  approved,  the  third  section  of  which 
enacts  that  "no  lease  of  the  penitentiaries,  or  either 

13  On  Jan.  1,  1876,  the  total  number  of  convicts  was  1723,  of  which  only 
443  were  employed  in  and  immediately  around  the  prison,  the  remainder 
were  laboring  on  farms,  railroads,  and  in  saw  mills.  From  Sept.  1,  1874, 
to  Jan.  1,  1876,  266  convicts  escaped  and  28  were  killed  in  attempting  to 
escape.  Gov.  Coke's  Mes.,  Apr.  1876,  42. 

11  He  was  born  in  Yazoo  city,  Miss.,  May  19,  1851,  his  father  being  Judge 
Hugh  D.  Gibbs,  and  his  grandfather  Gen.  Geo.  W.  Gibbs,  both  prominent 
in  that  state.  Barnett  Gibbs  graduated  at  the  university  of  Virginia  in 
1871,  and  also  at  the  Lebanon  Law  College  in  1873,  when  he  went  to  Texas 
and  settled  in  Dallas,  where  he  was  elected  city  attorney  in  1875  and  twice 
reflected  in  1877  and  1879  respectively.  In  1883  he  was  chosen  senator  to 
the  state  legislature  from  that  county,  and  in  Nov.  1884  was  elected  lieuten- 
aut-gov.  by  a  majority  of  132,000  votes.  Bio<j.  Sketch,  MS. 


DEAF  MUTES  AND  BLIND.  537 

of  them,  shall  hereafter  be  made,  and  the  state  shall 
resume  control  thereof."  The  law  was  to  take  effect 
after  passage.15 

Enactments  were  passed  in  August,  1856,  for  the 
establishment  of  charitable  institutions.  The  appropria 
tions  were  sufficiently  liberal  for  the  requirements  at 
that  time,  an  endowment  of  100,000  acres  of  land 
and  $10,000  being  granted  for  support  to  each  asylum 
to  be  erected  for  the  deaf  and  dumb,  the  blind,  and 
for  orphans.16  For  a  lunatic  asylum  $50,000  of 
United  States  bonds  were  appropriated  for  the  erec 
tion  of  the  building,  a  similar  quantity  of  land  being 
also  donated. 

The  institution  for  the  deaf  and  dumb  was  opened 
January  2,  1857,  I.  Van  Nostrand,  of  New  York,  be 
ing  appointed  the  first  principal.  Instruction  com 
menced  with  only  three  pupils  which  number  had 
increased  to  seventy-one  by  October  31,  1880,  and 
John  S.  Ford,  the  superintendent,  in  his  report  of 
that  date,  believed  that  the  future  annual  increase 
would  be  nearly  100  per  centum.  Under  an  act  of 
the  fourteenth  legislature  the  experiment  of  teaching 
the  deaf  mutes  the  printer's  art  was  made  and  pro 
duced  most  favorable  results.  The  pupils  soon  proved 
themselves  apt  scholars  in  type-setting  and  press 
work,  and  Ford  considered  that  if  allowed  to  finish 
their  education  in  this  branch  they  would  success 
fully  compete  with  the  best  practical  printers.  Other 
mechanical  arts  taught  in  this  asylum  are  mattress- 
making,  book-binding,  cabinet-making,  shoe-making, 
and  some  others. 

A  similar  system  of  instruction  is  pursued  in  the 
education  of  the  blind,  but  these  unfortunate  beings 
labor  under  greater  disadvantages  than  the  deaf  and 

15  Tex.  State  Peniten.  Rules,  1883.  The  lease  to  Cunningham  expired  Jan. 
1,  1884;  consequently  since  that  date  the  penitentiaries  have  been  under  the 
control  of  the  government. 

1(1  Tn  regard  to  an  orphan  asylum,  in  1868  such  an  institution  was  opened 
at  Bayland,  Harris  county,  by  the  Rev.  Mr  Preston.  In  1873  the  legislature 
donated  to  this  institution  a  portion  of  the  land  set  apart  in  1856  for  an 
orphan  asylum.  Thrall,  736. 


538  INSTITUTIONAL  AND   EDUCATIONAL  MATTERS. 

~v  «j- 

dumb;  progress  is  slower,  and  most  mechanical  occu 
pations  are  beyond  their  requirement.  Nevertheless 
they  soon  become  proficient  in  making  baskets, 
brooms,  and  chairs;  they  are  also  taught  music  and 
telegraphy,  in  the  former  of  which  they  make  especial 
progress.  This  institute  went  into  operation  in  1858, 
with  ten  pupils  in  attendance,  a  commodious  house 
being  rented  in  Austin  until  the  state  building  was 
completed.  In  that  year  the  legislature  added  $6,500 
to  the  supporting  fund,  and  appropriated  $12,500  for 
the  purchase  of  a  site  and  the  erection  of  the  build 
ing,  which  was  finished  by  December  1860.  During 
the  war  means  were  wanting  for  the  successful  opera 
tion  of  this  establishment,  but  $9,600  were  expended 
in  1867  in  repairing  the  building,  and  the  sixteenth 
legislature  appropriated  $7,500  for  the  erection  of 
additions  thereto.  In  January  1879,  sixty-eight  blind 
persons  were  in  attendance;  since  that  time  the  insti 
tute  has  progressed  in  proportion  to  the  necessity  for 
providing  for  the  relief  of  this  helpless  class.  Both 
this  institute  and  that  for  the  deaf  and  dumb  are 
situated  in  the  vicinity  of  Austin. 

The  site  selected  in  1857  for  the  lunatic  asylum  lies 
three  miles  north  of  Austin.  The  plan  adopted  for  the 
construction  of  the  building  was  such  as  to  admit  of 
additions  being  made  to  it  from  time  to  time  without 
marring  the  symmetry  of  the  whole.  Glasscock  and 
Miller,  of  Austin,  obtained  the  first  contract  by  which 
they  engaged  to  erect  three  sections  for  the  sum  of 
$47,514.  The  first  superintendent  was  C.  G.  Keenan, 
who  held  office  from  1858  to  1862  when  Dr  Stein er 
succeeded  him.  During  that  period  67  patients  had 
been  admitted,  of  whom  49  were  males  and  18 
females.  After  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  Texas 
additional  premises  were  required  for  the  admission 
of  freedmen,  and  in  1867  what  is  known  as  the  Cross 
property  was  purchased  and  improved  at  a  cost  of 
$35,000.  The  completion  of  the  original  plan  of  the 
building  having  been  prevented  by  the  civil  war, 


SCHOOL  LAND  GRANTS.  539 

$20,000  was  appropriated  in  1870  for  the  erection  of 
the  remaining  sections.  In  that  year  the  inmates 
were  83  in  number,  which  by  August  31,  1878,  had 
increased  to  275.17  With  the  growth  of  population 
the  necessary  additions  have  been  made  to  accommo 
date  the  increasing  number  of  applications  for  admis 
sion  into  the  asylum. 

It  may  be  asserted  without  cavil  that  previous  to 
the  independence  education  was  a  dead  letter  in 
Texas,18  and  in  their  statement  of  grievances  in  the 
declaration  of  independence,  the  colonists  made  the 
failure  of  the  Mexican  government  to  provide  means 
of  instruction,  which  had  been  promised  for  their 
children,  one  of  the  many  grounds  of  complaint.  No 
sooner,  however,  was  the  victory  won  than  the  Texans 
in  their  constitution  of  1836  declared  that  it  should 
be  the  duty  of  congress,  as  soon  as  circumstances 
would  admit,  to  provide  by  law  a  general  system  of 
education. 

Accordingly,  in  January  1839,  the  congress  of  the 
new  republic  assigned  three  leagues  of  land  to  each 
organized  county,  and  in  the  following  year  an  addi 
tional  league,  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  primary 
schools.  By  the  same  act,  fifty  leagues  of  land  were 
devoted  to  the  establishment  of  two  colleges  or  uni- 

17  The  total  resident  number  of  lunatics  during  the  fiscal  year  ending 
Aug.  31,  1878  was  370,  thus  exhibited: 

Patients  discharged  restored 58 

Patients  discharged  improved 21 

Patients  discharged  unimproved 4 

Patients  died 12 

Remaining 275 


370 
Gw.  Hubbard's  Mes.,  Jan.  14,  1879,  37. 

18  Almonte,  in  his  report  of  Jan.  1,  1835,  states  that  a  school  had  existed 
in  Be  jar,  supported  by  the  ayuntamiento,  but  it  had  been  closed  from  want 
of  funds;  that  there  was  a  private  one  near  Brazoria  with  30  to  40  pupils, 
which  was  supported  by  subscriptions;  and  that  there  were  three  primary 
schools  respectively  at  Nacogdoches,  San  Agustin,  and  Jonesburg.  He  re 
marks  that  those  colonists  who  could  afford  the  expense  preferred  to  send 
their  children  to  be  educated  in  the  U.  S. ;  those  who  could  not,  cared  little 
about  instructing  their  sons  in  matters  other  than  felling  trees  and  hunting 
wild  game.  Not.  Estad.  Tej.,  40,  64-5,  76. 


540  INSTITUTIOXAL  AND   EDUCATIONAL  MATTERS. 

versities,  to  be  thereafter  created.  In  February  1840, 
a  law  was  passed  making  the  chief  justice  and  two 
associate  justices  in  each  county  a  board  of  school 
commissioners,  whose  duty  it  was  to  organize  their 
county  into  school  districts,  inspect  schools,  examine 
teachers,  and  give  certificates  of  qualification  and 
character  to  deserving  applicants.  Under  this  basis, 
it  seems  that  schools  were  established  in  the  more 
settled  counties.19 

But  a  thorough  system  of  general  education  in 
Texas  was  of  slow  growth,  owing  at  first  to  sparseness 
of  population,  and  later  to  set-backs  caused  by  the 
disorders  created  by  the  war  with  Mexico,  and  that 
of  the  secession.  When  Texas  entered  the  union,  it 
was  provided  by  the  new  constitution  of  1845  that  the 
legislature  should,  as  early  as  practicable,  establish 
free  schools  throughout  the  state,  and  furnish  means 
for  their  support  by  taxation  on  property;  that  not 
less  than  one  tenth  of  the  annual  revenue  of  the  state 
derived  from  taxation  should  be  set  apart  as  a  per 
petual  fund  for  the  same  purpose ;  and  that  the  lands 
already  granted  for  public  schools  should  not  be  alien 
ated.  But  the  confusion  which  presently  set  in  pre 
vented  anything  from  being  done  till  January  1854, 
when  an  act  to  establish  a  system  of  schools  was  ap 
proved,  and  $2,000,000,  in  five  per  cent  United  States' 
bonds,  were  set  apart  as  a  school  fund.  Under  this 
act,  a  system  was  organized,20  which  continued  in 
operation  till  the  civil  war  broke  out,  when  again 
confusion  prevailed,  most  of  the  public  schools  being 
closed  during  that  period. 

On  emerging  from  the  civil  strife,  Texas  found  her- 


19  The  U.  g.  census  of  1850  shows  that  349  public  schools  were  reported 
as  existing  in  Texas,  with  3GO  teachers  and  7,946  scholars. 

w  According  to  the  U.  S.  census  of  1860,  there  were  1,218  public  schools 
in  Texas  at  that  time,  with  1,274  teachers  and  34,611  scholars.  The  school 
income  amounted  to  $414,168,  of  which  $6,743  were  derived  from  endow 
ments,  $15,847  from  taxation,  and  $58,394  from  public  funds,  making  $80, 984, 
leaving  $333,184,  which  doubtless  came  from  tuition  fees  paid  by  the  parents. 
The  schools,  therefore,  were  not  yet  free  schools,  properly  speaking. 


CONSTITUTIONAL  PROVISIONS.  541 

self  without  resources,  and  her  school  fund  wasted ; " 
but  she  devoted  herself  at  once  to  the  task  of  repair 
ing  the  evil.  Under  the  constitution  of  1866,  all 
funds,  lands,  and  other  property  previously  set  apart 
for  the  support  of  the  free  school  system  were  rededi- 
cated  as  a  perpetual  fund.  It  furthermore  devoted 
to  that  fund  all  the  alternate  sections  of  land  reserved 
out  of  grants  to  railroad  companies  and  other  corpora 
tions,  together  with  one  half  of  the  proceeds  of  all 
future  sales  of  public  lands.  The  legislature  was  de 
prived  of  the  power  to  loan  any  portion  of  the  school 
fund,  and  required  to  invest  the  specie  principal  in 
United  States  bonds,  or  such  bonds  as  the  state 
might  guarantee ;  and  it  was  authorized  to  levy  a  tax 
for  educational  purposes,  special  provision  being  made 
that  all  sums  arising  from  taxes  collected  from  Afri 
cans,  or  persons  of  African  descent,  should  be  exclus 
ively  appropriated  for  the  maintenance  of  a  system  of 
public  schools  for  the  black  race.  Provision  for  the 
university  was  renewed;  a  superintendent  of  public 
instruction  was  directed  to  be  appointed  by  the  gov 
ernor,  who,  with  him  and  the  comptroller,  should  con 
stitute  a  state  board  of  education,  and  have  the  general 
management  and  control  of  the  perpetual  fund  and 
common  schools,  under  regulations  thereafter  pre 
scribed  by  the  legislature. 

The  constitution  of  1868  did  not  materially  alter 
these  provisions,  except  in  one  marked  particular,  and 
that  was  in  the  significant  omission  of  the  provision 
appropriating  the  taxes  paid  by  colored  persons  for 


21  Nearly  all  the  $2,000,000  in  U.  S.  bonds  appears  to  have  been  lost  by 
injudicious  loans  to  railroad  companies  before  the  outbreak  of  the  war.  Gov. 
Throckmorton,  in  his  message  of  Aug.  18,  1866,  says:  'There  is  also  in  the 
treasury,  due  the  school  fund,  $1,753,317,  interest-bearing  bonds  of  railroad 
companies,  with  interest  due  upon  said  bonds  up  to  March  1,  1866,  amount 
ing  to  $300,209.80.  I  am  unable  to  form  an  opinion  as  to  the  probability  of 
the  payment  of  this  interest.'  Gov.  Davis,  in  his  message  of  Apr.  28,  1870, 
includes  in  the  school  fund  $2,742,198,  principal  and  interest,  due  from  rail 
road  companies.  He  remarks:  'I  suppose  upwards  of  two  millions  of  the 
total  due  by  the  railroads  could  be  realized  with  certainty.'  fie  recommends 
a,  sale  of  all  the  roads  indebted  to  the  school  fund. 


542  INSTITUTIONAL  AND  EDUCATIONAL  MATTERS. 

the  support  of  schools  for  their  children.  The  schools 
were  made  free  to  all.22 

Under  this  constitution  a  law  was  passed  August 
13,  1870,  directing  the  governor  to  appoint  a  superin 
tendent  of  public  instruction,  to  serve  until  the  next 
general  election,  and  ordering  that  thenceforward  that 
official  should  be  elected  by  the  people,  to  serve  for  a 
term  of  four  years;  each  organized  county  was  made 
a  school  district,  and  each  county  court  a  board  of 
school  directors,  which,  subject  to  the  direction  of 
the  state  superintendent,  were  charged  with  the  duty 
of  dividing  it  into  sub-districts.  The  schools  were  to 

O 

be  open  at  least  four  months  in  the  year,  and  the  di 
rectors  were  to  see  that  all  children  between  six  and 
sixteen  years  were  to  attend,  unless  instructed  else 
where.  One-fourth  of  the  annual  state  revenue  from 
taxation,  an  annual  poll-tax  of  one  dollar,  and  the  in 
terest  on  the  perpetual  fund,  were  set  apart  for  the 
support  of  the  schools. 

In  April  and  November  1871,  amendments  were 
made  to  this  law.  The  state  superintendent  was 
directed  to  appoint  for  each  judicial  district  a  super 
visor  of  education ;  and  the  board  of  education — the 
attorney  general  now  taking  the  place  of  the  comp 
troller — was  directed  to  apportion  anew  the  territory 
of  the  state  into  educational  districts  not  exceeding 
twelve  in  number ;  all  existing  supervisors  were  to  be 
retired,  and  one  for  each  of  the  twelve  districts  ap 
pointed,  whose  duty  it  would  be  to  examine  teachers, 
and  re-subdivide  the  counties  in  his  jurisdiction  into 
districts,  appointing  for  each  five  school  directors, 
with  the  approval  of  the  state  superintendent.  These 
directors  might  levy  taxes  not  exceeding  one  per 
centum,  for  the  erection  of  school-houses.  A  penalty 
of  $25  for  non-attendance  at  school  was  ordered  to  be 

22  Art.  ix.,  sec.  1,  of  the  constitution  reads  thus:  It  shall  be  the  duty  of 
the  legislature  of  this  state  to  make  suitable  provisions  for  the  support  and 
maintenance  of  a  system  of  public  free  schools,  for  the  gratuitous  instruction 
of  all  the  inhabitants  of  this  state  between  the  ages  of  six  and  eighteen. 
U.  S.  CJiart.  and  Constit.,  pt  2,  1814. 


SCHOOL  STATISTICS.  543 

collected  from  the  parents  of  non-attending  children. 
Under  this  system  schools  began  to  increase  rapidly 
in  number.23 

During  the  years  1873  to  1875  inclusive,  consider 
able  changes  were  again  made.  The  government  was 
now  democratic.  The  state  superintendency  and 
county  boards  of  directors  were  retained,  while  the 
state  board  of  education  and  supervisors  of  large  dis 
tricts  were  suppressed,  and  the  trustees  of  each  school 
district  were  ordered  to  be  elected  by  the  voters  of 
the  district.  Under  this  reformed  system,  the  control 
of  the  schools,  management  of  the  funds,  the  adoption 
of  the  method  of  education,  and  other  matters  connected 
with  free  tuition  were  placed  in  the  power  of  the 
people,  who  elected  their  immediate  agents.  The  en 
rollment  in  the  scholastic  year  1874-5  was  124,567 
pupils,  under  3,100  teachers  in  2,924  schools. 

By  the  constitution  of  1876  some  changes  were 
again  effected,  both  as  regards  the  perpetual  fund  and 
the  system.  Instead  of  one  half  of  the  proceeds  of 
sales  of  public  lands  being  set  apart  for  the  fund,  it 
was  directed  that  one-half  of  the  public  domain  should 
be  donated  to  it  ;24  all  lands  granted  to  counties  for  the 
support  of  schools  were  made  the  property  of  the 
counties  respectively  to  which  they  were  granted,25 
and  the  proceeds  when  sold  were  to  be  held  in  trust 

23 In  Dec.  1871  there  were  1,324  schools,  with  1,578  teachers,  and  63,504 
scholars.  The  report  for  the  following  year  showed  2, 000  schools,  with  127,- 
672  enrolled  scholars  under  2,233  teachers.  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  44,  sess.  2, 
iv.,  pt  2,  385-6. 

24  This  change  was  introduced  by  A.  T.  McKinney,  who  was  a  member  of 
the  constitutional  convention  of  1875.  McKinney  was  bom,  March  18,  1838, 
in  Randolph  county,  111.  His  father,  who  was  president  of  We^t  Tennessee 
College,  migrated  with  his  family  to  Texas  in  1850.  The  son  graduated  at 
Princeton  in  1858,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1861.  He  served  as  a 
private  soldier  in  the  confederate  army  for  two  years,  and  on  his  return  to 
i'exas  settled  in  Huntsville,  and  there  practised  his  profession.  In  1882  he 
was  appointed  regent  of  the  university  of  Texas;  was  elected  to  the  house  of 
representatives,  taking  his  seat  in  Jan.  1883.  In  the  18th  legislature  he  in 
troduced  the  measure  which  endowed  the  state  university  with  1,000,000  acres 
of  land.  McKinney  has  made  various  suggestions,  recommending  a  new  plan 
for  the  government  and  control  of  the  public  school  system. 

2aBy  the  constitution  of  1868,  the  public  lands  given  to  counties  were 
placed  under  the  control  of  the  legislature,  and  when  sold  the  proceeds  were 
to  be  added  to  the  public  school  fund. 


544          INSTITUTIONAL  AND  EDUCATIONAL  MATTERS. 

by  the  counties,  for  the  benefit  of  public  schools 
therein.  Separate  schools  were  to  be  provided  for 
the  white  and  colored  children,  and  impartial  pro 
vision  made  for  both ;  and  the  board  of  education  was 
restored  to  be  composed  of  the  governor,  comptroller, 
and  secretary  of  state.26 

Under  these  provisions  laws  were  enacted  for  the 
carrying  out  of  the  same.  At  a  specially  called  ses 
sion  of  the  legislature,  January  1884,  improvements 
in  the  system  were  effected.  The  office  of  state  sup 
erintendent  was  reaffirmed,  the  superintendent  being 
made  the  official  secretary  of  the  board  of  education; 
boards  of  examiners  of  teachers  were  provided ;  and 
colored  school  communities  were  given  the  right  to 
have  trustees  of  their  own  race  for  their  schools.27  In 
1884  county  school  affairs  were  superintended  by 
county  judges,  and  in  cities  and  towns  the  boards  of 
aldermen  had  the  exclusive  power  to  regulate  and 
govern  the  free  schools  within  their  limit.  Austin, 
Galveston,  Houston,  and  the  larger  cities  have  school 
superintendents. 

The  system  of  free  schools  in  Texas  has  firmly  fixed 
itself  in  public  esteem.  According  to  Spaight's  offi 
cial  map  of  December  1,  1882,28  the  principal  of  the 
perpetual  school  fund  amounted  to  $4,166,383,  in  cash 
and  bonds ;  the  amount  of  land  pertaining  to  the  same 
was  33.000,000  acres,  besides  4,002,912  acres  given  to 

26  By  the  school  law  of  1883,  this  board  was  authorized  to  appoint  a  secre 
tary  with  a  salary  of  $1,800  a  year.    U.  S.  Kept.  Com.   Educ.,   1883-4,  262. 
Benjamin  F.  Baker,  was  made  secretary  in  Jan.  1883,  and  held  that  office 
for  18  months;  the  office  of  state  superintendent  of  public  instruction  was 
then  created  by  act  of  the  18th  legislature  in  extra  session,  and  in  Nov. 
1884,  Baker  was  elected  to  it  by  a  majority  of  181,016  votes.     He  prepared 
the  public  school  law  in  force  at  the  time  of  writing,  1886.     Baker  was  born 
in  Russell  county,  Alabama,  Jan.  20,  1851,  migrated  to  Texas   at  the   age 
of  18,  practised  law  in  the  town  of  Carthage,  and  in  1876  was  elected  to  the 
15th  legislature,  was  reflected,  and  served  during  the  16th  and  17th  legisla 
tures,  when  he  declined  reelection  and  moved  to  Decatur. 

27  The  framer  of  this  law  was  A.  J.  Chambers,  who  was  born  in  Missis 
sippi  in  1835,  and  went  to  Texas  in  1853,  where  he  was  engaged  in  school 
teaching  for  ten  years.     In  1882  he  was  elected  to  the  18th  legislature,  and 
served  to  Jan.  1885. 

28  In  Tex.  Resources,  Soil,  and  Climate,  being  the  report  of  A.  W.  Spaight, 
the  commissioner  of  insurance,  statistics,  and  history,  for  the  year  1882. 


UNIVERSITY.  545 

the  counties ;  and  the  apportionment  for  tne  scholastic 
year  1882-3,  to  counties,  cities  and  towns  was  $1,086,- 
273.  Yet  as  late  as  1884,  the  expenditure  was  not 
wholly  covered  by  the  public  school  fund,  some 
amount  being  paid  teachers  from  private  sources,23 
At  Huntsville  is  established  the  Sam  Houston 
Normal  Institute,  which  offers  a  three-year's  course 
of  strictly  professional  training,  aiming  to  furnish  com 
petent  teachers  for  the  public  schools. 

Although  provision  was  made  for  the  establishment 
of  a  university  as  early  as  1839,30  nothing  was  done 
till  1881,  when  at  the  election  held  September  6th, 
Austin  was  selected  as  the  location.31  Steps  had 
been  taken  by  the  legislature  on  March  30,  1881, 
when  an  act  was  passed  providing  for  the  organiza 
tion  of  a  board  of  regents  and  appropriating  $150,000 
for  the  building,  and  $40,000  for  the  purchase  of 
librae y  and  furniture.  In  September  1883  the  uni 
versity  was  opened,32  young  men  and  women  being 

v9  In  the  scholastic  year  1883-4,  the  expenditure  for  public  schools  was 
$1,661,476  against  $1,150,332  for  the  previous  year.  The  net  available 
school  fund  estimated  for  the  year  beginning  Sept.  1,  1885,  was  $2,232,272. 
The  following  statistical  summary  is  derived  from  reports  sent  from  only  125 
counties  out  of  166.  The  failure  of  so  many  county  judges  to  report  school 
statistics, — according  to  the  explanation  given  by  the  superintendent — is 
owing  to  the  fact  that  those  officers  had  not  time  for  such  duties. 


1882-83 

NO.  OF  SCHOLARS. 

NO.  OF  SCHOOLS. 

NO.  OF  TEACHERS. 

White. 

Colored. 

White. 

Colored. 

112,569 
148,639 

40,473 
56,160 

3,996 
4,399 

1,181 
1,432 

5,037 

6,369 

188:3-84  

Prominent  among  the  colored  teachers  is  Prof.  I.  M.  Terrill,  the  principal 
of  school  No.  6,  at  Fort  Worth.  Terrill  is  the  son  of  a  freedman,  and  was 
born  at  Anderson,  Grimes  county,  Jan.  3,  1859.  Educated  in  the  common 
schools  of  Anderson,  he  entered  Strait's  University  at  N.  Orleans,  from 
which  he  graduated  in  June  1881.  The  children  in  his  school  take  the  same 
grade,  and  pass  examinations  equal  to  those  passed  by  white  children.  R. 
F.  Moore,  the  principal  of  the  Keller  academy,  considers  that  the  public 
schools  of  Texas  have  taken  a  high  position,  and  will  continue  to  improve 
yearly.  He  believes  that  a  compulsory  law — not  existing  at  present — would 
be  highly  beneficial.  Moore's  Obser.,  MS. 

30  By  the  constitution  of  1876,  1,000,000  acres  of  land  were  set  apart,  in 
addition  to  the  50  leagues  previously  appropriated,  to  constitute  a  perpetual 
university  fund.     The  total  number  of  acres  appropriated  was  l,219,906i. 
Tex.  Univer.  Vote  Soc.,  1882,  6.  _ 

31  The  number  of  votes  cast  in  favor  of  Austin  was  30,913,  Tyler  having 
18,974.     At  the  same  time  Gulveston  received  the  majority  of  votes  for  the 
location  of  the  medical  department. 

32  The  board  of  regents  consisted  of  Ashbel  Smith,  president;  T.  M.  Har- 

HIST.  MEX.  STATKS,  VOL.  II.    35. 


546  INSTITUTIONAL  AND   EDUCATIONAL  MATTERS. 

admitted  on  equal  terms,  tuition  free.  The  academic 
department  comprises  instruction  in  literature,  sci 
ence  and  the  arts,33  the  course  extending  over  four 
years.  In  June  1885,  the  number  of  students  was 
206,  of  whom  55  were  law  students;  of  the  remaining 
151  nearly  one  third  was  represented  by  females. s* 

Special  mention  must  be  made  of  the  Agricultural 
and  Mechanical  College,  located  four  miles  from 
Bryan,  Brazos  county.  It  was  incorporated  by  an 
act  of  the  legislature  approved  April  17,  1871,  con 
gress  having  granted  November  1,  1866,  180,000 
acres  in  land  scrip  for  its  foundation.  The  fund 
derived  from  this  donation  amounted  in  1872  to 
$174,000,  which  were  invested  in  bonds  of  the  state 
bearing  7  per  centum  in  gold.  By  successive  appro 
priations,  made  by  the  state,  aggregating  $187,000, 
suitable  buildings  were  erected,  and  the  institution 
was  opened  in  October  1876,  there  being  six  pupils 
in  attendance.  The  increase  in  the  number  of  stu- 


wood,  T.  D.  Wooteii,  E.  J.  Simkiiis,  M.  W.  Garuett,  James  B.  Clarke,  M.  L. 
Crawford,  ami  B.  Hadra;  A.  P.  Wooldridge,  secretary.  Tex.  Univer.,  sess.  1, 
1883-84,  2.  One  of  the  members  of  the  board  in  1886  was  Geo.  Thos  Todd, 
who  was  chairman  of  the  committee  of  education,  in  1881,  which  framed  the 
bill  to  establish  and  organize  the  university.  Todd,  when  only  four  years  of 
age,  was  taken  to  Texas  by  his  father  who  moved  thither  in  1843.  He  was  edu 
cated  by  his  mother,  whose  maiden  name  was  Eliza  Ann  Hudgins,  and  who 
originated  and  conducted  for  many  years  a  female  educational  institute  at 
Clarksville,  Texas.  He  completed  his  education  at  the  university  of  Vir 
ginia,  and  on  his  return  practised  law  in  Jefferson;  on  the  outbreak  of  the 
civil  war  volunteered  in  the  1st  Texas  regiment,  and  after  served  in  Hood's 
Texas  brigade. 

33  Leading  to  the  degrees  of  bachelor  of  arts,  master  of  arts,  bachelor  of 
letters,  bachelor  of  science,  and  bachelor  of  laws. 

34  From  the  reports  sent  in  to  the  U.  S.  com.  of  education,  1884,  it  appears 
that  the  other  colleges  and  universities  in  Texas  at  that  time  were  as  fol 
lows:  St  Mary's  university,  Gal veston;-  Southwestern  university,  George 
town;  Baylor  university,  Independence;  Mansfield,  male  and  female  college, 
Mansfield;  Salado  college,  Salado;  Austin  college,  Sherman;  Trinity  univer 
sity,  Tehuacana;   Waco   university,  Waco;   Marvin  college,  Waxahatchie; 
and   Add   Ran   college,  Thorp's   spring.     Five   of  these   institutions   admit 
young  men  only,  the  other  five  are  open  to  both  sexes.     The  collegiate  insti 
tutions  exclusively  for  young  women  are:   Dallas   Female  college,    Dallas; 
Ursuline  academy,  Galveston;  the  Ladies'  Annex  of  Southwestern  univer 
sity,  Georgetown;  Baylor  Female  college,  Independence;  Woodlawn  Female 
college,   Paris;    Nazareth  academy,    Victoria;    and  Waco   Female   college. 
All  these  are  authorized  by  law  to  confer  degrees.     There  are  also  the  Austin 
Female  institute,  Bryan  Female  institute,  and  Soule  college.   U.  S.  Rept 
Cam,  Educ.,  1883-4,  264-5. 


RELIGION.  547 

dents  was  so  rapid  that  the  directors35  in  their  report 
of  January  18 79,  mention  that  in  June  1878,  there  were 
250  students,  and  that  416  applications  for  admission 
had  been  filed,  all  of  whom  could  not  be  received  on 
account  of  want  of  room.  At  the  present  time  the 
income  derived  from  the  United  States  grant  amounts 
to  $14,280,  the  fund  having  increased  by  the  accumula 
tion  of  interest  previous  to  the  opening  of  the  college. 
A  separate  branch  of  this  institution  has  been  estab 
lished  in  Waller  county,  exclusively  for  the  use  of 
colored  students.  It  is  known  as  Prairie  View  school, 
and  in  March,  1882,  was  attended  by  51  students.36 

As  the  reader  is  aware,  religious  intolerance  pre 
vailed  in  Texas  down  to  the  time  of  her  independence. 
Previous  to  this,  a  few  attempts  had  been  made  by 
clergymen  of  the  baptist  denomination  to  organize 
congregations,  but  their  efforts  had  met  with  violent 
opposition  on  the  part  of  the  authorities.3'  In  1837, 
however,  a  baptist  church  was  organized  at  Washing 
ton,  Z.  N.  Morrell  being  chosen  pastor,  and  money 
was  subscribed  to  build  a  house  of  worship.38  The 

35  The  management  of  the  college  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  a  board  of 
directors,  composed  of  the  gov.  who  was  pres.  of  the  board,  the  lieut-gov., 
the  speaker  of  the  house  of  representatives,  and  six  other  members.     Later 
a  board  of  trustees  was  formed,  the  pres.  of  which  at  the  time  of  writing 
is  George  Pfeuffer,  who  has  done  much  by  his  able  administration  to  raise 
this  institution  to  a  high  position,  having  secured  for  it  ample  endowments 
and  necessary  appliances.     Pfeuffer  was  born  in  Bavaria  in  1830,  migrated 
to  Texas  in  1845,  and  settled  at  Corpus  Christi,  whence  he  removed  14  years 
later  to  New  Braunfels.     He  was  chairman  of  the  senate  com.  on  education. 

36  17.  S.  Depart  of  Ayric.,  1871,  329;  1872,   384;  1875,  52;  H.  Ex.  Doc., 
cong.  42,  sess.  2,  vii.,  no.  327,  329;  Tex.  Gov.  Mess.,  1876,  1879;  Ttx.  Kept 
Prairie  View  School,  1882.     By  an  act  of  the  legislature,  March  1881,  it  was 
provided  that  three  students  from  each  senatorial  district  should  be  ap 
pointed  by  the  senators  and  representatives,  and  maintained  and  instructed 
free  of  charge.     To  state  students  a  course  of  study  is  assigned;  paying 
students  make  their  own  selection.     In  1882  127  students  were  reported  as 
taking  the  full  course;  in  1884  only  108  were  reported.   //.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong. 
47,  sess.  1,  vol.  12,  249-50,  610;  Rept  Com,  E<1uc.,  1883-4,  265,  663. 

37  In  1826,  Elder  Joseph  Bays  preached  at  the  house  of  Moses  Shipmau, 
on   the  Brazos,  and   afterward    moved   to  San   Antonio.      In    1829,    Elder 
Thomas  Hanks  also  preached  in  Shipman's  house.     During  the  same  year, 
the  first  Sunday-school  in  Texas  was  organized  by  T.  J.  Pilgrim.  Morretfs 
Flowers  aiid  Fruits,  72-3. 

1)8  Morrell  remarks  that  this  was  the  first  church  ever  organized  in  Texas 
on  strictly  gospel  principles,  having  the  ordinances  and  officers  of  ancient 
order.  Of  course  he  means  a  baptist  church. 


548  INSTITUTIONAL  AND  EDUCATIONAL  MATTERS. 

first  protestant  episcopal  church  was  established  in 
1838  at  Matagorda  by  Caleb  S.  Ives,  who  collected 
a  congregation,  established  a  school,  and  built  a  church. 
During  the  same  year  R.  M.  Chapman  organized  a 
parish  in  Houston.39 

In  early  days,  the  Anglo-Texans  cannot  be  said  to 
have  exhibited  much  sentimentalism  on  the  score  of 
religion ;  indeed,  they  may  be  considered  as  forming  a 
somewhat  godless  community ;  but  with  the  great  in 
flux  of  immigrants  since  the  war  of  secession,  Texas 
has  proved  a  fair  field  for  evangelical  enterprise.  Many 
denominations  in  1888  were  well  represented  in  the 
state.  According  to  the  United  States'  census  of 
1880,  the  number  of  methodists  was  157,000,  of  cath 
olics  150,000,  of  baptists  125,000,  and  of  presbyterians 
13,000. 

The  first  printing-press  in  Texas  was  put  into  oper 
ation  at  Nacogdoches,  early  in  July  1819.  It  was 
brought  into  the  country  under  the  auspices  of  Gen 
eral  Long,  who  established  a  provisional  government 
and  a  supreme  council,  which  issued  a  declaration 
proclaiming  Texas  an  independent  republic.  The 
printing-office  was  placed  under  the  management  of 
Horatio  Biglow,  and  was  used  for  the  publication  of 
various  laws  enacted  and  proclamations  issued  by  that 
ephemeral  government. 

Ten  years  afterward,  the  first  regular  newspaper 
made  its  appearance.  It  was  published  at  San  Felipe, 
and  bore  the  title  of  The  Cotton  Plant,  Godwin  B.  Cot- 
ten  being  editor  and  proprietor.  This  publication  was 

39  The  marriage  ceremony  in  Texas  had  been  little  resorted  to  up  to  this 
time.  Marriages  before  the  independence  were  illegal  unless  performed  by 
priests,  who  were  offensive  to  the  Anglo-Texans,  and  moreover,  exacted  a 
fee  of  .f 25.  A  custom  grew  into  vogue  of  the  parties  simply  signing  a  bond 
in  the  presence  of  witnesses,  and  then  becoming  husband  and  wife.  By  an 
act  of  congress,  approved  June  5,  1837,  provision  was  made  to  legalize  these 
marriages  by  bond  by  allowing  parties  so  connected  to  take  out  a  license  in 
due  form,  and  be  married  before  an  ordained  minister  of  the  gospel,  a  judge 
of  a  district  court,  a  justice  of  a  county  court,  or  a  justice  of  the  peace,  all 
of  whom  were  so  authorized.  Laws  Repub.  Tex.,  i.  23£-5.  In  the  autumn  of 
the  same  year,  Morrell  performed  the  rite  under  the  new  law.  Flmoers  and 
Fntits,  78. 


NEWSPAPERS.  549 

issued  under  the  above  name  during  the  four  years 
ending  1832,  when  it  was  called  The  Texas  Republican. 

The  second  paper  was  the  Texas  Gazette  and  Brazoria 
Advertiser,  which  was  published  in  Brazoria  in  1830; 
in  September  1832,  it  was  merged  in  the  Constitutional 
Advocate  and  Texas  Public  Advertiser,  D.  W.  Anthony 
being  editor  and  proprietor,  on  the  death  of  whom  by 
cholera,  in  July  1833,  the  paper  ceased  to  be  issued. 

Next  in  order  was  the  Texas  Republican,  published 
at  Brazoria  by  F.  C.  Gray,  of  New  York,  ^December 
17,  1834.  It  was  printed  on  the  old  press  introduced 
by  Gotten,  and  in  January  1835,  was  the  only  paper 
published  in  Texas.  In  August  1836,  the  issue  was 
discontinued/* 

The  fourth  paper  is  of  historic  interest,  being  the 
Telegraph,  which  was  started  by  Gail  arid  Thomas  H. 
Borden  and  Joseph  Baker  at  San  Felipe  in  August 
1835.  When  that  town  was  abandoned  by  the  gov 
ernment,  in  April  1836,  on  the  approach  of  the  Mex 
icans,  the  press  was  conveyed  to  Harrisburg,  and 
while  the  twenty-second  number  was  being  printed, 
the  forces  of  Santa  Anna  entered  the  town.  Six 
copies  only  had  been  struck  off  when  the  printers, 
press,  and  type  were  seized  by  the  Mexicans.  The 
material  was  thrown  into  Bray's  Bayou.41  In  the 
following  August,  the  Bordens,  having  bought  a  new 
press  and  material,  revived  the  Telegraph  at  Columbia, 
and  subsequently  moved  to  Houston,  where  the  paper 
was  published  for  many  years  under  the  title  of  the 
Houston  Telegraph.^ 

After  the  independence,  the  number  of  newspapers 
increased  rapidly/3  the  first  daily  paper  ever  published 

40  Gray's  wife  was  a  shrewd  woman,  and  was  charged  with  intriguing  to 
effect  the  escape  of  Santa  Anna.     Her  husband  fell  under  suspicion,  and  he 
removed  to  California,  where  he  became  wealthy.     Subsequently  he  returned 
to  K.  York,  and  committed  suicide.   Tex.  Edit,  and  Press  Assoc. ,  1875,  no.  2,  2. 

41  One  at  least  of  the  six  copies  is  still  in  existence.     The  paper  was  pub 
lished  in  quarto  form. 

42  In  1875  it  was  the  oldest  newspaper  in  the  state.  Letter  of  John  Forbes. 

43  Mention  must  be  made  of  the  Texas  Planter,  published  at  Brazoria,  in 
1837,  by  T.  Leger  and  A.  P.  Thompson;  the  Civilian,  established  by  Hamilton 
Stuart  in  1838  at  Galveston;  the  Austin  City  Gazette,  started  in  Oct.  1839  by 


550  INSTITUTIONAL  AND  EDUCATIONAL   MATTERS. 

in  Texas  being  the  Morning  Star,  by  Cruger  and 
Moore  of  the  Telegraph,  from  about  1840  to  1844. 
Previous  to  this  time  papers  were  issued  weekly,  bi 
weekly,  or  tri-weekly,  according  to  circumstances.44 
According  to  the  census  of  1880,  280  newspapers 
and  periodicals  were  published  in  Texas,  which  num 
ber,  by  1888,  was  considerably  increased.  On  Septem 
ber  10, 1873,  the  Texas  Editorial  and  Press  Association 
was  organized,  and  formally  incorporated  April  5, 
1875,  under  the  act  of  the  legislature  approved  April 
23,  1874,  entitled,  "An  act  concerning  private  corpo 
rations."4 

Samuel  Whiting;  and  the  Texas  Sentinel,  at  Austin,  in  Jan.  1840,  by  Jacob 
W.  Cruger  and  Geo.  W.  Bonnell.  The  first  paper  published  at  Galveston 
was  the  Times,  edited  and  owned  by  Ferdinand  Pinkard;  and  as  early  as 
1 835  a  paper  was  established  at  Matagorda  by  Simon  Mussina,  and  published 
for  about  three  years.  At  San  Luis,  on  San  Luis  island,  west  of  Galveston, 
was  published  in  1840  the  Advocate,  which,  during  its  brief  existence,  was 
the  largest,  handsomest,  and  ablest  paper  of  its  time  in  Texas.  T.  Robinson 
and  M.  Hopkins  were  the  principal  editors  and  managers.  Both  city  and 
paper  have  long  since  passed  out  of  existence.  In  1839  the  Gazette  was  started 
at  Richmond  on  the  Brazos,  R.  E.  Handy,  one  of  Gen.  Houston's  volunteer 
aids  at  San  Jacinto,  being  editor. 

44  Kennedy,  however,  makes  mention  of  a  daily  paper  being  published  as 
early  as  June  1839.  He  fails  to  supply  the  names.  Tex.,  ii.  393. 

43 The  association  had  power  to  buy,  hold,  and  sell  property;  to  maintain 
and  defend  judicial  proceedings;  to  make  contracts;  to  borrow  money  on  the 
credit  of  the  association,  each  stockholder  being  only  liable  to  creditors  for 
the  unpaid  portion  of  his  stock;  and  to  make  proper  and  needful  by-laws. 
Capital  stock  $10,000,  to  be  divided  into  shares  of  $25,  and  capable  of  being 
increased  to  $50;000.  Tex.  Ed.  Press  Assoc.,  charter,  etc.,  nos  1,  3,  and  4. 


CHAPTER   XXI. 

INDUSTRIES,  COMMERCE,  AND  RAILROADS. 

1835-1888. 

PHYSICAL  DIVISIONS — A  FOREST  REGION — THE  LEVEL  PRAIRIES  or  THE 
GULF  COAST — CENTRAL  HIGHLANDS — A  VAST  CATTLE  REGION — THE 
PANHANDLE  AND  STAKED  PLAIN — CLIMATE  AND  RAINFALL — COTTON 
PRODUCTION — THE  CEREALS — PROGRESS  OF  AGRICULTURE — CATTLE 
STATISTICS — STOCK  TRAILS  TO  THE  NORTH — THE  TEXAS  FEVER — WIRE 
FENCE  TROUBLES — SHEEP  AND  HORSES — MINERALS — MANUFACTURING 
AND  MECHANICAL  INDUSTRIES — FOREIGN  COMMERCE — IMPORTS  AND  EX 
PORTS — THE  POSTAL  SERVICE — RAILROAD  SYSTEMS — THE  OLDEST  LINES 
— HOUSTON  THE  NATURAL  CENTRE — NARROW  GAUGE  LINES — LIBER 
ALITY  OF  THE  STATE  GOVERNMENT — THE  STRIKE  AT  FORT  WORTH. 

TEXAS,  which  comprises  226  counties,  of  which  176 
were  organized  by  January  1886,  is  naturally  divided, 
in  an  agricultural  point  of  view,  into  six  grand  divis 
ions,  differing  in  physical  features  and  in  the  charac 
ter  of  their  soils,  most  of  which,  however,  are  of 
extraordinary  fertility.1 

The  first  of  these  divisions  is  known  as  east  Texas, 
and  includes  the  territory  lying  between  the  Sabine 
and  Trinity  rivers,  and  that  portion  of  the  state  situ 
ated  between  the  Sabine  and  Red  rivers.  The  soil 
varies  in  character,  but  a  distinctive  class  is  that 

1 C.  A.  Westbrook,  a  prominent  land  owner  and  improver  of  stock,  states 
that  the  Brazos  bottom  land  is  considered  superior  to  any  other  in  Texas. 
He  was  born  in  North  Carolina,  Jan.  1,  1838,  and  arrived  in  Texas  in  1858. 
The  estimates  of  the  area  of  Texas,  and  the  apportionments  thereof  may 
vary  considerably.  The  Texas  Farm,  Jan.  15,  1886,  gives  the  following  fig 
ures:  prairie,  110,423,160  acres;  forest,  15,000,000;  improved,  25,000,000; 
cultivated,  8,000,000;  and  covered  with  water  11,676,040;  the  unavailable 
land  being  11,676,040  acres,  making  a  total  of  170,099,200  acres.  By  the 
Texas  Review,  Jan.  1886,  310-11,  the  following  statistics  are  supplied:  area 
176,000,000  acres  of  which  111,179,785  are  prairie  lands;  46,302,500  timber 
land,  the  remainder  covered  with  water.  About  13,000,000  acres  are  im 
proved,  of  which  about  7,000,000  are  in  cultivation. 

(551) 


562  INDUSTRIES,    COMMERCE,    AND   RAILROADS 

known  as  the  red  lands,  which  extend  through  several 
counties  from  that  of  Houston  to  the  Sabine.  East 
Texas  is  a  great  timbered  region  and  produces  a 
variety  of  forest  trees,  of  which  the  principal  are  the 
pine,  attaining  an  enormous  growth,  the  white  oak, 
white  and  red  cypress,  magnolia,  hickory,  pecan,  and 
cedar.  Many  saw-mills  are  in  operation,  preparing 
the  timber  supplied  from  these  forests,  the  number 
greatly  increasing  along  the  railroad  lines.  With 
regard  to  the  magnolia,  large  tracts  are  found 
occupied  exclusively  by  woods  of  this  beautiful  tree, 
the  timber  of  which  is  very  hard,  fine-grained,  and 
takes  a  polish  like  satin.  In  the  cultivated  dis 
tricts  of  eastern  Texas  cotton  and  corn  are  the  staple 
crops,  though  sugar  is  cultivated  in  some  counties  on 
the  bottom  lands  of  the  Trinity.  Fruit  trees  thrive 
especially  on  the  red  lands,  the  peaches  produced 
thereon  being  famous  for  their  flavor  and  size. 

South  Texas  is  that  portion  of  the  state  which  lies 
along  the  gulf  of  Mexico,  extending  from  20  to  100 
miles  into  the  interior.  It  is  a  vast  prairie  plain  ris 
ing  imperceptibly  to  the  hilly  regions  of  central  Texas. 
The  great  prairies  of  which  this  division  is  composed 
are  intersected  by  innumerable  rivers  and  streams, 
and  are  for  the  most  part  treeless,  timber  being  only 
found  along  the  margins  of  the  streams  which  are 
densely  wooded,  and  in  isolated  groups,  of  elms  and 
live-oaks,  called  "islands"  or  "motts. "  The  soil  is 
unsurpassed  in  richness,  being  of  alluvial  origin,  sup 
plemented  by  sedimentary  deposits  of  the  receded 
waters  of  the  gulf  and  decayed  vegetable  matter. 
The  depth  of  the  soil  in  the  river  valleys  is  very 
great ;  it  has  been  examined  to  the  depth  of  30  feet, 
where  it  shows  scarcely  a  perceptible  difference  from 
the  surface  soil.  On  the  prairies  the  land  is  hardly 
so  rich;  the  soil  is  of  a  black  tenacious  nature,  while 
that  of  the  valleys  is  of  a  chocolate  color.  The  staple 
products  are  sugar-cane,  cotton,  and  corn ;  vegetables 
of  all  kinds  flourish  exceedingly  well;  and  many 


NATURAL  DIVISIONS.  553 

tropical  fruits,  such  as  the  orange,  banana,  and  guava 
can  be  successively  cultivated  in  certain  localities. 

Central  Texas  extends  from  the  Trinity  to  the  Colo 
rado  and  the  99th  degree  west  longitude,  and  from 
the  southern  alluvial  plain  to  the  32d  degree  north 
latitude.  Its  physical  features  are  of  a  hilly  charac 
ter,  displaying  gentle  undulations- as  it  rises  from  the 
southern  plain,  gradually  developing  into  highlands 
and  valleys  which  assume,  as  the  traveller  journeys 
inland,  a  somewhat  mountainous  aspect.  The  soils 
in  this  region  are  loams  of  various  colors,  black,  brown, 
red,  and  chocolate,  but  all  containing  sand  in  such 
proportion  as  to  render  them  easy  of  tillage.  A  large 
portion,  probably  one  fourth,  is  timbered ;  and  as  this 
division  is  composed  of  hills  and  valleys,  rolling  prai 
ries,2  and  forests,  the  landscape  scenery  is  indescrib 
ably  beautiful.  Cotton,  corn,  oats,  and  other  cereals 
are  here  produced,  and  the  northern  portion  is  a 
favorite  wheat-growing  region.  Immense  herds  of 
swine  are  raised  in  the  vicinities  of  the  post-oak  for 
ests,  and  sheep,  horses,  and  cattle  by  thousands  thrive 
on  the  prairies  and  hill  sides. 

Situated  on  the  north  of  this  division  and  west  of 
eastern  Texas  is  north  Texas,  terminated  on  the  west 
by  the  99th  meridian.  It  is  a  region  composed  of 
forests  and  prairies,  the  soil  being  a  loam  of  three 
varieties,  namely  the  dark  sandy  loam  of  the  forests, 

2  Mention  must  be  made  of  the  '  hog-wallow  '  prairies,  situated  in  the 
northern  portion  of  this  division.  They  are  so  called  from  the  multitudes  of 
small  depressions  in  the  surface.  The  soil  in  these  prairies  are  as  black  as 
tar,  and  after  a  rainfall  as  sticky  and  cloggy.  The  following  explanation  of 
the  origin  of  these  wallows  is  given  by  S.  B.  Buckley  in  the  First  Annual 
Report  of  the  Geological  and  Agricultural  Survey  of  Texas,  1874,  112.  'The 
past  summer  was  unusually  dry  in  many  parts  of  the  state,  and  large  cracks 
were  made  in  all  soils  abounding  in  wallows.  Big  rains  came,  flooding 
many  parts  of  the  country.  Afterwards  in  passing  where  the  hog-wallows 
prevailed,  we  could  see  plainly  how  they  were  made.  The  holes  made  by  the 
cracks  were  being  filled  in  part  by  the  washing  in  of  loose  earth,  made  loose 
on  the  edges  of  the  cracks  by  the  rain,  and  there  not  being  siifficient  earth 
to  fill  the  very  deep  cracks  depressions  were  made.  These  things  were  re 
peatedly  seen  by  the  members  of  our  party,  and  left  no  doubt  in  the  mind  of 
any  one  as  to  the  cause  of  wallows. '  The  soil  successfully  resists  the  severest 
drouths.  If  deeply  plowed  the  crops  will  be  green  and  flourishing  when 
those  around  them  are  perishing  for  want  of  moisture. 


554  INDUSTRIES,    COMMERCE,   AND  RAILROADS. 

the  sticky  black  of  the  prairies,  and  the  alluvial  of 
the  valleys.  With  the  exception  of  the  pine  the 
forests  contain  varieties  of  timber  similar  to  those  of 
east  Texas  and  the  northern  portion  of  central  Texas. 
A  new  tree,  however,  here  appears,  the  Osage  orange, 
or  bois  d'  arc,  which  attains  a  large  size,  and  is  in 
great  demand  for  railroad  ties  on  account  of  its  abil 
ity  to  resist  decay.  The  staple  products  are  the  same 
as  those  in  north  central  Texas,  especially  wheat.3 

Western  Texas  comprises  that  extensive  territory 
lying  south  of  the  32d  parallel  of  latitude,  and  west 
of  the  99th  meridian  to  the  Colorado,  thence  extend 
ing  on  the  west  and  south  of  that  river,  to  the  gulf  of 
Mexico.  This  is  the  most  sparsely  populated  portion 
of  the  state.  It  contains  every  variety  of  soil  and 
physical  formation.  Level  and  rolling  prairies, 
deserts,  dense  forests,  high  table-lands,  valleys,  deep 
canons,  and  rugged  mountains,  are  found  to  succeed 
each  other  as  the  traveller  moves  from  the  sea-board 

3  N.  M.  Buford,  of  Dallas  county,  speaking  of  northern  Texas,  says  that 
the  adjustment  of  the  difficulties  which  once  existed  in  connection  with  the 
old  Peter's  colony  marked  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  northern  Texas.  By 
the  terms  of  the  contract  between  the  colony  company  and  the  republic  of 
Texas  each  family  introduced  was  to  receive  C40  acres  of  land,  and  each 
single  man  320  acres.  The  convention  which  framed  the  first  constitution 
of  the  state  of  Texas  in  1845,  among  other  acts  passed  an  ordinance  declar 
ing  that  the  company  had  failed  to  carry  out  their  contract,  and  was  not 
entitled  to  any  land.  Thus  both  the  company  and  many  immigrants,  who 
had  been  introduced,  had  no  titles  to  their  lands.  The  contract  expired  July 
1,  1848,  and  settlers  kept  arriving  till  that  date.  Great  excitement  was  the 
consequence  of  this  doubtful  possessory  right  to  their  farms  and  homes,  and 
the  trouble  continued  till  1852,  when  the  legislature  passed  a  law  granting 
to  each  head  of  family  640  acres,  and  to  each  single  man  320  acres,  upon 
proper  proof  being  produced,  of  settlement  prior  to  July  1,  1848.  The  com 
pany  was  compensated  for  their  services  in  introducing  colonists  by  a  grant 
of  700  sections  of  land  located  west  of  the  settled  portions  of  colony.  Gov. 
Bell  appointed  Col  Thomas  W.  Ward  commissioner  for  the  purpose  of  deter 
mining  who  were  entitled  to  lands  and  issuing  certificates.  Since  that  time 
there  has  been  little  trouble  in  that  portion  of  the  state  with  regard  to  land 
titles.  Buford  was  born  in  Tenn.,  June  24,  1824,  migrated  to  Texas  in  1846, 
and  settled  in  Dallas  county  in  1848,  having  been  admitted  to  the  bar  in 
1845.  He  served  as  dist  atty  and  dist  judge  of  the  16th  judicial  dist,  and  en 
tered  the  confederate  army  in  1861  as  a  private  under  Gen.  Ben  McCulloch, 
being  made  col  of  the  19th  Texas  cav.  in  April  of  the  following  year.  In 
the  spring  of  1865,  Buford  resigned,  and  was  elected  to  the  state  legislature 
in  1 866,  and  later  again  filled  several  judicial  offices.  In  Jan.  1 854  he  married 
Mary  Knight,  daughter  of  an  old  pioneer  of  Dallas  county.  Notes  on  Peter's 
Col,  MS. 


CONFIGURATION   AND   CLIMATE.  555 

on  a  curvilinear  route  trending  northward.  This 
vast  region  is  the  peculiar  feeding  ground  of  immense 
herds  of  cattle  and  flocks  of  sheep,  especially  along  the 
Rio  Grande.  In  the  central  and  northern  portions 
wheat  and  other  cereals  are  cultivated,  but  farming  is 
generally  neglected,  agriculture  being  a  secondary 
consideration  to  the  great  industry  of  stock-raising. 
Of  the  region  lying  west  of  the  Pecos  river,  much 
still  remains  to  be  known.  It  has  hardly  any  popula 
tion,  except  in  the  small  towns  on  the  Rio  Grande, 
in  El  Paso  county,  and  in  the  vicinity  of  the  United 
States  military  posts.  The  same  is  the  case  with 
Tom  Green  and  Crockett  counties,  two  of  the  largest 
in  the  state,  lying  on  the  north-east  of  the  Pecos 
river/ 

The  sixth  and  last  natural  division  has  acquired  the 
name  of  the  panhandle  of  Texas.  It  includes  the  ter 
ritory  lying  north  of  the  34th  parallel  of  north  lati 
tude,  and  west  of  the  100th  meridian.  The  greater 
portion  of  this  region  consists  of  prairies,  which  are 
intersected  by  large  tracts  of  broken  country  con 
taining  rugged  hills  and  gorges.  Sandy  deserts,  too, 
are  met  with,  and  the  great  Llano  Estacado,  or 
Staked  Plain,  extends  along  the  south-western  portion 
of  it.5  The  prairies  and  staked  plain  are  covered 
with  a  variety  of  rich  grasses,  among  which  may  be 
mentioned  the  mesquite  and  gamma,  blue-stem,  bunch 
sedge,  and  buffalo  grass.  This  portion  of  Texas  is 
well  adapted  to  grazing  and  stock-raising,  the  belief 
that  it  was  generally  deficient  in  water  being  exploded 
by  later  investigations.  The  panhandle  is  intersected 
by  innumerable  ravines,  in  most  of  which  small 
streams  and  pools  are  found ;  in  the  prairies,  also, 
depressions  frequently  occur,  which,  filled  by  the  rains 

4  The  four  largest  counties,  are,  Presidio,  12,955  sq.  miles:  Tom  Green, 
12,579;  Pecos,  11,379,  and  Crockett,  10,029  sq.  miles.  SpaiyMs  Official  Map, 
1882. 

5  This   immense  plain  extends  in   a  geological   point  of   view,  from   the 
northern  point  of  the  state,  southward,  nearly  to  the  northern  boundaries  of 
Kinney,  Uralde,  and  Medina  counties,  west  of  San  Antonio.    Tex.    Oeolog. 
Agric.  Survey,  second  annual  report,  1876,  31. 


96Q  INDUSTRIES,    COMMERCE,    AND  RAILROADS. 

hold  water  during  the  greater  part  of  the  year,  even 
in  seasons  of  severe  drought.  This  impervious  quality 
of  the  soil  authorizes  the  assertion  that  artificial 
reservoirs  can  be  successfully  constructed,  capable  of 
supplying  large  herds  of  cattle  and  a  considerable 
population  with  water  all  the  year.6 

The  climate  of  Texas  varies  from  moderately  tem 
perate  to  semi-tropical  according  to  altitude  and 
locality.  At  Fort  Davis  in  Presidio  county,  5,000 
feet  above  the  sea  level,  in  January  1873  the  ther 
mometer  was  once  15°  below  zero,  and,  in  the  northern 
portion  of  the  state,  snow  and  ice  and  extremely  cold 
weather  are  experienced  in  the  winter;  but  the  cold 
is  never  protracted,  the  weather  during  the  larger 
portion  of  that  season  being  mild  and  pleasant.  In 
the  central  part  snow  and  ice  are  seldom  seen,  and  in 
the  extreme  south  are  of  very  rare  occurrence.  The 
rain-fall  in  Texas  is  as  varied  as  the  climate.  Never 
theless  the  100th  meridian  may  be  regarded  as  a 
dividing  line  between  two  regions  subject  to  rain- falls 
widely  differing  in  quantity  and  regularity.  East  of 
that  line  the  rains  are  abundant  and  rarely  fail ;  west 
of  it  they  are  irregular,  droughts  frequently  occur, 
and  the  quantity  is  greatly  diminished,7 

6  The  panhandle  is  the  43d  representative  district,  and  sends  to  the  legis 
lature  only  one  representative,  who,  in  1886  was  J.  W.  Browning  of  Wheeler 
county.     Browning  came  to  Texas  at  the  age  of  16,  and  settled  in  Shackel- 
ford  county  in  1867,  beginning  life  as  a  cowboy.     He  found  time,  however, 
to  study  law  at  intervals,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1876.     Having 
served  as  justice  of  the  peace  and  county  attorney  for  Shackelford  county, 
in  1881  he  was  appointed  district  attorney  of  the  new  judicial  district  then 
formed.     He  was  elected  to  the  lower  house  of  the  legislature  in  1882.     He 
was  opposed  to  leasing  the  public  lands  to  cattlemen.     The  above  description 
of  Texas  is   mainly  derived  from  the  reports  of   S.  B.  Buckley,    already 
quoted;  Texas;  Her  Resources  and  Capabilities,  issued  by  the  South-western 
Immigration  company  in    1881;   and  Spaijht's  Resources,  Soil,  dim.    Tex., 

7  The  average  annual  rainfall  east  of  the  100th  meridian  may  be  set  down 
at  from  about  30  inches,  southern  Texas  exceeding,  and  central  and  northern 
Texas  falling  short  of  this  average.     The  fall  in  the  western  portion  of  the 
state  is  much  below  this.     With  respect  to  this  region,  particulars  are  some 
what  deficient;  but  some  estimate  of  an  average  may  be  derived  from  the 
mean  annual  rainfall  at  the  following  places,  as  supplied  in  Spaight's  official 
map  of  1882.     Eagle  pass,  Maverick  county,  26.06  inches;  El  Paso,  13.12; 
Fort  Davis,  Presidio  county,  22.45;  Fort  McKavett,  Menard  county,  22.71; 
aud  Fort  Elliot.  Wheeler  county,  16.47.     The  rainfall  is,  however,  increasing. 


AGRICULTURE,  657 

The  cause  of  this  difference  lies  in  the  fact  that  the 
prevailing  winds  along  the  coast  and  the  eastern  in 
terior  of  Texas  are  southerly  and  south-easterly,  and 
corning  from  the  gulf,  the  atmosphere  is  heavily 
charged  with  vapor,  whereas,  the  winds  which  sweep 
from  the  south  and  south-west,  over  western  Texas, 
are  robbed  of  their  humidity  in  their  passage  over 
the  cordilleras  of  Mexico,  and  the  dry  arid  regions  in 
the  north  of  that  republic. 

Among  the  agricultural  productions  of  Texas,  cotton 
takes  the  lead,  exceeding  in  value  that  of  all  others 
put  together,  excluding  Indian  corn.  In  1879,  the 
culture  of  this  plant  extended  over  2,178,435  acres, 
which  had  increased  in  1882  to  2, 810, 113  acres,  yield 
ing  674,427,120  pounds  of  cotton,  and  it  is  to  be  ob 
served  that  the  yield  per  acre  is  greater  in  Texas 
than  in  any  other  state.8  The  value  of  the  yield  for1 
1882  was  nearly  $60,000,000. 

Of  cereals  Indian  corn  is  more  extensively  culti 
vated  than  any  other.  In  1879,  2,468,587  acres  were 
sown  with  this  grain,  yielding  29,065,172  bushels;  in 
1881  a  crop  of  33,377,000  bushels,  worth  $33,043,230 
was  produced  on  2,803,700  acres;  and  in  1882  the 
number  of  bushels  amounted  to  63,416,300.  Next  in 
value  follow  oats,  the  productions  of  which  in  bushels 
for  the  same  three  years  are  represented  respectivclv 
by  the  figures  4,893,359,  8,324,000,  and  9,239,600, 
the  last  amount  being  estimated.  The  value  of  the 
crop  of  1881  was  $5,077,640. 

Wheat  was  introduced  into  Texas  by  the  early  set 
tlers  merely  as  an  experiment,  in  the  endeavor  to 
furnish  flour  for  home  consumption  in  those  districts 
which  were  remote  from  a  market.  For  many  years 
it  was  cultivated  only  to  very  small  extent,9  and  in 

owing  to  the  increasing  area  of  land  put  under  cultivation,  and  the  increased 
growth  of  trees  on  the  prairies. 

8  In  the  last  mentioned  year  Texas,  Louisiana,  and  Arkansas  produced 
the  greatest  yield  per  acre,  the  respective  figures,  showing  the  proportion, 
being  240,  235,  and  233.     The  figures  for  all  other  cotton  growing  states  were 
l>elow  200.   U.  8.  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  47,  sess.  1.,  vol.  26,  673-4. 

9  According  to  the  census  of  1850,  the  total  production  of  the  state  was 
only,41, 729  bushels. 


558  INDUSTRIES,    COMMERCE,    AND  RAILROADS. 

early  days  the  belief  prevailed  that  the  soil  of  Texas 
was  not  adapted  to  its  culture.1'  But  these  impres 
sions  yielded  to  more  careful  attention  to  the  selection 
of  suitable  land.  It  was  discovered  that  a  great  belt 
suitable  for  the  most  successful  cultivation  of  wheat 
extends  through  northern  and  central  Texas,  and 
further  developments  have  proved  wheat-producing 
land  is  not  limited  to  that  region.  In  1879  there 
were  373,612  acres  sown  with  this  cereal,  yielding  2,- 
567,760  bushels;  in  1881,  3,339,000  bushels  were 
produced  on  263,200  acres,  valued  at  $4,674,600;  the 
estimate  for  1882  being  4,173,700  bushels." 

Other  grains,  barley,  rye,  and  buckwheat  are  only 
cultivated  to  a  small  extent.12  Experiments  have 
been  made  with  rice,  but  have  not  been  sufficiently 
encouraging  to  hold  out  the  expectation  that  it  will 
ever  become  a  staple  production.  Tobacco  culture 
receives  little  attention,  as  also  that  of  the  sugar-cane. 
Viticulture  is  assuming  some  importance,  some  kinds 
of  grapes  thriving  well  in  most  of  the  settled  portions 
of  the  state.  The  wine  produced,  however,  is  mostly 
manufactured  for  home  consumption,  its  exportation 
not  being  so  profitable  as  other  productions.  The  El 
Paso  grape  is  one  of  the  finest  in  the  world,  and  the 
wine  made  from  it  has  long  been  in  great  repute. 

In  1860  the  number  of  farms  in  Texas  was  42,891 
comprising  25,344,028  acres;  in  1870  there  were  61,- 
125  farms  with  18,396,523  acres;  and  in  1880,  174,- 
184,  with  36,292,219  acres,  valued  at  $170,468,886. 
The  relative  percentages  of  unimproved  land  for  these 
years  are  respectively  represented  by  the  figures, 
89.5,  83.9,  and  65.1.  The  size  of  these  farms  varied 

10  Parker  writing  in  18134-5  says:     '  Wheat  will  not  grow  in  this  country. 
The  stalk  will  run  up  rank,  but  the  ear  will  not  fill  with  plump  kernels.' 
Trip  to  tlie  Went  and  Tex.,  141. 

11  The  above  statistics  are  taken  from  the  report  of  the  commissioner  of 
agriculture  for  1881-2,  in  U.  S.  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  47,  sess.  1,  vol.  26,  577- 
676  passim. 

12  James  A.  Reddick  gives  the  following  average  yield  per  acre  of  cereals 
in  Texas:  wheat,  20  bush.;  oats  and  barley,  70  bush.;  corn  from  25  to  40 
bush.     Reddick  was  born  at  La  Orange,  Fayette  county,  and  served  through 
the  confederate  war. 


STOCK   RAISING.  559 

from  less  than  three  acres — of  which  there  were  very 
few — to  over  1,000  acres,  the  averages  for  the  same 
years  being  respectively,  591,301,  and  208  acres.  In 
1880  the  total  amount  of  improved  land  taken  up  as. 
farms  was  129,65,314  acres,  and  of  unimproved  23,- 
641,905  acres,  including  15,851,365  acres  of  woodland 
and  forest.  The  number  of  persons  engaged  in  all 
the  occupations  of  agriculture  during  the  same  year 
was  359,317,  of  whom  330,125  were  males.  The 
number  of  male  laborers  is  represented  by  the  figures 
119,295,  and  of  female  laborers  by  24,517.  The  total 
number  of  farmers  and  planters  was  200,404,  of  whom 
4,562  were  females,  the  balance  of  the  number,  359,- 
317  being  represented  by  stock-raisers,  herders,  gar 
deners,  vine-growers  and  others.13 

Agriculture  in  Texas  occasionally  suffers  both  from 
droughts  arid  floods.  Grasshoppers  and  locusts  u  have 
also  assailed  the  crops,  but  their  visits  are  of  rare  oc- 
curence.  Where  formerly  the  buffalo  roamed  in 
countless  numbers,10  immense  herds  of  cattle  now  find 
their  pasture  grounds.  Before  the  civil  war  almost 
the  entire  area  of  Texas  was  one  vast  feeding  ground 
for  cattle,  horses  and  sheep,  but  during  the  last 
twenty  years  great  changes  have  been  effected  by  the 
influx  of  immigrants,  who  have  taken  up  large  quan 
tities  of  lands,  previously  ranged  over  by  stock,  and 

13  U.  S.  Census,  1880,  voL  1.     The  following  table,  taken  from  the  report 
of  the  commissioner  of  agriculture,  represents  the  fluctuations  in  the  average 
rates  of  monthly  wages  paid  farm  laborers,  with  and  without  board,  in  five 
?,  during  the  period  from  1806  to  1882. 

1866      |      1869      |      1875  H      1879      |      I882~ 


years, 


Without  board  

$19.00 

$18.83 

$19.50 

§18.27 

$'20  20 

With  board  

12.72 

13.21 

13.37 

11.49 

14.03 

14  Grasshoppers  made  their  first  appearance  in  1848,  the  swarms  coming 
from  the  north  with  the  October  winds.     They  again  appeared  in  1856   and 
1857,  from  the  same  quarter.    Tex.  Aim.,  1861,  138. 

15  The  buffalo  is  now  extinct  in  Texas,  but  as  late  as  1876  great  numbers 
were  to  be  found  in  the  panhandle.     W.   C.   Koogle,  a  large  cattle-raiser 
was  once  engaged  in  hunting  them  in  that  region,  and  remarks  that  though 
1,000,000  of  them  were  needlessly  killed,  their  destruction  did  more  than 
any  other  thing  to  civilize  the  country,  inasmuch  as  it  compelled  the  savages, 
who  mainly  depended  on  them  for  food  and  covering,  to  seek  other  hunting 
grounds.     Koogle  was   born  in  Maryland  in  1849,  and  settled   in  the  pan" 
handle  in  1876.  Remarks  on  Tex.,  MS. 


560  INDUSTRIES,    COMMERCE,    AND  RAILROADS. 

converted  them  into  cultivated  farms.  In  this  part  of 
the  state,  comprising  the  greater  portion  of  eastern, 
northern,  central,  and  southern  Texas,  cattle  are 
raised  mostly  as  domestic  animals.  Consequently  the 
great  ranges  are  now  to  be  found  in  the  region  west 
of  the  98th  meridian,  and  south  of  a  line  extending 
from  San  Antonio  to  Matagorda;  in  the  southern 
portion  of  this  extensive  region  probably  more  cattle 
are  raised  than  in  any  other  division  of  the  state.16 
The  panhandle,  however,  is  admitted  to  be,  without 
exception,  the  best  stock  country  in  Texas;  it  is  com 
paratively*  a  new  country,  but  the  staked  plain  is 
being  gradually  recognized  to  be  as  fine  a  grazing 
region  as  can  be  found  in  the  United  States.17  During 
the  last  decade  the  increase  in  the  number  of  stock 
has  been  enormous,  as  will  be  evident  to  the  reader  by 
referring  to  the  table  below,  showing  the  statistic  for 
the  last  six  years  only.18 

16  It  was  estimated  in  1885  that  there  were  fully  2,500,000  head  of  cattle 
in  the   south  of  Texas.    U.  S.  Bureau  of  Statistics,  Report,  Cattle  Business, 
May  16,  1885,  108. 

17  The    panhandle   was   first  partially   stocked  in    1876.     In   Nov.   1877 
Charles  Goodnight  located  a  herd  of  2,200  head  of  cattle.     According  to  the 
reports  there  were  225,  857  head  in  July  1880.    U.  S.  H.  Misc.,  cong.  47,  sess. 
2,  vol.   13,  pt  3,  gen.  fo.    972.     G.   W.  Littlefield   established  a  rancho  in 
Oldham  and  Potter  counties,  and  sold  it  in  June  1881  to  a  Scotch  syndicate 
for  $253,000.  Littlefield' s  Remarks  on  Cat.  and  Agric.,  MS. 

18  1880        |        1881         |        1882~     |        1883        |        1884        |        1885" 
"4,804,600    |    5,104,300    |    5,535,200    |    6,088,700    |    6,592,500    |     9,000,000 

The  above  figures,  with  the  exception  of  those  for  1885,  do  not  reach 
the  actual  numbers.  This  is  explained  by  Geo.  B.  Loving,  of  Fort  Worth, 
in  his  letter  of  Jan.  20,  1885,  to  the  chief  of  the  U.  S.  bureau  of  statistics. 
He  states  that  according  to  the  comptroller's  report,  the  assessment  rolls  of 
the  state  showed  that  on  Jan.  1,  1884,  there  were  at  least  7,000,000  head  of 
cattle  in  the  state,  and  that  the  actual  number  of  cattle  in  Jan.  1885  was  about 
9,000,000;  the  discrepancy  arises  from  the  fact  that  but  few,  if  any,  of  the 
largest  ranchmen  render  the  full  number  of  cattle  owned  by  them  for  taxa 
tion.  U.  S.  Bureau  StaL,  ut  sup.,  102;  Wood  Bros.,  Live  Stock  Movement.  It 
is,  indeed,  impossible  to  give  any  other  than  approximate  numbers,  as  statis 
tical  tables  compiled  by  different  individuals  show  extraordinary  differences. 
.For  instance  the  tables  supplied  in  Proceedings  of  the  First  National  Convention 
of  Cattle  Growers  of  the  United  States,  held  in  St.  Louis,  Mo.,  Nov.  1884,  pp. 
12-3,  give  5,060,715  as  the  number  for  1883,  and  4,894,692  for  1884;  and 
these  figures  are  supposed  to  include  all  cattle  on  farms,  ranches,  and  ranges. 
One  of  the  largest  cattle  owners  in  Texas  is  Col.  C.  C.  Slaughter,  of  Dallas 
county.  In  Howard,  Borden,  Dawson,  and  Martin  counties  he  owns  220,000 
acres  of  land  in  fee-simple,  and  has  340,000  acres  under  lease.  In  1882  he 
refused  $1,000,000  for  his  cattle  interests  alone.  He  also  owns  half  interest 


THE  CATTLE  BUSINESS.  531 


In  a  country  so  productive  of  increase,  cattle-dealing 
has  become  a  great  business,  and  yearly  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  animals  are  driven  northward  to  ranges 
in  Nebraska,  Dakota,  Colorado,  Wyoming,  Montana, 
and  Idaho,  where  cattle,  as  experience  has  proved, 
increase  more  rapidly  in  weight  than  if  raised  for 
market  on  the  Texas  ranges.  This  business  has 
grown  up  chiefly  during  the  last  fifteen  years,  the 
movement  varying  year  by  year.19  Latterly,  the  great 
markets  for  driven  cattle  have  been  Dodge  City, 
Kansas,  and  Ogalalla,  Nebraska,  which  are  reached 
by  regular  cattle  trails,  the  drovers  having  been 
crowded  away,  farther  and  farther  west,  from  the  old 
main  route  by  the  rapid  settlement  of  Kansas.  The 
railroads,  also,  now  transport  stock  in  great  numbers. 
It  is  considered  that  the  establishment  by  the  United 
States'  congress  of  a  great  national  cattle  trail  leading 
northward  would  conduce  greatly  to  the  cattle-raising 
interests  in  Texas.  The  fact  that  the  main  line, 
known  as  the  Fort  Griffin  and  Dodge  City  trail,  is 

in  a  rancho  of  100,000  acres  in  the  panhandle.  He  was  born  in  Sabine  county, 
Feb.  9,  1837,  was  a  captain  of  rangers,  and  in  1885  was  elected  president  of 
the  Cattle  Association  of  West  Texas.  Slaughter's  Notes  on  Tex.,  MS.  Col. 
W.  Crawford  Young  is  another  man  of  enterprise.  He  was  born  in  Kentucky, 
Dec.  9,  1820;  served  in  the  confederate  army,  and  in  1879  settled  in  Garza 
county,  Texas.  In  1883  he  formed  the  Llano  Cattle  co.,  selling  80,000 
acres  of  land.  He  owns  15,000  head  of  cattle  and  believes  that  the  Hereford 
breed  is  the  best  adapted  to  the  climate  of  that  section  of  the  country.  Young's 
Statements,  MS.  .L.  B.  Collins,  who  went  to  Texas  in  1865,  considers  that  the 
best  class  of  stock  for  the  country  is  the  Durham;  though  he  says  the  Hereford 
cattle  are  excellent  to  cross  with  the  native  Texas  animal.  The  Burmuda 
stock  is  also  good  for  crossing.  L.  B.  Collins  was  born  in  Louisiana,  April 
22,  1848.  .Remarks  on  Stock,  MS.  N.  C.  Baldwin  remarks  that  with  care, 
imported  stock  do  very  well  in  Texac,  and  little  loss  need  be  feared.  Baldwins 
Remarks  on  Stock,  MS.  John  S.  Andrews,  of  Dallas  county,  is  a  prominent 
stock-raiser,  and  has  been  engaged  in  that  business  along  the  western  border 
for  many  years.  Bhy.  Sketch,  MS. 

19  U.  S.  Bureau  of  Statistics,  ut  sup. ,  23-4.  John  B.  Slaughter,  brother  of 
C.  C.  Slaughter,  has  been  engaged  largely  in  this  business,  which  is  very 
profitable.  His  first  venture  was  made  in  1873,  when  he  paid  $7  for  yearlings 
and  $10  and  $12  respectively  for  animals  two  years  and  three  years  old.  He 
drove  them  to  Kansas,  and  after  wintering  them,  sold  the  beeves  at  the  rate 
of  $20  a  head;  the  yearlings  he  kept  till  the  spring  of  1875,  when  they  real 
ized  $32  a  head.  Slaughter,  Cattle-rfaaliwj,  MS.  John  Sparks  was  the  first 
cattle-dealer  who  imported  the  long-horned  Texas  steers  into  the  state  of 
Virginia.  He  was  born  in  Mississippi,  Aug.  30,  1843,  and  went  with  his 
father's  family  to  Texas  in  1857.  He  realized  a  considerable  fortune  in  the 
business,  and  has  an  interest  in  large  cattle  ranchos  in  Nevada  and  Idaho. 
Sparks  Notes,  MS. 

HIST.  HEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    36. 


562  INDUSTRIES,   COMMERCE,    AND  RAILROADS. 

being  gradually  forced  westward,  lias  led  to  the  appre 
hension  that  eventually  no  way  will  be  open  through 
the  country  where  a  sufficient  supply  of  water  at 
necessary  intervals  can  be  found.  On  January  17, 
1885,  James  F.  Miller,  of  Texas,  introduced  in  the 
house  of  representatives  a  bill  to  establish  a  quaran 
tined  live-stock  trail  through  Indian  Territory  to  the 
southwest  corner  of  Kansas,  thence  over  the  unap 
propriated  public  lands,  on  the  most  practicable  route, 
to  the  north  boundary  of  the  United  States.28 

That  the  reader  may  understand  the  requirement 
that  Texas  cattle  should  be  made  subject  to  quaran 
tine,  it  is  necessary  to  explain  that  an  extraordinary 
and  destructive  bovine  disease  is  generated  in  that 
state,  known  as  the  Texas  fever;  also  called  splenic 
fever  and  Spanish  fever.  It  is  endemic  rather  than 
epidemic,  the  cause  of  it  being  yet  unknown.  The 
lowlands  on  the  gulf  of  Mexico  are  admitted  to  be  the 
locality  of  its  origin,  and  the  infected  area  is  believed 
to  embrace  more  than  half  of  the  state.2-1  It  is  a  re 
markable  fact  that  the  cattle  of  southern  Texas  do  not 
themselves  suffer  from  this  disease,  but  communicate 
it  when  they  are  driven  north  to  the  cattle  of  more 
northern  latitudes,  the  infection  being  the  result  of 
the  latter  walking  over  or  feeding  upon  the  trails  along 
which  the  former  have  passed.22 

20  It  was  proposed  that  this  trail  should  be  of  any  practicable  width  not  ex 
ceeding  six  miles,  and  the  quarantined  grazing-grounds  should  not  exceed  12 
miles  square  at  any  one  place.    U.  S.  Bureau  of  Statistics,  ut  sup.,  21,  160. 
The  approximate  number  of  cattle  driven  north  from  Texas  during  the  period 
from  1866  to  1884  inclusive,  is  5,201,132,  the  greatest  '  drive  '  being  in  1871, 
and  numbering  600,000.     The  'drive'  of  1884  was  300,000,  which,  at  $17  a 
head,  amounted  to  $5,100,000. 

21  Its  northern  limit  is  supposed  to  be  bounded  by  an  irregular  line  extend 
ing  in  a  southwesterly  direction  from  the  northeast  corner  of  Grayson  county 
to   long.    100°;    thence  westerly  to   El   Paso  county;   thence  northwest  to 
the  border  of  N.  Mexico. 

22  The  generally  accepted  theory  is  that  the   disease  exists  in  a  latent 
state  in  the  cattle  of  southern  Texas,  under  conditions  of  food  and  climate 
which  prevent  impairment  of  the  health  of  the  animal;  during  the  migration 
northward  the  latent  cause  of  disease  passes  off  in  fecal  matter,  and  is  inhaled 
or  taken  into  the  stomachs  of  the  northern  animals  when  they  feed  on  ground 
passed  over  by  Texas  cattle.     To  animals  thus  infected  the  disease  is  fatal. 
Experience  proves  that  it  is  never  communicated  north  of  South  Platte  river 
The  committee  of  the  Wyoming  Stock-growers'  Association,  appointed  to 


SHEEP  AND  HORSES.  563 

During  late  years,  syndicates  of  cattle-raisers  have 
been  formed,  which  have  acquired  large  tracts  of  land 
in  western  Texas.  These  extensive  properties  have 
been  surrounded  by  wire  fences,  which  have  occasioned 
much  trouble  between  agricultural  settlers  and  the 
cattlemen.  When  farmers  found  their  roads  to  the 
nearest  towns  closed,  they  proceeded  to  open  them  by 
cutting  the  fence  wires.  This  action  was  resisted, 
and  not  a  few  lives  were  lost  in  the  quarrels  which 
ensued.  The  right  of  road  question  became  so  serious 
from  the  determination  of  the  farmers  to  insist  upon 
their  really  just  demand  for  convenient  lines  of  transit 
to  and  from  their  farms,  that  Governor  Ireland  con 
vened  a  special  session  of  the  legislature  in  December 
1883,  to  legislate  on  the  matter. 

As  the  reader  is  aware,  cattle  raiding  on  the  Rio 
Grande  frontier  has  been  carried  on  for  many  years. 
These  depredations,  however,  are  diminishing  yearly 
in  magnitude,  owing,  in  a  measure,  to  the  organiza 
tion  of  cattlemen's  associations  for  the  mutual  protec 
tion  and  benefit  of  stock  owners. 

In  sheep  raising  Texas  takes  the  lead  of  all  other 
states  of  the  union  in  almost  as  marked  a  degree  as 
in  cattle  breeding.23  The  number  of  horses  also  is 
in  excess  of  that  of  any  other  state  except  Illinois. 
The  subjoined  table  gives  the  comparative  figures  for 


investigate  the  subject,  reported  at  the  annual  meeting,  April  1885,  that 
cattle  brought  from  southern  Texas  are  only  dangerous  for  about  60  days 
from  the  time  of  leaving  their  native  ranges.  The  cause  of  the  disease  is 
eliminated  while  on  the  trail.  On  March  12,  1885,  a  quarantine  law  was 

Ced  by  the  state  of  Kansas,  prohibiting  cattle  being  driven  into  the  state 
i  south  of  the  37th  parallel  of  north  latitude  during  the  months  from 
March  1st  to  Dec.  1st;  a  similar  law  was  passed  March  20,  1885,  by  the  state 
of  Colorado,  assigning  the  36th  parallel  as  the  quarantine  line,  the  prohibition 
period  being  from  March  1st  to  Nov.  1st.  In  New  Mexico,  Nebraska,  and 
Wyoming  quarantine  laws  are  in  force.  They  are  less  rigid,  however,  and 
their  application  is  left  to  the  decision  of  executive  officers,  whose  duty  it  is 
to  determine  when  quarantine  regulations  shall  be  enforced  and  when  dis 
continued.  Id.,  31-5,  134-7. 

23  C.  H.  Rogers  of  Nueces  county  remarks  that,  since  the  country  has 
been  fenced,  there  is  a'  disposition  on  the  part  of  sheepmen  to  change 
their  business  to  that  of  cattle  and  horse  breeding;  not  that  the  sheep  busi 
ness  will  not  pay,  but  that  they  believe  cattle  and  horses  wilV  pay  better  on 
inclosed  ranges  than  sheep.  Remarks  on  Stock  Raising,  MS. 


564 


INDUSTRIES,   COMMERCE,   AND  RAILROADS. 


the  four  leading  states  in  each  of  these  industries  for 
five  years.24 

In  1858  the  legislature  passed  a  law  authorizing  a 
geological  and  agricultural  survey  of  the  state,  and 
the  appointment  of  a  state  geologist.  B.  F.  Shur- 
nard  commenced  work  in  1859,  but  only  accomplished 
superficial  and  partial  reconnoisances  of  small  portions 
of  the  state,  and  was  superseded  in  the  following  year 
by  Francis  Moore.  The  civil  war  and  the  subsequent 
confusion  which  prevailed  in  Texas  interrupted  opera 
tions  for  many  years,  and  it  is  only  during  the  last 
decade  that  information  of  value  has  been  obtained 
relative  to  the  mineral  resources  of  the  state. 

It  has  been  ascertained  that  immense  coal  deposits 
exist  in  rich  veins  found  in  a  wide  belt  extending  from 
Clay  and  Montague  counties  in  the  north  to  Webb 
county  in  the  south.  Little  enterprise,  however,  has 
hitherto  been  displayed  in  the  exploitation  of  this 
mineral  wealth,  and  the  principal  mines  opened  are 
chiefly  worked  by  the  railroad  companies  for  locomo 
tive  fuel.25 

»  SHEEP. 


Texas  

1880 
5  940  200 

1881 
6  850  000 

1882 
7  877  500 

1883 
7  956  200 

1884 
8  035  700 

California 

5  727  300 

6  265  000 

5  907  600 

6  203  000 

6  352  300 

N.  Mexico  

2,990,700 

3,950,100 

3,960,000 

4,4-35  200 

4,479  500 

Ohio  

4,902,400 

4,951,500 

5,050,500 

5,000,000 

4,900,000 

HORSES. 


Texaj 

896  000 

947  500 

1  023  500 

1  038  100 

1  095  100 

Illinois 

1  125  300 

1  134  900 

1  141  100 

1  151  300 

1  159  700 

Missouri  

859  700 

861  300 

871  800 

896  600 

948  900 

Iowa.  . 

836.700 

842.300 

883.900 

939.100 

990.700 

Numerical  exactness  in  statistics  of  this  kind  is  impossible,  but  the  above 
figures  are  as  approximately  correct  as  can  be  attained.  The  quantity  of 
wool  produced  in  Texas  in  1880  was  6,928,019  Ibs  at  the  spring  clip;  in  1883 
the  clip  was  estimated  at  3 1,000, 000  Ibs.  17.  S.  Bureau  of  Stat.y  no.  4,  1883-4, 
545-6;  Wood  Bros  Live  Stock  Movement.  Attention  is  being  paid  to  improve 
ment  in  the  breed  of  horses.  J.  Johnson  had  a  fine  horse  called  Blue 
Bird  which  beat,  Nov.  16,  1885,  Lela  B.,  the  winner  of  a  race  for 
$30,000  at  Sacramento,  Cal.,  in  the  previous  September.  Johnson,  Race-horses 
in  Tex.,  MS.  The  number  of  hogs  in  Texas  increased  from  1,900,000  in 
1880  to  2, 153, 000  in  1884. 

25  In  1885  the  principal  mines  worked  were  those  in  Palo  Pinto,  Parker, 
Webb,  Maveric,  and  Presidio  counties,  and  in  the  Eagle  mountains  in  the 
extreme  west  of  Texas.  It  is  estimated  that  the  coal  iields  in  Texas  extend 
over  an  area  of  30,000  sq.  miles.  Rept  Sec.  Int.,  cong.  41,  sess.  3,  195;  Land 
and  Ttvompsorfs  Galveston,  39-42. 


MINES   AND  MANUFACTURES.  5G5 

The  iron  vein  enters  Texas  from  the  northeast  in 
Bowie  county,  and  the  ore  is  found  in  abundance  in 
the  eastern  counties,  and  in  the  mountainous  districts 
of  the  upper  Colorado  and  its  tributaries.  In  Llano 
county  there  is  a  massive  hill  of  iron  ore,  30  feet  high, 
800  long,  and  500  wide.  The  ore  has  been  tested  and 
found  to  yield  70  per  cent  of  pure  iron.26  As  yet  the 
development  of  this  mining  industry,  like  that  of  coal, 
is  only  in  its  infancy.  It  does  not  appear  that  any 
enterprise  in  iron  smelting  was  engaged  in  before  the 
civil  war.  During  that  period  three  small  furnaces 
were  erected. 

Another  metal  which  Texas  yields  in  great  abun 
dance  is  copper,the  belt  of  which  extends  from  Wichita 
county  southward,  with  some  interruptions,  and  a 
westerly  bend  to  Pecos  and  Presidio  counties.  A 
company  was  chartered  in  1885  to  work  copper  mines 
in  Archer  county,  which  may  be  considered  as  the 
first  serious  step  taken  toward  the  establishment  of 
this  industry  in  the  state.  Silver-bearing  ores,  prin 
cipally  argentiferous  galena,  crop  out  in  Llano  county 
and  can  be  traced  to  San  Saba  and  Burnett  counties 
where  old  Spanish  mines  are  still  to  be  seen,  as  also 
along  the  Pecos  river.  Lead  is  found  in  El  Paso, 
Presidio,  Gonzales,  and  Gillespie  counties. 

Valuable  deposits  of  salt  are  found  in  Gregg,  Hi 
dalgo,  Van  Zandt,  El  Paso  and  many  other  counties. 
Along  the  Rio  Grande  it  is  found  in  inexhaustible 
quantities,  the  salt  lakes  of  El  Paso  being  famous. 
Equally  so  is  the  Sal  del  Rey  in  Hidalgo,  which  is  a 
large  body  of  salt  water  about  one  mile  in  diameter 
and  nearly  circular  in  shape.  From  this  lake  the 
people  of  Texas  was  supplied  with  salt  during  the 
civil  war.  Building  stone  of  every  description  exists 
throughout  the  state,  and  Burnett,  Llano,  and  San 
Saba  counties  contain  beautiful  varieties  of  marble  of 

26  Gee.  T.  Todd  narrates  that  in  early  days  wagoners  on  the  roads  lead 
ing  into  Jefferson  used  flat  iron  rocks  on  which  to  bake  their  bread,  and  beat 
the  same  into  horse-shoes  without  the  trouble  of  smelting  the  ore.  Jefferson 
Iron  News,  Feb.  10,  1886. 


566 


INDUSTRIES,    COMMERCE,    AND  RAILROADS. 


different  colors,  white,  black,  flesh  color,  and  clouded. 

The  manufacturing  and  mechanical  industries  are 
but  slightly  developed  in  Texas.  It  is  essentially  an 
agricultural  country,  and  the  various  industries  en 
gaged  in  under  the  above  two  general  heads  are  not 
pursued  to  an  extent  adequate  to  meet  the  home  de 
mand.  According  to  the  United  States  census  of 
1880  the  total  value  of  all  such  products  for  that 
year  was  only  $20,719,928,  employing  a  capital  of 
$9,245,561  and  12,159  hands,  11,645  being  males 
above  16  years  of  age.  The  wages  paid  during  the 
same  period  amounted  to  $3,343,087,  and  the  value 
of  the  materials  used  to  $12,956,269,  showing  net 
proceeds  to  the  amount  of  $4,420,572.  The  value  of 
similar  products  in  California  for  the  same  year  was 
$116,218,933.  The  subjoined  table  exhibits  the  prin 
cipal  industries,  namely  all  those  on  which  a  capital 
of  over  $100,000  was  employed.27  In  1870  the  value 
of  the  corresponding  products  was  $11, 517, 302,  which 
compared  with  the  figures  for  1880  exhibits  an  in 
crease  of  $9,202,626  for  the  latter  year. 

The  foreign  commerce  of  Texas,  previous  to  her  re- 


zf 

1880 

Capital. 

No.  of 
work 
men. 

Wages. 

Value  of 
Materials. 

Value  of 
Products 

Blacksmithing.  .  .  . 

$    299,645 
100,152 
183,530 
150,700 
3,082,952 
365,350 
342,500 
143,000 
1,660,952 
202,000 
447,900 
286,925 
106,400 
202,200 
236,730 

707 
235 
1,185 
211 
2,609 
360 
86 
191 
3,186 
158 
414 
270 
82 
132 
217 

$    180,502 
87,223 
204,499 
92,014 
368,683 
149,212 
46,855 
73,775 
732.914 
36;  272 
232,924 
110,576 
49,800 
49,800 
105,174 

$      247,464 
140,043 
105,074 
139,000 
6,371,606 
228,151 
45,485 
295,640 
2,096,775 
192,441 
207,438 
325,579 
305,200 
280,220 
259,300 

$     727,079 
372,810 
448,418 
301,800 
7,617,177 
532,778 
176,000 
456,600 
3,673,449 
276,450 
605,000 
587,871 
416,500 
486,400 
491,420 

Boot  and  shoes.  .... 

Brick,  and  tile 

Carriages  and  wagons.  . 
Flour  and  grist  mills  .  . 
Foundry  and  mach.  shop 
Ice,  artificial  ... 

Lumber,  planed  

Lumber  sawed 

Oil,  cotton-seed  and  pake. 
Printing  and  publishing 
Saddlery  and  harness  .  . 
Sash,  doors  and  blinds  . 
Slaughter'g  &  meat  pack'g 
Tin,  copper,  and  iron  ware 

Totals, 

$7,810,936 

$10,043 

$2,520,223 

$11,240,416 

$17,169,752 

//.  Misc.  Doc.,  cong.  47,  sess.  2,  ii.  189-90,  gen.  fol. 


IMPORTS  AND   EXPORTS. 


567 


admission  into  the  union,  was  very  limited,  the  imports 
rarely  exceeding  half  a  million  dollars,  and  the  exports 
being  proportionately  small.28  With  the  year  1870, 
however,  foreign  trade  assumed  a  vigor  which  marked 
the  beginning  of  an  era  of  prosperity,  and  a  rapidly 
increasing  development.  In  that  year  the  exports  of 
domestic  merchandise  from  Galveston  amounted  to 
$14,869,601,  and  in  1881  to  $26,685,248,  the  increase 
being  attained  through  spasmodic  fluctuations.29  The 
total  amount  of  domestic  merchandise  exported  from 
all  the  ports  of  Texas  for  the  year  ending  June  30, 
1883,  was  $33,400,808,  over  $29,000,000  representing 
cotton.  Nearly  nine  tenths  of  the  commerce  with 
foreign  countries  is  conducted  through  the  port  of 
Galveston,  as  will  be  seen  by  reference  to  the  subjoined 
table,  showing  the  commercial  statistics  for  the  year 
ending  June  30,  1883.3* 

28  The  value  of  the  imports,  including  coin  and  bullion,  at  Galveston  in 
1856  was  $92,259;  in  1860,  $533,153;  in  1866,  $111,357;  1868,  $579,966;  and 
1869,  $266,517.     The  values  of  the  exports  from  the  same  port  for  the  same 
years  were  respectively  $1,252,925,  $5,772,158,  $1,288,926,  $5,829,110,  and 
$9,616,153.   U.  S.  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  47,  sess.  2,  xviii.,  p.  lix.-lx. 

29  The  following  table  indicates  the  fluctuations: 


Imports. 

Exports. 

1870 

$  509  231 

$14  869  601 

1871  

1,255  003 

13,764  384 

1872 

1  741  000 

12211  774 

1873 

2  4°6  626 

17  629  633 

1874  ... 

1  432  255 

19  135  951 

1875  

1,218,034 

15  876  632 

1876  

1  335  605 

15  245  041 

1877 

1  411  594 

15  160  394 

1878 

1  081  201 

12  177  540 

1879  

871,938 

16  393  877 

1880          

1  107  241 

16  71'?  861 

1881  

3  106  669 

26  685  ^48 

1882  

3,022,274 

15,515,094 

Imports. 

Exports. 

Oalveston 

$1  511  712 

$<x)  (307  898 

Brazos  de  Santiago 

801  447 

1  102  861 

Saluria                      

100  084 

871  068 

Corpus  Christi  

711  787 

1  798  981 

Total  

$3,125,030 

$33,400,808 

U.  S.  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  48,  sess.  1,  xvii.  134-5,  276-7.     THe  growth  of  mer- 


568  INDUSTRIES,   COMMERCE,   AND  RAILROADS. 

As  the  increase  of  the  tonnage  of  vessels  employed 
in  the  carrying  trade  is  necessarily  proportionate  to 
the  increase  of  commerce,  some  information  with  re 
gard  to  the  former  may  be  interesting.  In  1856, 
when  the  exports  from  Galveston  amounted  in  value 
to  $1,252,925,  the  tonnage  of  vessels  entered  at  that 
port  was  10,846  tons;  in  1860  it  was  32,263;  in  1870, 
31,555  tons;  in  1880,  117,972  tons;  and  in  1883, 
153,614  tons.  At  the  date  of  June  30,  1883,  there 
were  documented  in  the  state  of  Texas  274  vessels, 
with  an  aggregate  tonnage  of  10,672  tons,  of  which 
36  were  steamers,  aggregating  3,308  tons.  There  is 
but  little  ship-building  in  Texas.  During  the  year 

cndin^  June  30,  1883,  nine  small  sailing  vessels  were 

&  ~  o 

launched,  aggregating  only  96  tons,  and  two  steamers 
aggregating  nearly  65  tons.  Internal  transportation 
is  carried  on  by  river  steamers  of  light  draft,31  and 
along  the  systems  of  railroads  that  have  been  estab 
lished.  During  late  years  measures  have  been  adopted 
for  the  improvement  of  rivers  and  harbors.  Consid 
erable  sums  of  money  are  being  expended  in  projects 
to  deepen  the  channels  over  the  bars  at  the  entrances 
of  the  bays  and  at  the  mouths  of  the  principal  rivers.32 
In  early  clays  the  high-roads  leading  through  Texas 
were,  as  Kennedy  remarks,  "of  nature's  construction," 

cantile  operations  in  individual  cities  is  illustrated  by  the  success  of  Sanger 
Bros,  wholesale  merchants  and  dealers.  This  firm  does  business  in  Waco  to 
the  amount  of  nearly  $500,000  worth  of  goods  annually,  and  in  Dallas  to 
nearly  three  times  that  amount.  When  they  first  opened  their  house  in 
Waco,  they  employed  only  two  clerks;  now  they  employ  65  clerks  in  the 
same  establishment.  This  result  was  attained  in  less  than  a  dozen  years. 
Sanrjer's  Statement,  MS. 

31  In  1850-1,  a  canal  was  constructed  by  the  Galveston  and  Brazos  Navi 
gation  Co. ,  connecting  Galveston  and  Brazos  river,  at  a  cost  of  $340,000.    The 
cutting  is  8  miles  in  length,  50  feet  wide  at  the  surface,  and  3|  feet  deep;  the 
remainder  of  this  transportation  line  u  30  miles  in  length,  and  passes  through 
the  slack  waters  of  the  Oyster  Bay  and  West  Bay.    U.  S.  H.  Misc.,  cong.  47, 
sess.  2,  xiii.  754-5,  gen.  fol. 

32  Improvements  are  being  effected  at  Sabine  pass  and  Blue  Buck  bar,  on 
the  Sabine,  Neches,  and  Trinity  rivers;  at  the  entrance  to  Galveston  harbor, 
and  on  a  ship-channel  in  the  bay;  on  Buffalo  bayou;  the  channel  over  the  bar 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Brazos;  at  Pass  Cavallo  inlet  to  Matagorda  bay;  Aransas 
pass  and  bay,  up  to  Rockport  and  Corpus  Christi;  on  the  harbor  at  Brazos 
Santiago;  and  in  the  protection  of  the  river  bank  at  Fort  Brown  on  the  Rio 
Grande.    U.  S.  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  48,  sess.  1,  vol.  iv.  1047-97. 


ROADS  AND  MAILS.  569 

and  in  the  dry  season  no  difficulty  was  encountered, 
except  at   the    rivers,  in  journeying  from    the   Eio 
Grande  to  the  Sabine  in  carriages ; 33  during  the  rainy 
months  travelling  was  very  toilsome  and  expensive. 
The  postal  service  along  such  routes  was  irregular  and 
deficient,  but  as  the  country  became  more  settled,  a 
greater  degree  of  efficiency  was  attained.     In  1857, 
an  overland  mail  route  was  established  between  San 
Antonio  and  San  Diego,  California,3*  under  a  contract 
entered  into  with  the  government  by  James  E.  Birch. 
Referring  to  the  postmaster-general's  report  of  De 
cember  4,  1858,  it  will  be  found  that  the  annual  cost 
of    mail    transportation,    including    route    and    local 
agents  and  mail  messengers,  for  the  years  ending  June 
30,    1857  and   1858,  was    respectively  $232,138   and 
$359,300,  the  estimate  for  the  year  ending  June  30, 
1859,  being  $604,363.     This  great  increase  is  due  to 
a  large  number  of  new  service  routes  being  established. 
From  this  time  the  service  has  developed  in  propor 
tion  to  the  increasing  requirements  of  the  state.     Ac 
cording  to  the  postmaster-general's  report  of  November 
19,  1883,  it  appears  that  in  the  years  ending  June  30, 
1882  and  1883,  the  number  of  post-offices  in  Texas 
was    respectively  1,438  and    1,448.     The    aggregate 
length    of  the   mail   routes  for  the  latter  year  was 

33  Almonte  says:  '  Desde  Mexico  hasta  los  Estados-Unidos  se  puede  viajar 
en  carruage,  a  lo  menos  seis  meses  del  ano,  principiando  en  mayo  6  junio. 
Not.  Estad.  Tcj.,  44.     See  also  Var.  Impresos,  2,  no.  vi.,  44-5,  65-83,  table  no. 
7,  96. 

34  On  the  more  northern  overland  mail  route  to  California,  Adam  Rankin 
Johnson,  in  1855,  bought  the  Staked  Plains  station,  the  most  dangerous  point 
on  the  line.     He  also  acquired  other  stations,  but  was  compelled  to  give 
them  up  on  account  of  the  difficulty  he  experienced  in  obtaining  laboring 
men,  owing  to  the  hostility  of  the  Indians.     Johnson  was  born  in  Kentucky 
Feb.  8,  1834,  and  settled  in  Burnett  county,  Texas,  in  1844.    He  served  with 
distinction  in  the  confederate  army,  doing  most  important  scouting  service. 
He  organized  the  Breckenridge  guards,  and  was  made  a  general  of  brigade  by 
Morgan.     At   the   engagement   at   Grabbs'  cross-roads,    near   Cumberland, 
Johnson  received  a  shot  in  the  right  eye,  the  ball  passing  in  rear  of  the  left 
eye,  and  through  the  left  temple.     Both  organs  were  instantly  destroyed. 
Being  taken  prisoner,  he  was  exchanged  March  26,  1865,  and  returned  in 
that  year  to  Texas,  where  he  took  up  his  abode  on  a  small  rancho  in  Leland 
co.  Starlings  Bioj.  of  A.  R.  Johnson,  MS.     Particialars  of  the  two  great  over 
land  mail  routes  will  be  found  in  V.  8.  Sen.  Doc.,  cong.  35,  sess.  2,  iv.  739- 
52.     See  abo  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  139-50. 


570  INDUSTRIES,   COMMERCE,   AND  RAILROADS. 

18,871  miles,  the  mails  being  transported  over  5,371 
miles  by  rail,  and  492  miles  by  steamboat,  the  bal 
ance  of  13,008  miles  representing  routes  designated 
as  "star  routes,"  irregular  proceedings  in  contracts  for 
which  have  been  repeatedly  exposed.35  The  total  an 
nual  transportation  is  represented  by  distances  aggre 
gating  8,948,035  miles,  at  a  cost  of  $718,516.36 

Railroad  systems  have  been  developed  in  an  extraor 
dinary  degree  in  Texas  during  the  last  ten  years.  In 
1870,  there  were  less  than  300  miles  in  operation,  and 
in  1876  only  about  1,600  miles,  while  in  1885  over 
7,000  miles  had  been  completed.  During  the  repub 
lic  numerous  charters  for  railroads  were  granted,  but 
none  were  acted  upon,  and  it  was  not  until  1852  that 
the  first  road  was  commenced.  A  brief  account  of 
the  oldest  line  in  the  state  will  not  be  uninteresting. 

In  the  above-named  year,  a  preliminary  survey  was 
made,  and  some  work  done,  on  what  was  then  called 
the  Buffalo  Bayou,  Brazos,  and  Colorado  road,  start 
ing  from  Harrisburg  with  a  westerly  direction,  and 
in  the  same  year  the  whistle  of  the  first  locomotive  on 
Texan  soil  was  heard  at  Harrisburg,  being  also  the 
second  put  in  motion  west  of  the  Mississippi.  The 
company  was  organized  June  1,  1850,  at  Boston, 
Massachusetts,  by  General  Sidney  Sherman,  who 
may  be  regarded  as  the  father  of  railroad  systems  in 
Texas.  The  work  progressed  slowly,  and  the  Colo 
rado  was  not  reached  till  1859,  when  the  Hne  was 
open  to  Eagle  lake,  65  miles  from  its  initial  point. 
In  1866,  it  had  been  extended  to  Columbus,  the  river 
being  bridged  at  Alleyton.  By  an  act  of  the  legisla 
ture  the  charter  was  changed  in  1870,  and  San  An 
tonio  made  the  objective  point.  Since  that  time  it 
has  been  called  the  Galveston,  Harrisburg,  and  San 
Antonio  railway,  perhaps  better  known  as  the  "  Sun 
set  route."  On  January  15,  1877,  the  road  reached 
San  Antonio,  the  citizens  of  Bejar  county  having  voted, 

35  This  remark  does  not  apply  individually  J;o  the  Texas  mail  service,  but 
to  that  of  tne  U.  S.  generally. 

36  U.  S.  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  cong.  48,  sess.  1,  ix.  108,  133. 


RAILWAYS.  571 

January  1876,  $300,000  in  county  bonds  to  secure  the 
speedy  completion  of  the  line.  In  the  same  month 
the  passenger  terminus  was  changed  from  Harrisburg 
to  Houston  by  a  line  from  Pierce  junction.  Follow 
ing  the  setting  sun,  it  has  since  been  extended  to  El 
Paso,  where  it  connects  with  the  Southern  Pacific, 
into  which  system  it  has  been  incorporated,  though  it 
is  still  under  the  control  of  its  own  managers.  At 
that  point  it  also  connects  with  the  Mexican  Central. 
The  length  of  the  main  line  is  848  miles,  and  no  rail 
road  in  Texas  has  had  more  influence  in  the  settlement 
and  development  of  the  country.  The  branches  con 
nected  with  it  are  the  La  Grange  from  Columbus,  31 
miles,  the  Gonzales  from  Harwood,  12  miles,  and  the 
branch  to  Eagle  Pass,  on  the  Rio  Grande,  where  con 
nection  is  made  with  the  Mexican  International.  At 
Spofford  junction,  a  few  miles  from  San  Antonio,  the 
main  line  is  crossed  by  the  International  and  Great 
Northern,  which  connects  at  Laredo  with  the  Mexi 
can  National.  Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  access  is 
given  to  all  points  in  the  Mexican  republic  that  have 
railroad  communications.37 

The  next  railroad  commenced  in  Texas  was  the 
Houston  and  Texas  Central.  The  original  charter 
was  granted  in  1848,  by  which  the  company  was  in 
corporated  under  the  title  of  the  Galveston  and  Red 
River  Railroad  company,  the  object  being  to  construct 
a  line  from  Galveston  to  the  northern  boundary  of 
the  state.  Work  was  begun  in  1853  at  Houston, 
instead  of  Galveston,  by  the  original  incorporator, 
Ebenezer  Allen,  his  action  being  confirmed  by  the 
legislature,  which,  on  February  7th  of  that  year, 
granted  the  charter  for  the  road  under  consideration; 
thenceforth  the  line  assumed  its  present  name.  The 
rivalry  existing  between  Galveston  and  Houston  was 
arranged  by  a  compromise,  under  which  the  two  cities 

37  Thrall,  618-19,  766-7;  Tex.  Aim.,  1859,  219-20;  1860,  202;  1861,  228; 
1867,  185-6;  1868,  122-6;  Burkes  Tex.  Aim.,  1882,  216;  1883,  72;  Land  and 
Thompson's  Galveston,  49-50;  Tex.  Indust.  Houston,  1884-5,  33. 


572  INDUSTRIES,    COMMERCE,    AND  RAILROADS. 

were  connected  by  the  Galveston,  Houston,  and  Hen 
derson  road,  which  was  began  at  Virginia  point,  and 
completed  in  1865,  a  junction  being  effected  with  the 
Houston  and  Texas  Central.  In  1859,  a  bridge  was 
constructed  across  the  bay  by  the  city  of  Galveston. 
The  main  line  was  slow  in  progress,  having  only  been 
advanced  about  80  miles  when  the  civil  war  broke 
out.  Then  an  interruption  occurred,  and  it  was  not 
until  March  1873  that  it  reached  Denison  city,  Gray- 
son  county,  where  a  junction  was  formed  with  the 
Missouri,  Kansas,  and  Texas  road,  thus  opening  com 
munication  by  rail  with  St  Louis.  The  distance  from 
Houston  to  Denison  is  341  miles.  Branch  lines  are 
from  Hempstead  to  Austin,  115  miles;  from  Brenham 
through  Waco  to  Albany,  Shackelford  county,  231 
miles,  which  northwestern  division  is  to  be  extended 
through  the  panhandle  to  New  Mexico  and  Colorado ; 
and  the  northeastern  division,  already  constructed 
from  Garrett,  Ellis  county,  to  Roberts,  51  miles,  and 
intended  to  reach  the  southern  contiguous  corners  of 
Indian  Territory  and  Arkansas.  There  is  also  a  12- 
mile  branch  from  Garrett  to  Waxahatchie. 

Houston  is  the  natural  railroad  centre,  no  less  than 
ten  different  lines  converging  to  it  from  as  many  points 
in  the  four  quarters  of  the  compass.  Three  of  these 
have  been  already  mentioned;  the  remaining  roads 
are  the  International  and  Great  Northern,  opened  to 
Longview,  Gregg  county,  distant  232  miles  from 
Houston.  From  Palestine,  Anderson  county,  ex 
tends  the  Laredo  branch  to  the  Rio  Grande,  415 
miles.  This  railroad  is  the  result  of  the  consolida 
tion  of  the  International,  chartered  August  17,  1870, 
and  the  Houston  and  Great  Northern,  chartered 
October  22,  1866.  Houston  Tap  and  Brazoria  Rail 
way  was  completed  in  1860,  purchased  in  1871  by 
the  Houston  and  Great  Northern  company,  and  now 
forms  part  of  the  International  and  Great  Northern 
system.  Its  direction  is  due  south  to  Columbia,  Bra 
zoria  county.  The  charter  was  granted  September  1, 


RAILWAYS.  573 

1856,  and  the  line  completed  some  four  years  later,  its 
length  being  50  miles.  The  Texas  and  New  Orleans 
railway  extends  from  Houston  to  Orange  city,  near 
the  Sabine  river.  It  is  106  miles  in  length  and  was 
opened  in  1861.  It  now  forms  part  of  the  Southern 
Pacific  system.  Connection  is  formed  by  it  with 
Morgan's  Louisiana  and  Texas  railroad,  which  com 
pletes  communication  from  San  Francisco,  California, 
to  New  Orleans. 

In  May  1873,  the  Gulf,  Colorado,  and  Santa  Fe 
line  was  chartered.  This  was  a  Galveston  enterprise, 
the  intention  beinsf  that  the  road  should  start  from 

O 

that  city,  and  passing  up  the  valley  of  the  Colorado 
be  carried  on  to  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico.  The  origi 
nal  plan,  however,  was  changed,  the  line  turning  up 
the  valley  of  the  Brazos  to  Cameron,  thence  to  Tem 
ple  junction,  Lampasas,  and  Coleman,  a  total  distance 
of  351  miles  already  constructed.  This  is  the  main 
line  known  as  the  Santa  Fe  division,  and  when  com 
pleted  will  pass  through  the  panhandle  to  that  city. 
The  Fort  Worth  division,  already  completed  from 
Temple  junction  to  that  point,  is  intended  to  pass 
through  Montague  county,  and  be  extended  through 
Indian  Territory  to  Fort  Dodge,  Kansas.  Construc 
tion  was  commenced  at  Virginia  Point  in  May  1875, 
and  the  road  opened  to  traffic  as  far  as  Richmond  in 
1878.  Branch  lines  have  been  built  from  Alvin  to 
Houston,  24  miles;  from  Cleburne  to  Dallas,  54  miles; 
and  from  Sornerville  to  Montgomery,  53  miles  in 
length. 

The  Houston,  East  and  West  Texas  narrow  gauge 
railway  extends  northward  from  Houston,  and  is 
already  constructed  beyond  Nacogdoches.  This  road 
was  chartered  in  March  1875,  and  was  intended  to 
reach  Red  river  in  Bowie  county,  connecting  with 
the  entire  systems  of  railroads  in  eastern  Texas  and 
southwestern  Arkansas.  The  western  division,  as 
projected,  was  to  extend  from  Houston  to  Victoria, 
Goliad,  and  Beeville,  and  thence  to  Laredo  on  the 


574  INDUSTRIES,    COMMERCE,    AND  RAILROADS. 

Rio  Grande,  having  a  branch  to  Corpus  Christi  bay. 
This  system  was  an  enterprise  of  the  citizens  of  Hous 
ton,  its  promoter  being  Paul  Bremond  of  that  city. 
Another  narrow  gauge  railway  is  the  Texas  Western, 
the  objective  point  being  Presidio  del  Norte,  on  the  Rio 
Grande,  900  miles  due  west  of  Houston.  Construc 
tion  on  this  line,  to  any  great  extent,  was  for  some 
time  delayed  Connection,  however,  was  made  at 
Seaby,  53  miles  from  Houston,  with  the  Gulf,  Colorado, 
and  Santa  Fe  road.  The  Texas-Mexican  line  is  now  in 
corporated  with  the  Mexican  National.  It  was  orga 
nized  in  1875  under  the  appellation  of  the  Corpus 
Christi,  San  Diego,  and  Rio  Grande  railway.  The 
branch  line  from  Houston  will  connect  with  the  main 
trunk  line  at  San  Diego,  Duval  county,  Galveston 
will  also  be  connected  by  another  main  branch.  The 
division  extending  from  Corpus  Christi  to  Laredo  is 
already  completed,  and  construction  is  progressing 
rapidly  on  all  other  divisions.  This,  also,  is  a  narrow 
gauge  line. 

Besides  these  systems  which  all  centre  in- Houston, 
mention  must  be  made  of  the  Fort  Worth  and  Den 
ver  City  railway,  crossing  the  panhandle  from  its 
south-eastern  to  its  north-western  corner.  Work  is 
progressing  rapidly  on  this  line,  about  400  miles  be 
ing  already  completed.  Fort  Worth,38  in  fact,  is  an- 

38  The  growth  of  this  city,  which  was  incorporated  in  1873,  was  extraordi 
nary.  B.  B.  Paddock  states  that  when  the  first  railroad  reached  the  town  in 
1876  there  were  not  more  than  1,600  inhabitants;  it  has,  in  1888,  a  popula 
tion  of  over  .30,000.  Within  the  corporate  limits  there  are  over  200  artesian 
wells.  Paddock  went  to  Texas  in  1872,  and  is  connected  with  the  Fort  Worth 
and  Rio  Grande  R.  R.,  the  charter  for  which  was  granted  in  July,  1885.  Notes 
on  Fort  Worth,  MS.  The  first  mayor  was  William  P.  Burts,  born  in  Tennes 
see,  Dec.  7,  1827.  He  went  to  Fort  Worth  in  1858  and  was  the  first  practi 
tioner  there.  In  1874  Burts  resigned,  and  Giles  H.  Day  was  elected  the 
second  mayor,  serving  in  that  capacity  till  1878,  when  he  was  succeeded  by 
R.  E.  Beckham,  followed  by  John  T.  Brown.  In  1882  John  Peter  Smith, 
an  able  officer,  was  elected,  and  reflected  in  1884.  Smith  was  born  in 
Kentucky,  Sept.  16,  1831,  and  settled  in  Fort  Worth  in  1853;  at  that  time 
there  were  not  more  than  half  a  dozen  families  in  the  place.  Smith  taught 
in  the  first  school  established  in  Fort  Worth.  Burts'  Bioy.,  MS.;  Day's  Bhg., 
MS.;  Smith's  Fort  Worth,  MS.;  L.  L.  Short's  Biog.,  MS.;  TJie  Texas  Special, 
Oct.  20,  1885.  A.  P.  Ryan  of  Fort  Worth,  gives  some  account  of  the  fine 
agricultural  capacities  of  that  portion  of  the  country,  and  of  the  thriving 
condition  of  that  city.  He  was  born  in  Wayne  county,  Kentucky,  in  1837; 


KAILWAYS.  575 

other  great  railroad  centre,  nearly  a  dozen  lines,  com 
pleted  or  in  course  of  construction  concentrating  in 
that  city. 

Many  other  lines  are  also  projected  to  connect  with 
the  above-named  system,  on  which  more  or  less  work 
was  done,  while  the  construction  of  others  will  be  under 
taken  according  to  the  transportation  requirements  of 
this  progressive  state.  In  the  above  brief  account  of 
the  railroads  in  Texas  I  have  confined  myself  to  the 
main  systems  in  operation  within  her  boundaries; 
but  the  reader  will  apprehend  that  numerous  local 
lines  connect  communication  between  them  and  most 
of  the  principal  towns,,  and  that  the  whole  net-work 
is  connected  with  the  great  transcontinental  and  main 
roads  of  the  United  States,  and  also  with  the  Mexi 
can  systems — of  still  greater  magnitude  if,  in  some 
future  time,  they  be  connected  with  stupendous 
trunk  lines  reaching  into  South  America, — a  consum 
mation  already  conceived  by  projectors. 

Railroad  enterprises,  from  the  first  initiative  steps 
taken  to  introduce  into  Texas  this  means  of  transpor 
tation,  have  met  with  most  liberal  assistance  from  the 
state  government.  Charters  have  been  granted  on 
easy  terms,  enormous  sums  of  money — principally 
from  the  school  and  university  fund — have  been 
loaned,  and  a  large  amount  of  public  funds  has 
been  donated  to  such  companies  as  have  fulfilled  their 
contracts,  extensions  of  time  having  been  granted 
whenever  the  petitions  for  such  were  reasonable.  It 
is  to  this  liberal  action  of  the  state  that  Texas  is  in 
debted  in  a  great  measure  for  her  late  rapid  develop 
ment  and  increase  of  population.  Texas  did  not 
escape  being  affected  by  the  trouble  caused  by  the 
serious  strike  of  railroad  employes  in  the  spring  of 
1886.  On  April  3d  of  that  year  a'train  which  left  Fort 
Worth  on  its  way  south  was  fired  into  at  the  junction 
of  the  Fort  Worth  and  New  Orleans  Railroad,  two  miles 

went  to  Texas  in  1858;  and  served  in  the  confederate  army  during  the  whole 
of  the  civil  war.  Observations,  MS. 


576  INDUSTRIES,    COMMERCE,    AND  RAILROADS. 

from  the  city.  Deputy  sheriffs  Townsend  and  Sneed, 
and  police  officer  Fulford  were  severely  wounded, 
the  former  dying  the  next  day.  Great  excitement 
prevailed  throughout  the  state,  and  military  compan 
ies  were  rapidly  hurried  to  Fort  Worth.  The  ener 
getic  measures  adopted  by  the  governor  and  the 
authorities  of  many  principal  towns  fortunately  pre 
vented  further  bloodshed.39 

39  The  Dallas  Mommy  News,  Ap.  4  and  5,  1886'  The  strike  commenced 
in  the  work-shops  of  the  Texas  and  Pacific  R.  R.,  at  Marshall,  Harrison 
county,  owing  to  the  discharge  of  C.  A.  Hall,  a  foreman  in  the  car-shop 
there.  Hall  was  a  prominent  officer  in  the  Knights  of  Labor,  who  regarded 
his  dismissal  as  an  attack  upon  their  order.  The  strike  extended  to  the 
Missouri  Pacific  system.  The  authorities  that  have  been  consulted  on  the 
industries  of  Texas,  are  the  following. 

Stephen  M.  Blount  was  in  1888  the  only  living  signer  of  the  declara 
tion  of  the  independence  of  Texas.  He  was  born  in  Georgia,  Feb.  13, 
1808,  and  moved  to  Texas  in  July  1835,  settling  at  San  Augustine.  In  18.S6 
he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  convention  that  declared  the  independence 
and  nominated  General  Houston  for  the  position  of  Commander-in-chief  of 
the  Texan  forces.  Blount  was  a  close  personal  friend  of  Houston,  whom  he 
regards  as  having  been  a  grand  man.  In  1837  Blount  was  elected  clerk  of 
San  Augustine  county,  holding  that  position  for  four  years.  His  whole  life 
has  been  one  of  activity,  having  served,  previous  to  his  arrival  in  Texas,  in 
several  official  capacities  in  Georgia.  He  was  commissioned  colonel  of  the 
8bh  regiment  Georgia  militia,  and  was  aide-de-camp  both  to  Brig. -Gen. 
Robert  Tootle  and  Maj.-Gen.  David  Taylor  during  1832-4.  Col  Blount 
married  in  1839  a  Mrs  Lacey  whose  family  name  was  Landon,  and  his  family 
consists  of  six  children.  Biofj.  Sketch,  MS. 

Doctor  Sherwood  A.  Owens  was  born  July  22,  1824,  in  Logan  county, 
Kentucky,  and  graduated  at  Kemper  College,  Missouri,  in  1843.  In  1848 
he  took  his  degree  in  the  medical  department  of  that  state  university;  prac 
tised  in  New  Orleans  until  Feb.  1849,  when  he  made  preparations  to  go  to 
California  by  the  overland  route  via  Salt  Lake,  and  arrived  at  Sacramento 
July  2d  of  the  same  year.  There  he  followed  his  profession  often  making 
$500  a  day.  In  1851  he  removed  to  San  Francisco,  but  in  the  following  year 
sailed  for  Melbourne,  Australia,  and  was  nearly  ship-wrecked  on  the  passage. 
At  Melbourne  the  doctor  was  offered  the  position  of  surgeon  on  the  British 
fleet  ordered  to  the  Baltic;  went  to  Chronstadt  and  Sevastopol,  where  he  re 
signed  in  preference  to  becoming  a  British  subject,  a  requisite  required  by 
that  government  in  view  of  the  existing  war.  He  then  returned  to  San 
Francisco,  arriving  there  in  Dec.  1855.  After  further  travelling  he  finally 
married  Lucy  J.  Tliurman,  of  Jefferson,  Missouri,  went  to  Texas,  and  settled 
at  Waco  in  the  autumn  of  1857.  During  the  civil  war  he  was  surgeon  in 
the  confederate  army,  and  was  present  at  several  important  battles.  He  is 
a  zealous  mason,  and  has  been  eminent  commander  of  his  commandery. 
Bio<j.,  MS. 

Isaac  Van  Zandt  was  born  July  10,  1813,  in  Franklin  county,  Tennessee; 
feeble  health  prevented  him  from  receiving  a  thorough  education.  Having 
engaged  in  mercantile  pursuits  in  Mississippi  for  several  years  he  abandoned 
that  vocation;  engaged  in  the  study  of  law;  and  in  1839,  having  migrated 
to  Texas,  commenced  practice  at  Marshall,  in  Harrison  county.  In  the  fol 
lowing  year  he  was  elected  representative  to  the  lower  house  of  the  Texan 
congress  and  reflected  in  1841.  His  next  official  position  was  that  of  charga 
d'  affairs  to  the  United  States,  which  he  resigned  in  1844.  Having  returned 
to  Marshall,  he  was  elected  in  1845  a  delegate  to  the  convention  that  com- 


BIOGRAPHY.  577 

pleted  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States,  and  framed  the  first 
constitution  of  the  new  state.  In  1847  he  became  a  candidate  for  the  office 
of  governor  of  the  state,  and  while  engaged  in  an  active  canvass  for  that 
position  he  died  of  yellow  fever  Oct.  llth  at  Houston.  Van  Zandt  was  a 
man  of  rare  natural  abilities,  and  from  his  probity  and  amenity  of  conduct, 
was  respected  and  revered  by  all  who  knew  him.  Five  out  of  six  children 
born  to  him  were  living  in  1888,  namely  Louisa,  widow  of  Col  J.  M.  Clough, 
who  fell  in  the  defence  of  Fort  Donnelson;  Kleber  M.,  born  November  7, 
1836,  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1858,  and  removed  to  Fort  Worth  in  1865, 
where  he  engaged  in  mercantile  business  until  1874,  when  he  turned  his 
attention  to  banking,  and  became  president  of  Fort  Worth  Bank;  Lycurgus, 
a  practising  physician,  born  Jan.  5,  1840;  Fanny,  born  May  15,  1842,  wife 
of  Doctor  Elias  Beall,  of  Fort  Worth;  and  Ida,  born  May  20,  1844,  the  wife 
of  J.  J.  Jarvis,  a  lawyer  and  farmer  of  T arrant  county.  Van  Zandt,  Memoir, 
no.  1,  MS.;  Id.,  no.  2,  MS. 

E.  D.  Linn,  a  son  of  John  J.  Linn,  the  author,  of  Reminiscences  of  Fifty 
Years  in  Texas,  was  born  in  that  state  in  1848,  and  received  his  education  in 
the  private  schools.  He  is  a  prominent  member  of  the  committee  on  educa 
tion,  and  has  been  a  member  of  the  14th  to  19th  legislatures  inclusive.  He 
was  the  originator  of  the  bill  to  fund  and  pay  the  public  debt  of  Texas.  Is 
editor  and  proprietor  of  the  Victoria  Advocate,  and  one  of  the  trustees  of  the 
New  York  and  Texas  railway.  His  father  was  a  member  of  the  general 
consultation  which  organized  at  San  Felipe  Nov.  3,  1835,  declared  against 
the  central  government  of  Santa  Anna,  and  established  a  provisional  govern 
ment.  J.  J.  Linn  was  also  a  member  of  the  committee  of  safety,  quarter 
master-general  during  the  revolution,  and  afterward  elected  to  the  1st  and 
2d  Texan  congress.  Linn,  Bioy.  Sketch,  MS. 

Captain  Marcus  D.  Herring  was  born  October  11,  1828,  and  educated  in 
Mississippi  and  Louisiana.  Before  he  was  20  years  of  age,  he  was  licensed 
to  practise  law.  In  Texas  he  resided  in  Austin  from  1853  to  1856,  when  lie 
removed  to  Waco,  where  he  practised  very  successfully  his  profession.  Dur 
ing  the  last  three  years  and  nine  months  of  the  civil  war  he  served  in  the 
confederate  army.  Capt.  Herring  is  a  royal  arch  mason,  and  belongs  to  the 
I.  0.  0.  F.,  being  the  founder  of  the  widows'  and  orphans'  house  of  that  so 
ciety.  Biog.,  MS. 

Col  John  C.  McCoy  was  born  Sept.  28,  1819,  at  Clark  county,  Indiana; 
was  educated  at  Charleston  and  Wilmington  academies,  and  admitted  to  the 
bar  in  1842.  On  Jan.  1,  1845,  he  arrived  at  Galveston  as  an  agent  for  the 
Peter's  colony.  In  1851,  he  married  a  niece  of  Ex-gov.  Porter  of  Pennsyl 
vania.  During  the  war  of  secession,  he  held  various  positions,  such  as  quar 
termaster,  enrolling  officer,  and  provost  marshal.  Col  McCoy  is  a  prominent 
mason,  having  become  a  member  of  that  order  in  1848.  He  has  filled  every 
possible  position,  and  in  1883  was  placed  as  R.  E.  Grand  Commander  of  the 
Grand  Commandery,  K.  T. ;  is  now  chairman  of  the  committee  of  correspon 
dence  of  the  Grand  Commandery,  K.  T.  Texas  Bioy. ,  MS. 

T.  C.  Cook,  A.  M.,  M.  D.,  is  a  prominent  member  of  the  house  of  repre 
sentatives  of  the  19th  legislature,  representing  Colorado  county.  Was  born 
at  Tuscaloosa,  Alabama,  September  19,  1836.  He  received  his  degree  of 
M.  D.  at  the  university  of  Pennsylvania  in  1859,  and  that  of  A.  M.  at  the 
university  of  Alabama  in  1860,  in  which  year  he  migrated  to  Texas.  During 
the  civil  war,  he  was  surgeon  of  the  1st  regiment  of  heavy  artillery  of  the 
confederate  army.  Bioy.,  MS. 

J.  W.  Swain  was  born  in  Kentucky  in  1839,  and  arrived  in  1859  in  Texas. 
He  served  in  the  confederate  army  till  the  surrender  of  Johnson's  army,  and 
on  his  return  gave  his  attention  to  farming,  which  avocation  he  pursued  for 
five  years.  He  then  adopted  law  as  his  profession;  has  served  both  as  repre 
sentative  and  senator  in  the  state  legislature.  In  1883,  he  was  elected  for  a 
second  term  as  comptroller,  with  the  extraordinary  majority  of  190, 000  votes. 
As  a  member  of  the  state  board  of  education.  Swain  is  anxious,  for  the  adop 
tion  of  text-book  uniformity.  Texas  Bioy.,  MS» 

HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    37. 


578  INDUSTRIES,   COMMERCE,   AND  RAILROADS. 

•4k 

J.  W.  Baines,  secretary  of  state,  and  an  active  member  of  the  state  board 
of  education,  is  a  great  supporter  of  public  schools,  and  strongly  in  favor  of 
uniformity  in  text-books  and  method.  Texas  Biog.,  MS. 

Among  periodicals  may  be  mentioned  Street's  Monthly,  a  literary  and  ma 
sonic  publication.  J.  K.  Street,  the  proprietor,  was  born  in  Tennessee  in 
1837;  went  to  Texas  in  1854,  and  has  for  many  years  been  engaged  in  enter 
prises  connected  with  the  press.  Street's  Biog.  Sketch,  MS. 

Samuel  Bell  Maxey  was  born  in  Monroe  county,  Kentucky,  March  30, 
1825,  and  graduated  at  West  Point  in  1846,  and  served  through  the  Mexican 
war.  He  resigned  in  1849,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1850.  In  1857 
he  settled  at  Paris,  Texas,  and  was  elected  state  senator  in  1861,  but  resigned 
and  took  service  in  the  confederate  army,  at  the  close  of  which  he  was  a 
brigadier-general.  Was  elected  to  the  U.  S.  senate  in  1875,  and  reflected  in 
1881.  Statement,  MS. 

W.  S.  Pendleton,  a  member  of  the  19th  legislature,  was  born  in  Tennes 
see  Feb.  7,  1850,  and  graduated  at  Manchester  college  in  1869.  Afterward, 
having  studied  law,  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  and  in  1873  settled  in  Tar- 
rant  county,  Texas,  where  he  engaged  in  practice.  In  1878,  he  was  elected 
district  attorney  of  that  county,  being  twice  reflected  to  the  same  office.  In 
November  1884,  he  was  elected  to  the  house  of  representatives,  where,  among 
other  measures,  he  introduced  that  known  as  the  jury  bill,  inserting  new 
causes  of  challenge,  and  making  provisions  by  which  professional  jurymen 
are  excluded,  and  allowing  intelligent  men,  who  read  the  papers  and  keep 
themselves  informed,  to  sit  as  jurors,  though  they  may  have  formed  opinions 
from  what  they  have  read.  Biog.,  MS. 

George  Clark  was  born  in  Alabama  in  1841;  served  through  the  civil 
war,  in  which  he  took  part  in  many  battles,  being  wounded  on  three  several 
occasions,  and  went  to  Texas  in  January  1867.  In  1868  he  settled  at  Waco, 
which  has  since  that  year  been  his  place  of  residence.  Was  a  member  of  the 
democratic  state  executive  committee  of  1872,  and  attorney -general  of  the 
state  in  1874;  this  office  he  held  till  April  1876.  Somewhat  later,  he  was 
appointed  one  of  the  commissioners  to  codify  the  laws,  and  served  in  that 
capacity  till  Oct.  1,  1878.  In  1879,  he  was  appointed  judge  of  the  court  of 
appeals,  continuing  in  office  till  Oct.  1,  1880.  Since  that  time  he  has  pur 
sued  his  practice  as  a  lawyer  at  Waco.  Biog.  Sketch,  MS. 

The  first  county  judge  elected  under  the  new  constitution  was  W.  B. 
Plemons  of  Clay  county,  no  less  than  16  counties  being  attached  to  the  one 
named  for  judicial  purposes. 

Jackson  Bradly  settled  in  Dallas  county  in  1851,  but  afterward  moved  to 
what  is  now  Johnson  county,  where  he  was  justice  of  the  peace  for  10  years. 
In  1861,  he  was  commissioned  by  Governor  Lubbock  a  captain  in  the  state 
militia.  During  the  civil  war,  he  served  as  a  lieutenant  in  the  confederate 
army.  Bradly  was  born  in  1816  in  South  Carolina.  Biog.,  MS. 

One  who  has  seen  10  years'  service  with  the  rangers  is  C.  L.  Neville. 
During  that  period  he  was  captain  of  six  different  companies.  He  was  born 
in  Alabama,  and  became  sheriff  of  Presidio  county.  Biog. ,  MS. 

The  following  is  a  more  complete  list  of  authorities  consulted  in  the  pre 
ceding  chapters:  Those  of  an  official  character  are,  Cong.  Globe;  H.  Jours.; 
H.  Kx.  Docs.;  H.  Miscel.  Docs.;  H.  Com.  Reps.;  Sen.  Jours.;  Sen.  Ex.  Docs.; 
Sen.  Miscel.  Docs.;  Sen.  Com.  Reps.;  Mess,  and  Docs.;  Census  Reps.;  U.  S. 
Laws;  Sec.  Interior  Reps.;  Agric.  Reps.;  Education  Reps.;  Compt.  Currency 
Reps.;  Postmaster-gen.  Reps.;  Coast  and  Geodetic  Surveys.  To  the  respective 
indices  of  which  the  reader  is  referred  for  matter  relating  to  Texas.  Texas 
state  documents  are,  State  Gaz.;  Govs  Messages;  Treas.  Reps.;  Compt.  Reps.; 
Supt.  Pub.  Instruc.  Rep*.;  Attorney  Gen.  Reps.;  State  Engineer  Reps.;  Texas 
Repealed;  Deaf  and  Dumb  Asylum  Reps.;  Lunatic  Asylum  Reps,;  State  Peniten. 
Reps.;  Capitol  Building  Com.  Reps. 

The  following  are  works  of  a  non-official  character/  Cordova's,  Tex.; 
Tex.  Aim.,  1857-61,  1868;  Foote's  Tex.,  i.  218-63;  ii.  186-92,  339-41;  Holley's 
Tex.,  55-72,  175-82;  Hanford's  Tex.  State  Reg.,  1876,  1878-9,  passim;  Olm- 


AUTHORITIES.  579 


200  pp. : 

S.  W.  Tex.,  42-192,  201-50;  Id.,  Tex.  Guide,  7-17;  Thrall's  'Tex.,  passim; 
Id.,  Hist.  Methodism,  13-180;  Dewees'  Letters  from  Tex.,  235-8,  309-12; 
Dodge's  Plains  Gt.  West,  405-19;  Frost's  Mex.  War,  299-307;  Industries  of 
Houston,  1-146;  Dixon's  White  Conquest,  i.  325-56;  Hay's  Life,  MS.,  1-2,  3:3-9; 
Frobel,  aus  Amerika,  ii.  293-333,  337-68;  Sweet's  Tex.,  N.  Y.,  1871,  160  pp.; 
Greens  Reply  to  Houston,  11-17,  48-9,-  Goddard's  Where  to  Emigrate,  492-517; 
Domenec/is  Mission.  Advent.,  10-12,  60-2,  82-4;  Id.,  Deserts  ofN.  Amer.,  133- 
51;  North's  Five  Years  in  Tex.,  196-209;  De  Bow's  Rev.,  see  indices;  Id.,  In 
dustrial  Res.,  ii.  544-53;  Id,,  Encyc.  2d  Ed.,  331-41;  Id.,  Stat.  View,  169-89; 
313-9;  Texas  in  1840,  243-7;  Barbeys  Tex.,  11,  16-22;  Mmeo  Mexicano,  ii. 
522-4;  Overland  Mail  Co.  Mem.,  1860;  Mex.  War  and  its  Heroes,  i.  208-11; 
McCains  Comp.  Views,  750-5;  Almonte,  Not.  Est.  Tex.  11-12,  40-65,  76,  82-3; 
Address  to  Memb.  Memphis  Conven.;  Tex.  Veterans,  Proceedings,  1883,  80pp.; 
Linns  Reminis.,  65-7,  283,  322-4;  Hunt's  Merch.  Mag.,  xii.  to  xlv.,  see  indices; 
Newell's  Revol.  in  Tex.,  157-65;  Overland  Monthly,  i.  157-64,  367-71;  ii.  369- 
74;  vi.  555-61;  vii.  270-7:  Land  and  Thompsons  Galveston,  Galv.  1885,  151 
pp.;  Spaight's  Res.,  Soil  and  Climate  Tex.,  Galv.,  1882,  360pp.;  Hillard's  Life 
of  McClellan,  41-59;  Hist.  Mag.,  iii.  204-6;  Maillard's  Hist.  Tex.,  343-52; 
Niles'  Reg.,  Ixii.  to  Ixxii.,  see  indices;  Loughborough's  Pac.  Telegraph;  Swisher* 
Amer.  Sketch-book,  v.,  110.  6,  339-54;  vi.,  no.  2,  85-100;  no.  3,  201-13,  no.  6, 


f7,  92  pp.;  tientley  and  Pilgrim's  Tex.  Legal 
Direct.,  1876-7,  110  pp.;  Potter's  Tex.  Revol,  16-26;  De  Ryee's  Tex.  Album, 
passim;  Havens  Our  Next  Door  Neighbor,  418-23;  Hughes'  Gone  to  Tex.; 
Rowell  &  Co.'s  Gazetteer,  135-7;  Long's  Amer.  and  West  Ind.,  194-5;  McPhaiCs 
Tex.  Freemason,  ii.,  no.  10,  12;  Amtr.  Sketch-book,  7-11;  Nouv.  Annul.  Votf, 
cliv.  345-6;  NeweWs  Revol.  in  Tex.,  171-3;  Appleton's  Guide,  397;  Putnam's 
Mag.,  ii.  151-4;  Bancroft's  Footprints  of  Time,  511-12;  Bustamante,  Gabinete 
Mex.,  MS.,  i.  23^;  Colorado  and  Brazos  Cattlemen's  Assoc.  Proceedings,  1880- 
4,  47  pp.;  Howard's  Speech  on  Pac.  R.  R.,  6-9;  Crane's  Hist.  Wash.  Co.  Tex., 
30-2;  Marshall's  Christian  Missions,  ii.  244-50;  Shepard's  Land  of  the  Azt., 
193-204;  Gould's  Alamo  City  Guide,  N.  Y.,  1882,  151  pp.;  National  R.  R. 
Conv.,  Proceedings;  Proceedings  1st  Nat.  Conv.  Cattlemen,  12-13;  Tex.  and  Her 
Capabilities,  17-61,  Gilbert's  Abilene  Reporter  3d  An.  Ed.,  Abilene,  1884,  1J6 
pp.;  Polling's  Bib.  of  N.  Amer.  Lang.,  nos.  1402,  2910;  Industries  of  A  iisti-ii, 
Austin,  1885,  108pp.;  Munguia  Clement  Pastorales,  no.  ii.  18-20;  Peeble's  Ex 
pose;  Industries  of  San  Antonio,  San  Antonio,  1885,  136  pp.;  Western  Tex.,  10- 
99;  Waco,  The  Emig.  Guide,  Waco,  32  pp. ;  Wood  Bros.  Live  Stock  Movement; 
Pap.  Far.,  74,  no.  16;  143,  no.  19;  167,  no.  18;  185.  no.  1;  Corbett's  Legist. 
Manual,  302,  306;  Gidding's,  Case  of,  1-37;  Tex.  Pac.  Railway,  Arguments,  4- 
16;  CaUiouns  Navarro  Co.,  1885,  32pp.;  Visit  to  Tex.,  322;  Varios  Lnpresos, 
2,  no.  vi.  35-40,44-5,  56,  60-5,  76,  79-81,  84-8;  Industries  of  Dallas,  Dallas, 
1885,  138  pp.;  Velasco,  Noticias  Son.,  297-8;  Tex.  Editorial  and  Press  Assoc., 
Charter,  etc.;  Coke's  Speech  on  Reagan  Bill,  Wash.,  1885,  23pp.;  Thompson's 
Recol  Mex.,  97-8;  Minutes  of  Memphis  Conv. ;  Tex.  Col.  Docs.;  Gillette  s  A  Few 
Historic  Records,  N.  Y.,  1885,  131  pp.;  McCuUoch's  Defense,  Austin,  1879,  46 
pp.;  Ft.  Worth  Commercial  Club,  Charter,  1885,  12  pp.:  Terrell's  Address  on 
Private  Corp.,  Austin,  1885,  32pp.;  Ft.  Worth  and  Neio  Orleans  R.  R.  Co., 
Charter,  Memphis,  El  Paso  and  P.  R.  R.  Hist.,  8-20  47-62;  Semanario  Indus- 
tria,  Mex.,  no.  ii.  325;  Carter,  Wynne  and  De  Berry's  Tex.  Laivs  Relating  to 
Col.  of  Debts,  1885,  16pp.;  McFarlane's  Coal  Regions  of  Amer.,  502-4;  Amtin 
Direct.,  1877-8,  9-10;  Moran  Bros.  Mem.,  1879,  37  pp.;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mex., 
xi.  902;  Mercantile  Agency  Annual,  1871,  154,  157,  159.  In  addition  to  the 
preceding,  an  immense  mass  of  newspapers  have  been  examined,  which  lack 
of  space  forbids  mentioning  in  detail.  Names  are  given  of  a  few.  Waco  Ex- 


580  INDUSTRIES,   COMMERCE,   AND  RAILROADS. 

aminer,  Dallas  Mercury;  Id.,  News;  Id.,  Herald;  Austin  Statesman;  Ft.  Worth 
Tex.  Special;  Id.,  Gazette;  El.  Paso  Lone  Star;  Id.,  Times;  Abilene  Tex.  He- 
porter;  Colorado  Clipper:  all  published  in  Texas.  The  Call,  Alta,  Chronicle, 
Examiner,  Post,  and  Bulletin,  published  in  San  Francisco,  Cal.  Mo.  Republi 
can  and  Globe  Democrat,  published  at  St.  Louis,  Mo.,  and  the  Inter  Ocean  at 
Chicago,  111.  Nunerous  manuscript  statements,  comprising  much  valuable 
data,  from  prominent  citizens  and  pioneers  of  the  state  of  Texas,  have  also 
been  examined* 


CHAPTER  XXIL 

CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 
1800-1845. 

REDIVISION  or  PROVINCIAS  INTERNAS — MOVEMENTS  DURING  THE  WAR  OF 
INDEPENDENCE — CRUZ  DEFENDS  THE  ROYAL  CAUSE — DURANGO  CAP 
TURED  BY  NEGRETB — CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO  MADE  SEPARATE 
STATES— PARTY  STRIFE  AND  REVOLTS — LIBERALS  AND  CONSERVATIVES 
— FEDERAL  COALITION  IN  THE  NORTH — CHANGE  OF  GOVERNORS  IN 
DURANGO— APACHE  RAIDS  IN  CHIHUAHUA — DECLINE  OF  PRESIDIO  DE 
FENCES — INDIAN  WARFARE — SCALP  HUNTING — MASSACRE  AT  JANOS — 
THE  CENTRAL  REGIME — FEDERAL  OPPOSITION — DURANGO  JOINS  PARE- 
DES'  REVOLUTION. 

THE  objections  that  had  in  1785  led  to  the  division 
of  the  provincias  internas,  forced  themselves  more 
strongly  than  ever  upon  the  home  government  as  the 
complication  of  duties  increased  with  growing  popu 
lation  and  resources.  In  1804,  accordingly,  came  a 
royal  decree  ordering  a  redivision  of  them  into  two 
districts,  the  Occidente  and  Oriente,  the  Californias 
and  the  southern  portions  of  Nuevo  Leon  and  Nuevo 
Santander,  below  the  line  between  Soto  la  Marina 
and  Parras,  being  left  to  Mexico.1  The  new  com- 
andante  general  of  each  district  was  to  exercise  the 
same  authority  as  the  existing  commander.2 

Political  changes  interfered  with  the  observance  of 
this  order,  till  the  war  of  independence  made  its  exe 
cution  in  1812  a  military  necessity.  Viceroy  Vene- 

1  The  Bolson  de  Mapimi  falling  to  the  eastern  district.  The  eastern  bor 
der  followed  Rio  Pilou.  See  i.  638,  et  seq.,  this  series,  for  previous  extent. 

2 The  subaltern  chief's  salary  was  to  be  $2,000,  while  the  governor  and 
comandante  general  was  to  receive  $10,000,  a  reduction  of  $5,000.  The 
Oriente  commander  had  to  organize  forces  to  promote  the  colonization  of 
Texas.  Text  in  Real  Orden,  May  30,  1804;  Mayers  MSS,  iii.  ' 

(581) 


582  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

gas  thereupon  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
Occidente  section,  the  brigadier  Alejo  Garcia  Conde, 
governor  of  Sonora  and  Sinai oa,  a  deserving  soldier 
nearly  half  a  century  in  the  royal  service.* 

The  Oriente  division  was  offered  to  the  Mariscal 
de  campo,  Felix  Calleja,  and  he,  declining  to  accept 
the  position  presented  it  to  Simon  Herrera,  governor 
of  Leon,  who  was  slain  by  insurgents  before  accept 
ance,  whereupon  Colonel  Arredondo  received  the 
position.4  Nava,  who  ruled  the  united  provinces  at 
the  opening  of  the  century,  was  replaced  in  1804  by 
Colonel  Pedro  Grimarest,5  and  he  soon  after  by  Briga 
dier  Nemesio  Salcedo  y  Salcedo,  who  was  presently 
recalled  to  Spain. 

The  troops  under  Sara's  command  consisted  in  fact 
of  only  some  four  hundred  and  fifty  men,  many  of 
whom  were  filibusters  from  the  United  States;  but 
with  this  slender  force  he  invaded  Texas  in  1812, 
and  took  possession  of  several  cities,  driving  back  the 
forces  of  Salcedo  and  Hererra.  Warned  of  this  dan 
ger,  Arredondo,  whose  forces  had  been  quartered  in 
the  valley  del  Maiz,  at  once  marched  against  the 
enemy,  collecting  men  and  material  on  his  way  through 
Nuevo  Santander.  Meanwhile,  Colonel  Elizondo,  who 
had  been  sent  in  advance,  had  allowed  himself  to  be 
drawn  into  an  engagement,  and  was  totally  routed. 
A  few  weeks  later,  however,  Arredondo  himself  in 
flicted  a  crushing  defeat  on  the  insurgents,  now  under 
the  command  of  Alvarez  de  Toledo,  who  had  sup 
planted  Sara.  Many  of  the  prisoners  were  executed, 
including  all  the  filibusters  who  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Mexicans,  and  thus  ended  all  hope  of  aid  from 
the  United  States  to  the  cause  of  the  revolution. 

3  The  register  says  47  years,  during  eight  of  which  he  occupied  the  latter 
grade;  decorated  with  merito  de  yuerra  and  other  distinctions.  The  order 
for  the  division,  dated  May  1,  1811,  was  confirmed  in  1812.  Text  in  Prov. 
Intern.  Real  Orden,  1811;  Mayer's  MSS,  iios.  6-7,  refer  to  the  Sonora  chapter 
concerning  Garcia  Conde. 

*See  Hist.  Mex.,  iv.  541-3,  this  series. 

5  Of  the  3d  battalion  of  Estreinadura  infantry.  Real  Orden,  May  30, 
1804;  Mayers  MSS,  no.  3. 


REVOLUTIONARY   MOVEMENTS.  583 

The  changes  thus  made  were  due  less  to  the  increase 
of  population,  and  the  development  of  the  material 
resources  of  these  provinces,  than  to  military  reasons, 
and  with  a  view  to  the  suppression  of  revolutionary 
movements.  '  In  the  north-west  the  only  troubles  to 
be  encountered  were  the  usual  hostilities  with  Indians, 
but  toward  the  east  the  revolution  had  again  assumed 
alarming  proportions.  In  1811,  Bernardo  Gutierrez 
de  Sara,  a  citizen  of  Re  villa,  and  a  strong  supporter 
of  the  revolutionary  movement,  had  taken  refuge  in 
the  United  States  after  the  suppression  of  the  insur 
rection  in  Nuevo  Santander,  and  there  sought  assist 
ance  in  behalf  of  his  cause.  The  welcome  accorded  to 
him  by  the  people,  and  the  well-known  intentions  of 
the  United  States  government  with  regard  to  the 
Texan  frontier,  had  given  rise  to  no  little  uneasiness 
in  Mexico,  and  this  was  further  increased  by  a  report 
that  he  was  already  on  his  march  at  the  head  of  a 
large  army,  to  support  the  fortunes  of  the  insurgents. 

Salcedo  had  filled  the  office  satisfactorily  enough, 
while  availing  himself  of  the  many  opportunities  pre 
sented  by  remoteness,  and  the  disorders  attending  the 
war  for  independence,  to  accumulate  a  large  fortune.6 
When  this  conflict  broke  out  in  the  south  he  exerted 
himself  most  commendably  by  adopting  measures  to 
exclude  it  from  his  own  territory,  and  by  appealing 
to  his  purse-strings  and  patriotism  in  behalf  of  his 
sovereign.7  While  failing  to  achieve  anything  note- 

6  His  position  embraced  the  offices  of  inspector  of  troops,  subdelegado  of 
the  finance  and  mail  depts.     He  returned  with  the  spring   fleet   of   1814. 
Ataman,  Mej.,  iv.  37;  Diario  Cortes,  xix.  234;  Estrella  Occid.,   Sept.  4,  1868. 
Pike  met  him  in  1807.    Trav.,  285,  421-8;  Pino,  N.  Mex.,  21,  45;  Gac.  Mex., 
xi.  274;  xv.  40,  903;  xvi.  812. 

7  He  iirged  the  bishop  to  exert  himself.    Loreto,  Miss.   Rec.,   MS.,  7-11. 
Watch  was  also  kept  by  French  agents.     Cal.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,   xix.   30-32. 
Appeal  of  subordinates  in  Pap.   Var.,  xviii.  pt  27;  xxxvi.  pt  68;  clxi.  pt  12. 
The  people  responded  with  similar  warmth  both  in  money  and  prayers  and 
'juroron  solemnement  a  Fernando  VII.  for  Hey.'    Gac.  Hex.,  xv.  902;  Id., 
xv.  195-6,  838-9;  xvi.  832;  xxii.  63-6;  xxviii.  879-84.  etc.     At  the  beginning 
of  these  appeals,  during  divine  service,  an  ominous  incident  occurred.      The 
church  at  Tapacolmes,  near  Chihuahua,  caught  fire  from  the  altar  April  8, 
1808,  and  burned  with  such  rapidity  that  over  300  persons  perished,  200 
within  the  building,  and  100  of  injuries.    Diario,  Mex.,  viii.  #23-4. 


584  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

worthy  in  the  field  against  the  insurgents,  he  had 
the  unenviable  satisfaction  of  superintending  the  trial 
and  execution  of  their  great  leader,  Hidalgo,  and  his 
chief  officers,  in  the  course  of  May  to  July,  181 1.8 

Nueva  Vizcaya  was  not  left  wholly  intact  by  the 
war,  and  some  feeble  local  efforts  were  made  by  ardent 
patriots.  A  month  before  Hidalgo's  capture,  a  num 
ber  of  insurgents  were  secured,  and  the  opening  of 
1812  was  marked  by  a  conflict  at  San  Francisco  be 
tween  several  hundred  men.9  Toward  the  close  of 
1814,  Trespalacios  and  Caballero  planned  an  outbreak 
at  Chihuahua,  but  the  plot  was  revealed  to  Garcia 
Conde,  who  now  controlled  the  Occidente  section  from 
this  point,  and  promptly  nipped  the  movement  by  ar 
resting  the  principals.10  This  comparative  exemption 
was  mainly  due  to  the  watchfulness  of  the  authorities, 
including  the  clergy,  who  exercised  most  effectively 
the  pardoning  power.11  Brigadier  Bernardo  Bonavia 
y  Zapata,12  governor  intendente  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
and  his  lieutenant  at  Durango,  the  asesor,  Angel  Pi- 
nilla  y  Perez,13  were  conspicuously  zealous  in  the  royal 
cause.  Chihuahua  had  its  usual  Apache  raids  to 
meet,  and  Durango  suffered  in  1820  brief  irruption 
from  rebellious  Opatas,  which  was  quelled  without 
any  serious  bloodshed.14  The  visit  of  the  explorer, 

8  As  fully  related  in  Hist.  Mex.,  iv.  276  et  seq.,  this  series.  A  monument 
was  erected  on  the  spot  of  execution  by  decree  of  July  19,  1823,  a  plain 
pyramid  surrounded  by  circular  steps.  Escudero,  Cliih.,  88-9;  Dice.  Univ.,  ii. 
(593.  Allowances  were  granted  for  annual  ceremonies  thereat.  Correo,  Fed. 
Mex.,  Aug.  27,  1872. 

9  The  royalists  numbered  413,  and  claimed  to  have  killed  300,  besides 
securing  325  male  prisoners  and  a  crowd  of  women.  The  heads  of  the  latter 
were  shaved.  Gac.  Mex.,  iii.  24-8;  ii.  113G. 

^  On  Nov.  4,  1814.  The  betrayer  was  J.  M.  Arrieta,  who  had  served 
Hidalgo  as  colonel.  The  leaders  were  condemned  to  ten  years  in  presidio. 
Trespalacios  escaped  from  Habana,  and  Caballero  was  pardoned  in  Spain. 
Alawnn,  Mcj.,  iv.  206-8. 

11  Bishop  Castaniza  obtained  this  privilege  from  the  viceroy,  and  delegated 
it  to  the  priests,  the  '  bando  sobre  indulto. '  Gac.  Mex.,  viii.  539—42. 

12 Of  54  years'  service  in  1812,  15  being  as  brigadier.  Id.,  xii.  341;  Mayers 
MSS.,  no.  vii.,  2;  Doc.  Mex.,  no.  iv.,  23. 

13  He  was  presented  by  the  citizens  with  a  gold  medal,  '  por  singular  ser- 
vicios.'  Noticioso  Gen.,  tit.  23,  1818;  Dwmrso,  in  Pap.  Far.,  xviii.,  pt  27. 

14 Of  whom  240  were  captured.  Noticioso  Gen.,  Dec.  20,  1820. 


CRUZ  AND  NEGRETE.  585 

Pike,  and  the  momentary  reestablishment  of  Jesuits, 
in  1819,15  caused  a  temporary  excitement.  In  1812, 
the  provinces  were  cheered  by  receiving  the  liberal 
constitution  conceded  to  the  colonies  by  Spain,  with 
the  prospect  of  an  audiencia.16  Although  the  consti 
tution  was  suspended  soon  after  by  the  viceroy,  Nueva 
Vizcaya  managed  to  elect  a  representative  to  the  cor- 
tes,17  till  its  revival,  in  1820,  provided  also  an  assem 
bly  and  provincial  deputations. 

Loyalty  to  Spain  was  most  pronounced  at  the  open 
ing  of  this  third  decade — so  much  so  that  when  Itur- 
bide  turned  against  his  viceregal  master,18  General 
Cruz,  ruler  of  Nueva  Galicia,  and  the  second  power 
in  the  country,  went  to  Durango  to  make  a  final  effort 
in  behalf  of  the  tottering  cause  of  Spain.  He  entered 
that  city  July  4,  1821,  attended  by  officials  from  Za- 
catecas  and  other  points,  with  a  few  hundred  soldiers.19 
Negrete,  Iturbide's  lieutenant,  followed  in  pursuit,  and 
laid  siege  to  the  city  early  in  August,  with  about 
3,000  men.  The  defence  was  maintained  for  over 
three  weeks,  with  brisk  firing  and  occasional  sorties, 
varied  by  assaults,  which  involved  severe  losses.20 
Negrete  finally  planted  a  battery  against  a  vulnerable 
point,  and  on  the  30th  gained  a  decided  advantage. 
By  this  time  defection  had  assisted  to  undermine  the 
zeal  of  the  royalist.  A  truce  was  accepted,21  and  on 

15  They  entered  Durango  on  Palm  Sunday  to  reopen  their  college.     They 
had  to  leave  again  by  decree  of  1821.  Pap.  Far.,  clxv.,  pt  17.     On  Desamor- 
tlzacion  Eccles. ,  see  Soc.  Max.  Geog.  BoL,  i.  494-5. 

16  Cortes,  Diario,  xv.  289;  xvii.  109;  Cortes,  Act.  Ord.,  1814,  ii.  159-60. 

17  J.  J.  Guerena,  native  of  Durango.     He  was  curate  of  S.  Miguel,  Mexico; 
subsequently  canon  doctoral  at  Puebla,  and  prominent  in  spreading  vaccina 
tion.     According  to  Alaman,  Mej.,  iv.  218,  he  died  at  Cadiz  on  Oct.  13,  1813, 
during  the  epidemic,  yet  Cortes,  Diario,  xix.  238,  alludes  to  him  as  acting  in 
1820. 


18 The  provincial  deputation  hastened,  in  March  1821,  to  assure  the  vice- 

d  Bishop  C 
fidioua  acts  of  Itnrbide.  Gac.  Alex.,  xii.  391-2,  402. 


roy  of  its  devotion,  and  Bishop  Castaniza  warned  his  flocks  against  the  per- 


19  The  total  force  at  Durango  was  now  placed  at  about  1,000  men.   Gac. 
Quad.,   Aug.   1,   1821.     Cuevas,  Porveni,   i.    106,   reduces  it  to  barely  800. 
Liceaga,  A(tic.  y  Rect.,  462. 

20  Especially  the  sorties  of  Aug.  6th,  15th,  and  30th.     On  the  latter  occa 
sion,  a  ball  struck  Negrete  in  the  mouth,  knocking  out  three  teeth,  and  com 
pelling  his  temporary  retirement.  Lkea-ja,  Adic.  y  Rect.,  462-3. 

21  During  which,  troops1  on  both  sides  fraternized.   Gac..Guad.,  Sept.  1, 
1821. 


586  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

September  3d  the  garrison  surrendered,  with  the 
honors  of  war,  and  permission  to  retire  with  Cruz  to 
Spain.22  M.  Urrea  was  installed  as  gefe  politico, 
while  Antonio  Cordero,  who  had  governed  at  Du- 
rango  as  civil  and  military  governor  for  the  last  three 
years,  was  rewarded  for  prompt  adhesion  with  the 
comandancia  general  of  the  Occidente  section,  in  place 
of  Garcia  Conde,  who  had  delayed. 

In  the  following  year  the  empire  was  received  with 
the  acclamation  usually  accorded  to  success,  and  Chi 
huahua  and  Durango  were  gladdened  with  the  pros 
pect  of  separate  comandancias  de  armas.23  When 
shortly  after  the  federalists  rose  against  Iturbide, 
Chihuahua  joined  with  equal  readiness  in  the  cry, 
after  a  momentary  objection  from  Janos.2*  In 
Durango  measures  were  at  first  taken  against  the 
movement,  but  on  March  5,  1823,  the  troops  de 
clared  in  favor  it  it,25  followed  by  the  people.  Com- 
andante  general  Cordero  resigned,  however,  as  did 
Brigadier  I.  del  Corral,  civil  and  military  governor  at 
Durango,  whereupon  the  diputacion  provincial  declared 
the  intendente  Juan  Navarro  successor  to  the  latter, 
and  Jaspar  de  Ochoa,  colonel  of  the  pronouncing 
garrison,  as  commander  in  place  of  Cordero. 

By  decree  of  July  19,  1823,  the  supreme  congress 
decreed  the  division  of  Nueva  Yizcaya  into  two 
provinces,  to  be  known  as  Chihuahua  and  Durango, 
respectively,  the  capital  of  the  former  receiving  the 
title  of  city  and  becoming  the  seat  of  a  diputacion 
provincial.26  The  act  was  just  to  Chihuahua,  to 

22 Text  in  Id.,  Sept.  15th.  The  officials  took  the  oath  on  Sept.  9th.  Pap. 
Far.,  1.  50.  The  people  and  authorities  began  to  vie  in  honoring  Iturbide. 
Gac.  Imp.,  i.  249-51,  389. 

23  Mex.  Mem.  Guer.,  1823,  25;  Pop.  Polit.,  ii.,  pt  15. 

24  Whose  garrison  objected  to  the  proclamation  of  the  Casa  Mata  plan  at 
Chihuahua,  on  March  12th,  and  marched  upon  this  city.     Negotiations  soon 
brought  these  troops  over.  Pinart,  Doc.  Ckih.  MS.,  i.  27-38,  90,  93.  _ 

25  Commandant  Ochoa   at  Durango  pronounced  for  it.     The  diputacion 
provincial  recommended  the  new  order  to  the  people  in  July.    Vallejo,  Doc. 
Mex.,  i.,  pt  viii.  1-7.     Vaca  Ortiz,  deputy  for  Durango  and  cast  into  prison 
by  Iturbide,  was  now  honored.     Bustamante,  Hist.  Iturbide,  97. 

26  Chihuahua  to  extend  from  Rio  del  Norte  to  Rio  Florido,  and  Durango 
continuing  to  its  original  southern  boundary.  Mex.  CoL  Ord  y  Dec.,  ii.  147-8. 


INTERNO  DEL  NORTE.  587 

which  was  already  conceded  a  population  of  over  100,- 
000,  with  requirements  that  made  necessary  a  separate 
administration  from  that  residing  at  the  distant  and 
uncongenial  Durango.  Nevertheless,  a  party  per 
suaded  the  chamber  to  reunite  the  two  provinces,  in 
cluding  New  Mexico,  under  the  appellation  Estado 
Interno  del  Norte,  with  capital  at  Chihuahua.27  Du 
rango,  however,  raised  objections.  She  demanded 
that  her  chief  city  be  retained  as  capital,  or  that  she 
be  made  a  separate  state  or  territory,28  on  the  ground 
of  her  large  population,  with  resources  far  superior  to 
those  of  Chihuahua  and  of  several  existing  states. 
The  appeal  found  hearing,  and  on  May  22d  and  July 
6,  1824,  the  separation  was  affirmed,  New  Mexico 
being  declared  a  territory  of  the  federation.29  In  the 
following  year  the  two  states,  issued  their  constitution, 
in  accordance  with  the  federal  organic  law  of  the  re 
public.39 

Chihuahua  established  only  one  legislative  chamber 
of  not  less  than  eleven  deputies,  while  Durango  in 
dulged  also  in  a  senate  of  seven  members,31  thereby 
supplying  additional  food  for  the  party  feuds  which 
quickly  began  to  unfold.  In  the  constituent  legisla- 


2TDecree  of  Jan.  31,  1824.  On  Feb.  4th  was  issued  a  law  creating  a  legis 
lature  for  this  state,  assigning  to  Chihuahua  and  Durango  five  deputies 
each,  and  to  New  Mexico  one.  Mex.  Col.  Ord  y  Dec.,  iii.  25-6,  18. 

28  This  appeal  was  made  by  the  diputacion  itself.  It  was  shown  that 
population  and  resources  were  sufficiently  abundant  for  a  separate  existence. 
Pinart,  Doc.  Chih.,  MS.,  ii.,  no.  1. 

>z9  The  decree  of  May  22d  applied  only  to  Durango,  so  that  the  claim  by 
Chihuahua  hung  in  the  balance  till  July  6th,  when  she  also  was  declared  a 
state,  with  approval  of  deputies  elected  in  May;  the  eight  proprietary  mem 
bers  joining  with  the  three  suplentes  to  form  the  legislature.  Mex.  Col.  Ord 
y  Dec.,  iii.  50,  54-5.  Her  limits  were  Paso  del  Norte  on  one  side  and  the 
hacienda  de  Rio  Florido  on  the  south,  'con  su  respectiva  pertenencia. '  The 
Durango  legislature  which  met  on  June  30th,  had  eight  proprietary  members, 
and  President  Escarzaga,  yet  for  the  following  legislature  eleven  were 
elected,  at  the  rate  of  one  for  11,000  souls,  the  estimated  population  being 
120,000.  Dur.  Col  Tej.,  30-2.  The  federal  constitution  of  October,  con 
firmed  the  separation. 

3d  Durango  on  Sept.  1st,  and  Chihuahua  on  Dec.  27th;  the  provisional  con 
stitution  of  the  former  appeared  as  early  as  July  29,  1824,  and  1-11,  38-65; 
Mex.  Col.  Constit.,  i.  156-94,  274-319.  This  will  be  considered  in  a  separate 
chapter. 

51  Her  voting  in  1825  is  given  in  Pap.  Var.,  xxxi.,  pt  »vii.  1-5. 


588  CHIHUAHUA  AND   DURANGO. 

ture  or  convention,  the  escoces  and  yorkino,  or  con 
servative  and  liberal,  elements83  already  asserted 
themselves  in  a  marked  degree,  for  a  time  under  the 
localized  nicknames  of  Chirrines  and  Cuchas.33  Soon 
the  military  entered  as  a  third  party  to  watch  their 
opportunities  for  spoil.  The  elections  for  the  first 
regular  legislature  were  disputed,34  and  it  was  not  till 
May  1,  1826,  that  the  body  was  installed  35  in  not  fully 
complete  form.  The  triumphant  liberals  controlled 
it  and  failed  not  to  direct  blows  against  the  clericals, 
who  responded  by  fomenting  a  conspiracy  for 
August  4th.  This  was  promptly  stopped  with  the 
aid  of  informers,  and  more  strenuous  measures  were 
taken  against  the  party,  to  which  end  extra  powers 
were  conferred  upon  the  governor,  Santiago  Baca 
Ortiz,  deputy  to  the  first  national  congress,  and  leader 
of  the  yorkino  party.36  The  result  was  that  the  op 
ponents  had  recourse  to  fresh  plots,  one  of  which  in 
November  met  the  same  fate  as  the  preceding;37  an 
other  took  place  in  March  1827,  when  Lieutenant  J. 
M.  Gonzalez  proclaimed  himself  comandante  general, 
arrested  the  governor,  dissolved  the  legislature,  and 
terrified  the  liberals  generally,  assisted  by  women, 


32  The  rise  and  development  of  which  are  treated  in  Hist.  Mex.,  v.,  this 
series. 

33  The  former  denoting  pretenders  to  learning  and  greatness,  and  as  they 
embraced  besides  Churchmen  and  Spaniards,   the  students  and  youth,   the 
term  '  partido  de  los  muchachos '  was  also  applied  by  the  Cuchas,  a  name  sig 
nifying  buffoons  and  beggars,  who  gained  their  bread  by  creating  merriment 
among   the   people.  Ramirez,  Not.  Dur.,    62-3.     The   Chirrines  unfurled  a 
green  standard,  with  the  watchword  Viva  la  Religion  Catolica;  hence  abo 
the  appellation  Catholics.     The  latter  split  after  1848  into  Atalayas,  or  new 
men,  who  objected  to  the  extreme  conservatism  of  the  other  faction.     See 
also  Zavala,  Rev.  Mex.,  277  et  seq. 

34  Arguments  for  both  sides,  in  Alcalde,  Espos.;  Mex.,  Observ.  at  Congreso, 
1-2;  Esto  vicne  muy  al  caso,  1-2;  Pap.   Far.,  xxxi.,  pts  18,  22,  Ixix.,  pt  11, 
with  remonstrance  against  divisions  of  the  constituent  committees. 

35  Under  the  presidency  of  J.  J.  de  Escarzaga,  in  the  senate,  and  J.  M. 
de  Arrieta,  in  the  house.     J.  de  Matos  had  been  president  of  the  constituent 
convention.  Son.,  A  etas  Cow/.,  i.  220. 

36  The  legislature  elected  the  governor,  hence  this  selection.     His  suffer 
ings  as  o*ne  of  the  deputies  imprisoned  by  Iturbide  had  earned  him  great 
sympathy,  which   he  justified  by   an   energetic   and   able   administration. 
Ramirez,  Not.  Dur.,  64. 

37  It  was  fomented  by  Canon  Zubirfa.     More  than  200  had  joined  the  plot 
when  it  was  divulged.  Correo  Semanario,  i.  68-73,  123-4. 


POLITICS.  589 

who  felt  it  a  duty  to  sustain  their  confessors.38  The 
general  government  took  prompt  steps  to  check  the 
movement,  by  sending  General  Parras,  whose  mere 
presence  sufficed  to  dissipate  it,  for  Gonzalez'  men 
passed  over  and  their  leader  fled.39  Comandarite 
general  J.  J.  Ayestaran  was  replaced  by  Jose 
Figueroa. 

The  following  elections  proved  as  unsatisfactory  as 
the  preceding,  until  finally  the  supreme  government 
interfered,  and  effected  a  settlement  for  the  moment/* 
in  favor  of  the  yorkino  interest,  this  party  having 
carried  the  day  at  Mexico,  by  electing  Guerrero  to 
the  presidency.41  Disorders  at  Mexico  in  1828,  pro 
duced  a  corresponding  ebullition  between  the  fac 
tions  in  the  north,  and  the  installation  of  the  new 
legislature  did  not  take  place  until  the  middle  of  the 
following  year.  Even  then  it  was  quickly  dissolved 
by  Governor  Baca,  who  replaced  it  by  one  of  more 
pronounced  yorkino  type.  Guerrero's  liberal  admin 
istration  being  overthrown  in  December,  Colonel 
Gaspar  de  Ochoa  pronounced  in  favor  of  the  rebellious 
vice-president  Bustamarite,  and  in  February  1830, 
mustered  a  rabble  in  opposition  to  the  new  governor, 
F.  Elorriaga,  whom  he  arrested  with  other  prominent 
yorkinos.  He  then  summoned  the  legislature  which 
had  been  dissolved  by  Baca.  The  civil  and  military 
authorities  were  now  headed  by  J.  A.  Pescador  and 
Ochoa. 

The  general  features  of  the  preceding  occurrence  ap 
plied  also  to  Chihuahua,  although  in  a  modified  form. 

38  Dona  D.  Pacheco  de  Arenas  marched  through  the  streets  and  enlisted 
followers.  Tornel,  Nac.  Mej.,  273-84. 

39rihe  expulsion  of  Spaniards  was  a  cause  for  the  revolt.  Suarez  y 
Navarro,  Hist.  Mej.,  82-3;  Ward's  Mex.,  i.  313-14.  See  also  Correo  Fed., 
April  12th,  May  2,  1827.  An  amnesty  was  granted  to  the  rebels.  Arrillaya, 
Recop.,  1829,  44. 

4d  Obliging  acceptance  of  the  divisions  made  by  the  electoral  conventions 
of  June  25-30,  1827.  Tornel,  Nac.  Mej.,  273-84.  For  names  of  senators  see 
Mex.  Col.  Lcyes,  1829,  18,  33-4. 

41  The  legislature  sent  its  congratulations  and  contributed  $10,000  to  the 
general  treasury.  Correo  Fed.,  Jan.  30,  Feb.  12,  18,  Jun6  8,  1828,  sup., 
while  Chihuahua  gave  three  times  as  much. 


590  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

The  first  person  elected  under  the  new  constitution  of 
1825,  was  Simon  Elias  Gonzalez,  who  being  in  Sonora, 
was  induced  to  remain  there,  J.  A.  Arce  taking  his 
place  as  ruler  in  Chihuahua.  In  1829,  however, 
Gonzalez  became  comandante  general  of  Chihuahua, 
his  term  of  office  on  the  west  coast  having  expired. 

Arce  showed  himself  a  less  thorough  yorkino  than 
his  confrere  of  Durango.  Although  unable  to  resist 
the  popular  clamor  for  the  expulsion  of  the  Spaniards,*2 
he  soon  quarreled  with  the  legislature,  which  declared 
itself  firmly  for  Guerrero,  and  announcing  his  support 
of  Bustamante's  revolution,  he  suspended,  in  March 
1830,  eight  members  of  that  body,  the  vice-governor, 
and  several  other  officials,  and  expelled  them  from  the 
state.  The  course  thus  outlined  was  followed  by 
Governor  J.  I.  Madero,  who  succeeded  in  1831,  as 
sociated  with  J.  J.  Calvo  as  comandante  general, 
stringent  laws  being  issued  against  secret  societies, 
which  were  supposed  to  be  the  main  spring  to  the 
anti-clerical  feeling  among  liberals.  This  feeling  was 
wide-spread,  and  at  the  first  symptom  of  reaction 
against  the  government  at  Mexico,  Durango  displayed 
active  approval.  In  May  1832,  Jose  Urrea,  a  rising 
officer,  undertook  to  support  the  restoration  of  Presi 
dent  Pedraza,  and  on  July  20th,  Governor  Elorriaga 
was  reinstated,  and  the  legislative  minority  overthrown 
together  with  Baca  was  brought  back  to  assist  in 
forming  a  new  legislature,  which  met  on  September 
1st.43  Chihuahua  showing  no  desire  to  imitate  the 
revolutionary  movement,  Urrea  prepared  to  invade 
the  state.  Cornandante-general  Calvo  threatened  to 
retaliate,  and  a  conflict  seemed  imminent  when  the 
entry  of  Santa  Anna  into  Mexico  put  an  end  to  the 

42  Which  manifested  itself  strongly  in  1826.  La  Palanca,  Sept.  14,  1826.  In 
1827  the  legislature  opposed  the  expulsion  bill  by  eight  votes  against  two. 
Mora,  Obras  Sueltas,  ii.  255;  but  in  vain,  for  three  score  were  expelled  out 
of  eight  score  entered  on  the  list.  Mex.  Mem.  Estad.,  1829,  doc.  1;  Correo 
Fed.,  Jan.  2,  1828. 

<3  Under  the  presidency  of  M.  Castafieda  in  the  lower  house,  and  of  F. 
Homo  in  the  senate.  Pinart,  Col.  Doc.,  no.  251;  Za;r.acois,  Hist.  Mex.,  xi. 
902. 


LEGISLATURE  AND  GOVERNORS. 


591 


dispute.4*  A  new  legislature  met  at  Durango  in  Feb 
ruary  1833,  and  B.  Mendarozqueta  succeeded  as  gov 
ernor,  both  ready  to  cooperate  in  the  liberal  measures 


DURANGO  AND  SINALOA. 

of  Farias,  whom  President  Santa  Anna  had  left  in 

44  Correspondence  between  the  respective  governors  and  commanders  in 
Sept. -Oct.,  in  Pinart,  Doc.  Cldh.,  ii.  11-22;  Id.  Coll.,  1832,  1-^;  Bustamante, 
Voz.  Patria,  MS.,  iii.  193-5,  reproduces  some  lofty  epistles  from  Calvo. 


592  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

charge  of  the  administration  to  feel  the  public  pulse, 
while  he  kept  safely  in  the  background  till  the  turn 
of  affairs  should  become  clear.  One  step  was  the 
banishment  of  Bishop  Zubiria  for  resisting  the  law 
relating  to  curas  and  other  encroachments  on  the 
church;45  another  joined  the  western  states  in  a  short 
lived  coalition  for  sustaining  the  federal  system.46 

No  sooner,  however,  had  Santa  Anna  turned  upon 
his  colleague  in  alarm  at  the  imposing  efforts  of  the 
clerical  party,  than  legislature  as  well  as  governor  fol 
lowed  the  example  by  adopting,  in  July  1834,  his  plan 
of  Cuernavaca,  which  put  a  check  to  reforms.  But 
such  was  their  lukewarmness  in  enforcing  it  that  the 
commanding  officer,  Colonel  J.  I.  Gutierrez,  on  Sep 
tember  3d,  at  the  head  of  the  garrison,  affirmed  the 
plan,  and  at  the  same  time  declared  the  term  of  the 
legislature  and  governor  expired/7  At  a  convention 
of  citizens  called  by  himself  to  select  a  new  provisional 
ruler,  he  naturally  obtained  the  vote,  with  P.  J.  Es- 
calante  for  his  deputy,  and  a  council  to  guide  the 
administration.48  Considering  it  for  his  interest  to 
discountenance  such  radical  dispositions  of  state  au 
thorities,  Santa  Anna  ordered  the  reinstatement  of 
Mendarozqueta,  associated  with  Ochoa  as  comandante 
general.  Gutierrez  humbly  yielded,  but  Escalante 
refused  to  surrender  office,  midst  riotous  demonstra 
tions,  whereupon  troops  were  summoned  from  Zacate- 
cas.  Their  approach  gave  force  to  the  mediation  of 
the  returned  prelate,  and  the  change  was  effected 
without  bloodshed.49 

45  Correspondence  in  Zubiria,  Docs,   1-27;  Pap.   Var.,   Ixxiii.  pt  8.     The 
bishop  departed  quietly  by  night,  on  May  9th,  to  obviate  an  emente  among 
his  devoted  flock. 

46  The  supreme  govt  approved  the  object  in  Oct.  1833;  the  federal  feature 
came  to  naught;  but  the  germ  was  left  for  a  defensive  alliance  against  savage 
inroads  from  the  north.     Documents  in  Pinart,  Doc.  Son-?  ii.  21,  31-2,  41; 
Id.,  Coll,  nos.  97,  266,  297-8,  318. 

47  Text  in  Pinart,  Coll.,  no.  326.     Midst  cries  from  the  mob  of  Muera  la 
Federacion!  y  Viva  Santa- Anna!  Ramirez,  Not.  Dur.,  15. 

48  Names  in  Tiempo,  Sept.  22,  26,  Oct.  8,  26,  1834. 

49  Oposidon,  Oct.  8,  22,  29,  Nov.  2(V-2,  1 834.     Gutierrezr  wrote  a  long  dis- 
culpation,  showing  that  he  had  merely  given  effect  to  popular  desire,  and 
obeyed  every  order  from  Mexico.     Indeed,  his  moderation  procured  wide  ap 
proval  in  Durango.  Dur.  Examen  Crit.,  30-44. 


INDIAN   AFFAIRS.  593 

The  ensuing  election  brought  a  new  legislature,50 
with  governors  conforming  to  the  change  of  aspects. 
Nevertheless,  in  September  1835  political  influence 
brought  in  as  ruler  Jose  Urrea,  of  federalist  tenden 
cies,  whose  different  revolutionary  efforts  had  brought 
him  to  the  grade  of  brigadier,  with  an  ambition  to 
gain  further  distinction.01 

In  Chihuahua,  where  the  reaction  under  Farias 
had  found  less  active  response,  the  Cuernavaca  plan 
was  adopted  in  July  1834,  with  quiet  deference  to  the 
national  decision.  At  the  same  time  the  old  favorite, 
Simon  Elias  Gonzalez,  lately  comandante  general, 
was  nominated  governor,  while  the  supreme  authori 
ties  conferred  the  military  command  upon  Colonel  J. 
J.  Calvo,52  whose  firmness  had  earned  well-merited 
praise.  The  state  was  in  the  midst  of  a  war  with  the 
Apaches,  which  required  the  concentration  of  all  en 
ergies  and  resources  for  defence.  After  a  review  of 
the  situation,  Elias  declared  that  the  interests  of  the 
territory  would  be  best  served  by  uniting  the  civil 
and  military  power,  at  least  while  the  campaign  lasted. 
Opposition  being  made,  he  firmly  insisted,  and  re 
signed.53  This  exemplary  abnegation  was  not  lost, 
for  in  1837  he  was  renominated  with  acclamation.54 

The  advance  of  settlement  in  these  northern  prov 
inces,  as  described  in  a  preceding  volume,  had  been 
contested  step  by  step  by  the  aborigines,  till  sword 
and  cross  succeeded  in  bringing  the  less  roaming 

60  With  J.  M.  Astinsoto  for  governor,  who  was  replaced  by  J.  M.  del  Re- 
gato  in  the  beginning  of  1835.  Dur.  Gac.  Gob.,  Jan.  25,  1835. 

51  Although  styled  also  comandante  general  in  Pinart,  Coll.,  no.  440,  El 
Tiempo,  Oct.  13,  1834,  proclaims  G.  Ochoa  as  appointed  to  this  position  on 
Sept.  22d,  in  order  to  neutralize  the  bent  of  the  other. 

62  J.  M.  Echavarria  was  declared  vice-governor.  Id.,  Aug.  7-8,  Sept.  6, 
1834.  Governor  Madero's  term  was  about  to  expire.  For  deputies,  etc.,  see 
Id.,  Sept.  19th;  Pinart,  Doc.  Chih.,  MS.  ii.  25-30. 

53  This  was  represented  by  the  Sol  de  Mayo  as  an  act  by  the  legislature, 
but  El  Fanal  of  Chihuahua  explained  the  truth.  Oposicion,  Apr.  30,  May  13, 
June  13,  1835.  Calvo  was  accordingly  recognized  also  as  governor.  Arrillaga, 
fiecop.,  1835,  549;  Hist.  Doc.  Cal,  i.  166.  Echavarria  acted  at  times  for  him. 
Cal  St.  Pap.  (Sac.),  xiii.  5. 

64  And  likewise  for  Sonora.   Gandara,  Espos.,  9-10;  Pap.  Var.,  cliii.,  pt  10. 


594  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

tribes  under  subjection,  and  driving  the  rest  into  the 
mountains  beyond  the  Rio  Bravo  and  the  lines  of 
presidios  skirting  it.  Among  these  intractable  bands, 
designated  by  the  general  terms  of  Apaches  and  Co- 
manches,  hunting  was  practically  the  only  occupation. 
Closely  allied  to  it  was  warfare,  fostered  during  this 
long  struggle  till  it  became  a  second  nature,  and  stim 
ulated  by  the  brooding  idea  that  their  hunting-grounds 
had  been  taken  from  them  by  white  invaders.  Right, 
as  well  as  vengeance,  therefore,  urged  them  to  retalia 
tion  by  entering  this  domain  bequeathed  by  their  fore 
fathers,  and  wresting  a  share  of  its  produce  in  fat  cattle 
and  fleet  steeds,  with  scalps  for  trophies.  The  ordi 
nary  chase  fell  into  comparative  disrepute  beside 
this  ready  source  of  supply,  made  glorious  by  daring 
feats  and  bloody  achievements. 

The  colonial  government  tried  one  measure  after 
another  in  the  effort  to  check  the  terrible  raids,  which 
between  1771  and  1776  resulted  in  the  slaughter  of 
1674  persons  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  alone,  not  counting 
soldiers,  travellers,  or  captives,  while  vast  districts  were 
laid  desolate.  In  1786  Viceroy  Galvez  proposed  a  war 
without  cessation  or  mercy  against  every  tribe  until 
it  should  be  forced  to  sue  for  peace — a  peace  to  be 
based  on  mutual  interest,  by  encouraging  the  Indians 
with  regular  or  occasional  gifts  while  undermining 
their  health  with  subtle  distribution  of  fiery  liquor, 
and  creating  a  desire  for  luxuries  that  could  be  obtained 

O 

only  in  peaceful  intercourse  with  settlers.  Any  in 
fringement  of  treaties  was  to  be  relentlessly  punished, 
and  wars  of  extermination  suscitated  among  the  tribes. 
This  Machiavellian  policy  was  pursued  with  great 
success,  although  subjected  to  modifications  by  differ 
ent  commanders,  for  during  the  remainder  of  this 
century  and  the  beginning  of  the  following  one  no 
serious  outbreaks  are  recorded.  With  the  changes  and 
administrative  corruption  attending  the  entry  of 
Viceroy  Iturrigaray  came  a  degree  of  laxity,  which 
encouraged  the  insolence  and  daring  of  the  Apaches. 


RAIDS  AND  DEPREDATIONS.  595 

Two  chiefs,  Rafael  and  Jose  Antonio,  proved  especially 
troublesome  in  their  raids,  which  extended,  during 
half  a  dozen  years,  from  Rio  Bravo  to  within  the 
borders  of  Durango,  and  resulted  in  the  murder  of 
300  persons,  the  kidnapping  of  more  than  two 
score,  besides  heavy  losses  in  property.65  Sonora 
suffered  also.  The  death  of  these  two  savages  in 
1810  procured  a  lull,56  which  was  broken  by  no  very 
severe  outrages,  save  in  1813-14,  when  Sonora  bore 
the  brunt.  Yet  petty  depredations  were  of  constant 
occurrence. 

The  transformation  of  the  colony  into  a  republic, 
with  its  rapid  development  of  party  strife  and  male- 
administration,  led  in  the  north  to  indifference  and  de 
sertion  among  the  unpaid  or  neglected  soldiers,  and  to 
a  reduction  of  the  presidio  garrisons  so  as  to  render 
several  of  them  of  little  service.  The  ever  chang 
ing  comandantes  and  comandantes  generales  had  been 
prompted  by  pledges  or  zeal  to  reorganize  or  improve 
the  garrisons,  but  the  lack  of  funds  and  means  had 
ever  proved  insuperable.  Assignments  of  funds  were 
frequently  procured  from  state  and  general  govern 
ments,  only  to  be  set  aside  for  other  preferred  credi 
tors,  or  to  be  absorbed  by  revolutions  which  were  often 
started  solely  to  obtain  possession  of  such  moneys. 
The  sums  allowed  served  for  momentary  propitiation, 
to  secure  the  small  portion  of  the  force;  others  re 
ceived  only  partial  pay.  The  immense  arrears  were 
no  longer  hoped  for  either  by  soldiers,  or  by  settlers 
from  whom  the  former  had  been  obliged  to  extort 
supplies  on  credit.57 

55  In  Doc.  Mex.,  ser.  4,  iii.  1-88,  is  given  a  detailed  account  of  137  raids 
by  them,  and  the  chief  Chinche  who  perished  in  1806,  resulting  in  298  killed, 
53  wounded,  and  45  captives.  Extracto  o  Sutinta  Relation,  by  Ruiz  de  Busta- 
mante. 

5G  Rafael  was  of  Opata  descent,  and  educated,  according  to  some  accounts, 
by  a  Sonoran  priest.  This  enabled  him  to  acquire  useful  guidance,  through 
the  robbed  mail,  for  his  depredations.  He  had  for  a  wife  a  Mexican  captive, 
whose  love  indue  3d  her  to  fight  by  his  side.  When  he  fell,  she  refused  to 
surrender,  and  killed  several  soldiers  before  her  spirit  fled  to  join  her  warrior 
hero.  Froebel,  ii.  246;  Putnam's  May.,  iv.  412. 

57  Over  a  million  was  owing  to  the  few  existing  troops  of  Sonora  alone 
according  to  Velasco,  8™.,  90-2;  S^c.  Mcx.  Oeoj.,  Bii,  vi;i.  392-4. 


596  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

For  a  while  the  colonial  presidio  system  was  left 
unmolested  to  prompt  the  diminishing  garrisons  to  a 
certain  maintenance  of  order  among  the  surrounding 
tribes,  by  energetic  pursuit  and  punishment  of  marau 
ders,  in  which  expeditions  they  were  sustained  to 
some  extent  by  the  local  guards,  although  these  were 
seldom  provided  with  better  arms  than  bows  and 
lances.58  Soon,  however,  the  spirit  slackened,  partly 
because  the  raids  were  not  sufficiently  severe  to  rouse 
the  people,  partly  from  political  preoccupation  and 
from  the  causes  above  enumerated.  The  Indiana 
were  not  slow  to  perceive  the  change,  and  as  the  lack 
of  means  became  perceptible  in  diminishing  presents 
and  allowances,  they  felt  an  additional  motive  for  re 
suming  the  long  deferred  inroads.  In  1831  the  upris 
ing  began,59  extending  gradually  into  Sonora.  The  gov  - 
ernment  of  Chihuahua  took  prompt  steps  by  sending 
troops  in  different  directions,  one  party  under  Captain 
Ronquillo  penetrating  to  the  Gila.  Nevertheless  the 
peace  proposals  of  the  wily  savages  were  entertained 
in  1832  with  such  readiness  that  the  stolen  cattle  and 
other  booty  were  conceded  to  them.60 

The  effect  of  such  leniency,  in  marked  contrast 
with  the  extermination  policy,  was  to  encourage  the 
Indians  to  renewed  inroads  on  a  larger  scale.  In  fact, 
the  state  capital  itself  was  threatened  that  year,  and 
their  ravages  reached  such  an  extent  that  one  settle 
ment  after  another  was  abandoned. 

The  method  of  the  marauding  tribes  was  well  cal 
culated  to  inflict  the  greatest  possible  damage  with 
the  minimum  of  exposure.  After  leaving  a  small 
band  to  provide  for  the  safety  of  the  women  and 
camps,  the  rest  of  a  tribe,  to  the  number  of  perhaps 
200  or  300,  would  approach  the  selected  raiding 

68  And  few  could  manage  the  bow  adds  the  Oposicion,  May  13,  1835. 

59  Due  to  a  lack  of  policy  and  circumspection,    says  Conde,   Soc.  Mex. 
Oeog.,  Bol,  v.  313,  which  meant  the  withholding  of  rations,  etc.,  and  the 
attempt,  as  Escudero  adds,  Not.  Chih.,  249-50,  to  force  them  into  a  more 
civilized  life. 

60  The  cattle  were  actually  branded  so  as  to  prevent  dispute. 


SYSTEMATIC  STEALING.  597 

ground,  and  dividing  into  small  parties,  overrun  it  at 
different  points,  thus  ensuring  more  booty,  while  dis 
tracting  the  settlers  from  effective  pursuit.  The  entry 
generally  took  place  during  moonlight  nights,  the  day 
being  passed  in  hidden  retreats,  guarded  by  sentinels. 
If  travellers  or  caravans  became  the  object,  ambus 
cades  proved  the  best  means  for  entrapping  them.  A 
determined  resistance,  however,  readily  obliged  the 
assailants  to  retreat.  For  the  capture  of  stock,  stam 
peding  devices  were  much  in  vogue.  In  retreating 
with  the  booty,  the  party  often  divided  into  still 
smaller  bands,  in  order  to  secure  at  least  a  portion  of 
the  plunder,  a  fleet  rear  guard  being  left  in  observa 
tion  to  give  warning  or  to  misdirect  pursuers.  Occa 
sionally  a  larger  number  would  unite  to  check  the 
troops,  so  as  to  give  time  for  the  captured  stock  to  be 
hurried  off.  If  closely  pressed,  the  Indians  preferred 
to  spear  the  animals  rather  than  leave  them  for  a  later 
descent.  At  the  rendezvous  chosen  before  departure, 
the  bands  met  to  divide  the  spoil,  whereupon  each  re 
turned  to  its  home,  there  to  celebrate  success  with 
dances  and  other  entertainments,  to  which  the  posses 
sion  of  scalps  lent  special  eclat.  Women  and  children 
were  captured  for  adoption,  the  latter  being  reared 
as  warriors.  Indeed,  some  of  the  fiercest  and  most 
formidable  fighters  and  chieftains  have  been  assigned 
to  this  origin.61  Although  averse  to  the  risk  of  open 
battles,  the  Apaches  nevertheless  offered  and  accepted 
it  on  many  occasions,  displaying  tactics  fully  equal  to 
those  of  the  troops,  with  due  coordination  of  cavalry 
and  infantry,  of  bowmen  and  lancers.62 

Under  the  Galvez  system,  each  presidio  had  to  send 
out  every  month  a  reconnoitring  party.  In  time  of 
danger,  settlers  as  well  as  soldiers  kept  horses  and 

61  Additional  details  on  their  habits  and  warfare  may  be  found  in  Soc.  Mex. 
Geoy.,  EoL,  v.  315-17;  xi.  92,  115etseq.;  Velasco,  Son.,  253-4;  Escudero,Son., 
74-6. 

6:2 Pike  refers  to  this  as  early  as  1806.  A  Spanish  officer  'spoke  of  his 
cavalry  breaking  their  infantry  as  a  thing  not  to  be  thought  of. '  Trav. ,  339- 
40.  In  my  Native  Races,  i.  493  et  seq.,  their  weapons,  methods  of  warfare, 
etc.,  are  described. 


598  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

supplies  ready  for  instant  march.  The  decline  in 
strength  and  discipline  among  the  garrisons  involved 
the  total  or  partial  abandonment  of  this  cordon  of 
observation.  Latterly,  the  skillful  and  daring  maneu- 
vres  of  the  Indians  rendered  these  flying  excursions  of 
less  value.  Moreover,  the  small  parties  ordinarily 
detached  for  such  duty  were  now  exposed  to  greater 
danger,  owing  to  the  ever- increasing  efficiency  of  Ind 
ian  armament,  in  muskets  and  powder  obtained  from 
United  States  traders  in  exchange  for  cattle  and  other 
stolen  effects.  The  large  proportion  of  forced  recruits 
in  the  republican  army  tended  to  diminish  still  more 
its  value,  for  these  unwilling  soldiers  were  little  inclined 
to  expose  their  lives.63 

As  the  danger  increased,  a  general  call  to  arms  was 
made ;  the  governor  received  extra  power,  and  a  loan 
of  $80,000  was  decreed  to  wage  war  upon  the  sav 
ages.6*  Yet  nothing  availed.  Whenever  a  band  was 
closely  pressed,  it  accepted  the  too  readily  offered 

Cce,  thus  obtaining  an  opportunity  to  dispose  of  its 
ty  and  replenish  its  store  of  ammunition.  This 
effected,  it  stood  prepared  to  join  other  bands,  which 
had  meanwhile  been  extending  their  ravages  in  less 
protected  districts.  And  so  the  devastation  contin 
ued;  settlements  were  deserted,65  and  famine  followed 
in  the  wake. 

Repeated  appeals  were  made  to  the  general  gov 
ernment  for  aid ;  but  the  struggle  carried  on  through 
out  this  decade  between  conservatives  and  liberals,  in 

63  Gregg  declares  that  three  or  four  Apaches  would  venture  within  sight 
of  Chihuahua  to  ravage  with  impunity.     The  troops  sent  in  pursuit  would 
generally  keep  well  beyond  range,  or  retreat  before  obtaining  a  view  of  the 
foe's  main  body.     Yet  the  local  journals  were  filled  with  accounts  of  prodi 
gious  feats.  Com.  Prairies,  294-7.     Formerly  25  soldiers  could  rout  100  Ind 
ians;  now  they  face  equal  numbers.    Velasco,  Son.,  248. 

64  Every  month  .$9,000  were  to  be  furnished.   CMh.  Manif.,  1-2.     The  mil 
itia  was  placed  at  disposal  of  the  sup.  govt.  Arrillaga,  Eecop.,  1834,  469.     It 
was  difficult  to  collect  the  loan;  some  persons  contributed  in  effects.  Pinart, 
Doc.  Chih.,  ii.  24-7. 

65  At  first  the  partidos  of  Galeana,  Aldama,  Resales,  and  Paso  suffered 
most.     Carmen  was  reduced  to  half  its  population;  other  places  declined  still 
more;  'no  producen  ya  ni  la  octava  parte  de  lo  que  antes.'  Escudero,  Cldh.t 


SCALP-HUNTING.  599 

every  direction,  diverted  troops  and  funds,  so  that 
little  could  be  granted  for  the  relief  of  these  provinces. 
Besides,  complaints  from  that  quarter  had  been  too 
frequent  and  exaggerated  to  create  much  attention. 
Soon,  however,  came  a  bitter  affirmation.  Encouraged 
by  the  impunity  enjoyed  by  the  Apaches,  the  Coman- 
ches  joined  more  freely  in  the  raids,66  giving  them 
wider  proportions,  and  the  Indians  penetrating  fur 
ther  and  further  into  the  interior,  until  they  overran 
Durango,  and  penetrated  into  Zacatecas.67  Then 
came  a  clamor  that  revealed  the  serious  nature  of  the 
danger  and  roused  the  government  to  at  least  a  spas- 

o  O  1 

modic  effort.  The  suggestions  from  deputies  and 
commandants  for  protecting  the  frontiers  were  sub 
mitted  to  committees  charged  to  frame  reports  on  the 
matter.  Meanwhile  some  money  and  troops  were 
sent  to  cooperate  with  the  state  forces,  which  suc 
ceeded  in  driving  back  the  invaders,  or  rather  induc 
ing  them  to  withdraw.  This  accomplished,  the  troops 
returned  to  the  political  arena,  and  the  Indians  re 
newed  their  operations.68 

In  their  despair  the  states  placed  a  price  upon  the 
heads  of  the  marauders,  offering  $100  for  every  male 
scalp  and  half  that  amount  for  that  of  a  female.69 
With  this  inducement  foreigners  and  friendly  Indians 
joined  in  the  human  hunt,  notably  a  man  named  Kirker, 
who  organized  a  regular  company  for  seeking  scalps.7' 

66  In  May  1835,  600  or  700  entered  the  state  and  several  engagements 
followed.  Oposicion,  June  23-5,  1835;  Cavo,  Tres  Sifjlos,  iii.  82. 

67  In  1840  the  Comanches  came   within  four  leagues  of  Durango  city, 
which  lies  apparently  remote  from  such  visitors.  Mex.  Mem.  Guer.,  1841,  36. 
That  same  year  the  Apaches  entered  the  centre  of  Sonora  for  the  first  time 
within  memory.  Soc.  Mex.  Geoy.,  BoL,  xi.  92-3.     The  incursion  into  Zaca- 
tecas  was  marked  by  the  slaughter  of  hundreds  of  victims.   Mex.   Inforrre 
Pesquis.,  12-14,  26,  37.     This  authority  ascribes  the  Comanche  raid  to  the 
treaties  concluded  with  them  about  this  time  by  Mason  and  Chouteau  in  the 
U.  S.     Markets,  maps,  arms,  and  other  aid  were  freely  supplied  from  that 
quarter. 

^Velasco,  Son.,  103-4,  declares  that  the  defences  were  even  more 
neglected  in  1845  than  during  the  preceding  decade.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  BoL, 
viii.  399^00. 

69  And  yet  more  infamous,  $25  for  a  child.     It  was  in  operation   but   a 
few  weeks  says  Gregg,  Com,  Prairies,  i.  299-300. 

70  Hobbs,  who  joined  the  party,  states  that  James  Kirker  was  a  Scotch  trap- 


600  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

His  first  success,  in  surprising  an  Indian  camp,  proved 
so  great  that  only  a  portion  of  the  promised  funds 
was  paid.  Jealousy  also  assisted  in  suspending  the 
project.  The  result  had  been  a  marked  diminution  of 
ravages,  but  these  now  increased  once  more  in  mag 
nitude,  till  "  barely  a  horse  remained  in  all  the  state,"7 
the  marauders  penetrating  to  the  centre  of  Durango, 
slaughtering  in  one  week  of  September,  1845,  100 
persons,  and  in  October  50  persons  in  the  Cuencame 
region  alone.72  Troops  and  volunteers  were  massed 
and  sent  forth,  and  reports  came  of  victories  and  of 
Indians  expelled,  to  be  followed  by  others  of  fresh 
outrages  and  of  disastrous  defeats,  till  the  minister  of 
interior  affairs  himself  cried  out  that  the  state  was 
in  desolation.73 

In  Chihuahua,  Governor  Garcia  Conde  had  recourse 
in  1842  to  the  pusillanimous  and  dangerous  expedient 
of  buying  peace.7*  This,  as  often  demonstrated, 
proved  only  an  incentive  to  further  hostilities.  Sonora 
protested  loudly  against  the  conclusion  of  such 
treaties,  which  temporarily  secured  certain  portions  of 
Chihuahua,  at  the  expense  of  the  adjoining  state, 
which  was  raided  by  bands  which  took  refuge  in  Chi 
huahua,  selling  the  acquired  booty  there  under  cover 

per,  captured  some  time  before  by  Apaches,  associated  with  them  as  a  leader. 
Tired  of  the  life  Kirker  ran  off  with  the  money  secured  for  sold  Apache 
booty,  and  now  appeared  to  fight  his  former  comrades.  Wild  Life,  81-3. 
Americans,  Shawneeat,  and  Mexicans  united,  forming  a  party  of  200,  accord 
ing  to  Niks'  Reg.,  Ivii.  19.  Hobbs,  93,  98-9,  says  most  of  the  Americans 
left  after  failing  to  receive  full  payment  for  the  yield  of  the  first  hunt,  which 
brought  182  scalps  and  18  captives. 

71  As  Bustamante  puts  it.   Gabinete,  ii.  105-9.     For  raids,  see  Id.,  Diar. 
Mex.,  MS.,  xliv.  59,  127. 

72  Amvjo  del  Pueblo  gives  some  harrowing  details,  Oct.  18,  23,  Nov.  4,  6, 
27,  Dec.  18,  1845.  Abejais  very  full  about  these  raids,  especially  in  the  Oct. 
and  Nov.,  1844,  issues.  Bol  Notic.,  Jan.  11,  1845. 

73  He  charged  U.   S.  officers  with  directing  these  inroads.  Pinart,  Coll., 
no.  851.     See  also  Yountfs  Hist.  Mex.,  378. 

74 Conde,  in  AUmm,  Mex.,  i.  22;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jal,  iii.  541;  Conde,  Viwlk., 
1-8^  Pap.  Par.,  clvi.,  pt  23.  The  people,  however,  endorsed  him,  and  in 
1845  a  general  clamor  called  for  his  restoration  to  the  governship  from  which 
he  had  been  removed.  Repres.  or  C/iih.,  in  Mfocel.,  iii.  5;  Buxtamante,  Diar. 
Mex.,  MS.,  xliv.  59,  81,  127,  with  account  of  raids.  It  was  openly  advo 
cated  to  grant  certain  bonds  monthly  rations,  $5,000  a  year,  and,  moreover, 
the  right  to  sell  their  stolen  booty.  Pinart,  Doc.  Chih.,  MS.,  ii.  32. 


CENTRALIZED  GOVERNMENT.  601 

of  the  agreement.  In  their  exasperation,  the  Sonorans 
on  one  occasion  quietly  followed  some  bands  to  their 
encampments  round  Janos,  and  when  they  appeared 
for  their  stipulated  rations,  fell  upon  them,  slaughtering 
more  than  a  hundred  men,  and  carrying  off  nearly  as 
many  women  and  children.  Deeds  like  these  are  said 
to  have  been  not  infrequent  in  past  days,  and  to  have 
done  more  to  inflame  the  Indians  than  encroachments 
upon  their  hunting  grounds. 

All  measures  failing  to  avert  the  tempest,  the  ter 
rible  man-hunting  is  again  resorted  to,  and  Kirker 
once  more  engages  in  scalp-taking.  But  the  Apache 
is  fleet  and  cunning,  and  the  chase  soon  becomes  un 
profitable.  But  if  hostile  scalps  cannot  be  had  there 
are  plenty  in  the  peaceful  rancherias.  And  so  the 
hunters  pounce  upon  many  an  innocent  band,  render 
ing  the  surprise  and  massacre  yet  safer  to  themselves 
by  sending  beforehand  kegs  of  liquor  to  over-power 
the  warriors.75 

The  overthrow  of  the  federal  system  in  1836  for  a 
centralized  form  of  government 76  reduced  the  states 
to  departments,  under  governors  appointed  by  the  su 
preme  authority.77  The  change  tended  to  calm  for  a 
time  the  political  factions,  and  the  ensuing  war  with 
France  united  opponents.  Nevertheless,  the  federal 
feeling  was  not  extinct  in  Durango,  and  in  1837  both 
governor  and  assembly  appealed  to  the  president  in 
favor  of  the  constitution  of  1824,  declaring  the  central 
government  to  be  too  remote  to  properly  understand 
the  wants  of  the  province.78  In  1839,  a  "feeble  move- 

75  These  unscrupulous  proceedings  were  naturally  kept  as  quiet  as  possible. 
Ruxton  heard  of  several  instances,  and  states  that  neither  age  nor  sex  was 
spared.  Adven.,   158-9.     See  Bartlett,    Marr.,  i.   322-3.  Ind.  Aff.  Sept,  1871, 
4:3-4.     Hall,  Son.,    MS.,    171-2,    adds   that   settled  Tarihumaras   and  even 
Mexicans  were  frequently  mistaken  (!)  for  Apaches,  and  more  murders  com 
mitted  in  a  month  than  Apaches  could  have  done  in  a  year. 

76  See  Hist.  Mex.,  v.  144  et  seq.,  this  series. 

77  From  the  '  terna, '  three  candidates,  proposed  by  the  departmental  as 
sembly. 

78 Dur.  Evpvs.,  in  Pap.  Var.,  xxxix.,  pt  2.  This  was  supported  by  local 
appeals,  as  Dur.  Repres.  de  Victoria,  1-10. 


602  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

merit79  was  made  in  sympathy  with  the  federalist  re 
volt  which  Urrea  had  maintained  in  the  northwest 
and  east  for  two  years,  and  in  1841  the  comandante 
general,  J.  A.  Heredia,  joined  the  Guadalajara  pro- 
nuriciamiento  by  Paredes,  which,  demanding  a  reformed 
constitution,  brought  about  a  dictatorship  under  Santa 
Anna.88  This  opportune  movement  procured  for  him 
the  governorship,81  but  his  remissness  in  seconding  the 
revolution  of  the  same  leader  against  the  dictator,  at 
the  close  of  1844,  lowered  his  prospects  somewhat. 
The  return  now  to  a  federal  system  brought  B.  Men- 
darozqueta  into  his  place.82 

In  Chihuahua,  both  the  assembly  and  governor, 
General  J.  M.  Monterde,83  sought  to  resist  the  move 
ment  against  Santa  Anna,  and  failing  in  this,  the  lat 
ter  placed  in  charge  of  the  administration  Deputy  Luis 
Zuloaga.  The  character  and  abuses  of  this  man  pro 
voked  loud  protests,84  and  in  June  1845,  Commandant 
Ugarte  compelled  him  and  several  obnoxious  assem 
blymen  to  resign,  whereupon  Angel  Trias  was  installed 
as  governor.85  Neither  this  governor  nor  the  'civil 
authorities  of  Durango  favored  the  uprising  of  Gen- 

79  By  Capt.  Rosa  and  spine  artillerists  on  May  3d.     Com.  -gen.  Heredia 
promptly  suppressed  it.  Bustamante,  Galrinete,  i.   187.     M.  Castaneda  was 
governor  at  the  time.     P.  de  Ochoa  had  acted  in  1837,  and  before  him  Pena 
and  Esparza.  Pap.   Far.,  clxxx.,  pt  vii.,  10. 

80  Hist.  Mex.,  v.  227  et  seq.,  this  series.     Heredia's  proclamation,  in  Fa- 
llejo,  Doc.  Mex.,  ii.,  pt  464,  13-14.     The  bishop  of  Durango  protested  against 
the  power  given  the  congress  by  the  organic  law  of  1843  as  compared  with 
that  of  the  church.  Dur.  Ocur.  Prelado,  in  Pap.  Far.,  clvi.,  pt  4. 

81  In  which  he  was  confirmed  in  1844,  although  failing  to  obtain  a  decisive 
majority  in  the  primary  local  election.   Constitutional,  Feb.  27,  Mar.  1,  1844. 
Mendarozqueta  and  Zubiria  had  acted  previously. 

82  He  still  held  the  power  in  1847,  although  F.  Elorriega  acted  in  1845  and 
1846.  Mem.  Hist.,  Feb.  1,  1846. 

83  Who  succeeded  F.  Garcia  Conde  in  1843.     The  latter  had,  in  1840,  by 
general  request,  succeeded  the  deceased  gov.,  J.  M.  Irigoyen,  who  had  shortly 
before  replaced    Elias   Gonzalez.     M.    Andrade,  Manif.,  was  appointed  in 
1839,  but  set  aside  before  taking  possession.  Pap.   Far.,  Ixxx.,  pt  7.     See 
Id.,  Repres.  de  Allende,  and  pt  8,  for  successors.     Conde,   Vindic.,  5;  Chih. 
Mem.  Hoc.,  doc.  1,  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bol.,  xi.  193. 

8*  A  widely  signed  petition  appeared  for  his  removal  for  gambling  and 
dishonesty,  together  with  other  members  of  the  assembly,  of  which  he  was 
the  eldest.  Repres.  contra  AssamUea,  1-18;  Miscel.,  iii. 

85  J.  Bustamante  acting  for  a  while.  Arnigo  Pueb.,  July  8,  12,  15,  1845.  Jus- 
tiniani  is  mentioned  as  com, -gen.  early  in  *1845.  Bol.  Notic.,  Feb.  13,  March 
11,  1845. 


PAREDES  AND  GARCIA  CONDE.  603 

erel  Paredes  at  the  close  of  the  year,  but  the  general 
succeeded  in  gaining  possession  of  the  power,  one  re 
sult  being  the  installation  of  Irigoyen  in  Trias'  place. 
In  Durango,  the  troops  resolved  to  proclaim  Paredes, 
and  Heredia  took  advantage  of  it  to  gain  control ;  but 
Garcia  Conde  made  a  resolute  stand  at  the  head  of 
the  militia,  and  persuaded  the  governor  to  join  with 
him  in  submitting  to  the  new  president,  whereupon 
order  was  restored. 


CHAPTER   XXIII. 

LATER  HISTORY  OF  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

1843-1888. 

PREPARATIONS  FOR  WAR  WITH  THE  UNITED  STATES — VIDAL  DEFEATED  BY 
DONIPHAN — BATTLE  OF  SACRAMENTO— DONIPH AN  OCCUPIES  CHIHUAHUA — 
HE  MARCHES  TO  SALTILLO — SIEGE  AND  FALL  OF  ROSALES — FRONTIER 
DEFENCE — FAILURE  OF  MILITARY  COLONIES — INDIAN  RAIDS  AND  SCALP 
HUNTING — A  COALITION  OF  STATES — SALE  OF  THE  MESILLA  VALLEY — 
PLAN  OF  AYUTLA  ADOPTED — CAJEN  INVADES  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO 
— VICTORY  OF  THE  LIBERALS — ENTRY  OF  THE  FRENCH — JUAREZ  FLEES 
TO  CHIHUAHUA — BRINCOURT  OCCUPIES  THE  CITY — DEPARTURE  OF  THE 
INVADERS — DURANGO  OPPOSES  THE  JUARISTAS — MURDER  OF  PATOM — 
REVOLUTION  OF  PORFIRIO  DIAZ — LERDISTA  MOVEMENTS — SIERRA  MOJADA 
TERRITORY  FORMED — SUPPRESSION  OF  INDIAN  RAIDS. 

A  CAUSE  for  the  comparative  lull  in  political  strife 
in  these  provinces,  as  contrasted  with  the  agitation 
in  the  republic  generally,  lay  in  the  relations  with  the 
northern  republic,  which  since  1841  had  become 
strained.  In  1843  the  prospect  of  war  was  enter 
tained,  and  the  government  began  to  give  serious 
attention  to  frontier  defences,  a  measure  which 
appeals  for  protection  against  savages,  had  failed  to 
evoke.  Arms  were  sent  with  which  to  increase  the 
the  efficiency  of  the  presidios  and  to  equip  the  militia, 
and  a  regiment  of  defensores  de  la  Frontera  was  or 
dered  to  be  organized  in  each  of  the  three  frontier 
divisions.1  The  people  joined  enthusiastically  in  the 
defence  preparations,  and  aided  in  sending  500  men  to 

1  To  consist  of  light  cavalry,  in  four  escuadrones  of  two  companies  each, 
with  a  force  of  £14  men  and  42  officers,  to  cost  $160,603  a  year.  Additional 
companies  were  granted  to  the  east  and  west  provinces  and  to  Tamaulipas. 
Details  in  Mtx.  Mem.  Guer.,  1844,  docs.  3,  22-4.  The  expenses  were  to 
receive  preference  at  the  treasury.  Palacio  Leyes,  1844-46,  19.  The  three 
frontier  divisions  were  Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  Chihuahua  and  Durango,  Coahuila 
and  Texas. 

(604) 


THREATENED  INVASION.  605 

New  Mexico,  against  the  expected  invasion.2  They 
even  submitted  for  a  while  to  the  interruption  of  the 
overland  caravan  with  the  United  States,  sprung  up 
of  late  years  with  great  advantage  to  these  settle 
ments,  so  remote  from  the  market  centres  of  the  re 
public.3 

As  the  prospects  of  war  increased,  troops  were  or 
dered  into  these  central  sections  of  the  frontier,4  mod 
ified  by  subsequent  operations.5  Governor  Irigoyen 
not  displaying  a  zeal  commensurate  with  the  eager 
ness  of  the  ascendant  war  party,  was  forced  to  resign 
in  favor  of  the  energetic  Trias,  who  stood  conspicuous 
for  anti- American  sentiments.  The  change  was  op 
portune,  for  he  gave  a  decided  impulse  to  preparations, 
by  seeking  a  loan  among  his  people,6  with  which  to 
equip  and  organize  the  numerous  volunteers.7  This 
self-reliance  was  the  more  needful  as  the  promised  aid 
from  the  republic  diminished  to  a  small  contribution 
of  arms,  and  a  few  troops  from  Zacatecas  and  Du- 
rancro.  brought  by  the  little  esteemed  Heredia.8  In 

O      '  O  v 

the  latter  department  equal  zeal  was  exhibited,  with 
a  mustering  of  some  3,000  volunteers. 

After  the  invasion  of  New  Mexico  by  the  United 
States  troops,  a  corps  of  12,000  men  was  sent  to  the 


2  Of  whom  300  remained.  Bustamante,    Hist.  Santa  Anna,  MS.,    iii.  46. 
Specimens  of  the  alarm  notices  may  be  consulted  in  Constitutional,  April  23, 
1844. 

3  Yet  in  March  1844  the  frontier  custom-houses  were  declared  open  again. 
DuUan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mcx.,  iv.  752-3. 

4  Filisola  was  first  appointed  commander  of  forces  in  Zacatecas.     Durango 
and  Chihuahua,  strengthened  with  1,000  men  from  San  Luis  Potosi,  bringing 
ten  battery  pieces.     The  national  guards  could  in  case  of  need  be  called  upon 
to  serve  outside  of  their  respective  states.     Text  in  Escudero,  Hem.  CMh.,  45; 
Pap.   Var.,  Ixxxvii.  pt  13. 

5  On  July  llth  the  Chihuahua  assembly  decreed  the  raising  of  6000  men. 
Sonorcnse,  Aug.  7,  1846.     In  Guadalupe  60  of  the  leading  citizens  joined  &s 
volunteers.  Restaurador,  Aug.  11,  1846. 

6  Subsequently  a  forced  loan  was  assessed  among  the  towns.   Iris  Esp., 
Feb.  13,  1847. 

7  Wislizenus,  Tour,  48,  adds  that  a  cannon  foundry  was  erected. 

8  Only  1,000  muskets  were  sent.  Apuntes  Guerra,  139-40.     In  estimating 
for  the  republican  war  fund,  the  bishop  of  Durango  was  assessed    $80. 000. 
Mex.  Col  Ley.,  1844-46,537,  544.  Monit.  Constit.,  April  22,  1845;  Mem.  Hi*t., 
Jan.  26,  1846.  Col.  Cuilty  left  Durango  on  Nov.  27th  for  Chihuahua  with  500 
men  and  4  guns.  Irls.Esp.,  Dec.   12,  1846. 


608       LATER  HISTORY  OF  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

frontier  to  check  their9  advance  into  Chihuahua, 
Lieutenant-colonel  Vidal 1<J  being  in  commmand. 
Eager  to  meet  the  enemy,  this  body  passed  beyond 
El  Paso,  and  A.  Ponce,  who  had  been  sent  forward 


CHIHUAHUA. 

with  500  cavalry,  70  infantry,  and  a  howitzer,11  came 
December  25th,  suddenly  upon  the  enemy  carelessly 

9 To  reconquer  New  Mexico,  says  Bustamante.  Mem.  Hist.,  v.  241. 

10  Col  Guilty  of  Durango  having  fallen  sick. 

"Americans  place  the  detachment  at  from  1,100  to  1,220,  including 
militia.  U.  S.  Oov.  Doc.,  cong.  30,  sess.  1,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  i.  498;  and  Busta- 
maute,  Mem  Hist.,  vi.  27,  implies  the  same. 


DONIPHAN'S  EXPEDITION.  607 

encamped  at  Brazitos.12  This  formed  a  main  body  of  500 
men  under  Colonel  Doniphan,  who  had  been  ordered  to 
proceed  from  Santa  Fe  to  Chihuahua,  to  reinforce 
Wool's  column,  which  was  expected  to  be  in  posses 
sion  of  that  town.13  So  complete  was  the  surprise 
that  the  Americans  had  not  time  to  saddle  and  mount 
their  horses.  But  Ponce  lost  his  opportunity  by 
wasting  time  in  drawing  out  his  force  in  formal  battle 
array,  which  being  carefully  completed,  he  sent  in  a 
black  flag  with  a  summons  to  surrender,  the  alterna 
tive  being  an  attack  without  quarter.  The  Ameri 
cans,  however,  had  recovered  from  their  confusion, 
had  seized  their  arms,  and  formed  in  line.  Doniphan's 
answer  was  an  emphatic  invitation  to  charge,14  where 
upon  the  Mexicans  bore  down  upon  the  enemy,  deliv 
ering  a  noisy  but  ineffectual  fire  at  long  range.  After 
three  volleys,  the  cavalry,  with  Ponce  at  its  head, 
charged,  but  when  within  range  the  Americans,  who 
had  hitherto  withheld  their  fire,  began  a  deadly  rifle 
fire  which  threw  the  enemy  into  great  disorder. 
Doniphan's  rear  column  now  appeared  hurrying  for 
ward,  and  the  repulse  was  converted  into  full  flight, 
the  Mexicans  abandoning  their  howitzer,  and  leaving 
about  two  score  dead  on  the  field.15  Vidal  retreated 
to  Chihuahua,  and  on  the  27th  the  enemy  occupied 
El  Paso. 

Learning  that  Wool  had  not  advanced  into  Chihua 
hua,  Doniphan  remained  for  some  weeks  at  the  latter 
place,  awaiting  the  arrival  of  his  cannon,  which  came 
up  early  in  February  1847,  to  the  number  of  six 
pieces.  On  the  8th  of  that  month  he  resumed  his 

12  Twenty  miles  from  El  Paso,  on  the  Rio  Bravo. 

13  See  Hist.  Mex.,  v.  405,  et  seq.,  this  series. 

14 He  writes  in  his  report:  'The  reply  was  more  abrupt  than  decorous — 
to  charge  and  be  damned. '  Alex.  Wm.  Doniphan  was  a  lawyer  of  Missouri, 
and  long  a  brigadier  of  militia,  about  39  years  old,  and  upward  of  six  feet  in 
height.  Biography  in  Hughes'  Doniphan  s  Exped. ,  13-20.  He  had  been  left 
in  command  at  Santa  Fe  on  Kearney's  departure  for  California.  When  Col. 
Price  came  to  relieve  him,  he  first  compelled  the  turbulent  Navajos  to  con 
clude  a  treaty  and  then  marched  toward  Chihuahua. 

15  Doniphan  places  their  dead  at  73,  and  the  wounded  at  150.  His  own 
loss  was  one  killed  and  7  slightly  wounded.  U,  S.  Gov.  Z>oc.,  tit  sup.,  498. 


603       LATER  HISTORY  OF  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO 

march,  his  force  now  numbering  924  effective  men, 
chiefly  Missourians.  Under  its  escort  was  a  train  of 
315  wagons  of  the  long  delayed  trade  caravan  for 
Chihuahua.  Thus  hampered,  Doniphan's  march  was 
slow  along  the  arid  route,  affording  the  Chihuahuans 
ample  time  to  prepare  for  defence.  Twenty  miles 
north  of  the  capital  the  mountain  ranges  on  the  east 
and  west  unite  by  a  series  of  hills,  through  which  the 
pass  of  Sacramento  affords  an  opening  for  the  road 
to  El  Paso.  Two  eminences,  the  Cerro  del  Sacramento 
on  the  west,  and  another  northeast  of  it,  command 
the  entrance.  Here  Comandante-General  Heredia, 
in  accord  with  the  governor,  took  his  stand  against 
the  invaders,  sustained  by  a  force  of  about  2,000 
well-armed  men,16  and  protected  by  a  system  of  re 
doubts17  with  ten  pieces  of  artillery. 

On  the  28th  of  February  the  Americans  were  seen 
approaching.  The  strength  of  Doniphan's  force  was 
well  known,  and  so  confident  were  the  Chihuahuans  of 
destroying  it,  that  preparations  were  made  in  the  city 
to  celebrate  the  expected  triumph.18  But  of  what 
avail  of  enthusiasm  without  efficiency  against  the 
fatal  rifles  of  the  enemy  and  his  well  served  artillery  ? 
A  slight  reconnoissance  revealed  to  Doniphan  that 
the  system  of  redoubts  could  be  readily  turned  on 
the  west.  On  arriving,  therefore,  within  a  favorable 
distance  he  suddenly  diverged  to  the  right  and  gained 
an  elevated  plateau.19  Recognizing  their  blunder  the 


16  In  Apuntes  Querra,  143-5,  are  given  some  details  with  which  Roa  Bar- 
cena,   Recuerdos,   125,   Bustamante,  Invasion,  ii.  105-6,  and  Mansfield,  Mex. 
War,  105,  nearly  agree.     Doniphan,  in  the  report  previously  quoted,  p.  501, 
says:  'The  force  of  the  enemy  was  1,200  cavalry  fromDurango  and  Chihua 
hua  with  the  Vera  Cruz  dragoons,  1,200  infantry  from  Chihuahua,  300  art.l- 
lerists,  and  1,420  rancheros  badly  armed  with  lassoes,  lances,  and  machetoes, 
or  corn-knives;'  making  a  total  of    4,120   men.     The  Scnorcnse,   Mar.   25, 
1847,  emimerates  2,100,  and  understands  that  2,500  will  be  massed  for  the 
fight.  Iris,E.yp.,  Mar.  20,  1847.     Heredia  was  assisted  in  the  command  by 
Conde,  Trias,  Justiniani,  and  Ugarte. 

17  Doniphan  gives  the  number  at  27. 

l*Apunte*,  Guerra,  145,  149.  Brooks,  Hist.,  274,  relates  that  cords  had 
been  prepared  with  which  to  tie  Doniphan  and  his  men  and  send  them  to 
Mexico. 

19  '  Spoiling  our  plans, '  exclaims  Bustamante,  in  a  tone  as  if  expecting 


SOME   FIGHTING.  60? 

Mexicans  endeavored  to  counteract  the  movement  by 
advancing  their  cavalry.  The  movement  was  not 
effected  with  sufficient  promptness,  for  the  enemy 
unlimbered  their  guns  and  opened  so  destructive  a 
fire  upon  the  men  that,  unaccustomed  to  artillery, 
they  hastily  fell  back  behind  the  entrenchments. 
The  Americans  continued  to  advance,  and  planted 
two  twelve-pound  howitzers,  well  supported  by  cavalry, 
against  the  line.  The  fire  from  these  pieces  was  very 
effective,  while  the  Mexican  artillery  was  rendered 
almost  useless  through  a  misunderstood  order  for 
moving  a  portion  of  it  to  the  Cerro  del  Sacramento.2* 
As  they  came  to  close  range  the  Missourians  dis 
mounted  and  plied  their  rifles  with  unerring  aim. 
Redoubt  after  redoubt  was  gained ;  the  eastern  height, 
cannonaded  in  reverse  by  the  six-pounders,  was  soon 
carried ;  and  the  battery  on  the  Cerro  del  Sacramento, 
which,  during  the  engagement  maintained  a  harmless 
fire,  was  taken  by  assault.  The  Mexicans  fled  in 
every  direction,  leaving  on  the  ground  300  killed  and 
about  the  same  number  wounded.  Forty  prisoners, 
ten  pieces  of  artillery,  and  a  large  quantity  of  stores 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors,  who  acknowledged 
the  loss  of  two  men,  besides  a  few  wounded.21 

Trias  retired  with  the  authorities  and  remnants  of 
the  army  to  Parral,  leaving  Doniphan  an  undisputed 


the  enemy  to  walk  straight  into  the  side  trap  set  for  them.  Invasion,  ii. 
106-7. 

20  All  the  pieces  in  the  redoubts  were  hurriedly  thrown  out  of  Lattery  and 
put  in  motion  toward  the  Cerro  del  Sacramento,  while  the  infantry  actually 
began  to  move  in  the  same  direction.     Though  Heredia  endeavored  to  cor 
rect  the  mistake,  it  proved  fatal;  no  effort  could  allay  the  confusion. 

21  Only  one  fell  on  the  field.   U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  cong.  30,  sess.  1,  //.  Ex.  Doc., , 
i.    501,    502-13;  Id.,    sess.    2,    76-7,    113-36,    with   supplementary   reports. 
Hughes,  Doniphan s  Exped.,  313-15,  adds  to  the  capture  $6,000  in  money,, 
50,000  sheep,  etc.  See  also  Furbers  Volunteer,  446-52;  Edwards'  Campaign, 
17-184;  Hobbs'  Wild  Life,  139-57;  Patton,  Hist.   U.  S.,  741-3;   Willard's  Last 
Leaves,  70-6;  Peterson's  Mil.   Heroes,  70;  Ramsey's  Other  Side,  167-78;  Miles' 
R('<l.,  Ixxii.  102,  144,  171-5;  Frosts  Pict.  Hist.  Mex.,  423-9;  Id.,  Hex.   War, 
220.     Bustamante  ascribes  the  defeat  to  the  incompetence  of  the  leaders,  so 
well  known  in  Mexico  that  defeat  was  predicted.  Invasion,  ii.  107-8.     In. 
this  MS.  of  this  work  he  expresses  unutterable  shame  over  the  affair.   Coutts. 
Diary,  37;  Id.,  cong.  84-6;  Ripky,   War  Mex.,  i.  458-69. 

HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    39. 


610       LATER  HISTORY   OF   CHIHUAHUA  AND   DURANGO. 

entry  into  Chihuahua.22  The  position  of  the  latter 
was  somewhat  embarrassing :  in  the  midst  of  a  hostile 
country,  several  hundred  miles  distant  from  other 
sections  of  the  army,  his  men  composed  of  volunteers 
unfit  for  garrison  duty,  without  clothes  or  pay,  and 
with  term  nearly  expired .  Many  interests  urged  him 
to  remain,  yet  he  had  orders  to  join  Wool.  Hear 
ing  that  the  latter  was  at  Saltillo,  a  message  was  de 
spatched,  March  26th,  to  obtain  his  instructions. 
These  were  to  proceed  to  that  point.  On  April  25th, 
accordingly,  Doniphan  set  out  by  way  of  Mapimi  and 
Parras,  and  reached  Saltillo  on  May  22d.23 

After  the  departure  of  the  Americans,  affairs  re 
sumed  their  course,  under  the  combined  efforts  of 
governor  and  assemblymen,  who  had  already  joined 
those  of  other  departments  in  favor  of  restoration  of 
the  federal  constitution,  now  that  the  weakness  of  the 
supreme  government  afforded  opportunity,24  and  for 
staying  the  seizure  of  mortmain  property  for  war  pur 
poses.  The  appeal  against  this  proceeding  came  from 
Durango,  which  had  shown  greater  respect  for  eccle 
siastical  property  than  the  sister  state.25  With  the 
progress  of  the  war,  and  the  prospect  of  another  inva- 

2'2  Strict  orders  were  issued  for  maintaining  discipline  and  protecting  prop 
erty.  Hobbs'  Wild  Life,  132.  The  citizens  eagerly  welcomed  the  trade  cara 
van,  and  many  looked  upon  the  American  entry  as  liberation  from  Indian 
wars  and  exactions.  Bmtamante,  Invasion,  ii.  108.  Formal  possession  was 
taken  on  March  1st,  in  the  name  of  the  United  States. 

23  Suffering  much  hardship  from  dust  and  scorpions  and  lack  of  water. 
Not  far  from  Parras,  Capt.  Reid  intercepted  and  defeated  a  band  of  65  Co- 
manche  raiders,  with  a  loss  to  them  of  17  men,  and  the  recovery  of  9  captives 
and  1,000  head  of  animals.  Brooks'  Hist.,  281;  Coutts  Cong.,  87-8.  The  peo 
ple  of  Parras  voted  thanks.  The  regiment  was  sent  on  to  Monterey,  and 
ordered  home,  arriving  at  New  Orleans  on  June  15th,  after  making  a  circuit 
of  4,000  miles  within  12  months.  Santa  Ft,  Cong.,  35-7;  Hughes  Doniphan s 
Exped.,  367-70.  Doniphan  was  voted  a  sword  by  the  congress.  Conq.  Globe, 
1847-8,  327,  337,  433,  459;  Brackets  U.  S.  Cavalry,  104-7.  Parkman,  Cal 
Trail,  415-17,  praises  the  order  and  efficiency  of  the  volunteers.  And  so  in 
U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  ubisup.,  54-5,  495-513. 

21  The  representative  in  the  congress  had,  in  Jan.  1847,  been  instructed  to 
advocate  a  reform  of  the  1824  organic  law,  and  a  number  of  changes  bene 
ficial  to  the  state.  Consult  Escudero,  Mem.  CJiih.,  73-4.  Eacudero,  as  a 
member  of  the  congress,  protested  against  the  seizure  of  mortmain  property 
for  war  purposes;  this  should  be  made  to  contribute  only  its  share. 

25  The  governor,  indeed,  had  refused  to  publish  the  decree  for  seizing 
mortmain  estates.  Bustamante,  Mem.  Hist.,  MS.,  vi  57. 


PRICE'S   ASSAULT.  611 

sion,  preparations  for  defence  were  resumed,26  the  pre 
sidio  companies  being  reduced  to  the  character  of 
militia.  News  of  peace  negotiations  tended  to  abate 
these  efforts;  then  came'  suddenly  the  announcement 
of  General  Price's  approach  with  a  large  force.27  A 
messenger  was  sent  with  a  flag  of  truce  to  the  Sacra 
mento  pass  to  protest  against  the  advance,  on  the 
ground  that  peace  had  already  been  concluded.  Price 
regarded  this  as  a  mere  subterfuge,  and  pushed  for 
ward,  whereupon  Trias  retreated  with  a  few  hundred 
men,  chiefly  militia.28  The  American  van  entered 
Chihuahua  March  7th,  and  hastened  on  the  following 
day  in  pursuit,  only  to  find  Trias  strongly  entrenched 
at  Rosales.  While  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  the  re 
maining  troops,  Price  invested  the  place,  and  opened 
negotiations  for  surrender.  On  the  16th,  the  Ameri 
can  general  was  in  condition  to  present  his  ultimatum. 
Trias  having;  received  reinforcements,  and  made  o^ood 

O  O 

use  of  the  interval  for  strengthening  his  position,  de 
clined  to  entertain  it,  whereupon  fire  was  opened  upon 
his  camp  with  six  pieces  of  artillery.  The  governor 
responded  with  great  spirit,  and  directed,  moreover, 
such  an  effective  cavalry  charge  against  the  enemy's 
rear  as  to  compel  a  change  of  front  and  a  withdrawal 
of  the  pieces.  This  success  proved  only  momentary, 
however,  as  the  horsemen  were  quickly  dispersed,  and 
the  siege  operations  resumed.  Toward  sunset  Price 
ordered  an  assault.  Preceded  by  a  well-directed  vol 
ley,  the  Americans  penetrated  the  outer  lines,  and 
forced  their  way  to  the  plaza.  Seeing  that  nothing 
more  could  be  done,  Trias  surrendered.  He  could  do 

2GDecreto  Guerra,  in  Pap.  Var.,  xcix.;  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  iv.  61;  Hex.  Col 
Ley.,  1847,  265.  A  quarrel  rose  between  the  governor  and  comandante  gen 
eral,  Arlegui,  of  Durango,  concerning  the  right  to  control  the  militia.  Razina- 
dor,  Aug.  21,  1847;  Dcmocrata  and  Sonorense,  July  2,  1847;  Correo  Nac.,  Oct. 
26,  1847,  Jan.  29,  1848. 

27  Price  set  out  from  Santa  Fe  on  Feb.  8th  with  a  comp.  of  Missouri  horse 
for  El  Paso,  where  the  concentration  had  been  ordered  of  three  comps  U.  S. 
dragoons,  six  comps  of  Missouri  horse,  two  comps  Miss,  infantry,  Walker's 
three  comps  of  Santa  Fe  horse,  and  one  of  light  artillery.   U.  S.  Gov.  Doe., 
cong.  30,  sess.  2;  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  i.,  pt  i.,  113-15. 

28  Apuntes  Guerra,  399,  gives  him  some  400  men  and  eighfc  pieces. 


612       LATER  HISTORY   OF   CHIHUAHUA   AND   DURANGO. 

this  without  hesitation,  for  his  men  had  fought  with 
a  determination  that  shed  a  redeeming  lustre  over 
former  encounters,  even  beyond  the  limits  of  Chihua 
hua.  This  was  the  closing  battle  of  the  war.29 

The  Americans  remained  in  occupation  for  about 
three  months  before  the  official  confirmation  of  peace 
called  them  away.  Their  presence  served  to  rouse 
anew  the  fear  of  a  possible  cession  of  the  state, 
against  which  repeated  protests  had  been  made.3' 
Then  followed  apprehensions  that  the  approach  of  the 
neighboring  republic,  to  the  Rio  Bravo,  would  result 
in  it  driving  the  hostile  Indians  into  Chihuahua.  The 
supreme  government  had  relieved  its  conscience  on 
these  points  by  a  clause  in  the  treaty,  and  might  have 
troubled  itself  little  more  about  the  danger  incurred 
by  the  settlers.  But,  a  formidable  power  having  now 
stepped  across  the  intervening  space,  the  safety  of 
the  republic  became  concerned,  and  demanded  consid 
eration. 

The  result  was  a  decree  of  July  19,  1848,  for  es 
tablishing  eighteen  military  colonies  along  the  entire 
frontier,  to  serve  in  lieu  of  presidios  as  nuclei  for  civil 
settlements,  and  consequently  as  an  ever  growing  bul 
wark  against  foreign  invasion  as  well  as  savage  irrup 
tions.31 

29  Needless,  since  peace  had  been  arranged,  although  Price  did  not  think 
it  prudent  to  credit  the  report.     The  Americans  acknowledged  the  loss  of  3 
killed  and  19  wounded,  while  placing  the  Mexican  killed  alone  at  238.    U.  S. 
Gov.  Doc.,  utsup.,  113-36;  Ripley's  War  Mex.,  ii.  611-13.     The  Mexican  gar 
rison  was  estimated  at  700  men,  with  1 1  guns,  independent  of  the  column 
which  attacked  in  the  rear;  the  besiegers  must  have  numbered  at  least  550. 
Outrages  are,  as  usual,  charged  to  the  invaders.  Mex.  Mem.  Rel,  1875,  app. 
i.,  51-2.     Price  shared  with  Doniphan  the  honor  of  receiving  a  sword  from 
the  congress.  Cony.  Globe,  1847-8,  327,  337,  433,  459. 

30  At  the  close  of  1847.  Jtazotuxdar,  Dec.  4,  1847;  Arcolris.,  Dec.  26,  1847. 
Escutlero,  Mem.  Chih.,  96-7. 

31  To  this  end  the  northern  line  was  divided  into  three  sections:  Oriente, 
Chihuahua,  and  Occidente,  the  first  embracing  Coahuila  and  Tamaulipas;  the 
second,  Chihuahua  alone;  and  the  Occidente,  Sonora,  and  Lower  California. 
Chihuahua  and  Sonora  were  to  receive  five  colonies  each,  the  peninsula  one 
and  the  Oriente  seven,  each  with  a  fair  proportion  of  the  total  of  2426  troops 
assigned,  of  which  1751  cavalry,  the  annual  pay  list  of  which  was  placed  at 
$717,572.     After  six  years,  service  the  recruits  might  retire  as  civil  settlers 
on  the  land  to  which  their  term  entitled  them.  Further  details  hi  Hist.  Mex., 
v.  573  et  seq.,  this  series. 


MILITIA.  613 

Owing  to  the  chronic  lack  of  funds,  the  colonies  did 
not  receive  the  necessary  impulse  either  in  men,  set 
tlers,  or  implements,  the  report  for  1851  indicated 
less  than  half  the  stipulated  force,  with  only  a  portion 
of  the  settlements  in  a  fair  way  of  development.32 
Subsequent  revolutions  diverted  attention  from  the 
frontier,  and  the  colonies  declined  to  a  shadow  within 
a  few  years.  In  1868  orders  were  issued  for  their 
revival,  but  no  steps  were  taken  to  raise  the  necessary 
funds.  Lately  a  committee  reported  adversely  on 
such  colonies,  combining  military  and  agricultural 
duties — and  recommended  instead  the  erection  of 
garrisoned  posts  wherever  needful.33  No  haste  was 
shown  to  act  upon  the  suggestion,  partly  because 
Indian  raids,  the  main  cause  for  the  necessity  of  such 
method  of  defence,  had  been  practically  checked. 

As  a  partial  substitute  for  regular  troops,  reduced 
under  the  economic  reconstruction  of  1848,  was  the 
militia,  now  reorganized  and  made  to  embrace  every 
able  Mexican  between  the  age  of  18  and  55,  with  the 
requirement  for  six  per  mille  of  the  population  to  serve 
in  the  mobile  division,  liable  to  be  called  beyond  the 
state  for  short  periods.34  This  laudable  measure  met 
with  a  serious  check,  from  the  lack  of  public  spirit 
among  the  classes  from  which  the  best  example  and 
support  should  have  come.  Indolence  and  race  feel 
ing  are  too  strong  for  certain  elements  to  overcome 

32  The  Oriente  line  being  less  exposed  to  Indians,  the  most  easterly  colonies 
were  not  founded,  but  those  of  Chihuahua  and  the  Occidente  were  either 
definitely  or  provisionally  established,  the  former  by  334  soldiers,  with  38 
officers,  and  322  settlers,  possessing  78  houses,  18  wagons,  and  100  yokes  of 
oxen;  the  last  by  345  soldiers,  38  officers,  and  200  settlers,  with  only  4 
houses,  4  wagons  and  50  yokes.  Mex.  Mem.  Guer.,  1851,  doe.  3-5.  See  also 
references  in  Hist.  Mex.,  v.  574,  this  series.  The  report  for  1852  gave  the 
Chihuahua  colonies  347  men,  with  95  horses.  Mex.  Mem.  Guer.,  1882,  5  doc.  2. 

33 This  was  still  under  consideration  in  1882-3.  Mex.  Mem.  Guer.,  1881, 
136,  1882,  p.  ii. 

34  For  particulars,  see  Hist.  Mex.,  v.  571-2,  this  series.  In  the  northern 
states  a  special  mobile  force  of  34  companies  was  decreed  exclusively  for 
Indian  warfare,  of  which  eight  were  for  Durango,  and  4  each  for  Chihuahua 
and  Sonora,  to  be  enrolled  and  equipped  by  the  states  at  federal  expense,  the 
cost  of  each  company  being  calculated  at  $18,252  a  year,  with  $1575  for 
equipment.  Tamaulipas,  Nuevo  Leon  and  Zacatecas  had  4  comps  each, 
€oahuila  6.  Mex.  Leyis.,  1849,  218-22. 


614        LATER  HISTORY  OF   CHIHUAHUA   AND   DURANGO. 

their  inertia  or  repugnance  to  stand  side  by  side  with 
the  humble  Indian.  Hence  a  disgraceful  shirking  of 
duty,  facilitated  by  criminally  indulgent  officials. 3o 

During  the  American  invasion  savage  inroads  were 
less  frequent,  but  in  1848  they  were  resumed  to  such 
an  extent  that  the  Mexican  authorities  were  influenced 
to  frame  the  military  colony  project,  appropriating 
$200,000  to  aid  the  states  in  this  campaign,36  and  ap 
pointing  a  committee  of  congressmen  from  the  in- 
invaded  region  to  report  on  the  best  measures  to  be 
adopted  for  joint  action  against  the  tribes.37  Mean 
while  several  of  the  states,  including  Chihuahua  and 
Durango,  had  recourse  to  scalp-hunting,  assisted 
by  American  riflemen;  but  notwithstanding  the  stimu 
lating  prize  of  $200  for  each  token,38  the  hunters 
failed  to  obtain  much  profit,  or  leave  any  marked  im 
pression  on  the  savages,  while  from  the  southern  states 
not  so  afflicted,  came  a  howl  of  indignation  against 
such  blood  contracts.39  But  almost  any  measure  was 
permissible  under  circumstances  so  distressing,  when 
a  large  part  of  Chihuahua  lay  desolate,  and  the  east 
ern  half  of  Durango  was  overrun,  and  thousands  of 
families  being  ruined,  and  thousands  more  in  daily 
apprehension  of  a  similar  fate.49 

35Rubi  in  Sin.  Mem.  Gob.,  10,  27,  shows  that  the  guardia  nacional  of 
Sinaloa  in  1867  was  7,387,  with  11,835  exempts,  who  to  a  great  extent  avoided 
paying  exemption  fees  by  pretending  absence,  etc.  For  amount  see  also 
Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  i.  228.  Comments  in  Chili.  Mem.  Gob.,  1850,  8-10. 

™Mcx.  Col  Ley.,  1848,  458-9;  Correo,  Nac.,  Oct.  1,  1848. 

37  Many  views  were  submitted.  Plan  para  defensa  de  los  Estados  Invadidos, 
1-28;  Dictamen,  Id.,  1-20;  Pap.   Var.,  Ixxxix.     The  decree  calling  this  com 
mittee  is  dated  Apr.  24,  1849.     The  government  claimed  the  right  to  sup 
press  the  comandancias  generals,  and  dispose  of  4,000  guardias  nacionales. 
Mcx.  Legis.,  1849,  80-2. 

38  Or  $250  for  each  warrior  brought  in  alive.    Universal,  June  21,  1849. 
Several  contracts  were  made  with  Americans  and  Mexicans,  but  they  could 
not  be  relied  upon  when  most  required,  even  after  advances  of  money  and 
arms  had  been  made.   CJrih.  Mem.  Gob.,  1850,  11-13.     Kirker  lost  so  many  of 
his  men  as  to  fail;  Glanton  massacred  a  friendly  tribe.  Mex.  Scraps,  i.   15; 
Froebel,  Cent.  Amer.,  350;  Sonorense,  Aug.  22,  Sept.  14, 1849;  several  sharp  con 
flicts  occurred  between  the  hunters  and  the  Indians.    Universal,  Sept.  18,  Oct. 
4,  9,  26,  1849;  the  former  rescuing  a  number  of  captives.     They  had  some 
trouble  in  obtaining  payment  for  their  services.  Polynesian,  vii.  152;  vi.  139. 

39  See  Hist.  Me,x.t  \.  579,  this  series.     A  law  of  Durango  for  safely  dispos 
ing  of  Indian  captives  was  annulled  by  the  congress.   Correo,  Nac.,  Sept.  23, 

. 

Scalp-hunting  continued  for  many  years,   even  after  the  French  ex- 


CONFEDERATION   OF   STATES.  615 

With  the  aid  of  the  government  a  large  number  of 
troops  opened  the  campaign  of  1850,  with  the  resolve 
to  grant  no  peace  to  Indians  coming  from  the  United 
States.41  The  chief  operation  was  directed  toward 
Laguna  de  Jaco,  the  savages  yielding,  as  usual,  to  the 
pressure,  either  by  evacuating  the  country,  or  by  sub 
mission  on  the  part  of  those  claiming  it  as  their  home. 
Watchfulness,  with  regard  to  the  observance  of  agree 
ments,  was  trusted  to  the  newly  established  military 
colonies,  one  station  being  located  within  the  borders 
of  Durango.42  Political  turmoils  leaving  the  states 
once  more  to  their  own  devices,  a  coalition  project 
came  into  operation;  Jalisco,  Zacatecas,  San  Luis 
Potosi,  and  Tamaulipas  joining  by  sending  in  sub 
scriptions.  The  general  government  also  promised 
subsidies;  but  soon  this  union  of  states,  to  which 
rumor  had  already  ascribed  a  desire  for  independ 
ence  43  created  alarm,  and  steps  were  taken  to  break  up 
the  arrangement/4  One  result  of  this  was  an  increase 
of  raids  and  devastation,  until  Chihuahua  in  1856  ap 
pealed  for  aid 45  to  Durango,  although  the  latter  was 
then  writing  under  the  same  affliction.  Three  of  her 

pulsion  in  1867,  although  the  superior  governments  sought  to  oppose  it.  Chili. 
Mem.  Gob.,  1850,  6-7.  For  details  of  outrages  see  Universal,  June,  Aug.  11, 
Sept. -Nov.  1849,  Jan.-Nov.  1850.  Hayes*  Scraps,  Inds,  iii.  11-67.  A  writer 
in  Putnam's  Mag.,  iv.  415-16,  refers  to  entire  valleys  devastated.  U.  8. 
Goo.  Doc.,  cong.  31,  sess.  2,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  i.  pt  ii.  18-67;  Heraldo,  Oct. -Dec. 
1848,  Jan.-Mar.  1849;  Sonoreme,  1848-50,  passim. 

41  Mex.  Mem.   Guer.,  1851,  15-16,  doc.  2;  Pinart,  Doc.  Ckih.,  MS.,  ii.  43. 

42  At  Pelayo,  at  a   cost   of   $25,000.     It  was  hinted  that  commanders 


Recop.,  1849,  125-6. 

43  Dictamen  Coalition;  Pap.  Var.,  ccvi.  pt4;  Mex.  Informe  Pesquis. ,  80-1. 

44  Chihuahua  deputies  objected  in  Oct.  1852  to  the  coalition  on  the  ground 
that  it  would  create  another  centre  of  government.  Mex.  Mem.  Guer.,  1852, 
48-52;  Universal,  Aug. -Dec.  1852.     The  committee  on  frontier  defences  saw- 
no  danger  or  prospect  of  excesses  through  contracts,  with  due  supervision. 
Mex.   Comis.    Guer.,  Dictamen,  i.  3-14;  ii.  3-8.     Nevertheless  the    Centinela, 
Sept.  29,  1855,  and  other  journals  raised  an  outcry  against  the  slaughter  of 
peaceable  Indians  by  scalp  hunters.   U.  S.  Ind.  A/.;  Joint  Com.  Rept,  1867, 
328.     In  Durango  a  joint  stock  comp'y  was  formed  to  hunt  scalps.    Universal, 
Oct.  9,  1852.     In  1863  Chihuahua  paid  $500  for  a  chief's  scalp,  and  $200  for 
ordinary  ones.  Estrella  Occid.,  June  5,  1863.     This  prize  was  publicly  offered, 
in  1867.  Occidental,  Aug.  4,  1869;  U.  S.  Commerc.  Rel,  1867-8,  726. 

#DiarioAvie.t  Jan.  10,  1857;  Eco  Nac.,  Jan.  10,  1857. 


616       LATER  HISTORY   OF   CHIHUAHUA   AND   DUPANGO. 

partidos  alone  reported  at  this  time  102,  68,  and  34 
murders  respectively,  with  robberies  and  ravages  in 
proportion.46 

The  extent  of  the  desolation  may  be  readily  under 
stood  when  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  the  district  of 
Papasquiaro,  though  in  the  centre  of  the  western 
half  of  Durango,  was  repeatedly  visited,  and  that 
every  scalp  secured  was  at  the  cost  of  many  lives.47 
The  state  authorities  can  hardly  be  blamed  for  buying 
a  precarious  peace  from  different  tribes,  although 
aware  that  it  would  be  broken  the  first  opportunity.48 
The  ubiquitous  robbers  took  advantage  of  the  disorder 
to  exact  their  share  of  the  spoils,  especially  in  Du 
rango,  appearing  disguised  as  Indians,  and  more 
frequently  in  the  safer  garb  of  political  guerrillas.49 
Shortly  after  the  American  invasion  drought  and 
cholera  came  to  swell  the  evil,50  while  the  gold  excite 
ment  in  California  lured  away  a  large  number  of  the 
most  desirable  citizens.51 

46  Cuencame  district  reported  in  1856   68  murders,  and  the  destruction  of 
52  ranches;  Papasquiaro,  34  murders  and  12  ranches  destroyed,  while  El 
Oro  claimed  the  greatest  suffering.  Nacion,  Nov.  6,   1856;  Estandartc,  Nac.., 
Feb.  23,  25,  Mar.  4,  1857;  Espanol,  Sonorense,  and  Eco  Nac.,  Mar.  7-9,  1857; 
Correo,  Esp.,  Feb.  21,   1855;  Froebel's  Cent.  Amer.,  ii.  214-24,  283-4.     This 
last  author  gives  a  harrowing  account  of  the  devastation;  and  alludes  to 
wanton  destruction  of  live  stock  by  Indians,  and  to  mutilated  bodies  of 
women  and  children  in  revenge  for  defeats.     Consult  also  Mex.  Scraps,  i.  15; 
AUa  Gal,  Oct.   18,    1853;   Von  Tempsky,  Mitla,   77-105.     In  Feb.  1857,  48 
persons  were  killed  in  a  northern  district  of  Durango.  Diario  Avis,,    Mar.- 
May,    1857;  Tiempo,   Aug. -Sept.    1857;   Razon,  Jan.   9,   1858;   Paz,  Jan.    8, 
1858. 

47  '  For   every  fifty  soldiers  killed   but  one  or  two  Indians  die, '  says   a 
foreign  writer.  Mex.  Scraps,  i.  39.     Yet   it  was  boasted  that  16  Comanche 
chief  shad  fallen  between  Sept.  1853  and  Feb.  1854.  Eco  Esp.,  March  4,  11, 
April  22,  1854. 

48  A  treaty  in  April  1855,  for  instance,  with  a  tribe  of  288  Apaches  was 
procured  for  rations  to  the  value  of  $8,724  annually.  Correo  Esp.,  June  9, 
1855.     *  A  criminal  and  imbecile  action,'  rails  the  Mex.  Infomie  Pesquis.,  86, 
for  the  tribes  continued  to  plunder  with  greater  security. 

49 Correo  Esp.,  Jan.  10,  1853;  Estandarte,  Nac.,  Aug.  26,  1857;  Eco  Nac., 
Diario  Avis  and  Tiempo,  especially  in  1857-8.  Yet  the  term  robber  is  fre 
quently  applied  by  political  parties  to  any  opponent. 

50  In  Durango  the  famine  gave  rise  to  several  riots.  Rivera,  Hist.  JaL,  iv. 
236,  267;    Voz  Mej.,  Feb.  21,  1878.     Cholera  broke  out  at  Durango  in  July 
1849,  and  carried   off  by   Sept.  2,498   victims,  or  fully  50   per  cent,  of  the 
stricken.  Soc.  Mex.  Geoy.,  Bol,  v.  46.     Details  in  Sonoreme  and  Universal, 
July-Nov.   1849.     Small-pox  followed  in  Nov.    Id.,  Dec.  14,   1850.  Ramirez, 
Hist.  Dur.,  36. 

51  Exploring  expeditions  from  the  U.  S.  at  first  tended  rather  to  promote 


REVOLUTION.  617 

The  frontier  provinces  had  entertained  great  ex 
pectations  from  the  restored  federal  system  under 
Herrera  and  Arista,  only  to  be  disappointed.  The 
military  colonies  were  allowed  to  fade  away,  and  the 
presidios  were  left  in  a  worse  condition  than  ever.  This 
in  itself  sufficed  to  sour  loyalty.  The  revolution  in  Ja 
lisco,  reestablishing  the  dictatorship  under  Santa  Anna, 
found  therefore  ready  endorsement  in  Durango  as 
well  as  Chihuahua,  where  Trias  himself  gave  the 
signal  by  deposing  the  not  very  popular  Governor 
Cordero52  in  December  1852,  and  reassuming  the 
gubernatorial  power;  as  did  M.  Morett,  the  military 
chief  of  Durango.53  The  sale,  however,  to  the  United 
States  of  Mesilla  Valley,  to  which  Chihuahua  had  a 
certain  claim,  turned  the  current  of  good-will.  When 
Governor  Lane  of  New  Mexico  announced  his  preten 
sions  to  that  strip  of  territory,  Trias  bravely  marched 
to  the  front  with  a  respectable  force,  but  was  obliged 
to  submit  to  the  formal  transfer,  and  to  a  narrowed 
limit  of  state  lands.54 

Both  states  rallied  promptly  in  favor  of  the  plan  of 
Ayutla,  and  issued  federal  constitutions  in  1855. 
That  of  Durango  was  threatened  with  certain  modifi 
cations,  by  the  claims  of  Sinaloa  and  Coahuila,  to 
certain  tracts  on  either  side.55  The  ensuing  war  of 
reform,  so  called,  in  behalf  of  the  new  constitution, 


this  exodus.  Col  Hays,  Life,  MS.,  60-9,  sought  to  open  a  route  by  way  of 
Presidio  del  Norte.     U.  S.  officers  explored  the  Rio  Bravo  in  1850  for  navi- 

Eition.    ooc.  2t£ex.  Geog.,    BoL,  iii.  38;  Hayes'  Scraps,  Ind.,  iii.  324-9;  and 
ieut   Couch  made  a  geographic  and  botanic  tour  in  1852—53.  Smithsonian 
Rept,  1854,  86-7. 

52  Who  had  succeeded  Trias  upon  his  resignation  in  1850.    Universal,  May 
10,  June  6,  July  5,  Dec.  9,  1850. 

53  Governor  J.  M.  del  Regato  being  deposed.  Universal,  Dec.  4,  6,  22,  28, 
Dec.  1852. 

54  The  correspondence  between  the  two  governors  is  given  in  Universal, 
April,  May,  1853;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jal.,  iv.  402-3.     Domenech  points  out  that 
little  benefit  was  derived  from  the  $7,000,000  passed  through  Santa  Anna's 
hands.  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  262-6.     Trias  went  to  the  frontier  with  500  men  and 
6  or  8  guns.     This  second  encroachment  rankled  in  the  hearts  of  the  citizens, 
who  came  to  blows  more  than  once,  with  settled  and  travelling  Americans. 
Nacivn,  Feb.  12,  1857.    AUa  Cal,  Oct.  18,  1853. 

55  The  former  claiming  Tamazula,.  the  latter  the  mining  region  of  San. 
Juan.  Pensamiento  Na<*.,  April  26-30,   1856. 


618       LATER   HISTORY   OF  CHIHUAHUA  AND   DURANGO. 

extended  throughout  the  north.  Chihuahua  suffered 
less,  owing  to  the  wide  prevalence  of  liberal  senti 
ments.  The  conservative  movement  of  1858  failed, 
though  L.  Zuloaga,  a  brother  of  the  great  leader  at 
Mexico,  occupied  the  state  capital,  in  June  of  the  fol 
lowing  year  deposing  the  governor.  Two  months 
later,  however,  he  was  forced  to  seek  refuge56  in  Du- 
rango.  There  the  plan  of  Tacubaya,  one  of  the'con- 
servative  reactions  against  the  constitution,5'  had  been 
adopted  in  April  1858  by  General  Heredia.  He  re 
placed  the  vacillating  J.  de  la  Barcena 58  as  governor, 
and  held  out  against  the  liberals  till  July,  when 
E.  Coronado  captured  the  city,  assumed  the  chief 
magistracy  and  retaliated  upon  the  clero-conservative 
faction  by  imposing  heavy  contributions.69 

The  contest  continued  in  the  interior,  aided  in 
part  by  the  fugitive  Zuloaga,  and  in  1859  the 
conservatives  and  liberals  alternately  rose  to  the 
summit,  signalizing  the  occupation  of  the  capital  and 
other  towns  by  executions  and  plunder.  Toward  the 
close  of  the  year  Cajen  entered  from  Jalisco  with  a 
large  force.  After  a  brief  campaign  in  Chihuahua, 
which  resulted  in  a  temporary  reestablisment  early  in 
1860  of  the  conservatives,  he  advanced  upon  Durango, 
routed  the  liberals  under  Ortega  and  Patoni,  and  took 
possession  of  the  capital,  as  governor.00  Toward  mid- 

^Zuloaga  marched  from  Corralitos  at  the  head  of  1000  men  and  occupied 
Chihuahua  and  ParraL  He  failed  to  obtain  a  footing  in  Sonora.  In 
August  his  army,  partly  equipped  at  his  own  expense,  yielded  to  an  inferior 
force  under  Orozco,  doubtless  because  it  was  liberal  at  heart.  Details  in 
Diario  Aim,  Dec.  1,  1858,  June  24,  July  23,  Sept.  22,  1859,  etc.;  Eco  Nac., 
Feb.  12,  1858;  Alta  Cat.,  June  9,  July  16,  1859. 

57  See  H'ist.  Mex.,  v.  722,  etseq.,  this  series. 

58  Elected  under   the   new   constitution   in   June    1857,    as   successor  to 
Heredia.    See  vote  in  Ettandarte  Nac.,  July  12,  1857.    Weidner  Cerro  Mercado, 
3.     Barcena  at  first  declared   for  the   plan   and  then   wavered.     He  was 
charged  with  American  sympathies.     Heredia  created  a  council  and  reorgan 
ized  the  court.  Diario  Avis..  Jan.   23,    March  6,  May  16,   1858;  Eco  Nac., 
April  26,  May  2,  1858. 

59 See  above  journals,  June- Aug.  1858,  passim.  Voz  Son.,  Aug.  13,  1858. 
The  bishop  was  imprisoned  for  refusing  to  assist  in  collecting  the  $40,000 
clerical  share  of  $116,000  forced  contribution. 

60  According  to  Diario  Avis.,  March  13,  21-4,  1860,  the  defeat  at  Gallo  re 
sulted  in  the  death  of  74  liberals  and  the  capture  of  134,  out  of  a  force  placed- 


EFFECT   OF   FRENCH   INTERVENTION.  619 

summer  he  found  it  expedient  to  seek  fresh  forces  in 
Chihuahua,  in  order  to  meet  the  gathering  liberals. 
He  gained,  indeed,  a  few  advantages  ;61  but  his  defeat 
soon  after  in  Sinaloa,  and  death  by  treachery' 62  has 
tened  the  triumph  of  the  opposite  party.63  The  victors 
of  Durango  as  well  as  Chihuahua  hastened  to  clip 
the  wings  of  clerical  power,  by  enforcing  the  confisca 
tion  of  their  enormous  wealth,  as  decreed  by  the 
president.64  This  measure  drove  the  opposite  party 
to  protract  the  struggle,  although  with  little  success, 
and  General  Patoni  was  rewarded  for  his  success  by 
being  confirmed,  in  1861,  in  the  position  he  had  as 
sumed  at  Durango  as  governor,65  while  in  Chihuahua 
General  Luis  Terrazas  was  chosen.66 

Supremacy  was  not  long  continued  however,  for  in 
the  following  year  the  French  intervention  infused 
fresh  spirit  into  the  conservatives.  Their  first  efforts 
were  not  encouraging,  for  the  entry  of  foreign  armies 
stirred  the  liberals  to  greater  zeal.  As  the  danger 
increased,  the  energetic  Patoni  was  invested  with  the 
civil  as  well  as  military  command  of  the  more  exposed 
Durango,67  and  subsequently  given  control  also  over 
the  forces  in  Chihuahua.  At  the  same  time  a 
supreme  decree  of  April  1864  proclaimed  martial  law 

at  2000.  In  combination  with  S.  Ramirez,  Cajen  overcame  the  column  of 
P.  Hinojosa,  killing  nearly  400,  as  he  claimed,  and  taking  150  prisoners,  but 
was  in  turn  checked  by  M.  Campos.  This  revived  the  spirits  of  the  liberals. 
Estrella  Occid.,  July  13,  Aug.  3,  1860.  Herrera  was  ordered  in  from  Sinaloa. 
Cuadro  Sinop.,  5,  in  Vega,  Doc. 

61  Some  of  his  partisans  carried  banners  witn  the   inscription,   '  sangre, 
esterminio  y  robo.    Coalidon  Chih.,  June  30,  1860. 

62  At  the  hand  of  one  whom  he  had  spared  and  befriended.  Opinion  Sin. , 
a,nd  Estrella  Occid.,  Feb.  1,   1861. 

63  Potoni  assumed  control  in  Durango.  Herrera,   Vindic.,  p.  xxxiii. 

64  In  Chihuahua,  J.  E.  Mufioz  carried  out  the  decree,  and  applied  a  portion 
of  the  funds  to  the  amortization  of  copper  coinage. 

65  Buenrostro,  Hist.  Prim,  y  Leg.,  cong.  435,  261.  B.  Silva  acted  a  while  in 
1862-3;   Vega,  Doc.,  i.  85;  Trait  d"  Union,  Jan.  15,  Sept.  23,  1861. 

66 Id.,  Feb.  16,  Nov.  17,  1861.  He  also  had  to  continue  the  task  of  sup 
pressing  guerrillas.  Bol  Notic.,  Feb.  14,  1861,  Estrella  Occid. ,  April  12,  1861. 
Rivera,  Hist.  JaL,  v.  434,  indicates  that  the  guerrillas  were  growing  more 
numerous,  baffling  all  efforts  at  suppression. 

67  Partly  owing  to  a  revolutionary  movement  by  Col  i^orrego  in  the 
spring  of  1863.  Mex.  Col.  Ley.  Dec.,  i.  47. 


620       LATER  HISTORY  OF  CHIHUAHUA  AND   DURANCX). 

in  this  state,  and  appointed  J.  J.  Casavantes,  gov 
ernor.  The  legislature  objected  so  strenuously  to  the 
removal  of  their  favorite,  Terrazas,  that  Patoni  felt 
bound  to  march  with  a  force  to  sustain  the  president's 
order.  The  local  authorities  yielded,  and  the  corn- 
man  der-in-chief  prudently  made  a  partial  concession 
by  installing  the  popular  Trias  as  governor  and  as  his 
military  second.68 

By  this  time  the  French  had  overrun  the  central 
provinces  of  the  republic,  and  prepared  to  conquer  the 
north,  and  drive  out  the  fugitive  liberal  government 
then  at  Saltillo.  To  this  end  General  L'Heriller  ad 
vanced  with  his  brigade  from  Zacatecas  into  Durango, 
occupied  the  state  capital  on  July  3d  unmolested,  and 
entrusted  the  administration  to  Prefect  B.  Sarabia, 
whose  efforts  for  the  recognition  of  Emperor  Maxi 
milian  met  with  a  most  flattering  response.69  Detach 
ments  were  thereupon  sent  out  to  extend  possession,  a 
task  facilitated  by  the  engagement  at  Estanzuelas  on 
September  21st,  wherein  the  combined  forces  of 
Patoni  and  other  leaders,  under  direction  of  Ortega, 
received  a  check  that  compelled  them  to  retreat 
northward.70  The  supreme  government,  which  in 
August  had  been  driven  from  Saltillo  into  the  district 
of  Nazas,  was  therefore  obliged  to  retreat  into  Chi 
huahua.  Juarez  was  received  with  the  most  loyal 
demonstrations  by  the  people,  headed  by  Governor 
Trias.71  Chihuahua  on  October  15th  was  declared 
the  provisional  capital  and  steps  were  taken  to  collect 
fresh  resources  and  men.72 

<*Mex.  Col  Ley.,  1863,  ii.  50-1;  Estrella  Occid.,  June  3,  July  22,  1864; 
VvzMej.,  Aug.  20,  1864. 

C9  Acting  governor  Mascarefias  on  July  1st  placed  the  city  under  martial 
law,  supported  by  Gen.  Ochoa;  but  Patoni  failing  to  come  up,  resistance 
was  considered  useless.  Estrella  Occid.,  and  Period.  Imp.  Mex.,  Aug. -Sept. 
1864,  are  most  complete  on  campaign  operations  for  their  respective  sides, 
during  this  and  the  following  years.  Corona  was  surprised  in  July  19th. 

70  Details  in  Hist.  Mex.,  vi.,  this  series. 

71  He  had  indignantly  rejected   a  proposal  to  join  the  imperialists  from 
Langberg,  a  Dane,  formerly  a  general  in  republican  service.  Estrella  Occid. , 
Aug.   12,   1864.     He  had  been  equally  firm  in  1861,  when  rumors  came  of 
confederate  advances  or  invasions.    Trait  d' Union,  April  26,  Dec.  4,  1861. 

72 Castro  Cuestion  Estrangera;  Mex.  Col  Ley.,  1863-67,  ii.  124-5.  In  im 
pressing  men  some  outrages  were  committed.  Id.,  159-62. 


JUAREZ  IN   THE  NORTH.  621 

In  November  the  French  had  penetrated  to  Rio 
Florido,73  but  the  diversion  of  troops  into  Sinaloa  pre 
vented  them  from  sustaining  the  advance.  In  May 
1865  Patoni  began  to  advance,  and  shortly  after 
Carbajal  ventured  to  besiege  Durango.74  Their  hopes 
were  frustrated,  however,  by  the  arrival  of  reenforce- 
ments  under  Brincourt,  who  moreover  had  orders  to 
enter  Chihuahua,  and  drive  the  republican  president 
from  this  his  last  state  capital.  The  French  moved 
forward  2,500  strong,  pressing  back  the  liberals,  and 
leaving  detachments  at  Rio  Florido,  Allende,  Parral, 
and  Santa  Rosalia.  The  bodies  commanded  by  Ruiz, 
Aguirre,  Villagran,  and  Ojinaga  offered  no  opposition 
and  the  republican  authorities  fled  to  El  Paso.75  Brin 
court  took  possession  of  Chihuahua  on  August  15th, 
and  appointed  T.  Zuloaga,  prefect. 

It  would  have  been  easy  to  continue  the  march  and 
oblige  Juarez  to  cross  the  frontier,  but  fearing  a  col 
lision  with  United  States  troops,  Bazaine  had  ordered 
the  French  to  return  to  Durango  after  advancing  not 
further  than  a  day's  march  beyond  Chihuahua  city. 
Brincourt  asked  permission  to  retain  1,000  men,  with 
which  the  state  could  readily  be  held.  The  orders 
were  repeated,  however,  and  the  invaders  departed  on 
October  29th.  The  republican  government  reoccu- 
pied  the  capital,  and  conciliated  the  popular  Terrazas 
by  restoring  to  him  the  governorship.  This  had  just 
been  vacated  by  the  death  of  Ojinaga,  a  valiant  gen 
eral  who  fell  in  August  while  endeavoring  to  suppress 
an  Indian  revolt  at  Guerrero.76  Maximilian  was 
deeply  incensed  on  hearing  of  Brincourt's  abandon- 

73  Their  cavalry  obtained  some  advantages  at  Guadalupe,  but  Quesada 
approaching,  they  fell  back.    Voz  Mej.,  Jan.  28,  Mar.  24,  1865.     Col  Borrego 
claimed  a  victory  at  San  Juan  del  Rio.  Estrella  OccicL,  Oct.  14,  Dec.  23,  1864. 

74  Marquez  de  Leon  states  that  he  was  appointed  governor   of  Durango 
about  this  time,  and  prepared  to  organize  forces.    Then  Juarez  gave  the  post 
to  Carbajal,  and  Marquez  retired  in  disgust,  objecting  to  his  rival  as  a  robber 
chief.  Mem.  Pol.,  MS.,  243-6. 

75  Juarez   carried  away  $400rOOO,  '  sacados  de  Chihuahua, '  says  Rivera, 
Hist.  JaL,  v.  654. 

76  Ojinaga  was  collecting  contributions  there,  which  gave  rise,  to  a  tumult 
in  which  he  was  shot.    Voz  Mej.,  Dec.  2,  9,  12,  1865. 


€22      LATER  HISTORY   OF   CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURAJSTGO. 

ment  of  an  expedition  on  which  hopes  had  been 
founded  of  driving  Juarez  from  Mexican  soil,  and 
Bazaine  ordered  500  men  under  Billot,  to  reoccupy 
the  capital,  which  they  did  on  December  llth. 

Juarez  returned  to  El  Paso,77  while  his  officers  fell 
back  to  harass  the  enemy's  communications.  Aguirre 
hovered  in  the  desert  to  the  south-east,  and  Villagran 
created  enthusiasm  on  the  western  side  by  the  defeat 
of  a  French  detachment  at  Parral.78  This  served  to 
sustain  the  ardor  of  the  liberals,  and  when  the 
menacing  attitude  of  the  United  States  induced 
the  French  to  concentrate  their  forces  for  retreat,  the 
patriotic  spirit  cast  aside  the  last  restraint  to  join  in 
pursuit.  No  sooner  had  the  foreigners  turned  south 
ward,  early  in  February  1866,  than  the  republicans 
fell  upon  the  scanty  conservative  columns  left  in  pos 
session  of  Chihuahua  and  other  leading  points.  In 
March  the  imperialists  were  compelled  to  evacuate 
the  capital,79  and  although  their  remnants  still  strug 
gled  awhile,  they  yielded  to  the  pressure,  and  followed 
close  upon  their  foreign  allies,  who  slowly  fell  back 
from  one  point  to  another.89 

In  the  middle  of  1866  the  liberals  were  able  to  de 
clare  Chihuahua  free  of  enemies,  and  now  joined  their 
brethren  of  Durango,  who  had  maintained  the  struggle 
under  circumstances  even  more  adverse.  Corona, 
from  Sinaloa,  assisted  Patoni  and  other  leaders  to 
harass  the  imperialists,  and  even  ventured  to  threaten 
the  capital,  capturing  in  January  1866,  the  impor 
tant  base  at  Nazas,  after  defeating  Ay  mar.81 

77  He  was  greeted  with  festivities,   which  displayed  at   least  a  cheering 
devotion  to  his  cause.  Legac.  Max.,  Circul,  443-4,  455-7. 

78  On  Aug.  8th.     It  consisted  of  66  men  under  Lieut  Pyot,  who  fought 
desperately,  and  lost  17  killed   and  24  prisoners.     The  Juarists  lost   Gen. 
Meoqui.  Iglesias  Interv.,  iii.  466.     Billot  inflicted  some  blows,  however,  and 
Gomez  and  Casabantes  were  routed  in  Jan.  1366,  near  Guerrero.  Diariolmp., 
Feb.  22,  Mar.  8,  1866. 

79  Half  the  garrison  pronouncing  for  the  liberals.    VozMej.,  Mar.  31,  May 
5,  24,  1866,  estimates  its   total  at  700;  a  sortie  'shortly  before  had  proved 
disastrous.  Diario  Imp.,  of  Mar.  20,  1866,  still  claims  a  victory  at  the  close 
of  Feb.,  for  Carraneo. 

**  The  last  position  abandoned  by  the  French  in  Chihuahua  was  Parral. 
81  Who  fell  in  the  battle.    VozMtj.,  Feb.  1,  1866.     For  fuller  details  on 
the  northern  campaign  see  Hist.  Mex.,  VK,  this  series. 


POLITICAL  AFFAIRS.  623 

In  July  the  French  abandoned  the  Nazas  line,  and 
on  November  1 5th  the  city  of  Durango  was  evacuated, 
every  point  beyond  having  been  seized  by  the  repub 
licans.  On  the  17th  Colonel  Perez  entered  the  city, 
and  in  the  following  month  Juarez  arrived  from  Chi- 

O 

huahua,  making  a  triumphal  entry  on  the  day  after 
Christmas.82  At  the  general  election  of  1867,  this 
resolute  supporter  of  the  liberal  cause  received  an 
overwhelming  majority  of  votes,  especially  in  Chi 
huahua.  Durango  showed  less  devotion,  partly  be 
cause  of  her  stronger  clerical  faction,  and  partly 
through  the  influence  of  Patoni,  who  favored  General 
Ortega's  aspirations  to  the  presidency,  after  Juarez's 
term  expired  in  1865.  To  avert  trouble  during  the 
heat  of  election,  Patoni  and  Ortega  were  arrested. 
Nevertheless  party  spirit  displayed  itself  on  more 
than  one  occasion,83  but  was  counteracted  by  Governor 
Zdrate  and  his  successor,  F.  G.  Palacio.84  Luis  Ter- 
razas  was  confirmed  as  ruler  by  the  people  of  Chi 
huahua.80 

The  Juarist  administration  received  another  blow 
in  this  quarter  by  its  supposed  implication  in  the 
murder  of  Patoni  by  the  military  chief,  General 
Canto,  in  August  1868.86  The  growth  of  this  feeling 
was  revealed  in  the  following  year,  by  an  outbreak  of 
so  widespread  a  nature,  that  the  government  prepared 
to  suspend  the  constitutional  guarantees.87  Hostili- 

82  Durango  became  the  national  capital  for  a  while.  Dublan  and  Lezano, 
Leg.  Mex.,  ix.  750. 

83  Indications  of  a  pronunciamento  by  T.  Borrego,  led  to  his  arrest  at 
Durango  on  Nov.  1,  1867;  yet  his  followers  made  an  attack  on  the  govern 
ment  officers.  Estrella,   Ocdd.,   Dec.    13,    1867;  Diario,   Ofic.,  Nov.  28,  1867. 
They  were  punished  for  it.  Estado,  Sin.,  Nov.  15,  1867. 

84  M.  Balda,  J.  M.  Pereyra  and  Olvera  acted  in  1868-69.   Gallardo,  Cuadro 
6-7. 

85  2b. ,  see  also  Derecho,  iv.  38,  for  judges. 

86  Who  caused  him  to  be  dragged  from  his  house  at  Durango,  and  sum 
marily  shot  at  Analco  on  Aug.  18.   Correo,  Pac.,  Aug.  26,  1868;  Estrella  Ocdd. , 
Sept.  1,  Oct.  2,  1868.     Canto  was  arraigned  and  his  command  transferred  to 
D.  Guerra.     He  was  condemned  to  death,  but  the  sentence  was  changed  to 
ten  years  easy  confinement.     Details  in  Rec/en.  Sin.,  Aug.  21,  25,  Sept.  11, 
1868;  Nayarit,  Pueblos  del,  12;  Derecho,  i.  12,  57;  ii.  59,  336-7;  Mex.  Recop., 
iii.  200-8,  343-4;  Diario,  Ofic.,  Aug.  24,  1868,  Nov.  5,  1869. 

87  To  which  the  governor  objected.  Monit.  Rep.,   June  16/  1869.     Other 
details  in  Occidental,  Mar. -May,    1869.     The   conservative  feeling  was  dis- 


624      LATER  HISTORY   OF  CHIHUAHUA  AND    DURANGO. 

ties  were  maintained  during  the  following  years,  until 
the  reelection  of  Juarez  in  1871,  which,  being  declared 
to  be  fraudulent,  gave  rise  to  pronunciamientos  in 
favor  of  the  revolution  started  by  Porfirio  Diaz,  the 
popular  candidate.  The  movement  proved  successful 
at  first,  under  the  leadership  of  Donato  Guerra,  who 
overran  Durango  and  gained  the  mastery  in  Chihua 
hua;  but  the  death  of  Juarez  in  the  middle  of  1872 
caused  adherents  to  fall  off;  Diaz  relinquished  his 
aim,  and  peace  was  restored.88  In  Durango  the  suc 
ceeding  period  of  repose  was  inaugurated  by  Governor 
Carrillo;  and  in  Chihuahua,  where  Terrazas  had  re 
signed  in  1872,  A.  Ochoa  assumed  the  control.89 

The  elections  of  1875  again  afforded  just  cause  for 
the  Porfiristas  to  renew  hostilities.90  The  well-known 
leader  Trias  headed  this  new  movement  at  Chihuahua 
in  June  1876,  and  held  his  ground  till  September, 
when  the  government  partly  gained  possession  of  the 
capital  and  captured  Donato  Guerra,  leader  of  the 
revolution  in  the  north,  who  was  seeking  to  join  his 
brothers  in  arms,  having  been  driven  from  Sinaloa.91 
In  Durango  also  the  Porfiristas  succeeded  no  better 
at  first;  but  in  November  1876,  a  diversion  was 
made  by  Carrillo,  who  proclaimed  Iglesias  president, 
and  himself  governor  of  the  state.  The  ousted  Gen 
eral  Fuero,  successor  to  Hernandez  y  Marin,  recov 
ered  the  command,  however,  but  was  obliged  to  sub- 
played  by  the  persecution  of  protestants  by  mobs.  Regen.  Sin.,  June  19, 1869. 
The  revolution  was  still  active  in  1870.  Diario  Ofic..  June  13,  1870;  Constit., 
Mar.  29,  1868. 

88  See  Hist.  Mex.,  vi.,  this  series. 

89  He  entered  upon  office  in  Nov.  1873.  Federal,  Nov.  18,  1873.     Carrillo 
did  so  a  year  earlier.  Fenix,  Oct.  24,  1872.     Terrazas  had  been  urging  elec 
toral  reforms.  Mex.  Mem.  Gob.,  1871,  app.  v.  62;  Monit.  Rep.,  May  18,  1872. 

"The  Chihuahua  election  was  brought  before  congress  as  fraudulent. 
Diar.  Delates,  cong.  7,  iv.  10,  38;  cong.  8,  i.  46-56;  cong.  9,  i.  766-71.  In 
October  numerous  points  were  occupied  by  rebels,  yet  the  government 
claimed  shortly  after  to  have  practically  mastered  the  situation.  Diario  Ofic., 
Nov.  25,  1875. 

91  Guerra  is  said  to  have  been  killed  by  the  guard  at  the  camp  at  Avalos 
where  he  was  imprisoned,  during  an  attack  made  on  it  by  Trias.  Diario  Ofic., 
Sept.  29,  Oct.  1,  Nov.  7,  1876;  June  20,  1878.  The  capital  fell  Sept.  18. 
Diar.  Debates,  Constit.,  8,  iii.  116-19.  An  American  banker  complained 
that  13  forced  loans  had  been  exacted  from  him  within  six  months.  Diario 
Ofic.,  March  17-18,  1879. 


REVOLUTION.  625 

mit  in  the  following  January  to  the  victorious  Porfirio 
Diaz ;  whereupon  the  people  elected  General  J.  M. 
Flores  ruler.  Caamaiio  of  Chihuahua  had  also  to 
yield,  and  Trias  was  rewarded  for  his  staunch  though 
not  very  successful  struggle  by  election  to  the  vacated 
post.92  The  northern  states  had  still  to  endure  a  final 
though  feeble  attempt  made  by  the  expiring  Lerdist 
party,  manoeuvred  from  their  retreat  in  the  United 
States.  It  resulted  in  a  little  more,  so  far  as  Chihua 
hua  was  concerned,  than  a  temporary  armed  occupa 
tion  of  El  Paso,  in  the  middle  of  1877.93  Partial 
failures  of  crops  also  supervened  during  the  following 
years  in  both  states,  creating  such  distress  that  a 
serious  riot  took  place  at  Durango.94 

The  opposition  availed  itself  of  the  feeling  for  politi 
cal  purposes,  Trias  being  accused  of  misdirection  of 
funds  and  other  maladministration,  and  Flores  of 
holding  office  in  violation  of  certain  requirements  of 
the  state  constitution.  The  result  was  revolution, 
headed  in  Chihuahua  by  G.  Casavantes,  who  in 
August  1879,  from  Guerrero,  proclaimed  the  removal 
of  Trias,  and  succeeded,  after  a  brief  campaign,  in 
gaining  possession  of  the  capital.  The  approach  by 
request  of  federal  troops  under  Trevino,  brought 
about  his  ready  surrender ;  yet  he  achieved  his  aim, 
for  Trias  was  impeached  and  deposed.  Terrazas  was 
called  in  November  to  replace  him,95  and  ruled  till 
1884,  when  General  Fuero  received  the  popular  vote. 
The  leader  in  Durango,  J.  Valdespino,  succeeded  in 

92Munoz  holding  the  office  prior  to  election.  Voz  Mej.,  March  24,  Apr. 
14,  June  18,  1877;  Diar.  Debates,  cong.  8,  i.  28. 

93 By  Machorro.  Diana  Offic.,  June  18,  20,  July  4,  1878;  Jievista  Cat.,  1877, 
302. 

94  In  which  a  few  of  the  mob  were  shot.  The  legislature  offered  relief  by 
reducing  the  price  of  corn  from  six  to  two  cents  per  pound.  Voz  Mej.,  May 
16,  Aug.  27,  1878.  The  supreme  government  granted  aid  in  money,  reduc 
tion  of  duties,  and  purchase  of  grain  and  seed.  Hex.  Recop.,  xxvii.  815-17; 
Diar.  Debates,  cong.  9,  iv.  397;  cong.  10,  iii.  868.  Aid  was  also  given  to 
sufferers  from  floods. 

95 Reports  of  plans  and  movements  in  Mex.  Mem.  Gob.,  1879-80,  27-8,  83- 
6;  Voz  Mej.,  Sept.  23,  Oct.  7,  12,  Dec.  5,  21,  1879;  Diario  Offc.,  Oct.  10,  Nov.  5, 
1879.  Observations  of  U.  S.  counsel  in  U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  cong.  46,  sess.  2; 
H.  Ex.  Doc.,  xxv.,  pt  i.  427.  Id,,  sess.  3,  i.,  pt  i.,  722-4.  Casavantes  met 
with  several  reverses  before  he  gained  the  capital  and  captured  Trias. 
HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  IT.  40. 


626       LATER   HISTORY   OF  CHIHUAHUA  AND  DURANGO. 

stirring  a  more  troublesome  outbreak,  which  after  its 
practical  suppression  early  in  1880,  with  the  aid  of 
Trevino,  gave  more  than  one  disturbing  throe,96  until 
the  assumption  of  office  by  the  able  F.  Gomez  del 
Palacio  brought  a  lull.97 

Meanwhile  disputes  had  arisen  between  the  two 
states,  as  well  as  with  Coahuila  concerning  border 
tracts.  In  the  latter  case  water  rights  proved  a 
feature  of  the  quarrel  which  manifested  itself  in 
virtual  invasion,  and  obliged  the  interference  of  federal 
troops.98  In  order  to  settle  the  trouble,  which  as  re 
gards  Sierra  Mojada,  with  its  late  gold  development, 
affected  also  Chihuahua,  it  was  proposed  to  form  here 
a  federal  territory.  Durango's  claims  received  such 
support,  however,  as  to  overrule  this  plan.  Finally 
an  amicable  arrangement  was  effected.99 

Under  the  more  energetic  efforts  of  the  govern 
ment  of  Diaz,  and  the  cooperation  of  the  United 
States,  raids  by  savages  were  for  the  most  part 
abated.  The  United  States  proposed  more  than  once 
a  joint  campaign  against  hostile  Indians,  as  well  as 
an  agreement  to  the  effect  that  troops  of  both  repub 
lics  might  cross  the  boundaries  in  pursuit.  This 
course  Mexico  hesitated  to  adopt,  as  the  object  of  the 
northern  republic  was  more  the  chastisement  of  Mexi 
can  cattle-stealers  than  Indian  marauders.  The  gov 
ernment  could  not  allow  foreigners  to  deal  with  her 

96  It  had  not  the  same  success  as  the  Casavante  movement.     The  legisla 
ture  in  1878  rejected  a  proposed  impeachment  of  Flores.    Voz  M6j.,  Oct.  26, 
1878.     Details  of  movements  in  Diario  Ofic.,  Oct.  8-15,  22,  Nov.  10,  29,  1879, 
Aug.  18,  31,  1880.     Plan  and  official  comments  in  Max.  Mem.  Gob.,   1879-80, 
28-9,  88-91. 

97  In  1883  Flores  assailed  Palacio's  administration,  to  which  end  El  Tra- 
buco  journal  was  issued  on  Nov.  29,  1883.     He  succeeded  in  1885  to  the  gov 
ernment.     Meanwhile   Zubiria  had  acted  temporarily  from  Nov.   1882  till 
Feb.  1883,    and  during  1884   Pereyra,  Flores   and  Parra  administered  the 
state. 

98  The  Rio  Nazas  question,  or  that  of  Santa  Rosa  dam,  so-called,  was  appar 
ently  settled  in  1878,  Diario  Ofie..,  July  2,  10,  1878,  but  rose  again  in  1879, 
also  in  connection  with  Sierra  Mojada  mines,  and  continued  to  agitate  the 
people  for  several  years.  Id.,  Sep.  10,  1879,  June  10,  14,  July  8,  1881.  Max. 
Mem.  Guer.,  1883,  29-31. 

»  Chihuahua  protested  in  1880  against  the  favor  shown  to  Durango.  Voz 
Mej.,  May  27,  1880,  Mar.  8,  1879.  Diario  Ofic.,  Oct.  13,  28,  1879. 


INDIAN  DIFFICULTIES.  627 

offending  citizens,  while  the  exaction  of  a  similar 
privilege  in  pursuing  Texan  robbers  would  have 
created  difficulties.10*3  This  hesitation  reacted  on 
Mexico's  claims  for  damages  by  injured  settlers  in 
Texas,  continuing  to  increase  and  having  to  be  finally 
recognized,101  while  Indians  found  a  convenient  refuge 
on  the  other  side.102 

Mexico  in  vain  proclaimed  against  the  culpability 
of  the  United  States  in  not  guarding  better  their 
Indian  reservations  from  which  the  raiders  mostly 
sallied  of  late  years.  Finally  she  was  induced,  in 
1882,  to  agree  to  the  mutual  introduction  of  troops, 
her  neighbor  being  restricted  to  the  pursuit  of  Indians 
only.  Joint  campaigns  were  also  arranged,  with 
speedy  effect  in  reducing  the  number  of  outrages. 
Durango  had  for  some  time  been  almost  relieved  of 
the  scourge,  and  Chihuahua  regarded  herself  as  hav 
ing  passed  the  crisis,  with  every  prospect  of  extending 
settlements  into  the  hitherto  desolated  regions  east 
and  north.  Indeed,  schemes  for  colonizing  such  dis 
tricts  in  both  states  were  being  rapidly  formed,  fos 
tered  by  a  stimulating  extension  of  railroads. 

100  The  U   S.  pressed  the  matter  with  such  determination  on  Diaz'  first 
accession  to  the  presidency,  that  there  was  a  prospect  of  war.  See  Hist.  Hex., 
vi.,  this  series. 

101  ]?or  awards  made  by  the  joint  commission,  see  indexes. 

102  Mex.  Informe  Pesquis.,  1874,  is  a  detatled  inquiry  into  ravages  com 
mitted  between-1848  and  1873.     See  also  Mex.  Mem.  Rel,  1875,  25-69;    Voz 
Mej.,  1877-83  passim,  and  DiaiioOfic.,  Id.,  PinartCol,  MS.,  no.  1196.  Moni 
tor  Rep.)  and  La  Repiiblica. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

UNITED  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 
1800-1830. 

PROGRESS  OF  SETTLEMENTS— INVASION  BY  HERMOSILLO — CAPTURE  or 
ROSARIO— DEFEAT  OF  HERMOSILLO  AT  SAN  IGNACIO  DE  PIASTLA — CAM 
PAIGN  AGAINST  THE  APACHES — LAST  COLONIAL  RlJLERS — UPRISING  OF 

THE  OPATAS — THE  EMPIRE  WELCOMED — SONORA  AND  SINALOA  NEG 
LECTED — PETITION  FOR  REFORMS — FEDERALISM  FAVORED — SEPARATION 
OF  SONORA  IGNORED — FORM  OF  GOVERNMENT— GRIEVANCES  AND  REVOLT 
OF  THE  YAQUIS — OPERATIONS  OF  BANDER  AS— SUPPRESSION  OF  THE  UP 
RISING—EXPULSION  OF  SPANIARDS — HARDY'S  VISIT — SEPARATION  OF 
SONORA  AND  SINALOA — POPULATION. 

THE  opening  of  the  century  was  marked  by  the  ex 
tension  of  settlements  toward  the  northern  regions  of 
Sonora,  entailing  the  more  rapid  absorption  and  sub 
jugation  of  the  Indian  element,  under  the  joint  efforts 
of  presidio  forces  and  ecclesiastics.  At  the  same  time, 
however,  encroachments  and  other  abuses  roused  dif 
ferent  tribes  to  a  more  or  less  hostile  attitude,  while 
the  development  of  resources  attracted  the  marauding 
Apaches,  Seris,  and  cognate  Indians.  The  Seris  had 
a  retreat  on  Tiburon  island;1  and  as  the  security  there 
served  to  encourage  other  tribes,  it  was  found 
necessary  for  the  military  commander  to  bestir  him 
self  and  inflict  a  lesson.2  Mexican  military  com 
manders,  as  a  rule,  were  not  very  active  in  their 
operations  against  the  savages  when  there  was  noth 
ing  to  be  gained  by  it. 

1On  more  than  ono  occasion,  notably  in  1802  and  1807,  expeditions  were 
projected  against  this  robber  band,  but  were  frustrated  by  circumstances 
arising  out  of  tho  war  of  Spain  with  England  and  France.  Instruc.  Vireyes, 
187-8;  Vclasco,  San.,  132. 

2  In  1810  the  governor  congratulated  the  people  on  the  conclusion  of  peace 
with  the  Seris,  Tiburones,  Tepocas,  Coyote  Apaches,  and  Yumas.  Oac.  Mex., 
1811,  390-3. 

(628) 


MAP  OF   80NORA  AND   SINALOA. 


629 


MAP  or  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 


630  UNITED   SONORA  AND   SINALOA. 

The  constant  measure  of  revolt  and  irruption  nat 
urally  confined  progress  to  narrow  bounds,  as  did  the 
policy  of  exclusiveness  against  foreign  intercourse, 
settlers  being  expected  to  buy  at  exorbitant  prices 
the  limited  range  of  supplies  brought  through  the 
southern  provinces  from  Spain.  The  effect  was  to 
check  production,  discourage  industry  and  enterprise, 
and  lower  the  social  standard.  Nevertheless,  the 
temptation  held  out  by  foreign  traders  could  not  be 
wholly  resisted,  and  the  government  was  obliged  to 
permit  occasional  dealings  in  order  to  secure  a  portion 
of  the  revenue  sacrificed  by  strict  exclusion.3 

But  the  colonial  regime  was  soon  to  end.  The 
scene  of  Hidalgo's  exploits  lay  too  near  not  to  create  a 
ripple,  and  the  intendente  Alejo  Garcia  Conde,  sent  his 
brother  and  Sub-Intendente  Merino  with  some  troops 
toward  Guadalajara  to  join  the  royalists;  but  they 
were  surprised  on  the  way  by  the  revolutionists,  and 
carried  prisoners  to  San  Miguel  el  Grande.4  So  en 
couraged  were  the  victors  that  they  followed  up  the 
advantage  by  an  invasion. 

The  leader  of  the  uprising  in  Nueva  Galicia,  J.  A. 
Torres,  had,  at  the  close  of  1810,  gained  control  of  the 
entire  province,  and  turned  his  attention  to  the  north, 
assisted  among  others  by  Gomez  Portugal,  who 
planned  an  expedition  into  Sinaloa.  The  command 
was  offered  to  Jose  Maria  Gonzalez  Hermosillo,  asso 
ciated  with  the  Dominican,  Francisco  de  la  Parra, 
who  was  the  directing  mind,  though  keeping  himself 
in  the  back-ground,5  and  assisted  by  J.  A.  Lopez, 

3  Viceroy  Marquina  informs  his  successor  that  a  strange  vessel  sold  its 
cargo  at  Guaymas  in  1802  for  $300,000  in  bullion,  fnstruc.  Vireyes,  181.  An 
American  ship  touched  at  the  same  port  in  August  1804.  Cat.  Prov.  ftec., 
viii.  64-5.  Capt.  Little  visited  it  in  1808,  in  the  Dromo,  and  traded  by  per 
mission,  paying  15  per  cent  duty  on  $140,000  sales.  Calicoes  sold  at  from 
$4  to  .$7  per  yard.  Irish  linens  at  $80  or  more  per  piece.  Life  on  Ocean,  110- 
14.  The  chief  article  of  exchange  at  first  was  gold  and  silver,  and  later 
hides,  tallow,  cheese.  Pike's  Explor. ,  358. 

*Gac.  Mex.,  1811,  390-3. 

5 Indeed,  Hidalgo,  who  had  reached  Guadalajara  in  Nov.,  appointed  him 
brigadier  and  commander  of  the  party,  but  as  the  friar  objected  to  pub 
licity,  Hermosillo  figured  as  the  chief.  Documents  in  Hernandez  11  Davalos,, 
Cot.  Doc.,  i.  379, 


REVOLUTION.  631 

lately  in  the  royalist  service.6  The  expedition  left 
Guadalajara  on  December  1st,  with  1600  infantry  and 
200  cavalry,  a  force  which  was  swelled  on  the  way  by 
large  numbers.7 

On  the  17th  the  revolutionists  arrived  before  the 
mining  town  of  Rosario,  occupied  by  Colonel  Villaes- 
cusa  with  1,000  men  and  6  guns.8  After  reconnoit 
ring  it  was  resolved  to  carry  the  place  by  assault, 
which  was  effected  on  the  following  morning  by  two 
columns  of  1,000  men  each.  The  royalists,  driven 
from  the  entrenchments  into  the  houses,  surrendered 
unconditionally  late  in  the  afternoon.9  Hermosillo 
then  occupied  San  Sebastian  and  Mazatlan,  and  col 
lected  funds,  especially  by  seizure  of  property  belong 
ing  to  European  Spaniards,10  in  order  to  advance  upon 
Oosala. 

Now  came  a  turn  in  affairs.  Villaescusa  had  been 
generously  released  on  parole,  but  breaking  his  word 
he  fortified  himself  in  San  Ignacio  de  Piastla,  with 
the  aid  of  loyal  inhabitants,11  and  there  awaited  the 
arrival  of  the  intendente  with  troops  from  Sonora. 
Hermosillo  promptly  advanced  upon  the  stronghold 
before  the  reinforcements  should  reach  it,  his  com 
mand  by  this  time  being  increased  to  4,125  infantry 
and  476  cavalry,  strengthened  with  the  acquisition  at 
Rosario  of  artillery  and  arms.12  He  came  in  sight  of 
Piastla  on  January  29,  1811,  and  took  up  position  on 

6  Ensign  of  militia  cavalry,  and  soon  made  col  in  this  new  service.  Zanies 
cois,  Hist.  Mex.,  vii.  271. 

7  The  first  body  had  only  68  nmskets  and  40  pair  of  pistols.     At  Magda- 
lena,  Parra  joined  with  500  men,  of  whom  140  were  cavalry,  with  36  mus 
kets  and  100  pistols.     They  had  some  artillery,  however. 

8 Villaescusa  was  captain  of  the  presidio  San  Carlos  de  Buenavista  of 
Sonora  and  brev.  col.  Alaman,  Mcj.,  ii.  91. 

9  Villaescusa  is  said  to  have  shed  tears  on  appearing  before  Hermosillo, 
who,  moved  by  compassion,  let  him  depart.  Bustamante,  Cuadro  Hist. ,  i.  177-8. 
Hermosillo  was  promoted  to  a  full  colonelcy,  and  promised  a  brigadiership  if 
he  should  take  Cosala,  where  large  funds  were  expected.  Alaman,  ut  sup. 

ll»  Hidalgo  received  a  portion.  He  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  fourteen 
marks  of  gold  by  letter  of  Jan.  14,  1811. 

11  Most  of  the  royalists  captured  at  Rosario  are  said  to  have  rejoined  hinu 
Conde  had  been  advised  of  the  danger. 

12  He  counted  900  muskets  and  200  pairs  of  pistols.     The  body  included 
the  mulatto  garrison  of  Mazatlan.   Hernandez  y  Davdlos,  Col  Doc.,  i.  381. 


632  UNITED   SONORA  AND  S1NALOA. 

a  hill  commanding  it,  on  the  southern  bank  of  the 
river,13  till  a  ford  could  be  found.  While  searching 
for  this,  the  friar,  Parra,  was  surprised  and  captured, 
and  taken  in  irons  to  Durango.  Fortunately  he  had 
been  able  to  destroy  the  compromising  documents 
which  he  carried,  and  aided,  moreover,  by  brethren  of 
the  robe,  he  managed  to  escape.14 

Hermosillo  discovered  a  ford  half  a  league  from 
camp,  and  crossing  with  his  men  and  artillery,  Feb 
ruary  8th,  advanced  to  the  assault  in  three  columns, 
wholly  unaware  that  the  intendente  had  just  arrived 
with  the  reinforcements.15  These  troops,  moreover, 
had  been  posted  in  ambuscade  along  the  line  of  the 
left  column,  which  was  permitted  to  approach  into 
the  outskirts  of  the  town,  while  the  other  two  columns 
were  checked  by  well-directed  batteries.  At  an  op 
portune  moment  the  ambuscaded  party  open  fire 
upon  the  unsuspecting  left  with  such  withering  effect 
as  to  place  three  hundred  revolutionists  hors  de  com 
bat  within  a  few  minutes.  The  rest  fell  back  in  dis 
order  upon  the  main  line,  creating  a  confusion  which 
Hermosillo  could  not  overcome.  As  it  was  evident, 
besides,  that  the  garrison  had  been  strengthened,  he 
thought  it  prudent  to  retreat.  The  royalists  followed 
up  the  advantage  by  capturing  the  neglected  camp, 
with  its  baggage  and  stores,  and  pressed  the  pursuit 
so  closely  as  to  regain  possession  of  the  entire  prov 
ince,  including  Mazatlan  and  Rosario,  and  to  awe  the 
larger  proportion  of  the  fugitives  to  surrender,  and 
sue  for  pardon.  The  rest  dispersed  on  learning  of 
Hidalgo's  defeat  in  Nueva  Galicia,  which  crushed  for 


13  A  conflict  occurred  on  the  bank  between  some  detachments,  and  Villaes- 
cusa  claims  that  40  men  fell.  Gac.  Mex.,  1811,  1172-8.     During  a  parley  be 
tween  them,  the  insurgent  lieut  was  assassinated.  Alaman,  Mej.,  ii.,  app.  64. 

14  Under  cover  of  a  pass,  to  which  had  been  forged  the  name  of  the  inten 
dente,  Bonavia  Hernandez  y  Davalos,  Col  Doc,. ,  i.  383. 

15  Villaescusa  states  t1  ;•  t  his  own  force  numbered  only  283  men.   Gac.  Mex.t 
1811,  1176-7.     Conde  10  said  to  have  brought  400  Opatas,  well  armed  with 
muskets  and  lances.     Velasco,  Son.,  152,  places  his  men  at  over  1,000.     Ala 
man  assumes  that  he  had  not  over  600  men  at  Piastla,  with  5  four-pounders. 
Jfe/.,ii.  147. 


OP  AT  A  OUTBREAK.  633 

years  every  revolutionary  aspiration  in  this  quarter. 16 
Although  these  provinces  were  thus  spared  further 
ravages  by  war,  they  escaped  not  altogether  its  bur 
dens,  for  they  were  frequently  called  upon  to  contrib 
ute  toward  the  support  of  the  royalist  cause,17  and  to 
pay  besides  a  special  war  tax,  while  industries  suffered 
from  the  interruption  of  traffic  and  supplies,18  and  the 
settlements  continued  to  be  threatened  by  Indians. 
In  1813-14,  Captain  Narvona  and  other  officers  car 
ried  on  a  regular  campaign  against  the  Apaches,  and 
claimed  to  have  inflicted  considerable  chastisement,19 
yet  the  readiness  with  which  peace  was  proffered  and 
leniency  shown  served  only  to  encourage  hostilities,20 
and  the  campaign  continued  with  brief  intermissions,21 
under  the  direction  of  the  successive  intendentes, 
Alejo  Garcia  Conde,  Echegaray,  and  Cordero,  who 
•closed  the  line  of  colonial  governors. 

More  startling  than  these  chronic  irruptions  was  an 
uprising  of  the  Opatas,  the  most  civilized  of  the 
Sonora  tribes,  and  also  the  most  loyal.22  Their  sub- 

16  Among  the  earliest  to  accept  pardon  was  Lopez,  Hermosillo's  Kent.    The 
royalists  pursued  their  opponents  into  Acaponeta.  Garcia  Conde's  report  in 
Gac.  Mex.,  nos  24,  27,  28,  1811,  p.  1136.     Alaman  is  followed  by  Zamacois, 
Hist.  Mex.,  vii.  267-71,  393-4,  593,  Arrangoiz,  Mex.,  i.  122,  and  most  other 
writers;  yet  several  of  his  statements  and  dates  are  disproved  by  the  docu 
ments  collected  in  Hernandez  y  Davalos,  Col.  Doc.,  i.   376-83,  with  reports 
from  Parra  and  Lopez,  as  well  as  letters  from  Hidalgo. 

17  Loreto  Miss.  Rec.,  MS.,  12-15,  24;  Pinart,  Doc.,  Hist.  Son.,  i.,  no.  ix.  22; 
Notic.  Gen.,  Aug.  26,  1816.     The  northern  part  of  Sinaloa  did  not  altogether 
escape  the  revolutionary  infection,  for  Capt.  Pidalla  reports  the  defeat  of  a 
band  in  March,  near  Charay,  capturing  44  and  killing  49  out  of  200  to  300. 
Gac.  Mex.,  xxiv.  1197. 

18  Quicksilver  being  kept  back,  for  instance,  to  the  detriment  of  mining. 
Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  i.,  no.  xxvi.,  18.     The  war  tax  decree  appeared  Aug.  7, 
1813.  Id.,  no.  xiv.,  22. 

19  In  one  of  the  numerous  encounters,  29  Apaches  were  killed.  Gac.  Mex. , 
1815,  196-7. 

2eln  1817,  the  noted  chief,  Chiquito,  was  taken.  The  intendente  treated 
him  with  great  consideration,  and  other  chiefs  coming  at  the  time  to  arrange 
for  peace,  he  at  once  released  the  prisoner.  The  party  thereupon  killed  the 
guard,  and  ran  off  with  some  weapons.  Velasco,  Son.,  241-2;  Soc.  Mex.  Geoy., 
BoL,  xi.  85. 

21  In  April  1818,  the  intendente  at  Arizpe  reports  naving  driven  the  sav 
ages  beyond  the  rivers  Salado  and  Colorado,  peace  being  also  made  with  sev 
eral  tribes.  Gac.  Mex.,  xxxvii.  550,  623.  644;  xxxix.  568;  xl.  950;  Notic.  Gen., 
June  14,  1819. 

22  For  an  account  of   this  brave  and   interesting  people  I   refer  to  my 
Native  Races,  i.;  Escudtro,  Not.  Son.,  140-3;  Zunifja,  Mem.,  '1835.     This  chief 


634  UNITED   SONORA  AND   SINALOA. 

missiveness  was  due  greatly  to  want  of  harmony 
among  themselves  which  the  government  fostered, 
while  employing  them  as  soldier  and  frontier  guards. 
They  had  frequently  complained  of  the  loss  of  privi 
lege  by  their  vassalage,  but  little  heed  was  given  to 
them. 

In  1820,  about  thirty  of  them  returning  from  ser 
vice  found  their  families  neglected  and  their  own  pay 
withheld.  Their  denunciations  became  so  threatening 
that  the  commandant  sent  them  under  guard  to 
Durango.  On  the  way  they  killed  the  sentinel, 
routed  the  escort,  and  returned  to  rouse  their  breth 
ren.23  A  few  hundred  joined  them  to  descend  for 
pillage  upon  San  Antonio  de  la  Huerta  and  adjoining 
settlements.  Those  who  resisted  were  killed,  and 
several  detachments  sent  against  them  were  defeated,24 
notably  one  under  Colonel  Lomban,  at  Toniche,  said 
to  have  numbered  1500  men,  while  they  mustered 
not  over  550.  Aided  by  Chihuahua  a  force  of  over 
2,000  men  was  raised  against  them,  and  a  battle  was 
fought  near  Arivechi.  Finding  themselves  over 
matched,  the  Opatas,  reduced  by  losses  and  desertion, 
withdrew  to  the  church,  where  they  held  out  for  two 
days,  and  surrendered  only  when  their  last  shot  had 
been  fired.  The  two  leaders  Doraine  and  Espiritu 
with  seventeen  adherents  were  condemned  to  be  shot, 
the  rest  being  released.25 

The  measures  taken  to  suppress  Indian  rebels  after 
Hermosillo's  defeat,  checked  any  active  participation 

received  an  allowance  from  the  government,  with  the  title  of  general  of  the 
nation. 

23  One  account  refers  to  them  as  revolted  presidio  soldiers  sent  to  Durango 
for  punishment.    Cal.  Arclibish.  Arch.,  iv.  pt  i.  26-7. 

24  Capt.  Simon,  who  led  one,  was  captured;  at  Arivechi  they  annihilated 
Capt.  Moreno  with  60  men  in  the  church.    Vdasco,  Son.,  117-19. 

'* Consult  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,x.  705-7;  Oac.  Mex.,  1820,  1230,  1821,  passim; 
Zunifja,  Son.,  5;  Pap.  Var.,  168,  no.  13;  Son.  Faction.,  9,  in  Pinarfs  Col.; 
Cal.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  vi.  24,  36;  Escudero,  Not.  Son.,  140-3.  The  usual 
difference  with  regard  to  numbers  and  particulars  is  observable  in  these 
authorities.  Steps  were  taken  to  remove  the  cause  for  similar  outbreaks  by 
checking  the  arbitrary  conduct  of  officials.  Pinart  Col,  Doc.  Son.,  MS.,, 
i.  no.  xii.  40,  no.  lix.  25. 


THE  INDEPENDENCE. 

in  the  war  of  independence,  and  it  was  only  when  the 
Spanish  yoke  was  thrown  off  that  Sonora  and  Sinaloa 
joined  quietly  in  the  revolution.  A  fore-runner  of 
the  change  appeared  in  1820,  in  the  new  liberal  con 
stitution  granted  by  Spain.  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  ob 
tained  under  it  their  diputacion  provincial,  which  was 
installed  at  Arizpe,  thence  to  hold  sway  also  over  the 
Californias.26  Ayuntamientos  were  also  established, 
and  deputies  were  sent  to  the  cortes  in  Spain.27 

Not  long  after,  in  September  1821,  independence 
was  celebrated  throughout  the  provinces;28  yet  not 
under  the  supervision  of  Brigadier  Cordero,  who  with 
other  aims  in  view  had  departed  for  Chihuahua,  leav 
ing  his  subordinates  to  manage  the  different  depart 
ments,29  till  an  order  came  from  Bustamante  y  Velasco, 
chief  of  the  treasury,  to  assume  his  duties,  and  pre 
pare  for  the  election  of  members  to  the  national  con 
gress,30  as  well  as  to  observe  that  the  privileges  of 
local  self-rule  were  duly  enjoyed  even  by  the  natives.31 
In  the  following  year  the  people  welcomed  the  empire 
in  paying  eager  homage  to  Iturbide. 

The  attention  evoked  by  this  fervor  amounted  to  little 
more  than  to  cause  the  creation  of  a  comandancia  de 
armas ,  or  military  department,  with  the  same  limits  as 

26  The  latter  being  annexed  to  the  intendencia  at  Arizpe.   Cortc*,  Diario, 
1820,  22-3. 

27  Quiros  y  Millaii  and  Delgado  del  Fuerto.     Among  the  deputies  provin- 
ciales  are  named  Espinosa  de  los  Monteros  and  Marcelino  de  Batis.   Gac. 
Mex.,  xlii.  1289.     A  deputy  to  the  cortes  had  been  chosen  in  1810,  in  the 
person  of  M.  M.  Moreno. 

28  At  Arizpe  on  Sept.  6th,  at  Guaymas  on  the  27th,  and   in  the  south   of 
Sinoloa,  somewhat  earlier.  Guad.  Gac.  Gob.,   Oct.  3,  20,  31,  Nov.  7th.     An 
order   had   arrived    from  Generalissimo  Iturbide  to    conform    to  the  new 
imperial  army  plan.  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  MS.,  i.  nos.  68-9,  28-9. 

29Capt.  Narvona  as  military  gov.,  who  signs  the  independence  proclama 
tions,  Baf.  Morales  as  political  ruler,  and  Ig.  Bustamante  as  minister  of 
finance.  Guad.  Gac.  Gob.,  Oct.  20,  Nov.  7,  1821;  Mex.  Mem.  Rel,  1823,  58. 

30  The  choice  fell  on  the  presbyter  Salido  of   Alamos  and  F.  de  Iribarren 
of  Cosala,  with  Riesgo  as  suplente.   Gac.  Mex.,  xliii.  522.     The  latter  was 
called  to  sit  for  the  absent  proprietary,  and  was  chosen  to  write  out  the 
declaration  of  independence.     He  figured  as  an  obsequious  flatterer  of  Itur 
bide.     When  his  term  expired  he  obtained  a  lucrative  appointment.  Busta 
mante,  Hist.  Iturbide,  21. 

31  Certain  judges,  justicias  constitucionales,  were  ordered  to  be  replaced 
by  newly  elected  men  from  among  the  Indians.  Pinart,  Doc:  Son.,  MS.,  i.  no. 
Ixvi.  27. 


636  UNITED   SONORA  AND   SINALOA. 

the  intendencia,  yet  subject  to  the  comandante  general 
at  Chihuahua.3'  This  neglect  roused  the  hitherto  defer 
ential  deputy,  Monteros,  to  an  attack  upon  the  central 
government,  for  ignoring  many  reforms  proposed.  He 
raised  objections  to  so  large  a  region  being  ruled  by 
an  intendente  residing  in  the  distant  Durango.  The 
audicncia  was  also  too  far  removed,  and  he  urged 
that  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  should  be  separated,  an 
audiencia  being  established  at  Alamos  to  serve  for 
both  provinces,  while  diputacion  provincial  should  be 
accorded  to  each.33 

Monteros'  words  were  the  echo  of  a  wide-spread 
discontent  with  the  centralized  administration  which 
savored  too  strongly  of  the  colonial  system.  The  idea 
of  a  republic  embracing  a  federation  of  states  with 
distinct  local  governments  had  become  too  firmly 
rooted  during  the  revolutionary  war,  especially  among 
the  out-lying  provinces,  which  cared  not  to  be  ruled 
from  a  distance  by  men  who  were  only  too  ready  to 
sacrifice  them  to  private  aims.  The  pronunciamiento 
of  Santa  Anna  against  the  empire  in  December  1822 
was  based  on  this  provincial  desire  for  semi-indepen 
dence,  and  the  hitherto  passive  north-west  depart 
ments  rallied  quickly  in  support  of  it,34  General  Eche- 
varri  pronouncing  on  February  1st,  at  Durango,  in 
favor  of  a  sovereign  congress.35  The  bishop  of  Sonora 
exerted  himself  openly  against  the  movement,  but  the 
agitation  in  Sonora  for  separation  from  Sinaloa  pro 
voked  a  strong  feeling  in  favor  of  the  revolution,  and 
its  success  was  warmly  greeted. 

The  new  authorities,  however,  had  weightier  con 
siderations  in  mind  than  the  wishes  of  a  remote 
border  population,  and  it  was  not  until  a  menacing 
agitation  was  exhibited  that  they  deigned  to  give  at- 


.  Mem.  Guer.,  1823,  25;  Pap.  PoKt.,  ii.  doc.  xv.  140. 

:t3To  reside  at  Culiacan  and  Arizpe,  respectively.  Monteros,  Expos.  Son., 
9-18;  Pap.  Far.,  cxl.  pt  xiv.,  cxli.  pt  6. 

34  For  an  account  of  this  revolution  I  refer  to  Hist.  Mex.,  iv.  788  et  seq., 
this  series. 

'^Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  MS.,  i.  nos.   85-6. 


ESTADO  INTERNO  DE  OCCIDENTE.  637 

tention  to  Monteros'  bill  for  separation,36  which  de 
manded  also  a  number  of  concessions,  such  as  the  es 
tablishment  of  a  mint  at  Alamos,  a  tobacco  factory 
and  treasury  at  Culiacan,  an  assay  office  at  Arizpe, 
and  the  restoration  of  the  Jesuits  for  the  purpose  of 
promoting  education  and  controlling  unruly  tribes." 
On  July  19,  1823,  the  separation  was  decreed  with 
diputaciones  provinciales,  to  meet  at  Culiacan  and 
Ures  respectively,  the  latter  residence  not  being  obli 
gatory.  This  measure  was  hasty,  however,  and 
ignored.  A  decree  of  February  4th  of  the  following 
year,  alluding  to  the  two  provinces  under  the  title  of 
Estado  Interno  de  Occidente,  ordered  the  formation 
of  a  joint  constitutional  legislature,  composed  of  six 
members  for  Sinaloa,  and  five  for  Sonora,  which  should 
convene  at  Villa  del  Fuerte,38  and  there  discuss  the 
project  before  submitting  it  to  the  people.  The 
deputies  dallied  over  it ;  the  Yaqui  revolt,  which  fin 
ally  drove  the  assembly  from  Fuerte  to  Cosald,  made 
the  Sonorans  less  eager  for  the  severance,  as  they 
needed  the  aid  of  the  wealthier  Sinaloa.  This  aided 
the  decision  in  favor  of  maintaining  the  union,  and  a 
constitution  was  prepared  in  accordance  October  31, 
1825,  the  Occidente  state,  as  its  title  now  appeared, 
being  divided  into  five  departments,  Arizpe,  Horcasi- 
tas,  Fuerte,  Culiacan,  and  San  Sebastian.39 

36  During  the  agitations  the  archives  at  Arizpe  were  to  a  great  extent  de 
stroyed  j  hence  the  many  gaps  in  history  which  cannot  be  satisfactorily  cov 
ered.  There  were  also  troubles  at  Cosala.  Hiss,  in  Soc.  Hex.  Geog.,  ii.  62-3; 
Son.  Notic.  Ofic.,  7  et  seq. 

37 Project  presented  Feb.  29,  1823;  text  in  Monteros,  Expos.  Son.,  36-9; 
Pap.  Far.,  cxl.  no.  14. 

38  At  Fuerte  the  alcalde  was  to  join  the- first  four  legislative  members  and 
preside  at  the  preparatory  meeting.  Id.,  iii.  25-6.     In  the  federal  Acta  Con- 
stitutiva  of  Jan.  31,  1824,  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  are  termed  provinces,  of  the 
estado  interno  de  Occidente,  and  this  union  is  affirmed  in  the  constitution  of 
Oct.  4.     Sinaloa  was  called  by  many  Baja  Sonora. 

39  The  constitution,  which  is  considered  elsewhere,  covers  319  arts,  with 
numerous  sub-divisions.     It  was  signed  at  Fuerte  by  M.  Escalante  y  Arvizu, 
as  president.     L.  Martinez  de  Vea,  C.  Espinoza  de  los  Monteros,  F.  de  Or- 
rantia,  I.  T.  de  Escalante,  F.  Dominguez  Escobar,  and  I.  F.  Velasco  and  A. 
Fernandez  Rojo,  secretaries.     Governor  Nic.  Mand  Gaxiola,  and  secretary 
Ig.  Lopez,  countersign  on  Nov.  2.  Col.  Constit.,  iii.   1-103.     Both  legislature 
and  governor  issued  congratulatory  addresses.  Pinart,   Do/-.  Son.,  i.  nos.  9, 
15,  19,  40.     A  supplementary  election  law  appeared  Nov.  Sth  in  75  arts,  cov- 


638  UNITED   SONORA   AND   8INALOA. 

The  first  governor  under  this  constitution  was 
Simon  Elias  Gonzalez,  a  most  popular  man,  who  was 
elected  simultaneously  for  Chihuahua  and  Sonora. 
His  family  residing  at  the  time  in  the  former  state, 
he  preferred  to  remain  there,  but  was  finally  per 
suaded  to  come  to  Fuertes,40  vice-governor  F.  Iriarte 
was  soon  called  upon  to  act  for  him,  and  in  1827  fig 
ures  Nicolas  Maria  Gaxiola,41  the  predecessor  of  Gon 
zalez,  who  continues  in  charge  during  the  following 
years.  The  first  regular  legislature  met  at  Fuerte  in 
March  1826,42  and  a  month  later  the  supreme  court 
was  installed.43  The  state  had  now  its  special  coman- 
dante  general,  in  Jose  Figueroa,  residing  at  Arizpe.44 
His  force  consisted  of  nine  cavalry  companies  num 
bering  about  45  officers  and  747  rank  and  file,  costing 
nearly  $200,000  per  annum.  They  garrisoned  the 
nine  presidios  of  Tucson,  Fronteras,  Santa  Cruz, 
Altar,  Buenavista,  Horcasitas  or  Pitis,  Bacoachi,  Ba- 
bispe,  and  Tubac,  besides  a  few  other  points,  as  Guay- 
mas,  Alamos,  Fuerte,  while  at  the  escuadron  de 
Mazatlan  guarded  the  district  of  that  name.  Two 
other  companies  of  active  militia  in  Sonora  could  be 
called  upon  when  required.  Of  local  militia  very  few 
bodies  were  organized.45 

ering  all  voting.  Deputies  were  to  receive  $3,000  a  year  and  mileage.  A 
decree  of  Jan.  13,  1830,  fined  absent  electors  $25  to  $100.  Persons  who  had 
neglected  to  take  the  oath  to  the  federal  constitution,  or  to  illuminate  in 
honor  of  the  event,  were  fined  $5.  The  title  senoria  was  accorded  to  most 
of  the  higher  officials,  and  to  the  vice-governor  that  of  excellency.  Pres. 
Escalante  is  praised  for  his  services,  in  Buelna  Comp. ,  109. 

40  He  had  received  four-fifths  of  the  votes,  and  the  legislature  voted  $1,- 
500  for  bringing  his  family  from  Chihuahua.     Actas  Cong.  Comtit.,  i.  58-61; 
Pinart,  Doc.  Chih.,  ii.  6-7. 

41  In  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  i.  no.   62,  the  name  is  written  Jose  Maria,  while 
Nic.  Maria  is  classed  in  Id.,  no  52,  as  treas.  gen.  Buelna,  Conip.,  109.     I.  M. 
Almada  appears  in  1828  as  vice-governor. 

42  With    deputies   Thomas   Escalante,    Jose    Esquero,    Ignacio   Arriola, 
Mariano  Pando  de  la  Granda,   who  failed  to  be  recognized,  Ig.  Verdugo, 
Juan  Elias  Gonzalez,  Jesus  Gaxiola,  and  Jose  Manuel  Estrella.  Actas  Cony. 
Comtit.,  i.  58. 

43  Under  Mig.  Dominguez,  as  president.     Rules  issued  in  1828.  Pinart, 
Doc.  Son.,  no.  130.     The  circuit  court  which  opened  at  Rosario  had  jurisdic 
tion   over  the  Calif ornias.    Mex.  Mem.   Sec.   Estad.,   1828,    14.  Actas  Cony. 
Constit.,  i.  49.     The  district  court  at  Guaymas  also  covered  the  Calif ornias. 

44  Actas  Cony.  Conxtit.,  i.   74-5.     His  pay  was  $4,000  and  his  adjutant  in 
spector,  a  lieut-col,  received  $3,000. 

45  For  further  details  see  the  special  chapter  on  this  and  cognate  topics. 


INSURRECTION   OF  THE   YAQUIS.  639 

While  the  organization  was  progressing,  a  serious 
affliction  fell  upon  the  state.  The  independence  of 
the  country  had  been  hailed  by  the  Yaquis  with  de 
light,  in  the  expectation  of  privileges  to  be  gained, 
such  as  equality,  with  the  right  to  participate  in 
elections,  and  the  enjoyment  of  independent  local  gov 
ernment.  All  this  proved  a  delusion.  The  local  ad 
ministration  was  unchanged,  remaining  in  the  hands 
of  padres  and  alcaldes  controlled  by  the  state  authori 
ties.  Moreover,  exclusion  of  intruders  was  no  longer 
enforced,  and  settlers  began  to  encroach  upon  their 
rich  soil.  Nor  were  they  even  exempted  from  the 
payment  of  taxes  as  heretofore;  and  when,  in  1825, 
assessors  made  their  appearance  to  measure  land  and 
value  property  for  taxation,  their  patience  gave  way. 

A  representation  was  sent  to  the  authorities,  based 
on  immemorial  exemption,  the  answer  to  which  was 
the  arrival  of  troops  to  enforce  the  assessment.  At 
Rahum  the  Yaquis  fell  upon  the  soldiers,  and  drove 
them  off,  with  the  loss  of  seven  men.46  Then  they 
proceeded  to  wreak  vengeance  upon  obnoxious  persons, 
among  whom  was  Father  Argiielles,  of  Torin,  who 
was  murdered,  together  with  several  citizens.  A  de 
scent  was  next  made  on  the  adjoining  districts,  attended 
with  pillage,  and  all  the  horrors  of  a  savage  outbreak. 

Their  leader  was  Juan  Ignacio  Juzucanea,  usually 
called  Banderas,  from  a  banner  carried  by  him,  which 
he  had  obtained  from  a  church,  and  represented  as 
belonging  originally  to  Montezuma.  Although  small 
of  stature  and  unprepossessing  in  face,  he  wielded  an 
immense  influence  by  means  of  rare  eloquence  and 
decided  administrative  ability.  But  for  his  persuasion, 
the  outbreak  would  probably  have  assumed  no  impos 
ing  form,  owing  to  the  lack  of  unity  among  the  tribe, 

40  Garcia  Culxis,  Escrit.  Diver.,  15.  The  cur  a  of  Cocori  urged  them  to  re 
sist.  Velasco,  Son.,  80.  The  defeated  force,  under  Capt.  Mier,  Soc.  Mex. 
Geog.,  Bol.,  viii.  301-2,  is  said  to  have  numbered  200  men.  In  Mex.  Mem. 
Min.  Rel.,  1827,  13,  the  first  outbreak  is  said  to  have  been  suppressed  in  be 
ginning  of  1825.  The  comandante -general  was  on  his  way  with  400  men  to 
explore  the  mining  region  when  he  was  recalled  to  fight  the  greater  uprising. 
Estrella  Occid.,  Oct.  19,  1860.  Col  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ivii.  18-19. 


640  UNITED  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

fostered  by  the  intrigues  of  religious  and  political  offi 
cials.  Indeed,  some  of  the  Yaquis  were  induced  to 
side  with  the  whites/7  and  the  Mayos,  the  adjoining 
tribe  on  the  south,  held  aloof.  Banderas  went  to  the 
latter,  and  harangued  the  chiefs  of  their  sixteen  vil 
lages  with  such  effect  that  they  allowed  a  large  num 
ber  of  their  tribe  to  enroll  under  his  standard.48  His 
success  so  far,  especially  in  the  matter  of  booty, 
proved,  perhaps,  the  main  inducement,  while  not  a 
few  felt  impressed  by  his  claim  to  being  inspired  for 
his  acts  by  the  virgin  herself.49 

The  alarmed  legislature  invested  the  governor  with 
extraordinary  power,  and  steps  were  taken  to  organize 
militia  forces  to  support  the  troops,  for  which  reen- 
forcements  were  demanded  from  Chihuahua.50  The 
Pimas  and  other  tribes  were  likewise  enrolled,  partly 
for  local  defence,  partly  for  campaigns/1  while  the  mis 
sionaries  received  special  injunction  to  soothe  the 
natives  to  the  north  and  east,  for  it  was  rumored  that 
the  Yumas  and  Papagos,  among  others,  had  shown  a 
hostile  disposition. 

Meanwhile  the  Yaquis  and  Mayos  had  jointly  over 
spread  the  territory  southward  to  Fuertes,  and  north 
toward  Ures  and  Guaymas,  routing  several  detach 
ments,  such  as  Guerrero's  at  San  Vicente.  Banderas 
himself  led  a  force  of  three  hundred  men,  armed 
mostly  with  clubs,  slings,  and  bows,  and  raided  one 
hacienda  after  another,  sending  back  cattle  and  other 
booty  to  enrich  his  villages.62 

Arriving  at  Santa  Cruz,  held    by  a  strong    body 

47  The  people  of  Tepagui  and  Batacora  joined  the  govt  troops  to  chastise 
their  kindred.  Soc.  Mcx.  Geoy.,  Sol.,  xi.  91. 

48  In  May  1826,  according  to  the  Correo  Fed.,  Mar.  10,  1827- 

49  The  most  noted  of  the  Mayo  chieftains  was  Mig.  Estevan,  astute  and 
audacious,  who  subsequently  assumed  the  leading  place  in  a  war  among  the 
whites.    Velasco,  Son.,  76,  83. 

50  Those  failing  to  respond  to  the  temporary  militia  enrollment  were  to  be 
condemned  to  serve  for  the  full  term  fixed  by  law.  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  i.  no.  32. 

51  At  Cieneguilla  alone,  159  men  gathered.     More  than  200  Yaquis  offered 
their  services,  and  Pimas  joined  readily.  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  no.  27. 

52  He  passed  through  Caxon,  Bacatete,  and  Punta  de  la  Agua,  through 
Coyotes,  the  reales  de  San  Marcial  and  San  Jose  de  los  Pimas,  the  villages 
of  Chibato  and  Subiate,  and  through  Los  Angeles  and  Tepague,  near  Pitic, 


MOVEMENTS  OF  BANPERAS.  641 

under  the  Indian  chief  Cienfuegos,  he  worked  so  per 
suasively  upon  the  garrison  that  when  the  chief  issued 
orders  for  defence,  he  was  beset  and  compelled  to 
flee,  severely  wounded.  Shortly  after,  hearing  of  the 
execution  of  some  captured  Yaquis  at  Alamos  as  rebels, 
Banderas  retaliated  by  court-martialing  and  condemn 
ing  to  death  a  number  of  prisoners  in  his  power,  as 
abettors  of  tyranny,  and  usurpers  of  Montezuma's 
authority,  a  formal  notice  of  their  execution  being 
sent  to  the  comandante  general,  Figueroa,  with  a 
warning  to  avoid  unnecessary  cruelty,  and  the  inti 
mation  that  he  himself  would  be  guided  by  the  exam 
ple  set  him  by  Christians. 

Early  in  August,  1826,  Banderas  arrived  before 
Pitic,  the  headquarters  of  the  comandante  general 
Figueroa,  who  was  advancing  from  Alamos.  On  the 
6th  a  battle  was  fought  between  San  Lorenzo  and 
Santa  Rita,  which  was  hotly  maintained  till  night 
intervened.  Banderas  then  departed  in  quest  of 
reinforcements,  leaving  the  chief  Guiscamea  to  hold 
the  ground.  The  absence  of  the  leading  spirit  proved 
fatal  to  the  Yaquis,  who  were  defeated  on  the  follow 
ing  morning,  with  a  heavy  loss  in  prisoners  and  dead. 
Those  who  fled  encountered  Captain  Mier,  who 
speadily  scattered  them  with  additional  slaughter.53 

The  Yaquis,  however,  soon  reunited,  and  Banderas 
was  again  in  the  field  with  fresh  forces.  The  mer 
chants  of  Guaymas,  believing  that  the  enemy  was 
hemmed  within  their  own  territory  sent  into  the  in 
terior  for  the  long  delayed  caravans ;  but  Banderas 
surprised  the  Pitic  consignment,  valued  at  fully 
thirty  thousand  dollars.  A  series  of  successful  raids 
now  followed,  in  numerous  directions,  all  attributed 
by  rumor  to  the  personal  direction  of  Banderas. 

53  Figueroa  reported  that  this  episode,  which  took  place  at  rancho  de  la 
Mesa,  Aug.  18th,  resulted  in  the  death  of  300  Yaquis  and  the  capture  of 
200  women  and  children,  besides  the  recall  of  90  citizens,  who  had  been 
taken  prisoners.  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  i.  MS.,  no.  23.  Mier  had  300  men.  The 
loss  to  the  Yaquis  in  the  encounter  with  Figueroa  is  placed  at' 130  dead  for 
the  two  days.  Palanca,  Sept.  21,  1826.  All  exaggerated  as  may  be  supposed. 
HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.  4L 


642  UNITED   SONORA  AND   SINALOA. 

Dismay  spread  over  the  country,  and  had  he  followed 
up  his  advantages  by  attacking  the  larger  towns  it  is 
difficult  to  say  what  may  have  been  the  result;64  but 
he  confined  himself  chiefly  to  petty  raids  and  attacks 
on  the  smaller  detachments,  sustaining  by  this  seem 
ing  forbearance  the  declaration  that  he  desired  only 
to  obtain  redress  for  his  people.  To  this  end  also  he 
sent  a  commission  to  the  government,  offering  to  dis 
band  his  men  whenever  their  grievances  received 
attention.55 

Meanwhile  he  relaxed  his  ravages,  only  to  direct 
his  efforts  to  preparations  for  renewing  hostilities; 
notably  in  making  powder,  preparing  arms,  drilling 
men,  and  in  seeking  further  alliances,  a  number  of 
white  soldiers  being  secured  to  aid  in  disciplining  and 
leading  the  Yaquis.  These  doings  greatly  alarmed 
the  inhabitants,  and  his  force,  which  amounted  to 
about  two  thousand,  was  swelled  bv  rumor  to  ten  and 

%j 

twenty  times  the  number.56  The  legislature  and 
other  authorities  had  fled  in  affright  from  Fuerte 
and  sought  refuge  at  Cosald,  and  General  Figueroa 
began  to  be  abused  as  inefficient.57  The  house  of 
representatives  had  meanwhile  been  considering  the 
appeal,  and  after  lengthy  discussion  an  act  was  passed 
offering  amnesty  and  granting  some  aid  to  reestab 
lish  order.58  Moreover  strong  reenforcements  arrived 
from  Chihuahua,  and  as  the  late  inaction  of  Banderas 
had  cooled  the  war  spirit  of  many  followers,  Figueroa's 

54  Hardy  maintains  that  he  could  readily  have  captured  any  of  the  towns. 
Trav.,  397-400,  409. 

55  The  commissioners  were  sent  on  to  Mexico  and  treated  with  an  impres 
sive  attention.  Palanca,  May  10,  1827. 

50  Among  his  plans,  says  Escudero,  Not.  Son.,  136-8,  was  to  crown  him 
self  king  and  combine  the  different  tribes,  under  a  native  govt,  for  war  upon, 
whites.  The  tribes  were  not  in  accord,  however,  and  his  messages  failed. 

57  Unless  reenforcements  came  all  Sonora  would  be  lost  was  the  cry. 
Palanca,  Oct.  19,  1826.      'No  estaban  muy  tranquilos,'  observes  Bustamante 
quaintly,   Voz  Patria,  ii.  no.  17,  p.  4,  invaded  as  Sonora  was  by  seven  tribes 
of  savages. 

58  On  Nov.  30th.     Pardon  to  be  granted  '  con  las  circumstancias  que  cree 
convenientes. '  Ramirez,  Col.  Doc.,  205-6.     Prisoners  were  to  be  clothed  and 
their  travelling  expenses  paid.   Gac.  Mex.,  Oct.   17,  26,  1826;  Correo.,  Fed., 
Nov.  9,  17,  1826.     Governor's  appeal  to  congress  in  May,  etc.  Actas  Cong. 
Cotutit.,  i.  116-17. 


EXPULSION  OF  THE  SPANIARDS.  643 

overtures  with  partial  concessions  found  hearing. 
The  less  tractable  were  awed  into  submission,  among 
them  Banderas,  who  on  April  13,  1827,  came  with 
two  hundred  men  to  renew  his  fealty,59  though  some 
held  out  a  while  longer.  A  few  lawless  members  re 
tired  to  the  mountains,  the  rest  being  satisfied  with 
what  they  had  secured  in  arms,  cattle,  and  merchan 
dise,  all  of  which- they  were  permitted  to  retain,  the 
weakness  of  the  government  being  displayed  in  the 
concessions  granted.60  Among  the  steps  taken  to 
appease  as  well  as  obtain  control  over  them  was  a 
law  of  September  1828,  by  which  Indians  were  con 
firmed  in  their  rights  as  citizens,  with  obligation  to 
organize  into  militia  bodies,  to  educate  children  and 
distribute  land  among  individuals.  Official  intrigue 
and  neglect  as  usual  reduced  the  law  to  little  more 
than  a  dead  letter.61 

No  sooner  was  the  Yaqui  affair  settled  than  another 
threatened  to  arise  from  the  edict  declaring  the  ex 
pulsion  of  all  Spaniards  in  the  republic,  including 
nearly  all  the  padres.  More  than  two  thirds,  how 
ever,  of  that  nationality  were  exempted,  owing  to 
relationship  by  marriage  with  natives,  and  to  services 
rendered;6'  but  ere  this  became  known  the  excite 
ment  ran  high,  aggravated  by  rumors  of  a  Spanish 
invasion.  The  missions  displayed  an  attitude  so 
threatening  that  military  steps  were  taken.63  Noth- 

19  As  early  as  Dec.  1826,  a  number  of  Yaquis  had  come  to  plead  for  par 
don,  and  in  Jan.  large  numbers  laid  down  their  arms.  Correro,  Fed.,  Jan.  23, 
Feb.  7,  1827.  Padre  Davalos  exerted  himself  as  mediator,  to  judge  by  his 
letters  in.  Pap.  Far.,  141,  no.  11,  p.  xviii.-xx. 

60  The  war  cost  3, 000  victims.  Estrella,  OccicL,  Oct.   19,  1860.     A  number 
of  the  escaped  Yaquis  under  the  leader  of  Virgin,  an  Opata,  kept  Arizpe  in 
alarm  during  Feb.  1827.     Virgin,  however,  was  captured  and  shot  with  a 
dozen  followers.   Correo,  Fed.,  May  9,  1827.     Apache  inroads  had  continued 
and  the  Papagos  were  complained  of.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  x.  708-9;  Pinart,  Doc. 
Son.,  i.  32. 

61  Text  with  rules  in  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  nos.  121-3. 

62  Under  law  of  Ap.  25,  1826,  37  were  expelled  and  7  more  under  art.  9. 
By  the  state  65  were  exempted  and  by  the  gen.-govt51.  Mex.  Mem.  Sec. 
Estad.,  1829,  doc.  1.     Those  who  had  rendered  service  to  the  Spanish  cause 
in  1821,  were  especially  seized  upon.  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  i.  nes.  70,  221. 

^In  April  1828,  several  orders  were  issued  to  detachments  and  local  au 
thorities.  Priests  who  abetted  t.ie  i:iovemeri!;.3  were  to  be  expelled. 


644  UNITED  SONORA  AND  SINALOA, 

ing  came  of  it,  save  an  increased  stringency  toward 
foreigners  with  regard  to  passports  and  surveillance.64 
Among  notable  visitors  of  late  years  had  been 
Lieutenant  Hardy,  who  in  1826  made  explorations 
from  Guaymas  along  the  gulf  shores,  and  far  up  the 
Colorado,  for  pearl  beds  and  gold.65  The  latter  at 
tracted  in  the  same  year  Colonel  Bourne,  who  in 
spected  the  chief  mining  camps  of  the  two  provinces.66 

Although  the  union  of  Sonora  and  Sinaloahad  been 

O 

decided  upon  in  1825,  the  divisionists  continued  to 
agitate  their  project,  and  gain  adherents  by  different 
manoeuvres,  such  as  the  choice  of  capital,  which  ex 
cited  rival  towns  in  no  small  degree.  Arizpe  natur 
ally  claimed  its  long  preeminence,  and  resisted  with 
armed  force  the  removal  of  the  deputies  to  Ures,  in 
accordance  with  the  separation  decree  of  1823.  In 
order  to  stop  the  quarrel  the  legislature  met  at 
Fuerte,  which  might  be  considered  a  border  town. 
This  encouraged  the  Sinaloans  to  strive  for  a  still 
greater  advantage,  and  Culiacan  pressed  her  claim, 
rousing  the  jealous  Sonorans  to  vigorous  counter- 
efforts  which  resulted  in  a  decree  of  October  26,  1827, 
declaring  Concepcion  de  Alamos  the  capital.67 

These  proceedings  added  fuel  to  the  party-spirit 
which  became  so  violent  in  the  legislature,  that  the 
assembly  was  fora  time  virtually  in  a  state  of  dissolution. 
Vice-governor  Iriarte  made  himself  so  conspicuous  by 
advocating  division  that  the  unionists  succeeded  in 
passing  a  decree  December  20,  1828,  declaring  him 
removed  and  ineligible  for  reelection.68  Both  sides 

*  Circulars  of  Jan.  20,  1827,  July  21,  1828.  A  list  had  to  be  kept  of 
foreign  residents  or  visitors. 

riln  the  vessels  TTo^and  Bruja,  during  July  and  August.  Hardy's  Travels 
in  Mex. 

66  Three  years  later  the  English  war  vessel  Sapphire  came  to  gather  infor 
mation  on  trade  and  condition,  Comlner,  Vvy.,  184-90,  345-64,  and  the  Fdicie 
traded  here  in  1829-30.  Btnard,  in  Soc.  de  G6og.,  xvi.  36-40. 

07  All  officials  being  ordered  to  meet  here  on  Jan.  10,  1828.  The  congress 
ordered  the  necessary  public  buildings  to  be  erected.  Decree  of  Feb.  12, 
1828.  Pap.  Far.,  no.  Ixvii.  117;  no.  Ixviii.  119. 

68  See  Nouv.  Annales   Voy,,  xliv,  352-4;  debate  in  Actas  Cong.  Constit.,  i; 


PRONUNCIAMIENTOS.  G45 

appealed  to  the  supreme  congress,  which  declared  in 
valid  the  decree  against  Iriate.  The  legislature  and 
Governor  Gaxiola,  nevertheless,  failed  to  obey  the 
decision,69  whereupon  several  districts  in  Sonora  and 
Sinaloa,  pronounced  against  them  70  in  March  1829. 

This  movement  was  over-awed  for  a  time  by  a 
counter-pronunciamiento  at  Pueblo  de  los  Seris,  sup 
ported  by  Yaquis  and  Opatas;71  but  the  decided  posi 
tion  assumed  by  the  militia  colonel,  Escalante,  in  Au 
gust,  at  Buenavista,  gave  fresh  courage  to  the  ces- 
sionists,  especially  as  the  comaiidante  general  held 
aloof,  alike  unwilling  to  disobey  the  supreme  govern 
ment  or  to  proceed  against  the  state  authorities,72 
and  consequently  evoking  sharp  comment  from  all 
quarters. 

Appeals  for  the  consideration  of  dividing  the  state 
became  so  strong  that  the  legislature  gave  it  serious 
attention.73  Their  committee  reported  adversely,  on 
the  ground  that  it  was  a  party  measure,  centring 
upon  a  strife  for  disposing  of  the  revenue.  Neither 
province  had  sufficient  income  to  support  a  distinct 
existence.  Separation  would  weaken  Sonora,  and 
expose  it  to  fiercer  savage  irruptions  than  ever,  to  the 
danger  also  of  adjoining  territories.  Union  was  alone 
identified  with  progress.74  The  report  failed  to  satisfy; 

Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  no.  xxxiv.  68  et  seq.  Velasco,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  JSoL, 
viii.  286. 

69  Arrillage,  Recop.,  1829,  42-3.  Heated  discussion  of  the  decree  in  the 
legislature,  Son.  Acta  Se.sion,  3-11. 

7lJ  In  Sinaloa,  Culiacan,  Cosala,  and  San  Xavier,  which  had  been  roused 
greatly  by  the  removal  of  the  capital  to  Sonora;  and  in  the  upper  province, 
Guaymas,  Hermosillo,  Horcasitas,  Oposura,  and  Mocteuzoma.  Pinart,  Doc. 
Son.,  i.  147-8,  167-78. 

71  To  the  number  of  700  men  on  June  13th.   Opin  Pub.  Occid.,  July  9,  30, 
1829. 

72  He  appealed  to  both  parties  in  behalf  of  peace,  proclaimed  his  impar 
tiality,  and  offered  to  appeal  to  Mexico.  Id.  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  i.  nos  48-50, 


and      .  165-74. 

p 
disturbance,   and  urged  that  the  feelings  of  the  majority  be  ascertained. 


pp. 
73  The 


merchants  of  Hermosillo  represented  the  paralyzing  effect  of  the 


Son.,  Petition  Ciud.,  1-8. 

7*rihe  revenues  for  1825,  1826,  and  1827  had  been  $104,212,  $186,310,  and 
$108,814  in  Sinaloa,  and  $23,895,  $52,065,  and  $37,028  in  Sonora.  June  24, 
1829,  Son.,  Man  if.  de  la  Comiaion  aobre  Division,  1-52.  Some  of  its  statements 
are  doubtful.  Comments  in  Espir.  Pub.,  Jan.  7,  1829;  Corrto,  Fed.,  Mar.  9, 
1828. 


646  UNITED   SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

and  in  August  the  legislature,  convoked  in  extra  ses 
sion,  agreed  so  far  as  to  issue  a  general  amnesty,  and 
to  request  the  resignation  of  Governor  Gaxiola,  add 
ing  subsequently  that  the  division  question  should  be 
entertained  and  Iriarte  reinstated. 10  This  result  was 
mainly  due  to  the  spread  of  Escalante's  movement, 
with  whom  Figueroa  now  concluded  a  treaty.76 

In  January  1830,  the  decree  for  division  was  passed, 
and  a  commission  was  appointed  to  carry  it  out,77 
while  congress  considered  the  subject.  After  several 
promptings,78  an  approval  of  the  division  was  issued, 
on  October  13th,79  and  in  the  following  month  appeared 
the  proclamation  for  elections  for  legislatures,  which 
were  to  be  installed  in  March  1831.89  The  boundary 
between  the  ^states  was  drawn  through  the  Mesquite 
rancho,  eighteen  leagues  south  of  Alamos,  on  the 
road  to  Fuerte,  and  down  Rio  Alamos  to  the  gulf, 
presenting  a  breadth  of  territory  of  forty  leagues. 
Rio  de  las  Canas  remained,  as  heretofore,  the  border 
for  Jalisco,  while  Sonora  stretched  to  the  Colorado 
and  Gila.  The  eastern  line  was  less  satisfactory, 
owing  to  the  extension  of  Chihuahua  and  Duran^o 

o  o 

75  J.  M.  Almadi  assumed  Gaxiola's  place  when  he  obeyed  the  order  to 
resign.  Son. ,  Cosas  par  un  Tapado. 

76  On  Sept.  17th,  in  8  arts,  whereby  Figueroa  offered  to  instate  Iriarte  by- 
force  if  necessary.   Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  i.  194-5,  204. 

77  It  had  also  to  make  inventories  of  furniture  and  other  public  effects  for 
division.  Decrees  180-1,  in  Id.,  i.  211. 

78  On  Aug.  3,  1830,  the  diputacion  permanente  sent  an  appeal.     Dissatis 
faction  arose  with   Deputy   Monteros,    and  on  June  7th  his  powers  were 
revoked.     An  extra  session  of  the  legislature  was  resolved  on  Aug.  2d  for 
promoting  the  division  and  electing  a  senator. 

79  And  on  the  following  day  were  issued  rules  for  the  act.     General  assem 
blies  were  to  be  convoked  as  soon  as  possible  at  Pitic  and  Culiacan.     Ihe 
three  departments  of  San  Sebastian,  Culiacan,  and  Fuerte,  forming  Sinaloa, 
were  assigned  three  electors  each;  those  of  Arizpe  and  Horcasitas,  forming 
Sonora,  four  and  five  respectively.      The  junta  general  of  Sonora  should  des 
ignate  eleven  deputies  to  form  its  state  congress,  Sinaloa  likewise,  and  they 
should  proceed   to   frame  election  laws,   and  choose  senators.   Decree  in  19 
arts,  in  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Ley.  Mex.,  ii.  291-3.     Arrillaga  adds  the  election 
acts  from  the  Occidente  constitution  of  1825.  Recnp.,  1830,  499-513;  Mex. 
Col  Ley.,  1829-30,  127-9;  8.  Miijuel,  Rep.  Mex.,  5;  Hernandez,  Geotj.  Son.,  24. 

^ Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  i.  no.  228-33.  Some  difficulties  occurred,  which  re 
quired  legislative  orders  to  smooth  with  fresh  election  decrees,  and  an  am 
nesty  appeared  on  Dec.  20th.  The  final  date  of  installation  was  to  be  March 
13th.  Provisional  regulations  were  issued  for  the  treasuries.  Comisario 
Gen.  Riesgo  found  a  strong  opposition  from  Hermosillo, 


OCCIDENTS  AFFAIRS.  647 

over  a  wide  tract  along  the  western  slope  of  the  sierra 
which,  by  position  and  intercourse,  pertained  to  the 
Occidente.81  The  population  of  the  new  states  was 
estimated  at  one  hundred  thousand  each,82  with  the 
prospect  of  a  rapid  natural  growth  for  the  compara 
tively  protected  and  peaceful  Sinaloa,  and  a  strong 
counter-attraction  for  Sonora,  against  Apache  raids, 
in  the  mines,  and  in  the  wide  area,  which  should 
bring  immigration.  Indeed,  in  1839,  the  population 
of  this  state  was  reported  to  be  one  hundred  and 
twenty-four  thousand,83  from  which  a  formidable  mil 
itia  could  be  formed  for  defence  against  irruptions  if 
the  local  authorities  would  only  enforce  the  decree 
passed  for  this  purpose.84  The  last  acting  governor 
of  Occidente  was  Leonardo  Escalante,  a  powerful 
promoter  of  the  separation.85 

81  Velasco,  Son.,  15-16.     In   colonial  times,  Sinaloa  extended  from  Rio 
Rosario   to  Rio  Fuerte;  Ostimuri,   really  belonging  to  it,  continued  to  Rio 
Mayo,  and  then  Sonora.  Humboldt,  Esscd  Pol.,  i.  295-7.     In  Cortes,  Diario, 
1820,  xi.  25,   Sinaloa  is  said  to  extend  even  to  the  Yaqui,  and  Monteros 
stretches  Sonora  hence  to  lat.  36.  Espos.,  Son.,  5.     The  name  Sonora  being 
applied  also  to  Sinaloa,  as  Baja  Sonora.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.t  Bol.,  viii.  214-15; 
Ca1mlle.ro,  Estad.  Son.,  4;  Pap.   Far.,  cxl.,  pt  14. 

82  By  official  report.  Mex.  Mem.  Sec.  Estad.,  1832,  doc.  i.  9.     Yet  Riesgo, 
Mem.  Estad.,  i.  96,  placed  the  population  of  Occidente  in  1828  at  considerably 
more  than  200,000,  while  Caballero  estimated  it  in  1825  at  179,316.  Estadist. 
Son.,  4,  with  details  on  p.  15. 

83  Mex.  Mem.  Min.  Rel.,  1847,  112,  and  so  far  the  preceding  year  in  the 
estimates  of  Cortina  and  others.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bol.,  ii.  6,  19;  vii.  138-9; 
ix.  272.     Stone  seeks  a  partial  cause  in  the  Altar  mining  excitement  of  1837. 
HlAt.  Mag.,  v.  164.     Muhlenpfordt,  Mej.,  ii.,  pt  ii.,  419,  allows  only  101,900 
for  1833.     Humboldt  gives  the  intendencia  of  Sonora  121,400  in  1803.  Essai 
Pol.,   i.    155,  300.     Navarro  raised  it  to  135,385  seven  years   later,  38,640 
being  Spaniards,  35,766  mixed,  and  60,855  Indians.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,    Bol., 
ep.  2,  i.  291.     In  Cortes,  Diario,  xi.  26,  it  was  then  made  130,000.     Cancelada 
assumed  144,640  for  Sonora  alone  in  1808.  Ruina  N.  Esp.,  73.     Velasco,  who 
excludes  the  uncivilized  Indians,  has  only  58,396  for  Sonora  in  1828.   See, 
also,   Ward's  Mex.,  i.  583;  ii.  606;  Mills'  Hixt.  Mex.,  190.     The  Yaquis  alone 
numbered  about  12,000,  and  beyond  Arizpe  lived  few  whites. 

84  As  late  as  June  5,  1830.  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  i.  213-14.     Official  appoint 
ments  had  to  be  made  under  recommendation   from   municipalities.     The 
exemption  fees,  modified  by  decree  of  Dec.  14,  1830,  were  liberal  enough  to 
allow  of  wide  evasion. 

85  Pres.  P.  Sanchez  issued  in  Feb.  1831  the  congratulatory  address  to  the 
new  states  on  behalf  of  the  dissolving  legislature.     F.  Escobosa  acted  as  gov. 
in  the  earlier  part  of  May  1830.  Buelna,   Compend.,  109.     Lack   of   funds 
caused  the  suppression  of  the  subordinate  jefes  politicos  in  April.     Accounts 
for  settlement  were  still  pending  between  the  two  states  in  1834. 

Lieut  R.   W.  H.  Hardy,  R.  N.     Travels  in  the  Interior  of,  Mexico  in  1825, 
1826,  1827,  and  1828.    London,  1829,  8vo,  pp.  xiii.  and  540.    Illust.  with  map. 


648  UNITED  SONORA  AND  SINALOA, 

This  writer  was  engaged  in  the  capacity  of  a  commissioner  by  '  the  General 
Pearl  and  Coral  Fishery  Association  of  London,'  and  was  occupied  for  some 
time  in  exploring  the  gulf  of  California  in  search  of  pearls.  His  work  con 
tains  a  great  deal  of  valuable  information,  not  only  as  regards  matters  con 
nected  with  the  object  of  his  visit,  but  also  on  historical  events  which  occurred 
at  that  time.  Being  in  Sonora  when  political  schisms  were  rife,  he  is  able  to 
supply  many  interesting  particulars  as  regarded  by  a  foreigner,  among  which 
may  be  mentioned  his  description  of  the  panic  which  prevailed  in  Fuerte  on 
the  occasion  of  a  false  alarm  being  given  that  the  Yaquis  were  approaching, 
pp.  188-92.  Hardy,  moreover,  supplies  much  information  about  the  habits, 
customs,  and  character  of  the  Mexican  people  at  that  time,  as  well  as  con 
cerning  the  Indians  of  Lower  Cal.  The  Quarterly  Review  charges  this  author 
somewhat  too  severely  with  indulging  in  'a  certain  allowance  of  stale  jokes, 
bad  puns,  and  small  wit ';  but  in  view  of  the  really  valuable  and  varied  in 
formation  he  affords,  he  may  readily  be  pardoned  this  weakness. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

SONORA  AND  SINALOA  AS  SEPARATE  STATES. 
1830-1851. 

SONORA'S  FIRST  LEGISLATURE — LEADING  TOWNS — INDIANS  VERSUS  WHITES — 
BANDERA'S  SCHEME — His  DEFEAT  AND  DEATH — WAR  WITH  THE  YAQUIS 
— EXPEDITIONS  AGAINST  THE  APACHES — PARTY  STRUGGLES — GOVERNOR 
GANDARA — URREA  PROCLAIMS  FEDERALISM — HE  is  RECOGNIZED  BY 
SINALOA — GANDARA'S  COUNTER-REVOLUTION — THE 'YAQUIS  Roust.  BY 
GANDARA— WAR  BETWEEN  FEDERALISTS  AND  CENTRALISTS — ALI OR 
NATE  SUCCESSES — CHANGES  OF  RULERS — WAR  WITH  THE  UNITED 
STATES — GUAYMAS  BOMBARDED — AMERICANS  TAKE  POSSESSION — MAZAT- 
LAN  CAPTURED — MIGRATION  FROM  SONORA  TO  CALIFORNIA — TROUBLES 
WITH  APACHES — CHANGES  IN  THE  ADMINISTRATION. 

IN    1831    was    installed   the   new   legislatures1    of 

O 

Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  with  Manuel  Escalante  y  Arviga 
as  governor 2  for  the  former,  and  Agustin  Martinez  de 
Castro  for  Sinaloa.  A  bond  still  remained  between 
the  states  in  the  office  of  comandante  general  which 
embraced  both,  though  located  at  Arizpe,  as  the  best 
centre  of  military  operations.  In  1835,  however,  the 
president  created  a  separate  officer  of  this  denomina 
tion  for  Sinaloa.3  Another  reminder  existed  in  the 
constitution  of  both  states  which  differed  little  from 
that  adopted  in  1825.*  The  capital,  as  designated  by 

1  Under  protection  of  N.  Sra.  de  Guadalupe,  as  patron  saint.  Pinart,  Doc. 
Son.,  ii.  31,  05.  Deputies  were  to  receive  $3,000  per  annum  and  mileage. 

a  Escalaiite  represented  as  a  kind-hearted  and  accomplished  young  man, 
and  the  qualities  of  Castro  approved  by  reflections  to  office.  Buelna,  Comp., 
110;  Vclaaco,  Son.,  71;  Cal.  Dep.  St.  Pap.,  iii.  G2.  An  auditing  office  was  es 
tablished  in  May  1834.  All  public  employes  were  to  be  held  responsible. 
Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  ii.  nos.  289,  301. 

3  Lower  Cal.  remained  under  Sonora  in  military  matters.  Cal.  Dep.  St. 
Pap.,  iv.   51-5.     The   pay   was   $4,000.     The   final   military   separation   of 
Sonora  and  Sinaloa  took  place  in  1842.  Dublan  y  Lozano,  Ley.  Mex.,  iv.  115. 

4  That  for  Sinaloa,  adopted  Dec.  12,  1831,  contained  an  art.  against  prop 
erty  being  held  in  mortmain.     The  gradation  of  tribunals,  with  courts  of 

(649) 


650          SONORA  AND  SINALOA  AS  SEPARATE  STATES. 

the  separation  decree,  was  Hermosillo,  lately  known 
as  Pitic,5  and  formerly  as  Horcasitas  presidio,  a  town 
with  a  population  of  about  eight  thousand  inhabitants. 
It  owed  its  progress  to  the  proximity  of  Guaymas, 
which  made  it  the  point  of  distribution  for  central 
and  northern  Sonora,6  or  about  a  third  of  this  popu 
lation.  Alamos  ranked  as  the  most  prosperous  city 
in  the  south  owing  to  the  proximity  of  mines.7 

Culiacan,  the  capital  of  Sinaloa,  was  one  of  the 
oldest  settlements  in  the  state,  an  episcopal  seat,  with 
a  population  of  about  11,000.  Next  to  it  ranked  in 
importance  the  mining  towns  of  Cosald  and  Rosario, 
the  latter  being  made  a  city  in  1827.8 

Many  of  the  rising  towns  were  ex-missions,  for 
secularization  had  been  steadily  practised  since  colo 
nial  days.  The  change  from  this  fatherly  regime  to 
republicanism  led  to  unscrupulous  inroads  upon  the 
remaining  missions,  until  only  a  few  missionaries  were 
left  to  witness  the  rapid  decadence  of  their  charge  in 
ruined  buildings  and  dispersing  congregations.  This 
applies  rather  to  Sonora.  One  way  of  spoliation  was 
to  purchase  or  seize  as  loans  cattle  and  other  effects, 

first  instance  in  canton  towns,  courts  with  asesores  in  departmental  head 
towns,  and  a  superior  court  at  the  capital,  of  nine  judges,  was  never 
strictly  followed.  Comments  in  Buelna,  Comp.,  14;  Mex.  Zustande,  i.  231-3. 
Press  restrictions  appeared  in  Sinaloa  in  1833.  Decree  of  Dec.  6,  in  Pinart, 
Col,  no.  272. 

5  Name  changed  by  decree  of  Sept.  5,  1828. 

6  On  the  east  side  of  the  town  is  a  lime-stone  hill,  called  La  Campana  from 
the  bell-like  sound  emitted  when  struck  near  the  summit.   Ward's  Mex. ,  i.  565, 
ii.  595.     Most   of  the   opulent  merchants   resided   here.  Hardy's  Trav.,  95; 
Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  i.  no.  424. 

7  For  descriptions  of  the  leading  towns  I  refer  to  Riesgo  y  Valdes,  Mem., 
passim;  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,   i.    104-12,  145,   167,   etc.;  ComMer,    Voy.,   173-6 
204-9,  216-32;  Velasco,  Son.,  17  et  seq.     By  decree  of  July  5,  1830,  each  city 
was  entitled  to  two  leagues  of  land  on  every  quarter,  and  villas, 'one  league 
and  a  half.  Pinart,  i.  220.     Several  changes   of  name  were  made  in  course 
of  these  years.     In  1837  the  state  was  divided  into  four  districts;  Arizpe, 
Horcasitas,  Hermosillo,  and  Loreto.  /(/.  83.    The  harbor  of  Guaymas  was  safe, 
although  vessels  drawing  more  than  fifteen  feet  had  to  anchor  some  500  yards 
from  the  landing.    Nouv.  Annales  Voy.,  xcv.  307-8,  316. 

8Mazatlan  was  almost  unknown  till  1818,  when  a  presidio  was  established 
there.  In  1824  a  custom  house  was  added,  and  after  1838  a  decided  impulse 
was  given  to  the  port.  Description  of  this  and  other  towns  in  Riesgo  y 
Vallez,  Mem.,  45  et  seq.;  Ward's  Mex.,  i.  559-60,  583-6;  ii.  607-8;  Monteros, 
Espos.  Son.  y  Sin.,  15;  Pap.  Var.,  cxl.  pt  14;  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  i.  92  et  seq.; 
Buelna,  Comp.,  31-3;  Soc.  Mex.  Geoy.,  Bol,  ep.  2,  iv.  65-6.  Mazatlan  suffered 
frequently  from  storms,  notably  in  1839,  and  1855. 


MISSIONS  AND  PRESIDIOS.  651 

and  then  withhold  payment.'  The  decline  of  the 
presidios,  also,  hastened  that  of  the  northern  missions, 
and  the  special  securalization  decree  in  1833  almost 
completed  the  destruction.  By  this  time  missions  that 
a  decade  before  could  sell  8,000  head  of  cattle  in  one 
lot  had  a  mere  remnant  left.  Of  the  eight  Queretaro 
Franciscan  missions,  and  some  under  Jalisco  Francis 
can  management  only  a  few  had  resident  ministers. 
With  such  poverty,  and  exposure  to  irruptions  by 
savages,  there  was  little  inducement  for  curates  to  ac 
cept  the  charges  offered,  and  about  half  the  population 
received  no  regular  religious  care.  As  far  back  as  1822 
there  were  only  74  priests  in  the  state,  each  required 
to  tend  an  average  of  from  three  to  four  establish 
ments,  embracing  over  450  square  leagues.10  On  the 
frontier  the  districts  were  four  times  larger,  and  the 
consequent  neglect  by  ministers  had  led  to  a  partial 
relapse  into  paganism. 

The  relapse  among  the  aboriginal  tribes  was  the 
more  dangerous,  as  they  lived  in  comparative  isolation, 
which  fostered  the  prejudice  against  the  whites.  True, 
a  large  proportion  of  the  natives  came  to  serve  in  the 
white  settlements,  and  so  maintained  a  bond  of  inter 
course.  The  numerous  Pimas  were  more  scattered, 
and  the  advance  of  settlers  tended  to  keep  them  under 
control ;  but  the  Seris  kept  aloof  on  the  west  to  foster 
their  marauding  instincts,  and  the  Opatas,  to  the 
east,  while  ever  the  most  loyal,  and  the  very  bulwark 
against  Apaches,  frowned  at  any  encroachment  upon 
their  rich  tracts.  The  Yaquis  and  Mayos  were  more 
restless  owing  to  their  position  along  the  very  highway 
of  the  obnoxious  whites,  occupying,  as  they  did,  the 
lower  course  of  ^he  rivers  bearing  the  same  names.11 

9 To  the  Pimeria  Alta  missions  alone  were  owing  in  1829,  $4,  456  by  pre 
sidio  companies,  $27,000  by  private  persons,  and  $30,000  by  the  govt,  in 
stipends.  Vekisco,  Son.,  147-9;  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  i.  30-1. 

lQMex.  Mem.  Sec.  EM.,  1831,  app.  8.  According  to  Id.,  Hac.,  1832, 
Doc.  N.,  the  eight  Queretaro  missions  were  supposed  to  receive  $2,800  in 
stipends,  while  the  29  Jalisco  missions  in  Soiiora,  Nayarit,  and  Tarahumara 
obtained  $9,400. 

11  For  an  account  of  the  different  tribes,  I  refer  to  my  Native  Races,  i.,  iii. 


652          SOXORA  AND  SINALOA  AS  SEPARATE  STATES. 

The  success  of  the  Yaquis  in  the  revolt  of  1825-7, 
and  their  subsequent  practical  independence,  had  not 
failed  to  raise  their  self-importance,  and  to  make  them 
disloyal  on  the  least  pretence.  They  had  imbibed  a 
taste,  also,  for  easily  acquired  spoils,  and  it  needed, 
therefore,  only  a  slight  provocation  to  rouse  them  anew. 
This  came  in  a  decree  suppressing  the  offices  of  gen 
eral,12  which  affecting  the  leader  of  the  late  revolt, 
Banderas,  brought  him  at  once  to  his  feet.  He  had 
made  good  use  of  his  authority  by  maintaining  the 
efficiency  of  his  people  as  warriors,  and  acquiring 
arms,  and  dreamed  of  a  vast  Indian  confederation  in 
Sonora,  with  himself  as  king,  to  which  end  he  had 
sent  messengers  to  different  tribes  to  gain  support, 
particularly  from  the  brave  Opatas.  The  latter  gave 
promises  that  satisfied  Banderas,  who  thereupon,  to 
ward  the  close  of  1832,  marched  at  the  head  of  nearly 
1,000  warriors  toward  their  territory,  whence  he  pro 
posed,  strongly  reenforced,  to  fall  upon  Ures  and  ad 
joining  towns,  in  conjunction  with  Pima  allies.  His 
preparations  did  not  escape  the  whites.  Leonardo 
Escalante,  promptly  headed  a  body  of  citizens  from 
Hermosillo,  which  strengthened  by  accessions  from 
other  towns  enabled  him  to  meet  the  Yaquis  at  So- 
yopa  with  about  400  men.  Either  this  promptness, 
or  second  sober  thought,  had  caused  the  Opatas  to 
hold  back,  a  few  alone  joining.  Banderas,  neverthe 
less,  accepted  battle,  which,  after  three  hour's  obsti 
nate  fighting,  resulted  in  the  total  rout  of  the  tribe, 
and  the  capture  of  the  chief  himself.  He  was  quickly 
tried  and  shot  at  Arizpe.13  The  Yaquis  had  gained 
too  much  confidence,  however,  from  former  achieve- 
passim.  See  also  Zuniga,  Son.,  40  et  seq. ;  Pap.  Far.,  clxviii.  pt,  13;  Nouv. 
Annales  Voy.,  xciii.;  Riesyo,  Mem.  Estad.,  1-6. 

12  Oct.  30,  1830.  The  eight  Yaqui  pueblos  were  ruled  by  one  director,  one 
alcalde  mayor,  one  capt.-gen.,  two  lieut-geiierals,  and  one  regidor  for  each 
pueblo.  Nearly  the  same  system  applied  to  the  nine  Mayo  pueblos.  Escudero, 
Son.,  100-1.  The  Yaqui  population  was  about  12,000.  The  captain-general 
had  been  granted  an  allowance  after  the  former  revolt.  Riexyo,  Mem.,  27; 
Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  i.  85,  223. 

13 By  decree  of  Jan.  23,  1833.  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  MS.,  ii.  no.  59. 


INDIAN  TROUBLES:  ess 

ments  to  be  disheartened  by  this  defeat,  and  aided  by 
the  Seris,  continued  the  struggle,  nor  was  it  until 
after  nine  months,  with  varying  success,  that  the 
local  authorities  managed  to  restore  peace.  Insa  Ca- 
meca,  the  successor  of  Banderas,  seems  to  have  been 
in  sympathy  with  the  reforms  which  followed,14  for 
when  a  revolt  occurred  at  Tori,  in  1834  he  suppressed 
it  with  great  firmness,  declining  Mexican  aid.1 


15 


The  watchful  Apaches  never  neglected  such  oppor 
tunities  for  pursuing  their  inroads.  Most  dreaded 
were  the  Coyoteros  and  Pinaleros,  in  southern  Ari 
zona,  who,  joined  frequently  by  the  Chiricagiiis,  Gi- 
lenos,  and  Mescaleros,  made  devastating  inroads, 
killing,  robbing,  and  driving  off  herds  of  cattle  through 
the  difficult  passes  of  Coriejos,  Batavi,  Papera,  Turi- 
cachi,  and  Las  Animas,  while  their  tactics  of  dispers 
ing;  in  small  bodies  and  drawing  attention  from  the 

O  O 

bands  carrying  off  booty,  made  pursuit  of  little  avail, 
and  the  recovery  of  stolen  property  generally  impos 
sible.  The  result  was  the  gradual  depopulation  of  the 
northern  portion  of  the  state,  the  disappearance  of  the 
missions  and  settlements,  and  the  abandonment  of 
the  mines  which  had  attracted  thousands.16  The 
raids  extended  beyond  Arizpe,  and  around  Ures  and 
Hermosillo. 

When  the  Yaqui  outbreak  was  suppressed,  expedi 
tions  were  sent  against  the  marauders,  only  to  meet 
with  disastrous  repulse,  the  main  bodies  being  sud 
denly  assailed  while  hampered  by  the  difficulties  of 
hard  mountain  passes.  The  savages  were  well  provided 
with  good  fire-arms,  in  the  use  of  which  they  were  far 

14  It  was  sought  to  ensure  peace  by  restricting  the  sale  of  liquor,  by  en 
forcing  the  distribution  of  land,  so  as  to  reduce  the  community  spirit,  while 
promoting  the  desire  for  order  that  springs  from  increased  possessions.  Pro- 
tectores  were  appointed  to  watch  over  these  enactments.  Pinart,  Doc.  Son., 
li.  26-7,  64-6.  All  Indians  to  be  made  land-holders  in  their  towns. 

1<J  Because  he  prided  himself  on  his  authority,  says  Zufiiga.  Nouv.  Annaks 
Vvy.,  xciii.  241. 

1(iOver  100  ranchos  and  pueblos  have  been  abandoned,  says  Escudero. 
Sonora,  76-7, 


054          SONORA  AND  SINALOA  AS  SEPARATE   STATES. 

more  expert  than  the  Mexicans.  Following  up  their 
advantages,  the  Indians  advanced  close  to  Arizpe, 
spreading  consternation  through  the  state.  The  peo 
ple  were  now  roused  by  very  fear  to  greater  exertion ; 
inducements  were  offered  to  volunteers,  a  coalition  of 
the  northwestern  states  was  formed,  and  by  the 
autumn  of  1834,  several  victories  had  been  gained 
over  the  Apaches,  who  had  grown  over-confident  by 
their  recent  successes.  The  famous  chief,  Tutije,  was 
captured,  and  executed  at  Arizpe.  After  this,  a  large 
portion  of  the  volunteers  returned  home,  leaving  five 
hundred  men  to  pursue  the  scattered  bands.  This 
being  a  less  successful  system,  peace  negotiations  were 
opened,  at  the  instance  of  Comandante  Mora,  which 
met  with  disapproval  on  the  part  of  the  civil  authori 
ties,17  who  maintained  that  extending  peace  to  such 
treacherous  foes  was  only  giving  them  time  to  recup 
erate  for  fresh  inroads,  while  the  governor  informed 
Mora  that  he  might  conclude  treaties,  but  the  citizens 
would  again  go  forth  and  exterminate  every  Apache 
found  with  arms  in  hand. 

The  legislature  approved  his  determination,  and  on 
September  7, 1835,  proclaimed  a  war  of  extermination, 
a  prize  of  one  hundred  dollars  being  offered  for  each 
scalp  taken.18  A  campaign  of  fierce  determination 
followed,  which  lasted  till  August  1836,  when  the 
ardor  of  the  volunteers  having  at  length  abated,  peace 
was  once  more  concluded,  to  last,  as  heretofore,  only 
till  the  Indians  felt  themselves  strong  enough  to  renew 
their  raids.19  The  general  government  had  given 
little  heed  to  appeals  for  aid,  the  disorder  in  the  cen 
tral  states,  and  the  Texas  question,  which  arose  at 
this  time,  being  too  absorbing  to  admit  of  border 
districts  obtaining  much  consideration. 

17  Correspondence  on  the  subject  in  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  ii.  49-56.  For  par 
ticulars  of  these  campaigns,  see  Id.,  i.  235;  ii.  18-19,  26;  Id.,  nos  305,  315, 
345,  373;  Arrillar/a,  Recap.,  1830,  310-11;  Gal  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Sen.,  C.  &  T., 
iii.  63;  Vefanco,  Son.,  112. 

l*BartleM'sNarr.,  i.  322-3;  Foster's  Ancjdes,  MS.,  12-14. 

19  In  Sept.  and  Oct.  1836,  several  raids  already  took  place.  Pinart,  Col., 
no.  480, 


POLITICAL  STRUGGLES.  G55 

Notwithstanding  the  agitation  caused  by  Indian 
troubles,  Sonora  did  not  escape  the  curse  arising  from 
the  struggles  between  political  parties.  The  plan  of 
Zavaleta  caused  turmoil,  and  after  several  minor  pro- 
nunciamientos,  the  people  of  Arizpe,  in  August  1833, 
proclaimed  against  it,  whereupon  the  comandante- 
general,  Arregui,  marched  with  four  hundred  men  to 
suppress  the  revolution.  The  legislature,  moreover, 
issued  decrees  inflicting  death  upon  those  who  joined 
Arizpe,  decrees  which  were  fulminated  by  the  general ; 
yet  Hermosillo  and  Horcasitas  did  not  hesitate  to 
denounce  the  legislature.  Arregui  was  personally 
obnoxious  to  the  troops,  and  deputations  from  the  pre 
sidios  having  met  at  Arizpe,  he  was  deposed  Septem 
ber  30,  1833,  and  J.  M.  Elias  Gonzalez  installed  in 
his  place.20 

The  agitation  found  further  encouragement  in  the 
great  struggle  of  the  conservatives  and  clergy  against 
the  liberal  principles  advanced  under  federal  rule.21 
The  legislature  declared  its  position  by  assuring  the 
people  that  no  reforms  attacking  religion  would  be 
countenanced.22  Though  Santa  Anna  was  recognized 
by  the  popular  spirit,  pronunciamientos  at  Vera  Cruz 
and  other  points  affirmed,  as  it  were,  the  dawrning 
centralism,  under  which  relief  was  hoped  for  from 
growing  evils.  A  change  might  remedy  the  existing 
disregard  of  the  authorities  for  the  frontier  districts, 

O 

especially  in  the  way   of  satisfying  the  troops   with 
more  regular  pay.23 

The  new  era  was  marked  by  the  transformation  of 

29  A  list  of  charges  with  documents  was  forwarded  to  Mexico.  Son. 
Rcpres.,  1-44.  Gonzalez  was  lieut-col  and  adjutant  inspector.  The  governor 
recommended  him  to  the  legislature.  Son.,  Contest.,  hahida,  642;  Pinart, 
Doc.  Son.,  ii.  3-14,  68-73,  80,  181-96;  Cal  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  C.  and  T.t 
ii.  51^,  59. 

21  Consult  Hist.  Mex.,  v.,  this  series.  In  this  connection  see  also  Opotsicion, 
Dec.  25,  1834;  Tiempo,  Aug.  15,  1834;  Biistamante,  Voz  Patria,  MS.,  viii. 
483-8. 

22 Proclamations  of  July  8,  15,  and  Oct.  24,  1834,  in  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  ii. 
38-45. 

23  Some  of  the  troops  were  in  actual  revolt  on  this  account.  The  state 
authorities  were  charged  with  absorbing  the  funds  applied  for  defence. 
Official  statement  iu  Cal.  Sup.  Gov.,  St.  Pap.,  xxi.  9-10. 


656          SONORA  AND  SINALOA  AS  SEPARATE  STATES. 

the  state  into  a  department,  with  four  prefecturas,24 
Manuel  M.  Gandara  being  the  first  governor.  Gen 
eral  Jose  Urrea  was  made  comandante-general.  The 
appointment  of  Urrea  was  singular.  He  was  recog 
nized  as  a  stanch  federalist,  and  his  appointment  was 
due  only  to  President  Bustamante's  personal  regard. 
No  sooner  had  he  arrived  at  his  headquarters, 
Arizpe,  then  he  proclaimed,  December  26,  1837,  the 
restoration  of  the  federal  system,  and  secured  from 
the  Guaymas  custom-house  over  one  hundred  thou 
sand  dollars. 25  Disappointed  in  the  prospects  of  amelio 
ration,  and  caught  by  the  very  magnitude  of  the 
project,  troops  and  citizens  responded  in  different 
directions,  notably  at  Arizpe,  Ures,  Hermosillo,  Tepic, 
Mazatlan,  and  Culiacan,  till  Urrea  not  only  had  men 
enough  to  meet  the  departmental  government,  but 
was  able  to  send  bodies  to  oppose  the  central  corps 
advancing  upon  him  from  Sinaloa,  and  support  the 
pronunciamiento  made  in  Mazatlan.  Gandara  joined 
the  movement,  was  declared  provisional  governor,  and 
a  congress  was  convened  to  reform  the  federal  constitu 
tion  in  furtherance  of  the  self  government  of  the 
states.  On  March  14,  1838,  the  congress  assembled, 
Urrea  being  governor-elect  and  L.  Escalante  vice- 
governor.  The  legislature  confirmed  Urrea  as  com 
andante-general,  general  of  the  federal  army,  and 
protector  of  Sonora  and  Sinaloa,26  conferring  upon 
him  full  powers  to  raise  armies,  and  form  alliances/7 
This  privilege  he  quickly  availed  himself  of  by  offer 
ing  lands,  pensions,  and  other  inducements  to  attract 

2*The  pay  of  the  prefects  was  from  $1,800  to  $2,000.  Mex.  Mem.  Hac., 

1838,  pt  2. 

25  It  is  related  that  the  house  of  Inigo  provided  the  first  funds  to  start 
the  movement  on  condition  of  being  favored  at  the  custom-house;  where 
upon  the  firm  ordered  a  cargo  of  goods  from  Europe,  which  arrived  in  Feb. 

1839,  after  Urrea  had  been  ousted.     Charges  were  brought  against  the  gov 
ernor  for  complicity  in  fraud.   Conde  y  Herrera,  Rcpres.,  1-38;  Pap.  Var.,  Iv. 
no.  2,  Ixxviii.  no.  8. 

26 Sow.  Facdon.,  106-7;  Restaurador  Fed.,Ja,n.  30,  Mar.  13,  1838.  Urrea's 
name  with  appropriate  inscriptions  was  ordered  to  be  placed  on  public  build 
ings.  Farias  and  Viezca  were  offered  an  asylum  with  land.  Pinart,  Doc. 
Son.,  ii.  133-4,  139-40. 

27  Plenipotentiaries  were  to  be  sent  to  other  states  to  form  a  coalition* 


PRONUNCIAMIENTO. 


657 


followers,   the    legislature    assisting  him    in  different 
ways,  notably  in  issuing  a  provisional  constitution.2' 
In  Sinaloa  the    formal   pronunciamiento   was  first 


OF   SlXALOA. 


28  On  March  27th;  after  which  the  body  closed  the  session,  and  left  a 
comision  permanente  to  act  from  the  27th.  An  amnesty  to  opponents  was 
passed.  Lticero  Sin.,  Nov.  24,  1837.  Tamasmla  hastened  to  petition  for; 
the  federal  system.  Pinart,  Col,  no.  472. 

HIST.  MEX.  STATKS,  VOL.  II.    4'1 


658          SONORA  AND  SINALOA  AS   SEPARATE  STATES. 

made  on  January  12,  1838,  at  Culiacan,  by  Colonel 
Cuevas,  seconded  by  Orrantia,  acting  governor.2' 
This  was  followed  by  the  capture  of  Rosario  and 
CosaM,30  while  Urrea  came  down  with  a  Sonoran  force 
in  April  in  two  vessels,  and  took  possession  of 
Mazatlan,  which  added  greatly  to  his  resources  by 
sea  and  land.31  These  were  not  of  much  avail  how 
ever.  By  this  time  the  government  had  been  able 
to  take  steps  to  check  the  movement.  On  the  20th 
General  Paredes  appeared  before  Mazatlan  with  a 
strong  column,  and  reminded  the  garrison  that  its  first 
duty  was  to  join  in  opposing  the  French,  who  were 
then  threatening  the  republic.  This  appeal  to 
patriotism  shook  the  allegiance  of  several  of  Urrea's 
officers,  so  that  Paredes  found  little  difficulty  in  car 
rying  the  town  by  assault  on  May  6th.32  Urrea  fled 
to  San  Bias,  and  failing  to  rouse  this  place,  headed 
the  campaign  in  the  interior  of  Sinaloa.  This,  how 
ever,  languished,  owing  to  the  call  for  Urrea's  presence 
elsewhere,  and  a  small  force  sufficed  to  give  the  final 
blow  to  the  movement. 

Meanwhile  G&ndara  changed  his  veiws  with  re 
gard  to  the  expected  political  formation  and  fell  back 
upon  his  former  position  as  centralist  governor,  as 
suming  the  lead  in  the  counter-revolution  which  was 
promoted  at  Horcasitas.  He  proclaimed  it  his  duty 
to  suppress  the  movement  in  favor  of  the  federal  sys 
tem,  and  profited  by  the  reaction  of  fear  among  wav- 

29  Who  on  the  16th  recognized  Urrea  as' protector  of  Mexican  liberty  and 
placed  the  resources  of  the  state  at  his  disposal.  Restaurador  Fed.,  Feb.  6, 
March  6,  1838.     A  cause  for  this  lay  in  the  dissatisfaction  with  the  govern 
ment   for  closing  Mazatlan  to  foreign   trade  at  the  close  of  1837,  on  the 
ground   of  smuggling.  Sin.  Propos.,  3-20.     Changes  in   Comerc.  de   Quad., 
Expos,,  1-8;  Pap.   Far.,  Ixxvi.  pt  10.     The  port  was  ordered   to  be  reopened 
by  decree  of    Feb.   22,   1838.   Ai-rillaga,   Recop.,   1838,   61;  and  now  again 
closed  on  account  of  rebellion. 

30  By   Cuevas  and  Carrasco,  the  latter  sacking  Cosala  taking  at  least 
$50,000   in  silver  bars,  besides  jewels,  etc.  Buelna,  Comp.,  14;  Pinart,  Doc. 
Son.,  ii.  119. 

3lDiario,  Gob.,  June  21-22,  1838;  Lowenstem,  Mex.,  401,  424-30.  Busta- 
mante  writes  that  of  $70,000  duties  and  other  effects,  seized  partly  at  Guay- 
mas,  he  sent  170  silver  bars  to  New  Orleans  in  his  own  name.  Galmieta,  i.  60-1. 

32  He  took  the  place  in  quarter  of  an  hour.  Id.,  59-60;  Buelna,  Comp.,  14; 
Nile*'  Hey.,  liv.  336. 


CIVIL   WAR.  659 

ering  federalists  to  obtain  recruits.  Not  content  with 
these,  he  appealed  to  the  Yaguis,  his  former  foes,  and 
to  still  worse  northern  tribes;  nor  did  he  scruple  to 
pander  to  their  propensities  for  plunder,  which  re 
sulted  in  the  Papagos'  ignoring  his  authority,  as  did 
the  Yaquis  to  a  great  extent.  Both  factions  added 
to  the  burden  of  the  people  by  enforcing  contributions. 

Several  encounters  took  place,  the  first  of  note  be 
ing  at  Chino  Gordo,  on  May  22d,  followed  by  the 
taking  of  Hermosillo  and  the  capture  of  Vice-governor 
Escalante.  Urrea  now  appealed  to  the  people,  call 
ing  upon  them  to  redeem  their  pledges  of  support. 
Entering  Alamos  with  700  men,  he  afterward  advanced 
against  the  Gandaristas,  and  in  August  gained  a 
brilliant  victory,  followed  by  successes  at  Belen  and 
other  points,  which  culminated  in  the  capture  of 
Arizpe  in  October. 

These  successes  were  neutralized  by  centralist  pro 
gress  in  the  south,  and  Urrea's  opponents,  taking  ad 
vantage  of  his  temporary  absence,  gained  a  crowning 
triumph,  November  19th,  at  Opodepe.33  Gdndara 
was  exultant,  but  avoided  mention  of  the  loss  of  life 
and  destruction  of  property,34  which  was  aggravated 
by  the  Yaquis  and  Papagos,  who  rose  in  1840  and 
committed  serious  depredations,  though  the  Yaqui 
general,  Juan  Maria  Insa  Camea  lost  his  life  in  assist 
ing  to  quell  the  movement.35  It  required  a  close 
campaign  to  reduce  the  rebels,  who  assisted  by  the 
Apaches  left  a  wide  track  of  devastation  in  the  dis 
trict  of  Horcasitas.36 

33  Consult  Zuniga,  Contest.,  20-1;  Pap.  Far.,  185,  no.  3;  Bustarnante,  Galn- 
nete,  MS.,  249-53. 

34 Pap.  Far.,  153,  no.  10;  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  ii.  no.  530;  Cat.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  iv.  130;  Mosquito,  Mex.,  June  19,  1840;  Hist.  Hex.,  v.,  this  series. 
Among  the  towns  sacked  were  Saguaripa,  Batueo,  Matape,  Hermosillo,  and 
Adivino.  Jilamos  escaped  pillage  by  paying  $50,000,  Altar,  $16,000,  and 
Hermosillo  $70,000  without  being  exempt.  Zuniga,  Carta  and  Contest., 
passim;  Pap.  Far.,  150,  no. .32;  Gandara,  Espos.,  65-6:  Pinart,  Doc.  Son., 
u.  154-8. 

35  Mex.  Mem.  Guer.,  1841,  36;  Zuniga,  Contest.,  110;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  x. 
709. 

36 In  1840  they  penetrated  to  Mazatlan  and  Cocospera.  Velasco,  Son., 
253-6,  263;  Soc,  Mex.  Geog.,  Bol,  xi.  92-3,  98-9;  Mex.  Mem.- Guer.,  1841,  36; 
Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  ii.  82-^,  13J,  137,  142,  150-1,  166;  Pap.  Far.,  civ.  pt  4. 


660  SONORA   AND   SINALOA   AS   SEPARATE   STATES. 

Gandara  made  himself  rich  by  the  war,  and  sur 
rounded  himself  with  stanch  adherents.  He  retained 
the  comandancia  general  for  some  time,  and  removed 
the  capital  from  Arizpe  to  San  Jose  de  los  Ures,  in 
spite  of  supreme  orders  to  place  it  at  Hermosillo. 
His  tenure  of  power,  however,  did  not  last  long.  In 
1841  Urrea  again  agitated  Sonora,  not  with  success, 
but  its  aim — to  raise  Santa  Anna  to  the  dictatorship 
—was  supported  by  Paredes  in  Jalisco.  Gandara 
failed  to  catch  the  import,  and  Cuerta,  second  military 
chief,  more  clear-sighted,  seconding  the  movement, 
compelled  him  to  retire,  the  government  being  left  to 
the  management  of  J.  L.  Pico.  A  flood  of  long 
pent-up  complaints  now  burst  forth,  resulting  in  the 
reappointment  from  Mexico  of  Urrea  to  both  the 
civil  and  military  commands.  The  new  ruler  was 
eagerly  welcomed  in  May  1842,  and  at  once  took 
steps  to  suppress  the  inroads  of  the  Apaches.  Al 
though  these  measures  were  most  necessary,  Gdndara 
resuscitated  the  political  agitation  by  inciting  the 
Yaquis  and  Mayos,  who  were  devoted  to  him,  against 
Urrea's  administration,  securing  also  the  cooperation 
of  other  tribes. 

The  first  outbreak  occurred  in  May,  and  was  soon 
suppressed  by  Urrea.  Supporters  of  the  movement, 
nevertheless,  increased  in  numbers,  and,  on  July  24th, 
they  attacked  Hermosillo,  suffering  a  repulse.  On 
August  26th,  they  were  routed  with  great  loss  at 
Norias  de  Guadalupe ; 3T  but  sustaining  themselves  by 
plunder,  gained  possession  of  a  few  minor  towns,  and 
several  ranches.  But  this  source  of  supplies  natur 
ally  failing,  negotiations  were  followed  by  a  formal 
peace  of  the  usual  kind  which  only  led  to  further 
depredations.38 

37  Urrea  attacked  1,500  insurgents  with  only  239  men  and  one  gun.     He 
killed  200,  sustaining  a  loss  of  9  killed  and  17  wounded.    Voto  Son.,  Sept.  2, 
1842,    no.    36;  Id.,   Sept.   21,   Dec.  21,    1842;  Mex.   Mem.,   iii.  doc.   3;    Voto 
no.  21. 

38  In  June  1843,   Huerta,   Armenta,    and  some  others  were  caught  and 
shot.    Voto  Son.,  June  8,  July  27,  Aug.  10,  17,  31,  1843. 


GOVERNOR  PONCE  DE  LEON.  661 

111  September  1843,  Gandara  again  came  on  the 
scene,  and  several  skirmishes  took  place  in  the  neigh 
borhood  of  Ures,  Gdndara  claiming  the  advantage. 
Urrea,  however,  having  received  reinforcements  from 
Sinaloa,  inflicted  severe  blows  upon  his  opponent  at 
Guaymas,  Tepepa,  and  Opodepe,  the  battle  at  the 
last-named  place  being  won  on  November  27th.'19 
Nevertheless,  the  war  continued  with  alternate  suc 
cess  until,  in  1844  the  assembly,  now  installed  at  Her- 
mosillo,  invested  Urrea  with  extraordinary  powers, 
which  he  used  to  such  good  purpose  that  the  rebellion 
was  nearly  extinguished  at  the  close  of  March.40 

The  Gandaristas  had  carried  on  a  double  contest 
with  Urrea,  one  in  Sonora  with  arms,  the  other  at 
Mexico  with  charges  against  him,  accusing  him  of 
maladministration  and  infringement  of  the  laws. 
While  it  was  not  evident  that  Urrea  performed  his  duty 
as  ruler,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  Gandara  was  culpa 
ble  in  rousing  semi-barbaric  tribes  to  sustain  his 
cause ;  nevertheless,  the  government,  being  weak,  de 
termined  to  make  a  concession  by  replacing  the  ob 
noxious  governor.41 

Notwithstanding  the  protests  of  Urrea's  party, 
Brigadier  F.  Ponce  de  Leon  assumed  charge  as  £ov- 

O  O  O 

ernor  and  comandante-general  in  April  1844,  and  in 
August  the  reestablishment  of  peace  was  announced. 

Urrea  remained  in  the  department,  and  prepara 
tions  were  resumed  to  defend  the  frontier  against 
Apache  inroads,  as  well  as  curb  the  Seris  with  whom 
a  peaceful  arrangement  was  made,  which  only  resulted, 

39  Urrea  claims  to  have  defeated  1,500  rabble,  causing  them  a  loss  of  200. 
Pinart,  Col,  no.  678.  Son.  Bol,  Nov.  28,  1843;  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  iii.  164; 
Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  viii.  527. 

*°  Urrea  Resena,  3-7.  The  Gandaristas  were  closely  pressed,  and  driven, 
into  the  Yaqui  region.  Son.  Bol,  Feb.  29,  1844. 

41  Gandara  was  rich  and  influential,  and  made  a  plausible  defence  in  his 
Espos.,  1-8;  Mex.,  MS.,  32;  also  Vindication,  4  et  seq.  The  assembly  and 
leading  official  men  supported  Urrea.  Voto  Son.  Dec.  28,  1842,  Jan.  26,  1843; 
Pinart,  Doc.  Sonora,  iii.  164  et  seq.  The  feelings  of  white  settlers  is  not 
clear.  When  the  removal  became  known,  deputies  and  others  protested, 
and  sought  to  persuade  the  successor  to  resign.  Son.  Bol.,  Oct.  26.  1843; 
Pinart,  Doc.  Son.  iii.  171-SO. 


««2  SONORA   AND   SINALOA   AS   SEPARATE   STATES 

in  a  renewal  of  robberies  and  murders.  No  less  un 
successful  action  attended  the  attempts  against  the 
Apaches.42  Toward  the  close  of  1845  some  vigor  was 
infused  into  the  operations,  but  when  the  war  with 
the  United  States  broke  out  in  1846,  the  tribes, 
though  badly  scattered,  escaped  pursuit  and  again 
combined. 

The  campaign  of  1844  was  interrupted  by  the  revo 
lution  of  Parades,  in  Jalisco,  for  the  overthrow  of 
Santa  Anna,  and  Urrea  was  requested  in  November 
to  reassume  command.  He  complied,  but  on  May 
15,  1845,  surrendered  the  power  to  the  eldest  mem 
ber  of  the  assembly,  who  was  presently  succeeded  by 
J.  M.  Gaxiola,  who  took  the  oath  June  25th.43 

In  Sinaloa  the  movement  of  Parades  had  been  sup 
ported,  November  7,  1844,  at  Mazatlan,  by  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Brambila,  who,  however,  surrendered 
his  assumed  civil  and  military  command  to  F.  Duque/* 
three  weeks  later. 

Urrea,  having  been  elected  to  the  national  senate, 
seems  not  to  have  paid  any  attention  to  the  summons 
by  a  not  over-friendly  administration  to  present  him 
self  at  Mexico,  and  remained  in  Sonora  managing  to 
control  the  local  government.  The  Gdndaristas,  how 
ever,  on  August  29th,  caused  a  pronunciamiento  to  b 
made  at  Horcasitas,  demanding  his  expulsion.  Ch. 
November  25th,  an  engagement  took  place  near  Her- 

"In  Feb.  1844,  500  of  the  so-called  peaceful  Apaches,  under  Mangas 
Coloradas,  boldly  attacked  the  presidio  of  Fronteras,  and  carried  off  stock 
and  captives.  In  April  a  party  defied  the  pursuing  force  at  Tepuchi.  In 
August  Elias  started  northward  from  Fronteras,  and  inflicted  several  blows, 
particularly  in  Sept.  1st,  when  over  100  Apaches  were  captured  or  killed. 
VotoSon.,  Sept.  5,  12,  1844.  Account  of  outrages,  in  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  Hi. 
190-226. 

43  Voto  Son.,  March  27,  June  26,  1845;  S.  Miguel  Rep.  Mex.,  40,  72. 

44Duque  had  been  comandante-general  of  Sinaloa  and  Sonora  in  1833. 
In  Dec.  1842,  the  council  of  Sinaloa  protested  against  a  central  military  gov 
ernment.  Biwtamante,  Diario  Mex.,  MS.,  xlvi.  25.  The  disorder  extended  to 
assaults  on  foreigners,  notably  on  two  French  subjects,  in  Sept.  1844  on  a 
sailor,  and  in  June  1845  on  a  baker,  which  nearly  brought  about  a  bombard 
ment,  and  a  breach  of  international  relations.  Details  in  Tassibre,  Expedient?, 
1844,  1-27,  relating  to  cruel  mutilation;  Pabellon  Nac.,  Oct.  31,  Nov.  2, 
3844;  Defensor  Integ.,  Sept.  11,  21,  1844;  Masson  defends  the  French.  Olla 
JPodrida,  55-61;  Bustamante,  Mem.,  Hist.  Mex.  MS.,  ii.  122-3,  with  account 
from  Sigh  XfX. 


POLITICAL   AFFAIRS.  663 

mosillo,  in  which  the  government  troops  were  routed. 
Urrea  fled  southward  and  his  influence  for  the  time 
was  lost/5  Cuesta  having  joined  the  movement,  as 
sumed  temporarily  the  chief  military  command.46 

Gdndara  now  returned  and  began  to  agitate  his 
plans  by  bringing  the  governor  and  the  comandante- 
general,  Elias  Gonzalez,  to  loggerheads,  through  the 
medium  of  Cuesta.  On  February  20th  the  ayunta- 
miento  of  Hermosillo  declared  the  departamental  coun 
cil  dissolved,  and  Cuesta  installed  as  governor/7  which 
appointment  was  confirmed  at  Mexico.  This  move 
ment  having  been  effected  in  a  great  measure  by  the 
aid  of  the  Indians,  the  Yaquis  felt  disappointed  at 
the  peaceful  solution  of  the  question,  and  assumed  a 
threatening  attitude,  which  required  the  interference 
of  Gdndara.  Tranquillity  was  restored  with  some 
trouble,  and  judicious  closing  of  eyes.48 

In  September  the  supreme  government  appointed  a 
new  governor  in  Rafael  Ceballos,  Cuesta  being  pro 
pitiated  with  the  comandancia-general.  Simultane 
ously,  however,  came  news  of  the  federalist 
pronunciamiento  at  Mexico  and  Cuesta,  still  in  power, 
hastened  on  September  6th  to  give  in  his  adhesion. 
He  knew  this  would  be  acceptable  to  the  majority  of 
the  inhabitants,  for  the  hopes  once  centred  in  a  cen 
tralist  regime  had  proved  illusive.  The  Apache  in 
roads  had  increased  to  an  alarming  degree,  and  the 
state  had,  moreover,  been  the  scene  of  almost  constant 
civil  warfare.  It  seemed  better,  therefore,  to  resume 
the  semi-autonomy  of  a  state,  with  its  many  privileges, 
since  affairs  in  other  respects  could  hardly  become 
worse.  Yet  many  still  warned  against  the  additional 
evils  of  increased  party  agitation  and  strife  for  local 

«5  Amigo  del  Ptieblo,  Oct.  21,  1845;  Sonoreme,  June  26,  1846;  Pinart,  Doc. 
Son.,  iii.  116-17,  244-250,  266-7. 

"Mex.  Mem.  Hist.,  Jan.  24,  Feb.  4,  17,  1845.  J.  M.  Gonzalez  succeeded 
him.  Tiempo,  March  21,  1846. 

47  Gaxiola  and  the  deputies  being  declared  accomplices  of  Urrea. 

48  El  Tiempo,  May  23,  1846,  points  out  that  Sonora  was  ruled  by  savages, 
for  Yaqui  and  Opata  garrisons  held  the  chief   towns,  even  of  the  Pimas,  who 
guarded  Ures.  In  Sept.,  Gandara  reported  peace  restored*  among  the  Yaquis 
and  Mayos.  Sonorense,  July  24,  31,  Aug.  16,  1846. 


664  SONORA   AND  SINALOA  AS  SEPARATE   STATES. 

offices/9  The  change  was  affirmed,  however,  by  the 
cessation  under  the  supreme  decree  of  departmental 
councils,  prefecturas,  and  other  centralist  represen 
tation,  and  the  call  of  electors  to  choose  a  legislature 

o 

and  governor  under  the  long  suspended  federal  con 
stitution  of  1831. 50  These  powers  were  installed  with 
the  opening  of  1847,  atUres,51  and  Gandara  found  him 
self  rewarded  for  his  promptness  and  foresight  by  the 
governorship.52  Among  the  first  tasks  was  to  reform 
the  constitution  of  1831  to  suit  the  change  of  ideas,03 

O  * 

and  the  government  was  shortly  divided  among  nine 
prefecturas,  with  ayuntamiento  bodies  for  the  leading- 
towns,  smaller  places  being  directed  by  justices  of 

49  Deputy  Monteverde  argued  that  remote  Sonora,  with  a  sparse  and  less 
cultured  population,  and  strong  family  factions,  was  not  fitted  for  stateship. 
Dice.  Univ. ,  x.  420.     Cuesta  controlled  the  forces  and  had  the  means  to  check 
any  remonstrance. 

50  In  Sept.  R.  Palacio  acts  as  governor,  at  Ures.  Sonorense,  Sept.  25,  1846. 
Primary  elections  began  on  Oct.  4th. 

51  As  the  capital,  a  previous  decree  being  annulled  which  declared  Arizpe 
the  seat  of  government.     Gaxiola  had  insisted  on  residing  at  Hermosillo, 
which  by  decree  of  Aug    19,  1843  had  been  affirmed  as  capital,  Dublan,  Ley* 
Mex. ,  iv.  523,  while  the  contemporary  assembly  remained  at  Ures.  Cuesta 
followed  his  example.  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  iii.  177,  190-2;  297-311,  iv.  1,  4. 

5-,With  Luis  Redondo  for  vice,  and  I.  M.  Mendoza  for  treasurer.  Ce- 
ballos  did  come,  but  found  it  prudent  to  resign  in  Oct. ,  leaving  Cuesta  to 
continue  in  charge  till  the  election.  Sonorense,  Oct.  30,  Nov.  6,  Dec.  4,  1846. 
Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  iv.  1.  Bustamante,  Hist.  Invasion,  Lii.  110,  has  a  poor 
opinion  of  Cuesta. 

53  A  provisional  governor  or  the  chief  justice  was  to  replace  the  regular 
governor,  the  vice,  gubernatorial  office  being  abolished.  The  state  was  de 
clared  to  embrace  nine  partidos.  This  organic  law  was  signed  at  Ures  on 
May  13,  1848,  by  F.  N.  Lopez,  president,  J.  Martinez,  J.  Estevaii 
Milla,  M.  M.  Enemas,  R.  Encinas,  F.  J.  Aguilar,  M.  Campillo, 
and  R.  Buelna,  the  latter  two  acting  as  secretaries.  It  was  issued 
by  M.  M.  Gandara  on  the  15th,  countersigned  by  Secretary  C.  Na- 
varro.  Sonora,  Conxtit.  Reformado,  1848,  1-48,  with  103  arts.  On  May  26th 
election  laws  were  issued' in  42  arts.  Text  in  Correct  Nac.,  July  14,  1848. 
During  1847  the  government  council  had  been  abolished.  Deputies  received 
$1,800  pay,  and  $2  per  league  for  mileage.  Sonorense,  June  16,  23,  July  16, 
1848;  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  iv.  29-46,  71-2.  Velasco,  Sonora,  24-33,  comments 
adversely  to  the  power  to  increase  suplentes  in  the  legislature,  on  lack  of 
government  council,  etc.  In  June  1847  three  prefecturas  \vere  decreed, 
Ures,  Hermosillo,  and  Alamos,  with  salary  of  $1,400,  subsequently  $1,600, 
and  the  municipal  government  was  graded  according  to  four  classes  of  set 
tlements,  cities,  partido  capitals,  places  of  500  inhabitants  and  over,  and 
places  with  less.  Rules  in  Pinart,  Doc.  Sonora,  iv.  33-5,  38-40.  In  1848, 
however,  the  above  parfcidos  were  converted  into  prefecturas.  Velasco  gives 
the  extent  of  each.  The  chief  cities  received  ayuntamientos,  the  next  grade, 
three  justices  of  the  peace,  and  smaller  places,  one,  who  supervised  the 
police  of  haciendas.  Certain  sales  of  church  property  were  annulled  by 
decree  of  June  30,  1847. 


THE  TEXAS  QUESTION.  065 

the  peace,  in  proportion  to  their  population.  The 
new  constitution  was  not  issued  until  May  1848, 
owing  partly  to  the  war  with  the  United  States. 

The  Texan  question  had  given  early  premonitions 
of  danger  from  the  neighbor  republic,  and  here  as 
elsewhere  Americans  had  become  subject  to  suspicion 
and  restrictions.  In  September  1846  came  the  news 
of  impending  war,  with  an  order  to  send  militia  ree'n- 
forcements  and  other  aid  to  Chihuahua;  but  the  no 
tice  of  blockade  by  United  States  war  vessels  made  it 
apparent  that  Sonora  would  need  all  she  could  raise 
for  her  own  defence.  On  October  5th,  indeed,  ap 
peared  the  Cyane,  Commander  Dupont,  preceded  by 
the  war  sloop  Dale,  with  a  demand  for  the  surrender 
of  Guaymas  and  the  two  small  gun-boats,  or  the  al 
ternative  of  bombardment.  Commandant  Campuzano 
signalling  his  refusal  by  applying  the  torch  to  the 
boats,  Dupont  opened  fire  on  the  7th,  and  inflicted 
considerable  damage  on  the  town,  besides  cutting  out 
the  war  brig  Condor**  This  much  accomplished,  ag 
gressive  operations  were  suspended,  a  blockade  being- 
decided  upon.  New  fears  arose,  however,  from  the 
unexpected  appearance  on  the  northern  border  at  the 
close  of  1846,  of  a  large  expedition  under  General 
Kearney,  which  crossed  from  New  Mexico  to  Alta 
California,  through  Tucson,  this  place  being  tempor 
arily  occupied.  Preparations  for  defence  wrere,  there 
fore,  continued,  and  the  legislature  joined  in  the  effort 
by  granting  the  governor  extraordinary  powers,  call 
ing  out  the  militia,  and  forming  an  arrangement  with 
the  adjoining  states  for  mutual  aid.  Subsequently  all 
able-bodied  Sonorans  were  summoned  to  take  up 
arms,55  an  appeal  to  which  more  than  1,000  men  re 
sponded  within  the  day. 

54  Iris  Espan. ,  Nov.  11,  1 846. 

55  By  decree  of  April  22,  1847.  Sonoreme,  Jan. -June,  passim;  Pinart,  Doc. 
Son.,  iii.  323,  iv.  2,  no.  824  et  seq. ;  Son.  Ley.   Varios  ,  9.     An  appeal  from 
California  received  official  attention.     The 'bishop  joined  id  stirring  up  the 
people.    Economista,  July  7,  1847. 


666  SONORA   AND   SINALOA   A8   SEPARATE   STATES 


NKW  MAP  OF  SONORA 


FOREIGN   VESSELS.  667 

Little  could  be  done  to  strengthen  the  frontier, 
when  all  available  troops  were  demanded  for  active 
operations  in  the  centre  and  north-east  of  the  invaded 
republic.  While  the  presidio  seemed  protected  by 
the  wilderness  beyond,  the  coast  lay  exposed  to  a 
threatening  squadron.  Attention  was,  therefore, 
mainly  directed  to  fortifying  Guaymas,  as  the  port  of 
the  state;  to  which  end  the  garrison  was  increased  in 
March  to  four  hundred  men;  a  fort  was  constructed 
on  Casa  Blanca  hill,  and  additional  guns  were 
mounted.5' 

On  October  16,  1847,  the  frigate  Congress,  Captain 
Lavallette,  appeared  before  Guaymas,  followed  bv 
the  sloop  of  war  Portsmouth  and  the  prize  brig  Argo,  T 
from  which  a  thirty-two  pounder  and  some  smaller  arms 
were  landed  on  Almagre  island  and  another  point 
under  cover  of  night.  This  accomplished,  a  summons 
for  surrender  was  made  on  the  19th,  and  Command 
ant  Campuzano  refusing,  fire  was  opened  on  the  fol 
lowing  morning  with  such  effect  that  in  less  than  an 
hour  the  white  flag  was  hoisted.  Persuaded  that  re 
sistance  would  only  entail  useless  destruction  of  prop 
erty,  Campuzano  had  withdrawn  to  Bacochivampo, 
there  to  guard  the  approach  to  the  interior,  leaving 
the  municipality  to  make  terms  for  the  town/8  Most 
of  the  inhabitants  had  fled,  and  foreign  traders  and 
others  who  remained  were  permitted  to  leave  in  boats 
for  a  village  some  distance  to  the  north,  owing  to 
the  cutting  off  of  water  and  food  by  the  Mexican 
corps  of  observation.  The  fortifications  were  blown 
up  and  a  guard  posted,  partly  for  the  protection  of 

56  Owing  to  the  active  participation  of  citizens,  Campuzano  reported  that 
work  valued  at  over  $10,000  had  been  performed  at  a  cost  of  less  than 
$1 ,000.     The  government,  however,  was  slow  in  granting  supplies.  Sonorense, 
March- April,  Oct.  22,  1847. 

57  Claimed  by  J.  Robinson,  U.  S.  consul  at  Guaymas,  who  had  long  resided 
there,  acting  also  for  England.  Mofras,  Or.,  i.  182.     The  two  war  vessels 
were  rated  at  44  and  20  guns  respectively,  yet  both  carried  a  few  more, 
although  not  60  and  34   as  Pinart,  Doc.  Sonora,  iv.  50,  has  it.  Arco,  Iris., 
Dec.  llth. 

58  Oampuzano's  retreat  was  approved.  Son&rense,  Oct.  22,  Dec.  31,   1847. 
Frost  places  the  retiring  force  at  400.   Hist.  Mex. ,  457. 


668  SONORA  AND   SINALOA  AS   SEPARATE  STATES. 

property;  yet  some  pillaging  took  place.59 

Lavallette  was  instructed  merely  to  take  possession 
of  the  fort,  and  as  a  smaller  force  seemed  sufficient 
for  the  task,  he  departed  on  the  23d,  leaving  the 
Portsmouth,  Commander  Montgomery,  to  hold  it,  with 
orders  to  permit  legal  commerce,  and  exact  duty  under 
the  tariff  established  for  the  coast  by  decree  of  April 
3d.60  The  sloop  Dale,  Commander  Selfridge,  joined 
her  shortly  after,  and  was  for  a  time  left  in  sole 
charge.  This  diminution  in  the  blockading  force  en 
couraged  the  Mexicans  to  reenter  the  town  on  No 
vember  17th;  but  they  were  forced  to  retire  before 
the  attack  of  the  marines,  supported  by  livery  broad 
sides.61  Several  other  skirmishes  took  place  later  at 
Cochori  and  Bacochivampo,62  and  further  south.  An 
exploring  and  reconnoitring  expedition  passed  in  Feb 
ruary  1848  down  the  coast,  touching  at  Tiburon 
island,  and  at  the  Yaqui  settlements  to  conciliate  this 
powerful  tribe,  which  was  readily  accomplished.63 

Nothing  resulted  from  this  occupation,  save  a  small 
gain  to  Americans  from  custom-house  revenue,  and 
considerable  loss  to  the  Sonorans  from  interrupted 
trade  and  destruction  of  life  and  property,  the  treaty 

59  Sonorense,  Nov.  5,  1847;  and  so  mentioned  also  in  Niks'  Register,  Ixiii. 
295.     The  bombardment,  with  500  shot  and  shell,  it  is  said,  inflicted  great 
damage,    though   but   little  loss  of  life.  8.  F.  Calif.,  Feb.  2,  1848;  Findley* 
Direct.,  i.  297. 

60  Consul  Robinson  was  made  collector.     In  the  proclamation  to  the  town 
of  Oct.  20,  Lavallette  assured  protection  to  all  citizens,  subject  only  to  cer 
tain  modifications  in  the  civil  administration.     Report  and  correspondence 
in  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  cong.   30,  sess.   2,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  i.  pt  ii.  70  et  seq.     At 
first  duty  was  fixed  at  15  per  cent  ad  valorem.     Montgomery's  force  was 
placed   at  300.  Hex.  Arch.,  L.  Cal,  ii.  5;  Niks'  Reyixter,  Ixiii.  295;    Wise* 
Los  Gringos,  136;  Ripleys  War  Mex.,  ii.  603-4. 

61  Selfridge  being  wounded  during  the  first  fire,  Lieut  W.  T.  Smith  led 
the  land  party,  numbering  65  men.     The  Mexicans  were  estimated  at  fully 
300,  and  their  loss  at  about  30.     Reports  in  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  as  above,  97 
100.     Campuzano  claimed,  with  106  men  under  Capt.  Jurado,  to  have  driven 
back  the  Americans;  loss,  one  killed  and  five  wounded.  Sonoreme,  Nov.  26, 
1847.     The  victory  was  celebrated  by  Mexicans  even  in  Lower  Cal.  Mex. 
Arch.,  Lower  Cal.;  Frost's  Hist.    War,  457;  Cal  Star,  Apr.    8,  1848,  devotes 
an  entire  column  to  the  skirmish.  Polynesian,  iv.  146. 

62  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  as  above,  128-33.     Trade  with  Americans  was  inter 
dicted  by  decree  of  Feb.  17.  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  iv.  64-5. 

63  The  barracks  at  Bacochivampo  were  destroyed  on  Feb.  20th.     A  de 
scent  was  also  made  on  an  outpost  12  miles  from  Guaymas.    U.  S.  Govt  Doc., 
53-4;  f<L.  cong.  30,  sess.  2,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  i.  1157-60,  1133-6. 


INTERNAL  DISCORD.  669 

of  peace,  signed  in  May  1848,  causing  the  departure 
of  the  hostile  squadron. 

In  Sinaloa  the  invaders  had  been  favored  in  their 
designs  upon  the  rich  port  of  Mazatlan  by  internal 
dissensions.  In  1845  R.  de  la  Vega  and  F.  Facio 
figured  as  governor  and  comandante-general,  respec 
tively,  to  the  discontent  of  a  growing  faction,04  which 
on  January  5,  1846,  pronounced  against  them,  at 
Mazatlan,  and  declared  the  civil  and  military  author 
ity  vested  in  Lieutenant-colonel  Angel  Miramon,  with 
adhesion  to  the  plan  of  San  Luis  lately  issued  by 
Paredes.61  This  was  adopted  at  Culiacan  and  several 
other  places.66  Paredes  chose  to  appoint  other  men 
for  the  commands,67  but  his  own  position  being  preca 
rious  Colonel  Tellez,  en  route  to  California  with  troops, 
seized  the  opportunity  to  remain  at  Mazatlan  and 
pronounce  for  Santa  Anna,  on  May  7th  under  a  fed 
eral  system,  with  himself  as  cornandante-general  and 
governor.  Both  titles  being  disputed  the  latter  by 
Vega  and  another  claimant,68  and  the  former  by  T. 
Romero,  Tellez  marched  against  them,  routed  the 
latter  at  Las  Flechas,  September  1 5th,  and  compelled 
Vega  to  seek  safety  in  flight. 

Such  demoralization  favored  the  approach  of  the 
Americans,  and  on  September  7,  1846,  the  United 
States  squadron  touched  at  Mazatlan,  captured  a 
Mexican  brig  of  war,  and  established  a  temporary 
blockade,  which  was  resumed  in  the  following  April, 
and  formally  proclaimed  in  August.  On  November 
10th,  Commodore  Shubrick  demanded  the  surrender 

64  Vega  was   charged  with  smuggling.  Amigo  Pueb.,  Aug.  30,   1845,  and 
Monti-Comtit. ;  Mem,  Hist.,  Feb.  10,  1846.     Facio  was  declared  incapable. 

65  See  Hist.  Max.,  v.  this  series;    Tiempo,  Jan.  29,  1846. 
™Mem.  Hist.,  Feb.  15,  23,  1846. 

67  J.  I.  Gutierrez  as  comandante,  and  Martinez  Castro  as  governor,  who 
assumed  control  in  March.  Id.,   Apr.   8,    1846;  Gutierrez,  Context.,  25;  Pap. 

Far.,  xli.  pt  19. 

68  G.  Layja,  appointed  from  Mexico  in  Oct.     Vega  controlling  the  elec 
tion  at  the  capital  managed  to  declare  himself  chosen,   regardless  of  the 
votes.  Razonador,   Nov.    10,    1847.     The  legislature  sustained  him.  Pinart, 
Col,  no.  854. 


670  SONORA  AND  SINALOA   AS   SEPARATE   STATES. 

of  the  port,  which  being  refused,  he  landed  some  six 
hundred  men  with  four  guns,  and  took  possession, 
Tellez  retiring  to  Presidio  de  Mazatlan,  eight  leagues 
distant.  Shubrick  left  three  hundred  men  in  the 
place,  under  the  direction  of  Captain  Lavallette,  in 
command  of  the  Congress ;  authorities  were  appointed, 
and  every  precaution  was  taken  to  calm  the  people.6' 
Meanwhile  Tellez  and  Vega  became  engaged  in 
rival  efforts  to  secure  supremacy,  Vega  sustaining 
himself  at  Culiacan  as  governor.  After  a  feeble  at 
tempt  at  resistance  on  the  part  of  Tellez,  whose  con 
duct  disgusted  his  followers,  Vega  was  recognized  as 
governor.  While  his  forces  were  engaged  in  observa 
tions  around  Mazatlan,  several  skirmishes  took  place 
with  the  invaders,  little  loss  of  life  being  incurred.7' 
In  March  1848,  news  of  the  cessation  of  hostilities 
arrived,  and  on  June  17th  the  port  was  formally  re 
stored  to  Mexico. 

While  the  war  with  the  United  States  was  going 
on,  Apache  invasions  into  Sonora  caused  great  distress. 
More  settlements  were  destroyed,  and  even  the  sub 
urbs  of  Ures  were  assailed,  compelling  the  abandon 
ment  of  the  Tubac  presidio.  A  war  tax  was  established 
in  February  1848,  and  the  supreme  congress  having 
granted  a  portion  of  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  n 
devoted  to  the  protection  of  exposed  states,  several 
expeditions  were  sent  out,  with  no  more  result  than 
that,  in  the  following  years,  Indian  raids  and  outrages 
were  followed  up  with  the  same  impunity.  Extended 
desolation  followed,  made  wide-sweeping  by  the  im 
poverished  condition  of  the  national  treasury,  and  the 
drain  upon  the  population  caused  by  the  excitement 
of  gold  discoveries  in  California.  This  lured  away 

c*Correo,  Nac.,  Dec.  14,  1847.  Details  in  U,  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  cong.  30,  sess. 
2,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  i.,  ptii.;  Ranwey's  Other  Side,  428-9;  Ripley's  War  Mex.,  ii. 
604-6;  Cindnnatus,  Travel*,  81-2;  Mex.  Treaties,  vii.,  pt  11;  CaKfvrnian,  Feb. 
9,  1848. 

™U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  ut  »up.,  1105-22;  Correo,  Nac.,  Dec.  14-15,  1847;  Ra- 
zonador,  Dec.  11,  18*7;  Arco  Iris,  Dec.  24,  1847,  Jan.  28,  1848. 

71  Sonora  received  $20,000.  Mex.  Col  Ley.,  1848,  458. 


MILITARY  COLONIES.  071 

both  citizens  and  troops,  leaving  the  state  in  despair, 
by  withdrawing  its  stanchest  defenders,72  and  even 
the  heads  of  departments.73  Wages  and  prices  rose 
fast,  and  plans  were  discussed  and  tried  in  order  to 
arrest  the  exodus,  but  of  no  avail, — the  fever  had  to 
run  its  course. 

As  regards  security  of  the  frontier  in  1848,  five 
military  colonies  were  assigned  for  Sonora,  to  be  located 
probably  at  Babispe,  Fronteras,  Santa  Cruz,  Altar, 
and  Tucson.  So  dilatory,  however,  was  the  supreme 
government  that  by  the  end  of  1850  only  that  of 
Fronteras  had  been  properly  planted,  Santa  Cruz 
being  in  course  of  formation,  while  the  rest  were  not 
even  located.  The  total  force  reached  only  three 
hundred  and  thirteen  men,  and  as  troops  were  needed 
to  oppose  the  Indians,  the  state  was  ordered  to  equip, 
at  federal  expense,  four  companies  of  national  mounted 
guards,  each  to  consist  of  fifty  men  and  four  officers.7* 
This  measure  also  languished,  and  the  total  force  for 
1850  was  only  five  hundred  and  twenty-seven  men.75 
The  state  endeavored  to  attract  foreigners  by  liberal 
offers  of  land,  on  condition  of  being  liable  to  certain 
military  duties,  but  the  national  government  overruled 
the  measure  as  extravagant  and  dangerous. 

Political  factions  continued  their  strife,  and  in 
March  1848  a  plot  was  formed  to  kidnap  Governor 
Gandara,  and  replace  him  by  Kedondo,  with  Elias 

72  It  is  estimated  that   between  Oct.   1848,  when  the  first  caravan  left 
Hermosillo,  and  March  1849,  more  than  5,000  persons  departed.     During  the 
first  four  months  of  1850,  fully  6,000  left,  taking  with  them  about  $14,000 
in  beasts  of  burden.     Velasco,  Sonora,  289-91,  places  the  exodus  by  March 
1849  at  not  less  than  4,000.     Passports  were  required  for   departure,  but 
numbers  left  without  the  document.     Poverty  prevented  a  still  greater  emi 
gration.  Soc.  Mcx.  Geog.,  xi.  Ill,  126;  ii.   59;  Pinart,  Doc.  Sonora,  iv.  118, 
204  et  seq. 

73  A  decree  was  passed  authorizing  the  governor  to  fill  vacancies  in  muni 
cipal  and  other  offices.  Pinart,  Col  Doc.,  ii.,  no.  1003. 

74  At  a  monthly  expense  of  $1,521  per  company.  Soiiorense,  Nov.  2,  1849. 

75  Of  whom  132  belonged  to  battalion,  4  of  infantry,  50  to  the  national 
guard,  the  rest  being  classed  as  military  colonists,  including  those  in  Lower 
Cal.  Hex.  Mem.  Oner.,  1851,  doc.  1,  3-4.     For  remarks  on  the  decaying  con 
dition,  of  the  presidio  and  colony  sites,  see  Velasco,  San.,  104-23;  Soc.  Mex. 
Geoy.,  ii.  58,  63-5;  viii.  522-7,  453-6;  Zunfya,  Son.,  60-6. 


672  SONORA   AND   SINALOA  AS   SEPARATE  STATES. 

Gonzalez  as  comand ante-general,  which  office  Gandara 
also  held.76  As  it  was,  Redondo  received  the  vote  in 
May  for  substitute  governor,  and  Gonzalez  succeeded 
to  military  command  in  December.77  In  the  autumn 
elections,  Jose  Aguilar  was  the  chosen  candidate,  and 
assumed  the  governorship  in  April  1849,  Juan  Bau- 
tista,  a  brother  of  Gandara,  ruling  ad  interim.'8 
Aguilar  found  his  position  so  far  from  enviable  that 
he  tendered  his  resignation  on  more  than  one  occasion, 
and  was  allowed  to  retire  in  October  1851,  on  leave  of 
absence. 79 

In  January  1851  a  new  comandante-general  arrived, 
the  brave  and  energetic  Colonel  J.  M.  Carrasco.     Un- 

O 

fortunately,  within  six  months  he  was  carried  off  by 
cholera,80  and  his  successor,  General  Blanco,  failed  to 
meet  the  expectations  formed.  There  was  particular- 
need  at  this  time  for  a  firm  military  commander. 
Wide-spread  alarm  had  been  created  by  rumors  of 
filibustering  preparations  in  California,  directed  against 
the  rich  and  forsaken  northwest,  notably  under  Gen 
eral  Morehead,  who,  however,  failed  to  obtain  suffi 
cient  support.81 

76  He  had  accepted  it  Feb.  25,   1848.     Campuzano  filled  it   until    1847. 
Moreno,  pref.;  Sonorense,  Mar.  3,  22,  May  24,  June  4,  Aug.  16,  1848. 

77  Pinart,  Doc.  Sonora,  iv.  72,  99.     Gandara  threatened  to  press  a  claim  of 
•1HOO,000  for  advances  and  losses  during  the  war  of  invasion,  which  induced 
the  government  to  recall  an  order  for  Gen.  Urrea  to  interfere.     Several 
strong  protests  were  issued  by  Gandara,  who  was  in  fear  of  his  powerful 
rival  commanding  at  Durango.  Cremony's  Apaches,  39-40;  Sonorense,  Oct.  13, 
20,  Nov.  3,  1848.     Urrea  died  Aug.  1,  1849.  Pinart,  Doc.  Sonora,  iv.  159. 

78  Aguilar  resigned  in  Oct.   1851,  the  ad  interim  governor  being  M.  M. 
Gaxiola.     When  the  federal  system  was  overthrown,  in  1853,  Aguilar  retired 
from  politics.  Aguilar,  Vindic.,  4. 

79  Floods  in  Oct.  1848  had  added  to  the  distress.     The  governor's  message 
of  March  1851  was  more  hopeful.  Sonorense,  Nov.  17,  1848;  Pinart,  Doc.  Sonora, 
iv.  297-8. 

80  On  July  21st,  at  Cochori.     His  death  was  a  calamity,   Voz  Pueblo,  July 
30,   1851,  attributed  by  certain   anti-Gandarists   to  poisoning.     Carrasco's 
condemnation  of  previous  methods  had  roused  Gandara  and  others  against 
him.  Hall's  Son.,  MS.,  67;  Mex.  Mem.  Guer.,  1852,  45.     J.  M.  Flores  suc 
ceeded  him  temporarily. 

81  Morehead  went  to  Mazatlan  about  the  middle  of  1851  in  the  Josephine, 
but  did  nothing.  Mex.  Mem.  Guer.,  1852;  Inform.  Comis.  P&tquis.,  8. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

FILIBUSTERING  INVASIONS  FROM  CALIFORNIA. 
1852-1854. 

RAOUSSET  DE  BOULBON'S  EARLY  CAREER— His  SCHEMES — PINDRAY'S  FRON 
TIER  COLONY— RAOUSSET'S  GRANT — ARRIVAL  IN  SONORA — HOSTILITY  or 
OFFICIALS — CAPTURE  OF  HERMOSILLO — RAOUSSET  ATTACKED  WITH 
FEVER — RETIRES  TO  GUAYMAS — THE  ADVENTURERS  CAPITULATE — NEW 
SCHEMES  OF  THE  FRENCHMAN — THE  COMPANIA  RESTAURADORA — RAOUS 
SET  GOES  TO  MEXICO— A  SECOND  EXPEDITION  PLANNED — THE  RETURN 
TO  SONORA — RAOUSSET  DUPED  BY  YA&EZ — THE  MEXICAN  BARRACKS  AT 
GUAYMAS — PLAN  OF  ATTACK — ASSAULT  OF  THE  FILIBUSTERS — THEIR 
DEFEAT— DISPOSAL  OF  THE  PRISONERS — EXECUTION  OF  RAOUSSET — His 
CHARACTER. 

SONORA  at  length  received  the  aid  in  troops  and 
arms,  which  had  been  refused  for  defence  against 
more  savage  foes.1  These  measures  proved  opportune,, 
for  a  really  formidable  expedition  was  fitting  out  at 
the  time  in  California.  For  three  years  adventurers 
had  been  drifting  into  San  Francisco  from  every  zone, 
lured  by  gold.  Finding  near  realities  below  their  ex 
alted  expectations,  they  strained  their  eyes  for  pros 
pects  rendered  more  glittering  by  distance  and 
vagueness.  Stories  of  the  precious  mountains  of 
Sonora,  the  gold  nuggets  of  the  Gila,  and  the  silver 
bullets  of  the  Apaches,  so  current  on  the  Mexican 
border,  found  ready  acceptance  among  this  class  of 
fortune-hunters,  who  dreamed  only  of  sudden  and 
easy  acquisitions. 

1  Blanco  brought  in  March  1852  sufficient  resources  to  place  1,500  men 
under  arms.  Tanori  and  other  friendly  Indian  chiefs  received  honors  to  en 
sure  their  loyalty.  Pinart.  Doc.  Son.,  v.  2,  16-17  Foreigners  were  now- 
placed  under  greater  restrictions,  and  their  status  duly  defined.  '  Those  neg 
lecting  passports  were  to  be  heavily  fined.  National,  Oct.  21,  1853. 

HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    43  (673) 


674        FILIBUSTERING  INVASIONS  FROM  CALIFORNIA. 

Prominent  among  them  was  a  French  count,  Gas- 
ton  Raoulx  de  Raousset-Boulbon,  of  an  ancient  but 
decayed  Provence  family.2  Imbibed  traditions  and 
manners  had  stamped  him  as  a  child  with  a  haughty 
determination  that  procured  for  him  the  appellation 
Little  Wolf;  yet  a  natural  generosity  assisted  his 
Jesuit  teachers  of  Fribourg  to  subordinate  these 
traits  to  lofty  sentiment  and  regard  for  dignity.  Re 
pelled  by  the  frigidity  of  an  unsympathetic  father, 
he  hastened,  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  to  Paris,  to  yield 
to  the  giddy  whirl.  Talented  and  handsome,  he  was 
well  received  in  society.  To  a  graceful  figure  of 
barely  medium  height  was  added  an  oval  face  of 
strongly  marked  features,  frank  in  expression,  and 
well  set  off  by  an  incipient  mustache  and  imperial  of 
blonde  hue.  The  dreamy  eyes  fired  upon  slight 
provocation.  He  was  a  dashing  horseman  and  a  good 
fencer ;  skillful  with  the  sword  and  rifle  as  with  the 
pen  and  pencil,  and  shone  equally  in  song  and  conver 
sation.3 

With  the  decrease  of  a  maternal  legacy  came  sober 
reflections  on  dissipation  and  idleness.  Constrained 
in  the  artificial  and  sordid  atmosphere  of  the  social 
capital,  his  ambitious  spirit  began  to  sigh  for  some 
famous  field  of  action.  He  proceeded  to  Algiers, 
there  to  mingle  somewhat  visionary  colonist  under 
takings4  with  eccentric  hunting  excursions  and  mili- 
itary  expeditions,  latterly  in  the  company  of  Due  d' 
Aumale.  The  revolution  of  1848  assisted  to  crush 
his  projects,  while  involving  the  inheritance  from  his 
father,  yet  he  welcomed  the  movement,  freed  as  he 
was  by  this  time  from  implanted  royalism  and  re 
ligion.  His  appeal  for  the  popular  suffrage  of  his 

2  Born  at  Avignon  Dec.  2,  1817.     His  mother  was  descended  from  Beam. 

3  '  Jo  suis  ne  trop  tot  ou  trop  tard, '  he  often  exclaimed  bitterly,  when 
roused  from  his  dreams.  Lac/tapclle,  Le  Combe  de  Raowset-Boulbon,  3.    '  On  etait 
seduit  par  Ic  charme  de  sa  parole,  par  son  regard  imposant,  par  1'elegance  de 
ses  manicros.'  Fossey,  Mex.,  188.     He  sketches  his  own  life  and  feelings  to 
some  extent  in   Una  Conversion,  3-7  et  seq.,   a  novel  printed  at  Mexico  in 
1854,  full  of  vapid  pride  and  crude  paragraphs. 

4  As  indicated  by  a  pamphlet  issued  by  him  from  there. 


COUNT  RAOUSSET  DE  BOULBON.  675 

native  place  failed,  however ;  the  journal  he  founded 
was  not  successful.6  Disappointed  and  ruined,  he 
wished  to  leave  France.  The  reigning  gold  excite 
ment  directed  his  attention  to  California,  and  thither 
he  hastened  early  in  1850  by  way  of  Panama.  Pen 
niless,  he  engaged  successively  as  hunter,  lighterman, 
cattle-dealer,  and  miner,  without  achieving  more  than 
subsistence.  This  by  no  means  accorded  with  his  as 
pirations.  He  still  nourished  chivalric  fancies,  and 
sought  for  some  coup  d'  etat  by  which  to  retrieve  his 
fortune.6 

The  voyage  to  El  Dorado  had  afforded  him  a 
glimpse  at  Mexico,  associated  in  his  mind  with  the 
romantic  achievements  of  Cortes  and  the  glitter  of 
a  semi-barbaric  court,  now  the  scene  of  party  strife 
and  the  rise  and  fall  of  leaders,  and  seemingly  drift 
ing  into  absorption  by  a  strong  neighbor.  On  the 
other  hand,  he  saw  in  California  a  large  French  influx, 
which,  finding  no  congenial  reception  from  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  element,  began  to  turn  toward  the  sympathetic 
Spanish  races  of  the  south,  and  embrace  with  partic 
ular  fervor  the  gilded  stories  of  the  Mexican  frontier. 

A  year  before  Raousset's  arrival  another  scion  of 
decayed  French  nobility  had  reached  the  coast  in  the 
person  of  Charles  de  Pindray,7  a  sort  of  Apollo-like 
Hercules,8  with  pronounced  features  and  a  singularly 
fascinating  glance,  flashing  and  penetrating,  renowned 
as  one  of  the  most  cool  and  daring  hunters  that  sup 
plied  San  Francisco's  markets.  His  vocation  becom 
ing  unprofitable  with  increasing  competition,  he  readily 
fell  into  the  tempting  project  for  a  gold- hunting  col 
ony  in  Sonora'  strong  enough  to  resist  the  Apaches 

5  La  Libertd  proved  too  radical  in  spirit  and  '  fierte  de  langage.'  Madeline, 
Le  Comte  Raousset-Boullton,  46-7. 

c<  J'ai  resolu  de  chercher  une  de  ces  grandes  aventures  qui  conduisent  au 
succes  ou  h.  la  mort, '  he  writes  to  a  friend.  LacJiapflle,  88. 

7  A  marquis  of  Poitou,  Id.,  54,  60,  aged  35;  others  call  him  le  comte, 
and  allude  to  him  as  leaving  France  for  duelling  and  other  less  scrupulous 
doings. 

8<Comme  celut  du  Giaour  ou  de  1'Esprit  rebelle  de  Milton.'  Vigneaux, 
Mex.,  176. 

'  Saint- Amant,  Voy.  Cal.,  113,  consular  agent  at  Sacramento,  wrote  to 
France  about  this  prospect  in  1851. 


676         FILIBUSTERING  INVASIONS  FROM  CALIFORNIA. 

while  sustaining  itself  and  prospecting  for  metal.  His 
influence  gave  form  to  the  idea,  and  in  November 
1851  he  left  with  four-score  companions  for  Guaymas.10 
Others  followed,  and  with  nearly  150  men  a  colony 
was  established  at  the  deserted  mission  in  Cocospera 
valley.  The  government  failed  to  keep  the  promises 
made  in  consideration  of  the  services  to  be  derived 
from  so  valuable  a  frontier  bulwark,  a  neglect  that 
must  have  been  expected  from  its  lack  of  means  and 
the  disturbed  condition  of  affairs.  The  consequent 
privation  and  disappointment  led  to  desertion.11  One 
day  Pin  dray  was  found  shot  in  his  room,  by  his  own 
hand,  it  was  declared,  although  friends  insisted  that 
he  must  have  been  assassinated.12 

Pindray's  activity  had  given  impulse  to  the  move 
ments  of  Raousset,  who  seems  to  have  been  some 
what  jealous  of  his  rival's  superior  influence  and 
reputation.  Consul  Dillon  of  San  Francisco  had  ven 
tilated  the  colonization  schemes  in  letters  to  the 
French  minister  at  Mexico,  and  learnt  of  similar  pro 
jects  there.  At  his  advice  Raousset  proceeded  to 
that  capital,  and  aided  in  the  formation  of  the 
Compania  Restauradora,  under  the  auspices  of  the 
bankers  Jecker  de  la  Torre  and  Company,  the  French 
minister,  and  several  prominent  Mexicans.13  The 
government  conceded  the  land  mines,  and  placers  ta 
be  occupied;  and  Raousset  bound  himself  to  bring  at 
least  150  Frenchmen,  fully  armed,  with  which  to  dis 
cover  and  hold  possession  of  promising  tracts,  and  to 

13  In  the  Cumberland,  bearing  88  men,  each  of  whom  subscribed  $40.50, 
Id.,  115-17.  S.  F.  Herald,  May  26,  1852,  and  Sonorense,  Feb.  4,  1853,  differ 
as  to  the  number.  N.  Pac.  Rev.  i.  18. 

11  Sonorans  subscribed  more  than  $1,100  for  them.     They  captured  horses 
from  the  Apaches  and  received  provisions,  implements  and  beasts.     Sono 
rense,  May  14,  1852;  Feb.  4,  1853.     A  writer  in  Alta  Cat.,  Aug.  16,  Oct.  5, 
1852,  denounces  them  as  an  idle  ungrateful  set. 

12  Lachapelle  believes  by  the  hand  of  one  of   the  many  men  hurt  by  his 
haughty  rudeness.     Vigneaux,  Mex.,  186,  thinks   by  officials  who  became 
alarmed  at  their  lack  of  faith  with  such  a  man.     Impelled  by  fever  and  des 
pair,  a&yaSaint  Amant,  Voy.,  118-19.      'Un  mystere.'     Madeline,  90.     This 
occurred  within  a  few  months  after  arrival. 

13  Including  President   Arista  and  Governors  Aguilar   and   Cubillas   of 
Sonora,  according  to  Vigneaux,  who  accords   the  actual   formation  of  the 
company  to  Raousset,  with  Jecker  &  Co.,  for  nominal  heads. 


THE  EXPEDITION  AT  GUAYMAS.  677 

protect  them  against  Apaches,  so  as  to  permit  the  un 
folding  of  agricultural  and  mining  enterprises,  in 
consideration  of  receiving  half  of  all  the  lands,  mines, 
and  placers.14 

Assured  by  contracts,  ana  provided  with  funds15 
and  letters  to  Sonoran  officials,  Raousset  quickly  gath 
ered  a  company  at  San  Francisco  of  over  260  men,16 
and  reached  Guaymas  in  the  Archibald  Grade  on  June 
1,  1852,  The  people  accorded  an  enthusiastic  recep 
tion,  but  the  officials  classed  the  party  as  rivals  and 
intruders  about  to  encroach  upon  their  privileges  and 
lower  their  prestige  as  military  and  civil  guardians. 
One  cause  for  the  change  lay  in  the  machinations  of 
another  company,  founded  under  the  auspices  of  the 
rich  firm,  Baron,  Forbes,  and  Company,  which  had 
won  over  with  shares  the  leading  men  of  the  state, 
including  several  of  the  shareholders  of  the  Compania 
Restauradora "  and  General  Blanco,  military  chief, 
and  sought  to  delay,  if  not  break  up,  its  rival.  After 
many  protestations  of  loyalty,  and  having  assurances 
from  Mexico,  the  party  was  allowed  to  advance  from 
Guaymas,  and  disregarding  the  order  for  marching 

14  According  to  the  MS.  statutes  of  the  Compagnie  de  Sonore  formed  by 
Raousset  for  this  purpose,  at  S.  F.     Of  this  company  he  declared  himself 
sole  founder  and  chief,  assisted  by  a  council  of  officers  partly  chosen  by 
himself.      It  was   to  exist   till  Jan.    1,   1856.      The  discovery  tour  ended 
the  company.     '  The  company  shall  select  the  point  for  settlement.     The 
members  need  not  work;  this  will  be  done  by  Mexicans,  who  pay  them  a 
share  of  the  yield  in  return  for  protection.     This  sum,  as  well  as  profits 
from  the  trading  monopoly,  will  be  divided  monthly,  each  member  receiv 
ing  one    share;    squad  chiefs,    two  parts;  section  chiefs,    three   parts;  and 
Raousset  such  proportion  as  may  be  fixed  by  the  company. '     Equal  shares 
were  subsequently  agreed  upon.     Promotion  according  to  merit.     A  list  of 
members  follows,  up  to  271;  then  names  of  officers.  Exped.  Son.  Archives, 
MS.,  1-17. 

15  The  Restauradora  Co.  placed  $35,000  at  the  disposal  of  their  agent,  for 
supplies,  etc.,  with  $25,000  more  in  prospect.   Universal,  July  15,  1852. 

16  Out  of  twice  that  number,  Americans  being  as  a  rule  rejected  out  of 
consideration  for  Mexican  jealousy.     The  men  had  mostly  served  as  soldiers 
or  sailors.     Both  French  and  Mexican  consuls  had  to  interfere  to  pass  the 
armament  at  S.  F.,  the  officials  there  objecting  at  first. 

17  Warrens  Dust  and  Foam,  204.     Hall,  Son.,  MS.,  96,  assumes  prior  for 
mation  to  the  former.     Even  Arista  was  bought,  says  Vigneaux,  Mex.,  190-1. 
The  contract  with  Raousset  was  declared  illegal.  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  v.  67-9, 
and  the  land  in  litigation.     Correspondence  with  officials  and  comments.  Id., 
60  et  seq.;  Sonorense,  Sept,  24,  Oct.    1,  8,  1852;  Alfa  Cal,  tfov.  22,  1852; 
Madeline,  115  et  seq, 


678        FILIBUSTERING  INVASIONS  FROM   CALIFORNIA. 

through  Arispe,  the  military  headquarters,  they 
hastened  on  from  Hermosillo  to  Saric,  the  ex-mission 
on  Rio  del  Altar,  designated  as  abase  for  operations. 1& 

The  enraged  Blanco  now  sent  an  ultimatum,  requir 
ing  the  French  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to 
Mexico,  and  place  themselves  at  his  orders,  retaining 
Raousset  for  captain,  or  reduce  their  party  to  fifty 
men,  attended  by  a  Mexican  officer;  otherwise  to 
apply  for  cartas  de  seguridad  as  foreign  residents,  and 
thereby  renounce  all  right  to  take  possession  of  lands 
or  mines.  To  renounce  French  nationality  and  be 
come  Mexican  soldiers  was  generally  objected  to;  to 
reduce  the  force  would  be  suicidal,  and  to  abandon 
the  aim  of  the  expedition  was  out  of  the  question. 
The  terms  were  accordingly  rejected,  on  the  ground 
that  the  contracts  had  been  made  under  official  aus 
pices  at  Mexico,  without  any  demand  for  such  condi 
tions  or  restrictions.  They  had  undertaken  a  costly 
enterprise,  relying  on  the  good  faith  of  the  Mexican 
government,  and  would  not  at  this  stage  be  imposed 
upon.  They  would  appeal  to  the  people,19  Blanco 
threatened  to  hold  them  as  pirates,  and  sought  to 
undermine  Raousset's  influence.  This  roused  the 
latter  to  action.  He  made  a  tour  through  the  dis 
tricts  adjoining  Saric,  which  were  embittered  by  the 
neglect  of  the  authorities  to  protect  them  against  the 
Apaches,  and  obtaining  promise  of  their  support,  he 
sent  agents  to  San  Francisco  and  Mazatlan  for  ree'n- 
forcements  and  stores. 

This  effected,  he  started  southward  with  250  men, 
ragged  and  half  shod,  and  lour  pieces  of  artillery, 
including  the  remnant  of  Pindray's  colony.2'  He 

18  And  where  supplies  had  been  collected.     They  arrived  here  early  in 
August,  a  delay  which  had  already  created  discontent  and  called  for  firm 
action  by  Raousset. 

19  '  Je  ne  demande  plus  qu'au   bon  sens  public  un  appui, '  etc.  Letters  in 
Lachapelle,  116. 

*  Under  Lachapelle,  brother  of  the  author  quoted  above.  This  addition 
estimated  at  from  40  to  70  men,  barely  covered  the  loss  by  desertion  and 
death.  The  infantry,  8  sections  of  23  men  each,  stood  under  Fayolle;  the 


CAPTURE  OF  HERMOSILLO.  679 

kept  his  route  secret,  in  order  to  surprise  the  impor 
tant  town  of  Hermosillo,  with  over  ten  thousand  in 
habitants,  and  with  this  advantage  to  dictate  demands 
for  justice,  as  he  declared  to  some,  though  really  to 
proclaim  the  independence  of  Sonora,  sustained  by 
the  frontier  allies,  and  by  the  immigration  to  be  in 
vited,  A  love  affair  induced  him  to  prolong  his  halt 
at  Magdalena,  and  enabled  Blanco  to  anticipate  him 
in  the  occupation  of  Hermosillo;  so  that  on  presenting 
himself  here,  October  14th,  he  found  fully  one  thou 
sand  men  prepared  to  defend  the  place.'1  A  com 
mission  from  the  prefect  came  forth  to  propose  an 
arrangement,  evidently  to  detain  him.  Raousset's 
reply  was  to  draw  his  watch — it  was  eight  in  the 
morning.  "Tell  the  prefect,"  he  said,  in  a  sharp,  de 
cisive  tone,  "  that  within  two  hours  I  shall  enter  Her 
mosillo,  and  by  eleven  I  shall  make  myself  master  of 
it,  if  opposition  is  shown."  A  deafening  cheer  behind 
him  gave  endorsement  to  his  words. 

He  placed  his  train  within  a  building,  under  a  score 
of  men,  made  his  dispositions,  and  advanced  to  the 
assault.  The  objective  line  presented  the  usual  Mex 
ican  town  front  of  one-story  adobe  walls,  with  muskets 
protruding  from  windows  and  over  roof  parapets,  and 
with  approaches  barricaded,  though  not  very  strongly, 
owing  to  the  promptness  of  the  attack.  A  shower  of 
bullets  greeted  the  foremost  body,  but  urged  by  their 
officers  they  pushed  forward,  now  at  a  run,  and  as 
sisted  by  a  ladder  carelessly  left  against  a  dwelling, 
they  quickly  carried  it.  The  guns  were  brought  up 
to  clear  the  streets  with  grape-shot,  and  under  their 
cover  the  French  followed  the  retreating  troops  to  the 
plaza.  Here  the  militia  distinguished  itself  by  main 
taining  a  firm  stand  until  guns  arrived  to  sweep  its 
ranks.  After  this  it  was  mere  flight,  led  by  Blanco 

artillerists,  26  in  number,  were  chiefly  sailors;  Lenoir  led  the  42  horsemen. 
Madeline,  173-^.  Fossey  adds  a  few  to  the  total;  Vigneaux  reduces  it 
greatly. 

npinart,  Doc.  Son.,  v.,  no.  1,107.  The  supreme  authority  took  steps  to 
support  Sonora.  Mex.,  ArcMvo,  i.  145-6,  150;  Warren's  Dust  and  Foam,  205. 


880         FILIBUSTERING  INVASIONS  FROM  CALIFORNIA. 

himself,  and  followed  by  the  execration  of  the  entire 
country.  Raousset  had  kept  his  word;  within  the 
hour  he  held  undisputed  possession,  bat  at  a  cost  of 
17  killed  and  25  wounded,  the  former  embracing  six 
of  the  leading  officers.  The  Mexican  loss  was  placed 
.as  high  as  two  hundred  killed  and  wounded,  three 
guns,  a  banner,  a  mass  of  war  stores,  and  numerous 
prisoners.22 

The  victory  proved  sterile.  The  supposed  allies 
failed  to  second  the  movement,  as  agreed  upon,  and 
Gandara  and  other  prominent  Sonorans  turned  a  deaf 
ear  to  the  invitation  to  join  Raousset  in  plans  for  fol 
lowing  up  the  advantage  in  behalf  of  the  state.  The 
Intentions  of  the  strangers  were  suspected,  and  few 
dared  to  face  the  cry  against  them  of  aiming  at  foreign 
annexation.  This  sufficed  to  rally  national  defenders, 
with  the  assurance  of  speedy  aid  from  Sinaloa  and 
other  states.23  At  this  critical  moment,  moreover, 
the  count  was  stricken  down  with  a  long  threatening 
climatic  fever,  and  despondency  and  discord  pervaded 
the  camp.  The  only  prospect  centred  now  in  the  re- 
enforcements  to  come  from  California,  and  as  it  ap 
peared  hazardous  to  remain  in  the  interior,  cut  off 
from  supplies  by  the  gathering  nationalists,  it  was 
decided  to  occupy  Guaymas,  whence  communication 
could  be  had  with  any  point.  The  march  from  Her- 
mosillo  was  seriously  harassed.24  On  nearing  Guay 
mas,  fhe  prostrated  Raousset  accepted  an  armistice, 
and  allowed  himself  to  be  carried  into  Guaymas  for 
treatment.  No  satisfactory  news  being  obtained  from 
the  chief,  his  demoralized  followers  entered  into  nego- 

22  Blanco  reduces  the  loss  to  a  mere  trifle.   Universal,  Nov.  17,  1852.  Hall, 
Son.,  MS.,  97-8,  has  39  killed.     Rivero,  Hist.  Jol,  iv.  317-18,   speaks   of 
plundering,  and  so  Giierena.     French  writers  deny  this.     Lachapelle,  125-7. 
Court-martial  with  severe  penalties  was  invoked  upon  Blanco.     See  Espanol, 
Nov.  17,  20,  1852;  Voz,  Pueblo,  Nov.  24,  1852;  Sonorense,  Dec.  24,  1852;  Feb. 
11,  1853;  Alta  Cal,  Dec.  7.  1852;  S.  F.  Herald,  id.; Echo  Pacif.;  Hayes'  Scraps, 
Ind.,  i.  203. 

23  For  defence  movements,  see  Universal,  Nov.  26,  Dec.  3,  1852;  Espanol, 
id.;  Pinart,    Doc.  Son.,  v.    105-10,    129.     War  vessels  were  to  come  from 
Mazatlan;  Guaymas  was  to  be  fortified. 

24  At  Arispe  the  Mexicans  claimed  a  victory  over  the  rear,  with  a  loss  to 
it  of  six  killed  and  four  captured.   Universal,  Dec.  3,  1852. 


POLITICAL  ASPECT.  681 

tiations  with  Blanco,  acknowledged  their  error,  and 
consented  to  surrender  their  arms  in  return  for  an  in 
demnity  of  $11,000.  Most  of  them  thereupon  de 
parted.25  The  comandante-general  made  so  effective 
a  flourish  at  Mexico  with  this  success  that,  although 
soon  replaced  in  command,  he  maintained  both  his 
rank  and  influence.26 

Blanco's  recall  was  hastened  by  the  overthrow  of 
Arista's  administration,  by  the  allied  Santa  nnists  and 
church  party,  which  led  to  the  establishment  of  a  dic 
tatorship  under  Santa  Anna,  with  centralist  tendencies. 
Like  the  other  states,  Sonora  was  once  more  lowered 
to  the  grade  of  a  subordinate  department  ;27  the  leg 
islature,  frequently  inharmonious  and  inefficient,  was 
replaced  by  a  council,28  and  the  elected  governor, 
M.  M.  Gandara,29  after  temporary  suspension,  was  in 
May  1853  confirmed  as  an  appointee  from  Mexico,39 
and  honored  with  the  order  of  Guadalupe,  for  which 
lie  showed  his  gratitude  by  advocating  the  prolonga 
tion  of  Santa  Anna's  absolute  power.  The  dictator's 
fancy  veered,  however,  and  in  the  following  year 
Yanez  entered  as  governor,  Gdndara  being  relegated 
to  the  rank  of  second.31  This  course  was  suggested 
partly  by  the  spreading  revolution  of  Alvarez  in 
Guerrero  and  the  prospect  of  filibuster  invasions, 
which  required  the  presence  of  a  firmer  and  more  reli 
able  military  commander  than  the  variable  and  influ 
ential  Sonoran32. 

25  The  capitulation,  so  called,  was  arranged  on  Nov.  4th.     The  indemnity 
was  mainly  pressed  from  the  frightened  inhabitants  of  the  port.  Sonorense, 
Nov.  12,  19,  Dec   10.  1852. 

26  Figuring  in  Oct.  1853  as  president  of  the  council  of  generals  for  the 
pension  department.  Nacional,  Dec.  9,  1853. 

27  Divided  into  eight  districts,  the  Yaqui  and  Mayo  pueblos  being  sub 
jected  to  Guaymas  and  Alamos.  Nacional,  Dec.  16,  23,  1853.     A  ninth  dis 
trict  was  added  in  1854. 

28 Names,  etc.,  in  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  v.  172. 

29 Chosen  Dec.  1852  with  deputies;  names  in  Id.,  134-5,  140,  150-1,  15. 
The  governor  ad  int.  was  M.  Paredes  Gandara  took  possession  on  Feb.  1, 
1853.  Gdndara,.Manif.,  17. 

^Cubillas  was  in  April  selected  to  replace  him. 

31  Yanez  took  possession  April  20th. 

32 He. promptly  procured  a  formal  disavowal  of  Alvarez'  movement  in 
favor  of  his  patron.  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  v.  228-31. 


682         FILIBUSTERING  INVASIONS  FROM   CALIFORNIA. 

Walker  had  already  started  upon  his  expedition  to 
Lower  California  en  route  for  Sonora,  and  excitement 
here  was  wrought  to  a  high  pitch.  So  many  well-to- 
do  citizens  hastened  away  to  escape  the  storm  that 
restrictive  measures  were  issued.33  Every  vessel 
arriving  was  regarded  with  a  suspicion  and  fear,  that 
led  to  more  than  one  infringement  of  international  law, 
with  consequent  reclamations.34  The  United  States 
consul  found  it  prudent  to  leave.35  Everywhere 
along  the  coast  and  frontier  preparations  were  pushed 
for  defence,  with  assistance  from  the  government 
toward  organizing  the  national  guard  and  friendly 
Indians  as  defensores.36 

The  name  of  Raousset  de  Boulbon  was  coupled 
with  nearly  every  rumor  of  aggression,  partly  as 
associate  of  Walker;  but  this  connection  he  objected 
to,  and  had  indeed  declined.  He  had  aims  for  his 
own  aggrandizement,  which  were  hostile  to  the  United 
States  and  depended  on  the  good -will  of  the  Sonorans, 
who,  like  his  own  French  supporters,  disliked  Ameri 
cans.37  After  his  recovery  in  Jalisco  from  the  Sono- 
ran  fever,  he  went  back  to  San  Francisco,  there  to 
receive  the  flattering  consideration  evoked  by  the 
achievement  at  Hermosillo,  and  to  resume  his  plans 
for  the  apparently  easy  occupation  of  Sonora.  A 
landing  once  effected  with  the  aid  of  the  numbers 

33  Passports  were  enforced;  servants  had  to  be  returned,  and  funds  de 
posited  for  maintaining  a  private  soldier. 

34  In  Nov.  1853  the  Caroline,  and  in  Feb.  1854  the  bark  R.  Adams  were 
boarded;  also  the  Tryphenia,  with  some  Germans  on  board;  and  in  March  the 
two  score  of  passengers  by  the  Petrita  from  S.  F.  were  arrested  and  taken 
to  Mazatlan  as  accomplices  of  Walker,  but  had  to  be  released  in  May. 
Several  obtained  heavy  damages.  Alta  Cal.,  March  31,  April  1,  May  25,  etc., 
1854,  Sac.  Union,  July  10,  1871.  The  interference  of  the  British  war  vessel 
Dido  raised  additional  trouble  Yanez,  Defense,  31-40;  National,  May  20, 
1854.  Rivera's  version,  Hist.  Jol.,  iv.  507-8,  differs  somewhat. 

35  J.  A.  Robinson  was  driven  to  Mazatlan:  AUa  Cal.,  Jan.  3,  April  1, 
1854.     R.  Roman  succeeded  him. 

36  Of  whom  over  700  stood  armed  before  the  end  of  1853.  fiivera,  Hist. 
Jol.,  iv.  451.     In  Nov.  the  garrison  of  Guaymas  was  estimated  at  800.     For 
orders,  rumors,  and  measures  see  Nadonal  and  Sonorense,  May,  June.  Oct., 
Dec.,  1853. 

37  While  Walker  intended  a  repetition  of  the  Texan  farce,  Raousset  openly 
proclaimed  '  quil,  voulait  foire  venore  democratique  et  nationale. '   Vigneanx,, 
Mex.,  207,  212. 


FURTHER  MOVEMENTS.  683 

that  had  offered  themselves  at  the  first  news  of  his 
victory,  means  must  flow  from  the  Guaymas  custom 
house  and  auxiliaries  from  the  liberated  state,  ready 
for  wider  movements.38  The  projectors  of  the  Com- 
pania  Restauradora  were  willing  to  avail  themselves 
of  services  such  as  he  could  render,  and  Levasseur, 
the  French  minister  at  Mexico,  had  undoubtedly 
political  reasons  for  an  enterprise  that  might,  if  suc 
cessful,  lead  to  great  ends,  with  fame  for  himself.39 

The  strength  of  the  federalists  served  to  magnify 
to  Santa  Anna  the  danger  to  be  apprehended  from 
the  young  Frenchman,  and  when  Levasseur  sounded 
him  as  to  compensation  or  a  renewal  of  the  Sonoran 
mining  scheme,  he  was  urged  to  invite  his  protege  to 
Mexico,  through  the  equally  interested  Consul  Dillon 
of  San  Francisco.  Raousset  came  in  the  middle  of 
1853,  although  with  little  faith  in  government  assur 
ances,  and  after  being  kept  in  suspense  with  promises 
for  about  four  months,  received  instead  of  grants  and 
contracts  the  offer  of  a  colonelcy  in  the  army.49  He 
hastened  back  to  California,  in  league  with  the  fed 
eralist  rebels  and  thirsting  now  also  for  revenge. 
After  chafing  for  awhile  under  the  lack  of  means,  he 
obtained  in  January,  1854,  liberal  offers  from  several 
capitalists,41  and  at  once  took  steps  to  carry  out  his 
plans,  by  enrolling  men,  buying  armament  and  secur 
ing  vessels.42  Just  then  came  the  rumor  that  Sonora 
had  been  sold  to  the  United  States,  and  this,  together 
with  the  closer  watch  now  placed  by  California  au- 

38  Letters    in  Madeline,    200-1,    215.      A  few    promises    from   Sonoran 
schemers,  as  glowing  as  they  were  unreliable,  made  him  forget  the  deception 
already  suffered  there;  and  the  vague  offers  from  a  San  Francisco  capitalist 
and  from  needy  agents  sufficed  to  give  him  food  for  formidable  plans. 

39  Without  risk  of  being  compromised.     Napoleon's  expeditions  to  China, 
and  later  to  Mexico,  and  his  operations  against  Russia  and  other  European 
powers,  afford  ground  for  belief  that  he  stood  prepared  at  least  to  profit  by 
movements  like  the  Sonoran. 

49  Vigneaux,  199,  and  Duvernois,  L'Interven.,  37,  swells  it  to  the  position 
of  general. 

41  Three  houses  offered  $300,000.  Madettne,  215. 

42  Three  vessels  were  chartered  with  aid  of  French  merchants,  reported » 
the  Mexican  consul.  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  v.   223,  219;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jal.,  iv 


684         FILIBUSTERING  INVASIONS  FROM  CALIFORNIA. 

thorities  upon  filibuster  preparations,  caused  the  with 
drawal  of  timid  capital.  A  perfidious  agent  at  Mazat- 
lan  having  moreover  disclosed  to  the  government  the 
correspondence  of  Raousset  with  its  enemies,  he  was 
placed  beyond  the  pale  of  Mexican  law,  and  even 
Consul  Dillon  now  turned  the  cold  shoulder." 

Before  Santa  Anna  became  aware  of  the  paralyz 
ing  effects  of  these  happenings,  he  resolved  to  counter 
act  Raousset' s  manoeuvres  by  ordering  the  Mexican 
consul  at  San  Francisco  to  deprive  him  of  his  sup 
port,  by  enlisting  a  few  hundred  of  the  aspiring  fili 
busters  for  Mexican  service/4  with  a  view  to  distribute 
them  in  small  and  easily  controlled  bodies  among  the 
coast  states.  Raousset  was  delighted.  He  saw  relief 
for  his  stranded  scheme  in  this  offer  of  free  passage 
and  maintenance  for  his  followers,  and  urged  as  many 
as  possible  to  avail  themselves  of  the  unexpected 
opportunity.  He  was  not  aware  of  the  distribution 
clause.  In  fact,  about  700  were  quickly  enrolled  and 
packed  on  board  the  Challenge  for  shipment/5 

This  being  a  movement  by  foreigners,  which,  more 
over,  threatened  the  pet  hero  Walker,  the  authorities 
suddenly  awoke  to  the  enormity  of  such  infringement 
of  neutrality  and  enlistment  laws,  and  arraigned  the 
Mexican  representative  as  well  as  his  abettor,  Consul 
Dillon.*6  Nevertheless  the  Challenge  was  allowed  to 
depart,  on  April  2d,  after  a  reduction  of  the  passen 
gers,  under  a  resuscitated  tonnage  law,  to  barely  400, 

43  The  correspondence  was  given  to  Mexican  journals.  See  National,  Mar. 
17,  1854. 

44  At  $1  a  day,  with  privilege  to  elect  their  own  officers.     Order  of  Jan. 
31,  1814.     After  the  expiration  of  their  term  of  service  they  were  to  receive 
aid  for  settling.     Americans  were  not  to  be  enrolled.   Diario  Oftc.,  20,  Oct. 
12,  1854. 

45  They  were  sent  in  small  detachments  by  successive  steamers  or  other 
vessels;  but  the  consul  overstepped  his  orders  in  the  eagerness  to  handle 
money.    Viijneaux,  Mex.,  20-1,  161. 

46  For  which  exciting  episode  I  refer  to  Hist.  Cal,  vi.,  this  series.     See 
also  S.  F.  journals  of  April-May,   1854.     The  persecution  was  favored  by 
supporters  of  Walker.     Lachapelle,  171,  assumes  that  the  U.  S.  opposed  the 
enlistment  chiefly  because  it  threatened  their  designs  on  Mexico.    U.  S.  Gov. 
Doc.,  cong.  35,  sess.  1,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  38,  x.;  Id.,  cong.  33,  sess.  2,  Sen.  Doc., 
16,  25,  vi.     The  Mexican  consul  stupidly  misunderstood  orders.  Diario  OJic., 
3-6. 


AND  RAOUSSET.  685 

of  whom  fully  four  fifths  were  French,  the  rest  Irish 
and  Germans.  Among  them  were  Laval  and  Le- 
bourgeois  Desmarais,  the  latter  an  ex-officer  of  the 
French  cavalry  of  little  value,  but  whose  pretensions 
and  imposing  military  bearing  led  to  his  election  as 
chief  of  the  party.  To  them  Raousset  confided  his 
wishes  and  plans  to  hold  the  men  in  readiness  for 
sustaining  him,  when  he  should  appear  to  initiate  the 
revolution.47 

The  increased  watch  upon  his  movements  and  the 
lack  of  means  prevented  Raousset  from  following  the 
expedition  as  soon  as  he  had  hoped.  The  discomfiture 
of  Walker  had  much  to  do  with  this,  and  his  ex 
pected  return  to  San  Francisco,  which  threatened  to 
involve  the  count  in  legal  toils,  hastened  his  departure. 
He  had  to  content  himself  with  buying  a  pilot-boat, 
the  Belle,  of  about  ten  tons  burden,  into  which  he 
stowed  himself  with  four  companions  and  two  sailors, 
180  rifled  carbines  with  sword-bayonets,  and  necessary 
stores.48  After  a  voyage  of  35  days,  attended  by 
privations  and  partial  wrecking,  he  arrived  close  to 
Guaymas  toward  the  end  of  June.  Two  companions 
were  sent  to  find  Desmarais  and  instruct  him,  if  pos 
sible,  to  carry  the  town  by  surprise,  disarm  the  Mex 
icans,  and  collect  resources.  The  messengers  were 
suspected  and  seized  before  entering  the  town;  yet, 
by  concealing  their  identity,  they  managed  to  com 
municate  with  the  French  commander.  With  little 
taste  for  the  enterprise  proposed,  he  declared  that  a 
better  plan  might  be  formed  in  alliance  with  General 
Yanez,  who  stood  ready  to  break  with  Santa  Anna.49 
Thus  assured,  Raousset  sailed  into  the  harbor  on  July 
1st,  transmitted  the  much  needed  armament  to  his 
party,  and  hastened  to  interview  Yanez. 

47  According  to  Vigneaux,  Dillon  became  friendly  again  and  an  agent  was 
sent  to  offer  Santa  Anna  peace  or  war,  when  all  seemed  ready  in  Sonora; 
else  to  arrange  with  Alvarez.  Mex.,  201. 

^Vigneaux,  who  ioined,  describes  the  crew  and  the  trouble  with  sailors 
and  the  difficulty  in  crossing  the  bar.  Mex.,  25-6. 

49  Seemingly  content  to  enjoy  his  pay  and  position.  Desmarais  had 
neglected  the  former  injunctions  of  Raousset  to  prepare  his  men  for  a 
blow,  to  win  over  the  citizens. 


686         FILIBUSTERING  INVASIONS  FROM  CALIFORNIA, 

The  latter  had  been  instructed  to  break  up  the 
formidable  body  of  enrolled  adventurers  by  sending 
them  in  detachments  to  different  points,  and  so  rem 
edy  the  error  of  the  consul.  To  this  the  French 
naturally  objected.  They  recognized  that  their 
strength  and,  perhaps,  safety  lay  in  keeping  together; 
and  with  his  inferior  force  Yanez  could  not  well  en 
force  compliance,  although  adding  as  little  as  possible 
to  their  armament.  He,  moreover,  felt  it  necessary 
for  the  sake  of  peace  and  harmony  to  propitiate  them 
by  prompt  attention  to  their  pay  and  comfort,  until 
the  government  at  Mexico  well  nigh  lost  patience.  He 
succeeded,  however,  in  fostering  a  local  antipathy  to 
ward  them  by  insinuations  concerning  their  purposes, 
and  in  provoking  most  of  the  Irish  and  Germans  to 
withdraw  and  form  a  separate  company.50 

The  suave  Yanez  received  Raousset's  overtures  for 
joint  action  in  the  same  spirit  as  Santa  Anna,  and 
kept  him  in  suspense  until  he  should  be  able  to  sum 
mon  help  against  the  outbreak  that  must  inevitably 
.come.  Two  agents  were  placed  at  his  elbows  to  re 
strain  his  impatience  with  promises  of  Sonoran  coop 
eration,  and  to  keep  the  general  advised.61  Had 
the  count  acted  promptly  he  would,  no  doubt,  have 
gained  possession  of  Guaymas  at  least,  for  his  op 
ponent  was  hardly  prepared.  Outwitted  by  the  Mex 
ican,  he  allowed  the  opportunity  to  slip  away.52  The 
Sonoran  troops  were  daily  increasing  in  strength,  and 
busily  bringing  in  armament  to  strengthen  their  bar 
racks.  Made  confident  by  number,  they  naturally 
raised  their  tone  during  frequent  drunken  altercations, 

69  For  correspondence  between  Yanez  and  the  authorities,  see  Yanez,  De- 
fensa,  20  et  seq.;  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  v.  228-35;  National  and  Sonorense,  April, 
1854,  et  seq. 

51  Promises  were  also  received  from  principals,  but  Raousset  should  have 
understood  their  value  by  this  time.     The  battalion  presented  him  at  this 
time  with  a  sword.-    Guerena  paints  Yanez  at  firmly  opposed  from  the  begin 
ning  to  the  count,  whom  he  warned  by  saying,  'al  ladode  su  espada  estauna 
tuinba  y  al  lado  de  la  mia  esta  una  deber. '  Paginos,  9. 

52  Vigneaux  attributes  the  delay  mainly  to  the  intrigue  of  the  French 
officers  to  get  rid  of  one  who  threatened  to  assume  sole  command  and  to  ex 
change  their  easy  life  for  one  of  danger  and  privation.  Mex,t  216-17. 


FRENCHMEN  OR  MEXICANS.  687 

one  of  which  led  to  a  serious  encounter  on  July  12th. 
Yanez  appeared  upon  the  scene  and  managed  by  his 
conciliatory  language  and  influence  in  calming  the 
French.  Those  who  had  shared  in  the  triumph  at 
Hermosillo  were  eager  for  the  fray,  however,  and  the 
entry  shortly  after  of  large  Sonoran  reinforcements 
roused  the  alarm  of  the  others  and  impelled  Raousset 
to  action.  "  If  you  are  content  to  become  Mexican 
soldiers  without  pay  or  prospects,  subject  to  the  lash, 
then  lay  down  your  arms ;  but  if  you  desire  to  be 
worthy  of  the  glorious  appellation  of  Frenchmen,  to 
resist  oppression,  to  vindicate  your  rights,  to  uphold 
nationality,  then  raise  your  arms.  Decide  ;  there  is 
no  time  for  hesitation."  Marchons!  Marchons !  re 
sounded  on  all  sides. 

Now  came  the  cry  that  he  should  assume  the  com 
mand.  "No,"  he  replied,  "you  have  worthy  officers. 
Let  me  not  be  the  cause  of  disagreement.  I  join  you 
as  a  volunteer,  whose  sole  ambition  is  to  be  foremost 
in  danger."  It  proved  a  sadly  regretted  modesty. 
There  were  still  those  who  hesitated ;  and  in  obedience 
to  their  scruples  a  demand  was  sent  to  Yanez  for 
hostages  and  guns  as  guarantees  of  peace.  This  being 
refused,  the  French  made  their  dispositions,  and 
marched  from  their  quarters  against  the  Mexican  bar 
racks  in  four  companies  of  75  men  each.  The  barracks 
in  the  northern  part  of  the  town  formed  a  large  par 
allelogram,  three  sides  of  which  presented  one-story 
brick  and  adobe  buildings,  and  the  fourth  a  wall 

O     ' 

twelve  feet  high,  enclosing  the  usual  court-yard.   The 

.  . 

flat  roofs  were   provided  with    sheltering    parapets. 

Facing  the  barracks  and  extending  to  the  bay -landing 
was  the  Hotel  de  Sonora,  one-storied  like  the  other 
dwellings. 

The  plan  was  for  companies  two  and  three  to  at 
tack  in  front  while  company  one  drew  attention  to 
the  rear,  and  company  four  occupied  the  hotel  and 
the  German  quarters  near  by,  whence  sharpshooters 
could  inflict  serious  damage  until  company  three  gave 


688         FILIBUSTERING  INVASIONS  FROM  CALIFORNIA, 

the  signal  for  a  general  assault.  It  was  declared  that 
Mexicans  could  not  face  the  bayonet,  and  an  early 
charge  was  moreover  necessary,  owing  to  the  scanti 
ness  of  the  ammunition.  The  garrison  was  known  to 
be  superior  to  the  attacking  body,  and  provided  with 
several  pieces  of  artillery  and  an  abundance  of  am 
munition  ;  but  Raousset  spoke  cheerily  of  the  larger 
conquered  force  at  Hermosillo,  and  assured  his  men 
that  untrained  militia  and  Indians  need  give  no  con 
cern. 

As  companies  two  and  three  approached,  the  Mex 
icans  opened  with  artillery  and  musketry  so  sudden 
and  galling  a  volley  that  a  number  were  mowed  down 
at  one  sweep,  including  some  of  the  bravest  officers. 
Desmarais  completely  lost  his  head  and  fell  back,  a  pro 
portion  fled,  and  the  rest  hied  into  gateways  and 
houses,  and  beneath  walls  for  shelter,  while  preparing 
each  for  himself  to  sustain  a  scattering  and  useless 
fire.  Company  one  shared  in  the  disorder,  and  neg 
lected  to  follow  given  instructions ;  company  four 
obeyed  in  taking  possession  of  the  buildings  indicated, 
partly  because  these  afforded  a  retreat,  yet  its  role 
was  secondary.  Too  late  Raousset  assumed  com 
mand,  seeking  to  rally  the  men.  He  flew  hither  and 
thither  with  fearless  disregard  of  bullets,  and  imparted 
an  animation  that  roused  many  a  one  to  valiant  imi 
tation  ;  but  more  than  twenty  men  he  could  not  gather 
at  a  time. 

For  nearly  two  hours  the  desultory  warfare  had 
continued,  when  the  Mexican  artillery  grew  silent. 
Company  four  had  done  good  service  in  picking  off 
the  gunners.  "Ala  baionette!"  shouted  Raousset, 
and  led  to  the  charge  with  a  handful  of  men.  A 
shower  of  bullets  met  him,  riddling  his  cap  and  cloth 
ing,  without  inflicting  a  wound.  "En  avant!"  he 
cheered,  rushing  forward  ;  but  only  a  few  followed 
him,  and  none  seconded  the  movement.  "Had  only 
fifty  resolute  companions  sustained  him  the  barracks 
must  have  fallen,"  declared  Vigneaux.  As  it  was, 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  FRENCH.  689 

the  count  had  to  retire  bareheaded,  and  with  two 
bayonet  thrusts  through  his  sleeve ;  his  eyes  glisten 
ing  with  impotent  rage. 

These  raiders  were  not  the  men  of  1852.  Nor  was 
Yanez  a  Blanco ;  for  on  observing  the  silence  of  the 
guns  he  rushed  in  person  to  fill  the  posts  and  reani 
mate  the  artillerist  in  time  to  break  the  rally  about 
to  be  effected  by  Raousset.  With  ammunition  gone 
the  French  now  raised  the  cry,  "  To  the  consulate," 
and  thither  their  dejected  leader  mechanically  fol 
lowed,  with  the  Mexicans  in  close  pursuit.  At  tho 
consulate  the  news  came  that  company  four  was  still 
holding  out  in  the  hotel.  Raousset  made  one  last 
appeal,  and  this  passing  unheeded,  he  sheathed  his 
sword,  and  withdrew  into  the  house.  Consul  Calvo 
then  hoisted  the  white  flag,  and  the  firing  ceased,  a 
circumstance  to  which  the  mutilated  remnants  of  the 
fourth  owed  their  escape.  As  for  the  Belle,  she  was 
already  under  sail,  crowded  with  the  earliest  fugi 
tives,  whose  shame  she  buried  in  the  waters  of  the 
gulf.53 

It  was  now  past  six  o'olock,  about  three  hours  since 
the  fight  began,  and  the  troops  around  the  consulate 
were  clamoring  for  surrender.  "All  who  lay  down 
their  arms,"  said  the  consul,  "  shall  be  placed  under 
the  protection  of  the  flag,  with  life  assured."  "  But 
M.  de  Haousset?"  came  the  enquiry.  Calvo  hesi 
tated.  "  Unless  he  is  included  we  resume  the  fight," 
cried  several  voices.  "Well,  his  life  shall  also  be  as 
sured,"  was  the  reply.  Yafiez  declined  to  enter  into 
any  formal  or  written  capitulation  while  offering  life 
in  return  for  a  surrender  of  arms.  Within  an  hour 
the  defeated  participants  in  the  struggle  lay  secured 
within  the  two  prisons  of  Guaymas,  the  property  of 
residents  being  placed  under  confiscation.  The  vic 
tory  was  celebrated  throughout  the  state  in  the  usual 

53  She  was  wrecked  in  the  northern  part,  and  all  on  board  perished.     La- 
cftapelle,  i.  97.     Fossey,    Mex.,    201-2,  leaves  the  impression  that  Raousset 
sought  her,  to  escape;  but  this  is  not  entertained  by  others. 
HIST.  MEX.  STATES.  VOL.  II.    44 


690         FILIBUSTERING  INVASIONS  FROM  CALIFORNIA. 

Mexican  fashion,  and  the  supreme  government 
conferred  crosses  and  badges  in  commemoration.  It 
was  dearly  bought  glory,  however,  for  the  Mexicans 
lost  some  50  men,  with  twice  as  many  wounded,  while 
the  French  had  46  killed  and  three-score  wounded. 

During  August  the  prisoners  were  disposed  of.  A 
few  joined  the  army,  three-score  were  sent  to  San 
Francisco,  and  the  remainder  transmitted  to  San  Bias. 
The  government  showed  its  disapproval  of  the  leniency 
and  liberality  accorded  by  imposing  a  sentence  of 
years  in  presidio,  and  marching  them  under  great 
hardships  to  Perote.  At  the  intercession  of  the 
French  government,  however,  they  were  released  to 
ward  the  close  of  the  year.  The  large  forces  gath 
ered  by  Yanez  against  the  French  made  the  govern 
ment  more  ready  to  listen  to  the  rumors  concerning 
his  loyalty,  and  he  was  not  alone  suddenly  replaced  in 
September  by  General  Romeriz  de  Arellano,  but  an 
attack  was  made  upon  his  reputation  by  calling  him 
to  answer  charges  for  not  carrying  out  his  orders 
against  the  French  on  their  arrival,  for  subsequently 
neglecting  prompt  measures,  for  ignoring  the  decree  of 
August  1853,  which  condemned  rebels  to  death,  for 
usurping  the  pardoning  power  of  the  supreme  author 
ity,  and  for  extravagant  disposal  of  funds.  He  was  ab 
solved,  however,  and  the  indictment  only  served  to 
heighten  his  fame.54 

Ten  days  after  the  battle  Raousset's  fellow-prison 
ers  were  startled  by  his  arraignment  before  a  court- 
martial,  which  upon  the  inculpating  testimony  of  his 
own  officers,  who  sought  to  cover  themselves  at  his 
expense,  condemned  him  to  death  as  a  conspirator 
and  rebel.  Their  indignation  grew  on  finding  that 
the  consul  not  only  repudiated  his  promise  at  the 
time  of  the  surrender,  but  refused  even  to  join  the 

54  The  French  addressed  a  letter  of  thanks  to  him  and  he  was  feted  and 
honored  in  different  places.  Correo,  Exp.,  Oct.  21,  Nov.  8,  1854.  Pinart, 
Doc.  Son.,  v.  250-4.  Santa  Anna  was  driven  to  abuse  Yanez  by  fear  and 
jealousv  of  his  popularity.  Santa  Anna  Rev.,  130-2.  His  successor  com 
mended  Yanez'  conduct.  Navarro,  Leyes,  1855,  507-8. 


MEXICAN  TREACHERY.  691 

United  States  representative  in  pleading  for  the  pris 
oner.  The  latter  accepted  the  verdict  calmly,  and 
turned  his  attention  to  final  letters  and  dispositions, 
and  to  intercourse  with  the  broad-minded  curate  of 
the  place,  claiming  that  he  fell  for  loyalty  to  a  great 
cause,  untarnished  by  an  appeal  to  bad  passions, 
which  he  might  so  readily  and  successfully  [have  in 
voked.  On  the  last  morning,  August  12th,  he  gave 
special  care  to  his  person,  and  with  a  final  brush  to 
his  fine  hair,  and  a  twirl  to  the  mustache,  he  followed 
the  guard.  He  passed  with  dignified  step  through 
the  streets,  crowded  with  excited  citizens  and  visitors, 
and  took  position  before  the  squad  of  soldiers  at  eight 
paces,  his  back  to  the  bay.  The  sentence  being  read, 
he  embraced  the  curate,  and  said  to  the  men,  "  Allons, 
mes  braves  !  Do  your  duty  ;  aim  well — at  the  heart  1" 
The  next  moment  came  the  volley,  and  the  count  fell 
dead  upon  his  face. 

Raousset  de  Boulbon  was  a  man  in  whom  an  ex 
alted  temperament,  and  a  strong  family  pride  height 
ened  by  poverty,  had  fostered  a  bent  for  ambitious 
though  visionary  projects  which  belonged  to  another 
age.  Circumstances  presented  a  field,  however, 
wherein  enterprise  and  daring  procured  for  him  in 
1852  a  certain  degree  of  fame,  dimmed  by  an  unsus- 
tained  and  ill-applied  energy  and  a  lack  of  general 
ship  that  cost  him  many  followers.  He  lacked  the 
clear,  steady  head  required  for  planning  and  executing 
a  great  undertaking,  and  his  positive  traits  were  not 
sufficiently  balanced  or  impressive  to  maintain  a  wide 
influence  over  followers  or  patrons.  Hence  his  com 
parative  failure  to  profit  by  the  eclat  of  the  victory 
at  Hermosillo,  which  he  moreover  had  neglected  to 
follow  up ;  hence  his  feeble  control  over  the  men  at 
Guaymas,  of  whom  even  the  proportion  that  favored 
his  assumption  of  the  command  held  aloof  when  he 
finally  called  upon  them.  His  prominent  qualities 
were  an  extreme  but  somewhat  shallow  courage,  and  a 
certain  fervor,  united  to  a  pleasing  personal  appear- 


692         FILIBUSTERING  INVASIONS  FROM  CALIFORNIA. 

ance,  and  withal  an  indifference  to  a  life,  being  now 
without  means  or  notoriety.  He  did  not  regard  his 
plans  as  wholly  frustrated.  Far  from  it.  He  by  no 
means  disdained  death  as  a  sequel  to  the  Guaymas 
episode,  and  passed  to  the  grave  with  the  firm  convic 
tion  that  he  had  embalmed  his  memory  with  glory,  if 
not  as  a  conqueror,  at  least  as  an  unfortunate  Sonoran 
liberator  and  martyr.  It  was  a  glory,  however,  which 
history  largely  dilutes  with  folly.55 

65  Henry  de  la  Madeline — Le  Comte  Gaston  de  Raousset-Boulkon,,  sa  vie  et  ses 
aventures  d'  apres  ses  papiers  et  sa  correspondence.  Paris,  1876,  12  mo.,  pp., 
vii.,  and  322,  is  the  title  of  the  first  edition  of  a  work  published  in  1856, 
which  was  rapidly  disposed  of,  and  a  second,  issued  in  1859,  which  met  with 
a  smaller  sale.  Suddenly  the  large  portion  of  it  remaining  disappeared. 
According  to  Madeline's  statement,  every  copy  had  been  bought  up  by  the 
banker  Jecker,  to  whom  the  Mexican  government  was  deeply  indebted,  and 
who  in  1861  went  to  Paris  and  was  endeavoring  to  move  the  hesitating  em 
peror  to  enforce  the  payment  of  French  claims  by  the  military  occupation  of 
Mexico,  with  the  additional  object  of  preventing  that  country  from  ab 
sorption  by  the  U.  S.  Jecker  distributed  the  copies  of  1859  edition,  and  its 
author  claims  that  its  influence  was  such  that  the  scruples  and  hesitation  of 
Napoleon  were  overcome,  and  the  expedition  against  Mexico  was  undertaken. 

Ernest  Vigneaux,  Souvenirs  d*  un  Prisonnier  de  Guerre  au  Mexujue  1854-5. 
Paris,  1863,  8vo.,  1  vol.,  pp.  565,  was  secretary  to  Raousset  deBoulbon,  and 
was  one  of  the  passengers  oil  board  the  Belle,  which  carried  the  leader  of 
the  expedition  against  Sonora.  His  book  opens  with  some  description  of 
Cal.,  especially  S.  F.  Being  intimate  with  Raousset  he  was  able  to  give  con 
siderable  information  about  him. 

A.  de  Ldchapelle — Le  Comte  de  Raousset-Boulbon  et  L'  Expedition  de  la 
Sonore,  Correspondence- — Souvenirs  et  Ouvres  Inedites.  Paris,  1859,  12  mo., 
pp.  318,  portrait  and  map.  The  author  of  this  work,  the  chief  editor  of  the 
Messayer  de  San  Francisco,  was  yet  more  intimate  with  the  unfortunate 
count,  whose  history  is  the  subject  of  this  book — ' jusqu  au  point  de  con- 
naitre  ses  projets  les  plus  secrets,'  as  he  informs  us — and  aided  him  in  the 
organization  of  his  enterprises.  The  work  opens  with  a  biographical  account 
of  Raousset's  career  before  his  arrival  in  Cal. ,  after  which  his  history  is  con 
tinued  down  to  the  time  of  his  tragical  death.  While  engaged  in  his  work 
numerous  documents  were  sent  by  friends  of  the  count  to  Lachapelle,  who 
publishes  his  correspondence,  as  well  as  a  number  of  his  poetical  pro 
ductions. 


CHAPTER   XXVII. 

FRENCH  OPERATIONS  IN  SONORA  AND  SINALOA 
1854-1866. 

EFFECT  OF  THE  GADSDEN  PURCHASE — CRABB'S  COLONY  SCHEME— GANDARA'S 
REVOLT  AND  DEFEAT — CRABB'S  DEFEAT  AT  CABORCA — THE  WHOLE 
PARTY  SHOT— JECKER'S  SURVEY  AND  TROUBLES— CONSERVATIVE  REAC 
TION  IN  SINALOA — FREQUENT  REVOLATIONS — TRIUMPH  OF  LIBERALS  IN 
SONORA — THE  FRENCH  OCCUPY  GUAYMAS — GANDARA'S  OPERATIONS — 
SONORA  HELD  BY  IMPERIALISTS — STRUGGLES  OF  THE  LIBERALS — DEPART 
URE  OF  THE  FRENCH — TANORI  SHOT — SONORA  FREE — LOZADU  BESIEGES 
MAZATLAN — THE  FRENCH  CAPTURE  THE  PORT — VICTORY  OF  ROSALES — 
CASTAGNY'S  OPERATIONS — ALTERNATE  SUCCESSES  OF  LIBERALS  AND  IM 
PERIALISTS— Loz  AIDS  THE  LATTER — THE  FRENCH  RE-EMBARK  AND 
RETIRE. 

THE  rumored  sale  of  Sonora  to  the  United  States, 
which  had  tended  to  frustrate  the  plans  of  Raousset, 
proved  not  altogether  unfounded ;  for  by  the  Gadsden 
treaty  of  1854  the  northern  part  of  the  state,  includ 
ing  Tucson,  was  transferred  to  the  neighbor  republic, 
and  the  boundary  pushed  back  from  the  natural  line 
of  the  Gila  to  between  parallels  31°  and  32°.  The 
loss  of  this  fertile  strip  created  none  of  the  expected 
local  excitement,  owing  to  the  slight  value  placed  upon 
it  as  a  mere  Apache  haunt.  This  closer  approach  of 
the  United  States,  though  ultimately  proving  a  bless 
ing  to  the  state,  at  first  gave  rise  to  more  than  one 
complication,  such  as  the  Crabb  expedition  in  1855, 
of  which  more  anon. 

Yanez  had  been  succeeded  by  General  Arrellano, 
who,  being  summoned  to  Mexico  in  June  1855,  left 
Colonel  Espejo  in  charge,  the  latter  resigning  in  the 
following  September,  when  the  people  declared  for  the 
plan  of  Ayatla  against  Santa  Anna.  Gdndara  then 


694        FRENCH  OPERATIONS  IN  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

embraced  the  opportunity  to  seize  the  vacated  seats 
of  governor  and  commandante-general,  and  when  the 
administration  at  Mexico  assigned  them  to  Jose  de 
Aguilar  and  P.  Espejo  respectively,  proclaimed  a  rev 
olution.  Though  obliged  to  }  ield  to  Aguilar,  Gan- 
dara  succeeded  in  retaining  his  position  as  chief-com 
mandant  with  the  aid  of  Yaiiez. 

Shortly  after  Crabb's  project  to  establish  a  frontier  colony  was  brought 
forward,  being  favored  by  A.  Ainza,  with  whom  Crabb  was  connected  by 
marriage.  Aguilar  opposed  the  scheme,  but  because  as  governor  he  had  to 
communicate  with  the  projectors,  Gandara  raised  the  cry  that  he  was  about 
to  sell  the  state  to  filibusters,  and  incited  one  Davila  to  pronounce  against 
him  at  Ures  July  15,  1856.  Aguilar  was  arrested  and  replaced  by  R.  Enci- 
nas,  a  creature  of  Gandara.  Aguilar,  however,  found  a  champion  in  Ignacio 
Pesqueira,  colonel  and  inspector  of  the  national  guards,  who  acting  with 
promptness  and  dash,  secured  a  foothold  in  Ures  July  17th,  and  on  August 
8th  compelled  the  garrison  to  surrender,  securing  the  person  of  the  rebel 
governor,  Encinas.  On  the  same  day  Gandara  was  routed;  Altar  fell, 
Hermosillo  was  evacuated,  and  Guaymas  had  to  yield.  Thus  within  a  few 
weeks  Gandara,  whose  power  had  seemed  absolute,  was  overthrown.  Ap 
pealing  in  person  to  the  Yaquis,  and  aided  by  the  clergy,  he  was  able  to  take 
the  field  anew,  but  defeat  following  defeat,  he  betook  himself  to  Mexico  to 
appease  by  diplomacy  the  wrath  he  had  failed  to  avert  by  victory.  His 
brother  Jesus  continued  the  struggle,  chiefly  in  guerrilla  form,  till  in  Jan. , 
1857,  he  surrendered  with  his  few  remaining  adherents. 

The  struggle  had  been  watched  with  great  interest  by  H.  A.  Crabb,  who 
during  its  progress  became  convinced  that  the  strife  between  the  two  great 
parties  presented  an  excellent  opportunity  not  only  for  carrying  out  the 
proposed  colony  project,  but  for  extending  it  to  an  actual  conquest  of  the 
state.  If  Walker  and  Raousset  had  so  nearly  achieved  their  object  against 
a  united  province,  how  much  easier  must  it  be  to  effect  it  against  one  so  torn 
by  factions. 

Enrollments  proceeded  well,  and  early  in  1857  Crabb,  as  general,  set  out 
with  an  advance  of  five  score  men,  in  three  companies,  by  way  of  Los 
Angeles  and  Yuma.  Although  well-armed,  their  scanty  means  did  not  per 
mit  the  purchase  of  sufficient  animals  to  mount  the  party.  Toward  the  end 
of  March  they  appeared  at  Sonoita,  on  the  Sonoran  border,  and  learning 
that  the  people  were  making  formidable  preparations  for  ousting  them,  a3 
filibusters,  Crabb  addressed  a  threatening  letter  to  the  prefect,  declaring 
that  he  had  entered  as  a  friendly  colonist,  and  would  continue  his  march 
notwithstanding  the  hostility.  'If  blood  is  shed,  on  your  head  be  it.' 
Leaving  20  men  to  follow  more  leisurely,  he  advanced  with  69  to  Caborca, 
near  the  port  of  Libertad;  where  the  main  party  of  900  men  should  by  this 
time  have  arrived  by  sea;  but  the  lack  of  funds  and  the  measures  of  the 
authorities  in  California  prevented  their  departure.  In  addition  to  this  dis 
appointment  he  was  suddenly  attacked  on  entering  Caborca,  April  2d,  by  a 
company  of  troops,  which,  being'repulsed,  took  refuge  in  the  convent  church, 
and  there  held  out  together  with  the  frightened  inhabitants. 

Reinforcements  soon  arrived,  increasing  the  Mexican  force  to  some  700 
men  with  field-pieces,  which  opened  wide  breaches  in  the  walh  and  made 
havoc  among  the  inmates.  The  conflict  lasted  throughout  the  5th  of  April, 
and  was  resumed  on  the  following  day  with  unabated  vigor.  The  rifles  of 
the  Americans  were  sparingly  used,  but  with  a  deadly  precision  that  ren 
dered  each  member  of  the  band  a  formidable  adversary.  Toward  evening 
ou  the  6  oh  the  latter  had  been  driven  into  the  wing  of  one  houoe,  the  roof 


WARS  AND  REVOLUTIONS.  695 

of  which  was  set  on  fire  with  burning  arrows.  The  stifling  garrison  en 
deavored  to  blow  off  the  superstructure,  only  to  cause  the  explosion  of  their 
powder  kegs  with  deplorable  results.  Terms  were  hastily  demanded,  and 
none  being  accorded,  they  marched  forth  and  laid  down  their  arms,  to  the 
number  of  59,  many  of  whom  were  disabled  by  wounds  and  burns.  The 
Mexicans  admitted  23  killed  and  as  many  severely  wounded. 

The  prisoners  were  tied,  and  early  the  following  morning  brought  out 
and  shot,  in  batches,  all  save  a  boy  of  16  years,  whose  youth  won  sym 
pathy.  Crabb  was  reserved  for  special  execution,  after  which  his  head  wa3 
cut  off  and  preserved  in  mescal.  Crabb 's  rear  guard  was  surrounded  and 
slaughtered,  and  a  reinforcement  of  about  30  men  from  Tucson  had  a  narrow 
escape.  As  it  was  they  lost  four  men  before  regaining  the  frontier.  Much 
ferment  was  caused  among  Americans  by  theoe  events,  but  calmed  down 
upon  reflection.  The  M  exicans  showed  themselves  very  lenient  to  previous 
filibustering  parties,  and  clemency  being  found  to  be  only  an  encouragement 
to  fresh  undertakings,  self-preservation  demanded  a  severe  lesson. 

Like  schemes  were  promoted  by  rumors  of  United  States  designs  on  the 
Mexican  border  country  in  the  form  of  purchase,  which  naturally  caused  at 
traction  to  frontier  grants.  In  August,  1856,  Jecker,  of  Raousset  fame, 
arranged  with  the  government  to  survey  the  public  domain  of  Sonora,  in 
consideration  of  receiving  one-third  of  the  land.  A  surveying  expedition 
was  organized,  under  C.  P.  Stone,  and  proceeded  with  operations,  despite 
objections  on  the  part  of  the  state  authorities,  until  expelled  in  Oct.,  1859. 
Appeal  was  made  to  the  United  States  sloop  of  war  St  Mary,  and  the  com 
mander  interfering,  sufficient  satisfaction  was  offered  to  permit  the  matter 
to  drop,  though  Jecker  maintained  his  claim  to  the  land  and  damages. 

The  growth  of  conservative  reaction  in  the  republic,  which  opened  the 
long  reform  war,  had  induced  the  Gandarists  to  resume  the  struggle  in 
Sonora,  assisted  by  the  church.  The  Yaquis  were  again  stirred  in  June, 
1857;  troops  were  led  to  second  the  movement  in  Oct.,  and  the  war  again 
raged,  the  Pesqueira  side  meeting  with  reverses  early  in  December.  Recov 
ering  itself,  however,  the  movements  of  the  Gandaristas  were  practically 
put  to  an  end  in  May,  1858,  only  to  revive  soon  after  with  co-operation  from 
Sinaloa,  whither  Pesqueira  carried  the  war. 

In  this  state  the  liberal-conservative  ferment  had  assumed  even  wider 
proportions,  owing  to  its  proximity  to  the  cradle  of  revolution,  in  Jalisco, 
'ihe  beginning  appeared  in  1852,  when  the  people  of  Mazatlan  were  roused 
by  the  heavy  contributions  levied  by  Gov.  F.  de  la  Vega.  Protests  becom 
ing  demonstrative,  the  governor  marched  upon  the  town  with  troops  to  en 
force  obedience,  whereupon  the  people  mustered  under  Pedro  Valdez,  at 
tacked  and  captured  him,  and  took  back  the  extorted  money.  On  being 
liberated  he  retaliated  by  declaring  the  port  closed,  whereupon  Valdez,  be 
ing  well  sustained,  marched  inland,  captured  Culiacan,  the  capital,  on  Oct. 
16th,  plundered  it,  and  routed  Vega's  forces.  In  Jan.,  1853,  however,  Vega 
again  obtained  possession  of  the  city,  only  to  be  driven  out  in  March  follow 
ing,  taking  his  flight  to  Sonora 

Toward  the  close  of  the  year  the  new  administration  thought  fit  to  en 
trust  the  civil  and  military  control  of  the  state  to  Yanez,  who  proved  worthy 
of  the  charge.  By  his  energy  and  ability,  he  remedied  the  evils  cf  civil  war 
and  introduced  reforms  tending'  to  general  prosperity.  As  these  measures 
were  beginning  to  bear  fruit  he  was  removed  in  March,  1854,  to  Sonora, 
leaving  Valdez  in  command. 

In  Jan.,  1856,  P.  Verdugo,  recently  appointed  governor,  proclaimed  in 
favor  of  the  liberals,  and  though  opposed  by  counter-revolutions  prevailed 
with  the  assistance  of  Yanez.  In  May,  1857.  the  federal  constitution  was 
sworn  to,  both  at  Culiacan  and  Mazatlan.  Early  in  1858,  however,  Yanez 
proclaimed  his  adhesion  to  the  plan  of  Tacubaya,  which  proposed  a  consti 
tution  more  favorable  to  conser/atism.  This  caused  a  rising  of  the  liberals, 
Placido  Vega  pronouncing  in  Aug.  At  the  close  of  Oct.  siege  was  laid  to 
Mazatlan,  which  was  raised  at  the  end  of  Jan.,  1859,  owing  to  the  approach 


696         FRENCH  OPERATIONS  IN  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

of  conservative  reinforcements  and  the  lack  of  ammunition.  The  liberals, 
however,  assisted  by  Pesqueira,  retrieved  themselves  by  a  brilliant  achieve 
ment  at  La  Noria,  resumed  the  siege  and  carried  the  place  by  assault  on 
April,  3d,  capturing  300  prisoners,  six  vessels,  and  a  great  quantity  of  stores. 
Vega  was  now  installed  as  provisional  governor  by  Pesqueira  who  then  re 
turned  to  Sonora.  Early  in  1860  the  state  was  invaded  by  Lozada,  the  Ind 
ian  chief  of  Tepic,  but  the  Sinaloans  mustering  from  all  points  compelled 
him  to  retire.  Eight  months  later  Cajen  penetrated  close  to  Mazatlan,  where 
hi.3  force  was  completely  routed. 

For  some  time  men  attached  to  other  parties,  longing  for  participation 
in  office,  had  been  trying  to  set  aside  Vega's  authority,  and  the  continued 
threatening  attitude  of  Lozada  calling  for  operations  on  the  Jalisco  frontier 
under  charge  of  Corona,  Vega's  lack  of  promptness  in  supplying  funds  led 
to  a  quarrel  between  the  two.  The  French  intervention,  however,  pre 
vented  any  outbreak;  but  when  Vega  marched  early  in  1863  to  the  relief  of 
Mexico,  with  2,000  men,  the  plotters  took  advantage  of  his  absence  to  re 
new  their  intrigues.  On  his  return  he  took  the  field  against  them,  but 
though  victorious  in  arms,  the  supreme  government  was  persuaded  to  inter 
fere,  and  during  1864,  Morales  took  charge.  The  change  was  not  satisfac 
tory;  Culiacan  and  Cosala  rose,  and  at  Rosario,  in  Oct.,  a  plan  was  formu 
lated  by  Corona  himself,  demanding  the  resignation  of  Morales,  who  refusing 
to  yield,  Mazatlan  was  besieged  and  taken  on  the  14th,  and  A.  Rosalea 
appointed  provisional  governor.  The  president  sent  Ochoa  to  assume  com 
mand,  who  induced  Morales  to  resign  and  so  allow  Rosales  to  resume  the 
position. 

The  frequent  revolutions  in  Sinaloa  were  not  without  effect  in  Sonora. 
On  his  return  Pesqueira  found  that  his  old  foe  Gandara  had  roused  his  friends 
the  Opatas  under  their  chief  Tanori,  joined  by  the  Yaquis,  to  proclaim  him 
governor.  This  led  to  a  protracted  struggle,  during  which  Pesqueira  hac  to 
seek  aid  of  Vega  of  Sinaloa,  until  in  May,  1861,  the  Indians  were  compelled 
to  accept  peace. 

The  liberal  triumph  over  conservatism  in  the  republic  was  commemorated 
in  Sonora  by  the  adoption  of  a  constitution  conforming  to  the  general  one  of 
1857,  which  survives  in  its  reconstructed  form  of  1872.  Ures  retained  the 
position  of  capital.  Here  as  elsewhere,  the  church  party  accepted  its  defeat 
for  a  time  at  least,  and  the  Gandarists  subsided,  leaving  the  state  to  recover 
from  the  disastrous  effect  of  the  prolonged  civil  war.  The  outbreak  of  the 
confederates  in  the  adjoining  republic  caused  a  bubble  of  excitement  by 
reason  of  efforts  on  the  part  of  both  belligerents,  to  obtain  the  good  will  of 
the  state  for  the  transit  of  war  material.  William  M.  Gwin,  moreover, 
caused  commotion  by  attempting  to  form  an  independent  colony  in  Sonora, 
a  scheme  apparently  favored  at  one  time  by  Napoleon,  with  designs  for  its 
annexation  to  France.  More  serious  was  the  apprehension  roused  by  the 
opening  of  the  French  intervention  in  1862,  and  when,  in  May  and  July 
1864,  war  vessels  appeared  before  Guaymas,  a  patriotic  enthusiasm  prevailed, 
displayed  in  a  call  to  arms  and  levying  of  funds.  A  large  force  was  col 
lected,  but  when  in  March  1865,  the  French  naval  squadron  arrived  before 
the  same  port  with  several  hundred  troops  and  a  section  of  artillery,  Pes 
queira  thought  it  would  be  a  useless  waste  of  blood  and  property  to  resist  at 
that  point,-  and  after  sustaining  a  night  attack  upon  his  camp,  in  which  his 
force  was  dispersed  in  confusion,  retired  to  Hermosillo,  where  he  collected  a 
mere  remnant  of  his  forces. 

With  the  invaders  came  Gandara,  who,  after  a  futile  effort  at  revolution 
in  Jan.  1862,  and  another  attempt  to  inaxigurate  a  movement  in  behalf  of 
the  empire  at  the  close  of  1864,  took  refuge  at  the  court  of  Maximilian,  to 
urge  the  occupation  of  Sonora.  He  now  again  appears  on  the  scene,  and 
powerfully  supported,  once  more  roused  his  party  and  Indian  allies,  per 
suading  them  that  the  time  had  come  for  a  successful  struggle.  Pesqueira 
retired  from  Hermosillo,  thereby  infusing  despondency  into  the  hearts  of 
the  liberals.  The  French  entered  the  place  July  29,  1865,  and  the  native 


MISERABLE  DOINGS,  697 

imperialists  extended  themselves  in  all  directions.  Besieging  Ures,  they 
were  repulsed,  but  an  advance  by  their  foreign  allies  caused  its  evacuation. 
Pesqueira,  despairing  of  achieving  anything  for  the  time,  crossed  to  the 
United  States  to  seek  support,  leaving  Morales  to  maintain  alive  the  smould 
ering  spark  of  the  liberals  in  guerrilla  fashion.  The  imperialists  soon  over 
ran  the  central  and  northern  districts,  and  extended  themselves  as  far  south 
as  Alamos,  which  held  out  under  promise  of  aid  from  Sinaloa  under  the 
direction  of  Rosales.  This  leader  entered  with  500  men,  but  was  defeated 
by  the  superior  forces  of  Almada  September  4th,  being  slain  with  about  one 
third  of  his  troops.  By  this  time  the  French  began  to  concentrate  their 
forces  again  st  the  possible  interference  of  the  United  Scates  now  freed  from 
civil  war,  anl  the  force  in  Sonora  was  reduced  in  Oct.  to  a  scanty  battalion, 
with  instructions  to  limit  itself  to  the  occupation  of  Guaymas.  This  im 
parted  fre<h  courage  to  the  liberals,  who  pronounced  at  Hermosillo  in 
October.  Tiie  movement  gained  strength  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  the  native 
imperialists,  wlio  were  directed  by  Comandante-General  Langberg,  a  Danish 
soUier  of  fortune.  With  the  aid  of  armament  supplied  by  the  Juarist  agent 
in  California,  Monies  in  December  captured  Arispe,  and  gained  a  victory  at 
Mitaps;  but  on  January  3,  1866,  he  met  with  a  disastrous  check,  near 
Nacori  at  the  hanl?  of  Gandara  and  Tanori.  On  the  7th,  however,  Alamos 
wa-s  retaken  by  Corona's  forces  under  Martinez,  Patoni,  and  Correa.  In 
March,  Pesqueira  reentered  the  state,  and  on  May  4th  Hermosillo  was  cap 
tured  anl  sackal  by  Martinez  midst  great  slaughter.  While  the  liberals 
were  thus  occapiel  in  ruthles.s  destruction,  Langberg,  Tanori,  and  Vasquez 
appeared  fro  n  tli3  direction  of  Ures  with  about  800  men.  Martinez  sallied 
forth  to  niaab  them;  and  sustaining  a  complete  defeat,  the  imperialists  re- 

fiinel  possession  of  Hermosillo.      Martinez  retired  to  San  Marcial,  where 
e^queira  was  collecting  the  fugitives  from  the  battle-field.     Being  reenforced 
by  Morales,  after  -some  fruitless    movements  between  Hermosillo  and  Ures, 
Pe^quaira  anl  Martinez  retreated  to  the  south  while  Morales  returned  north 
ward  for  recruits. 

In  the  mid  lla  of  Aug.  Martinez  again  gained  possession  of  Hermosillo, 
but  evacuatel  it  a  few  days  later  on  the  approach  of  Langberg.  On  Sept. 
4th  tli3  latter,  joined  by  Tanori,  offered  battle  to  the  liberals  at  Guadalupe, 
near  U t*e  s,  and  a  bitter  contest  raged  for  several  honrs.  Finally  Langberg 
fell  in  the  front  rank,  and  demoralization  seizing  his  men,  victory  remained 
with  the  liberals.  TnU  was  the  turning  point  in  the  struggle.  Ures  sur 
rendered  two  days  later,  Hermosillo  was  evacuated,  and  on  Sept.  15th  the 
French  garrison  at  Guaymas  embarked,  abandoning  to  the  tender  mercies  of 
Martinez'  followers  the  thousands  of  families  who  had  adopted  their  cause. 
Large  numbers  had  hurried  away  before  the  impending  storm,  and  a  linger 
ing  few  now  joined  Tanori  and  Almada  in  escaping  across  the  gulf  in  two 
small  vessels.  They  were  overtaken,  brought  back,  and  executed.  By  the 
end  of  Sept.,  1835,  the  whole  state  had  yielded,  save  the  Yaquis  and  Mayos. 
Their  subjection  was  accomplished  by  Morales  in  November,  after  a  rigorous 
campaign.  Martinez  had  been  summoned  before  this  to  incorporate  with 
Corona,  amply  appease!  with  gifts,  and  soon  after  Sonoran  troops  were  sent 
to  assist  in  overthrowing  the  abandoned  Maximilian. 

Sinaloa  had  to  sustain  a  somewhat  longer  and  more  direct  struggle  with 
the  French,  who  were  assisted  by  the  notorious  chieftain  of  Tepic.  In 
March,  1864.  a  partial  blockade  of  Mazatlan  was  established  and  fire  opened 
by  the  invaders  on  a  portion  of  the  fortifications;  but  the  Mexicans  re 
plied  so  warmly  as  to  compel  them  to  retire.  At  the  close  of  Oct.  Lozada, 
now  an  imperialist  general,  entered  from  Jalisco,  and  laid  siege  to  the  port 
with  nearly  3,00)  men.  On  Nov.  12th  the  French  squadron  appeared  and 
offered  the  alternative  of  surrender  or  bombardment.  As  resistance  offered 
little  prospect  of  success,  the  garrison  managed  to  escape  during  the  night, 
and  on  the  following  morning  the  French  took  possession  of  the  place  after 
firing  a  few  shots.  Vasabilbaso  was  appointed  prefect  and  assisted  to  install 
local  authorities. 


698         FRENCH  OPERATIONS  IN  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

After  leaving  500  men  to  swell  the  imperialist  garrison  of  the  place, 
Lozada  sent  the  rest  of  his  troops  home  to  agricultural  pursuits.  The 
liberal*  pursued  them  for  awhile  and  inflicted  some  los&;  then,  with  their 
headquarters  at  San  Sebastian  presidio  mustering  2,000  men  under  Corona, 
hara,  -ed  the  port,  and  maintained  a  guerrilla  warfare  again.st  the  movements 
of  the  enemy.  Several  successes  gained  were  encouraging;  notably  one 
achieved  by  Rosales,  who  met  the  imperialists,  500  strong,  at  San  Pedro, 
near  C'ullacan,  and  after  a  contest  of  two  hours  routed  them,  capturing  the 
French  leader,  Gazielle,  and  85  of  his  men.  This  victory,  which  gained 
Ro  alc.3  the  title  of  brigadier,  was  widely  celebrated  ami  proved  a  severe 
blow  10  French  prestige,  in  this  region  at  least.  His  success  was  partly  ow 
ing  to  the  activity  of  Patoni,  who  had  shortly  before  captured  F.  de  la  Vega, 
the  farmer  ruler,  and  now  entitled  imperialist  ruler. 

T^J  French  having  now  overrun  nearly  the  whole  republic,  it  became 
necessary  for  them  to  extend  their  sway  on  the  west  coast,  and  Castagny 
wa.j  ordered  to  remove  his  headquarters  at  Durango  to  Mazatlan.  He  set 
out  in  the  latter  part  of  Dec.,  1864,  with  nearly  3,000  men,  taking  the  direct 
b::fc  rugged  route  by  way  of  Durasnito.  Corona  occupied  the  mountain 
passe  ',  and  meeting  with  a  defeat  at  Espinazo  del  Diablo,  followed  in  the 
rear  of  t^pagny.  At  Veranos  he  fell  upon  a  detachment  left  there,  capturing 
50  men  and  killing  17,  but  being  severely  handled  by  reinforcements  of  the 
enemy  which  arrived,  he  imprudently,  under  excitement,  hanged  his  prison 
ers  in  reprisal  for  the  execution  of  liberals  elsewhere.  The  French  general, 
naturally  of  a  severe  disposition,  took  full  vengeance  in  retaliation  with 
torch  and  sword.  Thus  was  inaugurated  in  Sinaloa  a  warfare  which,  for 
the  time,  seemed  one  of  extermination. 

The  Mexicans  were  now  only  able  to  prosecute  the  war  around  Mazatlan 
in  guerrilla  fashion,  and  though  two  flying  squadrons  were  organized  against 
them,  their  superior  knowledge  of  the  ground,  and  the  aid  afforded  thorn  by 
the  people,  enabled  them  to  approach  up  to  the  very  gates  of  the  town.  The 
French,  therefore,  carried  their  operations  into  districts  beyonu,  and  burnt 
down  San  Sebastian,  Mazatlan,  Guacimas,  and  Copala,  the  estates  and 
ranches  of  known  adversaries  being  given  to  destruction.  This  only  in 
creased  exasperation,  which  was  severely  felt  by  outposts.  Greater  numbers 
were  needed  to  clear  the  country,  and  Lozada  was  again  invoked.  He 
brought  in  April  3,000  Indians,  and  from  Rio  de  las  Canas  to  San  Ignacio  the 
country  was  swept  of  liberals.  Corona  was  so  discouraged  that  he  departed 
to  join  the  campaign  in  Durango,  and  advised  his  adherents  temporarily  to 
submit. 

Meanwhile  the  liberals  weakened  themselves  by  partisan  quarrels.  A 
revolt  compelled  Governor  Rosales  to  resign  in  favor  of  Corona,  \vho  there 
upon  appointed  Domingo  Rubi,  who  was  confirmed  by  Juarez.  Then  com 
menced  hostile  proceedings  between  Rosales  and  Rubi,  which  were  termi 
nated  by  Rosales  being  summoned  to  aid  the  Sonorans,  in  whose  cause  he  fell. 

In  August  Corona  returned  and  the  struggle  was  resumed,  Correa,  Parra, 
and  Martinez  being  conspicuous  as  leaders.  In  the  north  the  town  of 
Fuerte  was  captured  and  recaptured  several  times,  Martinez  finally  passing 
into  Sonora,  as  already  narrated.  Southward  Rubi  confined  himself  to 
raiding  the  Mazatlan  region,  while  Corona  gained  several  successes,  one  of 
which  was  the  taking  of  Acaponeta  with  much  booty.  Operations  were 
now  resumed  against  Mazatlan,  where  only  a  single  battalion  of  Frenchmen 
had  been  left,  and  as  heretofore  the  aid  of  Lozada  was  implored.  Cooperat 
ing  with  this  chieftain,  who  had  returned  to  Tepic  in  the  autumn  of  the 
previous  year,  the  French  with  about  1,000  men  captured  Presidiode  Mazat 
lan,  March  19,  1886.  Corona,  with  over  2,000  men,  now  placed  himself  be 
tween  them  and  Mazatlan,  and  then  assaulted  the  enemy  with  such  perti 
nacity  that  he  finally  compelled  him  to  fight  his  way  back  with  heavy  loss. 

Lozada,  who  had  occupied  Rosario  with  2,000  Indians,  now  hesitated  to 
advance,  but  induced  by  a  promise  of  a  simultaneous  advance  of  the  French, 
passed  onward.  When  near  Concordia,  he  was  attacked  by  Corona  and, 


CORONA  AT  MAZATLAN.  699 

though  victorious,  sustained  a  loss  of  200  men.  Similar  attacks,  bootless 
raids,  and  the  non-receipt  of  money  from  Mazatlan,  induced  him  to  return 
to  Tepic,  and  declare  his  neutrality,  with  an  aim  at  independence. 

Guzman  was  sent  to  watch  this  formidable  chieftain,  while  Corona  pressed 
closer  the  line  of  investment  round  Mazatlan.  The  aspect  of  affairs  im 
proved;  auxiliaries  poured  in;  American  sympathy  assisted,  and  a  goodly 
supply  of  arms  was  obtained.  The  United  Sinaloa  and  Jalisco  brigades 
were  transformed  and  organized  as  the  Army  of  the  West,  with  Corona  as 
general-iii-chief,  to  whom  the  governor  of  Sinaloa,  Jalisco,  and  Colima  was 
subjected.  Several  engagements  followed  in  the  district  of  Mazatlan  with 
varying  success.  Mazatlan  was  invested,  and  on  Sept.  12th  Corona  gained 
possession  of  the  fortPalos  Prietos;  but  the  severity  of  the  conflict  and  the 
loss  incurred  made  hopeless  the  prospect  of  carrying  a  port  so  strongly  held 
and  supported  by  a  fleet.  After  a  sharp  attack,  on  Nov.  12th,  a  suspension 
of  hostilities  was  arranged,  the  French  having  announced  their  intention  to 
embark.  On  the  following  day  the  liberals  entered  Mazatlan  amid  enthusi 
astic  demonstrations.  Sonora  arid  Sinaloa  were  now  forced  from  imperialist 
sway,  and  Corona,  now  a  general  of  division,  inarched  with  a  portion  of  his 
troops  to  aid  in,  the  overthrow  of  Maximilian. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

REVOLUTIONS    AND   COUNTER-REVOLUTIONS. 

1867—1887 

PARTY  QUARRELS — UPRISING  OF  THE  YAQTJIS — VEGA'S  PIRATICAL  RAID 
ON  GUAYMAS  —  LEYVA'S  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  JUAREZ  —  ITS  FAIL 
URE —  REVOLUTION  IN  SINALOA  AND  SEQUEL — CONTEST  IN  SONORA 
REGARDING  THE  CONSTITUTION — MARISCAL  SENT  TO  RESTORE  OR 
DER — THE  LERDO  ELECTION  TROUBLES — SINALOA  YIELDS  TO  THE 
PORFIRISTS —  MARISCAL  GOVERNOR  OF  SONORA — CHANGE  OF  GOVER 
NORS  —  APPEARANCE  OF  YELLOW  FEVER — REVOLUTION  IN  SINALOA 
B  r  RAMIREZ — His  DEFEAT  AND  DEATH — MARQUE/,  DE  LEON  IN 
VADES  SONORA — Is  COMPELLED  TO  RETIRE — WITHDRAWS  TO  CALI 
FORNIA — WARS  WITH  THE  APACHES — THEIR  FINAL  SUBJUGATION. 

No  sooner  had  Corona  departed  than  dissension 
arosfe  among  his  lieutenants;  and  though  Rubi  was 
declared  elected  governor,  General  Martinez  on  Jan 
uary  29,  1868,  denounced  the  election  as  fraudulent, 
and  proclaimed  himself  provisional  ruler.  Rubi,  sus 
tained  by  the  supreme  government,  resisted,  and  soon 
found  himself  at  the  head  of  2,000  men,  while  his 
opponent  could  muster  little  more  than  half  that  num 
ber,  and  on  April  8th  was  routed  at  Villa  Union.  The 
rebel  general  now  disbanded  the  remnant  of  his  force 
and  departed,  whereupon  order  was  restored. 

General  Vega,  who  had  returned  from  California 
in  June  1866,  was  an  accomplice  in  the  above  move 
ment.  His  real  scheme  was  to  form  a  coalition  which 
should  install  a  new  president,  or,  failing  this,  estab 
lish  a  new  republic  in  the  north-west.  He  assisted 
in  the  escape  from  prison  of  Palacio,  one  of  the  late 
rebel  leaders,  who,  on  March  13,  1869,  pronounced  at 
Culiacan  in  favor  of  Vega.  Finding  that  town  luke- 

700) 


VEGA  AND  PESQUEIRA.  701 

warm,  he  hastened  to  Fuerte,  but  a  month  later  he 
was  defeated  by  General  Parra  at  Los  Algodones, 
captured  with  most  of  his  men,  and  shot.  Vega  had 
meanwhile  been  abroad  to  purchase  arms,  and  now 
prepared,  with  the  assistance  of  Lozada,  to  invade 
Sinaloa  from  the  south.  In  February  1870  several 
pronunciamientos  were  effected,  and  a  number  of  petty 
raids  were  made  into  the  southern  districts.  Their 
insignificance  discouraged  Lozada  from  active  partici 
pation,  and  Vega  became  so  pressed  for  means  that 
he  descended  to  the  piratical  proceeding  of  sending  a 
steamer  to  rob  Guaymas,  availing  himself  of  the 
vagabond  element  left  over  from  the  war  of  invasion. 
With  this  he  continued  his  inroads  into  the  follow 
ing  year,  after  which  he  sank  out  of  sight  beneath 
the  movements  stirred  by  other  leaders. 

Pesqueira,  who  had  ruled  Sonora  as  governor  almost  without  interrup 
tion,  since  the  resignation  of  Aguilar  in  1856,  partly  by  popular  vote  in  1857 
and  1861,  partly  by  appointment  under  Juarez,  was  again  in  1867  honored 
with  reelection  as  a  reward  for  his  brave  and  patriotic  conduct  during  the 
invasion.  There  was  need  also  for  a  man  of  his  tried  administrative  ability 
to  heal  the  ravages  of  war.  Nearly  all  the  revolts  of  the  Yaquis  and  Mayoa 
had  arisen  from  encroachments  on  their  land,  and  after  every  victory  over 
them  the  infringement  was  affirmed.  So  it  happened  in  1867.  They  killed 
a  too  yielding  chief  in  June,  and  prepared  with  force  to  assert  their  rights, 
committing,  meanwhile,  a  number  of  outrages.  By  December  about  1,500 
troops  were  in  the  field  against  them;  several  bloody  engagements  took  place, 
and  it  was  not  until  Oct.  1868,  that  peace  was  restored. 

The  revolutionary  plans  of  General  Vega  against  Sinaloa  found  in  1870  an 
unpleasant  outcropping  in  Sonora.  The  general  had  obtained  possession  of 
the  steamer  Forward,  formerly  an  English  gunboat,  and  sent  her  on  a  pirati 
cal  expedition,  under  the  command  of  F.  Vizcaino.  During  the  night  of  May 
27th,  150  of  her  men  landed  near  Guayrnas  and  carried  the  town  by  surprise, 
without  bloodshed.  A  levy  was  then  made  upon  the  custom-house  and  mer 
chants,  for  funds,  goods,  coal,  and  arms,  the  latter  embracing  4,000  muskets, 
and  the  former  rising  to  the  value  of  more  than  $150,000,  with  which  two 
seized  vessels  were  loaded.  The  Forward  thereupon  entered  tinder  a  Salva 
dorean  flag  and  towed  them  away.  The  treasury  official  Mejia,  son  of  the 
minister  of  war,  was  carried  away  as  hostage.  Commander  Low,  of  the 
U.  S.  war  steamer  Mohican,  being  at  Mazatlan  when  the  news  came, 
decided,  at  the  instance  of  the  authorities  and  the  suffering  merchants, 
which  inchided  Americans,  to  check  this  piratical  raider  on  Pacific  coast 
trade.  After  a  lengthly  search  he  found  the  Forward  at  the  mouth  of  Rio 
de  las  Cofv-is,  under  cover  of  a  battery  which  opened  fire  on  the  cutting-out 
party.  The  steamer  being  aground,  the  only  alternative  was  to  fire  her, 
whereupon  the  Mohican  retired. 

Guaymas  was  exposed  to  another  infliction  in  Oct.  1871,  in  connection 
with  the  Porfirist  revolution  against  Juarez.  The  garrison  declared  for  it, 
under  Leyva,  and  made  themselves  master  of  the  port.  They  then  exacted 
money  from  the  wealthy  citizens  and  sailed  away  to  spread  the  movement  in 


702  REVOLUTIONS  AND  COUNTER-REVOLUTIONS. 

the  more  promising  districts  to  the  south.  Pesqueira  was  too  prompt,  how 
ever.  He  encountered  them  at  Potrerito  Seco  and  crushed  their  force  and 
hopes  at  one  blow,  after  which  he  passed  on  to  aid  the  Juarist  cause  in  Sina- 
loa.  Here  the  revolution  had  been  initiated  by  General  Parra  and  F.  Canedo, 
in  Sept.  1871,  and  upon  their  failure  it  received  fresh  impulse  two  months 
later  at  Mazatlan,  under  Gen.  Marquez  de  Leon,  who  had  more  than  once 
been  in  charge  of  the  civil  and  military  government  of  the  state.  Gov.  E. 
Buelna  fled  northward  to  seek  the  aid  of  Pesqueira,  who  after  a  temporary 
check  took  possession  of  Fuerte  and  Culiacan.  Here  he  was  beseiged  by 
Marquez,  but  a  federal  column  under  Rocha  relieved  the  place  in  April 
1872,  driving  back  Marquez,  and  marching  into  Mazatlan.  The  followers  of 
the  latter  began  to  desert  the  failing  cause,  and  it  was  virtually  abandoned 
in  the  following  months,  when  Diaz  submitted  to  the  supreme  government. 
An  under-current  remained,  however,  which  was  agitated  by  Lozada,  who 
had  chosen  to  favor  the  revolution.  A  crushing  death  at  Rosario  in  Jan. 
1873  was  a  relief  to  the  state. 

The  reconstruction  of  the  organic  law  of  Sonora,  in  1872,  gave  rise  to 
hostility  between  the  legislature  and  executive,  which  manifested  itself  in 
appeals  to  arms  among  the  people.  The  governor  carried  his  point,  and 
introduced  a  constitution,  in  May  1873,  which  was  sustained  in  face  of  sev 
eral  formidable  pronunciamientos  against  it,  as  in  the  autumn  of  that  year 
at  Alamos,  under  the  leadership  of  Connant,  who,  by  means  of  the  usual 
forced  levies,  swelled  his  command  to  400  men,  and  kept  that  region  in  agi 
tation  for  several  months.  Popular  feeling  became  more  roused  against  the 
authorities  by  the  elections  of  1875,  wherein,  with  the  aid  of  troops  and  con 
nivance  of  the  presidential  party,  they  manipulated  the  polls  for  their  own 
purposes,  choosing  as  ruler  Jose  J.  Pesquiera,  with  his  predecessor  for  vice- 
governor.  This  induced  a  prominent  citizen,  F.  Serna,  to  pronounce  in 
August  of  that  year  at  Altar.  Although  at  first  defeated,  he  recovered  him 
self  by  several  effective  operations  in  Nov. -Dec.,  and  gave  such  impulse  to 
the  movement,  extending  it  into  Alamos  district,  that  the  federal  govern 
ment,  in  March  1876,  sent  Mariscal  to  interfere.  Seeing  that  Serna  had 
justice  on  his  side,  with  growing  popularity,  the  general  prudently  favored 
him,  and  managed  to  restore  order.  Pesquiera  departed,  leaving  Torres  as 
acting  governor. 

Mariscal  followed  up  the  advantage  gained  by  the  manoeuvre  to  obtain 
election  returns  in  favor  of  his  patron,  Lerdo.  Finding,  however,  that  the 
Portirist  revolution  against  the  president  was  gaining  ground,  his  foresight 
induced  him  to  waste  no  further  efforts  upon  a  lost  cause.  Less  clear-sighted, 
the  Pesqueirans  pronounced  for  Lerdo,  only  to  discover  their  mistake  at 
Matape,  where  Mariscal  dispersed  their  forces,  and  compelled  the  leaders  to 
seek  refuge  in  Arizona,  whence  they  were  soon  permitted  to  return. 

In  Sinaloa  the  Porfirist  revolution  found  its  beginning  in  local  outbreaks 
early  in  1876,  of  which  Donate  Guerra  soon  appeared  as  the  leader.  In 
August  he  took  possession  of  Culiacan,  and  imprisoned  Governor  J.  M. 
Gaxiola,  but  troops  from  Mazatlan  drove  him  out  shortly  after,  and  inflicted 
a  severe  defeat  upon  him  at  Tameaca.  Arce,  then  in  power,  thereupon  pro 
claimed  adhesion  to  Iglesias,  who  was  already  in  flight  for  the  U.  S.  In  the 
following  month,  Jan.  1877,  the  troops  of  Diaz  marched  into  Mazatlan  in  the 
most  peaceful  manner,  and  after  a  few  blows  the  remainder  of  the  state 
yielded,  Canedo  being  chosen  governor.  The  election  in  Sonora  turned  in 
favor  of  Mariscal,  who  was  thus  rewarded  for  his  foresight  and  effort  to  pre 
serve  the  peace.  Serna  became  vice-governor,  and  was  permitted  to  issue 
under  his  own  auspices  the  long  suppressed  constitution  of  1 872.  Once  in 
possession,  Mariscal  appears  to  have  neglected  the  tact  that  had  so  far 
enabled  him  to  court  successfully  the  ruling  majority.  A  quarrel  soon  arose 
with  the  legislature,  which  finally  impeached  him  for  removing  local  author 
ities,  and  other  tyrannical  acts,  and  declared  him  replaced  by  Serna,  in  Feb. 
1879.  The  former  was  not  the  man  to  obey  the  dictates  of  a  petty  state 
assembly.  He  called  upon  his  troops,  and  swelling  their  ranks  with  forced 


MARQUEZ  DE  LEON.  703 

recruits,  prepared  to  march  upon  the  gathering  forces  of  Serna.  A  bloody 
war  was  m  prospect,  when  the  federal  government  interfered  in  favor  of  the 
latter,  who  had  most  politically  appealed  to  it.  The  general  thereupon 
found  it  prudent  to  resign  into  the  hands  of  his  rival,  who  soon  surrendered 
the  position  to  the  elected  Luis  Torres. 

Not  unsimilar  was  the  fate  of  the  following  governor,  C.  R.  Ortiz,  who, 
invested  with  extraordinary  power  for  the  suppression  of  the  Yaqui  revolt, 
presumed  to  assume  a  hostile  attitude  toward  the  federal  commanders. 
Some  of  the  militia  pronounced  against  his  impressments,  and  the  people  at 
Hermo.sillo,  lately  made  the  capital,  lent  approval  by  attacking  his  house  in 
Oct.  1882,  whereupon  Ortiz  thought  it  prudent  to  take  flight,  leaving  the 
vice-governor,  Escalante,  as  ruler.  In  the  following  year  the  progressive 
administration  of  Torres  received  a  flattering  approval  in  his  reelection.  The 
successor  of  Canedo,  in  Sinaloa,  was  M.  Martinez  de  Castro,  under  whom 
the  new  liberal  constitution  of  1880  came  in  force,  to  assist  during  the  ensu 
ing  peaceful  era  to  unfold  the  vast  mineral  and  agricultural  resources  so  long 
neglected,  to  promote  trade  and  intercourse,  diffuse  education,  and  elevate 
the  people  in  culture  and  affluence,  while  mitigating  the  occasional  evil*  in 
flicted  by  failure  of  crops  and  epidemics,  such  as  the  recently  ruling  yellow 
fever. 

Among  the  active  partisans  of  Porfirio  Diaz  in  the  north-west  had  been 
Marquez  de  Leon.  The  reward  for  his  services  failing  to  satisfy  his  ambition, 
he  proposed,  in  1879,  to  wrest  it  for  himself  by  a  revolution  against  the  su 
preme  as  well  as  local  governments.  He  had  great  influence  in  Sinaloa, 
where  he  figured  during  the  early  part  of  this  year  as  gubernatorial  candi 
date,  owing  to  the  suspension  of  the  incumbent,  Canedo,  under  certain 
charges  which  had  roused  the  people  against  him.  Believing,  nevertheless, 
that  he  could  give  great  impulse  to  the  movement  by  a  simultaneous  outbreak 
in  his  native  Lower  California,  he  took  this  task  upon  himself,  leaving  the 
popular  Jesus  Ramirez  to  direct  the  operations  in  Sinaloa.  The  latter  made 
a  not  very  successful  attack  on  the  garrison  at  Mazatlan  Oct.  25,  1879,  after 
which  he  took  to  the  country,  supported  by  several  prommciamientos,  from 
Rosario  to  Cosata,  and  by  opportune  seizures  of  funds.  Although  his  fol 
lowers  were  defeated  in  several  minor  engagements,  he  sustained  the  cause, 
and  in  June  and  July  1880  managed,  with  the  aid  of  a  portion  of  the  garrison, 
to  obtain  temporary  possession  of  Mazatlan  and  of  the  capital;  but  in  Sept. 
he  was  routed,  overtaken,  and  killed.  In  Lower  California  the  revolution 
had  run  a  still  briefer  course.  With  the  remnant  of  the  forces  there  routed 
by  federal  troops,  and  driven  northward,  Marquez  crossed  to  Sonora.  He 
entered  by  way  of  Sonoita  early  in  May  1880,  gained  possession  of  Magda- 
lena  on  the  31st,  and  advanced  to  Ures.  Unsuccessful  in  obtaining  recruits, 
he  had  to  retire  before  a  superior  column,  whereupon  he  disbanded  his  men, 
departing  for  California  to  seek  resources  and  form  alliances  for  a  more  fa 
vorable  opportunity.  This,  however,  failed  to  present  itself. 

That  standing  scourge  of  Sonora,  the  Apaches,  had  all  this  while  been 
swelling  its  long  record  of  desolating  raids,  although  in  a  gradually  lessen 
ing  degree,  owing  to  the  measures  taken  in  Arizona  to  check  the  roaming  of 
Indians  and  to  cooperate  with  Mexico  in  punishing  marauders.  Before  the 
influx  of  settlers  into  Arizona  the  Apaches  had  a  free  field.  They  attacked 
emigrant  parties  for  Cal.,  and  opened  trade  with  the  miners,  who  scrupled 
not,  in  exchange  for  stolen  cattle  and  beasts  of  burden,  to  provide  them 
with  ammunition  and  armament  of  the  latest  pattern,  thus  giving  them  decided 
advantages  over  the  inefficiently  armed  frontier  troops.  The  year  1851  was 
fraught  with  particular  disaster  to  this  unfortunate  state,  which  the  Apach*.  s 
grimly  alluded  to  as  their  rancho  and  depot  for  supplies.  In  Feb.  they  de 
stroyed  Mcazatlan,  inflicting  a  loss  of  40  lives;  in  Aug.  they  added  59  to  the 
list  of  victims,  bringing  the  total  sacrifices  of  life  for  the  year  to  200,  while 
carrying  off  nearly  2,000  head  of  stock,  besides  other  booty.  Pesqneira, 
then  rising  into  prominence,  was  defeated  with  heavy  loss,  in  pursuing  them. 
Subsequent  costlier  expeditions  managed  to  inflict  only  trifling  retaliation 


704  REVOLUTIONS  AND  COUNTER-REVOLUTIONS. 

on  the  dispersing  bands;  nevertheless  the  movement  served  to  lessen  the 
irruptions  for  awhile.  In  1803,  however,  they  were  resumed  with  intensified 
rigor,  and  in  July  alone  they  were  marked  by  the  blood  of  170  victims. 
Again  the  authorities  awoke  to  the  necessity  for  anned  demonstrations, 
which  procured  a  momentary  respite;  then  both  troops  and  settlers  again 
sunk  into  negligent  indolence.  Later  the  destruction  of  Chinapa  and  Santa 
Cruz,  and  by  raids  also  in  Arizona,  caused  United  States  troops  to  join  the 
Mexicans  in  pursuit.  Once  more  a  quieter  period  was  followed  by  a  viru 
lent  inroad  in  1800,  when  over  50  persons  were  reported  killed  in  February 
alone.  Pesqueira  then  revived  Galvez'  system  of  warfare,  with  only  partial 
success,  for  the  peace  treaties  made  under  pressure  were  broken  at  the  fir.st 
opportunity.  Three  years  later  the  savages  penetrated  to  the  very  (suburbs 
of  Ures  and  Alamos.  A  prize  of  $100  was  now  offered  for  each  scalp,  and 
with  this  inducement  the  expeditions  of  the  ensuing  spring  reported  the 
slaying  and  capture  of  200  Apaches.  These  measures  tended  to  restrain  the 
bands  for  some  years.  In  1870,  however,  their  audacity  increased,  and  the 
exasperated  authorities  now  raised  the  price  upon  scalps  to  $300.  The 
Apaches  became  more  wary,  or  the  Mexicans  indifferent,  for  the  fund  was 
exposed  to  no  great  drain,  and  during  the  years  immediately  following  1872 
an  average  of  two  score  murders  was  reported.  The  Mexican  government 
not  unjustly  charged  much  of  this  evil  to  the  defective  Indian  policy  of  the 
United  States,  with  its  loose  reservation  system  and  injudicious  leniency, 
and  asked  for  compensation  to  cover  damages  committed  by  these  wild 
wards  as  well  as  by  lawless  American  citizens.  Of  late  years  the  danger 
has  greatly  abated,  especially  since  the  administrations  of  Diaz,  which 
strengthened  the  military  colonies  of  the  frontier.  The  growth  of  popula 
tion  in  Arizona,  with  the  extension  of  railways  and  trade,  added  to  the 
security,  and  although  raids  continued  to  some  extent  for  several  years,  was 
only  occasional.  The  once  deserted  border  quickly  filled  with  flourishing 
settlements  and  mining  camps,  among  which  the  cruel  Apache  wars  soon 
became  a  mere  tradition. 

During  the  second  administration  of  Diaz  the  troublesome  Yaquis,  who 
had  hitherto  maintained  their  local  independence,  were  finally  subdued, 
after  a  war  of  several  years.  Their  territory  was  invested  on  all  sides,  and 
their  chief  Cajenie,  a  leader  of  considerable  political  and  military  ability, 
was  captured.  In  April,  1887,  he  was  executed,  without  trial  it  id  said,  in 
the  presence  of  his  people. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

1800-1848. 

SEPARATION  FROM  ALTA  CALIFORNIA  DECREED — FOREIGN  TRADE — VESSELS- 
VISITING  THE  COAST — COCHRANE'S  RAID  ON  LORETO— MORE  LIBERTY 
GRANTED  TO  INDIANS — FEDERAL  SYSTEM  ESTABLISHED — POLITICAL 
DIVISIONS — MISSIONS  SECULARIZED— PARTY  FACTIONS — THE  CALIFOR- 
NIAS  REUNITED — FRONTIER  QUARRELS — HARDY'S  PEARL-FISHING 
SCHEME— UNITED  STATES  DESIGNS — AMERICANS  OCCUPY  LA  PAZ — 
SELFRIDGE  TAKES  MDLEGE— PATRIOTIC  RISING  AT  SAN  JOSE  DEL 
CABO— CALIFORNIANS  ATTACK  LA  PAZ— THE  AMERICAN  GARRISON  RE 
LIEVED — SAN  JOSE  BESIEGED — RETREAT  OF  THE  CALIFORNIANS — BAT 
TLE  OF  SAN  VICENTE — BURTON'S  OPERATIONS— EXPEDITION  TO  TODOS 
SANTOS — END  OF  THE  WAR — LOWER  CALIFORNIA  RESTORED  TO 
MEXICO. 

IN  1804  the  political  separation  of  the  peninsula 
from  Alta  California  was  decreed,1  and  Arillaga  be 
ing  promoted  to  the  upper  province,  Captain  Felipe 
de  Goycoechea  was  appointed  governor  of  Lower 
California.2  The  frontier  district,  which  stretched 
from  San  Fernando  to  the  northern  border,  was  now 
more  directly  connected  with  the  peninsula  govern 
ment,  and  promised  at  one  time  to  grow  in  importance 
through  the  desire  of  the  Dominicans  to  extend  their 
missions  eastward  and  northward.  Their  zeal  soon 
slackened,  however,  before  the  intractable  nature  of 
the  Indians  and  the  soil,  and  the  discouraging  effect  of 

xBy  order  of  Mar.  26,  1804,  the  old  boundary  along  Rio  Rosario,  or  Bar- 
rabas,  to  remain.  Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  Rec.,  ix.  95. 

2  This  officer  had  served  in  both  Calif  ornias  and  was  at  the  time  habilitado 
general  at  Mexico.  He  did  not  arrive  till  July  1806,  and  Arrillaga  ruled  ad 
interim.  Id.,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  xviii.  175-7;  xix.  60-76j  Id.,  Prov.  Rec.,  vi.  21, 
ix.  56,  95. 

HIST.  MEX  .  STATES,  VOL.  II.    45  ( 705 ) 


706  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

poverty  and  discord  in  their  immediate  surroundings.3 
Indeed,  several  of  them  became  in  some  instances  so 
tyrannical  as  to  rouse  the  Indians  to  desertion,  in 
subordination,  and,  in  the  north,  to  open  revolt  di 
rected  often  against  well-meaning  padres.  Thus  the  two 
missionaries  at  Santo  Tornds  were  slain  in  1803.4 

The  separation  from  California  resulted  in  an  ever 
growing  neglect  for  the  peninsula,  and  the  upper 
sister  province  henceforth  absorbed  the  greater  pro 
portion  of  the  slight  attention  bestowed  by  the  gov 
ernment.  The  idea  of  fostering  development  in  the 
far-west  never  occurred,  although  the  longing  for  ter 
ritorial  extension  remained  unabated.  Isolation  was 
deemed  security  enough,  and  when,  with  the  opening 
of  the  century,  English  and  American  otter-hunting 
>and  trading  vessels  began  to  frequent  the  California 
coasts,  the  old  dog-in-the-manger  policy  was  more 
strictly  extended  also  in  this  direction,  for  maintaining 
the  isolation.  The  harshness  of  such  orders  becomes 
evident  when  it  is  considered  that  not  only  were  the 
visits  of  supply  vessels  from  the  Mexican  ports  rare 
and  irregular,  but  the  effects  brought  were  insufficient 
in  quantity  and  variety,  and  little  encouragement  was 
given  for  enabling  the  inhabitants  to  exchange  their 

3  The  successor  of  P.  Belda  in  1802,  as  president  of  the  missions,  was  P. 
Rafael  Arvina,  who  so  roused  the  friars  by  his  scandalous  conduct  that  he 
was  removed  by  general  request,  P.  Miguel  Gallego  succeeding   in  1804. 
Arch.  Arzobisp.,  ii.  13-35.     P.  Gabriel  of  Loreto  was  some  years  later  exiled 
for  abducting  Indian  wives,  and  P.  Caballero,  still  later,  disgraced  the  robe 
in  a  similar  manner.    Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  ii.  255-8;  Alvarado,  ii.  172-4;    Vega, 
Vida  Gal,  43.     Several  other  friars  revealed  looseness  of  conduct,  but  were 
more  prudent  and  escaped  punishment.     The  poverty  of  the  province  did  not 
tend  to  strengthen  their  zeal;  as  a  rule  they  only  longed  to  return  to  the 
more  comfortable  cloisters  of  the  mainland,  and  obtained  leave  of  absence  so 
frequently  that  orders  came  to  restrict  this  privilege.     The  result  was  an 
.angry  correspondence  with  the  viceroy.  Arch.   Cal,  Prov.   St.  Pap.,  xviii. 
120-4,  84;  xxi.  54,  100-1,  286,  372;  xxi.  43-5,  etc.;  Id.,  Prav.  Rec.,  vi.  9-13; 
viii.  63;  ix.  24,  37,  60.     Concerning  existing  friars  till  1827,  I  refer  to  Sta 
Barb.  Arch.,  x.  279;  xi.  160;  xii.  168,  273,  359;  S.  Diego  Miss.,  14,  91;  Gac. 
Mex.,  xx.  600;  xxiv.   1049;  Arch.  Arzobis.,  ii.  50,  80,  146;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  ix. 
15,  78;  xv.  4;  Id.,  Miss.,  iii.  34;  Loreto,  Miss.  Rec.,  MS.,  72  et  seq. 

4  In  May.     They  were  Eduardo  Surroco  and  Miguel  Lopez;  a  woman  con 
fessed  to  the  deed  under  torture,  and  was  executed,  together  with  two  ac 
complices.  Arch    Cal.,  Prov.  Rec.,  viii.  241;  ix.  27-8,  33,  43;  x.  1-2;  Id.,  St. 
Pop.,  xiv.  75-6.     At  San  Borja  there  was  trouble  in  1806.  Arch.  Arzobis.,  ii. 
4G. 


ADMIRAL  COCHRANE.  707 

beef,  hides,  grain,  and  fruit  for  commodities  which 
the  foreign  vessels  temptingly  displayed.  They  were, 
in  other  words,  bidden  to  sacrifice,  to  throw  away, 
their  surplus  produce  and  be  content  with  a  few  crude 
staple  articles.5 

Lower  California  escaped  the  horrors  of  civil  war 
ravaging  the  mainland  during  the  decade  following 
1810,  yet  it  was  not  wholly  exempt  from  hostile  visi 
tation.  At  the  close  of  this  revolutionary  struggle 
the  fleet  of  Admiral  Cochrane  entered  the  contest 
against  Spain,  and  two  of  its  vessels,  the  Independenda 
and  Araucano,  were  despatched  in  the  guise  of  whalers 
to  make  observations  along  the  northern  coast  of 
Mexico,  and  sound  the  people  while  peaceably  making 
purchases  of  provisions.  The  commanders  of  the 
cruisers  disregarded  these  instructions  under  the  in 
centive  of  spoils.  On  February  17,  1822,  the  Inde- 
pendencia  entered  the  harbor  of  San  Jose  del  Cabo, 
sacked  the  mission  and  church,  and  made  a  prize  of 

5  At  first  the  governor  and  his  troops  had  not  much  difficulty  in  enforcing 
non-intercourse  with  hated  and  feared  foreigners,  but  the  latter,  failing  to 
barter,  began  to  plunder  their  water  of  its  riches  by  hunting  for  themselves 
the  fur  animals.  To  sacrifice  their  property  was  bad  enough,  but  to  behold 
it  carried  away  by  strangers  was  worse.  Obedience  ceased  to  be  a  virtue; 
illicit  trade  began,  and  expanded  rapidly,  until  it  affected  even  padres  and 
soldiers.  For  a  while  a  decent  pretext  of  secrecy  was  maintained,  but  soon 
the  governor  himself,  with  pay  as  well  as  supplies  long  in  arrears,  gave  open 
countenance  to  the  traffic. 

The  result  proved  advantageous  on  all  sides,  for  many  wants  were  sup 
plied,  and  a  certain  incentive  was  given  to  pursuits,  in  hunting  otters  and 
raising  produce  for  barter.  Among  vessels  which  took  advantage  of  this 
intercourse  were,  first  the  American  brig  Betsey,  Captain  J.  Winship,  late  in 
1800,  followed  by  several  others  shortly  after,  notably  the  O'Cain,  Captain 
O'Cain,  the  Alexander,  Captain  Brown,  Lelia  Byrd,  Captain  Shaler,  and  the 
Catherine,  Captain  Roberts.  O'Cain  is  claimed  to  have  discovered  San  Quen- 
tin  bay.  Lelia  Byrd  and  O'Cain  returned  during  the  following  years,  the 
latter  frequently,  and  in  1806  the  Peacock,  Captain  Kimball,  and  the  Reizos 
visited  the  coast.  In  1808  and  1809  the  Mercury,  Captain  Ayers,  and  the 
Dromo  made  their  appearance,  followed  in  1810  by  the  Albatross,  Captain  N. 
Winship,  Several  other  vessels  touched  without  leaving  a  record.  The 
Traveller,  Captain  Wilcox,  in  1817,  rendered  great  service  to  the  peninsula 
by  relieving  the  suffering  people  at  Loreto,  and  in  making  a  special  trip  to 
Alta  California  for  further  supplies.  The  chief  resort  of  the  vessels  was  San 
Quentin  bay,  within  range  of  several  missions,  where  otters  were  plentiful, 
and  salt  could  be  had  in  abundance.  And  many  a  fete  champetre  was  held 
upon  this  far-away  beach,  and  the  strange  company  that  assembled  made  a 
striking  picture,  black-robed  friars,  sailors,  and  swarthy  natives,  with  occa 
sionally  a  sprinkling  of  Aleuts  from  Alaska,  forming  a  heterogeneous  crowd 
.of  festive  traders. 


708  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

the  brig  Akion,  laden  with  tallow,  and  en  route  from 
Alta  California  to  the  mainland  southward.6 

Long  continued  neglect  naturally  predisposed  the 
inhabitants  of  the  peninsula  to  favor  the  revolution 
ary  cause;  yet  they  were  content  to  abide  the 
decision  of  events.  In  the  early  part  of  1822  their 
suspense  was  terminated  by  the  arrival  of  the  can- 
onigo,  Agustin  Fernandez  de  San  Vincente,  imperial 
commissioner,  to  proclaim  the  elevation  of  Iturbide 
to  the  throne  of  Mexico  and  inaugurate  reform.  The 
people  yielded  to  every  disposition  made  by  him,  and 
his  steps  were  facilitated  by  the  resignation  of  the 
governor,  Jose  Argiiello,  who  had  succeeded  Goy- 
coechea  in  1814,  and  was  replaced  in  October  1822 
by  Jose  Manuel  Ruiz,  commandant  at  the  frontier, 
under  the  title  of  jefe  politico.7 

61 A  lieutenant  and  eight  men  were  next  sent  to  the  mission  of  Todos  San 
tos,  with  orders  to  plunder  the  church,  take  the  padre  prisoner,  and  burn  or 
sink  a  schooner  which  had  lately  been  built  there.  These  orders  were  car 
ried  out  on  the  19th,  but  the  lieutenant  and  two  of  his  men  attempted  to  lay 
hands  on  the  women.  The  people  had  been  unresisting  spectators  while 
their  vessel  was  destroyed  and  their  church  desecrated,  but  their  pent-up 
feelings  now  burst  forth.  Moved  by  a  single  impulse,  they  attacked  the 
party — which  was  on  the  beach — with  stones  and  other  ready  means,  and 
killed  the  trio.  Made  fearless  by  this  achievement,  the  assailants  hurried 
off  to  the  mission  and  fell  suddenly  upon  the  remaining  six  men  of  the  party, 
two  of  whom  were  quickly  despatched  and  three  grievously  wounded,  while 
the  sixth  surrendered  at  discretion.  The  captives,  swelled  by  three  messen 
gers  from  the  hostile  ship,  were  carried  northward  to  San  Antonio,  but  were 
surrendered  on  the  captain  of  the  Independence  threatening  to  destroy  both 
Todos  Santos  and  San  Antonio.  Meanwhile  the  Araucano  had  gone  up  the 
gulf  to  Guaymas,  and  then  to  Loreto,  whence  the  people,  warned  by  the 
occurrence  further  south,  had  fled,  leaving  the  enemy  to  plunder  the  town 
and  church,  Governor  Argiiello  losing  his  silver  plate  and  other  property. 

7  The  most  important  change  by  the  canon  appeared  in  a  provisional 
reglamento  for  administration  of  missions,  whereby  the  Indians,  though  still 
left  under  supervision  of  the  padres,  were  given  greater  freedom,  with  the 
right  to  demand  rations  and  pay  for  their  labor,  and  to  elect  the  hitherto 
autocratic  priest  instrument,  the  mayordomo,  from  among  themselves.  The 
fathers  were,  moreover,  required  to  furnish  inventories,  as  ar  check  upon  their 
management  of  mission  property.  Great  was  their  indignation  at  this  en 
croachment  upon  their  time-honored  paternal  rights— that  is,  to  compel  the 
Indians  to  work  for  a  scanty  allowance  of  poor  food  and  poorer  clothing;  to 
submit  to  any  chastisement  the  padres  saw  fit  to  inflict,  and  to  have  no 
thought  for  anything  in  life  except  the  repetition  of  a  few  prayers  parrot- 
wise,  and  the  enrichment  of  the  mission.  They  predicted  disaster  both  to  the 
mission  establishments  and  to  the  Indians  from  such  extension  of  liberty  to 
beingo  unfit  for  its  enjoyment,  and  events  justified  the  assertion,  moderate 
and  just  as  were  the  privileges  granted.  The  neophytes  surrendered  them 
selves  to  dissipation  and  idleness,  allowed  themselves  to  be  guided  by  inter- 


UNIVERSITY 
DEMORALIZATION  OF   THE  NATIVE.      -  709 


The  change  from  colonial  regime  had  been  grasped 
at  mainly  in  the  vain  hope  of  some  relief  from  long 
neglect  and  distress,  and  the  establishment  of  a  re 
public  was  additionally  welcome  from  its  conferment 
of  local  self-rule.  The  new  era  was  inaugurated  by 
Lieutenant-colonel  Jose  Maria  de  Echeandia,  ap 
pointed  to  the  civil  and  military  command  of  the  two 
Californias,  who  presented  himself  at.  Loreto  in  June 
1825,  accompanied  by  several  officers  and  nine  Domin 
ican  friars.  On  July  10th  he  installed  the  territorial 
deputation,  with  the  aid  of  which  several  progressive 
measures  were  taken,  notably  to  raise  funds  for  open 
ing  primary  schools  at  Loreto  and  San  Antonio.  The 

Eininsula  was  divided  into  four  districts,  Cabo  de  San 
ucas,  Loreto,  Santa  Gertrudis,  and  San  Pedro  Mar- 
tir,  each  with  an--ayimtamiento,  or  municipal  council, 
at  its  head  town,  composed  of  an  alcalde,  two  regi- 
dores,  a  sindico,  and  a  secretary,  and  with  auxiliary 
alcaldes  at  the  missions,  appointed  by  the  jefe  po 
litico.8 

ested  schemers,  and  declined  rapidly  in  condition  and  number.  Their 
decadence  would  probably  have  been  more  rapid  but  for  the  united  efforts  of 
padres  and  settlers,  for  their  own  advantage,  to  maintain  the  former  domi 
nation,  and  to  ignore  the  reglamento. 

8  The  condition  of  the  aborigines  commanded  his  special  attention,  and  he 
issued,  August  19,  1825,  a  reglamento  aiming  to  practically  secularize  most 
of  the  missions.  A  sufficient  proportion  of  mission  land  was  to  be  distributed 
among  the  Indians  as  community  property,  under  the  direction  of  mayor- 
domos  elected  from  among  themselves  for  a  period  of  years.  They  were 
also  to  receive  the  necessary  grain  and  implements  for  establishing  farms, 
and  half  of  the  live  stock,  the  other  half  remaining  for  support  of  churches 
and  padres.  The  latter  were  reduced  to  the  condition  of  parish  priests, 
under  the  surveillance  of  alcaldes  and  mayordomos.  By  decrees  of  1830,  all  but 
three  of  the  missions  were  added  to  the  secularization  list.  This  system 
aimed  to  elevate  the  Indians  almost  to  the  dignity  of  independent  citizenship, 
but  unfortunately  the  reglamento  was  disregarded  like  the  others  by  negli 
gent  officials,  influenced  also  by  interested  parties.  The  unhappy  natives 
gradually  deserted  the  now  inhospitable  missions,  wandering  about  the  hills 
and  beaches  looking  for  food.  Occasionally  they  would  work  for  the  recom 
pense  of  a  little  watered  atole  twice  a  day,  and  a  breech-clout  and  blanket 
every  two  years,  being  withal  badly  treated  everywhere.  Epidemics  and 
local  diseases,  moreover,  combined  to  ravage  their  enfeebled  ranks.  The 
govt  recognized  17  missions  in  1826.  As  for  their  property,  it  was  to  be  ab 
sorbed  partly  by  the  settlers,  partly  by  favored  individuals,  who  obtained  it 
as  grants,  or  against  nominal  purchase  money.  The  secularization  decree 
had  already  declared  such  unoccupied  lands  national,  and  open  to  rental. 
The  padres  vigorously  opposed  this  attempt  at  final  spoliation,  assisted  by 
neophytes,  and  took  to  arms  at  Todos  Santos.  The  result  was  an  order  by 


710  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

The  change  of  political  system  did  not  bring  the 
expected  amelioration  to  the  settlers.  They  remain 
ed  neglected  as  ever,  and  so  stricken  became  their 
condition  that  petitions  were  presented  in  1827  for 
the  remission  of  tithes  and  other  imposts,  except 
municipal  taxes,  for  fifteen  years.  Misgovernment  at 
home  assisted  to  retard  improvement.  Echeandia 
was  supposed  to  rule  the  peninsula  from  his  seat  in 
Alta  California,  but  he  did  not  trouble  himself,  and 
his  functions  were  preformed  by  a  deputy,  who  was 
sometimes  appointed  by  the  governor  and  sometimes 
by  the  territorial  debutation.  The  ayuntamientos  of 
the  districts  sought,  moreover,  to  assert  themselves  as 
much  as  possible,  and  so  matters  drifted  into  a  num 
ber  of  irregular  channels,  with  arbitrary  action  in  each. 

On  leaving  for  the  north  in  October  1825,  Echean 
dia  installed  as  his  deputy  at  Loreto  Lieutenant  J. 
M.  Padres,  a  member  of  the  territorial  deputation, 
whose  liberal  ideas  brought  the  Dominicans  into 
opposition  with  him.  Elected  deputy  to  the  congress 
in  the  following  year,  he  departed  for  Mexico,  leav 
ing  the  gubernatorial  office  to  the  alcade  of  Loreto, 
Miguel  Mesa.9 

Micheltorena,  in  1843,  to  restore  all  property,  taken,  except  lands  already 
occupied,  for  which  titles  must  be  obtained  from  the  government.  This  did 
not  interfere,  however,  with  the  progress  of  spoliation,  and  iho  frontier  mis 
sions  were  nearly  all  disposed  of  in  1846  by  the  unscrupulous  Governor  Pico. 
9  In  1829,  however,  the  territorial  deputation  took  upon  itself  to  reverse 
this  order  by  selecting  its  first  member,  Alferez  Mata,  of  the  garrison,  as 
sub-gefe  politico.  This  independent  action  roused  Echeandia,  who  hitherto 
had  allowed  the  people  to  manage  their  own  affairs.  His  representations  led 
the  supreme  government  to  appoint  Lieutenant- colonel  M.  Victoria,  and  to 
separate  the  peninsula  from  Alta  California,  while  subordinating  it  in  mili 
tary  and  judicial  matters  to  the  comandante-general  of  Sonora.  Victoria 
being  transferred  to  the  northern  province  in  1830,  he  was  succeeded  by  M. 
Monterde,  who,  upon  his  election  to  congress  in  1831,  surrendered  the  office 
to  the  deputation,  and  its  members  now  rotated  monthly  as  jefe  politico. 
The  consequent  confusion  caused  Monterde  to  be  sent  back  as  ruler  two 
years  later,  but  he  being  again  elected  deputy,  a  Peruvian  member  of  the 
deputation  took  charge  until  the  arrival,  in  April  1835,  of  the  government 
appointee,  Colonel  M.  Martinez;  but  so  intense  was  the  opposition  of  the 
legislative  body  to  this  mainland  intruder  that  he  resigned.  Then  came  a 
contest  between  the  deputation  members  for  control,  leading  to  virulent 
party  spirit  and  bloodshed.  The  government  thereupon  ordered  the  admin 
istration  to  rest  with  the  alcalde  of  La  Paz.  to  which  place  the  capital  had 
been  transferred  in  1830,  owing  to  the  destitution  of  Loreto  in  natural  re. 
sources,  aggravated  by  an  inundation,  which  in  the  preceding  year  had  swept 


POLITICAL  CHANGES.  711 

At  the  fall  of  the  federal  system  in  Mexico  the 
Californians  were  united  into  a  single  department 
under  this  name,  and  Luis  del  Castillo  Negrete,  an 
ex-judge  from  the  northern  province,  was  appointed 
sub-jefe  under  the  governor  residing  in  Alta  Cali 
fornia,  yet  really  with  greater  power  than  his  prede 
cessors,  owing  to  the  abolition  of  the  deputation,  and 
the  distance  fro.n  his  superiors.  He  ruled  with  great 
energy  and  prudence  till  1842,  and  introduced  most 
commendable  land  reforms  and  colonization  measures. 
After  this  came  a  rapid  succession  of  military  ap 
pointees,  with  symptoms  of  former  disquietude.  The 
two  districts  of  the  Californias  quarrelled  also  con 
cerning  the  frontier  jurisdiction,  and  the  disorder  was 
aggravated  by  the  government's  neglect  to  properly 
sustain  the  garrison,  which  thus  became  a  party  to 
strife.  Indians  took  advantage  of  the  discord  to 
carry  matters  with  a  high  hand.10 

Troubles  also  threatened  to  arise  from  the  decree 
in  1828  and  following  years,  for  the  expulsion  of  Span 
iards,  to  which  nationality  the  friars  belonged,  besides 
a  few  of  the  settlers;  but  as  no  serious  attempt  was 
made  to  enforce  the  law  here  the  affair  subsided.11 

Now  comes  a  more  stirring  period,  the  war  with 

away  a  large  portion  of  the  town.  This  action  served  only  to  unite  the  fac 
tions  against  the  common  enemy.  The  alcalde,  M.  Canseco,  was  cast  into 
prison,  and  the  deputation  renewed  the  rotation  in  office.  The  government 
imperatively  repeated  its  former  order,  and  Conseco  declining,  the  second 
alcalde,  Captain  F.  de  la  Toba  was  installed  as  jefe  in  January  1837. 

10 Constant  raids  occurred;  in  October  1839,  the  mission  of  Guadalupe  was 
sacked,  three  of  the  defenders  being  killed;  and  in  1840  Santa  Catalina  mis 
sion  was  burned,  and  16  of  its  neophytes  were  slain. 

11  After  the  independence,  intercourse  with  foreigners  was  no  longer  pro 
hibited,  and  both  La  Paz  and  Loreto  were  for  a  time  opened  to  trade.  The 
permission  availed  little,  owing  to  the  lack  of  resources  to  attract  vessels. 
Among  visitors  were  Lieut  Hardy  of  the  British  navy,  commissioner  for  a 
pearl  fishery  association  of  London,  who  spent  much  time  and  money  in  1826 
in  a  visionary  scheme  to  obtain  pearls  by  means  of  diving-bells;  in  the  same 
year  Duhaut-Cilly,  in  the  French  trading  ship  ff^ros,  and  four  years  later 
came  Combier  in  La  Ftticie.  In  the  same  year,  1830,  James  O.  Pattie 
strayed  with  a  party  of  starving  trappers  to  the  frontier  missions.  An  in 
voluntary  stay  was  also  made  in  1832  by  Governor  Figueroa,  on  the  way 
from  Acapulco  to  Alta  California.  While  halting  at  Cape  San  Lucas  part  of 
his  troops  mutinied,  and  sailed  away  to  San  Bias  with  the  transport  vessel, 
and  he  had  to  take  refuge  at  La  Paz  until  the  vessel  was  restored  by  the 
authorities  of  Jalisco. 


712  LOWER  CALIFORNIA, 

the  United  States,  the  general  aspect  of  which  I  have 
considered  elsewhere.  It  has  been  shown  that  Cali 
fornia,  in  its  wide  extent,  was  the  chief  aim  of  the 
invaders,  who  were  stimulated  by  the  belief  that  Eng 
land  had  designs  upon  the  coast.  Geographically  by 
name,  and  for  the  time  politically,  the  peninsula 
seemed  to  be  part  of  Alta  California.  It  was,  more 
over,  regarded  as  a  desirable  acquisition,  partly  from 
a  strategic  point  of  view,  and  from  the  first  the  im 
pression  came  from  official  sources  that  Lower  Cali 
fornia  would  be  retained  by  the  United  States.  This 
was  communicated  to  its  inhabitants,  with  the  assur 
ance  of  protection  to  all  who  should  espouse  the 
American  cause.  Yet  it  was  not  until  the  conquest 
of  the  upper  coast  had  been  achieved  that  the  in 
vaders  turned  against  its  southern  extension.13 

13  Their  war  vessels  had  appeared  in  these  waters  in  the  autumn 
of  1846,  to  give  notice  of  a  blockade  which  could  not  then  be  en 
forced,  and  at  the  first  intimation  Colonel  Miranda,  jefe  politico,  offered 
neutrality  if  the  persons  and  property  of  the  people  were  respected,  for  they 
were  defenceless.  This  step,  although  widely  countenanced  or  tacitly  ap 
proved,  sufficad  to  raise  an  outcry  among  a  set  of  true  patriots,  as  well  as 
among  purely  political  opponents,  who,  profiting  by  Miranda's  lack  of  firm 
ness,  in  Feb.  1847,  set  up  as  jefe  politico  Mauricio  Castro,  a  prominent  and 
•energetic  man.  He  lost  no  time  in  summoning  the  members  of  the  council 
to  meet  at  Santa  Anita  to  devise  measures  for  defence.  Orders  had  been  issued 
early  in  18  i6  for  raising  a  company  of  defensores  under  the  command  of  J.  M. 
Moreno,  styled  jefe  de  G-uerilla  de  Defensores,  and  Castro  sought  to  organize  a 
body  of  volunteers;  but  it  was  impossible  at  the  time  for  him  to  collect  suffi 
cient  means  or  men.  The  invaders  found  no  obstacle  therefore  to  taking 
formal  possession.  They  began  by  entering  the  ports,  capturing  a  few  small 
vessels,  and  sounding  the  disposition  of  the  people.  On  March  29,  1847, 
Commander  Montgomery,  of  the  Portsmouth,  having  summoned  the  authori 
ties  of  San  Jose  del  Cabo  to  surrender  the  town  and  all  public  property  to 
the  United  States,  was  promised  strict  neutrality.  He  hoisted  his  flag,  and 
in  a  proclamation  admonished  the  inhabitants  to  pursue  peaceably  their  avo 
cations,  inviting  all  who  should  submit  to  participate  in  the  privileges  of 
American  citizens. 

On  April  13th  the  Portsmouth  appeared  at  La  Paz,  which  surrendered 
with  rather  more  elaborate  formalities.  Colonel  Miranda,  who  still  held 
sway  here,  made  no  opposition,  but  he  requested  that  commissioners  from 
both  sides  might  meet  to  arrange  the  terms  after  possession  had  been  taken. 
This  was  granted,  and  fifteen  articles  were  arranged,  by  which  all  public 
property  should  be  given  up.  The  municipal  officers  were  to  continue  their 
functions  under  promise  of  neutrality,  and  military  officers,  if  they  remained 
in  the  country,  were  to  be  paroled.  The  authorities  of  Loreto,  were  to  be 
notified  that  they  were  under  the  same  obligations  of  neutrality  as  those  of 
La  Paz.  Citizens  of  the  Peninsula  were  to  enjoy  the  same  rights  and  priv 
ileges  as  citizens  of  the  United  States.  Vessels  belonging  to  inhabitants  of 
the  country  would  be  returned  to  their  owners,  for  the  present,  and  allowed 
to  trade  legally  in  a.11  directions  except  on  the  coast  of  Mexico. 


ATTITUDE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  713 

After  the  surrender  of  La  Paz  the  country  was  for 
•some  time  as  undisturbed  as  in  time  of  peace,  although 
the  people  of  the  interior  were  known  to  be  in  any 
thing  but  a  submissive  mood.  Trusting  to  this  quiet 
surrender,  and  to  the  weakness  of  the  province,  the 
American  commanders  neglected  to  leave  an  adequate 
force  to  complete  the  conquest,14  and  secure  perma 
nent  tran  quility.  This  error  subsequently  nearly 
brought  disgrace  upon  the  flag  which  they  had  hoisted. 

u  The  authorities  in  Alta  California  were  more  observant,  and  resolved  to 
remedy  the  neglect.  The  N.  Y.  volunteers  had  reached  that  coast  after  its 
subjugation  and  two  of  its  companies,  A  and  B,  numbering  115  men, 
under  Col.  Burton,  were  embarked  for  Lower  California,  at  Santa  Barbara, 
on  July  3,  1847,  with  provisions  for  six  months,  on  board  the  store-ship 
Lexington,  which  had  to  remain  with  them.  On  the  20th  they  were  wel 
comed  at  La  Paz,  and  fitted  up  barracks  on  an  elevated  plateau  overlooking 
the  town.  On  July  29th  Burton  issued  a  proclamation  of  the  same  tenor  as 
that  already  promulgated  by  Commander  Montgomery,  and  sent  copies  of  it 
to  all  the  principal  towns.  No  opposition  was  raised  to  this  except  at  San 
Antonio,  where  two  citizens,  Hidalgo  by  name,  had  sought  to  rouse  the  in 
habitants,  but  were  promptly  made  prisoners  by  Burton.  Meanwhile  news 
came  that  a  Mexican  force  had  landed  at  Mulege,  and  the  U.  S.  sloop  of  war 
Dale,  Commander  T.  0.  Self  ridge,  happening  to  arrive  just  then  at  La  Paz, 
she  set  out  in  company  of  the  schooner  Libertad  to  investigate.  Selfridge 
reached  the  port  on  Sept.  30th,  and  promptly  cut  out  a  small  schooner,  the 
Maydalena,  which  had  brought  the  Mexican  soldiers,  without  meeting  oppo- 
-sition.  The  following  morning  he  sent  a  proposal  to  the  authorities  to  pre 
serve  neutrality,  to  surrender  the  arms  brought  from  Guaymas,  and  to  ab 
stain  from  all  intercourse  with  Mexico.  Captain  Manuel  Pineda,  chief  of 
the  Mexican  troops,  and  newly  appointed  comandante  principal  of  the  penin 
sula,  in  reply,  indignantly  protested  against  the  injustice  of  the  American 
cause  and  the  treachery  of  Miranda.  La  Paz,  he  declared,  would  soon  be 
retaken.  As  for  Mulege,  he  would  defend  it  to  the  last.  Selfridge  promptly 
landed  a  force  under  cover  of  his  guns,  and  after  a  brief  skirmish,  involving 
some  well-directed  broadsides  from  the  vessel,  and  firing  from  the  boats,  the 
town,  already  evacuated  by  the  inhabitants,  was  cleared  of  soldiers.  The 
Dale,  having  nothing  more  to  do,  stood  out  to  sea  on  the  2d  of  October,  leav 
ing  the  Libertad  to  cruise  off  the  harbor  to  prevent  communication  with 
Sonora.  The  force  under  Pineda  had  been  placed  by  rumor  at  200  men,  but 
it  soon  transpired  that  little  more  than  some  arms  and  a  few  officers 
had  been  brought  from  Guaymas.  These  officers,  however,  had  authority  to 
obtain,  and  even  press  into  service,  such  men,  arms,  and  supplies  as  might 
be  needed  for  the  defense  of  the  country.  This  they  did,  and  on  the  strength 
of  their  claimed  victory  over  the  Dak  expedition,  they  now  succeeded  very 
well,  first  round  Mulege  and  Loreto,  and  then  south  and  westward.  The 
effects  of  Miranda  and  other  wealthy  supporters  of  the  hostile  cause  were 
ruthlessly  confiscated,  and  with  lukewarm  contributors  coercion  was  em 
ployed;  but  this  gave  rise  to  so  many  abuses  that  the  political  chief,  Mauri- 
cio  Castro,  at  length  ordered  Pineda  to  restrain  his  soldiers  from  seizing 
private  property. 

The  growing  enthusiasm  was  greatly  due  to  the  exhortations  of  the 
padres,  notably  P.  Soto-Mayor,  of  San  Ignacio,  who  is  said  to  have  been 
the  first  to  excite  the  people  against  the  Americans,  and  who  accompanied 
the  patriots.  It  was  further  stimulated  by  the  occasional  receipt  of  arms 


714  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

and  supplies  from  the  Mexican  coast  in  spite  of  Selfridge's  precautions,  so- 
that  speedily  a  respectable  guerrilla  force  stood  equipped.  La  Paz  was  the 
main  objective  point,  but  it  was  decided  to  delay  attack  until  the  formidable 
war  vessels  had  left  the  coast.  Nevertheless,  as  the  strength  of  the  liberat 
ing  army  increased,  the  courage  of  the  patriots  rose,  until  on  October  23, 
1847,  the  people  of  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  where  no  American  force  existed, 
could  restrain  their  impatience  no  longer.  They  took  arms,  drove  out  the 
few  foreign  settlers  there,  and  proclaimed  the  rule  of  the  United  States  at 
an  end.  They  had  been  too  hasty,  however,  for  the  Pacific  squadron,  under 
Commodore  Shubrick,  happened  to  touch  at  this  point  shortly  after,  en  route 
to  blockade  the  mainland  ports.  The  people  at  San  Jose  at  once  changed 
tone,  but  those  further  removed  from  the  scene  still  maintained  a  pronounced 
attitude,  especially  at  Todos  Santos,  till  the  appearance  there  of  a  small 
force  of  marines  produced  a  similar  change.  The  commodore  now  issued  a 
proclamation,  wherein  he  declared  that  the  United  States  had  no  intention 
to  ever  surrender  the  Californias,  and  invited  those  who  were  well  disposed 
toward  that  government  to  stand  fast  in  their  fidelity,  at  the  same  time 
threatening  the  disaffected  with  severe  punishment.  As  a  further  assurance 
he  left,  on  Nov.  8th,  a  party  of  24  men  under  Lieutenant  Heywood,  with 
provisions  for  thirty  days,  a  nine-pounder  carronade,  and  seventy -five  car 
bines  for  distribution  in  case  of  need  among  loyal  and  trustworthy  natives. 

The  news  of  approaching  guerillas,  and  the  occurrence  at  San  Jose,  placed 
the  American  garrison  at  La  Paz  upon  its  guard;  and  as  the  people  seemed 
friendly  a  municipal  guard  of  natives  was  appointed  to  protect  the  town, 
though  the  Americans  took  care  to  patrol  the  environs  and  keep  strict  con 
trol  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  their  quarters.  Martial  law  was  proclaimed, 
and  all  persons  known  to  be  disaffected  were  ordered  to  leave.  The  camp 
was  moreover  fortified  on  the  north  side  with  a  semi-circular  breastwork  of 
palm  logs,  enclosing  the  two  field -pieces  which  constituted  the  artillery. 
The  position  was  well  chosen  and  dominated  the  town.  The  adobe  barracks 
occupied  by  the  men  fronted  toward  the  south,  a  row  of  three  buildings,  about 
75  yards  distant,  church,  officers'  quarters,  and  store-house,  which  together 
formed  the  main  position.  The  last  two  edifices  possessed  court-yards  with 
adobe  walls;  on  the  east,  open  toward  the  distant  hills,  was  added  a  trench 
and  a  chain  cable  supported  by  posts  for  resisting  cavalry,  and  ditches  were 
cut  at  different  points.  These  preparations  were  accelerated  by  the  approach 
of  the  Californians,  with  a  fighting  force  of  about  600  or  700  men,  swelled 
by  an  additional  number  of  irregular  followers  of  less  value.  Captain 
Manuel  Pineda,  as  comandante  principal  of  the  peninsula,  was  commander- 
in-chief,  and  under  him  ranked  as  the  principal  leaders  Antonio  Mijares,  a 
brave  officer  of  the  Mexican  army,  Jose  Matias  Moreno,  and  Vicente  Mejia, 
captains  of  militia,  and  P.  Gabriel  Gonzalez,  who  never  flagged  in  his  efforts 
to  stir  up  the  people  against  the  gringos.  See  particularly  Arch,  Cal.  Mex. 
Arch.  L.  Cal.,  torn.  i.  passim;  and  Moreno  in  Hayes1  Doc.  Hist.  L.  Cal.t 
passim. 

The  war  vessels  having  all  left,  these  forces  hastened  to  carry  out  their 
plan,  with  this  difference,  that  a  portion  was  detached,  under  Mijares, 
Moreno,  and  Mejia,  to  harass  the  small  garrison  at  San  Jose  while  Pineda 
led  the  main  body  against  La  Paz.  He  made  his  first  attack  at  two  o'clock 
in  the  morning  of  Nov.  16th,  by  opening  a  heavy  musketry  fire  upon  the 
American  quarters  from  the  northern  side  of  the  arroyo.  His  cavalry  was 
stationed  on  the  east  and  south,  with  orders  to  charge  if  the  Americans  at 
tempted  to  cross.  As  a  reconnoitring  party  had  failed  to  see  anything  of 
the  opponents  the  evening  before,  Burton's  men  were  somewhat  surprised, 
and  had  the  Californians  taken  advantage  of  the  confusion  caused  by  their 
first  volley  to  advance  with  the  bayonet,  they  might  have  won  the  position. 
As  it  was  they  continued  to  blaze  away  in  the  dark  for  an  hour  or  more,  the 
Americans,  on  account  of  scarcity  of  ammunition,  only  throwing  a  shell  or 
two  in  the  direction  of  the  enemy.  When  morning  broke,  the  Californian 
force  had  disappe?red,  and  the  few  inhabitants  remaining  in  the  town  were- 


WAR   WITH   THE  UNITED   STATES. 


715 


seen  to  be  leaving  it  with  all  possible  dispatch.  About  9  A.  M.  Pineda's 
cavalry  suddenly  came  pouring  over  the  opposite  side  of  the  arroyo,  but 
after  receiving  a  few  well-directed  shots  from  the  field-pieces,  retired. 
Three  hours  later  the  Californians  renewed  the  attack  on  foot,  extending 
their  front  so  that  the  field-pieces  could  not  be  used  against  them.  Concen 
trating  their  fire  upon  the  comparatively  contracted  space  occupied  by  the 
Americans,  they  gradually  advanced  their  wings,  until  they  had  penetrated 
into  the  town  on  one  side,  and  into  the  thick  cactus  to  the  east  of  the  Ameri 
can  position  on  the  other.  Burton's  men  were  then  exposed  to  a  dangerous 
cross-fire,  which  they  could  only  return  by  an  occasional  shot.  At  length 
the  Americans  ran  out  the  field-pieces  to  the  brow  of  the  hill,  and  directed  a 
heavy  fire  of  grape  and  canister  upon  the  town  and  cuartel,  which  soon 
drove  the  Californians  from  both  positions  with  loss.  Firing  being  resumed 


PLAN  OF  THE  POSITIONS  OCCUPIED  BY  TROOPS  AT  LA  PAS  DURING  THE  AT 
TACKS  IN  NOVEMBER  AND  DECEMBER,  1847. 

1— Main  position  of  Americans.  2— Church.  3— Storehouse.  4— Miranda's  house. 
5— Fortification  on  the  hill.  6— Mill.  7— Corner  of  Belloe's  house.  8— Nearest  point 
of  Mexican  advance.  9 — Portugese  house.  10 — Old  cuartel.  11-12 — Capt.  Steele's 
party  taking  the  old  cuartel.  13— Graveyard.  14— Miranda's  town  house,  destroyed 
oy  Mexicans.  15— Arroyo,  from  4  to  6  feet  deep.  16 — American  Barracks.  Prop 
erty  destroyed  by  Americans. 

early  on  the  17th,  the  Americans  sallied  and  destroyed  all  buildings  which 
could  afford  shelter  to  asssilants,  so  that  they  soon  had  a  fairly  clear  view 
within  musket  range.  They  moreover  hastened  to  throw  up  additional  in 
trench  ments,  with  breastwork  and  ditches;  and  to  fortify  the  roofs  of  their 
buildings  with  cotton  bales  and  other  suitable  materials. 

On  the  27th  the  Californians  were  unexpectedly  reenforced  by  the  division 
from  San  Jose,  which  had  been  repulsed  there,  and  encouraged  moreover  by 
the  possession  of  a  four-pounder  which  the  new-comers  brought  with  them, 
they  began  a  desperate  attack  about  3  o'clock  p.  M.,  advancing, to  within  100" 
feet  of  the  entrenchments,  and  continuing  the  fight  until  after  dark.  On 


716  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

the  following  day  the  Americans  retaliated  by  storming  the  old  cuartel 
which  formed  the  opposite  centre.  They  also  strengthened  their  position  by 
demolishing  their  own  northern  barrack  and  concentrating  behind  the  log 
barricade.  Pineda  remained  inactive  for  some  days,  and  then  fell  back  to 
San  Antonio.  Meanwhile  the  besieged  having  sent  a  launch  to  Ma^atlan  for 
aid,  the  Cyane  entered  the  harbor  Dec.  8th,  followed  on  the  llth  by  the 
Southampton  with  orders  for  the  relief  of  San  Jose. 

While  these  operations  took  place  at  La  Paz  a  similar  siege  was  laid  to 
San  Jose,  held  by  Lieut  Heywood  with  24  men  and  a  nine-pounder.  He 
had  taken  possession  of  the  barrack  or  cuartel,  a  dilapidated,  square  adobe 
building.  This  was  repaired  and  fortified  as  far  as  possible,  by  walling  up 
all  unnecessary  windows  and  doors,  and  leaving  only  loopholes.  The  roof, 
also,  with  its  low  parapet  was  arranged  for  sharpshooters.  Some  twenty 
friendly  Californians  with  their  families  were  received,  and  a  portion  placed 
with  three  Americans  in  an  adjoining  building  known  as  Mott's.  On  Nov. 
19th,  the  force  under  Mijares  and  companions,  estimated  at  about  200 
mounted  men,  summoned  the  invaders  to  surrender,  which  demand  having 
been  rejected,  a  desultory  fire  was  opened  toward  sunset,  ammunition  being 
scarce  on  both  sides,  and  when  darkness  set  in  the  Californians  crept  up, 
pushing  themselves  behind  corners  and  walls  and  at  the  windows  of  the 
buildings  adjacent  to  the  barracks.  By  ten  o'clock  they  resumed  the  firing, 
this  time  with  murderous  intensity,  so  much  so  that  many  of  their  balls 
passed  through  the  loopholes  in  the  cuartel.  Meanwhile  a  party,  led  by  the 
brave  Mijares,  made  an  attack  upon  the  rear  of  Mott's  house,  but  were  re 
pulsed  by  the  volunteer  Californians,  who  under  the  able  leadership  of  Mid 
shipman  McLanahan  and  Gillespie  defended  the  building  with  great  deter 
mination.  Before  daybreak  the  Californians  retired,  carrying  with  them 
two  killed  and  several  wounded.  The  Americans  had  three  wounded  in 
this  night's  engagement.  The  next  day  passed  in  mere  investment  opera 
tions  until  night,  when  a  forlorn  hope,  led  by  Mijares,  made  a  fierce  charge 
upon  the  cuartel  to  capture  the  nine-pounder.  It  had  been  intended  that 
the  whole  force  should  storm  the  cuartel  on  all  sides  during  the  confusion 
which  this  charge  would  create,  but  at  the  first  fire,  Mijares  and  several 
others  fell  and  the  rest  abandoned  the  movement.  On  the  21st  the  Califor 
nians,  alarmed  by  the  appearance  of  two  vessels,  retired.  The  arrivals 
proved  to  be  New  Bedford  whalers,  the  Magnolia  and  Edward,  whose  com 
manders,  Simmons  and  Barker,  had  learned  of  the  siege  and  hastened  to 
succor  the  garrison.  They  offered  supplies  and  ammunition,  and  landed 
about  60  men,  armed  with  harpoons,  lances,  and  other  implements  of  their 
calling,  with  here  and  there  a  venerable  musket.  They  were  soon  relieved 
by  the  arrival  of  the  Southampton,  followed  by  the  Portsmouth,  and  during 
the  presence  of  these  warships  everything  remained  quiet.  After  a  few 
weeks  stay  they  set  sail,  leaving  with  Heywood  a  force  increased  to  30 
marines  and  16  seamen,  with  abundant  ammunition  and  two  additional 
carronades.  The  departure  of  these  vessels  was  a  signal  for  the  Californians 
to  renew  operations,  and  about  the  middle  of  Jan.,  1848,  reenforced  by 
Pineda,  they  encamped  within  a  league  of  the  village  to  the  number  of  300 
mounted  men,  driving  off  the  cattle  and  horses,  destroying  the  crops,  and 
cutting  off  all  communication  with  the  interior.  They  moreover  captured  a 
party  of  five  men  under  the  midshipmen  Duncan  and  Warley,  who  sought 
to  reach  a  schooner  which  had  arrived  on  the  21st  with  supplies.  Embold 
ened  by  this  success,  they  contracted  their  lines  and  drew  daily  nearer  the 
town.  As  Heywood  had  to  support  some  fifty  women  and  children  who  had 
sought  his  protection,  provisions  soon  ran  short.  At  great  risk  foraging 
parties  were  sent  out,  but  only  three  cows  could  be  obtained.  These  con 
sumed,  everybody  was  put  on  half  allowance  of  salt  provisions  without 
bread.  The  Californians  drew  closer,  and  strengthened  by  a  body  of  Yaquis 
from  Sonora  they  maintained  an  harassing  fire,  yielding  only  momentarily 
before  occasional  sallies.  They  also  frustrated  an  attempt  to  communicate 
with  a  schooner  bringing  supplies  from  La  Paz.  By  the  10th  of  Feb.  they 


BATTLE  OF  SAN  VICENTE,  717 

had  gained  entire  possession  of  the  town,  and  had  approached  close  to  the 
barrack,  their  flag  flying  within  90  yards  of  it,  from  a  strong  building  in  a 
commanding  position.  Henceforth  the  Americans  were  subjected  to  an 
almost  incessant  h're  from  all  quarters.  One  of  these  stray  missiles  carried 
off  the  brave  and  competent  midshipman  McLeanahan,  Heywood's  right-hand 
man;  and  by  the  12th  the  Calif  oriiians  had  cut  off  access  to  the  watering  place 
by  breastworks.  The  situation  of  the  besieged  was  now  very  critical,  and  the 
suffering  of  the  women  and  children  made  it  seem  almost  inhuman  to  hold 
out;  yet  so  far  the  Americans  were  as  determined  as  ever.  In  the  afternoon 
of  the  14th  a  large  sail  was  reported,  which  greatly  cheered  the  Americans, 
while  the  Calif ornians  redoubled  their  efforts  and  revealed  such  spirit  that 
Heywood,  aware  of  their  increased  number,  feared  succor  might  not  reach 
him.  The  vessel  proved  to  be  the  Cyane,  commander  Dupont,  who  had  re 
ceived  orders  while  at  La  Paz  to  proceed  to  San  J  ose,  news  of  the  situation 
of  the  garrison  having  reached  Commodore  Shubrick  at  Mazatlan.  Deem 
ing  it  imprudent  to  land  during  the  night,  Dupont  waited  until  daylight, 
when  he  landed  with  a  force  of  seven  officers,  five  marines,  and  eighty-nine 
seamen.  He  had  also  a  3-pounder  field-piece,  dragged  by  hand.  The  Cali- 
fornians  in  the  meantime  had  concentrated  along  his  path,  leaving  only  a 
small  party  in  the  town  to  hold  Heywood  in  check.  As  soon  as  Dupont  s 
men  began  to  advance,  an  annoying  fire  was  opened  upon  them  from  the  dif 
ferent  covers  all  along  the  road,  nearly  two  miles  long,  and  notably  from 
the  hamlet  of  San  Vicente,  situated  upon  a  knoll  where  the  Californians 
were  gathered  in  force.  The  steady  fire  and  advance  of  the  Americans, 
however,  compelled  them  to  give  way,  though  they  continued  to  harass  the 
invaders  on  flank  and  rear.  Meanwhile  those  in  the  cuartel  had  anxiously 
followed  the  movements  of  both  sides,  till  finally  Heywood,  no  longer  able 
to  bear  the  suspense  and  inaction,  at  the  head  of  thirty  picked  men  sallied 
forth,  drove  back  the  band  in  observation,  and  joined  Dupont  just  outside 
the  town.  The  united  parties  then  dispersed  the  Californians,  and  marched 
triumphantly  to  the  cuartel,  communication  between  the  beach  and  cuartel 
being  reestablished.  Thus  ended  the  battle  of  San  Vicente,  a  celebrated  en 
counter  for  Lower  California.  The  siege  of  iSan  Jose  reflects  credit  on  both 
sides,  on  the  one  for  staunch  endurance  and  considerate  regard  for  fugitive 
families;  on  the  other  for  considerable  skill  in  siege  operations,  and  a  dash, 
illustrated  by  leaders  like  Mijares  and  Navarrete.  If  the  Californians  failed 
in  their  aim,  it  must  be  attributed  greatly  to  the  superior  discipline  and  mili 
tary  resources  of  their  opponents.  The  reinforcements  sent  them  from  the 
mainland  proved  not  only  of  little  value,  but  positively  pernicious  to  the 
cause  of  defence,  from  the  lack  of  sympathy  and  principle  among  these  hire 
lings.  Moreover,  the  treatment  to  which  the  Californians  were  submitted 
aroused  disgust.  Loyal  citizens  were  ground  down  by  forced  contributions, 
and  those  who  were  regarded  as  traitors  were  robbed  of  their  property,  and 
subjected  to  outrages  of  every  description.  Pineda  might  have  checked 
these  abuses,  but  paid  no  heed  either  to  remonstrances,  or  even  the  com 
mands  of  his  superior  in  Sonora.  Thus  the  unfortunate  Californians  were 
placed  between  two  fires,  and  it  is  no  wonder  that  many  of  them  openly 
went  over  to  the  side  of  the  Americans  for  self -protection.  This  was  done 
by  considerable  numbers  of  inhabitants  who  had  otherwise  been  true  patriots. 
Nearly  every  place  of  importance  was  in  constant  ferment  and  intrigue;  con 
flicting  pronunciamentos  followed  each  other  in  quick  succession;  juntas 
were  peremptorily  summoned  to  meet  in  this  town,  and  that  by  rival  chiefs; 
no  party  could  distinguish  its  friends  from  its  foes;  distrust,  jealousy,  and 
treachery  pervaded  every  council  and  frustrated  every  plan.  And  all 
this  naturally  assisted  the  invaders  to  hold  their  own  and  push  the  conquest. 
La  Paz  having  been  unmolested  since  November,  Burton  was  encouraged 
to  organize  several  small  expeditions,  which  during  February  succeeded  in 
capturing  a  few  prisoners,  but  more  extensive  operations  were  deferred  till 
the  arrival  of  reinforcements  expected  from  Alta  California.  Urged,  how 
ever,  by  a  spirit  of  friendly  rivalry  which  existed  between  Burton's  volun- 


718  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

teers  and  the  naval  forces,  the  former  determined  to  attempt  the  rescue  of 
the  prisoners  that  had  been  captured  from  Heywood's  command.  Accord 
ingly,  on  March  15th,  34  mounted  men  and  officers,  under  Captain  Steele, 
Burton's  second  in  command,  proceeded  to  San  Antonio,  where  the  captives 
were  lodged,  arriving  close  to  the  town  at  daylight  on  the  following  morning. 
Having  captured  a  picket,  they  charged  at  full  speed  into  the  place,  and  dis 
persed  the  Californians  after  a  brief  skirmish,  killing  three,  and  capturing 
Captain  Calderon,  Lieutenant  Arce,  and  a  soldier.  The  American  prisoners 
were  found  and  rescued,  and  after  destroying  some  arms  and  ammunition, 
the  expedition  returned  to  La  Paz,  which  was  reached  on  the  17th.  The 
arrival,  on  March  22d,  of  the  store-ship  Isabella,  with  over  150  additional 
volunteers,  under  Captain  H.  M.  Naglee,  enabled  Colonel  Burton  to  give 
wider  scope  to  his  operations.  Four  days  later  he  set  out  from  La  Paz  with 
217  men,  and  on  the  next  day  a  detachment  of  15  surprised  and  captured  at 
San  Antonio  the  comandante  principal,  Pineda.  Learning  that  the  Califor 
nians  were  concentrating  at  Todos  Santos  for  retreating  toward  Magda- 
lena  bay,  Burton  hastened  in  pursuit  with  the  main  body,  while  Naglee 
sought  to  gain  their  rear  with  45  mounted  men.  Timely  warned  that  the 
Californians  were  lying  in  ambush  in  some  dense  chaparral  through  which  the 
road  ran,  Burton  directed  his  course  along  a  ridge  of  high  table  land,  from 
which  a  full  view  of  the  enemy  was  obtained,  whereupon  the  latter  fell  back  to 
a  hill  commanding  his,  advanced  and  received  him  with  great  spirit;  the  en 
gagement  was  cut  short,  however,  by  the  appearance  of  Naglee  to  the  rear, 
and  the  Californians  dispersed  in  all  directions.  Naglee  continued  the  pur 
suit,  and  captured  several  Mexican  soldiers;  he  also  surprised  a  camp  of 
sleeping  Yaquis,  two  of  whom  were  secured,  and  by  Naglee 's  order  brutally 
butchered.  He  then  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  authorities  and  rancheros, 
directing  them  to  arrest  all  Yaquis  wherever  found,  intimating  very  plainly 
that  the  lives  of  the  outlaws  were  of  no  value.  Such  acts  and  words  could 
not  fail  to  give  strength  to  the  rumors  industriously  spread  of  American 
outrages. 

Meanwhile  other  officers  from  naval  and  volunteer  corps  had  brought  in 
a  number  of  prisoners,  among  them  Mauricio  Castro,  who  since  Pineda's 
capture  had  combined  the  military  and  political  commands,  and  the  shrewd 
and  energetic  P.  Gonzalez,  as  well  as  his  two  sons,  who  were  serving  as  offi 
cers  in  the  army,  from  whose  influence  the  Americans  had  more  to  fear  than 
from  all  the  military  leaders.  The  principal  prisoners  were  sent  to  Mazatlan 
and  released  on  parole,  several  returning  afterwards.  The  volunteers  con 
tinued  to  garrison  the  peninsula  unmolested  till  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe 
Hidalgo  restored  it  to  Mexico,  after  which  they  went  back  to  Alta  Califor 
nia  to  be  disbanded.  As  the  American  commanders  had  repeatedly  declared 
that  Lower  California  would  be  permanently  annexed  to  the  United  States, 
and  had  thus  induced  many  of  the  inhabitants  to  compromise  themselves  with 
their  countrymen,  by  espousing  the  invader's  cause,  the  course  of  the  United 
States  government  in  surrendering  the  peninsula  was  subjected  to  severe 
criticism  in  many  quarters.  The  reasons  were  its  poverty  and  awkward 
position  for  communication  and  defence.  True,  certain  amends  were  made 
by  offering  those  afraid  of  remaining  the  opportunity  to  leave  the  country 
and  settle  in  Alta  California,  together  with  a  certain  indemnity  for  losses; 
but  this  breaking  up  of  homes  and  families  was  not  possible  to  all.  Those 
who  had  suffered  from  the  invasion  as  loyal  adherents  to  Mexico,  were  ac 
corded  grants  of  land. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

1848-1888. 

NEW  POLITICAL  DIVISION — A  MILITARY  COLONY  ESTABLISHED — FILIBUSTER- 
ING  DESIGNS — WALKER — His  PLANS  AGAINST  SONORA  THWARTED — 
ENROLMENT  OF  MEN  IN  CALIFORNIA — DESCENT  ON  LOWER  CALIFORNIA — 
PROCLIAMS  A  REPUBLIC  AT  LA  PAZ — WALKER  RETIRES  TO  TODOS  SANTOS 
BAY — ARRIVAL  OF  RE-ENFORCEMENTS — CAPTURE  OF  SANTO  TOMAS — THE 
REPUBLIC  OF  SONORA  PROCLAIMED — DISSENSION  AMONG  THE  FILIBUS 
TERS — THE  MARCH  INTO  SONORA — COLLAPSE  OF  THE  EXPEDITION — PO 
LITICAL  MATTERS — CONVICT  UPRISING — STRIFE  FOR  POWER — FRONTIER 
TROUBLES — ARRIVAL  OF  FRENCH  VESSELS — COLONIZATION  PLANS — 
ORCHILLA  GATHERING— REVOLT  AGAINST  GOVERNOR  DAVILOS — CHANQB 
OF  GOVERNORS — MARQUEZ'  REVOLT — PROSPECTS  OF  PROGRESS. 

MEXICO  seemed  somewhat  indifferent  about  receiv- 
mg  back  the  peninsula,  although  its  possession  by  an 
opponent  must  have  proved  a  decided  menace  to  her 
north-west  territory.  A  portion  of  the  ephemeral  re 
form  measures  which  sprung  up  after  every  political 
convulsion  was  accorded  to  it,  but  with  even  more 
than  the  usual  lack  of  enforcement.  The  province 
was  divided  into  two  partidos,1  each  with  its  court  of 
justice,2  and  a  diputacion  or  legislature  of  seven 
members  was  confirmed  to  it,  with  instructions  to  pre 
pare  the  draft  of  a  constitution  for  internal  adminis- 

JThe  northern  partido  composed  Santo  Tomas,  San  Ignacio,  Mulege, 
Comondu,  Loreto,  La  Junta,  San  Luis,  Los  Dolores,  and  their  dependencies. 
The  southern  included  La  Paz,  Los  Reyes,  San  Antonio,  la  Frinchera,  Todos, 
Santos,  San  Bartolo,  Santiago,  Miraflores,  Santa  Anita,  San  Jose  del  Cabo, 
and  San  Lucas.  Decree  of  April  12,  1849.  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1849,  118. 

2  Subject  to  Sonora  and  composed  of  juez  de  letras,  pay  $2,400,  with 
notary,  clerk,  and  sheriff,  at  from  $1,200  to  $200  per  annum.  Mex.  Mem. 
Just.,  1850,  Doc.  20,  1851;  Doc.  20;  Id.  Hac.,  1850-4.  In  small  places  lack 
ing  alcaldes  jucus  auxiliaries  take  cognizance  in  cases  involving  amounts  not 
over  $15.  There  were  eight  constitutional  alcaldes,  two  in  -the  capital  and 
one  in  each  municipality,  with  33  alcaldes  de  cuartel,  21  being  in  the  south. 
An  Indian  ruled  at  S,  Borja. 

(719) 


720  LOWER  CALIFORNIA 

tration.8  The  jefe  politico  should  be  appointed  by 
the  supreme  government,  after  consulting  the  legis 
lature.* 

'Decree  of  April  25,  1850.  The  members  were  to  be  elected  by  the  col 
lege  choosing  the  congressional  deputy,  for  four  years,  renewable  by  halves. 
Navarro,  Leyes,  1850,  104-7;  Max.  Col  Leyes,  1850-1,  71-3.  For  deputy 
election  see  Universal  21,  Nov.  1849. 

4  With  $3,000  pay;  the  eldest  legislative  member  succeeded  temporarily. 
Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  iv.  33.  A  most  important  measure  was  to  assign  to  the 
peninsula  one  of  the  several  military  colonies  decreed  for  the  protection  of 
the  northern  frontier  against  Americans  as  well  as  Indians.  The  manner  of 
carrying  out  the  scheme  made  it  useless  as  regards  the  former,  for  it  was 
easier  to  enter  by  sea  than  across  the  northern  wastes,  and  it  brought  no  im 
provement  on  previous  methods  of  dealing  with  the  aborigines,  while  the  dis 
trict  itself  ktet  rather  than  gained  by  this  accession  of  colonists.  The  order 
to  establish  the  colony  with  100  men  was  issued  in  July  20,  1848,  and 
preparations  to  that  end  were  begun  in  the  following  year  by  Col  Espinosa,  who, 
as  jefe  politico  and  comandante  militar  of  the  peninsula,  was  also  appointed  in 
spector  of  the  projected  settlement.  According  to  his  regulations  recruits 
were  to  be  attracted  by  bounties,  advance  of  pay,  land  grants,  and  aid  to 
found  homes  and  farms,  and  ordinary  settlers  were  to  be  invited  on  condi 
tion  of  lending  armed  assistance  in  case  of  need;  but  the  pay  of  $18  per 
month  was  subject  to  many  deductions;  the  frontier  lay  remote  and  isolated, 
and  the  illusiveness  of  government  promises  was  too  well  known  to  attract 
many  volunteers,  in  the  southern  district  at  least;  and  Captain  Manuel 
Castro,  who  nad  been  appointed  to  the  command,  had  to  start  August  1849 
with  only  15  men  and  scanty  means,  leaving  his  second,  Lieut  Chaves,  to 
follow  with  more  supplies.  During  the  march  through  the  poorer  north, 
people  showed  less  hesitation,  and  when  the  party  in  March  1850  reached 
Rosario,  the  designated  site,  it  had  trebled  in  strength.  Toward  the.  end  of 
the  year,  however,  the  settlement  was  removed  to  the  mission  Santo  Tom£s, 
in  a  fertile  and  well-watered  valley,  35  leagues  from  the  border  and  9  from 
Todos  Santos  harbor.  Here  the  beginning  was  made,  yet  under  such  diffi 
culties,  chiefly  from  lack  of  proper  and  sufficient  means,  that  Castro  had  re 
course  to  frequent  and  protracted  sojournings  in  Alta  California,  leaving  to 
Chaves  the  task  of  appeasing  the  suffering  and  discontented  soldiers,  who 
wandered  about  in  quest  of  sustenance  or  deserted  to  the  glittering  placers  of 
the  gold  region.  Nevertheless,  the  population  of  the  colony  was  in  June 
1851  reported  to  be  191,  of  whom  42  were  Indians,  and  Castro  enjoyed  the 
dignity  of  his  position,  poor  though  it  was.  Great  was  his  indignation, 
therefore,  on  learning  that  a  superior  had  been  appointed  for  the  colony  in  the 
person  of  Lieutenant-colonel  Negrete,  as  deputy  inspector.  Brave  and  loyal, 
Chaves  shared  his  feelings,  and  promised  to  check  the  aspirations  of  the  in 
terloper.  While  his  chief  took  refuge  across  the  border,  he  boldly  arrested 
the  inspector  and  sent  him  back  to  La  Paz  under  certain  invented  accusa 
tions,  after  dissimulating  long  enough  to  secure  all  the  supplies  brought  by 
him.  This  proceeding  opened  a  reign  of  disorder  among  the  factions  now 
arising,  rival  leaders  striving  for  supremacy  midst  conflict,  pillage,  and  out 
rages  which  interfered  with  agriculture  and  other  industrial  developments, 
and  so  increased  the  misery  that  desertion  became  the  rule,  and  the  colony 
wasted  slowly  away.  This  anarchic  condition  not  only  encouraged  the 
roaming  tribes  in  their  raids,  but  struck  the  wayward  fancy  of  foreign  ad 
venturers.  The  success  of  Austin  and  his  companions  in  building  up  a  rich 
republic  in  Texas  excited  to  emulation,  and  the  comparative  neglect  of  the 
Mexican  government  for  the  northwestern  provinces  fostered  it,  the  more  so 
as  these  territories  were  rich  in  mines  of  gold  and  silver.  The  discovery  of 
gold  in  Alta  California  had  filled  that  state  with  a  class  of  men  eminently  fitted 


FILIBUSTERING.  721 

As  early  as  1851  hostile  projects  assumed  a  threat 
ening  aspect,5  and  the  operations  of  Raousset  de 
Boulbon  in  Sonora  in  1852  revealed  the  determina 
tion  with  which  such  men  could  follow  flimsy  pre 
texts,  while  his  short-lived  victory  at  Hermosillo 
served  to  inflame  the  minds  of  a  large  number  of  men 
in  Alta  California.  Among  them  a  certain  little 
wiry,  plain-faced  Tennessean,  some  thirty  years  of 
age  ;  a  reserved  man,  slow  of  speech,  swift  and  noise 
less  as  a  snake  in  action,  with  the  seal  of  an  indomita 
ble  will  set  upon  his  firm  lips,  and  a  relentless  soul 
looking  out  through  his  steel-gray  eyes — eyes  so 
peculiar  in  shade  and  expression  that  they  fascinated 
while  they  repelled,  and  seemed  to  subordinate  the 
will  and  read  the  thoughts  of  him  upon  whom  their 
steady  gaze  was  bent.  Such  was  the  appearance  of 
William  Walker,  editor,  lawyer,  filibuster,  whose  pen 
was  as  sharp  as  his  sword,  and  as  ready  for  attack. 
Brave,  energetic,  resolute,  ambitious,  and  unscrupu 
lous  far  beyond  ordinary  men,  he  appeared  to  have 
been  created  for  the  desperate  work  before  him,  save 
that  he  was  called  to  play  his  part  some  centuries  too 
late.8 

for  making  encroachments  upon  their  neighbors'  property.  As  gold  be 
came  scarcer,  the  more  restless  of  these  adventurers  began  to  look  about 
them  for  a  new  harvest  field.  It  mattered  not  who  might  own  the  imaginary 
Eldorado;  if  they  were  only  strong  enough  to  take  and  hold  it,  it  was  theirs 
by  the  only  code  they  recognized,  and  they  turned  their  eyes  to  Mexico; 
for  had  not  their  own  government  pointed  to  her  as  fair  game  ? 

5  In  June  200  men  came   to  La  Paz,  ostensibly  to  trade,  and  400  more 
were  expected.    Universal,  July  18,  1851.     For  Sonora  expeditions,  see  under 
that  province.  Mex.  Mem.  Guer.,  1852,  17-19.     Preparations  for  defense  were 
made  in  Feb.  1852.  Doc.  Hist.,  Baja  Cal,  ii.  253-61,  536-60,  passim.     These 
threats  and  the  consequent  arming  and  irritation  led  to  the  murder  in  that 
month  of  two  American  miners,  Isaac  Kanes  and  Van  Ness,  near  Guadalupe, 
by  greedy  soldiers.     Evidence  in  Id.,  ii.  266-583,  passim. 

6  He  and  his  companions  contemplated  a  scheme  similar  to  that  of  the 
French  count,  and  two  agents  had  been  sent  to  Sonora  to  obtain  as  a  foot 
hold  a  grant  of  land  near  Arispe,  in  return  for  an  offer  to  protect  the  frontier 
ngainst   the  savages;    but  warned  by    Raousset's   action,    the   government 
would  not  listen  to  the  proposal.     Walker,  therefore,  decided  to  renew  the 
application  in  person,  and  in  June  1853,  accompanied  by  Henry  P.  Watkins, 
he  sailed  from  San  Francisco  for  Guaymas.  The  authorities,  however,  treated 
him  with  suspicion,  and  the  two  sheep-faced  wolves  were  forbidden  to  pro 
ceed   into   the  interior.     At  this  point  of  affairs,  as  Walker  relates,  news 
came  of  fresh  Apache  outrages,  threatening  Guaymas  itself,  and  '  several 

HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.    46 


722  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

The  acquisition  from  Mexico  of  the  Mesilla  tract 
of  northern  Sonora,  in  1854,  set  on  foot  certain  rumors 
that  Lower  California  and  even  Sonora  were  to  be 
sold.  This  led  to  indignant  protestations,  and  to  ap 
peals  to  the  authorities  at  Mexico,  which  served  at 

women  of  the  place  '  urged  him  to  become  their  champion.  This  was  a  suffi 
cient  pretext,  and  he  resolved  that  not  only  Guaymas,  but  the  whole  people 
of  Sonora,  should  have  protection,  and  forthwith  returned  to  San  Francisco 
to  prepare  for  his  chivalrous  undertaking. 

Little  time  was  lost  on  his  arrival  there.  A  recruiting  office  was  opened, 
and  volunteers  were  rapidly  enlisted;  bonds  of  the  projected  republic  of 
Sonora  were  printed,  and  as  money  was  plentiful  and  speculation  rife  in 
those  days,  they  were  sold  to  some  extent.  With  the  proceeds,  and  subscrip 
tions  from  interested  parties,  arms  and  munitions  were  provided,  and  the 
brig  Arrow  was  chartered.  General  Hitchcock,  however,  commander  of  the 
United  States  forces  in  California,  took  upon  himself  to  interfere  with  this 
breach  of  neutrality  toward  a  friendly  power,  and  seized  the  Arrow  Septem 
ber  30,  1853.  Impatient  at  delay,  the  filibusters  chartered  the  Caroline, 
transferred  their  stores  and  three  guns  to  her,  and  silently  departed  during 
the  night  of  October  16th,  with  46  men  on  board,  with  Walker  at  their  head. 
So  sanguine  were  the  adventurers,  that  a  full-fledged  administration  had  been 
mapped  out,  and  a  full  corps  of  army  and  navy  officers  appointed.  Although 
Guaymas  was  the  understood  destination  of  the  expedition,  it  was  decided 
to  make  the  first  descent  on  Lower  California,  and  after  touching  at  Cape 
San  Lucas,  the  Caroline  anchored  at  La  Paz  November  3d,  under  a  Mexican 
flag.  Confident  that  he  was  not  expected,  Walker,  with  two  of  his  officers, 
went  on  shore  and  called  on  Governor  Espiiiosa.  After  having  satisfied 
himself  of  the  defenceless  condition  of  the  place,  he  caused  his  men  to  land 
in  force,  and  before  the  inhabitants  had  thought  of  danger,  the  town  was  in 
possession  of  the  filibusters,  and  the  governor  a  captive.  Forthwith  the 
new  republic  was  proclaimed,  with  Walker  as  president;  an  appropriate  flag 
was  hoisted,  composed  of  two  red  stripes,  with  a  white  one  between,  which 
bore  two  red  stars  representing  Lower  California  and  Sonora;  and  the  code 
of  Louisiana  was  declared  to  be  the  law  of  the  land.  To  please  the  natives, 
all  custom-house  duties  were  abolished.  Walker,  however,  did  not  deem  it 
safe  to  remain  long  at  La  Paz  with  his  small  force,  as  troops  might  be  ex 
pected  from  the  mainland,  and  on  the  6th  he  reembarked  his  men  for  the 
purpose  of  removing  to  Cape  San  Lucas.  At  this  juncture  a  strange  vessel 
entered  port,  which  was  boarded,  and  proved  to  be  carrying  Colonel  Rebol- 
ledo,  the  newly  appointed  governor,  who  was  at  once  transferred  to  the 
Caroline. 

The  approaching  departure  of  the  filibusters  seems  to  have  infused  courage 
into  the  men  of  La  Paz,  for  a  party  of  six  Americans,  while  gathering  wood 
ashore,  were  fired  upon,  soon  after  the  capture  of  Rebolledo.  Walker  landed 
with  thirty  men  to  the  rescue,  while  the  Caroline  opened  fire  on  the  town.  A 
lively  skirmish  took  place,  in  which  the  Californians  were  routed,  with  the 
loss  of  six  or  seven  men,  according  to  the  account  of  the  Americans.  The 
Caroline  now  sailed  for  San  Lucas,  but  a  Mexican  cutter  cruising  off  the  cape 
so  wrought  upon  Walker's  apprehensions  that  he  continued  his  voyage  to  the 
bay  of  Todos  Santos,  or  Ensenada,  as  it  was  frequently  called.  Here  he  was 
safe  from  any  Mexican  land  force,  and  if  attacked  by  sea  was  within  easy 
retreating  distance  from  the  United  States'  boundary.  Accordingly,  he  es 
tablished  his  headquarters  in  a  one-story  adobe  building  near  the  bay.  In 
this  isolated  place  he  remained  till  the  latter  part  of  December,  during  which 
time  tho  filibusters  were  engaged  in  several  skirmishes  with  the  military 
colonists  of  Santo  Tomas,  who  on  one  occasion  laid  siege  to  their  building, 


PRESIDIO  AND  BISHOPRIC.  723 

least,  in  connection  with  the  late  attack  on  La  Paz, 
to  obtain  for  the  peninsula  greater  consideration,  in 
volving  the  establishment  of  a  presidio,  with  a  force 
of  about  600  men,  brought  by  Colonel  Ochoa,  360 
men  being  there  three  years  later.  Steps  also 

which  had  been  dignified  by  the  name  of  Fort  McKibbin.  The  assailants 
were,  however,  driven  off,  and  shortly  afterward  surprised  and  routed,  with 
the  loss  of  a  gun  and  camp  equipage.  The  exultation  of  the  Americans  at 
this  success  was  greatly  damped,  however,  by  discovering  one  morning  that 
the  Caroline  had  disappeared  with  a  large  proportion  of  the  stores.  The  fact 
is,  that  the  fears  of  the  captain  had  been  so  wrought  upon  by  the  representa 
tions  of  the  two  captives,  that  he  agreed  to  carry  them  down  to  San  Lucas. 
Walker  now  found  himself  in  a  predicament,  but  help  unexpectedly  arrived 
before  long.  Exaggerated  accounts  of  the  '  battle  of  La  Paz '  had  reached 
San  Francisco,  creating  great  enthusiasm.  Again  the  recruiting  office  was 
opened,  to  which  repaired  the  drifting  vagabonds  of  the  city  in  such  numbers 
a,  to  exceed  transportation  means.  The  bark  Anita  was  chartered,  and  well 
stored  with  arms  and  provisions.  There  was  no  attempt  at  concealment, 
and  the  authorities  looked  passively  on  the  flagrant  violation  of  law  and 
honor.  On  December  13th  the  Anita  sailed  with  230  men  on  board,  followed 
by  others  on  the  coast  steamers,  while  many  more,  in  the  madness  of  their 
excitement  and  lust  of  gain,  left  San  Francisco  on  foot  for  the  new  land  of 
promise.  On  December  20th  the  vessel  entered  the  Ensenada,  and  Walker's 
first  act  was  to  send  65  men  to  take  Santo  Tomas,  which  was  accomplished 
without  a  blow  being  struck.  He  organized  a  government,  and  began  drill 
ing  his  men.  On  January  18,  1854,  he  issued  a  decree  proclaiming  the  union 
of  that  province  with  Lower  California,  under  the  title  of  Republic  of 
Sonora. 

But  among  the  late  comers  there  soon  arose  a  great  deal  of  grumbling. 
They  had  expected  to  find  a  Canaan,  and  not  a  wilderness.  They  had  dreamed 
of  rich  plunder  and  sumptuous  fare,  instead  of  a  few  hungry  cattle  to  raid, 
and  jerked  beef  with  boiled  corn  to  eat.  An  opportunity  for  secession  was 
afforded  in  the  distribution  of  animals  for  transportation  stolen  from  the 
settlers.  The  original  thieves  claimed  more  than  was  their  share,  and 
threatened  to  withdraw.  Walker  assembled  his  men  and  made  a  spirit- 
stirring  address,  then  called  upon  all  who  would  stand  by  the  cause  to  hold 
up  their  right  hands  and  swear  to  do  so.  Most  of  the  men  took  the  oath,  but 
about  50  declared  they  had  enough  of  filibustering,  and  were  allowed  to  de 
part.  But  this  first  break  proved  contagious,  and  desertion  set  in  to  such 
an  extent  as  to  exceed  the  reenforcements,  which  continued  to  arrive.  As 
the  example  of  a  few  executions  and  floggings  failed  to  make  an  impression, 
Walker  hastened  his  departure,  and  on  March  20th  set  out  from  San  Vi 
cente.  After  leaving  a  small  detachment  to  'hold  the  country,'  he  had  only 
100  men,  less  than  one  third  of  the  force  he  at  one  time  counted.  After  a 
week's  toilsome  march  the  Colorado  was  reached,  the  number  of  his  followers 
continually  decreasing.  It  was  decided  to  cross  six  miles  above  the  mouth 
of  the  river,  which  was  400  yards  wide  and  very  deep  at  that  point.  In  at 
tempting  to  swim  across  the  river  most  of  the  remaining  few  of  the  cattle 
which  they  had  brought  were  drowned  or  escaped.  The  men  passed  over  on 
rafts,  and  the  entry  into  the  promised  land  was  celebrated  by  a  cold-blooded 
murder.  Captain  Douglass,  an  officer  who  had  already  shown  himself  a 
brutal  tyrant,  shot  dead  an  Englishman,  named  Smith,  who  in  his  hunger 
had  filched  a  little  boiled  corn  belonging  to  the  captain.  Walker  remained 
encamped  on  the  Sonora  bank  of  the  river  for  three  days,  dtiring  which  de 
sertion  reduced  his  force  to  35  men.  The  indomitable  determination  of  the 
filibuster  leader  was  forced  to  yield.  It  would  have  been  madness  to  pro- 


724  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

were  taken  to  form  a  bishphoric  in  the  peninsula, 
to  which  end  Escalante,  bishop  in  partibus  de  anos- 
tasiopolis,  arrived  in  1855  with  three  clergymen.  The 
Dominicans  abandoned  the  secularized  missions,  and 
orders  were  issued  to  restore  all  their  unsold  lands 
for  support  of  ministers.7 

ceed;  but  he  would  not  yet  give  up  Lower  California;  and  on  April  6th  he 
recrossed  the  Colorado  and  led  the  ragged,  dejected  band  of  the  faithful  few 
who  still  followed  his  misfortunes  toward  San  Vicente.  Before  the  depart 
ure  of  the  Sonoran  expedition  the  frontier  settlers,  driven  to  the  verge  of 
despair  by  the  desolating  exactions  and  ravages  of  the  filibusters,  had  al 
ready  combined  against  them,  and  when  the  main  body  departed,  the  small 
detachment  left  behind  was  soon  captured  in  detail  or  driven  across  the 
boundary.  The  Californians  next  attacked  Walker  on  his  return,  who  al 
though  he  reached  San  Vicente,  found  it  impossible  to  sustain  himself  there. 
He  therefore  turned  toward  the  frontier,  hotly  pursued  by  the  enemy,  with 
whom  he  maintained  a  running  fight  till  near  the  border,  where  he  and  his 
party  surrendered  themselves  to  some  American  officers,  who  had  approached 
a*  mediators.  They  were  allowed  to  give  their  parole  to  report  themselves 
to  General  Wool  at  San  Francisco,  to  answer  the  charge  of  violating  the 
neutrality  laws.  To  this  end  they  were  accorded  free  passage  by  steamer  to 
their  destination.  W.  P.  Watkins,  the  vice-president  of  the  visionary  repub 
lic,  and  F.  Emory,  secretary  of  state,  had  been  arrested  while  on  a  recruiting 
tour  in  California,  for  infringing  neutrality  laws,  and  fined  $1,500  each. 
Neither  of  them  were  ever  pressed  to  conform  to  the  judgment,  and  the  pris 
oners  sent  to  San  Francisco  had  nothing  to  fear.  Indeed,  Walker  alone  was 
held  to  answer  before  the  courts.  He  was  tried  and  acquitted!  It  is  un 
necessary  to  enter  into  the  details  of  this  judicial  farce  further  than  to  re 
mark  that  the  judge  declared  that  from  his  heart  he  sympathized  with  the 
accused.  If  such  were  the  sentiments  of  the  judge,  what  must  have  bem 
the  sentiments  of  the  people?  To  most  of  them  the  filibusters  were  venture 
some  heroes,  fresh  from  doughty  enterprise,  pioneers  of  'manifest  destiny,' 
who,  if  checked  by  failure,  had,  nevertheless,  effected  a  step  onward  in  the 
march  of  progress,  and  toward  the  realization  of  that  dream  which  pictures 
the  entire  northern  continent  under  the  stars  and  stripes.  To  right-minded 
men  the  expedition  will  ever  appear  as  an  impudent  crime. 

7  The  mau  charged  to  carry  out  the  paternal  intentions  of  the  government 
was  General  J.  M.  Blancarte  of  Jalisco,  sent  by  Santa  Anna  in  1854  to  replace 
Bebolledo.  He  had  rendered  great  service  to  the  dictator,  and  disappointed 
with  this  patty  appointment,  turned  against  his  patron,  toward  the  end  of 
the  year,  by  pronouncing  for  the  plan  of  Ayutla,  and  issuing  a  provisional 
constitution  in  accordance  therewith.  In  December  1885,  the  legislative 
deputacion,  suspended  during  Santa  Anna's  rule,  was  reinstalled,  J.  M. 
Gomez  being  elected  jefe  politico.  During  his  administration  Blancarte  had 
shown  a  disposition  to  act  in  an  independent  manner.  In  the  preceding 
month  Captain  Zarman  presented  himself  in  the  name  of  Alvarez,  with  two 
vessels  and  153  men  to  form  settlements.  As  the  men  were  all  foreigners 
Blxncarta  chose  ts  regard  them  as  filibusters,  caused  them  to  be  arrested,  and 
seat  them  under  guard  to  Mazatlan.  Early  in  1857,  rumors  of  another  ex 
pedition  from  San  Francisco  were  seized  upon  by  him  as  a  pretext  to  leave 
tli3  country — he  had  again  been  reappointed  governor,  owing  to  the  resigna 
tion  of  Gomez  August  1,  1856 — to  procure  pay  and  resources.  In  reality  he 
a'nndoned  it  to  join  a  revolutionary  movement,  and  not  only  took  with  him 
all  his  own  men,  to  the  number  of  300,  but  sei/ed  three  vessels  with  troops 
accompanving  General  Noriega,  who  had  touched  at  La  Paz  on  his  way  to 
Sonora.  This  proceeding  exposed  the  peninsula  to  great  danger.  la  coa- 


REVIVAL  OF  INDUSTRIES.  725 

The  entry  of  troops  from  the  mainland  secured 
peace  in  the  south  as  well  as  in  the  north.  Long 
repressed  industries,  notably  agriculture,  soon  revived, 
with  a  consequent  increase  of  prosperity.  Foreign 
ers  felt  encouraged  to  work ;  and  by  opening  mines  so 
increased  trade  that  a  San  Francisco  steamer  was  in 
duced  to  touch  montnly  at  San  Jose  and  La  Paz, 

nection  with  the  presidio  the  government  had  established  penal  settlements 
at  La  Paz  and  Carmen  island  for  convicts  from  all  the  western  states.  Those 
at  the  latter  place  seized  a  vessel  and  escaped;  the  convicts  at  the  capital 
broke  out  in  open  revolt  but  were  checked  by  the  aid  of  Sinaloa  troops  sent 
to  replace  those  taken  away  by  Blaiicarte. 

Another  deplorable  result  was  the  revival  of  the  former  strife  for  power, 
now  that  the  governorship  was  left  in  the  hands  of  the  legislature,  and  as 
heretofore  the  members  held  office  in  rotation  for  brief  periods.  During  the 
period  of  the  reform  war  in  the  republic,  it  was  natural  that  the  remote 
provinces  not  involved  in  it,  should  nevertheless  adopt  the  rally  ing  cries  of  the 
conservative  and  liberal  factions,  to  give  color  to  the  strife  in  behalf  of 
favorites.  In  Lower  California,  during  the  early  part  of  1858,  the  conserva- 
•fcves  were  in  the  ascendant,  but  in  August  the  liberals  concentrating  in  La 
Paz  elected  Ramon  Navarro  governor,  and  in  March  1859  a  legislative  quo 
rum  proclaimed  that  the  peninsula,  while  adhering  to  the  federal  constitu 
tion  of  1857,  assumed  independent  rule  until  peace  was  restored,  and  threw 
open  her  ports  to  foreign  trade  and  intercourse.  A  year  later,  in.  February, 
I860,  the  ambitious  Californians  went  further,  and  ignoring  her  position  as 
a  territory,  passed  an  organic  law,  establishing  a  superior  tribunal,  and 
ordering  the  election  of  governors  by  the  people.  During  the  same  month, 
however,  Governor  Amador,  the  Juarist  appointee,  arrived  and  was  submitted 
to,  as  he  had  sufficient  support  to  assert  himself;  but  no  sooner  did  he  depart 
on  a  visit  to  Sinaloa  in  July,  then  the  storm  broke  out.  The  legislature  re 
instated  the  popular  Navarro;  the  opposing  faction,  centered  at  San  Jose, 
headed  by  the  Castros,  and  reenforced  by  Amador,  who  sent  Arana  to  aid 
them,  fell  suddenly  upon  La  Paz,  dispersed  the  nationalists  with  loss,  and 
exacted  a  heavy  contribution  upon  the  rival  town.  The  discomfited  liberals 
sent  to  Sinaloa  for  aid,  and  having  obtained  200  men,  swept  down  in  turn  upon 
San  Jose,  and  took  their  revenge  by  sacking  and  confiscating  until  misery 
reigned.  Then  they  restored  the  former  order  of  things.  Worse  still  was 
the  condition  of  affairs  in  the  frontier  district,  which  had  become  the  report 
of  criminals  and  fugitives.  Melendez,  who  had  taken  a  brave  stand  against 
Walker,  had  been  made  provisional  commandant;  but  in  June,  1855,  Lieu 
tenant  Pujol  arrived  to  claim  the  post,  and  when  Melendez  objected,  caused 
him  to  be  treacherously  seized  and  shot.  In  September  of  the  following 
year  Jose  Castro,  former  comandante  general  of  Alta  California,  removed 
Pujol  and  took  some  admirable  steps  to  secure  order  and  better  government, 
but  which,  as  usual,  were  not  carried  out  ia  any  efficient  or  lasting  manner. 
During  Castro's  absence  in  1859  -his  lieutenants  Saenz  and  Esparza  became 
engaged  in  hostilities  against  each 'other,  and  Castro  having  returned  fell  by 
the  hand  of  a  murderer  during  a  melee.  A  number  of  innocent  partisans 
on  both  sides  met  with  a  similar  fate.  This  reign  of  terror  was  put  an  end 
to  by  the  arrival  in  March,  1861,  of  the  war  vessel  Reforma,  when  the  lead 
ing  insurgents  were  driven  out,  and  J.  M.  Moreno  was  installed  as  sub-jefe. 
By  this  time  nearly  all  the  better  class  of  people  had  departed,  trade  had 
disappeared,  agriculture  lay  neglected,  and  the  poverty-stricken  people  who 
remained  lived  on  little  else  than  beef.  Moreno  convoked  the  ayuntamiento 
once  more,  after  a  long  interval,  and  appointed  local  judges  io  assist  in  the 
task  of  reconstruction. 


726  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

while  the  custom-house  revenue  roseTorthe  two  pros 
perous  years  to  about  $100,000.  Unfortunately,  the 
winter  of  1863-4  proved  so  extremely  dry  as  to  pro 
duce  great  loss  in  live-stock  and  crops  ;  and  the  mining 
excitement  abated,  owing  in  a  great  measure  to  the 
lack  of  capital  among  most  of  the  miners,  who  had 
rushed  in 8  to  speculate  rather  than  develop  their 
claims. 

8  In  1862  the  war  of  intervention  in  Mexico  began,  and,  as  before,  re 
moteness  saved  the  peninsula  from  being  locally  affected  by  its  devastations. 
A  demand  was  made,  however,  for  a  contingent  of  200  men  to  assist  the  re 
publican  cause;  the  salt-fields  of  Carmen  were  leased,  and  an  immense 
colonization  grant  was  made  to  American  capitalists  in  the  central  part  of 
the  territory,  to  obtain  funds  for  the  general  government.  Pedro  Navarette, 
who  had  succeeded  as  jefe  politico  in  18G3,  showed  himself  rather  lukewarm 
toward  the  government.  When,  in  the  course  of  1864,  French  war  vessels 
touched  at  La  Paz,  the  jefe  received  the  officers  in  a  polite  manner, 
though  refusing  to  accept  the  empire,  and  allowed  them  to  seek  what  sup 
plies  they  could  obtain,  powerless  as  he  was  to  resist.  In  the  following  year 
his  successor,  Felix  Gilbert,  a  progressive  member  of  the  deputacion,  was 
called  upon  to  accept  an  imperial  commissioner  in  the  person  of  Espinosa,  or 
take  the  consequences  of  a  forced  installation.  The  jefe  convoked  the  leg 
islature,  and  this  body  decided  in  November  that  it  would  be  prudent  to 
yield.  Ihe  French  thereupon  departed.  This  encouraged  the  patriots  and 
others  to  rise  under  Navarrete  and  Cota,  and  drive  out  both  the  commis 
sioner  and  the  obsequious  jefe,  who  was  suspected  of  imperialist  sympathy. 
Antonio  Pedrin,  senior  member  of  the  assembly,  assumed  control  until 
the  election  in  June.  The  choice  fell  on  Navarrete.  Pedrin  refused  to  sur 
render  the  office,  but  Navarrete,  sustained  by  San  Jose  and  other  districts, 
marched  upon  the  capital,  gained  control,  and  banished  his  opponent.  But 
he  soon  angered  both  natives  and  foreigners  by  maintaining  a  costly  armed 
force  and  levying  contributions,  although  the  latter  were  due  partly  to  the 
drain  caused  by  Franco- Mexican  war  contingents,  and  to  the  decline  in  cus 
tom-house  receipts.  The  confirmation  of  Pedrin  as  jefe  by  Juarez  was 
therefore  well  received,  and  he  obtained  armed  support  even  from  late  ad 
versaries  to  oust  Navarrete  in  the  following  September.  Pedrin  displayed  a 
commendable  zeal  for  peace  and  progress.  He  ordered  an  enrollment  for  a 
militia,  and  the  formation  of  a  flying  rural  guard  of  25  men  for  the  mainte 
nance  of  order;  moreover,  the  advisory  council,  which  of  late  figured  in 
lieu  of  the  legislature,  was  replaced  by  a  regular  elected  assembly,  which 
met  on  December  10,  1867.  Among  its  measures  was  the  lessening  of  peon 
age  misery  by  placing  debt  contracts  under  legal  supervision,  and  the  draft 
ing,  for  congressional  consideration,  of  territorial  constitutional  amendments 
to  embrace  an  elected  senate  and  lieutenant-governor,  as  well  as  governor. 
Congress  ignored  both  the  legislature  and  its  constitution,  as  partaking  of 
features  claimable  only  by  states.  The  election  of  a  jefe  was  ordered  for  1868, 
by  the  legislature,  in  accordance  with  the  local  law,  and  as  the  northern  mem 
bers  failed  to  present  themselves,  the  eldest,  Carlos  F.  Galan,  assumed  the 
position  provisionally.  He  soon  gave  proof  of  his  intentions  in  a  number 
of  local  measures,  but  an  excess  of  zeal  in  behalf  of  an  exhausted  exchequer 
and  clamorous  territory  induced  him  to  permit  the  landing  of  a  foreign  cargo 
at  La  Paz.  The  result  was  the  arrival  of  a  government  force  of  200  men 
under  General  Davalos.  He  assumed  control  in  May  1868,  arrested  the  jefe, 
and  introduced  reform  into  the  much  neglected  federal  departments,  while 
defeating  the  efforts  of  the  assembly  to  install  a  locally-elected  ruler. 


COLONIZATION  ENTERPRISES.  727 

The  occupation  of  the  peninsula  by  the  United 
States  in  1847-8  left  agreeable  impressions  among 
the  invading  soldiers,  and  many  of  them  returned  to 
settle  as  farmers,  miners,  and  traders.  The  mani 
fest  destiny  idea  also  was  strong  among  the  Americans, 
with  the  belief  that  Lower  California  would  be  among 
the  first  provinces  to  be  ceded,  and  speculators  be 
came  eager  to  secure  an  early  interest  in  the  prize. 
Several  parties  accordingly  sought  land  grants,  with 
the  condition  of  introducing  colonists,  for  the  govern 
ment  had  long  recognized  the  value  of  foreign  immi 
gration  for  unfolding  natural  resources. 

An  important  grant  was  made  to  the  Lower  Cali 
fornia  Colonization  and  Mining  Company9  in  1864, 
embracing  the  vast  tract  lying  between  latitudes  24° 
20'  and  31°,  or  nearly  47,000  square  miles,  on  condi 
tion  of  reserving  one-fourth  of  the  land  for  Mexicans, 
of  introducing  at  least  200  families  within  five 
years,  and  of  paying  to  the  Juarist  government 
$100,000  on  account  of  the  land  to  be  occupied.119 

There   were   several   other  colonization  enterprises 

9  Incorporated  at  S.  F.  in  Oct.  1862,  with  a  capital  of  $40,000,  by  Jacob 
P.  Leese.  Prospectus,  etc.,  published  in  a  series  of  pamphlets  under  the 
name  of  the  L.  Gal.  Co.  from  1862  to  1866. 

l*  As  there  appeared  little  prospect  to  carry  out  the  contract  from  Cal.,  it 
was  transferred  in  1866  to  capitalists  of  the  eastern  U.  S.,  who  at  once  sent 
a  party  to  make  the  first  scientific  exploration  of  the  territory.  The  report 
was  unfavorable  as  regards  the  resources  of  the  tract  concerned,  especially 
its  soil  and  water  supply.  This  clouded  the  enterprise  for  awhile;  but  the 
contract  term  being  extended,  the  shareholders  resolved  to  seek  some  profit 
from  the  transaction,  by  fair  means  or  foul.  An  advance  party  was  sent 
from  S.  F.  in  Aug.  1870  to  make  a  beginning  by  constructing  roads,  clearing 
land,  and  opening  wells.  The  artesian  sinkings  proved  a  failure,  and 
doomed  the  colony.  It  so  happened,  however,  that  the  coast  was  found  rich 
in  orchil  dye,  and  heedless  of  the  lack  of  resources  for  a  settlement,  about 
303  persons  were  sent  out  from  New  York  under  contract  to  gather  moss, 
and  to  become  colonists.  Lack  of  houses  and  other  accommodations,  poor 
food  and  insufficient  water,  together  with  a  desert-like  surrounding  and  a 
torrid  heat,  frightened  the  greater  portion  of  them  into  promptly  abandon 
ing  the  supposed  paradise,  and  gaunt,  ragged,  and  penniless,  they  sought 
refuge  in  Alta  California,  while  others  struggled  across  to  La  Paz  and  other 
towns,  only  a  handful  being  persuaded  affer  this  relief  from  pressure  to  re 
main.  Meanwhile  the  government  annulled  the  grant,  whereupon  the  jeal 
ous  officials  of  La  Paz  made  a  descent  upon  the  lingering  remnants  of  the 
colony,  and  dispossessed  the  company's  agent.  This  gave  a  much  desired 
pretext  for  a  $10,000,000  claim  upon  Mexico,  which  was  compromised  by  al 
lowing  the  company  the  privilege  to  gather  orchilla  for  six  years. 


728  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

during  these  two  decades,  with  merely  an  occasional 
faint  success  to  sustain  lingering  hope;11  yet  some 
thing  must  in  time  result  from  these  several  efforts. 
The  suspicion  of  United  States  designs  upon  the  ter 
ritory  12  tended  to  sustain  a  not  very  friendly  feeling 
of  the  inhabitants  toward  foreigners,  as  well  as  a 
cautious  attitude  on  the  part  of  the  authorities.  Nev 
ertheless  the  value  of  immigration  is  understood,  and 
recognized  in  the  great  impulse  imparted  during  the 
last  decades  to  mining  and  trade  at  least.  If  agri 
culture  failed  to  keep  pace,  it  must  be  attributed 
greatly  to  the  insecurity  not  only  of  life  and  property, 
but  of  land  titles,  a  state  of  affairs  which  is  rapidly 
changing  under  the  late  firm  administrations. 

The  fact  is  that  the  immense  agricultural  and  min 
eral  resources  of  Lower  California  need  only  be  thor- 

11  Mex.  Diar.  Ofic.,  March  7, 1870.  At  the  time  Leese  obtained  his  grant,  Go- 
chicoa  received  45  sitios  for  colonization,  toward  which  no  attempt  was  made. 
Mex.  Mem.  Fom.,  1866,  103.  Milatovich's  grant  of  193  sitios  failed  through 
infringement  of  land  laws.  Mex.  Mem.  al  Emp.,  1865,  567-8.  The  Peninsula 
Plantation  and  Homestead  Association  obtained  a  large,  fertile  tract  along 
the  Mulege  bay,  and  a  city  was  to  be  located  70  miles  s.  w.  of  Guaymas. 
Thirty  thousand  shares  were  offered  to  actual  settlers  at  $16.  Broivncs  L. 
Cal,  175-6.  The  gov.  granted  in  1870,  $3, 000  to  aid  two  colonies,  one  near 
the  frontier,  the  other  on  Guadalupe  island,  where  the  Comp.  de  Guad. 
bought  Castro  and  Serrano's  title  of  1839,  and  engaged  in  raising  Angora 
goats  and  sheep.  Mex.  Mem.  Hac.,  1873,  ap.  i.,  9-10;  Estrella  Occid.,  July  1, 
1870.  Shortly  before  some  Americans  descended  on  the  island  and  slaugh 
tered  the  wild  goats,  to  the  number  of  25,000,  it  is  'said,  carrying  off  the 
skins  and  fat.  The  Gulf  of  Cal.  Commercial  Co.  was  the  title  of  a  second 
Mulege  colony  association,  formed  at  S.  F.  in  1871.  AltaCal,  Dec.  28,  1871. 
Official  examination  of  Colorado  river  lands  was  made  in  1866;  Voz  Mej., 
Feb.  1,  1866,  and  in  1874  the  Colorado  Hemp  Co.  sent  a  party  down  to  cul 
tivate  hemp,  with  the  aid  of  Indians.  L.  Cal.  Scraps,  185.  Hyde,  once  al 
calde  of  S.  F.,  planned  a  town  8  miles  from  San  Quentiri  salt-fields,  which 
took  no  embodiment.  Browne's  L.  Cal.,  110.  At  Scammon's  bay  two-score 
men  were  introduced  in  1870  by  Jansen  to  gather  salt.  His  right  was  con 
tested.  Mex.  Diar.  Ofic.,  June  9,  1870.  The  Carmen  island  salt-field  was 
conferred  upon  the  Cal.,  Oregon,  and  Mex.  Steamship  Co.  in  1867  for  $75,000. 
Baja  Cal,  Nov.  16,  1967.  Chinese  have  long  been  occupied  on  the  western 
coast  in  gathering  abalone  shells  and  other  products.  S.  F.  Golden  Era,  Mar. 
6,  1869;  Arch.  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  v.  568-9;  Voz.  Mej.,  Dec.  30,  1862,  with  allu 
sions  to  lapsed  grants.  In  1880  the  Guaymas  and  Mulege  Trust  Co.  formed 
at  S.  F.  to  cultivate  sugar,  and  36,000  hectares  were  granted  to  Kelly  &  Co. 
Mex.  Diar.  Ofic.,  June  17,  30,  1880.  For  the  concession  to  Andrade  in  1878 
see  Mex.  Recop.  Ley.,  xxviii.,  148-54. 

12  Supported  by  the  acquisition  of  a  coaling  station  on  Pichilingue  island, 
in  front  of  La  Paz.  Alta  Cal,  April  20,  May  27,  1870;  by  the  minute  explora 
tions  of  the  coast  in  1873  and  1876  by  the  U.  S.  steamers  Hauler  and  Nar- 
rayanaett.  Id.,  Mar.  27,  1873,  June  16,  1876;  and  by  congressional  inquiries. 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  COMPANY,  729 

ougly  understood  to  engage  capital  for  their  develop 
ment  ;  while  the  conditions  of  life  in  this  region, 
among  which  its  soft  and  healthful  climate  is  a  most 
noteworthy  feature,  are  such  as  to  strongly  induce 
thrifty  laborers  and  home-builders  to  settle  there.  The 
republic  of  Mexico  has  been  enjoying  for  some  years 
the  benefits  of  peace  and  an  enlightened  administra 
tion  of  affairs.  It  has  been  doing  much  to  encourage 
industry  and  to  promote  modern  improvements  on  a 
large  scale.  Under  the  new  regime  railways  have 
been  constructed,  telegraph  lines  have  become  fairly 
numerous,  mountains  and  uninhabited  regions  being 
spanned  to  bring  distant  border  colonies  into  ready 
communication  with  the  commercial  world,  and  postal 
facilities  have  been  much  enlarged. 

The  government  has  appreciated  the  importance  of 
an  increase  of  population,  and  to  this  end  has  awarded 
to  colonizing  companies  subsidies,  most  of  them  in 
the  form  of  grants  of  large  tracts  of  land,  accompan 
ied  with  exemptions,  to  induce  the  coming  of  a  de 
sirable  class  of  foreigners.13  The  colonization  act  of 
December  15,  1883,  is  an  invitation  to  the  citizens  of 
friendly  nations  to  settle  in  Mexico,  and  share  in  the 
advantages  of  a  new  country  rich  in  every  element 
conducive  to  the  comfort  arid  happiness  of  man.  This 
law  also  provides  for  the  partition  and  distribution  of 
the  public  lands  on  a  most  liberal  scale.  Under  it 
several  projects  of  colonization  have  been  entertained, 
abroad  as  well  as  at  home,  and  a  number  of  colonies 
have  been  established  in  different  states.  The  na 
tional  constitution  bestows  the  rights  of  Mexican  cit 
izenship  upon  all  foreigners  owning  real  estate  or 
having  Mexican-born  children,  a  privilege  which  the 
present  administration  has  rendered  quite  acceptable 
to  foreign  settlers.  The  renouncement  of  his  former 
nationality  is,  however,  a  matter  of  choice  with  the 
settler.  He  is  given,  furthermore,  for  twenty  years 
the  right  of  importing  free  of  duty,  for  his  personal 

13  Bancroft,  Vida  de  Porfirio  Diaz,  574-6. 


730  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

use,  household  and  personal  effects,  farming  imple 
ments,  seeds,  horses  and  cattle  for  use  and  for  breed 
ing,  tools  of  trade  or  instruments  of  profession, 
building  material,  and  machinery  of  any  kind  for 
manufacturing  purposes. 

The  elements  of  wealth  possessed  by  Lower  Cali 
fornia  have  not  passed  unperceived.  Taking  advan 
tage  of  the  liberal  laws  and  favorable  conditions,  the 
International  Company  of  Mexico,  a  corporation  ex 
isting  under  a  charter  of  the  state  of  Connecticut,  and 
having  its  headquarters  at  Hartford,  has  virtually  be 
come  a  distributing  agent  of  the  Mexican  government, 
by  acquiring  a  complete  and  perfect  title  to  eighteen 
million  acres  of  land  in  Lower  California,  all  of  which 
have  been  duly  surveyed  by  the  company.  For  this 
service  it  obtained  one-third  of  the  tract  without  fur 
ther  cost ;  the  other  two-thirds,  it  is  understood,  were 
acquired  by  actual  purchase  from  the  national  govern 
ment.14 

The  climate  of  the  northern  portion  of  the  penin 
sula,  where  the  company's  lands  are  situated,  is  all 
that  could  be  desired.  If  not  superior  to  the  climate 
anywhere  else,  it  is  certainly  as  good  as  any  along  the 
coast.  The  same  may  be  said  fairly  of  its  soil,  for 
the  production  of  fruits  and  grain.  The  extreme 
temperature  at  Ensenada  in  summer  is  placed  at  97°, 
and  the  coldest  about  40°  Fahr.zo  It  is  related  that  a 
tomato  plant  grew  in  a  garden  continuously  for  four 
years,  with  no  signs  of  frost.  Garden  vegetables  are 
sown  and  gathered  every  month  of  the  year. 

The  country  is  also  excellent  for  stock-raising  ;  the 
varieties  of  grass  being  wild  oats,  wild  clover,  alfileria, 
and  bunch-grass,  besides  numberless  shrubs  abounding 
in  the  mountains  and  foothills.  Neat  cattle  enjoy 
great  advantages  of  climate,  shelter,  food,and  water; 
while  the  conditions  are  excellent  for  the  breeding  of 

14  L.  Gal,  Descrip.  of  Lands,  5-9. 

15  Observations  taken  by  U.  S.  officers  in  June,  July,  and  August  showed 
an  average  of  76°,  and  through  the  winter  months  of  55° 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  COMPANY.  731 

horses,  mules,  sheep,  and  goats.  The  horses  raised 
in  this  region  are  noted  for  endurance.  Mules  of 
extraordinary  size  are  bred;  and  there  is  a  large 
demand  for  them  at  remunerative  prices.  Sheep, 
owing  to  the  uniformity  of  climate,  yield  a  wool  of 
remarkable  evenness.  Even  goat-raising  here  be 
comes  a  profitable  industry.  Under  the  protective 
system  of  Mexico,  manufacturing  interests,  such  as 
woolen-mills,  tanneries,  etc.,  have  opened  to  the  pro 
duce  of  this  favored  region  the  large  demand  of  a 
whole  nation. 

Another  source  of  wealth,  subordinate,  perhaps,  to 
that  of  agriculture,  is  mining.  Copper  mining  has 
been  carried  on  for  a  decade  or  so  in  some  localities, 
while  other  places  known  to  contain  rich  deposits 
have  remained  almost  unnoticed.  Little  has  been 
done  even  in  the  richest  fields,  owing  to  lack  of  capi 
tal  and  other  obstacles,  which  intelligent  energy  can 
easily  remove.  There  are  extensive  ledges  of  gold- 
bearing  quartz  in  many  places.  Coal,  sulphur,  alum, 
nitre,  soda,  borax,  talc,  kaoline,  quicksilver,  tin,  nickel, 
antimony,  iron,  zinc,  and  lead  abound.  Salt  and  guano 
deposits  and  a  variety  of  valuable  stones  are  also  to  be 
found.  All  these  elements  of  wealth  are  calling  for 
the  industrial  hand  to  bring  them  into  commercial 
existence.  A  large  extent  of  the  company's  southern 
land  is  covered  with  precious  woods,  such  as  rose, 
ebony,  mahogany,  and  cedar,  various  gums,  and  dye- 
woods,  on  which  the  natives  placed  so  little  store  as 
to  make  charcoal  of  ebony.  There  are  also  many 
thousand  acres  of  pine  and  live-oak. 

The  lands  of  the  International  Company  comprise 
the  northern  or  upper  portion  of  the  peninsula.  Their 
property  commences  at  the  line  fifteen  miles  south  of 
San  Diego,  near  the  32d  parallel,  extending  south 
ward  a  distance  of  about  300  miles,  with  an  average 
of  100  miles  in  width,  having  the  Pacific  ocean  on 
one  side  and  the  gulf  of  California  on  the  other. 
Until  lately  the  population  of  the  whole  region  did 


732  LOWER  CALIFORNIA, 

not  exceed  500,  Mexicans,  Americans,  and  other  na 
tionalities.  It  was  a  peaceful  community,  where  life 
and  property  were  safe.16  It  seems  evident  that,  this 
being  an  agricultural  region,  the  condition  of  society 
on  the  lowlands  will  be  permanent ;  while,  when  the 
mines  on  the  mountain  chain  shall  be  opened,  the 
people  occupied  in  working  them  will  form  a  commu 
nity  by  themselves,  relying  for  food  staples  and  other 
supplies  on  the  surrounding  districts.17 

The  officers  of  the  International  Company  have 
been  offering  their  lands  to  the  public.  Under  the 
terms  of  their  contract  they  are  bound  to  settle  a  num 
ber  of  colonies  within  a  given  time.  It  is  understood 
that  seventy  per  cent  of  the  settlers  may  be  foreign 
ers.  The  Mexican  government  has  incurred  no  obli 
gation  to  aid  in  forwarding  the  operations  of  the 
company,  either  with  subsidies  or  privileges,  other 
than  those  set  forth  in  the  revised  colonization  law  of 
1883.  Money  expenditures  must  be  defrayed  by  the 
company,  or  the  settlers,  as  the  case  may  be.18  There 
is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  efforts  of  the  com 
pany  will  result  in  developing  this  interesting  country, 
whose  wealth  has  hitherto  lain  dormant  and  useless 
to  civilization.19  There  is  a  part  of  the  native  popula 
tion  who,  from  race  prejudice,  oppose  the  enterprise, 
although  in  common  with  the  rest  of  mankind  they 

16  George  Ryerson,  the  commandant  of  the  northern  district  during  the 
last  six  or  seven  years,  speaking  on  the  advantages  of  his  district,  says  that 
a  few  acres  sufficed  for  support;  that  the  earth  and  sea  teemed  with  food;  and 
that  he  lived  in  the  district  about  23  years  without  a  lock  to  any  door  of  his 
house.     Ryerson  was  born  in  Texas  in  1830,  when  the  country  was  a  part  of 
Mexico.     Though  he  has  lived  in  the  U.  S.,  he  has  ever  remained  a  Mexican 
citizen,  serving  in  the  Mexican  army  in  1847,  in  the  campaign  against  "William 
Walker  in  Lower  Cal.  and  Sonora,  and  lastly  during  the  French  war  in  Mex 
ico,  with  the  rank  of  major,  which  he  now  holds.     He  owns  a  tract  of  land 

S'yen  him  by  the  Mexican  government  in  the  northern  district  of  L   Cal. 
is  last  commission  as  chief  executive  officer  of  that  district  was  issued  in 
1885,  and  is  still  in  force.  R<jersmis  Experiences,  MS.,  1-13. 

17  Thus  the  agriculturists  will  have  the  mines  of  the  interior  as  well  as  the 
markets  of  the  seaboard  to  depend  upon,  being  able  profitably  to  compete  in 
the  latter  instance  by  reason  of  the  superior  quality  of  their  produce. 

'The  lands,  as  advertised,  may  be  purchased  either  for  cash  or  on  time. 
19  In  December   1886  a  large  number  of  families  selected  tracts,   where 
they  proposed  to  cultivate  grapes  and  olives,  and  a  steamer  was  placed  upon 
the  route  between  San  Diego  and  Ensenada. 


THE  INTERNATIONAL   COMPANY.  733 

confess  that  the  best  interests  of  the  country  will  be 
served  thereby,  the  undertaking  being  managed  as  it 
is  by  highly  honorable  and  able  men.  Yet  generations 
must  pass  before  the  vast  resources  of  the  company 
can  be  fully  developed,  covering  as  they  do  immense 
tracts  of  land  in  several  states  and  territories  of  the 
Mexican  republic,  besides  large  railway  and  telegraph 
contracts,  and  other  franchises  of  a  commercial  as  well 
as  agricultural  nature.20  As  to  the  Ensenada  grant, 
it  is  understood  that  its  development  will  be  confined 
to  the  bay  of  Todos  Santos,  which,  for  climatic  rea 
sons,  will  be  the  base  of  the  company's  operations,  as 
well  as  the  headquarters  of  its  peninsular  railroad,  and 
of  its  steamship  lines.  Of  the  latter,  it  seems  that 
there  will  be  two :  one  from  San  Diego  to  Ensenada 
and  San  Quentin,  and  the  other  to  San  Jose  de  Gua- 

29  In  Sonora  they  are  said  to  have,  under  three  grants,  the  public  lands 
existing  in  seven  of  her  nine  districts;  in  Sinaloa,  under  two  grants,  one- 
third  of  all  the  public  lands  in  seven  of  her  nine  districts;  in  Guerrero,  one- 
third  of  all  the  public  lands;  and  in  Chiapas,  under  two  concessions  by  one 
of  them  one-third  of  the  public  lands,  and  by  the  other  75  per  cent  of  the 
remaining  two-thirds.  In  railroads  they  have  a  concession  carrying  with  ib 
a  subsidy  from  the  Mexican  government  of  $12, 000  per  mile,  to  build  from 
San  Diego,  or  any  point  near  there,  to  Ensenada,  and  other  lines  from  En 
senada  to  Yuma,  with  a  branch  running  across  to  the  head  of  the  navigable 
waters  of  the  gulf,  eastward  to  Chihuahua.  Another  franchise  gives  a  sub 
sidy  of  $12,000  per  mile  to  build  a  railway  from  the  Pacific  port  of  San  Be- 
nito  across  the  headwaters  of  the  Grijalva  river,  which  makes,  in  a  distance 
of  180  miles  of  railroad,  a  complete  transcontinental  line  1,250  miles  shorter 
than  any  other  line  between  New  York  and  the  Pacific  coast.  This  line  pre 
sents  advantages  over  any  other  route.  The  distance  is  shorter  than  the 
northern  lines,  and  healthier  than  the  southern;  after  leaving  the  sea-coast 
it  will  traverse  a  salubrious  table-land,  where  a  valuable  trade  can  be  built 
up.  The  line  also  passes  through  the  finest  coffee  region. 

Another  franchise  is  to  run  a  steamship  line  from  San  Diego,  or  any  other 
U.  S.  port,  down  the  Mexican  Pacific  coast,  stopping  at  twenty  Mexican 
ports,  and  terminating  at  San  Jose  de  Guatemala.  This  franchise  carries 
with  it  a  subsidy  of  $8,000  for  the  round  trip,  in  addition  of  $60  per  head  for 
every  foreign  immigrant  over  seven  years  of  age,  without  restriction  as  to 
number.  The  proprietors  of  the  International  Compam'-  have  also  three 
grants  giving  them  for  an  extended  term  the  right  of  working  all  the  guano 
beds  on  the  Pacific  coast  belonging  to  Mexico.  They  also  have  the  right  ta 
work  all  the  deposits  in  the  gulf  of  California.  They  have  been  employing 
300  men  for  two  years,  and  shipped  guano  to  the  value  of  about  $1,000,000. 
They  have  several  other  grants,  namely,  the  ownership  of  the  islands  of 
Cedros,  Guadalupe,  Socorro,  and  Coronado  group. 

In  Sonora  they  have  a  grant  conveying  the  exclusive  right  of  canalizing 
the  river  Yaqui,  and  using  its  waters  during  55  years  to  irrigate  millions  of 
acres.  The  company  has  been  engaged  in  developing  its  grants  in  four 
different  states;  builr  ing  railways,  canals,  and  piers;  and  expects  to  build 
piers  in  twenty-two  ports.  Sissons-  Dictation,  MS.,  1-4. 


734  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

temala.21  In  anticipation  of  the  railway  from  San 
Diego,  a  telegraph  line  to  Ensenada  has  been  built, 
and  many  other  improvements,  including  extensive 
irrigation  works,  have  been  begun,  thus  preparing  for 
the  large  immigration  setting  in  from  Europe  and 
elsewhere.  The  associates  having  the  ownership  of 
this  imperial  domain  incorporated  with  a  capital  stock 
of  $20,000,000.  They  are  men  of  large  wealth,  far- 
seeing  intelligence,  and  irresistible  energy,  for  which 
reasons  the  Mexican  government  was  led  to  make 
these  liberal  and  unusual  franchises,  being  prompted 
by  a  conviction  that  such  a  course  would  conduce  to 
the  general  well-being  of  the  several  states. 

But  although  several  persons  are  now  interested 
in  the  vast  plans  of  the  International  Company  of 
Mexico,  its  founding  was  due  to  the  genius,  industry, 
capital,  and  foresight  of  one  man,  George  H.  Sisson, 
the  vice-president  and  manager.22  It  came  about  in 

21  The  steamers  to  be  constructed  were  one  of  1,000  tons,  another  of  500  for 
the  local  trade,  and  five  more  boats  for  the  Central  American  trade.  Id.,  MS.  4. 

22  Major  George  H.  Sisson  was  born  in  Cass  county,  Michigan,  in  1844. 
After  receiving  a  common  school  education,  he  attended  Ashbury  University 
for  two  years,  Ann  Harbor  Law  University  for  two  years,  and  Albany  Law 
School  one  year,  where  he  graduated  at  the  age  of  twenty-three.     In  1SG7 
he  married  Miss  Sarah  Sccfield,  daughter  of  Edward  Scofield,  D.  D.,  who  was 
a  bosom  friend  of  Gren.   Harrison,  president  of  the  United  States,  and  the 
Greek  tutor  of  Henry  Ward  Beecher  and  Harriet  Beecher.     Sisson  practised 
law  several  years,  and  transacted  other  business,  accumulating  a  considerable 
fortune.     Having  suffered  heavy  losses  during  the  financial  depression  of 
1873,  he  turned  his  attention  to  mining  in  Colorado  and  Arizona,  availing 
himself  of  the  knowledge  he  had  acquired  of  the  business  from  his  father, 
who  had  been  a  metallurgist.     This  knowledge  materially  aided  him  in  his 
investments.     Among  the  mines  he  became  interested  in  were  the  Old  Globe 
of  Arizona,  which  has  yielded  from  §600,000  to  $1,000,000  per  year  for  the 
past  six  years,  and  the  copper  mines  of  Clifton,  Arizona.     In  acknowledg 
ment  of  his   superior  ability  in  that  direction,  the  university  of  Tennessee 
cooferred  on  him  the  diploma  of  mining  engineer. 

It  was  a  grand  idea  which  led  Major  Sisson  to  apply  his  large  means,  his 
almost  unlimited  mental  and  material  resources,  to  the  development  of  this 
great  colonization  enterprise.  With  the  influence  of  Luis  Huller,  himself 
a  man  of  great  genius  and  practical  ability,  he  succeeded  in  obtaining  by 
purchase  several  private  grants  in  Sonora,  ap-gregating  750,000  acres,  where 
the  two  men  as  partners  operated  several  gold  and  silver  mines,  the  manage 
ment  of  which  Huller  still  retains.  They  subsequently  obtained  from  the 
Mexican  government  a  grant  of  land  on  the  Yaqui  river  valley;  and  later 
petitioned  for  the  right  to  acquire  the  entire  valley  by  survey  and  coloniza 
tion  under  the  revised  law  of  Mexico  of  1883.  They  were  granted  the  right 
to  acquire,  under  the  colonial  law,  by  purchase  and  survey,  much  more  ter 
ritory  than  they  had  asked  for.  This  grant  was  followed  by  the  others  of 
which  I  have  elsewhere  made  mention.  Sisson' s  Bioj.,  Mo.,  1-5. 


GEORGE  H.    SISSON.  735 

this  way  :  After  the  acquisition  of  immense  tracts  of 
land  in  several  states  and  numerous  franchises,  Major 
Sisson  thought  that  the  interests  of  his  enterprise 
would  be  best  served  by  securing  the  aid  and  counsel 
of  other  men  of  broad  minds  and  large  pecuniary 
means  to  carry  it  out  to  successful  results.  Calling 
at  New  York  city  upon  his  friends,  who  at  once  saw 
the  possibilities  of  grand  returns,  articles  of  incorpo 
ration  were  drawn  up  in  March,  1885,  and  a  charter 
was  granted  to  the  association  by  the  legislature  of 
Connecticut,  incorporating  it  with  a  capital  stock  of 
$1,000,000;  the  stock,  under  subsequent  legislation, 
was  raised  to  $20,000,000.  Sisson  and  Luis  Huller 
deeded  to  the  company  all  lands  held  under  their 
grants.  The  company  then  went  on  to  make  further 
acquisitions,  as  I  have  narrated. 

The  general  officers  of  the  International  Company 
of  Mexico  are:  Edgar  T.  Welles  of  Hartford,23  atone 
time  acting  secretary  of  the  navy,  president ;  Major 
George  H.  Sisson  of  Ensenada,  vice-president  and 
general  manager;  Colonel  Thomas  G.  Welles  of 
Hartford,  assistant  general  manager ;  Hon.  R.  A.Elmer 
of  New  York,  treasurer ;  W.  E.  Webb,  general  land 
commissioner ;  Charles  B.  Turrill  of  San  Francisco, 
assistant  land  commissioner;  Lyman  R.  Ingraham 
of  Hartford,  secretary;  Captain  Francis  Pavy  of 
the  queen's  household  guards,  London,  European 
representative  ; zi  Luis  Huller  of  Mexico  city,  resident 

23  Mr  Welles  is  a  graduate  of  Yale  college,  and  though  a  member  of  the 
legal  profession,  has  devoted  his  energies  to  other  pursuits.  He  is  now  giv 
ing  a  great  part  of  his  time  to  the  affairs  of  the  International  Company  of 
Mexico,  and  the  subsidiary  organizations  connected  therewith.  He  is  also 


the  country. 

'2i  Captain  Pavy  was  a  commissioned  officer  of  the  74th  Highlanders  in 
India  during  the  great  revolt,  seeing  much  service  and  undergoing  many 
hardships.  He  was  subsequently  given  a  permanent  appointment  on  the 
staff  in  civil  service  in  the  Madras  revenue  survey  department,  for  which 
he  was  eminently  fitted  by  his  knowledge  of  mathematics  and  surveying,  as 
well  as  of  the  Hindoostanee  language.  In  I860  be  was  promoted  to  the 
captaincy,  but  weary  of  the  inaction  of  home  .service,  he  retired  on  half-pay. 
He  soon  after  revisited  India  on  business,  and  later  travelled  in  the  West 


736  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

director;  William  Hamersley  of  Hartford,  solicitor 
and  general  counsel  of  the  company.  Max  Bernstein 
is  resident  agent  at  Ensenada. 

Other  persons  are  also  entitled  to  special  notice  in 
connection  with  this  vast  enterprise  for  the  valuable 
services  they  are  rendering  toward  the  accomplish 
ment  of  its  great  purposes.  Among  them  I  must 
mention  George  C.  Cheape,  of  Scotland,  and  Charles 
Scofield,  late  of  Arizona.  A  few  biographical  remarks 
on  these  representative  men  will  not  be  out  of  place.25 

In  honor  of  the  Mexican  statesmen,  Carlos  Pacheco 
and  Manuel  Romero  Rubio,  they  gave  their  first  two 
colonies  their  names,  calling  the  one  at  Ensenada, 
Colonia  Carlos  Pacheco,  and  the  one  at  San  Quentin, 
Colonia  Manuel  Romero  Rubio. 

Indies  and  Canada  on  important  missions.  He  was  pretty  constantly  in 
France  during  the  Franco-German  war,  having  meantime  retired  altogether 
from  the  army,  on  his  appointment  to  the  honorable  corps  of  Gentlemeii- 
at-Arms  (Queen's  Royal  Body  Guard).  In  1873  he  assumed  the  management 
of  the  Railway  Debenture  Trust  and  the  Railway  Share  Trust  companies  of 
London.  He  became  also  a  director  of  the  Blaenaven  Iron  and  Steel  Com 
pany,  the  Westinghouse  Air-Brake  Company  in  Europe,  and  of  several  other 
important  undertakings. 

*5  Captain  George  C.  Cheape  has  served  in  the  British  regular  army  sev 
eral  years  both  at  home  and  in  India,  and  as  many  more  in  the  reserve.  He 
commanded  the  same  troop  of  Fifeshire  Light  Horse  that  his  father  was 
commander  of  sixty  years  ago.  He  is  also  a  magistrate  of  the  county  of 
Fife  in  Scotland.  Cheape  has  been  a  great  traveller  in  Europe  and  America, 
with  an  observing  eye,  paying  particular  attention  to  the  agricultural  advan 
tages  of  the  countries  he  has  visited,  being  a  practical  farmer  and  breeder  of 
good  horses  at  home.  In  1886  he  visited  Lower  California,  which  country 
pleased  him  so  much  that  he  has  since  taken  a  deep  interest  in  promoting 
the  enterprise  of  the  International  Company  of  Mexico,  though  he  has  like 
wise  interests  in  Texas,  Colorado,  Arizona,  and  California. 

Charles  Scofield  is  a  native  of  Hamilton  county  in  Ohio,  and  was  born  in 
1856.  After  completing  a  collegiate  term  of  three  years  in  Illinois  at  the 
age  of  20,  he  wa-3  two  years  engaged  in  copper  and  lead  mining  in  Missouri. 
He  was  next  employed  in  the  lumber  and  milling  business  by  a  large  firm, 
until  1881.  He  then  took  charge  of  the  Old  Globe  copper  mine  of  Arizona, 
and  made  it  develop  very  extensively.  .  This  mine  had  been  purchased  by 
Major  Sisson,  who  organized  the  Old  Globe  Copper  Company  under  the  law  3 
of  Connecticut.  The  mine  being  now  placed  in  charge  of  an  expert  engi 
neer,  Scofield  became  the  superintendent  of  the  reduction  works  and  fur 
naces,  holding  this  position  till  April,  1884.  Early  in  1886  he  joined  Major 
Sisson  at  Guaymas,  and  together  they  made  a  two  months'  tour  of  the  guano 
deposits  in  the  Gulf  of  California.  Since  that  time  Scofield  has  attended  to 
the  lading  and  shipment  of  the  company's  guano,  and  has  been  Sisson's  con 
fidential  adviser  in  all  his  vast  work.  He  had  charge  of  that  business  until 
July,  1886.  After  the  surveys  were  completed  in  Lower  California  for  the 
International  Company  of  Mexico,  Scofield  was  given  full  charge  of  the  San 
Diego  office  of  that  company,  with  the  handling  of  their  finances. 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  COMPANY.  737 

The  future  of  these  vast  plans  it  is  impossible  to 
foreshadow;  but  we  know  that  the  impulse  which 
prompts  them  is  good,  and  the  result  should  certainly 
be  beneficial,  not  only  for  the  broad-minded  and  ener 
getic  promoters  of  the  enterprise,  but  also  for  a  mul 
titude  of  others,  for  whom  happy  homes  are  held  in 
prospect.  The  undertaking  ought  to  be  a  magnificent 
success,  and  that  it  will  be  so  there  seems  no  doubt. 
In  the  olden  times,  the  founder  of  a  colony  was  re 
garded  as  akin  to  the  gods ;  surely  he  is  entitled  to 
at  least  as  much  credit  now,  for  as  mankind  swarms 
over  the  available  parts  of  the  earth,  he  is  substan 
tially  a  benefactor  who  finds  fresh  soil  and  healthful 
air,  and  makes  it  practicable  for  thousands  to  enter 
upon  another  and  better  life — to  build  new  and  per 
manent  habitations  for  themselves  and  their  children. 

General  Bibiano  Davalos  held  control  for  several 
years,  chiefly  owing  to  the  federal  force  at  his  com 
mand,  for  the  people  did  not  forget  the  long-enjoyed 
privilege  of  electing  their  own  governor.  Davalos 
proved,  moreover,  so  arbitrary,  by  interfering  in  local 
elections  in  behalf  of  favorites  and  adherents,  and 
making  himself  obnoxious  in  other  respects,  that 
more  than  one  uprising  was  attempted,  although  in 
combination  with  unworthy  elements.  In  October 
1874  a  party  in  the  south  proclaimed  Toledo  jefe,  and 
levied  contributions  on  wealthy  citizens,  besides  com 
mitting  some  unwarranted  outrages,  which  only  with 
drew  support  and  hastened  the  collapse  of  the 
conspiracy.26 

26  In  the  following  June  a  more  organized  pronunciamiento  took  place, 
under  Emilio  Ibarra  and  others,  who,  with  a  party  of  200  men,  surprised  La 
Paz,  captured  Davalos,  sent  the  federal  officials  out  of  the  country,  and  be 
gan  the  usual  levy  of  funds.  The  governor  seems  to  have  been  intimidated 
into  concessions,  and  agreed  to  resign;  but  a  detachment  of  federal  troops 
held  out  until  their  comrades  came  up  from  San  Jose.  Ibarra  then  took  to 
flight,  and  escaped  by  seizing  an  orchella  schooner  at  Magdalena,  but  the 
pursuers  were  so  close  upon  his  heels  that  most  of  his  followers  fell  captive. 
One  result  of  the  outbreak  was  a  change  of  governor,  in  the  peuson  of  Colonel 
Vela^co,  and  he  dying  soon  after,  Miranda  y  Castro  was  appointed.  The 
latter  showed  his  mettle  in  suppressing  a  mutiny  among  his  soldiers  byshoot- 
HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.  47 


738  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

.Remoteness  from  the  center  of  authority,  which 
for  a  time  exempted  the  peninsula  from  the  political 
turmoils  of  the  mainland,  at  length  seemed  to  in 
crease  the  evil.  Marquez  de  Leon,  a  Lower  Califor- 
nian  who  had  formerly  mixed  greatly  in  local  politics, 
and  whose  services  during  the  French  war  of  inter 
vention,  and  subsequently,  had  gained  for  him  the 
rank  of  general,  became  dissatisfied  with  the  lack  of 
recognition  of  his  aid  during  the  revolution  which 
placed  Diaz  in  power.27 

ing  the  ringleader  and  disarming  his  followers,  with  the  aid  of  citizens;  and 
he  displayed  his  political  zeal  by  strictly  enforcing  the  late  constitutional 
amendments  for  the  separation  of  church  and  state,  with  civil  marriage,  and 
other  features.  The  Carmelite  monk  bishop,  Moreno  y  Castanecla,  who 
naturally  sought  to  uphold  the  ecclesiastical  privileges,  was  expelled  from 
the  territory  after  suffering  persecution.  Miranda's  zeal  led  him  too  far, 
however,  in  levying  a  war  tax  of  from  six  to  ten  per  cent  in  aid  of  his  patron, 
President  Lerdo,  for  the  latter  being  overthrown  by  Portirio  Diaz,  A.  L. 
Tapia  was  sent  to  replace  him  as  political  and  military  chief.  Tapia  showed 
himself  fully  imbued  with  the  policy  of  the  new  administration,  to  insure 
peace  and  order,  so  as  to  permit  the  development  of  resources  and  the  increase 
of  prosperity.  To  this  end  was  instituted  here  as  elsewhere  a  vigorous  per 
secution  of  bandits,  and  an  improved  administration  of  justice  under  the 
code  lately  introduced,  enforced  by  the  creation  of  a  judge  of  first  instance 
in  each  of  the  three  districts.  Trade  was  fostered  by  granting  a  subsidy,  in 
1877,  to  a  steamship  line  from  San  Bias  to  the  gulf  ports,  in  addition  to  the 
California-Mexico  line,  and  industries  were  stimulated  by  liberal  concessions 
for  opening  guano  and  pearl  beds,  mines,  and  other  branches,  while  the  reve 
nue  was  protected  by  more  severe  measures  against  smuggling  and  pecula 
tion,  to  the  benefit,  also,  of  the  people,  since  extra  taxes  were  obviated  by 
the  saving.  The  greatest  need  for  restoration  of  order  was  on  the  frontier, 
so  long  the  roaming  place  for  adventurers,  refugees,  and  criminals,  to  the 
discouragement  of  settlers.  The  discovery,  in  1870,  of  gold  placers  in  San 
Rafael  valley  had  resulted  in  an  excitement  which  brought  many  immigrants 
and  started  a  regular  stage  line  from  San  Diego;  but  it  added,  also,  to  incen 
tives  for  marauding  by  Indians  and  bandits,  who  kept  the  authorities  in 
activity.  In  Nov.  1876,  political  aspirants  joined  in  the  troubles,  and  drove 
out  the  sub-prefect,  Villagrana.  Jefe  Tapia  came  up  in  November  1877, 
and  arrested  Moreno,  who  had  usurped  the  prefecture.  Eventually  Villa 
grana  was  reinstalled  and  sustained  by  a  guard  of  25  dragoons. 

'21  The  strength  of  the  government  gave  little  hope  of  starting  a  revolution 
on  the  continent,  and  so  Marquez  bethought  himself  of  the  more  distant 
peninsula,  where  he,  moreover,  counted  many  warm  friends.  Failing  to 
inveigle  the  troops  at  La  Paz  on  October  31,  1879,  he  rallied  the  people  of 
his  native  district,  and  laid  siege  to  the  capital  on  November  12,  with  200 
men.  The  military  authorities  at  Mazatlan  being  warned,  General  Carbd 
appeared  to  the  aid  of  Governor  Tapia  with  125  troops,  Marquez  there 
fore  retreating,  pursued  by  the  combined  federal  forces.  Blinded  by  suc 
cess,  the  latter  allowed  themselves  to  be  entrapped  in  a  canon,  near  Todos 
Santos,  and  were  compelleed  to  surrender  with  some  loss,  Carbd  and  Tapia 
escaping  with  a  few  followers  and  seeking  refuge  across  the  gulf.  The 
victors  at  once  marched  back  to  La  Paz,  where  their  control  over  the  terri 
tory  was  merely  nominally  disputed  by  the  war  sloop  Mexico,  which  main 
tained  a  blockade  and  bombarded  a  portion  of  the  town.  Marquez  installed 


POLITICS  AND  REVOLUTION.  739 

as  jefe  politico,  his  lieutenant,  Colonel  Cota,  and  prepared  to  extend  over 
the  territory  an  organic  statute,  which,  he  claimed,  would  advance  its 
welfare  in  a  marked  degree.  But  means  were  required  for  the  sustenance 
of  his  rapidly  growing  forces — at  one  time  reaching  nearly  GOO  men — which 
were  required  to  meet  the  expected  troops  from  Mexico,  as  well  as  to  sup 
port  the  contemplated  general  uprising  on  the  continent.  And  these 
means  had  to  be  sought  by  levies  of  funds  and  provisions,  which  fell  with 
great  severity  upon  the  small  and  not  very  affluent  population.  A  reaction 
speedily  set  in,  and  the  arrival,  at  the  close  of  January  1880,  of  more  than 
400  men  under  Col  J.  M.  Rangel,  lent  wings  to  the  desertion  that  had 
already  set  in.  Only  a  few  bands  remained  to  face  the  federals,  who,  ree'n- 
forced  by  citizens,  pursued  them  with  relentless  fierceness.  Meanwhile 
Marquez  had  hastened  to  California  to  seek  aid,  and  although  practically 
failing  in  the  attempt,  he  returned  across  the  border  early  in  April  to  join 
the  remnant  which,  under  Cota,  had  traversed  the  length  of  the  peninsula. 
This  force  also  melted  under  fear,  hardships,  and  pursuit;  and  after  a  futile 
imroad  into  Sonora,  the  lealers  took  refuge  in  United  States'  territory, 
whence  they  were  finally  permitted  to  return  to  their  homes. 

Rangel  remained  as  governor  to  heal  the  ravages  of  this  unfortunate  up 
rising,  as  well  as  those  committed  shortly  before  by  an  earthquake  at  Loreto, 
and  to  continue  the  task  of  development,  which  promises  to  realize  the 
brightest  hopes  of  the  people.  Even  railway  commissions  have  been  made, 
to  the  S.  Luis  Pot.  and  Aguascal  line,  and  to  Alas  and  Rogers  for  a  road 
from  Tiguana  to  Punta  Isabel.  Mex.  Recop.,  Ley.,  xxxvi.  33-7;  Me.x.  Dlar. 
Ojic.,  Dec.  16,  1881.  A  commission  was  appointed  in  1874  to  survey  lands 
and  issue  titles.  ManeroDoc.  Interes.,  84-7.  In  1881  appeared  a  new  revenue 
law.  MP.X.  Diar.  OJic.,  June  11,  1881.  San  Jose  was  opened  to  foreign  trade 
in  1884 — a  good  sign  of  increasing  traffic.  Cronista,  April  19,  1884.  A  terri 
ble  hurricane  and  flood  occurred  close  to  this  spot  in  Oct.  1884.  Id.,  Nov.  8, 
1884.  Concerning  some  notable  marine  disasters  on  the  coast,  see  Hayes' 
Scraps,  Baja  Cal,  ix.  48-9,  etc.;  Alta  Cal,  March  2,  Oct.  15,  24,  1870;  S.  F. 
Bull,  Oct.  27,  1871,  Capt.  Caleb's  arrest.  Voz.  Mej.,  July  23,  1884. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

INSTITUTIONAL. 

1800-1838. 

FRONTIER  MILITARY  FORCES  IN  COLONIAL  TIMES — WAR  TOR  INDEPEND 
ENCE — GOVERNMENT — OFFICERS  AND  DISTRICTS — REVENUE — CHIHUA 
HUA,  DURANGO,  SlNALOA,  SONORA,  AND  LOWER  CALIFORNIA — CRIME 

AND    PUNISHMENT — FUSION   OF   RACES — ABORIGINAL    PEOPLES — JUDI 
CIARY  AND  CODES — COLONIZATION — EDUCATION. 

As  a  part  of  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Spain,  for  a  time  a  semi -independent 
appendage,  and  subsequently  as  border  region  of  a  republic,  the  Provincias 
Internas  present  a  reflex  of  the  southern  districts  in  their  political  and  civil 
institutions.  Moulded  in  the  same  form,  the  *aws  of  the  Spanish  Indies 
have  left  their  impress  here  as  below,  through  the  agency  of  officials  and 
priests  from  the  Iberian  peninsula,  yet  a  certain  distinctiveness  was  imparted 
by  the  greater  isolation  of  this  remote  interior,  by  its  condition  as  a  frontier 
extending  into  the  domains  of  hostile  tribes  under  the  combined  auspices 
of  soldiers  and  missionaries,  and  its  ruder  aspects  of  life  also  in  being  pri 
marily  a  mining  and  cattle  country.  It  was  in  a  sense  the  colony  of  a 
colony.  Yet  the  contrast  to  be  expected  between  the  people  of  an  exposed 
border,  devoted  to  the  hazards  and  hardships  of  exploiting  for  metal  and 
herding,  and  that  of  the  more  settled  south  is  not  so  marked.  What  differ 
ence  there  is  lies  rather  in  the  characteristics  of  race,  which  here  present  a 
less  degree  of  direct  intermixture,  owing  to  the  relatively  lower  position  of 
the  aborigines  and  the  later  entry  of  the  other  castes.  In  Durango,  Sinaloa, 
and  Lower  California  the  absorption  of  natives  was  favored  to  a  greater  ex 
tent  by  the  conditions  of  settlement,  but  in  the  adjoining  northern  states 
we  find  the  natives  separated  from  the  rest  by  sharper  geographic  and  social 
lines.  On  the  other  hand,  the  constant  influx  of  mestizo,  and  even  southern 
Indian,  elements  has  assisted  to  leaven  the  dominant  mass  into  a  truly  Mexi 
can,  composition,  in  sympathy  with  the  feeling  and  aspirations  of  the  nation. 

This  homogeneity  is  above  all  conspicuous  in  political  aims.  Doomed  to 
subordination  by  paucity  of  population,  and  by  dependence  for  protection 
and  higher  comforts  of  life  on  the  central  sections  of  the  country,  the  cue 
for  action  in  these  respects  came  almost  invariably  from  the  same  quarter. 
While  partizan  cry  and  strife  here  rose  equally  high,  they  followed  rather  in 
the  wake  of  southern  leaders,  varying  between  liberal  and  conservative  ideas. 
The  latter  found  support  in  a  large  landed  proprietary,  as  indicated  by 
cattle  interests,  which  naturally  objected  to  the  aspirations  of  the  masses, 
yet  the  federal  element  was  undoubtedly  in  the  majority,  based  on  the 
greater  independence  of  spirit  fostered  among  the  masses  by  pursuits  con 
nected  with  mines  and  horses,  while  the  influence  of  the  clergy,  although 
augmented  in  a  sense  by  mission  establishments,  was  counteracted  bv  the 
paucity  and  semi-nomadic  habits  of  the  population,  which  prevented  close  or 
f requen  t  contact  with  spiritual  things  or  clerical  champions.  The  distance  from 
Mexico  made  a  central  regime  also  less  palatable.  Urrea  well  understood 
this  tendency  when  he  sought  to  start  the  reaction  against  centralism,  at  the 
(740) 


NORTHERN  AND  SOUTHERN  REGIONS.  741 

beginning  of  its  career.  Even  Durango,  the  seat  of  a  bishop,  protested  at 
the  outset  against  a  domination  by  distant  Mexico  that  was  sustained  chiefly 
by  the  soldiery.  Otherwise  the  national  bond  remained  strong,  as  evinced 
by  the  brave  struggle  under  Frias  and  his  companions  against  United  States 
invasion,  and  against  French  intervention  by  northwestern  leaders  under 
the  distinguished  Corona. 

rlhe  strong  military  forces  of  the  frontier  in  colonial  times  prevented  any 
noteworthy  participation  in  the  war  for  independence;  but  the  people  adopted 
with  eagerness  the  new  order,  and  adopted  constitutions,  which,  despite  the 
disturbing  effect  of  subsequent  divisions  of  territory  and  temporary  changes 
of  system,  have  practically  survived  in  the  latest  reformed  issues.  Their 
main  features  may  be  found  in  the  general  organic  laws,  considered  in  my 
history  of  the  republic.  In  respect  to  state  specialities,  that  of  Sonora,  the 
centre  of  the  present  Hispano- American  group,  affords  a  fair  average  repre 
sentation,  although  stamped  by  greater  democratic  deference  to  popular  will, 
as  manifested  in  the  election  of  most  governing  bodies.  The  legislative 
power  is  wielded  by  one  chamber  of  deputies,  chosen  every  two  years  in  to 
tality,  meeting  twice  a  year,  and  consisting  of  one  member  for  every  10,000  in 
habitants.  The  governor,  chosen  by  similar  popular  vote,  holds  office,  also, 
for  two  years,  in  the  other  states  for  four  years,  and  is  not  eligible  for  con 
secutive  reelection.  He  possesses  wide  power  in  appointing  subordinate 
officials,  including  the  one  secretary  of  state;  the  other  general  state  officer, 
the  treasurer,  is  selected  with  legislative  intervention.  Districts  are  ruled  by 
prefects  elected  like  the  governor;  municipalities  with  over  500  souls  by 
ayuiitamientos  elected  for  one  year,  and  consisting  usually  of  from  four  to  nine 
members;  smaller  settlements  and  ranches  have  police  officers,  elected  for  a 
similar  term.  In  the  other  states  municipal  bodies  are  more  restricted,  and 
wholly  or  partly  replaced  by  elected  or  appointed  jefes.  Municipal  officers  be 
ing  unpaid,  and  in  many  grades  unprofitable  and  thankless  as  well  as  onerous, 
candidates  seek  frequently  to  avoid  election  or  subsequently  to  shirk  their 
duties,  to  the  detriment  of  local  welfare.  Direct  election  is  as  yet  in  its  in 
fancy,  awaiting  educational  development  throughout  the  republic.  Mean 
while  indirect  voting  prevails,  with  two  or  three  grades.  Finances,  the  main 
care  and  instrument  of  the  government,  have  been  fully  considered  in  con 
nection  with  the  country  in  general,  to  which  I  refer  in  connection  with  the 
appended  note,  for  comparison.  The  revenue  of  Chihuahua  is  derived  from 
7  per  mille  on  real  estate,  valued  at  $7,000,000;  2  per  cent  on  all  business 
capital  above  $50;  1£  per  cent  on  salaries,  fees  and  personal  property;  2  per 
cent  on  bullion  and  minerals  extracted;  4  per  cent  on  transfers  and  legacies; 
37  cents  per  quintal  on  cotton,  etc.  From  this  is  derived  an  income  of  $120,- 
634,  the  expenditure  being  $119,253.  The  federal  contribution  of  25  per 
cent  amounts  to  $45,472;  revenue  stamps  yield  $18,830. 

Durango  imposes  10  per  cent  on  the  revenue  of  city  property  and  6|  per 
cent  on  that  of  rural  estates  below  the  value  of  $10,000;  above  this  6^  per 
cent  is  added  for  every  additional  $10,000,  $20,000,  and  $40,000;  the  tax  on 
estates  exceeding  $100,000  in  value  being  37^  per  cent  on  the  yield.  The 
real  estate  is  valued  at  over  $14,000,000.  Twenty  per  cent  on  industrial 
products,  25  per  cent  on  capital  employed  in  other  branches,  and  5  per  cent 
on  salaries  and  fees.  A  few  other  taxes  assist  to  swell  the  receipts  to  $159,- 
717.  The  federal  25  per  cent  amounts  to  $45,475;  stamps  $12,799. 

Sinaloa  levies  011  real  estate  $9,500,000  in  value,  at  the  rate  of  6  per 
mille  for  property  worth  over  $500,  and  $3  to  $1^  annually  on  values  above 
$300  and  $100,  respectively;  $25  to  $300  monthly  on  industrial  and  mercantile 
establishments,  10  per  cent  on  foreign  goods,  half  the  money  derived  from  the 
sale  of  vacant  land;  also  fees  for  professional  titles,  legacies,  etc.  This  pro 
duces  $184,976,  with  an  estimated  surplus  of  $2,000.  The  federal  25  per  cent 
yields  $56, 325;  stamps  $19,305. 

Sonora  relies  greatly  on  excise  and  on  direct  contribution's,  distributed  in 
quotas  amongthe  districts  and  municipalities;  5  per  cent  on  foreign  nation 
alized  goods,  $10  to  $250  on  commercial  houses,  1^  per  cent  on  bullion,  $200 


742  INSTITUTIONAL. 

for  license  to  manufacture  brandy,  $5  for  registration  of  mines,  half  the  pro 
ceeds  of  vacant  land  sales,  also  from  legacies,  etc.  The  value  of  real  estate 
exceeds  $7,000,000.  The  revenue  of  $l3o',5t>5,  leaves  a  prospective  surplus  of 
nearly  $3,000.  The  federal  25  per  cent  brings  $28,644;  stamps  $11,356. 

The  finances  of  Lower  California,  as  a  territory,  fall  under  care  of  the 
federal  government,  which  derives  $89,106  a  year  from  it;  the  25  per  cent 
amounts  to  only  $135,  while  stamps  yield  $8,246.  Municipal,  consumption, 
and  storage  taxes  are  levied.  Busto,  Extadist.  Mex.,  i.  p.  xi.,  et  seq. 

Besides  the  federal  tribunals  of  different  degrees,  each  state  has  its  cor 
responding  supreme  court  of  usually  three  judges,  and  a  final  court  of  first  in 
stance  for  the  districts,  and  the  local  justices  or  alcaldes,  the  first  elected  for 
four  years,  and  the  other  nearly  always  for  two  years  and  one  year,  re 
spectively.  New  civil  and  penal  codes  have  recently  been  adopted  in  conso 
nance  with  the  federal  issue,  and  the  jury  system  is  gradually  being  estab 
lished.  But  the  lack  of  upright  and  efficient  judges,  so  general  in  the 
republic,  is  even  more  marked  in  these  less  cultured  frontier  states.  One 
cause  is  the  frequent  want  of  funds,  with  irregular  and  reduced  salaries, 
which  prevents  also  the  employment  of  advisory  asesores  assigned  by  law. 
This  adds  to  the  incentive  for  crime,  particularly  robbery,  which  has  become 
so  prevalent  in  this  country  under  the  fostering  auspices  of  race  prejudices, 
and  constant  revolutionary  disorders.  It  was  hard  for  disbanded  guerillas 
to  return  to  honest  labor,  and  so  easy  and  alluring  to  continue  as  marauders, 
perhaps  under  the  specious  cover  of  avenging  an  injured  church  or  circum 
scribed  liberty.  The  north,  moreover,  as  a  border  country  had  grown  more 
and  more  the  resort  of  fugitives  from  justice,  with  smugglers  in  large  num 
bers.  Cattte-stealhig  and  kidnapping  for  extorting  ransom,  were  common 
features  to  be  expected  from  a  country  long  ravaged  by  Indians,  and  it  is 
not  astonishing  that  so  wide-spread  an  ailment  should  have  affected,  also, 
many  a  judge  and  official,  to  whom  had  been  confided  means  for  aid  and 
punishment,  since  these  could  be  manipulated  with  great  profit.  With  the 
exceptions  mentioned,  criminal  statistics  agree  with  those  for  the  republic  in 
general.  Stringent  steps  were  taken  at  different  times  to  check  law-break 
ing,  latterly  by  an  increased  frontier  guard,  which,  with  the  aid  of  railroads 
and  telegraphs,  and  the  decrease  of  Indian  inroads,  is  doing  good  work.  The 
effect  of  the  gradual  abolition  of  capital  punishment  has  not  yet  been  au 
thoritatively  reported  upon,  but  it  is  evident  that  greater  attention  must  be 
paid  to  enforcing  upright  administration  of  justice,  and  to  providing  more 
guardians  of  the  peace  and  better  prisons. 

The  absorption  or  merging  of  the  aboriginal  race  into  the  new  nation  un 
folding  in  Mexico  has  been  fully  considered  in  special  chapters  elsewhere. 
In  the  north  its  condition  was  affected  by  certain  features,  such  as  a  lower 
aboriginal  culture  and  stronger  tribal  combination.  Distance  from  the  centre 
of  authority  seemed  to  offer  the  domineering  encomendero  of  early  colonial 
days  greater  advantage  for  oppression,  but  the  more  independent  and  self- 
asserting  character  of  the  tribes,  and  the  interposition  of  zealous  missiona 
ries,  served  as  a  check  until  later  beneficent  laws  drew  their  protecting  circles. 
The  privileges  tendered  by  the  new  republic,  in  equality  and  citizenship, 
proved  equally  delusive  to  the  race  in  all  parts,  and  the  subtle  bond  of  peon 
age  enfolded  even  growing  numbers.  The  maintenance  in  the  north  of  the 
mission  system  proved  no  longer  of  benefit,  save  in  isolated  instances,  inas 
much  as  it  tended  to  restrain  development  and  intercourse.  The  latter  was, 
moreover,  confined  by  race  prejudice,  by  galling  assumption  and  strivings 
for  advantages,  which  confirmed  the  natives  in  their  long  practised  seclusion, 
as  well  as  in  tribal  unity,  which  served  them  as  a  bulwark  against  ever  ready 
aggression  and  encroachment. 

Many  of  the  tribes  live,  indeed,  in  a  state  of  nominal  subjection  to 
the  republic,  governed  by  their  own  unwritten  laws,  and  retaining,  to 
a  great  extent  both  aboriginal  language  and  customs.  The  latter  no 
less  than  their  mountainous  homes,  have  helped  to  preserve  a  naturally  hardy 
constitution  from  the  indolence  permeating  all  Creole  affinities.  There  is 


NATIVE  CHARACTERISTICS.  743 

also  less  of  the  stolid  indifference  so  marked  among  southern  savages,  and 
the  so  commendable  energy  and  perseverance  is  stamped  by  a  vivacity  that 
promotes  their  value  as  workers.  In  Sonora  the  \aquis  and  Opatas  are 
justly  esteemed  as  the  most  desirable  laborers  in  almost  every  branch  of  in 
dustry,  and  good  pay  draws  thousands  from  their  pueblos  every  season.  If 
on  returning  home  they  bring  many  vices,  they  also  foster  advancement,  and 
clear  the  way  for  a  more  harmonious  feeling  between  the  races.  The 
common  cause  which  occasionally  brought  them  to  the  side  of  political  par 
ties,  or  arrayed  them  against  the  Apaches,  also  served  to  strengthen  the  na 
tional  bond.  The  aboriginal  communal  system  encouraged  by  the  Spanish 
crown  has  been  widely  sustained,  in  many  instnnces  by  republican  decrees, 
although  the  tendency  is  growing  to  break  it  up  as  a  dangerous  tribal  insti 
tution.  While  provisional  partition  is  made  of  land  for  private  cultivation, 
particularly  at  time  of  marriage,  when  a  family  is  to  be  founded,  a  propor 
tion  is  also  set  aside  for  communal  crops  with  which  to  support  churches, 
widows  and  orphans  and  schools,  to  pay  taxes  and  other  general  require 
ments.  The  enforcement  of  labor  to  this  end  and  order  generally  is  en 
trusted  to  elected  governors  or  alcaldes  at  the  respective  pueblos  or  villages, 
who  again  are  subordinate  to  captains  general.  These  officers  were  formerly 
appointed  from  among  noble  or  influential  families  by  the  Spanish  authori 
ties,  and  often  secured  by  pay  or  other  rewards,  but  with  the  example  set 
by  republican  schemers,  ambitious  and  able  men  of  lower  grade  have, 
through  election,  sprung  into  prominence,  and  direct  the  voice  of  the  tribe 
both  for  personal  benefit  and  for  its  advancement,  by  offering  votes  or  arms 
to  the  most  promising  side.  The  curates  now  in  charge  of  their  spiritual 
welfare  have  much  less  influence  than  the  missionaries,  who,  as  a  rule,  exer 
cised  almost  exclusive  control  over  governors  or  alcaldes,  as  well  as  people. 
This  decline  is  due  mainly  to  the  intrigue  of  liberal  partisans,  and  partly  to 
the  less  guarded  conduct  of  the  class  of  priests  usually  assigned  to  Indian 
villages. 

'ihe  natives  of  Sinaloa,  Durango,  and  Lower  California  form  no  united  or 
powerful  bodies,  and  may  be  regarded  as  merged  in  the  general  population. 
The  Tepehuane  nation,  which  at  one  time  held  Durango  in  terror  with  its  re 
volts,  has  almost  disappeared.  In  Chihuahua,  however,  the  rancherias  of 
Apaches  and  Comanches  extend  along  the  eastern  border  into  Bolson  de 
Mapimi,  and  the  ranges  to  the  west  are  occupied  by  the  numerous  Tarahu- 
maras,  ever  gentle,  though  retiring,  and  rapidly  disappearing.  Sonera's  popu 
lation  is  still  chiefly  pure  Indian,  including  the  orderly,  yet  brave  and  resolute 
Opatas,  who  occupy  the  fertile  centre  and  east  of  the  state,  and  have  as  en 
listed  soldiers  or  as  volunteers  formed  one  of  the  most  reliable  of  bulwarks 
against  Apache  inroads.  They  have  yielded  greatly  to  absorption, 
although  not  in  so  marked  a  degree  as  the  wide-spread  and  docile  Pimas  to 
the  north-west  of  them.  The  once  feared  robber  horde  of  Seris,  on  and  near 
Tiburon  island,  has  been  almost  exterminated  in  just  warfare,  and  the  Papa- 

fos  of  the  extreme  north-west  are  as  yet  secure  in  their  isolation.  The  only 
sared  nations  are  the  allied  Yaquis  and  Mayos,  who,  occupying  the  fertile 
banks  of  the  rivers  named  after  them,  are  exposed  to  constant  elbowing  and 
intrusion  from  the  crowding  Mexicans  on  either  side.  The  consequence  has 
been  a  series  of  bloody  wars  until  the  present  day,  not  always  for  pure  de 
fence,  but  for  robbery,  to  which  successes  and  impunity  gave  incentive. 
While  mingling  freely  among  the  whites  as  esteemed  workers,  yet,  the  sea 
son  over,  they  generally  return  home  and  repulse  every  effort  at  social  inter 
course.  The  process  of  absorption  cannot  be  resisted,  however,  aided  as  it 
is  by  diseases  of  encroaching  civilization,  especially  virulent  among  the 
aborigines. 

The  intermixture  of  races  in  colonial  days,  was  much  slower  in  the  north, 
owing  to  the  inferior  culture  of  the  Indians  and  the  later  entry  of  settlers. 
For  a  long  time  after  the  independence,  creole  families  sought  to  resist  the 
inevitable,  hut  the  rapid  influx  of  mestizos,  owing  to  pressure  in  the  more 
crowded  south,  and  the  allurement  of  mineral  wealth,  tended  to  overcome 


744  INSTITUTIONAL. 

hesitation,  partly  by  bridging  the  chasm.  Nevertheless,  the  Spanish  element 
remains  strong,  and  the  mixture  has  been  little  varied  by  the  admission  Of 
negro  blood.  The  indolence  and  unsustaiued  impulsiveness  of  the  nation  is 
less  marked  in  the  border  states,  settled,  as  they  were,  chiefly  by  enterpris 
ing  and  energetic  emigrants  from  Biscay,  Navarre,  and  Catalonia.  Their 
comparative  isolation  has  tended  to  preserve  a  tincture  of  the  superstition 
brought  from  the  original  mountain  homes.  On  the  other  hand,  they  are 
widely  praised  for  hospitality  and  as  dashing  riders,  whose  cavalry  has 
earned  deserved  laurels  in  the  wars.  As  may  be  supposed,  the  iaroeho  or 
petty  farmer  element  of  Mexico,  is  widely  represented  here  in  small  scattered 
ranchos,  with  their  airy,  shed-like  dwellings,  their  enclosed  patches  for 
maize,  beans,  yams,  and  other  succulents,  shaded  by  occasional  bananas,  or 
other  palms,  and  near  by  the  heads  of  live  stock,  that  form  the  main  reliance 
of  the  settler.  The  influence  of  Europe  which  made  itself  felt  from  the  open 
ing  of  the  century  throughout  the  central  provinces,  filtered  more  slowly  into 
these  remote  regions,  although  aided  on  the  coast  by  trading  vessels,  and 
later,  by  intercourse  with  the  United  States,  by  means  of  prairie  caravans, 
and  simple  customs  long  prevailed  in  dress,  entertainments,  and  mode  of 
life  generally,  all  of  which  present  the  same  features  as  described  elsewhere 
under  Mexico.  Perhaps  the  love  of  motion  and  excitement,  on  horseback,  in 
ball-room,  and  at  the  gambling-table,  is  more  pronounced,  and  naturally  so 
with  the  narrow  range  of  amusement  offered  on  the  frontier. 

Ihe  growth  of  the  United  States  border  settlements,  and  the  fast  in 
creasing  communication,  facilitated  by  railroads,  cannot  fail  to  greatly  affect 
tone  and  habits.  While  the  elements  at  present  operating  to  this  end  are 
none  of  the  best,  yet  the  intercourse  must  in  the  main  prove  elevating,  if 
only  in  fostering  better  industrial  methods,  and  an  increased  demand  for 
varied  comforts  of  life,  which  in  itself  forms  so  desirable  a  stimulant.  The 
value  of  foreign  immigration  has  ever  been  reccgnized  in  Mexico,  partly  to 
obtain  training  for  the  people,  partly  to  promote  settlement  on  the  north 
frontier,  threatened  by  Indians  as  well  as  a  suspected  neighbor.  A  lack  of 
judicious  liberality,  and  above  all  the  long  reigning  insecurity  in  the  republic, 
counteracted  the  efforts  to  found  colonies.  Even  those  established  in  con 
nection  with  the  ephemeral  military  colonies  did  not  flourish,  and  the  few 
trans-oceanic  groups  introduced  failed  to  show  any  vigor.  The  effort  to 
draw  from  the  United  States  the  patriotic  Mexicans  transferred  to  a  foreign 
flag  by  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  succeeded  very  poorly.  In  fact  the  gold 
excitement  in  California,  by  revealiiig  mineral  and  agricultural  wealth,  and 
protection  from  raids  and  ma] -administration,  served  to  draw  away  far  more 
people,  and  from  the  then  border  region  which  least  could  spare  the  loss. 
Lately  schemes  have  been  started  for  introducing  Chinese  and  Mormons,  al 
though  their  arrival  is  sure  to  rouse  hostility.  Notwithstanding  the  restric 
tive  measures  of  the  government,  not  wholly  unjustifiable  in  its  suspicious 
fears,  the  force  of  circumstances  is  tending  to  a  growing  influx  of  Americans 
into  the  scantily  settled  and  inviting  border  states;  an  influx  favored  by 
ready  acclimatization,  which  has  not  attended  sudden  transitions  from  the 
differently  situated  Europe,  and  by  the  growing  security. 

The  gradual  suppression  of  Indian  raids  in  the  north,  and  the  increased 
stability  of  government,  promises  decided  increase  in  population,  for  the 
race  is  fecund  and  environment  favorable.  In  the  northern  part  of  Chihua 
hua  and  Sonora  ague  prevails  to  some  extent;  on  the  west  coast  bilious 
fevers  are  common,  and  the  inferior  quality  of  water  along  the  frontier  con 
duces  to  several  ailments,  such  as  goitre,  which  afflicts  the  central  districts  of 
Sonora  and  Sinaloa.  In  other  respects  the  health  statistics  compare  well 
with  other  parts  of  the  republic,  with  which  the  north  shares  such  epidemics 
as  cholera,  small-pox,  yellow  fever,  and  famine,  with  attendant  train  of 
disorders.  Cholera  was  particularly  severe  in  1841  and  1849-51.  Small 
pox  attacks  chiefly  the  aborigines,  among  whom  vaccination  and  mod 
ern  treatment  are  less  in  vogue,  and  the  yellow  fever,  which  has  on  a  few 
occasions  ravaged  the  coast  as  far  inland  as  Hermosillo  and  Culiacan,  is  de- 


SOCIAL  CONDITION.  745 

clared  to  be  not  of  the  extreme  type  prevalent  on  the  gulf  of  Mexico.  Ihe 
scarcity  of  doctors,  apothecaries,  and  hospitals  was  a  drawback  which  gave 
prominence  to  mummery  and  aboriginal  arts,  but  during  epidemics  the  au 
thorities  have  ever  shown  a  commendable  zeal  for  covering  the  deficiency  by 
erecting  temporary  shelter,  and  distributing  drugs  and  directions,  while 
private  benevolence  stepped  forward  to  lend  a  helping  hand. 

Although  the  chief  inroads  of  diseases  have  evidently  been  among  the 
aborigines,  upon  whom  also  the  mere  approach  of  European  culture  exerts 
its  withering  influence,  yet  the  decreasing  estimates  of  their  numbers  is  due 
mainly  to  absorption,  either  by  blood  mixture,  or  by  assimilation  in  settling 
with  the  regular  Mexicans  and  adopting  their  customs,  and  participating  in 
all  the  privileges  of  citizens.  This  is  especially  the  case  in  Sinaloa  and 
Durango,  and  it  is  only  in  Sonora  and  Chihuahua  that  the  voluntary  isola 
tion  of  certain  tribes,  or  portions  of  tribes,  subject  them  to  classification  as 
Indians,  with  partial  exclusion  from  political  and  social  rights.  In  Sonora 
this  number  is  placed  at  about  22,000,  mostly  Yaquis  and  Mayos,  who  long 
maintained  a  hostile  attitude  by  resisting  encroachment  on  their  lands  and 
seclusion.  In  Chihuahua  are  nearly  equal  numbers  of  gentle  Tarahumaras. 
No  thorough  census  has  been  taken  in  the  republic,  so  that  the  more  or  less 
detailed  d.ita  for  different  states  can  be  regarded  as  little  better  than  esti- 
mited.  The  population  may  according  to  these  be  placed  at  185,000  for 
Chihuahua,  195,OJO  for  Durango,  142,000  for  Sonora,  205,000  for  Sinaloa,  and 
25,000  for  Lower  California;  which  shows  an  increase  for  the  peninsula  of 
about  150  per  cent  for  the  century,  for  Sinaloa  100  per  cent,  for  Durango 
83  per  cent,  and  for  Chihuahua  75  per  cent,  while  Sonora  has  gained 
only  one  half  as  much  as  these  last  states.  These  proportions  correspond 
to  the  relative  security  enjoyed  by  the  states,  Sonora  having  suffered 
longer  and  more  severely  from  Indian  ravages.  Chihuahua  comes  next  in 
the  list  of  exposed  regions  as  well  as  in  population,  and  then  Durango,  while 
Sinaloa  and  Lower  California  have  been  almost  entirely  exempt.  The 
eifects  of  civil  wars,  frequent  enough,  cannot  be  regarded  as  nearly  so  de 
pressing,  for  the  bloodshed  and  ravage  are  not  equal  to  the  number  of  revo 
lutionary  movements.  Yet  the  fast  growth  of  the  peninsula  is  no  doubt 
attributable  to  the  greater  quiet  enjoyed  there,  thanks  to  its  secluded  situa 
tion.  Its  estimated  value  of  real  estate  per  head  of  population  is  also  much 
larger  than  in  the  northern  states,  where  the  average  is  placed  at  about  §50,  a 
figure  which  varies  very  nearly  in  proportion  to  the  Indian  or  peon  popula 
tion  of  the  different  districts,  whose  poverty  tends  to  lower  the  general  rate. 
Wars  do  not  appear  to  have  caused  any  extra  reduction  among  males;  indeed, 
Durango,  less  exposed,  exhibits  the  least  preponderance  on  their  side.  On  the 
other  hand  the  size  of  families  is  not  as  a  rule  so  large  as  might  be  expected, 
as  indicated  also  by  the  slow  growth  of  population  for  countries  so  scantily 
occupied.  And  there  is  rooan  for  expansion,  since  Sonora  and  Chihuahua 
possess  only  one  inhabitant  to  one  and  a  half  square  kilometre.  Sinaloa  and 
JHirango  have  four  and  a  half  and  two  and  a  half  more  people  to  that  space, 
while  the  peninsula  has  only  one  inhabitant  to  seven  kilometres.  I  append 
data  to  support  these  observations  and  give  opportunity  for  additional 
speculations. 

In  education  the  northern  states  stand  somewhat  behind  the  mean  aver 
age  for  the  republic,  as  may  be  expected  from  scanty  settled  frontiers.  The 
wave  of  revival  in  learning  struck  the  Spanish  colonies  at  the  close  of  the 
last  century,  only  to  be  broken  by  the  war  of  independence  and  succeeding 
disorders,  yet  hardly  a  ripple  of  it  penetrated  to  this  region.  Wealthy  people 
sent  their  sons  to  southern  states  or  abroad,  and  their  girls  occasionally  to 
some  convent;  a  small  proportion  of  other  children  received  a  meagre  train 
ing  at  the  rare  schools  to  be  found  in  a  few  leading  towns  or  at  the  hands  of 
missionaries,  and  the  great  mass  remained  steeped  in  ignorance,  learning  like 
the  savages  only  to  recite  a  few  passages  from  the  catechism.  Although  the 
Lancasterian  system  was  introduced  into  Mexico  shortly  after  the  independ 
ence,  yet  it  obtained  no  real  footing  in  the  north  till  after  the  energetic 


746  INSTITUTIONAL. 

measures  undertaken  by  the  general  government  in  1842.  Private  individ 
uals  now  began  to  display  a  gratifying  zeal  in  assisting  the  movement,  and 
soon  came  the  compulsory  system  to  give  beneficial  inpulse,  as  manifested  in 
the  increased  school  attendance  from  less  than  two  per  cent  of  population 
still  prevailing  in  Chihuahua,  without  compulsion,  to  between  three  and  five 
per  cent  in  the  other  four  provinces. 

In  addition  to  scanty  settlement,  isolated  tribes  presented  in  Sonora  and 
Chihuahua  an  obstacle  to  rapid  diminution  of  illiteracy.  There  was  a  draw 
back  also  in  the  separation  of  the  sexes,  due  to  climatic  and  social  consider 
ations.  As  a  consequence,  only  a  small  proportion  of  the  schools  were 
mixed,  and  owing  to  the  chronic  lack  of  funds  the  establishments  for  girls 
were  so  few  as  to  allow  the  attendance  of  merely  one-fifth  to  one-half  of  the 
male  number.  In  private  institutions  the  sexes  were  nearly  equal.  Another 
disadvantage,  now  rapidly  lessened,  was  the  lack  of  teachers,  partly  due  to 
small  and  irregular  pay;  but  normal  schools  are  receiving  support,  and 
women,  so  well  fitted  for  teaching,  are  rapidly  supplying  the  deficiency.  A 
cause  for  the  irregularity  lies  also  in  the  fact  that  so  large  a  proportion  of 
the  free  public  schools  are  sustained  by  private  liberality,  which  often  varies. 
rihe  educational  system  was  defective  in  several  respects,  such  as  the  ap 
peal  by  teachers  to  the  ear,  by  memorizing,  rather  than  to  the  perceptive 
faculties;  and  the  ambitious  range  of  the  curriculum,  even  in  schools  known  as 

Srimary,  beyond  the  power  of  the  pupil,  so  that  he  was  left  glaringly  super- 
cial.  This  imperfection  was  carried  to  even  greater  excess  in  the  secondary 
or  high  schools  and  colleges,  in  which  the  course  varied  from  a  few  element 
ary  branches  to  the  professional  and  philosophic  range,  but  with  startling 
gaps  and  irregularities  in  method,  means,  and  teachers.  Nevertheless,  the 
secondaries  have  ever  enjoyed  greater  attention,  especially  from  the  clergy, 
owing  to  their  policy  to  restrict  education  to  the  wealthy  classss,  and  to  the 
national  love  for  gloss.  Although  driven  from  control  in  these  matters,  the 
church  strives  to  retain  a  certain  hold,  especially  by  offering  in  the  seminar 
ies  a  higher  grade  of  instruction  than  is  generally  obtained  in  the  secular 
colleges.  The  spread  of  journalism  is  an  encouraging  feature,  and  another 
the  establishment  of  literary  societies,  which  promote  also  the  formation  of 
libraries,  museums,  and  art  collections.  Secular  education  is  greatly  sup 
planting  the  religious  teaching  to  which  so  large  a  proportion  of  the  people 
has  been  almost  exclusively  confined.  This  is  a  natural  outcome  of  the  long 
struggle  against  clerical  supremacy,  which  has  ended  in  the  acquisition  of 
intellectual  freedom,  and  in  assigning  to  the  church  its  due  subordinate  po 
sition.  The  history  of  this  struggle  and  the  present  condition  of  ecclesias 
tical  affairs  has  been  fully  and  specially  considered  elsewhere. 

The  report  of  the  governor  of  Sinaloa,  Mem.  Gov.,  1881,  83-92,  announces 
221  primary  schools,  with  an  attendance  of  7,662  pupils,  the  larger  propor 
tion  being  boys.  The  attendance  in  Mazatlan  district  is  by  far  the  largest, 
2,266  pupils  in  40  schools,  while  the  41  establishments  of  Culiacan  had  only 
1,275  children.  Ihe  report  sent  in  to  Covarrubias  in  1874  gave  281  prima 
ries,  with  9,272  pupils.  There  were  5  secondary  and  professional  colleges, 
one  being  a  private  institution  for  girls,  another  a  nautical  and  mercantile 
establishment,  and  a  third  the  philosophic  seminario  under  the  clergy,  with 
a  total  attendance  of  over  170.  Instruc.  Pub.,  138-43.  The  seminario  at 
Culiacan  is  the  only  classic  college  for  Sinaloa  and  Sonora.  It  dates  since 
1838,  Semin.  de  Son.,  in  Pap.  Var.,  cliii.,  pt  13,  although  Bishop  Rouset 
sought  in  the  previous  decade  to  establish  a  chair  of  philosophy.  Monteros, 
Son.,  33-4.  Its  progress  is  depictod  in  Garza,  Premios,  1-8;  Mex.  Mem. 
Imtic.,  1844,  doc.  71;  Velasco,  Son.,  37-8.  Concerning  the  later  founding  of 
the  other  colleges,  see  Castaneda,  Alocucion,  1-4;  Arch.  Mcx.  Col.  Ley.,  iii., 
639-47;  Sin.  Reyl.  Col.  Rosalrx,  1-14.  In  1854  Mazatlan  had  two  primary  and 
two  private  schools,  with  250  pupils.  Soc.  Mex.  Ge.og.  Bol.  vii.,  335.  In  1867 
the  attendance  here  had  risen  to  700  out  of  2,700  children;  only  2,800  per 
sons  could  write,  against  7,900  who  could  not.  Id.,  ep.  2,  iv.,  91-3.  See 
also  Canibas,  Atlas,  2;  Rubi,  Mem.  Gov.,  15;  Buclua,  Comp.,  51-2. 


EDUCATION.  747 


•\ve*-e  private  establishments.  The  public  college  for  boys  costs  the  state  $12,000 
a  year.  A  normal  school  also  exists.  Riesgo,  Mem. ,  28-30,  paints  the  condi 
tion  in  1828  extremely  black.  Semanario,  Polit.,  ii.,  394-5;  not  till  the  middle 
of  the  following  decade  were  any  effective  steps  taken  to  improve  it,  by  es 
tablishing  a  secondary  ecclesiastic  college  at  Arizpe,  and  increasing  the 
primaries.  Garza,  Pastoral,  7;  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  ii.  62,  65,  80.  Ten  years 
later  the  Lancasterian  society  began  to  push  their  system,  and  the  normal 
school  opened  in  1847.  In  the  5  leading  towns  between  Banamichi  and  Her- 
mosillo  the  primary  attendance  was  only  400.  /(/.,  iii.,  132-3,  321,  iv.,  40,  86. 
Only  one  of  the  schools  was  passable.  Monteverde,  Mem.,  MS.,  62,  111-13, 
125;  Velasco,  Son.,  37-8,  64.  In  1858  the  civil  institute  opened  at  Alamos. 
The  Sonorense,  Estrella  Occid.,  and  Voz.  Mej.  have  items  for  these  andjollow- 
ing  years,  showing  in  1863-4  four  schools  in  Guaymas  district,  19  in  Alamos, 
12  in  Ures,  etc.  See  also  Hernandez,  Geog.  Son.,  59-60;  Mex.  Scraps,  i.,  295; 
Lancasteriana  ReyL ,  1-12. 

For  Durango,  Covarrubias  reports,  under  a  non-compulsory  system,  174 
primaries,  with  an  average  attendance  of  4,440,  about  three  fourths  boys;  4 
secondary  establishments,  half  of  them  under  clerical  care,  two  being  for 
girls,  with  nearly  550  pupils.  The  institute  for  males  and  the  seminario  gave 
professional  courses.  There  was  no  normal  training-school.  During  the 
closing  years  of  the  colonial  regime  Bishop  Costaniza  gave  a  decided  impulse 
to  secondary  education,  and  left  a  bequest  for  the  seminario,  but  retrogres 
sion  set  in  for  about  40  years.  Ljlesias,  Rel.,  319-20.  This  college  had  in 
1827  over  170  pupils,  and  a  fund  of  $359, 000.  There  were  then  34  primaries, 
Dur.,  Mem.  Ramos,  1827,  6-7;  but  4  years  later  Dnr.,  Mem.  Gob.,  1831,  7-9, 
reports  only  54  pupils  at  the  seminario,  and  26  badly  endowed  primaries. 
In  1842  a  Lancasterian  society  was  established,  Bustamante,  Mex.,  MS.,  xiv. 
277;  and  shortly  after  57  primaries,  with  1,592  pupils,  were  announced. 
Mex.,  Mem.  fustic.,  1844,  No.  20.  Escudero,  Dur.,  45-9,  has  62  schools,  with 
3,055  pupils,  for  1848,  and  Ramirez,  Dur.,  45-51,  claimed  11  free  schools, 
with  1,437  scholars,  for  the  capital  district  in  1850.  Soc.  Mex.  Geo<j.,  £ol.,  v. 
61-71.  The  seminario  was  soon  alter  transferred  to  the  state.  Mex.  Leyis., 
1856,  129.  In  and  after  1856  the  literary  institute  was  endowed.  Arch.  Mex., 
Crt.  Ley.,  v.  658-9,  partly  with  church  property.  Mex.  Codiija  Reforma,  345; 
Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  1863-7,  iii.  147-8.  In  1873  a  school  of  arts  was  projected. 
Diario  Debates,  cong.  6,  iv.  302;  Cambas,  Atlas,  17;  article  in  Dur.,  Aim., 
1885,  69-73,  is  very  faulty. 

Chihuahua  stands  low  on  the  list,  with  only  39  primaries  and  somewhat 
over  2,200  pupils,  according  to  Cldh.  Period.  Ojic.,  Nov.  13,  1874,  and  Covar 
rubias,  Instruc,  Put).,  25-8,  an  assumed  decline  from  former  years.  The  two 
secondaries  are  the  institute  and  seminario,  with  250  students  and  superior 
pretensions. 

Lower  California  has  adopted  the  federal  district  regulations,  although 
they  are  evidently  not  applicable  to  her  condition.  In  1882  there  were  27 
schools,  with  1,174  pupils,  out  of  an  assumed  school  population  of  8,000;  of 
these  La  Paz  had  7  schools,  with  an  attendance  of  490  out  of  1,330  children; 
the  two  private  schools  claiming  nearly  half  the  number.  The  20  national 
establishments  receive  $15,400  for  their  700  children.  Governor's  report,  in 
Bnja  CaL,  Bol.  Ofic.,  Aug.  30,  1882.  This  shows  an  increase  upon  the  state 
ment  in  Mex.  Mem.  Gob.,  1878,  98,  doc.  96,  wherein  two  of  the  institutions 
at  La  Paz  are  classed  as  normal,  and  two  as  secondaries,  the  latter  at  La 
Paz  and  Miraflores,  with  60  students.  The  centre  district  has  four  of  the 
schools,  and  the  frontier  two.  For  1872  Hernandez,  Geog.,  Baja  CaL,  50-1, 
allows  only  8  elementary  schools,  with  300  pupils,  and  although  this  seerns 
unreliable,  the  compulsory  system  has  undoubtedly  given  a  great  impulse. 
See,  also,  Cambas,  Atlas,  29;  Ttnxir,  Hint.  Parl,  iv.  771;  Hayes  Scraps,  Baja 
Cil,  ix.  63-4.  Rules  issued  in  1873.  Baja  CaL,  Regl.  Instruc.,  1-10;  Diario 
Debates,  cong.  8,  ii.  608,  722,  765-80,  916;  Baja  CaL,  Bol.  Oftc.,  1878, 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 


RESOURCES    AND  COMMERCE 

OBSTACLES  TO  PROGRESS  OF  AGRICULTURE— PRODUCTIONS  AND  CROPS— STOCK- 
RAISING — MINING — EFFECT  OF  INDIANS  ON  DEVELOPMENT — DISTRICTS  IN 
DIFFERENT  STATES — METALS,  MINERALS,  AND  PRECIOUS  STONES — PEARL 
FISHING— MANUFACTURES — COTTON  MILLS — TRADE — IMPORTS  AND  EX 
PORTS —  SMUGGLING  —  COAST  TRADE  —  STEAMEE  LINES  —  ROADS  AND 
CANALS— RAILWAYS. 

The  northwestern  states  being  essentially  mining  territory,  their  agricul 
tural  capabilities  have  not  been  widely  probed,  partly  owing  to  their  compara 
tive  aridity.  Water  is  the  great  want.  Chihuahua  and  Durango  form  the 
top  of  a  table  which  rises  in  gentle  ascent  from  the  gulf  of  Mexico  to  an  alti 
tude  of  3,800  feet  at  El  Paso,  and  thence  lifts  itself  southward  to  the  high 
plateau  of  Anahuac,  while  forming  a  more  abrupt  slope  toward  the  Pacific. 
The  eastern  part  of  Chihuahua  presents  an  almost  deserted  sand  and  alkali 
plain,  with  numerous  dry  depression 5,  known  as  Boison  de  Mapini,  exterul- 
ing  into  Coahuila,  and  for  some  distance  into  Durango.  Similar  land,  al. 
though  more  broken  by  hills  as  well  as  shifting  sand  dunes,  and  relieved  by  oc 
casional  river  bottoms,  stretches  from  Rio  Bravo  westward  to  the  mountains. 
Even  south  of  the  state  capital  the  soil  is  patchy,  and  on  the  whole,  induce 
ments  for  tillage  are  small  as  compared  with  stock-raising,  which  ranks  as 
the  second  leading  occupation.  Durango  approaches  in  its  general  character 
to  the  southeastern  portions  of  the  neighbor  state,  and  regular  farming  vies 
with  stock-raising  and  mining  as  staple  industries.  As  may  be  judged  from 
the  altitude,  the  climate  is  comparatively  cool  on  this  table-land;  snow  falls 
in  Chihuahua  to  the  depth  of  two  feet,  Rio  Bravo  is  obstructed  by  ice,  and 
vines  at  the  somewhat  warmer  El  Paso  require  protection.  The  summer 
temperature  averages  85  degrees.  West  of  the  Sierra  Madre  the  zones 
range  from  the  cold  of  the  mountains  to  the  temperate  of  the  foothills  and 
the  torrid  of  the  coast  line.  In  Sinaloa  the  hot  belt  is  40  miles  in  width, 
and  extends  for  some  distance  into  the  tributary  valleys,  with  a  sandy  soil 
that  is  productive  only  near  the  river  courses.  In  Sonora  sand  plains  of 
vast  expanse  cover  nearly  all  the  region  north  of  Guaymas,  with  frequent 
dreaded  simoons;  but  the  east  and  northeast  is  a  delightful,  well- watered 
region,  especially  attractive  to  emigrants.  The  Yaqui  valley  is  Egyptian  in 
temperature,  and  in  the  Nile-like  inundation  of  its  fertile  bottoms.  With 
irrigation,  practicable  from  rivers  and  wells,  nature  yields  her  treasures  in 
such  lavish  abundance  and  variety  as  to  mark  Sonora  as  one  of  the  richest 
spots  on  earth.  Sinaloa  has  less  adaptability,  and  arid  Lower  California 
possesses  only  small  and  scattered  tracts  available  for  plantations. 

An  obstacle  to  farming  has  been  on  one  side  the  indolence  fostered  by  a 
bountiful  soil,  on  the  other,  the  illiberal  land  policy  of  the  government,  de 
rived  from  Spanish  times,  and  confusion  involving  titles.  Until  lately 
the  control  of  vacant  land  was  in  dispute  between  the  municipal,  state,  and 
general  governments,  and  there  was  the  insecurity  spread  by  the  fre 
quent  and  sweeping  annulling  of  grants,  on  the  ground  that  they  had  been 
(748) 


LAND  TITLES,  749 

made  by  rebellious  or  illegal  authorities,  or  with  undue  observance  of  con 
stantly  changing  regulations.  In  the  north  the  mission  lands,  secularized  in 
course  of  time,  aided  the  fraudulent  acquirements  of  estate,  as  dkl  stock- 
raising  leases  and  frontier  troubles,  whereby  influential  men  were  able  to  ob 
tain  possession  of  large  tracts,  to  the  check  of  development,  and  to  the  prej 
udice  of  the  Indians  and  poor  people,  the  true  settlers,  who  were  so 
frequently  deprived  of  the  small  lots  charity  bestowed  upon  them.  This 
tended,  likewise,  to  prevent  surveys  so  necessary  for  promoting  settlement 
as  well  as  knowledge  of  resources. 

The  missions  checked  colonization  to  a  great  extent,  for  a  kind  colonial 
government  reserved  the  best  lands  for  the  neophytes  and  kept  white  men  at 
a  distance  from  them.  In  Lower  Cal.  no  land  was  assigned  in  proprietorship 
to  settlers  till  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century.  For  a  history  of 
land  titles  in  the  peninsula,  see  Lassepes,  Baja  Cal.,  passim.  The  owner 
ship  of  land,  with  the  restrictions  governing  communal  tracts  of  towns,  mis 
sions,  and  Indians,  has  been  considered  elsewhere,  notably  in  Hi*t.  CaL,  vi., 
this  series.  Instance  of  rules  concerning  mission  holdings,  in  Son.,  Leyes 
Varias,  33.  One  of  the  most  startling  shocks  to  titles  was  the  decree 'by 
Juarez  in  1862,  annulling  state  concessions  so  far  made,  and  requiring 
a  revision  by  the  federal  authority.  Arch.  Mex.,  Cal.  Ley.,  v,  579-83, 
659-61;  Buenrostro,  Hi*t.  Prim,  y  Secund.  Cong.,  338;  Bandim,  doc.,  141, 
with  allusions  to  previous  steps  of  the  kind.  The  tax  on  land  sales  is  heavy, 
and  to  perfect  titles  is  costly. 

Large  ranches  are  not  without  their  value,  however,  by  promoting  more 
perfect  cultivation  with  improved  machinery,  by  introducing  new  ideas 
and  spreading  better  methods,  and  by  bringing  under  tillage  much  land 
otherwise  intractable.  The  value  of  example  is  recognized  in  the  efforts  of 
the  government  to  promote  immigration  of  farmers  from  abroad,  a  main  ob 
ject  being,  also,  by  this,  as  well  as  by  new  land  laws,  to  encourage  the 
growth  of  petty  peasantry,  as  a  part  of  a  much  needed  middle  class.  Not 
that  many  of  the  large  estates  confer  the  benefits  which  seem  alone  to  justify 
their  extent;  most  of  them  are  far  behind  what  even  a  negligent  American 
would  endure.  They  drift  with  the  current  of  improvident  indolence,  fos 
tered  by  an  indulging  soil,  yielding  readily  two  crops  a  year  with  slight 
labor,  and  returning  the  seed  a  hundredfold.  Much  of  the  neglect  is 
due  to  the  employment  for  farm  work  of  Indians,  who  are  permitted  to  follow 
their  more  primitive  methods  and  unambitious  ideas.  Tarahumaras  live  on 
maize  and  a  little  milk;  a  family  possessing  twenty  head  of  cattle  is  regarded 
a?  well  off.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bol,  ii.  45;  Tarayre,  Explor.,  269-71.  Yaquia 
and  Mayos  raise  so  little  produce  as  to  frequently  suffer,  despite  the  fertility 
of  their  soil.  They  subsist  greatly  on  fish  and  wild  fruit.  Velasco,  Son., 
71-9.  They  plant  seed  without  plowing.  Soc.  Mex.  Geoy.,  Bol.,  ep.  2,  ii. 
209-10.  Their  wages  as  laborers  between  1834-59  ranged  from  $4  to  $6 
monthly,  with  rations.  Stone,  in  Pap.  Var.,  cxii. 

Here,  as  elsewhere  in  the  republic,  maize  forms  the  staple  product,  Du- 
rango  leading  with  over  a  hundred  million  kilograms,  Chihuahua  and 
Sinaloa  following  close  behind,  and  Sonora  showing  somewhat  over  sixty  mil 
lions.  Wheat  is  comparatively  little  raised  in  proportion,  on  the  coast,  al 
though  that  of  Sonora  ranks  high  in  quality;  in  Durango  it  rises  to  one  tenth 
of  the  maize  figure,  and  in  Chihuahua  to  fully  40  per  cent.  Barley  is  in  small 
demand,  but  frizoles,  which  constitute  the  national  bean  dish,  hold  the  aver 
age  proportion  in  kilograms  to  the  maize  crop,  of  about  one  twenty-sixth, 
and  the  accompanying  chile  condiment,  which  replaces  meat  to  a  great  ex 
tent,  figures  at  the  usual  one  per  cent.  Rice  culture  is  creeping  into  favor, 
Sonora  and  Sinaloa  producing  each  about  600,000  kilograms,  and  Durango 
somewhat  over  half  that  amount.  Nearly  all  of  the  preceding  primary  arti 
cles  may  be  regarded  as  intended  solely  for  home  consumption,  and  the  hopes 
of  enterprising  men  and  prospective  colonists  are  turned  rather  to  semi-tropic 
products,  such  as  cotton,  sugar,  and  figs.  Cotton  appears  to  have  been 
known  to  some  of  the  northern  tribes  before  the  conqjoest,  >by  introduction. 


750  RESOURCES  AND  COMMERCE, 

from  central  Mexico,  and  the  culture  flourished  during  colonial  times  to  some 
extent.  Hardy  found  it  a  leading  industry  on  the  Nazas  in  1827.  Trav., 
485-6.  It  was  introduced  at  Hermosillo  in  1811,  but  failed.  In  1842  the 
culture  was  resumed,  supplying  Inigo's  mill  in  part,  and  efforts  were  made 
to  extend  the  cultivation  on  Rios  Yaqui  and  Mayo.  In  1843-4  it  nearly 
failed  at  both  places,  through  frost  and  disorders.  Mex.  Mem.  Ayric.,  1843, 
1845,  p.  12;  Velasco,  Son.,  61-3.  Chihuahua  in  1879  produced  566,600 
kilogs.,  and  Sinaloa  1,500,000,  while  Durango  yielded  2,928,000.  See  also 
Arch.  Comis.  Sden.,  i.  446-51;  Hall's  Son.,  MS.,  77-8;  Mex.  Scraps,  i.  147-8; 
Pap.  Var.,  xi.  15  et  seq.  Worms  have  proved  a  series  annoyance  in  Sinaloa. 
Later  it  received  a  decided  impulse,  and  while  Durango,  in  1886,  led  with 
about  three  million  kilograms,  the  sister  states  are  striving  to  rival  her. 
In  this  connection  dyes  were  beginning  to  obtain  attention,  when  mineral 
substances  came  to  discourage  the  effort,  as  they  have  done  in  the  southern 
indigo  and  cochineal  centres. 

Another  prominent  article,  sugar  cane,  is  steadily  increasing  in  favor 
among  planters,  Sinaloa  producing  over  three  million  kilograms,  and 
Sonora  following  close  behind.  Much  of  this  is  converted  into  brandy, 
partly  as  a  rival  of  mescal,  which  also  finds  its  producers.  Viniculture 
flourishes  in  the  central  part  of  Sonora,  and  Chihuahua  has  achieved  a  rep 
utation  for  its  wines.  Olives,  figs,  oranges  and  kindred  fruit  are  gaining 
attention,  and  also  coffee  and  silk.  Olive  groves  existed  early  in  San  Bar- 
tolome  valley  of  Chihuahua  and  in  the  peninsula,  planted  by  the  mission 
aries.  Exemptions  were  granted  in  the  third  decade  of  this  centurjr  to 
planters  of  coffee  and  cacao.  Pinart,  Die.  Son.,  ii.  19-20.  The  ranges  con 
tain  many  medicinal  plants  and  valuable  forests,  chiefly  of  cedar  and  oak. 
The  value  of  trees  is  becoming  more  impressed  upon  the  government,  and 
efforts  are  being  made  to  reclaim  some  of  the  arid  lands  to  the  north  west  by 
planting  groves.  Escudero,  Chili.  90-1,  Sonora,  describes  the  trees  to  be  found 
in  the  states.  In  the  estimate  of  products  from  the  soil  Chihuahua  leads 
with  $4,283,561,  followed  by  Durango  with  $3,873,526,  Sinaloa  $3,093,415, 
Sonora  $1,886,030,  Lower  California  $163,778,  lowest  of  all  Mexican  terri 
tories;  while  Chihuahua  stands  twelfth  in  the  list,  which  is  headed  by  Jalisco 
with  $20,862,066;  Vera  Cruz  and  Guanajuato  coming  next  with  $13,000,000; 
then  Puebla,  Mexico,  Michoacan,  and  Oajaca.  Busto,  Estadist. 

So  far  stock-raising  has  sustained  the  preeminence  apparently  assigned 
to -it  by  the  northern  soil  and  sanctioned  by  national  indolence.  Bell, 
New  Tracks,  385-7,  discourses  on  the  natural  advantages,  and  Bartlett,  Narr., 
ii.  439,  relates  that  a  settler  near  Casas  Grandes  river,  in  1785,  obtained  by 
1829  a  herd  of  40,000  out  of  four  cows  and  one  bull.  Previous  to  the  Indian 
outbreak  of  1832  there  was  nothing  to  disturb  the  peaceful  growth  of  herds 
and  flocks  to  the  very  frontier,  until  missions  and  private  individuals  counted 
their  possessions  by  the  thousands.  A  mission  on  the  Yaqui  had  over 
40,000  sheep  and  goats.  Pap.  Far.,  cxii.  At  Turnacacosi  4,000  cattle  were 
sold  in  1821  at  $3  per  head.  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,i.  no.  71.  The  ranches  round 
Babispe  had  60,000  or  80,000  head.  Velasco,  Son.,  103-4,  121.  Uniformity 
of  color  was  much  affected,  and  one  partido  sent  800  white  bulls  to  Mexico, 
Monteros,  Espos.  28;  and  Durango  sent  1,000  white  horses  from  one  estate. 
Kendall's  Santa  Fe-  Exped.,  ii.  111.  In  Amlef/in,  142-4,  allusion  is  made  to 
tamed  buffaloes  and  to  their  breeding  with  cattle.  Nacori  found  here  900 
horses  insufficient  for  complete  branding.  Id.,  in  Pap.  Var.,  cxl.  In  1827  at 
the  hacienda  de  Ensenillas  of  Chihuahua  47,000  sheep  lambed.  Hardy's  Trav. , 
473.  Conde  estimates  the  stock  of  this  state  in  1833  at  235,884  head  of 
cattle,  350,000  head  of  small  stock,  128,371  horses,  and  35,727  mules  and 
asses.  Soc.  Mex.  Geoa.,  Bol,  v.  285,  324.  Durango  district  claimed  upward 
of  200,000  mares  and  kine  previous  to  the  great  revolt  of  1616.  Hist.  Nuev. 
Vise.,  MS.,  6;  Doc.  Mex.,  ser.  iii.  12;  Mota,  Padilla,  318.  Velasco,  Son., 
73,  is  full  of  praise  for  the  * sabrosisimos  carneros.'  In  1826  Ward,  Mex., 
ii.  560,  ascribed  200,000  sheep  and  40,000  horses  and  mules  to  the  Tarca 
hacienda,  80,000  sheep  to  Ramos,  and  40,000  cattle  to  Guatimape.  The 


CATTLE  AND  MINES.  751 

sparsely  settled  peninsula  counted  in  1800,  7, 900  cattle,  4, 600  horses,  mules,  and 
asses,  and  17,000  small  stock.  Arrillaja,  Estad.,  in  Bandini,  Doc.  Cat.,  3. 
But  after  a  time  they  melted  away  in  all  exposed  districts,  under  constant 
raids  into  Sonora,  Chihuahua,  and  Durango,  and  even  adjacent  regions  suf 
fered  from  the  ever  pending  danger  and  discouragement.  This  evil  being 
now  happily  reduced,  the  industry  is  recovering  and  promises  to  assume 
vaster  proportions  than  ever.  Indeed,  rapid  settling  of  the  adjoining  border 
country  and  the  rapid  increase  of  communication,  fostered  especially  by 
railroads,  are  giving  a  great  impetus  to  tlie  frontier  states,  and  offering  in 
ducements  to  agriculturists  by  opening  markets  in  more  than  one  direction, 
and  for  a  wide  range  of  articles.  Intercourse  with  Americans  will  serve  to 
rouse  a  bright  and  attractive  population,  which  has  partly  by  lack  of  oppor 
tunity  sunk  into  non-progressive  apathy  and  improvidence,  content  with 
bare  sustenance  for  the  day.  Rich  rancheros  lived  in  bare  and  dilapitated 
houses,  although  dressing  in  semi-barbaric  glitter,  and  their  retainers  have 
been  content  with  mere  sheds.  See  admissions  in  Dice.  Univ.,  viii.  339. 
Indians  especially  lack  enterprise.  Soc.  Mex.  Geoy.,  Bol.,  ii.  45. 

G-old,  the  chief  incentive  for  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  continued  to  at 
tract  the  Spanish  adventurers,  especially  toward  the  north.  Intent  iipon 
this,  it  took  some  years  before  the  discovery  of  the  deposits  in  Zacatecas,  in 
1546-8,  changed  the  current  of  their  ideas  by  the  recognition  that  New  Spain 
was  essentially  a  silver  country.  Then  the  fever  started  anew,  and  onward 
passed  the  rush,  first  along  the  eastern  slopes  of  the  Sierra  Madre.  In  1852 
Durango  was  entered,  although  the  rumored  silver  mountain  here  proved 
to  be  iron,  and  was  left  to  the  appreciation  of  a  later  generation.  One 
precious  deposit  after  another  unfolded  before  the  advancing  explorers,  who 
reached  Chihuahua  a  decade  later  and  thence  continued  their  successful 
quest  into  the  Occidente  provinces.  Here  gold  cropped  out  in  such  a  way 
as  to  encourage  tli3  poorer  prospector,  and  to  cast  an  interest  over  the  region 
beyond,  from  which  they  were  debarred  by  aridity  and  savages.  The  Sierra 
Madre  became  more  clearly  marked  as  the  source  of  wealth,  and  in 
course  of  time  the  western  slopes  proved  to  contain  the  richest  mines  located  at 
from  3,000  to  8,003  feet  above  the  sea.  The  distribution  is  uneven,  in  pockets, 
bunches,  flat-veins,  a:id  chimneys,  depressions  formed  by  ravines,  scattered 
among  immense  bodies  of  low-grade  ores,  usually  in  one  principal  vein,  with 
perhaps  smaller  parallel  branches,  which  class  really  forms  the  most  valuable 
part  of  the  deposits,  so  far  but  little  touched.  They  are  usually  found  in 
primitive  and  transition  rocks,  as  slate  and  graywacke,  and  especially  por 
phyry  and  alpine  limestone,  the  latter  containing  most  of  the  early  and 
rich  mines.  The  main  low-grade  ore  is  below  60  ounces  to  the  ton,  and  con 
sists  for  the  first  300  feet  of  decomposed  colorados,  thence  below  the  'water 
line,'  or  other  disturbing  element,  they  run  into  sulphides,  the  neyros,  both 
treated  by  amalgamation;  then  follow  the  harder  liya  and  pyrites,  subjected 
to  smelting. 

While  rich  in  promise,  with  many  a  glowing  record,  yet  the  frontier 
region  stands  secondary  to  the  north-central  crescent  of  the  republic,  which 
passes  through  San  Luis  Potosi,  Guanajuato,  and  Zacatecas.  Owing  to  dis 
tance  from  ports  and  other  available  supply  stations,  and  increased  dangers, 
exploitation  was  conducted  with  even  less  thoroughness  than  usual  in  Mexico. 
The  proscription  of  Spaniards  added  to  the  adverse  influence  of  the  repub 
lican  strife;  many  mines  were  abandoned  for  lack  of  capital  and  enterprising 
men  after  the  rich  pockets  had  been  exhausted,  and  others  fell  into  the 
hands  of  gambusinos,  or  straggling  workers,  whose  shiftless  methods,  aim 
ing  chiefly  at  immediate  and  easy  returns,  caused  the  ruin  of  well  preserved 
mines.  The  protective  measures  of  colonial  days  received  little  attention, 
partly  from  the  overthrow  of  Spanish  regulations  and  authorities  in  such 
matters.  The  destruction  of  walls  and  pillars  used  to  be  severely  punished, 
and  reasons  for  abandonment  had  to  be  given,  together  with  plans  for  the 
workings.  For  complaints  and  suggestions,  see  Doc.  Mex..ser.  3,  iv.  658-60,-f 
Pinart,  Coll.,  nos.  669-76;  N.  Mex.  CeduUus,  MS.,  265-8.  Hardy,  Trav.. 


752  RESOURCES  AND  COMMERCE. 

427-34,  speaks  of  placers  worked  by  the  rudest  of  tools,  mere  sticks;  and 
Combier,  Voy.,  213-14,  describes  the  manner  of  crushing  quartz,  with  boulders 
drawn  by  animals,  and  the  amalgamation  process.  Details  are  otherwise 
given  in  the  mining  chapters  of  Hist.  Mex,,  iii.-vi.,  this  series.  Surreptitious 
working  of  closed  mines  by  gambusinos  also  had  ruinous  effects  in  cavings, 
etc.  In  rich  mines  the  stealings  by  operatives  were  enormous.  As  Hall  in 
stances,  Son.,  MS.,  50,  91,  190-1.  The  hostility  of  the  Apaches  obliged  the 
evacuation  of  entire  districts  even  far  from  the  frontier,  especially  in  ISonora. 
Among  the  remedies  presented  to  revive  the  flagging  industry  was  exemp 
tion  from  taxes.  Foreigners  began  to  pour  in  after  the  independence,  and 
although  at  first  meeting  with  poor  success  from  lack  of  prudence  and  ex 
perience,  superior  machinery  and  scientific  methods  prevailed,  until  a  large 
number  of  rich  deposits  fell  into  their  hands.  They  developed  compara 
tively  few  new  mines,  preferring  to  reopen  the  many  abandoned  mines,  which 
as  a  rule  have  been  worked  only  near  the  surface  and  in  patches.  With 
their  effective  machinery  and  expedients,  the  lack  or  excess  of  water,  trans 
portation,  and  other  early  obstacles  are  readily  overcome,  and  the  masses  of 
ignored  low-grade  ore,  and  even  tailings,  yield  fortunes.  The  result  has 
been  a  gratifying  emulation  among  Mexicans,  participated  in  also  by  poor 
men,  who  receive  advances  from  capitalists,  the  latter  stipulating  for  the 
purchase  of  their  ore  at,  say,  16  per  cent  below  mint  rates,  which  again 
were  some  20  per  cent  below  real  value,  according  to  Froebel,  Cent.  Am.,  ii. 
257-8.  Formerly  bancos  de  plata  afforded  similar  aid  to  miners  generally. 
Lassaya,  15-19.  A  stimulant  exists  also  in  a  law  which  permits  a  speculator 
to  take  the  working  of  a  mine  from  incompetent  men  by  paying  them  a  rent 
equivalent  to  their  average  extraction.  Froebel,  ii.  231-2.  For  mining  laws, 
surpervising  boards,  mining  college,  etc.,  I  refer  to  Hist.  Mex:,  iii.-vi.,  this 
series. 

The  development  of  the  frontier  region  under  colonial  regime,  since  the 
discovery  of  Santa  Barbara  lodes  in  about  1563,  has  been  noticed  in  the  pre 
ceding  volume,  and  it  is  here  necessary  only  to  introduce  its  most  striking 
features  in  connection  with  a  general  account  of  each  state. 

No  very  reliable  data  can  be  obtained  for  the  total  periodic  or  relative 
production  of  the  different  sections,  owing  to  the  secrecy  observed  by  own 
ers,  especially  foreigners,  for  obvious  reasons,  and  to  the  neglect  of  officials 
to  collect  information.  This  applies  especially  to  the  distant  frontier,  with 
its  many  facilities  for  escaping  supervision.  The  statistics  of  mints,  of 
which  Sonora  possesses  two  and  the  other  three  states  one  each,  afford  the 
most  acceptable  figures,  and  according  to  these,  for  the  fiscal  year  ending 
June  1879,  Sonora  headed  the  four  states  concerned  with  a  total  of  32,917 
kilograms  worth  $1,287,352;  Durango  follows  with  28,535  kilograms 
worth  $1,115,964,  then  Chihuahua  with  27,926  kilograms  worth  $1,092,- 
157;  and  last,  Sinaloa  with  11,705  kilograms  worth  $457,771.  The  process 
of  reduction  in  three  of  the  states  is  divided  between  amalgamation  and 
smelting,  the  latter  preponderating,  while  in  Sonora  lixiviation  predominates. 
The  four  states  stand  credited  also  with  a  gold  yield  of  $24,867,  $20,552, 
$46,443,  and  $12,256,  respectively,  which  places  Chihuahua  first  here,  but 
fourth  in  the  order  of  the  Mexican  states  generally.  In  silver  production 
Sonora,  as  the  first,  stands  sixth  in  the  republic,  with  little  more  than  one- 
fourth  the  yield  of  Zacatecas;  the  sister  states  follow,  while  Mexico  and 
and  Michoacan  succeed  Sinaloa.  The  geologic  formation  of  Chihuahua  is 
cretaceous  fossiliferous  limestone,  resting  on  primary  strata,  which  presents 
three  classes  of  mines:  in  transition  porphyry,  with  feldspath  base  and 
quartz  matrix,  as  at  Parral,  Jesus  Maria,  Guadalupe  y  Calvo,  and  Cuisihuir- 
iachic;  in  alpine  limestone,  with  large  formations  of  lead  ores,  as  at  Santa 
Eulalia  and  Urique;  and  those  with  native  silver  beneath  a  sulphide  belt, 
covered  by  chlorides,  bromides,  and  embolite,  as  at  Batopilas,  Morelos, 
Cueros,  and  Tubores.  The  state  has  revealed  fully  100  distinct  minerales  or 
districts,  all  with  silver,  sometimes  in  immense  lumps,  while  gold  has  been 
successfully  sought  in  several,  even  recently  in  placers.  One  at  Chorreas, 


MINES  AND  MINING.  753 

45  leagues  N.  E.  of  Chihuahua,  yielded  half  a  million  between  1867-70;  an 
other  at  Guadalupe  in  1869  gave  $20,000  monthly  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bol,  ep. 
2,  ii.,  719-20.  Later  discoveries  noticed  in  Mex.  Diar.  Ofic.,  Jan.  23,  1871; 
Monitor,  and  others.  Gold  is  found  in  ten  of  the  cantones. 

The  first  mines  discovered  in  the  state  lie  in  the  same  canton  as  Parral, 
which  is  famed  for  the  regular  yield  of  its  easily  reduced  though  low-grade 
ore.  It  still  holds  the  second  rank,  and  exhibits  about  400  locations,  from 
which  $60,000,000  are  said  to  have  been  obtained.  The  vein  is  among  the 
widest,  and  so  far  not  worked  below  300  feet.  The  leading  mines  are  the  Veta 
Grande,  34  metres  wide,  yielding  4-8  marcos  per  12  arrobas,  and  the  Jesus 
Maria,  whose  ore  sells  at  $35  to  $60  per  ton.  The  district  was  discovered 
in  1600  by  a  fugitive  miner,  and  rose  rapidly,  being  the  seat  of  the  territo 
rial  deputation  till  the  transfer  to  Chihuahua  in  the  18th  century.  Ramirez, 
RiquezaMin.,  389-90;  Esendero,  Chih.,  137r42;  Alegre,  ii.,  190.  So  far  five- 
sixths  of  the  ore  is  treated  by  amalgamation.  This  district  was  eclipsed  by 
the  development  in  1703  of  the  Santa  Eulalia,  which  gave  importance  to  Chi 
huahua  city.  The  ore  here  occurs  in  enormous  irregular  bodies,  some  large 
enough  to  hold  a  cathedral,  and  with  an  average  yield  of  6  or  8  ounces  per 
carga,  up  to  32  ounces.  The  total  out-turn  so  far  is  estimated  at  fully 
$120,000,000,  according  to  the  figures  of  Ramirez,  supported  by  Conde 
and  Wizlizenus,  Tour.,  57;  yet  Dahlgren  gives  the  production  by  1844  alone 
at  over  $360,000,000,  or  $2,646,000  a  year  since  1704,  the  average  value  of 
the  ore  being  placed  at  from  $26  to  $103  per  ton.  The  lack  of  water  has: 
offset  the  ease  with  which  the  ore  can  be  treated.  The  richest  mines  were- 
El  Caballo,  San  Matias,  La  Virja,  Dolores,  and  San  Jose.  The  discovery 
was  made  by  fugitive  malefactors,  whose  camp-fire  revealed  the  outcropping, 
when  they  sued  successfully  for  pardon.  Such  is  a  popular  version.  Arle- 
gin,  Chron.,  99,  ascribes  the  discovery  to  the  Franciscans,  to  whom  the 
Juliemes  disclosed  the  deposit.  From  a  tax  of  one  real  per  marco  on  the 
yield  of  one  bonanza  alone,  as  Ward  puts  it,  the  cathedral  of  Chihuahua 
was  built,  besides  another  structure,  etc.  Froebel,  Cent.  Am.,  359,  esti 
mates  the  bonanza  at  14,500,000  marcos.  According  to  the  Informe  Disput 
Territ.  of  1825  the  district  had  '63  haciendas  grounds,  188  hornos  de  fundi- 
cion  (smelting  furnaces),  112  cendradas,'and  a  mass  of  amalgamation  works. 
Mota  Padilla,  Hist.,  316,  Soc.  Mex.  Oeog.,  Bol,  v.,  281,  et  seq.;  Pap.  Var., 
cxli.  pt  5,  refer  to  early  condition.  It  declined  with  the  opening  of  the  cen 
tury,  and  in  1825  came  an  appeal  for  aid.  Santa  Eulalia,  Mines,  5-11;  Ob- 
serv.  Rep.  Mex.,  iii.,  174-80.  Of  late  it  has  shared  in  the  revival  produced 
by  foreign  enterprise.  The  richest  ore,  however,  has  been  that  of  San  Pedro 
Batopilas,  remarkable  for  the  calc-spar  matrix  veins  carrying  native  silver 
which  yielded  as  much  as  $20,000  per  ton,  with  a  total  production  of,  say, 
$100,000,000.  Ramirez  puts  it  at  only  $60,000,000,  but  he  belies  himself, 
while  some  accounts  raise  it  to  $300,000.000.  '  Las  mas  ricas  que  se  ban 
labrado  en  el  Regno,'  says  Gamboa  in  his  Comentarios.  The  belt  is  4  miles 
by  f ,  and  extends  along  the  western  slope  of  the  Sierra  Madre.  The  veins 
are  narrow  and  hard,  and  but  little  exploitation  is  required.  The  richest  mines 
were  Pastrena,  the  deepest  somewhat  over  120  metres,  which  is  supposed  to 
have  yielded  $48,000,000  between  1730-50;  San  Antonio,  $10-16,000,000; 
Carmen,  $25-30,000,000;  Los  Tajos,  $20,000,000.  Since  the  independence 
Ramirez  allows  only  $6,000,000,  but  the  revival  experienced  since  1849,  and 
especially  of  late  by  Americans,  indicates  more.  Of  the  1,400  or  more 
mines,  72  have  been  noted  for  their  yield.  Riqueza  Min. ,  386-7.  Most  of  the 
mining  records  of  the  state  allude  more  or  less  to  the  district.  Next  in  or 
der  to  these  three  leading  and  representative  districts  follows  Jesus  Maria, 
the  proper  opening  of  which  in  1821  gave  a  perceptible  impulse  generally  to 
mining  affairs  in  the  state.  The  yield  of  its  principal  mine  was  $35, 000, 000. 
Cuishuiriachic  has  probably  equalled  the  preceding  district  in  production. 
Morelos  is  a  new  district  of  high  rank,  but  less  known  than  Guadalupe  y 
Calvo,  which  opened  only  in  1835  has  nevertheless  approached  some  of  the 
heaviest  totals  in  its  yield,  largely  gold.  The  old  region  of  JJrique  contains 
HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.  48 


754  RESOURCES  AND  COMMERCE. 

rich  ore,  mostly  requiring  smelting.  The  districts  of  Uruachic,  Corralitos, 
Zapuri,  Topago,  Uruapa,  and  others,  some  in  activity,  others  practically 
abandoned,  are  waiting  like  several  of  the  revived  mines  for  the  capital  and 
skill  that  shall,  with  deeper  and  more  thorough  exploitation,  unfold  their 
treasures.  Busto,  Estaditt.,  ii.,  57-60,  of  1880,  recognizes  only  21  mines  as 
in  operation  in  the  12  active  districts,  with  a  yield  for  the  year  1878-79  of 
146,818  marcos  silver  and  7  marcos  gold,  according  to  mint  coinage;  yet  he 
admits  the  unsatisfactory  nature  of  the  reports.  Americans  own  large  in 
terests  in  Batopilas,  Pinos  Altos,  and  Guadalupe,  the  latter  bought  from 
Englishmen,  who  still  hold  claims  at  Pinos  Altos. 

Sonora  is  generally  regarded  as  among  the  richest  of  Mexican  states,  yet 
greatly  neglected,  owing  to  lack  of  water,  capital,  and  security,  and  to  an 
irregular  geologic  formation  that  has  led  to  many  disappointments,  especially 
to  foreign  firms.  Poorer  men,  adapting  themselves  to  changing  circum 
stances,  succeed  better.  They  have  been  favored  also  by  the  greater  propor 
tion  of  gold  here  presented,  notably  in  the  many  placers  of  the  northern 
parts,  discovered  at  different  times  and  places  in  course  of  the  last  hundred 
years,  and  sustained  in  interest  by  such  remarkable  yields  as  that  of  the 
early  Cieneguilla,  estimated  as  high  as  $100,000,  and  by  the  mystery  shroud 
ing  the  arid  border  region  and  the  forbidden  haunts  of  the  Apaches,  guarded 
by  gold  and  silver  bullets.  The  report  of  rich  finds  in  Arizona  in  1769, 
with  silver  lumps  of  20,  and  even  140,  arrobas  in  weight.  Apostol  Afanes, 
lib.  ii.,  cap.  ii.  232-7.  Some  of  the  lumps  were  presented  to  the  king,  who 
declared  the  mines  crown  property,  and  so  stopped  further  search.  Velasco, 
Son.,  190-2.  One  mass  weighed  3,500  pounds.  Stone,  25-6,  in  Pap.  Far., 
cxii.  The  subsequent  silver  placer  of  this  name  was  in  1855  declared  gov 
ernment  property.  Navarro,  Lcyes,  321-2.  Big  lumps  were  again  reported. 
Corres.  E*p.,  May  30,  1855.  The  San  Ildefonso  de  la  Cieueguilla  placers  were 
discovered  about  1769  during  a  pursuit  of  marauding  Seris,  and  reveale.d 
pure  grains  and  nuggets,  some  from.  1  to  27  marcos  in  weight,  much  upon 
the  surface.  At  San  Francisco,  near  by,  opened  in  1803,  pieces  of  28  marcos 
were  found.  They  continued  to  be  worked  for  several  decades  in  the  present 
century,  yielding  $45,000,000  annually  for  many  years.  Velasco,  Son.,  194- 
203.  Busto,  ii.  328,  quotes  an  account  which  estimates  the  total  yield  at 
over  $100, 000, 000.  Alcedo,  iv.  575;  Arce,  ZKario,  of  1776,  228-9.  Pinart,  Doc. 
Sm.,  MS.,  i.,  no.  19,  reports  the  condition  in  1800  as  poor,  yet  Diar.  Mex., 
1810,  xiii.  71-2,  speaks  of  untold  prospects.  In  1837  the  Quitovac  placers 
were  disclosed,  with  nuggets  up  to  30  marcos,  but  less  extensive.  Soc.  Mex. 
Geoff.  t  Bol,  xi.  63-5. 

Twenty-one  placers  have  so  far  been  recognized,  one  being  of  silver. 
Gold  exists  in  all  the  mining  districts,  of  which  only  a  few  are  now  classed 
as  active.  Reports  from  the  seven  leading  groups  show  that  75  firms,  with 
a  capital  of  $10,000,000,  are  operating  somewhat  over  200  mines  and  three 
dozen  reduction  works,  yielding  fully  $1,200,000  annually.  In  the  famous 
Alamos  district  are  immense  deposits  of  ore  at  from  20  to  50  ounces,  while 
the  higher  grade  yields  from  $250  to  $500  per  ton.  Elsewhere,  as  at  Babi- 
canora,  two  mines  alone  are  said  to  have  yielded  over  $50,000,000  within  a 
few  years,  so  that  the  prospects  are  most  encouraging.  According  to  Rami 
rez'  reports  of  1884,  Alamos  district  has  13  mining  firms,  with  a  capital  of 
$1,365,000,  operating  15  mines,  of  which  7  are  yielding  an  average  of  $345,- 
000  a  year  from  as  many  reduction  works,  with  730  workmen.  Moctezuma, 

8  firms,  capital  $167,500,   17  mines  and  1  work,  yielding  $92,700,  140  men. 
Sahuaripa,   25  firms,   capital   $4,295,000,   34  mines,  of  which  only  4  yield 
$254,000,  5  works,  and  434  men.     Guaymas,  12  firms,  $108,500  capital,  33 
mines,  including  copper,  of  which  one  only  yields  $4,000,  174  men.     Arizpe, 
7  firms,  $1,868,600  capital,  52  mines,  including  copper,  yielding  $300,000,  5 
works,   and  500  men.     Magdalena,  7  firms,  $415,000  capital,  19  mines,  of 
which   only  one  yields  $16,800,  5  works,  and  225  men      Altar,  17  firms, 
$1,547,000  capital,  45  mines,  including  antimony,  whereof  7  yield  $182,400, 

9  works,  and  165  men.     Busto  assumes  for  1879  only  11  works  of  any  impor- 


MINES  AND   MINING.  755 

tance,  in  16  active  districts  out  of  34.  Dahlgren  raises  the  production  of  the 
famous  Alamos  group  to  $500,000.  The  rich  deposits  occur  in  big  bunches, 
sometimes  50  feet  wide,  the  first  class,  of  copper  glance  with  silver  sulphide, 
yielding  25  to  50  per  cent  copper  and  $250  to  $500  silver  per  ton;  the  second 
class  is  smelting  ore,  the  third  class  brings  50  ounces  with  milling,  and  the 
fourth  class,  with  immense  reserves,  20  to  25  ounces.  The  Quintera  mine  is 
800  feet  deep.  In  1870  the  active  mines  were  estimated  at  144,  and  the 
abondoned  at  583.  Twenty  years  earlier  the  yield  of  the  leading  districts 
was  placed  between  100,000  and  120,000  marcos  of  silver.  Montevcrde,  in 
Dice.  Univ.,  iii.  413  et  seq. 

In  Sinaloa  the  lodes  consist  greatly  of  quartz  matrix  marked  by  oxide  of 
iron,  and  holding  minute  particles  and  threads  of  gold.  The  principal  de 
posits,  the  argentine,  which  reveals  also  native  silver,  is  here  largely  connected 
with  lead,  and  to  some  extent  with  copper.  The  average  yield  is  estimated 
at  one  marco  per  carga  of  12  arrobas,  or  an  annual  production  of  11,705  kilo 
grams  of  silver.  The  mineral  wealth  is  widely  distributed,  and  each  of  the 
nine  political  divisions  contains  a  number  of  mining  districts,  of  which  Cosala 
is  the  largest,  and  Rosario  among  the  richest.  The  mines  are  placed  at  more 
than  400,  including  copper,  with  over  50  reduction  works  and  39  steam  en 
gines.  Ramirez  estimated  the  circulating  capital  at  $2,500,000  and  the  men 
employed  at  5,300.  Garcia  Cubas  assumes  445  mines  at  an  earlier  period. 

The  most  important  mine  in  Cosala  district,  Guadalupe  de  los  Reyes,  has 
since  1800  produced  $85,000,000,  it  is  said,  the  ore  still  averaging  $100  per 
ton.  The  second  best  mine  is  El  Tajo  of  Rosario,  with  even  better  average 
ore  at  present,  and  in  bonanza.  It  supports  a  population  of  6,000,  according 
to  Hamilton.  Border  States,  118.  Dahlgren  places  its  production  at  $12,000,- 
000,  while  according  $90,000,000  to  Rosario.  The  district  was  discovered  in 
1655  by  a  peasant,  who  here  broke  his  rosary,  whence  the  name.  The  ad 
joining  Plomosas  district  has  ore  valued  at  12  ounces  per  carga.  The  ore  of 
Jocuistila,  in  San  Ignacio,  is  very  rebellious,  yet  the  yield  is  placed  at 
$50-60,000  per  month.  Americans  are  largely  interested  in  different  dis 
tricts,  and  although  meeting  with  obstacles,  are  paving  their  way  with  enter 
prising  zeal,  as  Vega,  Doc. ,  i.  260-4,  has  already  pointed  out.  The  revival  of 
Cosala  is  due  to  them.  Gold  placers  are  found  even  to-day,  notably  in  the 
rugged  Fuerte  region. 

Among  the  principal  of  the  35  mining  districts  in  Durango  is  San  Dimas, 
to  which  a  production  of  over  $100,000,000  is  attributed.  The  Candelaria 
mine,  which  early  in  this  century  yielded  $250,000  per  month,  still  averages 
from  $70  to  $140  to  the  ton  from  argentite,  stephanite  ore,  with  galena  and 
iron  and  copper  pyrites  and  native  gold.  The  Bolauos  mine,  at  the  rear  of 
the  mountain,  produces  an  average  of  $140  to  the  ton.  Coneto  has  remark 
ably  rich  ore  in  veins  of  three  feet,  with  much  tin.  The  rebellious  ores  of 
Inde  and  Guanacroi  average  from  $125  to  $300  per  ton.  Del  Oro  has  been 
remarkable  for  its  gold  placers,  and  yielded  at  one  period  $1,000,000  an 
nually.  Not  far  eastward  of  Inde  are  the  shallow  deposits  of  Los  Fresnos, 
and  the  net-like  veins  of  Yerba  Buena.  The  district  of  Gabilanes  produced 
$300,000  annually  during  the  early  part  of  the  century.  Cuencame  abounds 
in  low-grade  ore.  South  of  Durango  are  eight  groups  marked  by  chlorides 
and  bromides,  which  cover  argentiferous  galena.  Mapimi,  Norias,  Panuco, 
and  San  Lticas  figure  as  noteworthy  districts.  In  1831  the  yield  for  the 
state  was  reported  at  78,693  marcos.  Escuclero  enumerates  80  mines  in  1848. 
Americans  are  gaining  a  decided  footing. 

In  Lower  California  the  mining  wealth  is  small  in  comparison  with  the 
sister  regions,  yet  each  of  its  eight  municipalities  contains  one  or  more  gold 
and  silver  mines,  the  former  metal  assuming  greater  proportion  in  the  north, 
where  even  now  such  placers  as  Japa,  San  Rafael,  and  Calamahi,  are  attract 
ing  attention.  The  richest  district  is  in  the  south,  the  San  Antonia,  with 
over  40  silver  and  a  score  of  gold  mines,  including  three  placers.  Next 
come  Santiago  and  La  Paz,  with  11  and  10  mines,  respectively,  of  which  six  are 
gold.  The  first  named  includes  the  Triunfo  minas,  the  foremost  in  the  territory. 


756  RESOURCES  AND  COMMERCE. 

The  average  yield  is  from  3  to  12  ounces  of  silver  per  carga,  with  gold  ad 
mixture.  The  Virgenes  and  Cocachilas  deposits  are  richer  in  quality,  but 
with  narrower  veins,  yielding  from  85  marcos  per  carga,  downward.  The 
formation  is  granitic.  There  are  three  principal  veins,  while  the  other  re 
veals  six,  with  many  intermediate  streaks.  The  districts  of  Mulege  and 
Comondii  have  each  two  gold  and  three  silver  mines,  Todos  Santos  and  Santo 
Tomas  one  gold  mine  apiece,  and  San  Jose  one  silver  mine.  Ramirez  speaks 
promisingly  of  San  Jose  island,  of  the  region  between  Valle  Perdido  and  Cer- 
ralvo  island,  Cerro  del  Gigaiite  near  Loreto,  and  from  Carmen  island  to  Es- 
piritu  Santo.  The  first  silver  mine  was  opened  about  1750,  and  worked  for 

fovernment  account,  Cal.  Prov.  Rec.,  i.  151-2,  at  Santa  Ana,  and  from  it 
408  marcos  were  shipped  in  1770.  Heavy  taxes  and  bubble  schemes  have 
counteracted  the  revival  promised  by  the  large  influx  of  American  miners. 
Leading  authorities  on  gold  and  silver  mining  in  the  north  are  the  reports  in 
Mex.  Mem.  Fom.,  1884  and  earlier  dates;  Id.,  Hoc.,  id.;  Bmto,  Estadist.,  ii- 
iii. ;  U.  8.  Com.  Rel.,  for  different  years;  the  special  mining  histories  of 
Dahlgren,  Historic  Mines  of  Mexico,  and  Ramirez,  Riqueza  Mineral  de  Mexico, 
both  incomplete  in  range  and  detail,  and  imperfect  in  method  and  data,  yet 
of  undeniable  value.  A  mass  of  information  is  also  presented  in  Pinart, 
Cat.,  Id.,  Doc.  Son.,  Mex.  Scraps.,  i-ii.  Tarayre,  Explor.  Min.,  Soc.  Mex. 
Geog.,  v-vi.,  viii-xi.,  ep.  2,  i.,  iii. ;  Pap.  Far.,  different  numbers;  Esende.ro, 
Chili,;  Id.,  Dur.;  Id.,  Son.  y  Sin.;  Velasco,  Son.,  Hardy's  Trav.;  Ward's  Mex., 
i.,  ii. ;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.  The  main  object  of  Jacob  P.  Leese,  Historical 
Outline  of  Lower  California,  New  York,  1 865.  8vo. ,  pp.  46,  was  to  lay  before 
the  world  the  organization  of  the  Mexican  Mining  and  Colonization  Co.  of 
New  York,  under  grants  to  the  author  and  his  associates  by  the  Mexican 
government  of  46,800  square  miles  of  land  between  24°  20"  and  31°  for  col 
onization  and  industrial  purposes.  A  few  paees  are  devoted  to  the  early 
history  of  Lower  California,  and  a  brief  account  of  the  missions.  The 
rest  of  the  publication  is  taken  up  with  a  description  of  the  mineral  resour 
ces  of  that  country,  of  the  pearl  fisheries,  and  of  the  capabilities  of  Lower 
California  generally. 

The  frontier  states  are  rich  also  in  baser  metals  and  minerals.  Copper 
abounds  in  nearly  all  of  them,  and  has  been  worked  in  different  places,  but 
with  little  application,  as  in  Sonora,  in  Chihuahua,  with  her  famed  Copper 
Mountain,  and  in  Lower  California,  where  a  number  of  mines  are  worked. 

Iron  has  been  found  in  several  places  in  Sonora  and  Chihuahua,  and 
close  to  Durango  city  lies  that  curious  deposit  known  as  the  Cerro  del  Mer- 
cado,  after  its  discoverer.  This  reported  silver  mountain,  which  first  at 
tracted  the  Spaniards  to  this  region,  proved  to  be  a  mass  of  iron  a  mile  in 
length  by  nearly  half  a  mile  in  width,  and  686  feet  high,  calculated  to  con 
tain  460,000,000  tons,  the  specific  weight  being  4.658,  and  assaying  from  70 
to  75  per  cent,  of  pure  iron.  Attempts  to  work  it,  since  1828,  have  only  of 
late  begun  to  give  promising  results. 

Lead  exists  in  most  of  the  states,  and  that  from  a  mine  in  the  center  of 
the  Santa  Eulalia  silver  district  of  Chihuahua  is  used  to  assist  the  smelting 
process. 

Tin  has  been  noticed  in  Sonora,  and  Durango  contains  several  immense 
fields,  worked  to  some  extent  in  the  preceding  century,  and  lately  promis 
ing  to  revive. 

Nickel  has  been  discovered  at  San  Rafael,  Lower  California,  and  anti 
mony  in  Sonora. 

Quicksilver  has  long  been  sought  for  to  promote  the  reduction  of  precious 
metals,  and  indications  have  been  found,  but  not  sufficiently  satisfactory. 
In  Lower  Calif ornia  are  three;  in  Sonora  two,  from  one  of  which  a  number  of 
flasks  were  obtained.  Los  Union,  Dec.  16,  1860;  Dos.  Repub.  July  6,  1878. 
Chihuahua  has  it  in  two  cantons  and  Durango  in  boneto,  where  it  extends 
for  two  leagues,  assaying  60-70  per  cent. ,  the  result  of  special  exploration 
urged  in  1844.  Mex.  Espos.  Tom..,  1845.  53-4;  Pap.  Var.  xi.,  pt.  iv.,  53^. 
This  is  perhaps  the  most  promising  deposit.  Later  the  search  for  coal 


METALS  AND  MINERALS. 

excited  most  interest,  in  connection  with  railroad  building.  TheTvalue 
the  indications  along  the  Rio  Grande  is  not  yet  certain.  That  at  Topia  in 
Duraudo  is  satisfactory;  and  equal  assurance  is  made  for  a  deposit  75  miles 
east  of  Mazatlan,  but  they  are  not  likely  to  be  worked  for  a  long  time.  In 
Sonora,  however,  there  are  some  fine  fields,  especially  in  Surramas  on  Rio 
Yaquin,  not  far  from  Ures.  It  is  said  to  be  36  square  kilom.  in  superficies. 
-Cost  of  transportation  is  the  chief  obstacle.  Ramerez,  192,  577;  Hamilton  s 
Border  States,  98-101;  Hex.  Scraps.,  i.,  281,  ii.,  18.  Baruche,  Brouces,  and 
San  Marcial  contain  large  fields.  Chihuahua  claims  deposits  for  four  can 
tons,  and  the  peninsula  has  one  at  least. 

Graphite  has  been  found  in  Lower  California,  at  San  Javier,  and  from 
San  Marcial,  in  Sonora  shipments  have  been  made  to  Germany  and  New 
York  without  obtaining  remunerative  results.  The  peninsula  has  also  indi 
cations  of  asphaltum,  oil  and  petroleum,  the  latter  likewise  in  Durango,  at 
Sierra  de  Gamon.  Sulphur  exists  in  both  regions:  in  Durango  at  Mepimi, 
whence  shipments  were  made  to  the  mint  at  Mexico  in  early  days,  and  in 
Lower  California  at  the  Virgenes  volcano,  which  has  of  late  years  been 
worked. 

Saltpeter  has  been  found  in  Sonora  and  Lower  California.  Salt  abounds 
in  the  coast  regions,  and  in  Chihuahua  deposits  have  been  worked  at  Santa 
Eduvige.  Sinaloa  claim?  nine  fields  and  Sonora  several,  from  which  even 
the  colonial  treasury  received  revenue.  Those  of  the  peninsula  are 
more  important,  however,  notably  Carmen  island,  off  Loreto,  and  at  San 
Quentin,  from  which  a  number  of  cargoes  are  shipped  annually,  from 
Carmen  during  colonial  times.  Gal.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xvi.  3.,  xviii. 
4.  By  1856-7  the  export  had  risen  to  over  1,100  tons,  on  which  the  gov 
ernment  exacted  $4  per  ton.  Assepos  Baja  Cal.,  58-60.  Guillemin  reduces 
the  export,  and  adds  that  a  field  at  San  Gonzalo  point  was  opening.  Arcli. 
de  Comis.  Scien.,  ii.  417.  San  Quentin  has  since  early  days  proved  more 
remunerative  than  the  boasted  copper  mines  near  by.  In  1855-56  the  yield 
was  $8,085  and  $4,633.  For  other  fields  see  Taylors  L.  Cal,,  110,  123-31; 
Hayes1  Doc.  L.  Cal.,  63-5;  Ramirez,  291-3,  575,  580-1. 

There  are  also  d«posits  of  guano,  alum,  gypsum,  lime,  marble  and  even 
precious  stones,  such  as  the  ruby,  beryl,  topaz,  garnet,  the  latter,  however, 
insufficient  to  prove  an  allurement. 

Pearls  exist,  however,  and  have  until  late  years  been  the  chief  attraction 
of  Lower  California.  Although  discovered  in  the  days  of  Cutic  it  was  not 
until  the  opening  of  the  17th  century  that  they  became  an  object  of  special 
search .  The  private  expeditions  found  record  through  the  fame  of  their  suc 
cess.  Soon  after  the  missionaries  entered,  and  regarding  the  promiscuous 
contact  with  adventurers  demoralizing  to  the  Indians  they  secured  restric 
tion,  under  which  fishing  could  be  followed  only  by  licensed  parties. 

Among  the  most  fortunate  of  early  adventurers  are  mentioned  Castillo,  of 
Chiametla,  Ortego,  and  Carboiiel.  The  first  systematic  workers  of  the  beds 
were  Cordova  and  Iturbe,  1615.  Clavigero  Storia  Cal.,  i.,  161;  Pacheco,  CaL 
Doc.,  ix.,  21-2,  33-4;  Venegas,  Not.,  x.,  204-5.  Subsequently  a  soldier  named 
Osio  created  great  stir  bv  his  success.  In  1743  he  obtained  127  pounds  of 
pearls,  and  in  the  following  year  275,  chiefly  above  Mulege.  It  is  said  that 
he  filled  cellars  with  oysters  cast  up  by  the  waves,  and  after  letting  them 
rot  the  pearls  were  gathered.  EstivainSoc.  Mex.  Geog.,  BoL,  x.,  673-97,  adds 
that  he  presented  the  queen  with  a  necklace  of  alternate  round  and  pear- 
shaped  pearls.  About  this  time  the  royal  fifth  is  said  to  have  been  rented 
for  $12,000  a  year.  Alvarado  Hist.  Cal,  i..  10.  Boegert,  Nachrichten,  330, 
doubts  this.  Toward  the  close  of  the  last  century  the  fifth  was  placed  at 
2  Ibs.  3ozs.,  fr.  1792-96;  other  accounts  reduced  this  to  3  Ibs.  9  ozs.  fr. 
1788-97;  an  amount  assigned  by  some  to  1797  alone.  Arch.  Cal  Prov.  St.  P. 
xvi.  123,  119;  Ben.  Mil.,  xvii.,  4-5,  28;  xvi.,  4-5;  xviii.,  5. 

This  system  continued  till  republican  times,  when  with  lessened  super 
vision  the  influx  and  irregularities  threatened  to  exhaust  the  beds.  By  de- 


758 


RESOURCES   AND  COMMERCE 


cree  of  1857  regulations  were  accordingly  issued  for  protecting  them,  such  as 
dividing  them  into  four  sections,  of  which  only  one  could  be  worked  annually, 
in  lots  rented  for  the  season  to  the  highest  bidders.  The  first  sections  ex 
tended  from  Cabo  Palmo  to  San  Lorenzo  channel,  the  second  embraced  La 
Paz  bay  and  the  islands  of  San  Jose  and  Espiritu  Santo,  the  third  covered 
the  space  from  the  north  end  of  La  Paz  bay  to  Coronados  island,  the  fourth 
from  San  Marcos  island  to  San  Bruno  bay,  beyond  Mulege.  Details  and 
rules,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  BoL,  x.  681-4.  Observance  has  as  usual  been 
neglected,  but  stricter  supervision  begins  to  prevail. 

Expeditions  have  till  late  years  been  fitted  out  at  Guaymas,  each  vessel, 
of  from  15  to  30  tons  burden,  carrying  from  30  to  50  divers,  usually  Yaqui 
Indians,  in  charge  of  an  armador.  They  are,  as  a  rule,  paid  a  certain  share 
of  the  catch,  and  frequently  kept  in  debt-bondage  by  means  of  advances  and 
supplies.  The  regular  season  lasts  from  July  to  September.  As  soon  as  the 
vessel  had  been  brought  to  anchor  over  an  oyster-bed,  the  divers  began  their 
work,  which  they  kept  up  for  two  hours  in  the  forenoon  and  three  in  the 
afternoon.  Each  had  a  net  fastened  to  his  waist  for  the  reception  of  the 
oysters,  and  carried  in  his  hand  a  short  stick,  pointed  at  each  end,  with 
which  to  dislodge  his  prey  from  the  rocks,  and  to  defend  himself  from  his 
dreaded  enemies,  the  shark  and  devil-fish.  After  the  division  the  oysters 
were  opened  to  look  for  pearls,  beginning  with  the  owners'  share.  The  camps 
on  shore  were  the  scene  of  drunkenness,  debauchery,  and  strife,  as  might  be 
expected  from  a  multitude  of  savages  suddenly  freed  from  restraint,  and  sup 
plied  with  everything  they  desired  and  could  pay  for  by  the  unscrupulous 
traders  who  attended.  The  colonial  government  issued  regulations  for 
checking  such  disorder,  and  appointed  officers  to  enforce  them.  Arch. 
Cal,  Prov.  Rec.,  viii.  135-7.  They  have  served  as  a  base  for  later 
rules. 

SEASON  OF  1855. 


1 

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1 

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8 

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3 

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£ 

<3 

£ 

£ 

fe 

0 

> 

La  Paz  

14 

206 

31 

4 

7 

4400 

$14,000 

$  8,000 

$22,500 

$5.11 

Loreto  

1 

50 

? 

0 

2 

600 

2,300 

1,200 

3,500 

5.38 

Mulege  

10 

112 

16 

5 

2 

1900 

7,500 

4,300 

11,800 

6.25 

Total  

25 

368 

49 

9 

11 

6900 

$23,800 

$13,500 

$37,800 

$ 

EXPENSES  OF  OUTFIT 


Cost  of  Craft  ................  $  4,900 

Feeding  368  divers  at  12£  cts. 

per  diem  3£  months  ........     6,210 

Advances  to  divers  ]  K  CQQ 

Averaging  $16  each  f  ........     5'88 


$16,998 


PROCEEDS  or  YEAR'S  BUSINESS 


Sale  of  Pearls $23,800 

Sale  of  Shell 14,000 

Return  of  Craft  with  value,  re 
duced  25  per  cent 3,675 

$41,475 

Net  Profit..  ..$24,475 


PEARL  FISHING. 
In  1856  the  business  was  less,  as  follows  : 


759 


EXPENSES  or  OUTFIT 


Cost  of  Vessels $  5,000 

Support  of  305  Divers 4,003 

Advances  to  Divers 4,880 

$13,883 


PROCEEDS  FOR  YEAR 


Sale  of  Pearls $21,750 

Sale  of  Shell 7,937 

Return  of  Vessels,  reduced  in 

value  25  per  cent ....... 3,750 

$33,437 
Net  Profit 19,554 


No  mention  is  made  of  any  of  the  money  advanced  to  divers  being  re 
covered,  but  as  a  rule  about  one-half  was  saved.  The  other  half  was 
reckoned  as  a  loss  in  order  to  secure  the  diver's  services  for  the  next  season. 
Therefore  the  profits  may  be  said  to  have  been: 

In  1855 $27,421— Capital  invested $16,998 

In  1856 21,994—     "  "       13,883 

Extern,  Memoria  sabre  la  Pesea  de  Perla,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geoy.  Bol.,  x.,  687-8. 
Lassepas  gives  from  unofficial  sources  the  yield  of  pearls  during  the  follow 
ing  years: 

In  1854 $17,000  I  In  1856 $22,500 

In  1855 23,800  I  In  1857 21,750 

The  same  writer  estimates  that  during  the  277  years,  from  1580  to  1857 
inclusive,  there  were  taken  from  the  California  waters  1,911,300  quintals  of 
shells,  containing  2, 770  Ibs.  of  pearls,  valued  at  $5,540,000.  Baja  Cal  65. 
See  also  Guitternin,  M6moria,  in  Arch,  de  Com.  Stien.  du  Mex.,  ii.  417-19.  The 
season  of  1867  was  an  unusually  poor  one,  only  about  $15,000  of  pearls  and 
$10,000  of  shells  being  taken.  La  Paz  Baja  Cal,  Nov.  23,  1867.  In  1868 
the  pearls  taken  amounted  to  $49,800,  shell,  if 9, 600,  without  counting  the 
yield  of  the  second  season,  or  conchada,  when  the  divers  fish  on  their  own  ac 
count,  after  being  freed  from  the  regular  contracts.  This  work  they  keep 
up  till  it  becomes  too  cold,  and  generally  obtain  about  10  per  cent,  of  the 
yield  of  the  regular  season. 

T.  F.  Pu j  ol, in  an  article  entitled  Estudio  Bioloyico  sobre  la  oslro  aircula  Maryar- 
itiferus,  which  not  only  gives  much  scientific  information  covering  the  pearl 
oyster,  but  is  also  as  exhaustive  an  account  of  the  pearl-fishery  as  that  by 
Esteva,  places  the  yield  of  pearls  in  1869  at  $62,000,  and  of  shells  at  $25,000. 
Soc.  Mex.  Geoy.  Bol  Epoc.  2,  iii.,  139. 

Recent  information  concerning  the  yield  is  less  satisfactory  than  that 
furnished  in  the  6th  decade,  from  which  it  appears  that  the  average  catch 
in  a  season  returned  a  net  profit  of  somewhat  over  $20,000,  obtained  with  an 
invested  capital  of  about  $16,000,  and  a  force  of  400  divers  divided  among  two 
dozen  vessels.  Traders  at  La  Paz  offered  about  $17.00  per  oz.  for  seed  pearls 
and  $1,200  for  choice  pearls,  according  to  their  size,  regularity  of  shape  and 
brilliancy.  To  improve  those  which  are  defective  in  the  latter  respects,  the 
Californians  caused  them  to  be  swallowed  by  hens,  which  they  kill  when 
suffcient  time  has  elapsed  to  allow  the  surface  of  the  pearl  to  be  cleaned  and 
smoothened. 

It  is  only  since  the  middle  of  the  present  century  that  the  shells  materi 
ally  swelled  the  fishing  profits,  by  finding  a  wider  market  for  the  mother-of- 
pearl.  Their  proportion  of  the  yield,  somewhat  over  one-half,  gave  a  fresh 
impulse  to  the  fishery,  as  it  presented  an  assured  profit,  which  was  even  cal 
culated  to  cover  all  expenses. 

Lassepas  says  that  the  true  ndcar  or  mother-of-pearl  is  taken  from  a  shell 
of  different  form,  size,  color  and  fineness  from  the  ordinary  pearl-oyster.  It 
is  found  on  the  coast  above  Cape  de  las  Virgenes,  and  the  remains  scattered 
about  the  beach  at  the  ensenada  of  San  Felipe  de  Jesus  show  that  in  former 


760  RESOURCES  AND  COMMERCE. 

times  this  shell  was  collected.  Baja  Cal. ,  65.  This  statement  seems  borne 
out  by  a  letter  from  Arrillaga  to  the  viceroy,  dated  Oct.  9,  1797,  wherein 
the  former  announces  that  in  addition  to  certain  pearls  he  sends  '  the  shell 
asked  for.'  Arch.  Cal.  Prov.  St.  Pap.  xvii.,  11.  Whatever  may  have  been 
done  in  early  days,  however,  it  was  the  shell  of  the  ordinary  pearl-oyster 
which  was  mainly  exported  after  the  trade  was  revived.  This  was  really 
about  1830 ;  but  it  was  not  until  after  1850  that  the  industry  began  to  assume 
much  importance.  The  shell  exports  from  1853  to  1856  are  given  by  Esteva 
as  follows: 

1853,  14,000  quintals,  sold  on  land  at $1.33^  per  quintal. 

1854,  21,971        "  1.87i 

1855,25,200        "  "  1.68f 

1856,    0,350        "  1.25 

Cost  of  placing  the  shells  on  board 25 

Export  duty  by  decree  of  April  27,  1855 25 

— Memoria  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.  Bol,  686. 

Lassepas  gives  figures  for  the  last  three  of  these  years  which  differ 
.slightly  from  the  above,  and  adds  the  export  for  1857,  4,957  quintals,  making 
the  total  export  of  shells  from  1854  to  1857,  58,948  quintals,  valued  at  $120,- 
402.  Baja  Cal.,  64. 

On  the  west  cost  the  abalones  attract  Chinese  fishermen. 

The  other  fisheries  of  the  peninsula,  whale  and  seal,  did  at  one  time 
deserve  some  attention,  but  are  no  longer  of  any  importance.  The  seal  and 
other  catch  is  almost  a  feature  of  the  past,  and  the  occasional  visits  of 
whalers  are  growing  rarer. 

About  1854  settlements  were  formed  along  the  west  coast,  chiefly  by 
Portuguese,  who  sought  blubber,  whalebone,  and  seal  skins,  usually  for  the 
San  Francisco  market.  According  to  Taylor,  L.  Cal.,  60,  there  were  at  one 
time  30  camps,  employing  2,000  men. 

Scammon,  writing  about  1867,  says  that  between  1858  and  1861  many 
whalers  visited  Scammon 's  lagoon,  in  28°,  getting  there  22,250  pounds  of  oil, 
worth  $333,750.  Now  it  is  abandoned.  The  same  fate  has  befallen  Ballenas 
bay,  where  one  year  eight  vessels  took  3,500  pounds,  and  the  next  year  four 
vessels  took  4,700  pounds,  worth  altogether  $123,000.  From  1856  to  1861 
Magdalena  bay  yielded  34,425  pounds,  worth  $516,375,  but  now  it  is  very 
poor.  The  whaling  and  peltry  resources  are  almost  exhausted.  Scammon  s 
Kept,  on  W.  Coast  of  L.  Cal  in  Browne's  L.  Cal,  123-31. 

Notwithstanding  the  heavy  restrictions  on  foreign  goods,  in  the  shape  of 
duty,  cost  of  transport  and  the  profits  of  numerous  middlemen,  manufactures 
are  not  flourishing  in  Mexico.  From  the  northern  states  less  is  to  be 
expected,  with  their  scanty  population  and  absorbing  mining  and  agricul  - 
tural  interests;  yet  even  here  the  apathy  is  striking,  which  has  neglected 
such  ready  resources  as  are  offered;  for  instance,  by  the  iron  mountains  of  Du- 
rango,  and  continued  to  seek  rails  from  distant  and  costly  sources.  For 
eigners  have  appreciated  many  of  the  opportunities  thus  presented,  but  the 
insecurity  and  unreliability  prevalent  until  late  have  checked  enterprise. 
As  it  is,  manufacturers  are  confined  to  a  few  articles  of  primary  necessity, 
and  such  as  are  easily  obtained  from  rough  material  at  hand,  such  as  powder, 
sugar,  leather,  cordage,  and  wagons;  articles  for  dress  extending  from  coarse 
cloth  to  crudely  embroidered  shawls  and  hats  of  felt  and  straw,  soap,  com 
mon  pottery,  and  cigars.  Mazatlan  boasts  of  two  iron  foundries  of  recent 
date,  and  Ehirango  of  one.  The  Arizona  mines  and  the  completion  of  the 
Sonora  railroad  have  greatty  increased  the  outlet  along  the  line  of  Guaymaa 
for  flour,  wine,  and  spirits;  otherwise  none  of  the  articles  named  are  intended 
for  other  than  local  consumption,  even  the  skins  exported  being  sent  in  un 
finished  form. 

The  only  manufacture  of  importance  is  that  of  textible  fabrics,  notably 
«otton.  Yet  even  this  is  not  sufficient  in  quantity  or  quality  to  prevent  the 
introduction  of  foreign  goods,  the  duty  on  which  forms  the  leading  revenue. 
Cotton  cloth  being  made  in  Mexico  by  the  aborigines,  their  art  readily  spread 


MILLS  AND  MINES.  761 

outward  among  those  natives,  who,  before  the  conquest,  plaited  fabrics  from 
coarser  fibres.  Nevertheless,  the  establishment  of  large  factories  has  been 
slow,  mainly  retarded  by  competition  from  abroad  and  from  the  southern 
states,  and  partly  by  political  disorders  and  causes  affecting  other  sections. 

Pike,  Explor.  353-4,  alludes,  in  1807,  to  blankets  and  coarse  cloth  made 
in  Chihuahua.  The  manufacture  of  mantas  declined  after  the  republic 
gave  freer  access  to  foreign  goods.  Pap.  Far.,  cxiv.  pt.  v.,  12. 

Thus  Sonora  has  only  one  cotton  mill,  near  Hermosillo,  the  Angeles,  of 
64  looms.  U.  S.  Com.  Rel,  1878,  952.  In  1843,  shortly  after  its  establish 
ment,  it  had  54  looms  and  2,198  spindles,  using  71  quintals  of  cotton 
weekly,  and  producing  57  pieces  of  cloth.  Mex.  Mem.  Inst.<  1844,  ap.  5-7. 
Operations  were  stopped  by  war  between  1853-63,  after  which  they  revived. 
Halt's  Son.  MS. ,  54.  Later  300  persons  were  employed,  producing  1,000 

Eieces  of  cloth  per  month.  Velasco,  Son. ,  83,  praises  the  fine  zarapes  woven 
y  Yaquis. 

Chihuahua  boasts  of  three,  which  yield  monthly  some  7,500  pieces  of 
cloth.  They  are  La  Industria,  Talamantes  and  Dolores. 

Durango  has  eight,  producing  some  20,000  pieces,  besides  thread.  They 
are  located,  the  largest  at  Durango,  two  at  Nombre  de  Dios,  one  at  Tumal, 
two  at  Cueiicami,  one  at  Papasquiaro,  and  one  at  Mapime.  Garemba  Mer 
chant,  58.  A  mill  was  proposed  already  in  colonial  days,  and  in  1847  there 
were  five,  with  188  looms  and  6.362  spindles,  producing  more  than  1,600,000 
varas  of  cloth,  and  using  75,923  arrobas  of  cotton  and  4,699  of  wool.  De 
tails  in  Esendero  Dur.,  62-3;  Dur.  Mem.  Gob.,  1831,  11-14;  Pap.  Fan,  xi., 
pti.,  22,  43-6;  Ramirez,  Hist.  Dur.,  54-5. 

Sinaloa  has  three,  yielding  about  15,000  pieces  They  are  at  Mazatlan, 
Villa  Union  and  Culiacan,  the  latter  the  largest,  'que  poco  mas  6  menos 
cubren  las  necessidades,'  says  Bucliua.  Comp.Sin.,  43.  With  400  looms  and 
over  6,000  spindles,  using  12,000  quintals  of  raw  material.  Other  details  in 
JSusto.  Estadist.,  i.,  pt'  ii.;  U.  S.  Corn.  Rel.,  1879  and  other  years;  Hernandez 
Sin.,  65;  Baja  Gal,  49-50;  Mex.  Mem.  Fom.,  Id.  Hac.,  fr.  different  years. 

With  the  rapid  opening  of  new  outlets  and  markets,  the  entry  of  enter 
prising  colonists  and  the  existence  of  cheap  and  intelligent  labor,  with  un 
surpassed  natural  resources,  it  is  evident  that  the  growth  of  manufact 
ures  is  but  a  question  of  time. 

As  a  rich  mining  country  Mexico  has  ever  been  a  tempting  field  for  com 
merce.  Recognizing  this,  and  jealous  concerning  so  valuable  a  possession, 
Spain  kept  it  wholly  to  herself,  isolated  from  the  world.  Toward  the  close 
of  the  last  century  she  relaxed  slightly  in  permitting  foreign  vessels  to  trade, 
yet  only  to  a  very  limited  extent. 

The  war  of  independence,  in  severing  communication  with  southern 
depots,  obliged  the  frontier  states  to  welcome  the  forbidden  visitors,  one  re 
sult  of  which  was  to  partially  change  the  centres  of  distribution  along  the 
coast,  from  inland  towns  like  Hermosillo,  Alamos,  Culiacan,  to  sea-ports  like 
Guaymas  and  Mazatlan.  The  latter  became  known  in  1818,  and  was  opened 
to  trade  by  decree  of  1821;  the  former  being  opened  in  1813  as  a  more  dis 
tant  and  needed  harbor,  the  only  really  good  one  in  the  gulf.  Mazatlan  is 
only  partially  sheltered.  Cortes,  Diorio,  xviii.,  4W;Mex.  Col.  Dec.  y  Ord.,  115; 
History  of  Maztlan  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boi,  ep.  2,  iv.,  66  et  seq. 

Under  the  republic  freedom  of  trade  and  use  of  water  routes  were 
limited  only  by  the  convenience  of  the  treasury  department.  All  nations 
were  received  in  intercourse;  and  although  established  usage  and  climatic 
considerations  still  maintained  the  standing  of  inland  towns,  the  costly 
mule-trains,  which  had  so  far  carried  freight  at  immense  cost  from  the  in 
terior,  had  to  yield  greatly  to  the  increasing  traffic  by  vessels,  for  foreign 
captains  absorbed  also  most  of  the  coast  trade.  In  upland  territories  like 
Durango  they  still  sustained  themselves,  but  Chihuahua  soon  changed  her 
sources  in  part  from  Tampico  and  the  south,  and  notably  from  Matamoros, 
and  opened  traffic  with  the  United  States  in  1824  by  means  of  caravans  of 
wagons,  known  as  prairie  schooners,  which  for  many  ypars  followed  the 


762  RESOURCES    AND  COMMERCE. 

Santa  Fe  route,  and  subsequently  passed  through  San  Antonio  and  Presidio 
Del  Norte. 

This  prairie  commerce  or  Santa  Fe  trade  had  begun  more  than  a  dozen 
years  before  with  New  Mexico,  to  which  history,  of  my  series,  I  refer  the 
reader.  See  t .  e  also  Gregg's  Com.  Prairies,  ii.,  etc.  The  caravans  increased 
in  size  after  1831,  forming  usually  two  score  wagons,  yet  Gregg  assumes, 
1843,  that  only  one-tenth  of  the  total  Chihuahua  imports,  '$2,000,000  to 
$3,000,000  in  value,'  came  from  the  north.  Pike,  Explor,  353,  alludes  to  the 
heavy  cost  of  overland  carriage.  Bartlett's  Narr.,  ii.,  435;  Niles*  Reg.,  Ivi., 
404,  etc. 

With  greater  opportunities  for  disposing  of  surplus  products  came  in 
creased  demand  for  comforts  and  luxuries,  and  so  the  trade  increased  until 
the  custom  house  record  of  Guaymas,  for  the  year  ending  September,  1879, 
showed  imports  to  the  amount  of  $366,373,  of  which  $127,121  were  from  the 
United  States,  besides  some  $60,000  worth  of  machinery,  and  $239,252 
from  Europe.  The  latter  embraces  chiefly  fabrics  of  cotton,  wool, 
and  linen,  groceries  and  provisions,  hardware,  cutlery,  crockery,  and 
fancy  goods.  The  imports  from  the  United  States  share  in  all  of 
these  articles,  equalling  the  European  in  groceries  and  provisions, 
but  falling  a  little  more  than  half  in  the  other  branches,  while  ex 
celling  greatly  in  mining  and  agricultural  implements  and  drugs.  The  gro 
ceries  and  provisions  amount  in  all  to  about  1,300,000  pounds,  hardware 
and  crockery  to  616,000  pounds,  implements  207,000  pounds,  machinery 
1,500,000  pounds,  iron  94, 000  pounds,  drugs  94,000  pounds,  purfumery  4,400 
pounds,  fabrics  760,000  sq.  m.,  fancy  goods  $33,000,  besides  some  lumber, 
coal,  silk,  clothing,  etc.  See  consular  documents  in  U.  S.  Com.  Eel.,  1879, 
439.  For  the  preceding  year  the  imports  were  $564, 799  from  the  United 
States,  and  $390,701  from  Europe;  of  which  $288, 000  were  in  fabrics,  $275,000 
in  provisions,  $162,000  in  hardware,  $117,000  in  lumber  and  machinery.  In 
1855  the  imports  were  assumed  to  be  $1,150, 000,  of  which  $150,000  national 
ized  goods  from  Sinoloa  contributed  to  yield  a  total  of  $176,000  to  the  cus 
tom  house,  and  in  1849  $173,000,  while  the  receipts  from  imports  alone  in 
1879  were  $283,962,  and  in  1878  $312,000.  In  1825,  1827,  and  1828  the  im 
ports  were  $56,280  $103,948,  and  $83,251,  respectively.  Prieto,  fientas.,  308, 
docs  2-3,  7-10;  Mtx.  Mem.  Hac.,  for  the  different  years;  Lerdo,  Mem.,  108, 
558,  etc.;  Sutsto.  Entadist,  i.,  43-7. 

The  receipts  at  Mazatlan  for  the  year  ending  June,  i879,  were  much 
larger,  $2,732,500;  $1,170,000  being  for  fabrics,  $167,000  for  groceries, 
$136,000  for  hardware  and  $98,000  for  machinery,  an  excess  due  partly  to 
Mazatlan  being  the  entrepot  for  several  adjoining  sections  of  the  republic,  es 
pecially  Durango,  and  to  the  fewer  opportunities  for  smuggling  here  pre 
sented  as  compared  with  those  offered  upon  the  frontier. 

In  the  other  maritime  province,  Lower  California,  the  imports  at  La  Paz 
for  the  same  period  amounted  to  $151,950,  while  those  of  Chihuahua  are 
but  faintly  represented  by  the  records  of  its  frontier  custom  houses,  as  most 
of  the  goods  consumed  are  still  obtained  from  Mai  amoros  and  other  Mexican 
points  jBusto,  Extadist,  46,  places  the  revenue  of  the  custom  houses  at  Pre 
sidio  del  Norte,  El  Paso,  and  Janos  for  the  year  ending  June,  1878,  at 
$52,899,  $42,237  and  $787,  respectively. 

Exports  consist  chiefly  of  silver  and  gold,  Sonora  sending  in  1879  $625,- 
067,  nearly  half  of  it  coined,  and  $82,262  in  gold,  while  other  articles 
amounted  only  to  $18,000,  two-thirds  in  hides.  At  Mazatlan  also  the  export 
figures  of  1879  for  $3,370,000  embraced  $3,207,000  in  silver  and  gold,  while  the 
remainder  consisted  of  ores  for  $118,680,  brazilwood  for  $19,500  and  hides 
$16,280.  The  peninsula  shows  a  proportionate  gain  in  the  range  of  her 
shipments,  valued  in  1879  at  $533,220,  whereof  $442,924  represent  bullion 
and  ore,  $5,9704  pearl  oyster  shells,  $23,208  hides,  $2,670  orchillaand  $1,202 
oranges,  besides  some  salt,  deer-skin,  etc.  The  salt  values  are  not  entered  at 
La  Paz;  the  $2,202  assigned  to  pearls  is  evidently  unreliable.  The  $759,094 
worth  of  exports  for  the  preceding  year,  1878,  ending  also  in  June,  embrace 


MPORTS  AND  EXPORTS.  763 

$697,425  gold  and  silver,  $23,745  hides,  $18,212  pearl  oyster  shells,  $11,309 
orchil,  $2,925  salt,  $1,500  pearls,  $1,232  oranges,  $362  gypsum,  $317  deer 
skins,  etc.,  mostly  for  the  U.  S.  U.  S.  Com,  Rel.  and  other  authorities,  ubi 
sup.  The  totals  for  the  years  1869-76  range  from  $274,000  to  $750,000. 

The  exports  from  Chihuahua  are  placed  for  the  preceding  year  at  $220,  - 
860,  including  a  small  amount  of  produce,  chiefly  live  stock  and  hides,  val 
ued  in  1879  at  $23,506.  U.  S.  Com.  Rel,  1879,  429.  Of  the  total  in  the  text, 
Busto,  Estacli.it.,  43,  assigns  $218,251  to  Presidio  del  Norte,  $2,597  to  Janos, 
and  only  $13  to  El  Paso.  Compare  with  records  for  Durango  in  Escudero, 
Dur.,  64-5;  Ramirez,  Hist.  Dur.,  56-7. 

The  figures  given  are  not  only  unsatisfactory  from  the  lack  of  careful 
statistics,  but  from  the  prevalence  of  smuggling,  fostered  originally  by  the 
illiberal  policy  of  Spain,  and  subsequently  by  political  disorders  and  the 
semi-independent  attitude  of  distant  states  toward  a  weak  and  constantly 
changing  administration.  Revolutions  were  frequently  started,  especially 
in  Sinaloa  and  Sonora,  with  the  sole  object  of  introducing  cargoes  of  mer 
chandise  at  different  rates  from  those  tixed  by  the  tariff,  the  receipts,  more 
over,  being  absorbed  by  the  rebels,  sometimes  under  the  guise  of  arrears.  A 
more  common  practice  was  for  the  consignees  or  captains  to  bribe  the  cus 
tom  house  officials  for  reductions,  or  for  overlooking  irregularities.  Even 
honest  administrators  were  induced  to  close  their  eyes  before  the  threat  to 
withdraw  expected  cargoes  to  other  ports,  where  better  arrangements  could 
be  effected,  perhaps,  for  clandestinely  landing  the  goods  at  some  remote 
point,  and  so  deprive  a  languishing  town  and  state  of  much-needed  funds. 
The  contraband  trade  between  Sonora  and  Chihuahua  and  the  United 
States,  enormous  in  extent,  is  carried  on  by  rich  and  influential  firms  and 
by  large  bands  of  organized  men. 

In  addition  to  the  imports  of  1879  at  Guaymas  from  the  United  States, 
amounting  to  $127,121,  the  introduction  across  the  border  was  estimated  at 
$600,000,  mostly  smuggled.  The  facilities  in  Chihuahua,  with  its  convenient 
rivers  and  adjoining  Texan  border,  are  even  greater. 

In  addition  to  the  transit  of  merchandise  noted  through  the  leading  ports, 
a  proportion  has  found  its  way  through  minor  harbors,  opened  at  different 
times  to  foreign  as  well  as  coast  trade,  the  latter  carried  greatly  in  foreign 
bottoms,  under  certain  restrictions. 

Owing  to  the  inconvenience  of  sending  certain  effects  direct  from  abroad  to 
minor  ports,  many  are  transmitted  from  Mazatlan,  after  naturalization,  to 
Sonora  and  the  peninsula.  In  Sonera,  La  Libertad  is  a  promising  harbor 
north  of  Guaymas.  Report  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bol,  x.,  263-70, 
with  plans.  At  Rio  Yacui  and  below  are  landing  places.  Sinaloa 
boasts  of  Topolobampo,  a  prospective  terminus;  Altata,  the  port  for 
Culiacan;  also,  Navachisti,  Tamazula,  Angeles,  and  Bacorehuis.  Lower 
Cal.  has  Todos  Santos,  Santa  Rosalia,  San  Quentin,  San  Jose,  Loreto  and' 
Mulege,  besides  La  Paz.  The  movement  of  shipping  at  Guaymas,  from 
abroad,  in  1879,  embraced  the  arrival  and  departure  of  38  vessels,  measur 
ing  17,600  tons,  of  which  13  were  steamers,  with  a  tonnage  of  10,500,  trad 
ing  with  California.  In  the  preceding  year  there  came  12  steamers  and  20 
sailing  vessels  from  San  Francisco  and  5  vessels  from  Europe,  while  170 
coasters,  with  a  tonnage  of  G,  187,  entered.  At  Mazatlan  arrived  in  1879 
1)7  sailing  vessels,  with  a  tonnage  of  104,934,  and  63  steamers.  For  the  year 
ending  June,  1870,  while  the  Guaymas  year  counts  till  September,  of  the 
Mazatlan  steamers,  25  appear  to  be  coasters,  and  a  few  of  the  vessels  per 
formed  coasting  tours.  In  1878,  the  arrivals  and  departures  embraced  4C 
steamers  and  32  sailing  vessels,  all  from  abroad,  except  9  steamers.  At  La 
Paz  arrived  23  steamers,  of  21,000  tons,  and  13  sailing  vessels  from  San 
Francisco,  and  2  vessels  from  Europe,  in  1879,  with  a  tonnage  of  2,487 
tons.  For  the  year  ending  in  June,  in  the  preceding  year,  the  sailing  vessels 
numbered  22,  with  a  tonnage  of  5,851,  17  being  from  S.  F. 

Steam  communication  between  California  and  Mazatlan  was  begun  with 
the  opening  of  the  Panama  route  in  1849,  and  in  the  second  decade  following., 


764  RESOURCES    AND  COMMERCE. 

a  California  coast  line  was  extended  to  La  Paz  arid  Quay  mas,  although  both 
proved  irregular  and  with  long  interruptions.  The  subsidy  granted  in  1872, 
however,  brought  the  shorter  line  into  regular  connection  with  Mazatlan 
and  Cape  Lucas  until  1875,  when  the  Panama  steamers  assumed  the  grant 
for  a  monthly  communication. 

New  contracts  of  1877  arranged  for  a  special  line  between  California, 
Mazatlan,  Guaymas,  and  the  Lower  California  ports,  and  another  from  San 
Bias  to  the  head  of  the  gulf  of  California — the  latter  somewhat  irregular, 
despite  the  subvention  of  $1,500  per  trip,  every  18  days,  and  exemption  of  5 
per  cent  export  duty  on  $30,000.  The  coast  line  agreed  to  make  ten  trips  a 
year  for  $20,000,  with  exemption  of  duty  for  $20,000.  The  Panama  line  was 
allowed  $25,000  a  month.  Mex.  Mem.  Hac,,  1880,  435-6.  In  1885  the  new 
railroad  terminating  at  Guaymas  started  a  new  steamer.  Mex.  Financier, 
Mar.  7,  1885.  See  also  Diaz,  In  forme,  13-15.. 

Under  the  later  energetic  administration  efforts  were  made  to  increase 
not  only  the  native  coast  shipping,  which  was  so  largely  absorbed  by  for 
eign  vessels,  but  to  extend  Mexican  maritime  interests  to  wider  spheres.  In 
1853-4,  Servo  claimed  for  Mazatlan  49  coasting  vessels,  with  a  tonnage  of 
4,534,  and  115  boats.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bol,  vii,  330-3. 

Such  had  been  the  neglect  hitherto  that  the  first  lighthouse  on  the  Pacific 
coast  was  not  erected  until  1880,  at  Mazatlan. 

River  navigation  is  receiving  attention,  along  Rio  Bravo,  and  Rio 
Yaqui  is  developing  interests  that  must  require  a  water  route.  Roads 
called  for  larger  appropriations  so  as  to  permit  the  extension  of  wagon  traffic, 
although  Mexicans  seemed  contented  with  the  time-honored  mule-trains, 
which  adapted  themselves  to  any  locality.  In  1863  a  stage  line  was  opened 
in  Sinaloa  by  Americans,  and  since  then  several  have  followed,  so  that  more 
rapid  connection  can  be  had  during  the  summer,  even  between  Guaymas  and 
Mazatlan.  In  1819  a  monthly  mail  was  ordained  for  Sonora,  and  in  1829 
the  weekly  mail  between  Durango  and  Chihuahua  was  increased  to  a  semi- 
weekly.  Gac.  Mex,,  1820,  xi.,  128-9;  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1829,  15,  96;  Mex. 
Mem.  Hoc.,  1848,  130,  1849,  no.  15,  wherein  the  Sonora  mail  expenses  are 
given  at  $10,204  and  the  receipts  at  $12,338.  Routes  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog., 
z?o£,  v.  293-4.  Great  hopes  now  center  in  the  different  railroad  projects 
which  embrace  not  only  trunk  lines,  but  a  series  of  branches  by  which  to 
develop  hitherto  neglected  resources.  So  far,  two  international  lines  are 
completed,  the  Mexico  Central,  running  from  El  Paso  through  Chihuahua 
and  Durango  to  Mexico,  and  the  Sonora,  running  from  Guaymas  through 
Hermosillo  and  Magdalena  to  Nogales  on  the  Arizona  frontier.  The  Sonora 
railroad  was  suggested  in  1850,  Monteverde  Mem.  Son.,  MS.,  118-24,  and  con 
cessions  sought  in  1861,  Pinart,  Doc.  Son.,  vi.,  185,  and  in  1869,  when  a 
Chihuahua  connection  was  proposed.  In  1872  the  Sonora  R.  R.  Co.,  Con 
tracts,  1-30,  was  seeking  grants  and  taking  other  steps.  Ferrocarril  de  Lon., 
1-16;  Ramirez,  Id.,  1-8;  Ariz.,  Jour.  Legis.,  1875,  31.  In  1877  a  change  of 
holders  took  place.  Mex.  Recop.  Leyes,  xxvi.,  995-7,  1048-9,  xxvii.,  600-22, 
xxxv.,  161-209,  1,057-83;  SonoraR.  R.  Rept.,  1-10;  Pap.  Var.,  cv.  In  1854 
Chihuahua  took  up  the  agitation  for  a  line  from  Presidio  Del  Norteto  Guay 
mas,  and  grants  were  made  to  this  effect.  Mex.  Legis.,  1854,  100-6.  Further 
steps  in  Mex.  Col.  Leyes,  1863-67,  ii.,  203-12;  Ferrocarril,  hasta  Golfo,  19-36. 
Even  Lower  California  has  thought  of  a  line  near  La  Paz,  and  one  in  the 
north  from  S.  Diego  or  Tijuana  eastward  into  Sonora.  While  many  projects 
are  long  delayed,  they  cannot  fail  to  serve,  in  connection  with  the  lines  in 
operation,  as  a  healthy  stimulant  to  the  people  so  far  kept  by  indolence  from 
a  proper  enjoyment  of  the  wealth  provided  by  a  bountiful  nature.  Rapid 
locomotion  in  itself  is  an  invigorating  incentive  to  enterprise,  as  in  a  meas 
ure  is  the  rapidly  extending  telegraph,  especially  when  attended  along  the 
railroad  line  by  such  striking  results  as  the  springing  up  of  settlements,  the 
opening  of  markets,  and  the  budding  and  blooming  of  industries  and  com 
merce. 

Concerning  trade  in  the  republic  generally,  with  ?,ceouiit  of  methods, 


BIOGRAPHICAL.  765 

banks,  custom-houses,  tariffs,  mails,  traffic,  canals,  roads,  railroads,  etc.,  I 
refer  to  my  chapters  in  H'ist.  Mex.,  iii.,  vi.,  this  series,  which  apply  equally 
to  the  northern  states. 

James  W.  Throckrnorton,  a  native  of  Tennessee,  where  he  was  born  in 
1825,  began  life  as  a  physician,  and  for  many  years  won  repute  in  this  call 
ing,  until  inclination  prompted  him  to  adopt  the  profession  of  law.  Remov 
ing  to  what  is  now  Collin  county,  Texas,  in  1841,  he  was  elected  10  years 
later  to  the  state  legislature,  being  reflected  in  1853  and  1855,  and  in  1857 
was  chosen  for  the  senate.  During  all  these  years  the  legislation  of  the  state 
bears  the  impress  of  his  tireless  efforts,  and  to  none  are  the  people  more  in 
debted  for  the  development  of  her  resources.  Though  a  democrat  in  politics 
he  was  opposed  to  secession,  but  after  the  outbreak  of  the  war  joined  the 
ranks  of  the  confederates,  in  which  he  remained  until  its  close,  though  at 
intervals  disabled  by  sickness  from  active  service.  In  1866  he  was  elected 
governor  of  the  state  by  a  vote  of  nearly  four  to  one,  but  though  his  admin 
istration  was  most  satisfactory  to  the  people  of  the  state,  he  was  deposed  in 
the  following  year.  In  1874,  and  again  in  1876,  he  was  chosen  for  congress, 
where  he  served  with  distinction  until  March  1879,  when  he  retired  into  pri 
vate  life.  Early  in  his  professional  career  he  was  married  to  Miss  Ann 
Ratten,  a  native  of  Illinois,  and  of  their  nine  children  seven  still  survive. 

General  Thomas  Neville  Waul,  whose  ancestors  on  both  sides  took  part 
in  the  revolutionary  struggle,  is  a  native  of  Statesburg,  South  Carolina, 
where  he  was  born  in  1813.  After  receiving  his  education  at  one  of  the  best 
colleges  in  South  Carolina,  and  studying  law  at  Vicksburg  in  the  office  of  S. 
S.  Prentiss,  he  was  admitted  to  practice  in  the  supreme  court  of  Mississippi 
in  1835,  and  was  soon  afterward  appointed  district  attorney.  Removing 
later  to  New  Orleans  he  took  an  active  part  in  politics,  being  a  thorough 
democrat  of  the  states'  rights  school,  and  winning  for  himself  a  high  reputa 
tion  among  his  party.  After  the  war  broke  out  he  organized  what  was 
known  as  Waul's  legion,  which  he  commanded  in  many  hotly  contested  en 
gagements.  At  its  close  he  settled  in  Galveston,  where  he  resumed  his  pro 
fession,  and  was  elected  president  of  the  bar  association.  In  1837  the  general 
married  Miss  Mary  Simmons,  a  native  of  Georgia,  and  in  November  1887 
celebrated  his  golden  wedding. 

One  of  the  most  prominent  lawyers  in  Galveston  is  M.  E.  Kleberg,  a 
native  of  De  Witt  county,  whither  hiu  parents  removed  in  1847,  and  a  grad 
uate  in  law  of  Washington  university,  Virginia,  of  the  year  1873  Soon 
afterward  he  was  elected  to  the  legislature,  his  district  representing  nine 
counties,  and  at  the  expiration  of  his  term  removed  to  Austin  county,  and 
thence  in  1875  to  Galveston,  where  he  has  ever  since  enjoyed  a  large  and 
lucrative  practice.  Robert  Justus  Kleberg,  the  father  of  this  gentleman, 
was  a  native  of  Herstelle,  Prussia,  where  he  was  born  in  1803,  and  after 
graduating  at  the  university  of  Goetingen,  filled  several  judicial  appointments. 
In  1834  he  removed  to  Texas,  and  after  suffering  shipwreck  on  the  island  of 
Galveston,  reached  the  settlement  of  Harrisburg.  During  Santa  Anna's  in 
vasion  of  this  country  he  took  an  active  part  in  the  struggle  for  Texan  inde 
pendence,  and  was  present  at  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto. 

Worthy  of  mention,  also,  among  the  legal  fraternity  of  Galveston  is  W. 
F.  Mott,  a  native  of  Louisiana,  where  he  was  born  in  1837,  his  ancestors  be-' 
longing  to  one  of  the  oldest  southern  families.  When  15  years  of  age  he 
obtained  employment  as  a  clerk,  saving  money  while  in  this  position  to  edu 
cate  himself  for  his  profession.  In  1859  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  and 
since  that  date  has  enjoyed  an  extensive  practice. 

R.  S.  Willis,  a  native  of  Maryland,  came  to  Texas  in  1837,  being  then 
sixteen  years  of  age.  After  farming,  and  engaging  in  mercantile  pur 
suits  in  various  localities,  he  finally  established  himself  in  Galveston  in  1867, 
and  there  he  has  ever  since  remained,  his  business  expanding  with  the 
growth  of  the  city,  until  his  firm  is  now  able  to  compete  with  the  merchant 
princes  of  New  Orleans  for  a  share  in  the  trade  of  the  southwest.  He  is  also 
president  of  the  Texas  bank,  with  which  institution  he  has  been  for  many 


766  RESOURCES   AND   COMMERCE. 

years  identified.  In  1847  he  married  Miss  Worsham,  a  native  of  Alabama, 
by  whom  he  has  several  children.  In  the  business  circles  of  the  Texan 
capital  no  man  is  more  highly  respected. 

Isadore  Dyer,  a  native  of  Baltimore,  where  he  was  born  in  1814,  and  ed 
ucated  at  St  Mary's  college  in  that  city,  began  life  as  a  watchmaker  when 
fourteen  years  of  age.  After  being  employed  as  a  boatman  on  the  Tennes 
see  river,  and  later  in  a  store,  he  came,  in  1840,  to  Galveston,  where,  after 
serving  for  three  years  as  a  clerk,  he  established  the  business  which  he  still 
conducts,  and  which  has  grown  with  the  growth  of  the  city.  He  is  also  a 
director  and  ex-president  of  the  national  bank,  and  is  identified  with  the 
wharf  and  gas  company,  and  with  other  enterprises  having  in  view  the  pros 
perity  of  Galveston.  In  1842  he  married  Miss  E.  Louis,  and  of  their  three 
children  two  survive. 

Gus  Reymershoffer,  a  native  of  Austria,  where  he  was  born  in  1860,  is 
well  known  to  the  citizens  of  Galveston  in  connection  with  the  Texas  Star 
flour-mill,  established  by  himself  and  his  brother  in  1878.  During  the  first 
year  the  output  of  the  mill  amounted  to  20,000  barrels,  and  in  1888  it  had 
increased  to  180,000  barrels  per  annum,  most  of  the  product  finding  a  home 
market,  though  a  considerable  quantity  was  shipped  to  Louisiana,  Mexico, 
and  Central  America.  Mr  Reymershoffer  came  to  Galveston  in  1866,  and 
there  he  has  ever  since  resided.  He  is  also  a  director  of  the  Lone  Star 
cracker  factory,  recently  organized  in  that  city. 

John  D.  Rogers  is  a  native  of  Dallas  county,  Alabama,  where  his  father 
was  a  planter.  After  graduating  at  a  medical  college  in  New  Orleans,  he 
began  to  practise  his  profession,  but  removed  to  Virginia  at  the  outbreak  of 
the  war,  and  there  remained  until  its  conclusion.  He  then  came  to  Texas, 
and  in  1868  commenced  business  in  Galveston,  where  he  has  remained  ever 
since.  At  present  he  is  largely  engaged  in  farming,  and  is  the  owner  of 
5,400  acres  of  rich  land  on  the  river  bank,  the  products  being  cotton  and 
corn.  He  has  been  twice  married,  and  has  two  sons,  one  of  whom  is  prac 
tising  law  at  Fort  Worth,  and  the  other  attending  the  university  at  Austin. 

Among  the  leading  physicians  in  Galvestou  is  Dr  J.  F.  Y.  Paine,  a  native 
of  Louisiana  and  a  graduate  of  a  medical  college  in  New  Orleans.  At  the 
outbreak  of  the  war  he  joined  the  confederate  army  as  a  surgeon  and  re 
mained  until  its  close,  when  he  began  the  practice  of  his  profession,  first  at 
Mobile,  then  at  Ennis,  Texas,  and  finally  at  Galveston,  whither  he  removed 
in  1875,  being  appointed  a  professor  and  afterward  dean  of  the  Texas  medi 
cal  college,  which  position  he  held  until  1881.  In  1870  the  doctor  was  mar 
ried  to  Miss  Estes,  a  native  of  Alabama,  by  whom  he  has  five  children. 

A.  W.  Fly,  a  native  of  Mississippi,  and  a  descendant  of  one  of  the  oldest 
southern  families,  also  ranks  among  the  prominent  physicians  of  Galveston. 
A  graduate  of  the  year  1875  at  the  medical  college  at  Louisville,  he  began 
his  professional  career  at  Brian,  Texas,  removing  thence  to  Galveston,  where 
he  has  ever  since  resided. 

To  the  lawyers  of  Texas  and  especially  of  Houston,  the  name  of  Jumea 
A.  Baker  is  familiar  as  that  of  the  local  attorney  for  the  Gould  system  of 
railroads.  For  the  past  sixteen  years  he  has  made  corporate  law  a  specialty, 
and  is  now  the  legal  representative  of  companies  owning  3,600  miles  of  road 
in  Texas,  besides  being  himself  largely  interested  in  railways.  A  native  of 
Alabama,  where  he  received  his  education,  Mr  Baker  came  to  this  state  in 
1852.  Though  now  a  widower,  he  has  been  twice  married,  has  five  children 
and  seven  grandchildren,  and  considers  himself  a  permanent  resident  of 
Houston. 

In  1870  James  Roane  Masterson  was  appointed  judge  of  the  seventh,  or 
as  it  is  now  classed,  the  eleventh  judicial  district,  and  to  that  position  he  has 
been  four  times  reflected.  A  native  of  Tennessee,  his  parents  being  among 
the  oldest  residents  of  Nashville,  he  came  to  Texas  with  his  family  in  1839, 
while  still  in  his  infancy.  After  receiving  his  education  and  being  trained 
for  the  bar,  he  began  the  practice  of  his  profession  at  Houston  in  1858.  He 


BIOGRAPHICAL.  767 

served  throughout  the  civil  war,  being  appointed  to  Gen.  Hood's  brigade, 
though  never  ordered  for  service  beyond  the  limits  of  his  adopted  state. 

Another  prominent  lawyer  in  Houston  is  W.  P.  Hamblen,  a  native  of 
New  Albany,  Indiana,  where  he  was  born  in  1835.  Four  years  later  his 
father  removed  to  Houston,  and  there  the  family  has  ever  since  resided. 
Meanwhile  Mr  Hamblen  has  seen  his  adopted  town  develop  from  a  mere  village 
into  a  thriving  city.  Admitted  to  the  bar  in  1855  he  has  good  reason  to  be 
proud  of  his  professional  career,  of  his  various  business  interests,  and  of  his 
eleven  children,  all  of  whom,  except  two  married  daughters,  still  remain  at 
his  home. 

Between  1875  and  1885,  at  which  latter  date  its  proprietor  retired  from 
active  business,  the  banking  house  of  Henry  S.  Fox  was  regarded  as  one  of 
the  soundest  financial  institutions  in  Houston.  A  native  of  Prussia,  where 
he  was  born  in  1834,  Mr  Fox  came  to  the  United  States  at  the  age  of  sixteen, 
first  to  New  York,  and  two  years  later  to  Texas.  Here  he  engaged  in  busi 
ness  at  Waco,  Corsicana,  and  other  small  towns,  until  1857,  when  he  removed 
to  Houston,  and  there  established  himself  as  a  merchant,  and  concentrated 
all  his  interests.  Mr  Fox  is  a  widower,  and  the  father  of  two  children  who 
are  now  being  educated  in  the  state  of  New  York.  Though  now  a  retired 
merchant  and  banker,  the  care  of  his  ample  possessions,  which  include  a 
large  amount  of  real  estate,  is  sufficient  to  occupy  his  leisure. 

Samuel  Allen,  a  native  of  Houston,  where  he  was  born  in  1843,  is  nephew 
to  the  two  brothers  of  that  name  who  organized  and  laid  out  the  town  of 
Houston  in  1837.  Here  or  in  this  neighborhood  he  remained  until  the  war 
broke  out,  when  he  enlisted  in  the  confederate  army  and  served  until  its 
close.  Returning  to  his  native  city,  he  worked  for  a  salary  until  1869,  when 
he  engaged  in  the  lumber  business  in  a  small  way,  his  capital  being  less  than 
$1,000.  His  business  now  exceeds  $1,000,000  a  year,  and  with  two  others 
he  is  the  owner  of  60,000  acres  of  Texan  timber  lands. 

Prominent  among  the  merchants  of  Houston,  as  a  self-made  and  most 
reliable  business  man  is  Adam  Clay,  a  German  by  birth,  who  came  with  his 
parents  to  Houston  in  1851.  When  nine  years  of  age  he  earned  his  own 
livelihood  by  selling  newspapers  on  the  streets,  and  at  fourteen  had  attained  to 
the  dignity  of  a  railroad  news-vendor.  In  this  occupation  he  remained  until 
he  was  twenty,  when,  having  saved  a  few  hundred  dollars,  he  opened  a  small 
dry-goods  and  notion  store.  From  this  slender  beginning  he  has  gradually 
built  up  his  present  business,  which  now  ranks  among  the  first  in  the  city. 

Among  other  leading  citizens  in  Houston  may  be  mentioned  Samuel  M.  Mc- 
Ashan,  who,  since  the  organization  of  T.  W.  House's  bank  in  1867,  has  been^its 
cashier.  A  Virginian  by  birth,  though  his  ancestors  on  his  father's  side  were 
of  Scotch  descent,  and  on  the  mother's  French,  he  came  to  Texas  in  1844, 
living  on  a  farm  in  Fayette  county  until  nineteen  years  of  age,  when  he  ob 
tained  employment  as  a  clerk  in  a  mercantile  house.  In  1856  he  mar 
ried  Miss  Eames,  a  native  of  his  own  state  and  county,  by  whom  he  has 
two  sons  and  two  daughters,  his  eldest  son,  now  over  thirty  years  of  age  be 
ing  assistant  cashier  in  the' bank. 

One  of  the  earliest  settlers  at  Houston  was  Col  W.  R.  Baker,  a  native  of 
New  York  state,  where  he  was  born  in  1820.  When  eight  years  of  age  he 
was  put  to  work  on  a  farm  and  since  that  time,  as  he  relates,  has  always 
earned  his  own  living.  In  1837  he  removed  to  Texas,  reaching  Houston  in 
August  of  that  year,  when  the  town  contained  but  fifty  families.  Here  he 
quickly  found  employment  and  soon  afterward  began  business  for  himself. 
In  1841  he  was  elected  clerk  of  Harris  county,  which  position  he  retained 
for  seventeen  years.  He  was  a  member  of  the  first  board  of  directors,  the 
first  secretary,  and  later  the  president  of  the  Houston  and  Texas  Central 
railroad.  In  1870  he  was  chosen  state  senator  for  Harris  county,  and  in 
1880  mayor  of  Houston,  being  twice  reflected  to  the  latter  office. 

Dr  D.  F.  Stuart,  a  Virginian  by  birth,  came  to  Texas  in  1850,  and  after 
working  for  several  years  on  a  farm,  attended  the  medical  College  in  Phila 
delphia,  where  he  graduated  in  1859.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  war  he  entered 


768  RESOURCES  AND  COMMERCE. 

the  confederate  army  as  a  surgeon,  and  served  until  its  conclusion.  In  1865 
he  established  himself  in  Houston,  where  he  is  still  engaged  in  the  practice 
of  his  profession.  • 

One  of  the  oldest  residents  of  Fort  Worth  is  J.  F.  Ellis,  a  native  of  Mis 
souri,  who  after  the  death  of  his  father  in  1847,  came  to  that  settlement 
while  still  a  young  lad,  when,  as  he  relates,  there  were  but  five  white  fami 
lies  within  a  mile  of  the  spot  where  the  city  now  stands.  When  fifteen 
years  of  age  he  found  employment  as  a  teamster,  and  soon  afterward  had 
teams  of  his  own,  remaining  in  this  business  until  the  outbreak  of  the  war, 
when  he  joined  the  confederate  service,  and  remained  until  its  close.  In 
1865  he  returned  to  Fort  Worth,  and  engaged  in  ranching,  merchandising, 
banking,  land-speculations,  etc.,  until  his  possessions  are  now  valued  at 
more  than  $300,000,  most  of  them  in  real  estate,  including  the  Ellis  hotel, 
built  in  1885  at  a  cost  of  $60,000. 

John  D.  Templeton,  a  native  of  Tennessee,  where  he  was  born  in  1845, 
came  with  his  parents  to  Texas  in  1850,  and  there  received  his  education. 
In  1862  he  entered  the  confederate  army,  and  served  until  the  end  of  the 
war.  He  then  studied  law  under  Judge  Roberts,  formerly  chief  justice  of 
the  state,  and  was  admitted  to  practice  in  1871,  commencing  his  career  at 
Fort  Worth,  where,  in  1887  he  still  resided.  In  1880  he  was  appointed  sec 
retary  of  state,  and  two  years  later  elected  attorney -general  for  Texas,  being 
reflected  for  the  ensuing  term. 

Dr  W.  A.  Adams  is  a  native  of  Georgia,  where  he  was  born  in  1853, 
graduating  in  1876  at  a  medical  college  in  that  state.  Removing  to  Texa* 
immediately  afterward,  he  began  to  practice  at  Bryan,  where  he  remained 
for  five  years.  In  1881  he  was  offered  a  partnership  by  Dr  E.  J.  Beall  of  Fort 
Worth,  one  of  the  most  prominent  physicians  in  the  state.  This  he  accepted 
and  has  ever  since  resided  in  that  city,  where  he  still  follows  his  profession. 
The  success  of  the  firm  may  be  judged  from  the  fact  that  their  income  for 
the  year  1886  exceeded  $34,000 

In  Dallas,  Galveston,  and,  in  fact,  throughout  the  state  of  Texas,  the 
name  of  Gen.  George  F.  Alford  is  familiar,  not  only  as  that  of  a  gallant  sol 
dier,  but  of  an  upright  and  honorable  man  of  business.  A  native  of  Missouri, 
where  he  was  born  in  1837,  he  ran  away  from  home  when  thirteen  years  of 
age,  and  after  living  for  two  years  among  the  Indians,  set  forth  for  California, 
whence  he  returned  in  1856  with  $35,000  in  gold,  and  in  the  following  year 
married  and  settled  in  Texas.  At  the  beginning  of  the  civil  war  he  joined 
the  confederate  army,  and  at  its  close  was  mustered  out  with  the  rank  of 
brigadier-general.  After  serving  in  the  state  legislature  he  began  business 
in  Galveston,  and  soon  accumulated  a  large  fortune,  which  he  afterward  lost 
through  the  dishonesty  of  his  partner.  Assuming  the  liabilities  of  the  firm, 
which  amounted  in  1875  to  $321,000,  in  less  than  ten  years  he  paid  off  the 
entire  amount  with  one  per  cent,  interest  per  month.  He  is  now  a  perma 
nent  resident  of  Dallas,  and  president  of  the  Dallas,  Archer,  and  Pacific 
railway. 

Among  other  prominent  citizens  of  Dallas  may  be  mentioned  J.  E.  Hen 
derson,  a  native  of  North  Carolina,  who  arrived  in  1872,  and,  as  he  relates, 
has  witnessed  its  growth  from  a  village  into  a  thriving  city.  Ever  since  that 
date  he  has  there  been  engaged  in  business  as  a  contractor,  builder,  and 
land  speculator.  In  his  adopted  town  he  has  an  abiding  faith,  believing  that 
with  its  railroad  facilities  and  its  situation  in  the  midst  of  a  rich  agricultural 
district,  its  future  is  fully  assured. 

One  of  the  leading  medical  practitioners  in  Dallas  is  Dr  R.  W.  Allen,  a 
Kentuckian  by  birth  and  a  graduate  of  the  New  York  Medical  college. 
Coming  to  Dallas  in  1872,  when  it  contained  only  4,000  inhabitants,  he  has 
remained  there  ever  since,  practising  his  profession  and  investing  his  surplus 
means  in  real  estate,  which  he  believes  to  be  the  soundest  and  most  profita 
ble  of  all  investments. 

Col  J.  Gunter,  a  Georgian  by  birth,  his  ancestors  on  both  sides  being 
southerners,  came  to  Texas  with  his  father  in  1853.  At  the  outbreak  of  the 


BIOGRAPHICAL.  769 

civil  war  he  left  his  brother's  store,  where  he  was  employed  as  a  clerk,  and 
enlisted  in  tile  confederate  army,  serving  until  its  close.  Between  1800  and 
1SG9  he  received  his  education,  at  the  same  time  studying  law,  and  was  ad 
mitted  to  practice  in  the  latter  year.  At  .Sherman  he  commenced  his  profes 
sional  career  with  a  capital  of  $05;  but  though  very  successful,  soon  found 
more  lucrative  employment  in  surveying  and  land  speculations,  whereby  he 
made  money  rapidly,  becoming  the  owner  of  200,000  acres  and  13,090 
head  of  cattle.  He  is  also  a  director  and  one  of  the  largest  stockholders  in 
the  City  bank  of  Sherman,  and  colonel  of  the  5th  regiment  of  Texas  state 
guards. 

Prominent  among  the  lawyers  of  Sherman  is  Capt.  T.  J.  Brown,  who  in 
1888  was  attorney  for  the  Merchants  and  Planters'  bank  of  that  city,  and  for 
the  Texas  Pacific  railroad.  A  native  of  Georgia,  where  he  was  born  in  1820, 
all  of  his  ancestors  being  southerners,  he  came  to  Texas  in  1840,  and  by  hard 
study  and  close  economy,  acquired  the  training  and  the  means  to  start  in  his 
profession  when  twenty-seven  years  of  age.  He  began  his  practice  at  Mc- 
Kinney  in  1858,  and  there  remained  for  fourteen  years,  except  for  a  brief 
period,  when  he  served  in  the  confederate  ranks,  though  disabled  by  sickness 
from  protracted  service. 

One  of  the  foremost  citizens  of  Bosque  county,  Judge  L.  H.  Scrutchfield, 
settled  there  in  1851  and  was  the  first  coun:y  judge,  also  holding  the 
offices  of  county-surveyor,  justice  of  the  peace,  and  notary  public.  On  many 
occasions  he  took  a  prominent  part  in  defending  the  settlers  against  the  dep 
redations  of  Indians,  and  later  of  the  bands  of  white  maraiiders  who  infested 
the  state.  In  18G5  lie  was  present  at  the  engagement  at  Double  creek,  in 
which  a  body  of  Texans  attacked  the  stronghold  of  the  Kickapoos,  and  drove 
them  across  the  Mexican  border.  In  1851  the  judge  married  Miss  Profitt, 
by  whom  he  had  five  children,  two  of  his  widowed  daughters  residing  with 
him  at  his  home  at  Valley  Mills. 

Well  known  among  literary  circles  in  Texas  is  Mrs  C.  A.  Westbrook,  a 
resident  of  Lorena,  and  the  author  of  several  works  that  have  won  more 
than  a  local  reputation.  Among  them  may  be  mentioned  her  Pilgrim,  a 
poetical  adaptation  of  Bunyan's  famous  allegory.  To  it  is  appended,  under 
the  title  of  Fragments,  a  number  of  shorter  poems,  most  of  them  of  a  religious 
character. 

Wortlw  of  note  as  among  the  most  prominent  men  in  San  Antonio  is  Col. 
Geo.  W.  Brackenridge,  who  became  a  resident  of  that  city  in  1851,  and  has 
ever  since  been  identified  with  its  leading  interests.  In  1860  he  organized 
the  San  Antonio  National  Bank,  of  which  he  was  elected  the  first  president 
and  still  held  that  position  in  1889.  He  is  also  the  president  and  one  of  the 
largest  stockholders  in  the  city  water- works  and  in  its  gas  company,  and  is 
largely  interested  in  lands  and  cattle. 

John  Darragh,  a  native  Texan,  ranks  among  the  largest  owners  of  real 
estate  in  San  Antonio,  which  city  he  has  made  his  permanent  home  since 
1880,  being  then  in  possession  of  a  considerable  fortune  acquired  by  inherit 
ance.  With  the  result  of  his  investments  he  is  fully  satisfied,  and  has  the 
utmost  confidence  in  the  future  of  his  adopted  city. 

Charles  Hummel,  to  whom  belongs  the  distinction  of  being  the  oldest  mer 
chant  of  San  Antonio,  where  he  arrived  in  1847,  when  there  were  but  fifty 
white  people  in  the  settlement,  is  also  a  large  owner  of  city  property. 
Among  his  transactions  may  be  mentioned  the  purchase  of  a  lot  in  1849  for 
$325,  which  he  afterward  sold  for  $21,000. 

By  the  late  John  H.  Kampmann,  a  Prussian  by  birth,  and  by  profession 
an  architect,  who  came  to  San  Antonio  in  1848,  were  planned  and  built  nearly 
all  the  large  residences  and  stores  erected  in  that  city  between  1849  and  1880. 
A  man  of  eminent  business  ability,  he  was  closely  identified  with  a  number 
of  enterprises  tending  to  the  development  of  western  Texas,  where  hdhwas 
also  a  large  land-owner  and  stock-raiser,  and  at  the  time  of  his  decease,  in 
1885,  the  possessor  of  a  handsome  fortune.  His  wife,  Mrs.  -Caroline  Kamp 
mann,  to  whom  he  was  married  in  1850,  is  still  a  resident  of  San  Antonio, 
HIST.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  II.  49 


770  BIOGRAPHICAL. 

where  her  eldest  son,  H.  D.  Kampmann  has  succeeded  to  his  father's  business 
and  is  esteemed  as  a  young  man  of  remarkable  promise. 

One  of  the  largest  lumber  merchants  in  southwestern  Texas  is  A.  C. 
Schryver,  president  of  the  San  Antonio  Fair  Association.  Arriving  in  that 
city  from  Chicago  in  1877,  his  first  year's  transactions  amounted  to  §50,000. 
In  1888  they  were  considerably  over  $500,000. 

Among  the  railroad  men  of  Texas  should  be  mentioned  the  treasurer  of 
the  San  Antonio  and  AransasPass  R.  R.  Co.,  A.  Hansl,  a  Viennese  by  birth, 
who  came  to  the  United  States  in  1875  and  in  the  following  year  settled  in 
western  Texas,  where  he  engaged  in  banking  and  farming,  accepting  his 
present  position  in  June,  1888. 

At  the  head  of  the  street  railroad  system  of  San  Antonio  is  Col.  Augustus 
Belkuap,  by  whom  was  built,  at  the  request  of  the  citizens,  the  first  street-car 
line  in  that  city.  In  1882  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  city  council,  and 
has  since  been  re-elected  in  each  succeeding  year.  In  1888,  when  republican 
nominee  for  congress,  he  reduced  by  more  than  one-half  the  democratic 
majority  returned  at  the  previous  election. 

Prominent  among  the  sugar-planters  of  western  Texas  is  Col.  Edward  H". 
Cunningham,  the  owner  of  a  tract  of  3,300  acres  on  Oyster  creek,  the  crop 
from  which  sold  in  1888  for  $280,000.  Between  1878  and  1883  he  held  a 
contract  for  the  labor  of  the  prisoners  at  the  state  penitentiary,  whereby  he 
relieved  the  burden  of  taxation  to  the  extent  of  $85,000  a  year.  Coming  to 
Texas  for  his  health's  sake  in  1855,  he  is  now  a  permanent  resident  of  San 
Antonio,  in  the  future  of  which  city  and  of  western  Texas  he  has  the  greatest 
confidence. 

Among  the  many  eminent  lawyers  of  San  Antonio  is  Charles  W.  Ogden, 
whose  father  was  formerly  chief  justice  of  the  supreme  court  of  Texas. 
A  lexan  by  birth,  and  educated  at  the  military  institute  at  Austin,  he  began 
the  practice  of  his  profession  in  1875.  He  is  now  largely  interested  in  an  enter 
prise  for  deepening  the  water  at  the  mouth  of  the  Brazos  river,  a  project  which 
will  materially  add  to  the  prosperity  of  the  southern  portion  of  the  state. 

Edward  Dwyer  is  also  one  of  the  most  prominent  lawyers  in  San  Antonio, 
though  since  the  decease  of  his  father,  in  1884,  his  time  has  been  largely 
occupied  in  the  management  of  his  estate.  Mr.  Dwyer  is  descended  from  one 
of  the  oldest  families  in  western  Texas,  his  grandfather  being  a  resident  of 
San  Antonio  prior  to  1840,  and  in  1844  was  elected  its  mayor.  His  father  was 
a  native  of  the  same  city,  in  the  politics  of  which  he  played  a  leiding  part. 

In  the  ranks  of  the  medical  profession  at  San  Antonio  none  are  more  highly 
esteemed  than  Dr.  Amos  Graves,  the  medical  director  for  Texas  of  the  Southern 
Pacific  &  San  Antonio  &  Aransas  Pass  railroads.  He  came  to  Texas  in  1878, 
on  account  of  a  pulmonary  affection,  which  was  cured  by  a  two  years'  residence 
on  a  sheep  ranch  in  western  Texas.  For  such  ailments  he  believes  that  this 
section  will  eventually  rank  among  the  leading  health  resorts  of  the  world. 

In  this  opinion  he  is  indorsed  by  Dr.  F.  HerfF,  also  a  resident  of  San 
Antonio,  and  whose  experience  as  a  medical  practitioner  in  western  Texas 
dates  from  1846.  Here,  as  he  relates,  all  diseases  appear  to  assume  their 
mildest  form,  and  in  no  other  atmosphere  do  wounds  heal  so  rapidly. 

In  Laredo,  on  the  Rio  Grande,  one  of  the  leading  physicians  is  A.  W. 
Wilcox,  M.  D.,  who,  after  taking  his  degree  at  Galveston,  was  appointed,  in 
1874,  surgeon  of  the  Mexican  National  railroad  at  the  former  point. 

For  the  same  railroad  J.  P.  Flynn  -was  selected  as  general  agent  at  Laredo 
in  1 884,  and  in  the  following  year  was  chosen  by  President  Cleveland  as  United 
States  consular  agent  at  the  town  of  the  same  name  on  the  Mexican  side  of 
the  Rio  Grande.  In  April,  1887,  Mr.  Flynn  resigned  both  these  positions, 
devoting  himself  to  the  organization  of  the  Laredo  Improvement  Company, 
of  which  he  was  elected  and  is  still  the  president. 

The  president  of  the  Laredo  Water  Company  is  A.  L.  McLane,  a  native  of 
Texas  and  a  lawyer  by  occupation,  who  came  to  that  town  in  1873,  and  has 
ever  since  engaged  in  the  practice  of  his  profession. 


INDEX. 


Ab  Initios,  party,  ii.  495;  protest 
against  constitution,  1808,  ii.  496. 

Aberdeen,  Lord,  mention   of,  ii.    338. 

Abolitionists,  Texas,  ii.  420. 

Acapuko,  Spilberg  touches  at,  1615, 
i.  166. 

Acaxees,  revolt  of,  1601-2,  i.  313-15. 

Acebedo,  P.  A.  de,  the  Tepehuane 
revolt,  1616-17,  i.  325;  in  charge  at 
San  Jose  del  Cabo,  1737,  i.  461. 

Acklin,  Kit,  mention  of,  ii.  397. 

Adaes,  Texan  tribe,  Aguayo,  among, 
1721,  i.  625-6. 

Ada'ns,  Father  L.,  the  Tehuecos'  re- 
vol  ,  1611-12,  i.  220. 

Adams,  Dr  W.  A.,  biog.  of,  ii.  768. 

Agriculture,  Texas,  ii.  557-8;  cotton, 
ii.  557;  cereals,  ii.  557-8;  farms,  ii. 
558-9;  droughts,  floods,  etc.,  ii. 
559;  L.  Cal.  drought,  etc.,  1863-4, 
ii.  726;  N.  Mex.  states,  ii.  748,  et 
seq. ;  soils,  ii.  748;  land  titles,  ii. 
748-9;  products,  ii.  749-50. 

Agricultural  and  Mechanical  college, 
Texas,  ii.  546. 

Aguayo,  Marques  de  S.  M.,  gov.  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  1687,  i.  338;  gov. 
of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  1719-22,  i. 
60 1;  exped.  to  Texas,  1720-2,  i. 
622-9. 

AgAero,  J.  C.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva  Viz 
caya,  1768,  i.  582. 

Aguila,  Father,  death  of,  1641,  i. 
231. 

Aguilanin,  A.  M.  M.  de,  bishop  of 
Durango,  etc..  1774-81,  i.  684. 

Aguilar,  Villa  de,  location,  etc.,  of,  i. 
355,  fight  with  Indians  near,  1650, 
i.  356-7;  Spaniards  massacred  at, 
1652,  i.  358. 

Aguilar,  A.  M.,  with  Vizcaino's  ex 
ped.,  1602-3,  i.  153;  death  of,  i.  159. 

Aguilar,  Gov.  Jose,  resignation,  etc., 
1851,  ii.  672;  appointment  of,  ii.  694. 

Aguirre,  Father  M.,  mission  affairs  in 
J?imeria,  i.  562. 


Aguirre,  Capt.  M.  R.  de,  mention  of, 

i.  159. 
Aguirre,  Brother  T.  de,  dispute  with 

Jesuits,  1673,  i.  243-4. 
Ahomes,     Sinaloan    tribe,    Hurdaide 

protects,    1601,    i.    211-12;    alleged 

conversion  of,  i,  212,  214. 
Aiviiios,    exped.   against  the   1622,  i. 

226. 
Alabamas,    Indians,    docility   of,    ii. 

442. 
Alamo,  description  of,  ii.  205;  ground 

plan  of,  ii.   206;  battle  of,  ii.   207; 

massacre  at,  ii.  211  et  seq.. 
Alaman,   Lucas,    measures  suggested 

by,  1830,  ii.  113. 

Alarcon,  Capt.  F.,  works  of,  i.  93. 
Alarcon,  H.  de,  exped.  of,  1540,  i.  90- 

8;  meeting   with   Alvarado,    i.   93; 

Mendoza   displeased   with,    etc.,  i. 

94. 
Alarcon,  M.  de,  gov.  of  Coahuila  and 

Texas,  1716,  i.  604;  rule,  i.  617-18. 
Alarcon,  P.  de,  exped.  of,  1540,  i.  83, 

88. 
Alberoni,    Minister,    mention    of,    i. 

443-4. 

Albieuri,  Father  J.,  '  Historia, '  i.  12. 
Albury,  Mrs,  at  Alamo   massacre,  ii. 

213. 

Alcantro,  battle  of,  ii.  327-8. 
Alcarez,    D.  de,    in    charge    at   San 

Gerdnimo,    i.    88-9;    meeting    with 

Vaca's  party,  etc.,  i.  69;  death  of, 

i.  90. 
Aldai,  M.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 

1720,  i.  581,  583. 

Aldama,   Envoy,  executed,  ii.    18-19. 
Alemy,  Leon,  artesian  well  privileges, 

ii.  97. 

Alford,  Gen.   G.   F.,  biog.  of,  ii.   768. 
Allen,  Ebenezer,  mention   of,  ii.    571. 
Allen,  Dr  R.  W.,  biog.  of,  ii.  768. 
Allen,  S.  T.,  mention  of,  ii.  172. 
Allen,  Samuel,  biog,  of,  ii.  767. 
Alley,  at  battle  S.  Antonio,  ii.  185. 
(771> 


INDEX. 


Almazan,  F.  P.  de,  gov.  of  Coahuila 
and  Texas,  1722-6,  i.  604;  with 
Aguayo's  exped.,  1720-2,  i.  623; 
gov.  of  Texas,  i.  628,  630;  rule, 
1722-6,  i.  630-2. 

Almonte,  Gen.,  'Noticia  sobre  Tejas,' 
ii.  148;  surrender  of,  ii.  262;  pro 
test  against  Tex.  annexation,  ii. 
394. 

Alonso,  Father,  protest  against  the 
Jesuits,  1677,  i.  367. 

Altamira,  Marques  de,  rept  of,  1744, 
i.  641. 

Alvarado,  Capt.,  exped.  to  New  Mex., 
1540,  i.  85. 

Alvarado,  P.  de,  exped.  of,  1523,  i. 
17-18;  meeting  with  Alareon,  1540, 
i.  93;  northern  exped.  of,  i.  96; 
death,  1541,  i.  96. 

Alvarez,  Senora,  humanity  of,  ii.  237. 

Alvarez,  Friar  R.,  murder  of,  1702,  i. 
590. 

Alvear,  Alcalde  J.,  the  Tepehuane  re 
volt,  1616-17,  i.  323. 

Alvear  y  Salazar,  G.  de,  gov.  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  1615-18,  i.  306; 
subdues  the  Tepehuanes,  1617,  i. 
325-8;  quarrel  with  Jesuits,  i.  342. 

Amador,  Gen.  J.  V.,  courage  of,  ii. 
211;  appointed  gov.,  1760,  ii.  725. 

Amat,  Col,  Filisola's  commissioner,  ii. 
270. 

America,   early  discoveries  in,  i.  2-5. 

Americans,  first  in  Texas,  ii.  5; 
attacked  by  Spaniards,  ii.  6-7; 
Mex.  dislike  of,  ii.  88. 

Ampudia,  Gen.,  mention  of,  ii.  203; 
defeats  Texans,  ii.  361;  treatment 
of  prisoners,  ii.  365;  capitulation  of, 
ii.  396. 

Amusements,  Texas,  ii.  392. 

Anahuac,  Tenorio  attacked  at,  ii.  156. 

Amayr,  Gen.,  mention  of,  ii.  327. 

Anderson,  K.  L.,    elected  vice-pres., 

1844,  ii.  378. 

Andrade,  Gen.,  disobedience  of  or 
ders,  ii.  281. 

Andrews,  John  S.,  mention  of,  ii. 
561. 

Annexation,  Texans,  desire  for,  ii. 
284;  agitation  for,  ii.  382;  U.  S. 
rejects,  1837,  ii.  342;  admission  of, 

1845,  ii.  382. 

Anson,  Capt.  G.,  voyage  of,   1740-2, 

i.  201. 

Anthony,  D.  W.,  mention  of,  ii.  549. 
Antonio,  Jose,  Ind.  chief,  ii.  595. 
Anza,  Col  J.  A.,  exped.  of,  1774-6,  i. 

716-18. 


Anza,  Capt.  J.  B.,  exped.  against 
Apaches,  1758,  i.  558;  1766,  i,  559; 
mention  of,  i.  699-700;  inAltaCal., 
1776,  i.  768. 

Apaches,  Indians,  raids,  etc.,  of  the, 
1696-8,  i.  272-4;  1724,  i.  516-17; 
1730,  i.  635;  1734,  i.  636;  1760-1,  i. 
650,  raids  in  Souora,  i.  702;  1834, 
ii.  653;  1846-7,  670;  1851-87,  ii. 
703-4;  Galiardo's  orders  concerning 
the,  1750,  i.  534;  war  with,  1754- 
66,  i.  557-9;  defeat  of,  i.  635;  efforts 
to  convert,  1757,  i.  644;  war  with 
Comanches,  i.  644-5;  policy  in 
dealing  with,  1786,  i.  682-3;  defeat 
of,  1790,  i.  669;  operations,  etc., 
against,  1774-97,  i.  714-15;  hostile 
tactics  of,  ii.  597. 

'  Apostolicos  Afanes  de  la  Campania 
de  Jesus,'  i.  253. 

Aquino,  Father!',  de,  with  Vizcaino's 
exped.,  1602-3,  i.  154. 

Aragon,  Don  P.  G.  de,  mention  of,  i. 
567. 

'  Araucano,' war  vessel,  ii.  707, 

Arbucke,  Brig. -gen.,  succeeds  Gaines, 
ii.  288. 

Arce,  Gov.  J.  A.,  succeeds  Gonzalez, 
etc.,  1825,  ii.  590. 

Arce  y  Arroyo,  P.  de,  gov.  of  Sinaloa 
and  Sonora,  i.  554;  rule,  1753-5,  i. 
554. 

Archer,  B.  T.,  member  state  conv., 
1833,  ii.  133;  pres.  S.  Felipe  coun 
cil,  ii.  171-2;  apptd  embassador,  ii. 
173;  appeals  for  Texas  aid,  284; 
mention  of,  ii.  290. 

Archive  war,  1842,  ii.  353. 

Arellano,  F.  R.  de,  project  of,  i.  168. 

Arellano,  Capt.  T.  de,  with  Corona- 
do's  exped.,  1540-2,  i.  84-8. 

'Argo,'  U.  S.  prize  brig,  ii.  667. 

Argiielles  y  Miranda,  Dona,  bequest 
of,  i.  476. 

Arguello,  Gov.  Jose,  resignation  of, 
ii.  708. 

Arispe,  deputy,  mention  of,  ii.  79. 

Arista,  General,  force  of,  ii.  328; 
defeats  centralists,  ii.  329;  procla 
mation  of,  ii.  347. 

Arista,  Father  F.,  succeeds  Espinosa, 
1602,  i.  311. 

Arizona,  name,  i.  525-6;  real  de,  i. 
526. 

Arizpe,  Intendencia,  organized,  1786, 
i.  712. 

Arizpe,  town,  capitol  agitation  of,  ii. 
644;  revolt  of,  1833,  ii.  655;  cap- 
ture  of,  1838,  ii.  659. 

Arlegui,    Father    J.     'Chrdnica/    i. 


INDEX. 


773 


119;  mention  of,   i.  334;  chronicles 

of,  i.  590-1. 

Armesto,  Father,  mention  of,  i.   469. 
Armizo,  Gov.  M.,  Tex.  Santa  Fe  ex- 

ped.,  ii.  335-7. 
Arinona,   M.    de,  gov.    of  Baja  Cal., 

1770,  i.  728-9. 
Ames,  Father  V.,  in  Baja  Cal.,  1764- 

6,  i.  473-4. 
Arnold,  guide,  battle  of  S.   Antonio, 

ii.  182. 
Arredondo,    Col,    defeats   Toledo,  ii. 

27  et  seq. 
Arriaga,   J.   H.    de,    gov.     of    Nueva 

Vizcaya,  1600,  i.  30o\ 
Arredondo,   Col,   appt'd  gov.     Orient 

division,  ii.  582. 
Arregui,   Gov.,  removal   of,   1833,    ii. 

655. 
Arrellano,   General,  succeeds  Yanez, 

ii.  693. 

Arrieta,  J.  M.,  mention  of,  ii.  584. 
Arrillaga,   Capt.,  lieut   gov.   of  Baja 

Cal.,  1783,  i.   747;  tour  of,  1785,  i. 

748;  gov.  of  Baja  Cal.,  i.  753-9. 
Arriliaga,  J.    J.,  gov.  ad  int.  of  Alta 

Cal.,  1792-3,  i.  772. 
Arrington,    William  W.,  mention  of, 

ii.  172. 
Arricivita,  Father  J.  D.,  works  of,  i. 

720. 

Arroyo  Hondo,  boundary  line,  ii.  10. 
Arvina,    P.    Rafael,    pres.     missions, 

etc.,  1802-4,  ii.  706. 
Ascension,  Father  A.  de  la,  with  Viz 
caino's  exped.,  1602-3,  i.    154,  160; 

'  Relacion  Breve,'  i.  154,  167-8. 
Asylums,  Texas,  ii.  537-9. 
Atkinson,    J.    G.,    execution     of,    ii. 

520-1. 
Atotonilco,   Spaniards  massacred   at, 

1616,  i.  322. 

Augustm,  Major,  mention  of,  ii.  321, 
Aury,    Luis    de,    appt'd   commodore, 

etc.,  1816,  ii.    34-5;  abandons  Gal- 

veston,  ii.  39. 

'Austin,'  sloop  of  war,  ii.  351. 
Austin,  J.  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  300. 
Austin,  John,  joins  insurgents,   1832, 

ii.     120;    attacks   on     Velasco,    ii. 

121-3;  reply  to  Mejia,  ii.  125. 
Austin,  Moses,  biog.,  colony,  etc.,  ii. 

56  et  seq. ;  death  of,  ii.  58. 
Austin,    S.    F.,    mention    of,    ii.   57; 

founds  Austin  colony,  ii.  59  et  seq. ; 

grant   confirmed,  ii.  63;  additional 

grant,    ii.     69;     additional    grant, 
1827,     ii.     74;     opposes     Edwards 

revolt,    1826,    ii.    107;   commended 

by   Mex.    govt,    ii.     110;    member 


state  conv.,  1833,  ii.  133-4;  before 
Mex.  congress,  ii.  136;  arrest,  etc., 
of,  ii.  138-42;  Texan  council,  1834, 
ii.  146;  return  and  advice  of,  1835, 
ii.  162—4;  com'd'r  in  chief  of 
Texans,  ii.  168;  embassador  to  the 
U.  S.,  ii.  173;  battle  cf  Coiicep- 
cipn,  ii.  175-7;  siege  of  Be  jar,  ii. 
177  et  seq.;  resigns  command,  ii. 
178;  favors  independence,  ii.  215; 
appeal  of  in  aid  of  Texas,  ii.  284; 
defeat,  etc.,  of,  ii.  290-2;  app't'd 
sec.  of  state,  ii.  294;  death  and 
biog.  of,  ii.  29S-COO. 

Austin,  San  Felipe  de,  named,  ii.  64, 
capital  at,  1839,  ii.  337—8;  archive 
war  at,  ii.  353. 

Austin,  Col  \V.  J.,  battle  of  S.  Anto 
nio,  ii.  182. 

Austin,  W.  T.,  Houston's  aid-de 
camp,  ii.  238. 

Austin  colony,  grant,  ii.  56  et  seq.; 
settlement  of,  ii.  59  et  seq.;  grant 
confirmed,  ii.  63;  gov't,  ii.  63-5; 
additional  grants,  ii.  69 

Austin  party,  mention  of,  ii.  291. 

Austin's  map  of  1835,  ii.  75. 

Avalos,  exped.  of,  i.  14-15. 

Avalos,  Province,  subjugation,  etc., 
of,  i.  14-15. 

Ayestaran,  Gen'l  J.  J.,  removal  of,  ii. 
589. 

Ayutla,  plan  of,  in  Chih.  and  Duran- 
go,  1855,  ii.  617. 

Azpilcueto,  Father  M.,  missionary 
labors,  etc.,  of,  1630,  i.  228-9. 

Aztatlan,  Guzman  at,  1530,  i.  29 


B 


Bacoburitos,  Sinaloan  tribe,  revolt  of, 
1604,  i.  213. 

Baegert,  Father  J.,  mention  of,  i. 
469. 

Baegert,  Father,  biog.,  i.  478;  works 
of,  i.  478;  map  of,  1757,  i.  479; 
the  Jesuit  expulsion,  1767-8,  i. 
479-81. 

Bahia,  presidio,  establ'd  1722,  i.  628; 
site  of  changed,  i.  631 ;  removal  of, 
1749,  i.  642;  descript.  of,  1778,  i. 
659. 

Baines,  J.,  mention  of,  ii.  410. 

Baines,  J.  W.,  biog.  of,  ii.  578. 

Baja  California,  see  California,  Baja. 

Baker,  arrest  ordered,  ii.  161;  execu 
tion  of,  ii.  334-5. 

Baker,  B.  F.,  biog.,  etc.,  ii.  544. 

Baker,  James  A.,  biog.  of,  ii.  766. 


774 


INDEX. 


Baker,  Capt.  M.,  co.  of,  at  San 
Felipe,  ii.  246;  burns  San  Felipe, 
ii.  247;  rejoins  Houston,  ii.  253. 

Baker,  Col  W.  R.,  biog.  of,  ii.  767. 

Baldwin,  N.  0.,   mention  of,  ii.    561. 

Balesbra,  Father  A.,  retirement  of, 
1644,  i.  234. 

Banderas,  Ind.  chief,  revolt  and 
death  of,  1825-1832,  ii.  652. 

Bandibti,  Texas,  ii.  443. 

Banishment  law,  Texas,  1862,  ii.  458. 

Banking,  Tex.  R.  R.  Navig.  &  Bank 
ing  co.,  ii.  296—7. 

Banks,  General,  expedition  ag'st 
Sabine  City,  ii.  459-61;  other  ex- 
peds  ag'st  lexas  ii.  466-7. 

Baptists,  Texas,   first  church,  ii.  547. 

Barela,  Chico,  leader  Salt  lakes  riot, 
ii.  521. 

Barker,  Stephen,    mention  of,   ii.  48. 

Barnird,  Doctor,  mention  of,  ii. 
231-2. 

Barragan,  Col,  mention  of,  ii.  254-5; 
humanity  of,  ii.  365. 

Barratarian  freebooters,  doings  of,  ii. 
36. 

Barraza,  Capt.  J.,  exped.  of,  1630,  i. 
333-4;  defeats  the  Tobosos,  1644,  i. 
348;  superseded,  i.  349;  the  Tara- 
humare  revolt,  1649-51,  i.  354-8. 

Barrera,  I.  D.  de  la,  bishop  of  Du- 
rango,  1705-9,  i.  593^. 

Barrett,  Judge  D.  C.,  mention  of,  ii. 
160,  172,  174;  elected  judge  advo 
cate  gen'l,  ii.  193^. 

Barrett,  C  >1  T.  H.,  battle  and  retreat 
Palmetto  rancho,  ii.  475. 

Barri,  F.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
1783,  i.  676;  gov.  of  Baja  Cal.,  etc., 
1771-5,  i.  730-9. 

Barriga,  A.  G.,  cruise,  etc.,  of,  1644, 
i.  181-2. 

Barrionuevo,  Father,  mission  to  Tar- 
ahumara,  1673-4,  i.  362-3. 

Barrios  y  Jauregui,  J.  de,  gov.  of 
Coahuila,  1760,  i.  694;  gov.  of 
Texas,  1751-60,  i.  C39,  643. 

Barrota,  J.  E.,  expeds  of,  1686-7,  i. 
413. 

Barrutia,  I.  F.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva  Viz 
caya,  1728,  i.  581. 

Bartlett,  Jesse,  mention  of,  ii.  160. 

Basaldua,  Father  J.  M.,  mention  of, 
i.  426-7;  mission  to  Mex.,  1704,  i. 
428-9;  in  charge  of  Guaymas  mis 
sion,  1709,  i.  511. 

Basilio,  Father,  death  of,  1652,  i. 
358. 

Bastan,  Capt.  A.,  project  of,   i.    170. 

Bastrop,  Baron  de,  app't'd,  ii.  64, 


Battle  creek,  battle  of,  ii.  311. 
Baylor,  Lieut-col  j.  R.,  exped.   ag'st 

Indians,    1859,     ii.    411;    captures 

Forts  Bliss  and  Fillmore,  ii.  451. 
Bays,   Elder  Joseph,   mention   of,  ii. 

547. 
Bazan,  F.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 

1584-5,  i.    113;  exped.  to  Sinaloa, 

1585,  i.  114. 

Beall,  Dr  Elias,  mention  of,  ii.  577. 
Bean,  E.  P.,  biog.  of,  i.  7-8. 
Beaujeu,   Capt.    La  Salle's  exped.,  i. 

397-401. 

Beaumont,  F.  deG.,  1662-5,  i.  337. 
Becerra,  D.,  exped.  of,  1533,  i.  45-6; 

murder  of,  i.  46. 
Beckham,  Mayor  R.  E.,   mention  of, 

ii.  574. 

Bee,  B.  E.,  commis.  to  Mex.,  ii.  340. 
Bee,  Gen'l,  proclaims  martial  law,  ii. 

457. 
Be  jar,  San  Antonio  de,  (see  also  San 

Antonio);  mission  of  founded,  1718, 

i.  618;  Aguayo  at,  1721,   i.   623-4; 

1722,  i.  627-8;  descript.  of  natives 

at,     i.    663;     siege   of,     ii.   177    et 

seq. ;  captured  by   Vasquez,    1842, 

ii.  348. 
Bejar,     San   Fernando    de,    villa    of 

founded,  1730,  i.  632;  memorial  of, 

1770,  i.  652-3;  condition  of,  i.  653- 

4;  garrison   of   increased,    1772,  i. 

656. 
Belaunzaran,  J.  B.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva 

Vizcaya,  1738-48,  i.  582. 
Belen,  presidio  of,   founded,   1760,  i. 

585. 
Belena,  Licentiate  E.  V.,  mention  of, 

i.  711. 

Belgium,  recognizes  Texas'  independ 
ence,  ii.  340. 

Bell,  J.  H.,  mention  of,  ii.  160. 
Bell,  Gov.  P.  H.,  election  of,  1849,  ii. 

398;  vetoes  Texas  debt  bill,   1852, 

ii.  404;  elected  to  U.   S.    congress, 

ii.  405. 
Bellisle,  S.   de,   adventures  of,   1718- 

21,  i.  620. 
Benevolent    institutions,     Texas,    ii. 

537. 
Benitez,  Father  E.,  murder  of,  1686, 

i.  363. 
Bennett,  Lieut-col,  at  council  of  war, 

ii.  258. 

Beranger,  exped.  of,  1720,  i.  619. 
Bernal,  Lieut  C.  M.,  exped.   of,  1697, 

i.  264-5. 

Bernstein,  Max.  mention  of,  ii.  736. 
Berrotaran,    Capt.    J.    de,    report  to 

viceroy,  etc.,  1748,  i,  584. 


INDEX. 


775 


Berry,  Capt.,  death  of,  ii.  363. 
Bevil,  Jolm,  mention  of,  ii.  172. 
Bibliography,  Texas,  ii.  383  et  seq. 
Bickley,  Geo.  W.,  mention  of,  ii.  434. 
Biglow,  Horatio,  mention  of,  ii.  48. 
Biography,  ii.  576-8,  765-9. 
Bischotf,    Father     J.    J.,    at   Loreto, 

1752,  i.  469. 
Blancarte,  Gen.    J.    M.,  revolt,  etc., 

of,  ii.  724. 
Blanco,    General,  succeeds  Carrasco, 

ii.  672;  ultimatum  to  filibusters,  ii. 

677-8;  defeat  of,  ii.  679;  recall  of, 

ii.  681. 
Blanco,  Victor,  elected  vice  gov.,  ii. 

86. 
Bledsoe,    A.,     comptroller,    1869,    ii. 

498. 

Blind  asylum,  Texas,  ii.  537-8. 
Blount,  Col  S.  M.,  biog.,  ii.  576. 
Bogarro,  Anselmo,  escape  of,  ii.  213; 

casualty  report  of,  ii.  215. 
Bohorques,  Adjutant  N.,  with  Salva- 

tierra's  exped.,  1701,  i.  494. 
Bolas  de   Plata   mines,  discovery  of, 

1736,    i.    525;    richness   of,    i.   526; 

claimed  for  the  crown,  i.  527. 
Bonavia  y  Zapata,  B.,  gov.  intendent 

of  Durango,    1796,  i.   678;  zealousy 

in  royal  cause,  ii.  584. 
Boneo  y  Morales,  J.,  gov.    of  Texas, 

1743,  i.  639. 

Bonham,  death  of,  ii.  212. 
Bonifacio,  Father  L.,   death  of,  1644, 

i.  234;  biog.,  i.  234. 
Bonilla,  exped.  of,  1595.  i.  128-9. 
Boimell,  Geo.  W.,  mention  of,  ii.  550. 
Boimer,  Judge  M.  H.,  associate  jus 
tice,  1878,  ii.  522. 
Boone,  H.  H.,  mention  of,  ii.  518. 
Borden,  Gail,  mention  of,  ii.  170,  549. 
Borden,  T.  H.,  mention  of,  ii.  549. 
Borica,  D.  de,   gov.    of  Cal.,    1794,   i. 

751;  1800,  i.  759,  772. 
Borrego,  T.,  arrest  of,  ii.  623. 
Botello  y  Serrano,  Capt.  A.,  report, 

etc.,    of,     1636,    i.     177-8;    license 

granted  to,  i.  178. 
Boulbon,    Raousset   de,  early   career 

of,    ii.    674;    schemes     of,    ii.    676; 

ultimatum   to,    ii.    677-8;  captures 

Hermosillo,    ii.   679;  illness   of,   ii. 

680;  return  to  S.    F.,   etc.,   ii.  682; 

Santa  Annaappts  a  colonel,  ii.  683; 

interference  of  Cal.   authorities,  ii. 

684;     second   exped.     of,    ii.     685; 

Yafiez  outwits,  ii.  686;  defeat  and 

capture  of,  ii.  687-9;  execution  of, 

ii.  690-1. 
Boundary,   Louisiana  possessions,   ii 


45-7;  Texas,  denned,  ii.  297;  New 

Mex.  and  Tex.,    1848,  ii.  398;  Red 

river,    ii.     525-6;    bill,    for  Texas, 

synopsis,  ii.  400. 
Bourne,  Col,  explor.  of,  ii.  644. 
Bowie,  Col    James,    mention    of,   ii. 

128;  biog.,  etc.,  175-7;  grass  fight, 

ii.  178-9;  Alamo  massacre,   ii.  201 

et  seq. ;  death  of,  ii.  212. 
Bowles,  Cherokee  chief,  ii.  321. 
Bradburn,  Davis,  tyranny  of,  ii.  115- 

17;  proclaims  martial  law,  ii.   119; 

mention  of,  ii.  215. 
Bradburn,  John  D. ,  mention  of,  ii.  97. 
Bradley,  Capt.  J.,  biog.,  ii.  578. 
Brambila,  Lieut-col,  surrenders  com 
mand,  1844. 
Branciforte,    mission,    founded,    etc., 

1797,  i.  772. 
Bravo,    Father   J.,    expedt.,  etc.,  of, 

1718-21,  i.  444-9;  death  of,  1744,  i. 

462. 
Bravo,  J.  V.  D.,   bishop  of  Durango, 

etc.,  1769,  i.  684. 
Bravo,  Nicolas,  mention  of,  373. 
Braw,  A.  L.,  mention  of,  ii.  410. 
Brazitos,  battle  at,  ii.  606-7. 
Brazoria,    founded,     ii.     110;    angry 

meeting,  etc.,  at,  ii.  117. 
' Brazoria,'  schooner,  ii.  121. 
Brazos,  Indian  agency,  formation  of, 

ii.  406-7. 

Breece,  Capt.,  mention  of,  ii.  179. 
Bremond,  Paul,  mention  of,  ii.  574. 
Brenham,  Dr,  death,  etc.,  of,  ii.  366. 
Brenham,    R.    F.,    Texas     Santa   Fe 

exped.,  ii.  334. 
Brincourt,  captures  Chihuahua,  etc., 

1864,  ii.  621. 
Bringas,    Col    Juan,   mention   of,    ii. 

263. 
Bronson,  Lieut-col,  victory  of  at  Pal- 

metto  rancho,  ii.  475. 
Brotherton,  Capt.,  mention  of,  ii.  524. 
Brown,  Capt.  J.,  capt.   schooner  In 
vincible,    ii.     271;     captures     the 

'  Pocket, 'ii.  272. 
Brown,  Mayor  J.  T.,    mention  of,  ii. 

574. 
Brown,    P     R.,    escape,    etc.,   of,  ii. 

219-20. 

Brown,  Capt.  T.  J.,  biog.,  of,  ii.  769. 
Brown,    Capt.    Wm,    capt.    schooner 

Liberty,  ii.  271. 
Brownsville,    Cortina's   raids   on,    ii. 

444;  captures  and  recaptures  of,  ii. 

466-8. 
'Brutus,'   schooner,    mention    of,    ii. 

272;  loss,  etc.,  of,  ii.  283-4. 
Bryan,  G.  M.,  mention  of,  ii.  296. 


776 


INDEX. 


Bryan,  William,  mention  of,  ii.  352. 

Bucareli,  Nuestra  Senora  del  Pilar  de 
pueblo  of  establd,  1774,  i.  656;  site 
of  removed,  17'/9,  i.  656-7. 

Buckley,  defeat  of,  1858,  ii.  427. 

Buckley,  S.  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  553. 

Buena  y  Alcalde,  Father  M.  A.,  men 
tion  of,  i.  706. 

Buffaloes,  Texas,  ii.  559. 

Buford,  M.  N.,  mention  of,  ii.  554. 

Bullock,  James  W.,  defeat  of  Piedras, 
ii.  127. 

Burleson,  Col  E.,  succeeds  Austin,  ii. 
178;  at  council  of  war,  ii.  258;  bat 
tle  of  San  Jacinto,  ii.  260-1 ;  Cher 
okee  battle,  ii.  323;  elected  vice 
pres.,  1841,  ii.  342;  defeat  of,  elec 
tion,  1844,  ii.  378. 

Burman,  Jesse,  mention  of,  ii.  171. 

Burnett,  Pres.  David  G.,  colony 
grant,  ii.  74,  110;  member  state 
conv.,  1833,  ii.  133;  election  of, 
1836,  ii.  218;  proclamation,  March 
1836,  ii.  246;  at  Camp  San  Jacinto, 
ii.  268;  army  officers'  letter  to,  ii. 
273;  charged  with  treason,  ii.  274; 
message  of,  Oct.  1836,  ii.  292;  res 
ignation  of,  ii.  293;  elected  vice 
pres.,  1838,  ii.  313;  defeat,  election, 
1841,  ii.  341. 

Burnley,  mediation  of  Me^c.  &  Texas, 
ii.  340. 

Burr,  Robert,  app't'd  postmaster  gen 
eral,  ii.  294. 

Burriel,  Padre  A  M.,  'Noticia  de  la 
California,' i.  281-2. 

Burton,  Col,  campaign,  etc.,  of  L. 
Cal.,  ii.  713  et  seq. 

Burton,  Major  L,  achievements  of, 
ii.  282. 

Burts,  Wm  P.,  mayor  Fort  Worth, 
ii.  574. 

Bustamante,  Capt.  B.,  exped.  against 
Apaches,  1756,  i.  557. 

Bustamante,  Capt.  F.,  with  Figueroa's 
exped.,  1636,  i.  174;  alcalde  mayor 
of  San  Felipe,  1636,  i.  207;  lieut- 
gov.  of  San  Felipe,  1636,  i.  231-2. 

Bustamante  y  Velasco,  election  orders 
of  1821,  ii.  635. 

Buster,  Capt.,  writing  of,  ii.  360. 

Bustillo  y  Cevallos,  J. ,  gov.  of  Texas, 
i.  634;  rule,  1730-3,  i.  634-6. 

Byrom,  John  S.  D.,  mention  of,  ii. 
172. 


C 


Caballero  y  Carranco,  Friar  J. ,  with 
Lucenilfa's  exped.,  1668,  i.  184. 


Caballero  y  Osio,  J.,  aids  Sal vatierra, 
1697,  i.  280. 

Caborca,  attacked  by  Pimas,  1541,  i. 
544. 

Cabello,  D.,  gov.  of  Texas,  1778-81, 
i.  660,  668. 

Cabezas,  raids  of  the,  1641-5,  i. 
348-9. 

Cabildos,  Coah.,  decree  ordering, 
1812,  ii.  79. 

Cabrera,  bandit,  capture  and  execu 
tion  of,  ii.  445. 

Cabrillo,  J.  R,  exped.  of,  1542-3,  i. 
133-5;  'Relation,'!.  133;  discovers 
upper  Cal.,  1542,  i.  135;  death  of, 
i.  135-6. 

Caderita,  Viceroy,  decree  of,  1636,  i. 
178. 

Cadillac,  M.,  gov.  of  Louisiana,  etc., 
1713,  i.  610. 

Cajen,  Gov.,  captiires  Durango,  1859, 
ii.  618;  defeat  and  death,  ii,  619. 

Cajenie,  Ind.  chief,  execution  of,  ii. 
704. 

Calahorra,  Father,  exped.  of,  1760,  i. 
649-50. 

Calder,  Capt.  R.  J.,  mention  of,  ii. 
260-1. 

Calderon,  M.,  alcalde  mayor  at  San 
Felipe,  1671.  i.  237. 

Caldwell,  Col  M.,  battle  with  Woll, 
ii.  357-8. 

California,  name,  i.  82. 

California  (Alta  or  upper),  discovered 
by  Cabrillo,  1542,  i.  135-6;  Fer- 
relo's  voyage,  1543,  i.  136;  Viz 
caino's  exped.,  1602-3,  i.  158-60; 
Vizcaino's  scheme  for  colonizing, 
1620,  i.  167-8;  expeds  to,  1769, 
i.  489-90;  Anza's  exped.,  1774-6, 
i.  717-18;  occupation,  etc.,  of, 
1769-1800,  i.  765-73;  Franciscans 
in,  i.  767-70;  exploration  of, 
1775-6,  i.  768;  mission  affairs 
in,  1781-90,  i.  769-73;  industries, 
etc.,  in,  i.  771;  filibustering  expeda 
from,  1852-4,  ii.  673  et  seq. 

California  (Baja  or  lower),  Ulloa's  ex 
ped.,  1539,  i.  78-82;  Alarcon's, 
1540,  i.  90-5;  Cabrillo's,  1542,  i. 
133-4;  Vizcaino's  exped.,  1597,  i. 
147-51;  1602-3,  i.  153-60;  Cardona'a 
exped.,  1615,  i.  164;  Vizcaino's 
scheme  for  colonizing,  1620,  i.  167— 
8;  regarded  as  an  inland,  i.  luS-9; 
map  of,  1624-5,  i.  169;  Or'ega',;  ex 
peds,  1632-6,  i.  171-5;  Canas'  ex 
ped.,  1642,  i.  181;  BarrigaX  1044, 
i.  182;  Casanate's,  1648,  i.  183-4; 
Lucenilla's,1668,  i.  184-5;0tondo's, 


INDEX. 


777 


1683-5,  i.  187-93;  Itamarra's,  1694, 
i.  194-5;  Dampier's,  etc.,  1704-10, 
i.  19(3-200;  Frondac's,  1709,  i.  200; 
Shelvock's,  1721,  i.  200-1;  effect  of 
failures  to  colonize,  i.  270-7;  Sal- 
vatierra's  exped.  to,  1(397-1700,  i. 
284-304;  Loreto  founded  in,  1697, 
i.  284-6;  maps  of,  i.  427,  447,  464, 
471,  479,  743;  mission  affairs,  etc., 
in,  1701-17,  i.  421-438;  1769-74,  i. 
7^6;  178J-1800,  i.  745;  mission  sys 
tem,  i.  439-41;  mission  funds,  i. 
441-2;  mission,  affairs,  etc.,  in, 
1717-69,  i.  443-91;  Jesuits  in,  1717 
-68,  i.  443-82;  Ugarte's  explor.  of, 

1721,  i.    450-2;  IOGUJ:    plague     in, 

1722,  i.     453;    Taraval's     explor., 
1732,   i.  458;  Lilian    outbreaks  in, 
i.   457-62;    epidemic   in,    1742-8,   i. 
462;  Coasags  explore,  1746,  i.  463- 
4;     1753,    i.    470;    Escobar's    rept, 
1745,  i.  465;  Industrie j  of,  i.  467-8, 
488;  native  diplomacy  in,  i.  474-  5; 
Jesuibs   expelled    from,     1767-8,   i. 
477-82;  Franciscan?  in,    1767-9,  i. 
482-90;  Salvatierra's  exped.,  1701, 
i.    493-8;    Kino's,    1701-6,    i.   495- 
502;  Dominicans   in    (1777)  i.    742; 
pestilence,  etc.,  in,  1781,  i.  745;  ex 
plorations  of,  1794-7,  i.  752-4;  set 
tlements,     etc.,    of,    1768-1800,    i. 
760-3;    population,   i.    762;    indus- 

N^ries,  i.  762-3;  progress  and  e/ents, 
1803-1888,  ii.  705-69;  separation 
from  Alta  Cal.,  ii.  705;  neglect  of, 
ii.  703;  foreign  intercourse,  1826- 
32,  ii.  711;  war  with  U.  3.,  ii.  712; 
U.  S.  restoration  of,  etc.,  ii.  719; 
Walker's  filibustering  exped.,  1851, 
ii.  720  et  seq. ;  French  intervention 
in,  ii.  726;  revenue  of,  ii.  742;  edu 
cation  in,  ii.  742:  ii.  755-6;  iron, 
lead,  tin,  quicksilver,  etc.,  ii.  756; 
graphite  and  saltpetre,  757-8, 
pearls,  ii.  757-60;  mills,  ii.  760-1. 

Calleja,  Felix,  mention  of,  ii.  581. 

Caltzontzin,  King,   murder  of,    i.   28. 

Calvo,  Consul,  surrenders  filibusters, 
ii.  689. 

Calvo,  J.  J.,  Commandante  gen'l, 
1834,  ii.  590,  593. 

Cambon,  Father,  in  charge  at  San 
Fernando,  1773,  i.  737. 

Oamea,  Juan  M.  L,  Yaqui  gen'l, 
death  of,  ii.  659. 

Cameron,  Capfc.,  disobedience  of,  ii. 
330;  Ir.ttle  of  Mier,  ii.  363;  escape, 
etc.,  of,  ii.  365;  execution  of,  ii. 
388. 

Cameron,  John,   colony  grant,  ii.  74; 


mention  of,  ii.  97,  155;  apptd  Ind. 
commission,   ii.  199. 

Campos,  Father,  escape  of,  1695,  i. 
261;  the  death  of  Kino,  1711,  i.  505 
-6;  labors  in  Pimeria,  i.  507;  ex 
plor.  of,  1715,  i.  507-8. 

Campuzano,  Commandant,  surrender 
of  Guaymas,  ii.  065,  667. 

Caiiales,    Col,  mili.    disaster,   ii.   361. 

Caiiales,  Gen'l  Antonio,  battle  of  Al- 
cantro,  ii.  327-8;  inaction  of,  ii. 
328;  Arista  defeats,  ii.  329;  Davis' 
defeat  of,  ii.  357. 

Canalizo,  Gen'l,  incites  Ind.  hostili 
ties,  ii.  321;  capture  of  correspon 
dence,  ii.  322;  force  at  Matamoras, 
1840,  ii.  326. 

Caiias,  L.  C.  de.,  exped.  of,  1642,  i. 
181;  alcalde  mayor  of  San  Felipe, 
1641-4,  i.  207;  commandante  of 
Sinaloa,  1641,  i.  232. 

Can  by,  Gen'l,  defeat  in  battle  of  Val- 
ocide,  ii.  452;  battle  at  Peralta,  ii. 
453;  surrender  of  Kirby  Smith,  ii. 
475;  letter  on  Texas  affairs  in 
Texas,  1868,  ii.  497. 

Cancio,  Capt.  L..  letters  to  viceroy, 
etc.,  1766-7,  i.  567-71;  the  Jesuit 
expulsion,  1 767,  i.  575-7,  704;  men 
tion  of,  i.  696,  699. 

Candelaria  mission,  establd  1744,  i. 
641;  founding  of,  1761-2,  i.  650. 

Caned,  Gov.,  election  of,  1877,  ii. 
702. 

Canedo,  D.  de,  at  La  Paz,  1633,  i. 
172. 

Canto,  Gen'l,  murders  Pantoni,  ii. 
623. 

Caravajal,  Gen'l,  mention  of,  ii.  445. 

Carhajal,  J.  S.  L.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  1723,  i.  581. 

Carbonel,  E.,  exped.,  etc.,  of,  1636, 
i.  175-6. 

Cardelle,  Cara,  '  W.  B.  Dewees'  Let 
ters,'  ii.  385. 

Cardenas,  Capt.,  exped.  to  the  Col 
orado,  1540,  i.  85. 

Cardenas,  Jose  S.  de,  councillor,  ii. 
86. 

Cardenas,  Father  L.,  hostility  to,  i. 
228. 

Cardis,  Louis,  death  of,  etc.,  ii.  519 

Cardona,  N.,  voyages  of,  1613-15,  i. 
163-5. 

Cardona,  Capt.  S.,  voyages  of,  1613- 
15,  i.  163-7;  memorial  of,  i.  178. 

Carnes,  Capt.,  scouting  exploits  of, 
ii.  244;  commis.  to  Mex.,  ii.  281-2. 

Cams,  Henry,  at  battle  S.  Antonio, 
ii.  184. 


778 


INDEX. 


Cora,  Ramon  M.,  estimates  of  Alamo 
casualties,  ii.  214. 

Carranco,  Padre,  murder  of,  1734,  i. 
458. 

Carrasco,  Capt.  D.,  with  Kino's  ex- 
ped.,  1698,  i.  266. 

Carrasco,  Col  J.  M.,  death  of,  ii.  672. 

Carrera,  Father  A.,  mention  of,  i. 
378. 

Carrillo,  Gov.,  proclaims  Iglesias 
pres.,  etc.,  1876,  ii.  624. 

Carrion,  Capt.  J.  F.,  the  Tarahumare 
revolts,  1649-52,  i.  354,  359. 

Carson,  S.  P.,  Letter  to  Bunnett,  ii. 
246;  retired,  ii.  269. 

'Cart,'  war,  Texas,   1857,  ii.  417-19. 

Casa  Grande,  ruins  of  explored,  1697. 
i.  265. 

Casanate,  Admiral,  comandante  of 
Sinaloa,  i.  233. 

Casanate,  Capt.  P.  Portery,  survey 
proposed  by,  1635,  i.  177;  report, 
etc.,  of,  1636,  i.  177-8;  license 
granted  to,  i.  178;  revoked,  i.  178; 
captured  by  pirates,  1637,  i.  178-9: 
memorial  of,  1638,  i.  179;  commis 
sion,  1640,  i.  179-80;  at  Santa  Cruz, 

1643,  i.  181;  ship  building  projects, 
i.    181-2;  cruise   of   the   'Rosario,' 

1644,  i.  182;  vessels,  etc.,  of  burned, 
i.  182-3;  royal  favor  to,  i.  183;  voy 
age  of,  1648,  i.   183-4. 

Casavantes,  G.,  revolt   of,    1829,   ii. 

625. 

Cash,   John  S.,  execution  of,  ii.  367. 
Castaneda,  Lieut  F.,   Texans   defeat 

of.ii.  165-6. 

Castaniza,  Bishop,  mention  of,  ii.  584 . 
Castano,  Father  B.,  missionary  labors 

of,  1638-9,  i.  230. 
Castilla,   P.   H.    de,    captain   at    San 

Felipe,  1680,  i.  237. 
Castillo,  Capt.  D.  del,  map  of,  i.  80-1 ; 

exped.  of,  1050,  i.  385-6. 
Castillo,  G.  del,  gov.  of  Nueva  Viz- 

caya,  1695,  i.  338. 
Castini,    Father   P.,    retirement    of, 

1644,  i.  234. 
Castini,     Padre     P.    J.,     missionary 

labors  of,  1621,  i.  225. 
Castleman,  S.,  mention  of,  ii.  300. 
Castrillon,  Gen'l,  courage  of,  ii.  262. 
Castro,  Gov.  A.  M.  de,  installation  of, 

ii.  649. 
Castro,  Brother  F.,  death  of,  1527,  i. 

230. 

Castro,  Jose,  murder  of,  ii.  725.          , 
Castro,  Gov.  M.  M.,  succeeds  Cafieda, 

ii.  703. 
Castro,  Capt.  Mauricio,  defense  prep. 


of,  1847,  ii.  712;  orders  to  Pineda, 

ii.    713;    capture  of,   1847,    ii.    718; 

suspended,  etc.,  ii.  720. 
Cave,  E.  W. ,  refusal  to  take  confed. 

oath,  ii.  440. 

Cavelier,    priest,  with  La  Salle's  ex 
ped.,  i.  406-11. 
Cavendish,  Sir  T.,  voyage  of,  1588,  i. 

144. 
Ceballos,   Gov.  Rafael,   appointment 

of,  ii.  663. 

Cepeda,  Father,  remarks  on  Ind.  out 
break  of  1644-5,  i.  351-2. 
Cereals,  Texas,  ii.  557-8. 
Cermenon,  S.  R.,  voyage  of,  1595,  i. 

147. 
Cerralvo,  Viceroy,  grants  license,  etc. , 

to   Ortega,    1631,    i.    171;  to  Casa- 

mate,  1636,  i.  177-8. 
Cerro  Gordo,  fortified  camp  at,  1645, 

i.    351;    presidio   site  removed,    i. 

680. 
Cervantes,  Father  B.,  death  of,  1649, 

i.  234. 
Cervantes,   G.  G.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva 

Vizcaya,  1631-3,  i.  306. 
Cespedes,  Col,  battle  San  Jacinto,  ii. 

263. 

Chalmers,  W.  L.,   sec.  state  conven 
tion,  ii.  482. 
Chambers,  A.  J.,  biog.   mention,    ii. 

544. 
Chambers,   Judge  Thomas,   biog.   of, 

ii.  144. 
Chambers,   T.  J.,   defeat  of  election, 

1853,  ii.  405;  1861,  ii.  451;  1863,  ii. 

466;  treason  of,  ii.  425. 
Chambers,    William,  defeat   election, 

1876,  ii.  515. 
Chametla,   Port,   Cortes'    exped.    at, 

1535,    i.   49-50;    Guzman's,    i.    58; 

name,  i.  203. 
Chametla,  Province,  Guzman  in,  1530, 

i.     30-2;    Ibarra's     occupation   of, 

1565,  i.  110. 

'Champion,'  capture  of,  ii.  284. 
Chandler,  Capt.,  party  of,  ii.  371. 
Chapman,    Rev.  R.  M. ,  mention   of, 

ii.  648. 
Chaves,    Lieut,    arrests  Negrete,    ii. 

720. 

Cheape,  Geo.  C.,  biog.  of,  ii.  736. 
Cherokees,   Inds.,  petition   for  land- 
grant,  ii.  103;  battle  with,  1839,  ii. 

323. 
Chevalie,  Major  M.,   mention   of,  ii. 

397. 

Chichimecs,  country  of  the,  i.  12-13. 
Chicuris,  Sinaloan   tribe,    conversion 

of,  1671,  i.  239. 


INDEX. 


779 


Chihuahua,  see  also  Nueva  Vizcaya; 
name,  i.  600;  Iturbide  revolt  in,  ii. 
586;  admitted  as  a  state,  ii.  587; 
political  events,  1825-43,  ii.  589- 
603;  events  in  1843-88,  ii.  604  et 
seq. ;  invasion  threatened,  1843,  ii. 
604-5;  map  of,  ii.  606;  Doniphan's 
capture  of,  ii.  608-9;  retreat  of 
French  from,  1866,  ii.  622;  revolt 
1871-2,  1876,  ii.  624;  boundary  with 
Durango,  ii.  626;  revenue  of,  ii. 
741 ;  education  in,  ii.  746. 

Chihuahua,  town,  provis.  capitol, 
1884,  ii.  620. 

Chinipa,  Hurdaide's  exped.  to,  1601, 
i.  211. 

Chinipas,    missionaries  among,   1620, 

1.  224-5;  missions  founded  among, 
1526-7,  i.  227;  revolt,  etc.,  of,  1631- 

2,  i.  229-30. 

Chirrines  conservatives,  party,  ii.  588. 

Chirinos,  P.,  with  Guzman's  exped., 
1529,  i.  28. 

Chivington,  Maj.,  battle  with  confed 
erates,  ii.  452. 

Cibola,  province,  Coronado's  exped. 
in,  1540,  i.  85. 

Ciguataiv,  province,  Guzman  in,  1831, 
i.  33-5. 

Cinco  Senores,  Pueblo,  founding  of, 
1728,  i.  584. 

Cisneros,  Father  B.,  death  of,  1616,  i. 
323. 

'  City  of  Monterey, '  plan,  ii.  395. 

Civil  war,  Texas,  ii.  450  et  seq. 

Clark,  Gov.  Edward,  succeeds  Hous 
ton,  ii.  410;  proclamation,  June 
1861,  ii.  451;  defeat  election,  1861, 
ii.  451. 

Clark,  Judge  Geo.,  state  attorney  - 
gen'l,  ii.  518;  biog.  of,  ii.  578. 

Clark,  W.  T.,  representative,  1869, 
ii.  498. 

Clark,  James  B. ,  mention  of,  ii.  546. 

Clay,  Adam,  biog.  of,  ii.  767. 

Clay,  Sen.  Henry,  boundary  and  debt 
of  Texas,  ii.  399. 

Clavigero,  F.  S.,  '  Storia  della  Cali 
fornia,'  i.  282. 

Clements,  J.  D.,  mention  of,  ii.  172, 
174. 

Climate,  Texas,  ii.  556-7;  L.  Gal.,  ii. 
730. 

Clingman,  Senator,  mention  of,  ii. 
435. 

Clough,  Col  J.  M.,  mention  of,  ii.  577, 

Coahuila,  annals  of,  1582-1600,  i.  126, 

Coapa,  the  Tepehuane  revolt,  1616- 
17,  i.  324. 

Coahuila,    limits  of,    i.   375;   church 


affairs  in,  i.  375-6:  map  of,  i.  377; 
boundaries  of,  i.  603-4;  govs.  of, 
1702-89,  i.  604;  condition  of,  1701- 
1800,  i.  605;  population,  i.  605-6; 
settlements,  i.  606-7;  missions 
affairs,  etc.,  in  i.  607-8;  despotism 
in,  1824,  ii.  77;  population,  1803- 

10,  ii.  78;  gov't  of  towns,  ii.  78-9; 
resources,   ii.   80;  independence  in, 

11.  82;  state  formed  with  Texas,  ii. 
83;  constitution  of,  ii.  83;  election, 
1827,    ii.    86;    finances  of,  1827,   ii. 
86-7;  administ.   of  justice,   1827-9, 
ii.  94-5;  education,  1811-30,  ii.  95- 
6;  separation  of  Coah.  &  Tex.  dis 
cussed,    ii.    130    et   seq.;    factional 
fight  in,  ii.  143  et  seq. ;  state  auth 
orities  deposed,  ii.  154-5. 

3ocke,  J.  D,,  execution  of,  ii.  367. 

Sodallos  y  Rabal,  Dr  J.,  vicar-gen,  of 
Texas,  1721,  i.  625. 

Coe,  Philip,  mention  of,  ii.  171. 

Coke,  Gov.  Pvichard,  election  of  1872, 
ii.  510-11;  message,  1875,  ii.  512; 
reelection  of,  1876,  ii.  515;  pro 
poses  constitutional  changes,  ii. 
516-18;  elected  U.  S.  senator,  1876, 
ii.  518. 

Coker,  John,  mention  of,  ii.  260. 

Coleto,  battle  of  the,  ii.  227-33. 

Collantes,  Father  J.,  retirement  of, 
1644,  i.  234. 

Collard,  E.,  mention  of,  ii.  171. 

Colleges,  Texas,  list  of,  ii.  546. 

Collingsworth,  Capt.  George,  capture 
of  Goliad,  ii.  169. 

Collingsworth,  J.,  sec.  of  state,  1836, 
ii.  269;  commis.  to  Washington,  ii. 
284;  suicide,  etc.,  of,  ii.  313. 

Collins,  L.  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  £61. 

Colombo,  town,  Guzman  at,  1531,  i. 
35. 

Colonization  in  Tex.,  Spanish,  ii.  54- 
5;  Austin's,  ii.  56  et  seq.,  other  colo 
nies,  ii.  73  et  seq.;  L.  Cal.,  1864, 
ii.  727;  act  of,  1883,  ii.  729;  N. 
Mex.  states,  ii.  744. 

Colonization  law,  Texas  &  Coah., 
1825,  ii.  70. 

'  Colorado,'  war  brig,  ii.  351. 

Colorado  river,  Diaz  on  the,  1540.  i. 
88;  Alarcon,  i.  91-3;  Sedelmaira 
explor.,  1744,  i.  537;  1748-50,  i. 
540-1. 

Columbia,  revolutionary  meeting  at, 
1835,  ii.  162. 

Columbus,  theory,  etc.,  of,  i.  2-3. 

Comanches,  war  with  Apacnes,  i. 
644-5;  massacre  at  San  Saba,  1758, 
i.  645-8;  exped'  against,  1759,  i. 


780 


INDEX. 


649;  further  raid 3  of,  i.  649;  defeat 

of,  1790,  i.  669;  luwcilitiea  of,  1810, 

ii.  324;  troubles  with,  ii.  405;  res 
ervation  for,  ii.  407. 
Commerce,    Texas,   imports    and  ex 
ports,    1834,    ii     148;    1838-40,    ii. 

S42;  1870-82,   ii.   5G7;  shipping,  ii. 

568;  L.  Cal.     1800-17,  ii.  707;   N. 

Mex.   states,  import?  and   exports, 

ii.  762;  ports,  ii.  763. 
Co  npo  stela,  capital  of  Nueva  Galicia, 

15,^1,  i.  39. 
Comuripa,    Sinaloa,    alleged    miracle 

at,  i.  243. 

Concepcion,  battle  of,  ii.  175-7. 
Concepcion  de  Alamos,  declared  capi- 

tol  1827,  ii.  6J4. 
Conchd,    native    name   for  Loreto,    i. 

286. 
Conchos,  revolt   of  the,    1645,  i.  349- 

53. 
Con  le,  brig.,  A    Garcia,   gov   Sonora 

&  Sinaloa,    ii     582;  capture   of,  ii. 

630. 

Conde,  Garcia,  mention  of,  ii.  586. 
Condor,  Max.  war  brig,  ii.  665. 
Confederates,  Texas,  Twiggs' surrend 
er  to,  etc..    ii.  437   et  seq;  capture 

of    Forts   Arbuckle    &    Brown,    ii. 

450;  of  Forts  Bliss  &   Fillmore,   ii. 

451;  New  Mexico  invasion,  ii.  45l 

et  seq. 
Confederate  congress,  act  of  conscrip-    Corpus 

tio:i,  ii.  471 
Confederate  currency     worthlessness 

of,  1864,  ii.  469. 
Congress,  Texas,  ses&ion  1836,  ii.  295; 

1837,  ii.  303. 
Congress  of  U.    S.,    act  for  gov't  of 

rebel  states,  1 867,  ii.  487. 
'Congress,'  U.  S.  frigate,  ii.  667- 
Congressmen,  Texas,  list  of,  1845-61, 

ii.  449. 
Conner,  J.    C.,    representative,    1869, 

ii.  498." 
Consag,  Father  F.,  biog.,   i.   457;  ex- 

ped.   of,     1746,   i.    463-5;    1751,    i. 

469;  1753,  i.  470;  map,  i.  464;  death, 

1759,  i.  470. 

Conservatives,  Durango,  ii.  588. 
Constitution,    Texas   state,    1876,    ii. 

515-16. 
Constitutional    legislature,     Sin.      & 

Sonora,  1824,  ii.  637. 
Cook,  guide,  battle  of  S.  Antonio,  ii. 

182,  185. 
Cook,  Major  Hamlin,  mention  of,  ii. 

48-50. 

Cook,  Dr  T.  C.,  biog.  of,  ii.  577. 
Cooke,  Col,  surrender  of,  ii.  335. 


Cooke,  Capt.  P.  Sfc  G.,  disarms 
Suively,  11.  371. 

Cooke,  W.  G.,  cominis.  Tex.  Santa 
Fa  exped.,  ii.  334. 

Copala,  province,  location,  etc.,  of,  i. 
203. 

Copart,  Father  J.  B.,  with  Otondo's 
exped.,  1683,  i.  187,  192. 

Corbalan,  P.  de,  gov.  ad  int.  of 
Sonora  &  Sinaloa,  1769-72,  1777,  i. 
711. 

Cordero,  Gov.,  deposed,  ii.  617. 

Cordero,  Ant.,  com.  genl  Occidente 
section,  etc.,  ii.  586. 

Cordova,  Vicente,  Nacogdoches  re 
bellion,  ii.  320. 

Cordova,  Vicente,  death  of,  ii.  358. 

Corn,  Texas,  ii.  557. 

Coro,  Cacique,  victory  over  Apaches, 
1698,  i.  274. 

Coroiiado,  E.,  captures  Durango,  1858, 
ii.  618. 

Coronado,  F.  V.  de,  gov.  of  Xueva 
Galicia,  1538,  i.  71-2;  exped.  of, 
1539,  i.  72-7;  1540-2,  i.  83-7;  ex- 
ped.  of,  i.  381. 

Coronados  island,  pearl  fishing  at, 
1698,  i.  294. 

Corona,  harrasses  imperialists,  1866, 
ii.  622. 

Corona,  Gov.,  succeeds  Rosales,  ii. 
698. 

Christi,  capture  of,  ii.  454. 

Corral,  Brig.  I.  del,  resignation  of, 
ii.  586. 

Correro,  Mex.  schooner,  ii.  161. 

Cortes, H.,expeds, etc., of, i.  4-25;  Guz 
man's  hostility  to,  i.  26-7,  42-5v); 
expeds  despatched  by,  1532-3,  i. 
40-7;  appeal  to  the  audiencia,  i. 
48;  exped.  of,  1535,  i.  49-52;  rup 
ture  with  Mendoxa,  i.  95;  return  to 
Spain,  1540,  i.  95. 

Cortes,  Father  J.,  with  Canas  exped., 
1642,  i.  181. 

Cortina,  J.  N.,  depredations,  etc.,  of, 
ii.  443;  victory  of,  ii.  446;  defeat 
of,  ii.  448;  capture  of  Brownsville, 
etc.,  ii.  468. 

Corvan,  T.  G.  de,  with  Vizcaino's  ex 
ped.,  1602-3,  i.  153,  159. 

Cos,  Gen'l  M.  Prefecto  de,  action  in 
Coah.  affairs,  ii.  153-5;  conciliatory 
circular  of,  ii.  156;  proclamation  of, 
~i.  157;  mention  of,  ii.  161;  march 
to  Tex.,  Oct.  1835,  ii.  165;  siege  of 
B^jar,  ii.  177  et  seq. ;  capitulation 
of.  ii.  187;  capture  of,  ii.  265. 

Ca^a-;,  Juan  B.,  seizes  governor,  1811, 
ii.  17. 


INDEX. 


781 


Coshattas,    Indians,   docility  of,    ii. 

442. 
Cossin,  Father  B.  de,  martyrdom  of, 

i.   116. 

Gotten,  G.  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  548. 
Cotton,    coiifed.    restrictions    on,     ii. 

457;  demands  for,  ii.  457;  cultiva 
tion  of,  ii.  557. 
Crabb,  H.   A.,    colony   scheme  of,  ii. 

694;  execution  of,  ii.  695. 
Crane,  Capt.,  at  battle  8.  Antonio,  ii. 

183. 

Crawford,  M.  L.,  mention  of,  ii.   546. 
Crespo,      B.,      bishop    of     Durango, 

1723-34,  i.  594. 
Cre.spo,  F.,  gov.  of  Sonora  and  Sina- 

loa,  1774,  i.  711. 
Crime,  Texas,  ii.  391;    1864,   ii.  472; 

1865-6,    ii.  480;    1850-80,    ii.   530; 

penitentiaries,  ii.  534-6. 
Cristobal, *C.  de,  alcalde  mayor  of  San 

Miguel,  1534,  i.   59. 
Croix,  Gen.  T,  de,  commandante-gen. 

of  Provincial  Internas,  1777,  i.  671, 

681;  tour   of,  i.  671;  powers,   etc., 

of,  i.   671-2;    recommendations  of, 

i.  672-3;  viceroy  of  Peru,    1783,  i. 

673;  reforms,  etc.,  of,  1779,  i.  714- 

15. 
Crocker,     Frances,    captures    Sabine 

City,    ii.  455. 
Crocker,   Lieut   Fred,     defeat  of,  ii. 

460. 

Crockett,  David,  death  of,  ii.  212. 
Crockett,   Lieut-gov.  J.    M.,  election 

of,  1861,  ii.  451. 
Croix,  Commander  C.  de,  visits  Coa- 

huila,    1777-8,   i.    60S;    arrival    at 

Bejar,  1778,  i.  660;  regulations  of, 

i.  662-3. 

Crosby,    S  ,    elected    commis.    land- 
office,  ii.  483. 
Crozat,  A.,  charter  granted  to,   1712, 

i.  609-10. 

Cruger,  J.  W.,  mention  of,  ii.  550. 
Cruz,  General,  surrender  of,  1821,  ii. 

585. 

Cuchas  (liberals)  party,  ii.  588. 
Cuernavaca,  plan  of,  Durango  adopts, 

ii.  592;  Chihuahua  adopts,    ii.  593. 
Cuesta,     Gov.,      removes     Gandara, 

1841,  ii.  660;  installation  of,   1845, 

ii.  663. 
Cuervo,  J.  T.  de,  gov.  of  Sinaloa  and 

Sonora,  1760-2,  i.  564-5. 
Cuevas,    Col,   pronunciamento,   1838, 

ii.  657-S. 
Cueto,  Padre,  mission  to  Hina,  1630- 

1,  i.  330. 


Cuiliacan,      Coronado's     exped.     at, 

1542,  i.  86;  capital  Sinaloa,  ii.  650. 
Cuiliacan,      province,      Guzman     in, 

1531,  i.  35-8;  location,   etc.,  of,  i. 

203. 
Cunningham,  E.   H.,  mention  of,   ii. 

535. 
'  Cyane, '  U.  S.  war  vessel,  ii.  666. 


Dale,  U.  S.,  warsloop,  ii.  665,  668. 
Dampier,  W.,  map   of,    1699,   i.    195; 

voyages,  etc.,  of,    1704-10,  i.    198- 

200. 
Daney,  J.  W.,  vote  of,  election  1853, 

405. 
Darden,  S.  H.,  Texas  comptroller,  ii. 

518;  reelection  of,  1878,  ii.  522. 
D'Auteroche,    M.  C.,  'Voyage,'  etc.. 

i.  727-8. 
Davalos,  Gen.  B.,  gov.  L.  Cal  ,  1868. 

ii.  726;  revolt  agiiinst,  ii.  737. 
Davenport,    Samuel,   mention   of,    ii. 

48. 
Davila  y  Pacheco,  E.,  gov.  of  Nueva 

Vizcaya,  1654-61,  i.  337. 
Davis,  Gen.,  defeats  Canales,  ii.  357. 
Davis,  Gov.  E.  J.,  pres.  state  conven 
tion,  1868,  ii.  495;  election  of,  1869, 

ii.  498;  inaugural  address,    ii.    502; 

message  April    1870,    ii.   503;  pro 
clamations  of  martial  law,  1871,  ii. 

507;  Am.    message,    1873,    ii.    509; 

proclamation,   etc.,   Jan.    1873,    ii. 

510. 

Davis,  George  W.,  mention  of,  ii.  172. 
Davis,   Pres.    J.,   presents   medal   to 

Texans,  ii.  461. 
Dawson,  Frederick,  navy  contract  of, 

ii.  350. 
Dawson,  Nicolas,  defeat,   etc.,  of,   ii. 

358. 
Day,  G.  H.,  mayor  Fort  Worth,    ii. 

574. 
Deaf   and    Dumb  asylum,   Texas,  ii. 

537. 
De  Berry,  A.  W.,  Texas  sec.  of  state, 

ii.  518. 
Degener,     Edward,      representative, 

J869,  ii.  498. 
Delgado,    Col,    capture,    etc.,    of,    ii. 

262-3. 
Democrats,  party,  victory  of,  1855,  ii. 

4iX);  1857,  ii.  423;  state  convention, 

1858,  ii.  424,    427;  defeat  election, 

1859;  ii.    426;  victory   of,    ii.    508; 

successful   scheme   of,    ii.     509-10; 

victory  of,  1876,  ii,  515. 
*Descripcion  Topografica,'  i.  687. 


782 


INDEX. 


Devine,  T.  J.,  mention  of,  ii.  437. 

Dewees,  W.  B.,    'Letters,'  ii.  385. 

Dewitt,  Green,  colony  of,  ii.  73. 

Dexter,  P.  B.,  sec.  S.  Felipe  council, 
ii.  172. 

Diaz,  Father  G.,  founds  San  Gabriel, 
1631,  i.  334. 

Diaz,  Capt.  H.,  the  Tepehuane  re 
volt,  1616-17,  i.  327. 

Diaz,  M.,  alcalde  mayor  of  San  Mi 
guel,  1536-7,  i.  59;  meeting  with 
Vaca's  party,  etc.,  i.  69;  explora 
tion,  etc.,  of,  1540,  i.  83;  exped.  of, 
1540-1,  i.  88-9;  death,  1541,  i.  89. 

Diaz,  Gen.  Porfirio,  revolt  of,  ii.  624; 
defeats  Fuero,  ii.  624-5. 

Dickinson,  Mrs  Lieut,  at  massacre  of 
the  Alamo,  ii.  212-13. 

Dickson,  Lieut-gov.  D.  C.,  election  of, 
1853,  ii.  404;  defeat  of,  1855,  ii. 
420. 

Diez,  Father  J.  J.,  in  Baja  Cal., 
1766,  i.  473nt. 

Dillon,  Consul,  advises  R.  de  Boulbon 
ii.  676. 

Duiiit,  Capt.  P.,  in  command  at 
Goliad,  ii.  188;  urges  Matamoras 
exped.,  ii.  195. 

Dionisio,  Cacique,  mention  of,  i.  287. 

Dixon,  Hep-worth,  mention  of,  ii. 
531. 

Dodge  City,  a  cattle  mart,  ii.  561. 

Dolores,  Mange's  exped.  at,  1694,  i. 
256-8;  fiesta  at,  1698,  i.  263-4; 
mission  founded,  1698,  i.  379;  1716, 
i.  615;  massacre  at,  1734,  i.  459. 

'Dolphin,'  see  '  Wharton.' 

Dominicans,  in  Baja  Cal.,  1768-74,  i. 
733-9;  1777,  i.  742-4;  1783,  i.  747; 
1780-1800,  i.  749-64,  zeal  of,  ii. 
705;  in  Alta  Cal.,  i.  767. 

Donaldson,  Maj.,  evacuates  Santa  Fe, 
ii.  452. 

Doniphan,  Col.,  defeats  Vidal,  ii. 
606-7;  captures  Chihuhua,  ii.  608- 
9;  Joma  wool,  ii.  610. 

Doraine,  Ind.,  execution  of,  ii.  634. 

Doraiites,  A.,  with  Vaca's  exped., 
etc.,  i.  61,  66,  70. 

Dorn,  A.  J.,  Texas  treasurer,  ii.  518. 

Douay,  Father  A.,  with  La  Salle's 
exped.,  i.  406-10. 

Douglass,  Senator,  amendment  Mis 
souri  compromioe,  1854,  ii.  423—4. 

Douglas,  Gen.,  defeats  Cherokees,  ii. 

Dover,    Capt.    T.,    voyage,    etc.,    of 

1708-10,  i.  197-200. 
Doyle,    Perc}%    mediation   Mex.    and 

Texas,  ii.  734. 


Drake,  Sir  F.,  expeds  of,  i.  140-3. 
Duarte,  M.,  '  Testimonio  juridico,' i. 

Ducrue,  Father,  the  Jesuit  expulsion, 
1767-8,  i.  478;  biog.,  i.  478;  works 
of,  i.  478-9. 

Duhaut,  with  La  Salle's  exped.,  i. 
403-17. 

Duncan,  at  battle  S.  Antonio,  ii.  185. 

Dunham,  Maj.  R.,  execution  of,  ii. 
367-8. 

Dupont,  Comn'der,  blockades  Guay- 
mas,  1847,  ii.  665,  667. 

Dupuy,  R.,  mention  of,  ii.  410. 

Duque,  F.f  succeeds  Brambila,  1844, 
ii.  662. 

Durango,  see  also  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
mining  explorations  in,  1554-62,  i. 
100;  Jesuits  in,  1593-1600.  i.  124- 
5;  the  Tepehuane  revolt,  1616-17, 
i.  324,  327;  Iturbide  revolt  in,  ii. 
586;  revolt,  1871-2,  ii.  623-4;  1875, 
ii.  624;  affairs  of  the  diocese,  1620- 
1800,  i.  307-8,  338-9,  593-5,  684-7; 
Intendencia,  established,  1786,  i. 
676-8;  govs  inteiident,  1785-1800, 
i.  678;  population,  1790-1800,  i. 
691;  epidemics,  etc.,  in,  1784-98,  i. 
693;  boundary  with  Chih.,  ii.  626; 
and  Chihuahua,  map  of,  ii.  583:  de 
clared  a  state,  ii.  587;  and  Sinaloa, 
map  of,  ii.  591;  favors  constitution 
of,  1824,  ii.  601-2;  events  in,  1843- 
88,  ii.  604  et  seq. ;  invasion  threat 
ened,  1843,  ii.  604-5;  revenue  of, 
ii.  741;  education  in,  ii.  747. 

Durango  City,  founding  of,  1563,  i. 
103-4;  progress  of,  1563-1600,  i. 
111-12;  Jesuit  college  founded  at, 
1593-4,  i.  124;  capital  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  i.  305-6;  declared  a  city, 
1621,  i.  306;  Jesuit  college  at,  1742 
-51,  i.  586-7;  descript.  of,  1780,  i. 
692;  surrender  of,  1821,  ii.  585; 
capture  of,  1858-9,  ii.  618;  French 
evacuate,  1866,  ii.  623. 

Duval,    Robert,  Indian  massacre  of. 

Dyer,  C.  C.,  mention  of,  ii.  171. 


E 


Eagle,  Commodore,    surrender  to,  of 

Galveston. 
Eastland,    Capt.  W.   M.,  mutiny  of, 

ii.  360;  execution  of,  ii.   368. 
Ecanuela,  B.  de,   bishop  of  Guadian, 

1676-84,  i.  339. 
Education,    Coah.   and  Texas,   1811- 

30,    ii.     95-6;    Texas,    1836-85,    ii. 

539-47;  N.  Mex.  states,  ii.   745-7. 


INDEX. 


Edwards,   at  battle   S.    Antonio,    ii. 

185. 
Edwards,    Benjamin,  letter   to  Ahu- 

mada,  ii.  109-10. 
Echeandia,  Lieut- col,   appt  comd'r  of 

the  Calif ornias,  1825,  ii.  709. 
Echeverria,    Procurador,     exped.    of, 

1729,  i.  455. 
Edwards,   Hay  den,    colony  of,   ii.  73; 

grant  to,  ii.    98;    difficulties   of,    ii. 

99;  measures  adopted  by,    ii.   100; 

alcalde   election,    ii.    100-1;  annul 
ment  of  title,  ii.    102-3;  revolt  of, 

ii.  105  et  seq. ;  biog.   and  death,   ii. 

109. 
Egidiano,  Father  A.,   death  of,  1677, 

i.  239. 
Elections,  Texas,  1836,  ii.   291;  1838, 

ii.  313;  1841,  ii.   341;  1844,  ii.  378; 

1849,  ii.  393;  1853,  ii.  404;  1857,  ii. 

423;  1856,  ii.  482;  1869,  ii.  498; 

1872,    ii.   508;  1876,   ii.    515;  Chili. 

aud  Durango,  1875,  ii.  624. 
Elguezabal,  Juan  J.,    appt  gov.,    ii. 

145. 

Elizacoechea,  M.   de,    bishop  of   Du 
rango,  1736-47,  i.  594. 
Elizondo,  Col  D.,    exped.    of,    i.    567, 

572;  campaigns  of,  1768-71,  i.   695 

-701. 

Elizondo,  Dionicio,   councillor,  ii.  86. 
Elizondo,  Col  Ignacio,  defeat  of,  1813, 

ii.  25-S;  death  of,  ii.  32. 
Elliot,  Charles,   British  charge  d'  af 
faires,  ii.  374. 

Ellis,  J.  F.,  biog.  of,  ii.  768. 
Elmer,  Hon.  R.    A.,    mention  of,   ii. 

735. 

Elozua,  Col  Ant.,  mention  of,  ii.  128. 
El  Paso,  Spaniards  at,  1685,  i.  388. 
El  Paso  county,  Salt  lakes  riot  in,  ii. 

519. 
'Einpresario  system  '   of  colonization, 

ii.  70;  terms  of,  ii.  71-2. 
Encinal  del  Perdido,  battle  of,  ii.  227 

-33. 

England,  (see  also  Great  Britain)  en 
croachments     in     Texas,      i.     662; 

threatened  seizure  of  Cal.,    1797-9, 

i.  754-8;  relations  with  Texas,    ii. 

338-40. 
English,  Capt.,  mention  of,  ii.  179;  at 

battle  S.  Antonio,  ii.  184. 
Ensenada,    see    also     Todos    Santos, 

Walker's  occupation  of,  ii.  722. 
Escalante,      Col,     position    of,    etc.,  j 

1829,  ii.  645-6. 

Escalante,  Capt.,  mention  of,   i.  431.  j 
Escalante,   J.    B.,    expeds   of,    1697- j 

1700,  i.  264,  275. 


Escalante,  Gov.  L.,  promotes  divis. 
of  Son.  and  Sinaloa,  ii.  647;  defeats 
Yaquis,  1832,  ii.  654;  vice  gov., 
1838,  ii.  656;  capture  of,  ii.  659. 

Escalante,  M.  de,  bishop  of  Durango, 
1701-4,  i.  593. 

Escalante,  P.  J.,  surrender  of  office, 
ii.  592. 

Escalante  y  Arviga,  Gov.  M.,  instal 
lation  of,  ii.  649. 

Escalona,  Viceroy,  exped.  ordered 
by,  1642,  i.  181. 

Escanjeques,  defeat  of  the,  1601,  i. 
383;  1662,  i.  387. 

Eicaray,  Father,  in  Coahuila,   i.  377. 

Escobar,  provincial,  rept  of,  1745,  i. 
465,  538. 

Escoces'  party,  Durango,  ii.  588. 

Esparza,  Capt.  A.  C.,  corresp.  with 
Gov.  Pineda,  1767,  i.  570-1. 

E>pejo,  Col,  resignation  of,  ii.  693. 

Espejo,  A.,  exped.  of,  1582-3,  i. 
127-8. 

Espinosa,  Col,  jefe  politico,  1849,  ii. 
720. 

Espinosa,  Father,  death  of,  1602,  i. 
311. 

Espinosa,  Father  A.,  mission  to  Pi- 
meria,  i.  561. 

Ejpinosa,  Friar  I.  F.,  president  of 
'lexan  missions,  1721,  i.  625. 

Espiritu,  Ind.  leader,  execution  of, 
ii.  634. 

Espiritu  Santo  Bay,  expeds  to,  1720- 
1,  i.  619-22;  presidio  establd  at, 
1722,  i.  628;  site  of,  removed,  i. 
631,  642. 

Espiritu  Santo,  port,  named  by  Or 
tega,  1632,  i.  172. 

Espiritu  Santo  de  Zuniga  mission, 
founded,  1722,  i.  628;  site  of, 
changed,  i.  631;  descript.  of,  1778, 
i.  659. 

Estado  Interno  de  Occidente,  constit. 
cong.  of,  1824,  ii.  637. 

Este,  E.  E.,  execution  of,  ii.  368. 

Estevan,  Miguel,  Indian,  ii.  640. 

Estevanico,  with  Vaca's  exped.,  etc., 
i.  61,  66,  70. 

Esterez,  Father  F.,  in  Coahuila,  i.  377. 

Estrada,  B.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva  Viz- 
caya,  1682,  i.  338. 

Evans,  L.  D.,  defeat  of  election, 
1853,  ii.  405;  election  of,  1855,  ii. 
420. 

Everitt,  S.  H.,  mention  of,  ii.  172. 

Evia  y  Valdes,  F.  D.  de,  bishop  of 
Guadiana,  1639-40,  i.  308,  338;  ef 
forts  at  secularization,  1645,  i.  351; 
1652,  i.  360-1. 


INDEX. 


Evia,  D.,  murder  of,  1702,  i.  590. 
Exports,  Texas,  1838-40,  ii.  342. 


Pages,  P.,  gov.  of  Cal.,  1782-90,  i. 
747,  709-70;  in  command  at  San 
Carlos,  1770,  i.  767. 

Fajardo,  D.,  gov.  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
1648-51,  i.  337;  the  Tarahumare 
revolts,  1649-52,  i.  354-9. 

Falcon,  Gov.  Jose  M.,  appointments, 
etc.,  of,  ii.  155. 

Fannin,  Col.  J.  W.,  battle  of  Con- 
cepcion,  ii.  175-7:  at  S.  Felipe,  ii. 
195;  apptd  milit.  agent,  ii.  198-9; 
force,  etc.,  at  Goliad,  ii.  219;  fatal 
mistake  of,  ii.  226;  defeat  of,  ii. 
227-33;  surrender  of,  ii.  233;  death 
of,  ii.  2S5.  ' 

Faqua,  Benjamin,  mention  of,  ii.  172. 

Farias,  Gomez,  vice-pres.  of  Mex., 
ii.  134-5. 

Federalists,  overtures  to  Texas,  ii. 
327;  victory  of,  battle  of  Alcantro, 
ii.  327-8;  Aresta's  defeat  of,  ii.  329; 
system  overthrown,  ii.  601. 

Fernandinos,  Cal.  missions  granted 
to,  etc.,  1767,  i.  482-3. 

Fernando,  IV.,  cedula  of,  1747,  i. 
539. 

Ferrelo,  Pilot  B.,  on  coast  of  Cal., 
1843,  i.  136. 

Field,  Dr,  mention  of,  ii.  237. 

Fields,  Ind.  chief,  ii.  103-5;  murder 
of,  ii.  109. 

Figueroa,  B.  deR.,  with  Salvatierra's 
exped.,  1697-8,  i.  284,  288,  293. 

Figueroa,  G.,  with  Ortega's  exped., 
1636,  i.  174;  exped.  of,  1639,  i.  346. 

Figueroa,  Capt.  I.  de,  in  command  at 
San  Javier,  1701,  i.  423;  removal 
of,  i.  423. 

Figueroa,  Gen'l  Jose,  com.  gen'l,  1826, 
ii,  638;  victory  of,  ii.  641;  ineffi 
ciency  of,  ii.  642. 

Filibusters,  Sonora,  1852-4,  ii.  673  et 
seq.;  Walker's  L.  Cal.,  1851,  ii. 
720  et  seq. 

Filisola,  Gen.  V.,  colony  grant  to,  ii. 
75:  in  Santa  Anna's  invasion,  ii. 
203;  retreat,  etc.,  of,  ii.  265;  in 
structions  of.  May  1836,  ii.  279-81; 
succeeded  by  Urrea,  ii.  281. 

Finances  (see  also  revenue);  Coah. 
and  Tex  ,  1827,  ii.  86-7;  Texas 
bonds  issued  Nov.  1836,  ii.  294; 
May  1837,  ii.  303;  indebtedness, 
notes,  etc.,  1837-8,  ii.  312;  securi 
ties,  etc.,  1838-9,  ii.  318-19;  ex- 


chequer  bills,  etc,,  1842,  ii.  345-6; 

debt.,  1850.  ii.  401-3;  1864,  ii.  469; 

1870,  ii.  505;  1874,  ii.  513;  1879,  ii. 

522;  taxation,  etc.,  1852-61,  ii.  415- 

16. 
Fireash,  E.,  Indian  massacre   of,  ii. 

410. 
Fisher,  secretary  Tampico  exped.,  ii. 

190. 
Fisher,  S.  R.,  app't'd  sec.  of  navy,  ii. 

294. 
Fisher,    Col  Wm   S.,   mention  of,  ii. 

172;  elected  commander,  ii.  361. 
Fitxgerald,  Capt.,  death  of,  ii.  366. 
Fitzgerald,  W.,  mention  of,  ii.  410. 
Flag,  of  Texas,  descript.,  ii.  295; 

first  exhibit  of,  ii.  296. 
Flanagan,  Lieut,  gov.  J.  W.,  election 

of,  1869,  ii.  498. 
Flores,  Viceroy,  consolidates  Provin- 

cias  Interims,   1787,  i.   674;  Indian 

policy  of,  i.  683. 

Flores,  Pilot  A.,  with  Vizcaino's  ex 
ped.,    1602-3,   i.   154;    death  of,   i. 

159. 

Flores,  Gasper;  mention  of.  ii.  65. 
Flores,   J.    de,    conquest  of  Nayarit, 

1721-2,  i.  518-19. 
Flores,    Gov.    J.    M.,    election   of,  ii. 

625;  succeeds  Carrasco,  ii.  672. 
Flores,    Manual,    death   of,    etc.,    ii. 

322. 

Fly,  Dr  A.  W.,  biog.  of,  ii.  766. 
Foncubierta,  Father,  president  of  San 

Francisco     mission,     1690,    i.    415; 

death  of,  i.  417. 
'Fondo  piadoso  de  Calif ornias, '  origin 

of,  1697,  i.  280. 

Foiite,  B.  de,  voyage  of.  1640,  i.  180. 
Fonte,  Father   J.  de,  labors  in  Tara- 

humara,  1607-11,  i.  124-5,  333. 
Foote,  H.  S.,  '  Texas  and  the  Texans,' 

ii.  384. 
Forbes,   app't'd  Indian  commiss.,   ii. 

199. 

Forbes,  John,  mention  of,  ii.  549. 
Ford,   Col,  captures  Fort  Brown,  ii, 

450;  Cortina's  defeat  of,  ii.  468. 
Ford,   John   S.,   report,   etc.,    of,    ii. 

537. 
Foreign  relations,  Texas,   1838-42,  ii. 

338-40, 
Fort  Ar buckle,    confederate  capture 

of,  ii.  450. 

Fort  McKibbin,  siege  of,  ii.  722-3. 
Fort  Ringgold,  Cortina's  capture  of, 

ii.  448. 

Fox,  Henry  S.,  biog.  of.  ii.  767. 
France,    claims    on    Texas,    1712,    i. 

609-10;    war  with  Spain,    1719,    i. 


INDEX. 


785 


618;  relations  with  Texas,  1838-42, 
ii.  338-9;  mediation  of  requested, 
1842,  ii.  376. 

Franciscans,  in  Nueva  Galicia,  i.  97; 
in  Durangoand  Zacatecas,  i.  100-3; 
in  Nueva  Vizcaya,  1554-90,  i.  116- 
19,  311;  1600-45,  i.  334-6;  1640- 
1700,  i.  363-8;  1702-67,  i.  590- 
601;  1768-1800,  i.  688-91;  in  Coah- 
uila,  1582-1600,  i.  126;  1711-72,  i. 
607-8;  1781-7,  i.  607-8;  in  Sono- 
ra,  i.  232-3;  Qucretaro  in,  i. 
704-6;  Sonora  &  Smaloa,  1767- 
1800,  i.  704-10,  716-25;  list  of,  i. 
725;  Jaliscan,  in  Sonora,  1768,  i. 
710;  in  Baja  CaL,  1767-9,  i.  482- 
90;  1769-74,  i.  726-33;  in  Alta  CaL, 
1769,  i.  489-90.  767-70;  Queretaro 
friars,  missions  of  removed,  1731, 
i.  635;  in  Texas,  i.  639-42;  secular 
ization  of  Texas  missions,  1794,  i. 
669. 

Franco,  Father,!.,  mention  of,  i.  473. 

Franco  y  Luna,  Don  A.,  bishop  of 
Gnadiana,  1632-9,  i.  308. 

Franklin,  Gen'l,  Sabine  City  exped., 
ii.  460. 

Franklin,  Judge  B.  C.,  dist.  judge,  ii. 
295. 

Franks,  Col  Nidland,  battle  of  San 
Antonio,  ii.  182. 

Franquis,  Col  C.  de,  gov.  of  Texas, 
i.  637;  rule,  1736-7,  i.  637-8. 

Fredomaus,  revolt  of,  ii.  107  et  seq. 

Freedman,  1865-6,  Texas,  ii.  479. 

French  refugees,  coloniz.  of,  Texas, 
1818,  ii.  44-5. 

French,  army  of,  rebel  alliance  and 
defeat  of,  ii.  468;  intervention,  ii. 
619  et  seq.;  fears  of  U.  S.  troops, 
ii.  621;  intervention  in  SonOra,  ii. 
696;  in  Sinaloa,  ii.  697. 

Freytas,  Father  N.  de,  with  Penalo- 
sa's  exped.,  1662,  i.  386;  'Rela- 
cion,'  i.  387. 

Frondac,  Capt.,  voyage  of,  1709,  i. 
200. 

Fuca,  J.  de,  voyage,  etc.  of,  1592,  i. 
145-7. 

Fuente,  Gen.,  campaigns  of,  1695-6, 
i.  272-4. 

Fuero,  Gen'l,  Diaz  defeats,  ii.  624-5; 
election  of,  1884,  ii.  625. 

Fueros,  P.,  gov.  of  Coahuila,  1783-9, 
i.  604-5. 

Fuerte,  Rio  del,  Guzman's  exped.  on 
the,  i.  56. 

Fuerte,    town,  legislature  at,  ii.  644. 

TEXAS.    50 


G 


Gadsden  purchase,  ii.  693  et  seq. 

Gaines,  General  E.,  mention  of,  ii. 
286;  occupies  Texas  territory,  ii. 
287;  succeeded  by  Arbuckle.  ii. 
288. 

Galan,  C.  F.,  arrest,  etc.,  of,  ii.  726. 

Gali,  F.  de,  voyage  of,  1582-4,  i.  143- 
4. 

Galicia,  Professor,  'Expedicion,'  i. 
103. 

Galinzoga,  D.  M.  de,  bishop  of  Sono 
ra,  1794-5,  i.  713. 

Gallardi,  Father  L.  M.,  at  Caborca, 
1720,  i.  507. 

Gallardo,  J.  R.  R.,  visitador-gen. , 
1748,  i.  531;  instructions  to  Gov. 
Parrilla,  1749-50,  i.  531-5. 

Gallego,  Capt. ,  meeting  with  Corona- 
do,  etc.,  1542,  i.  86. 

Gallego,  P.  Miguel,  pres.  missions 
1804,  ii.  706. 

Galveston,  sale  of  island,  ii.  309; 
U.  S.  capture  of,  1862,  ii.  454;  con 
federate  recapture  of,  ii.  455-6. 

Galveston  &  Brazos  Navigation  co., 
ii.  568. 

Galvez,  Gen.  J.  de,  visitador-gen.,  i. 
485;  measures,  etc.,  in  Baja  CaL,, 

1768,  i.  485-9;  exped's  to  Alta  CaL, 

1769,  i.    489-90;   correspond,    with 
Cancio,    1766,  i.    568-9;  campaigns 
of,  1768-71,  i.  695-701. 

Galvez,  Viceroy,  author.,  etc.,  over 
Provincias  Iiiternas,  i.  673-4;  '  In- 
struccion, '  i.  682;  Indian  policy  of, 
i.  682-3. 

Gamboa,  Father  J.  M.,  mission  to 
Tarahumara,  1673,  i.  363. 

Gam  on,  M.,  Ibarra's  mastre  de 
campo,  i.  103;  execution  of,  i.  103. 

Gandara,  Gov.  M.  M.,  provis.  gov., 
etc.,  1837-8,  ii.  656;  counter  revo 
lution  of  1837-8,  ii.  658;  defeats  of, 
etc.,  ii.  659;  removal  of,  ii.  660; 
revolt  of,  1843,  ii.  661;  plots  against 
Urrea,  1845,  ii.  662-3;  reinstalla- 
tion  of,  1847,  ii.  664;  plot  against, 
etc.,  1848,  ii.  671-2;  appointment 
of,  etc.,  1853,  ii.  681;  revolt,  etc., 
of,  1855,  ii.  694. 

Gandarestas,  revolts,  etc.,  of  the, 
1845,  ii.  662. 

Gandia,  Duchess,  bequest  of,  i.  470. 

Gaona,  General,  mention  of,  ii.  203; 
ordered  to  support  Sesma,  ii.  247; 
failure  to  arrive,  ii.  248. 

Garavito,  Bishop  L.,  visits  Coahuila,. 
1682,  i.  376. 


786 


INDEX. 


Garay,  Col,  humanity  of,  ii.  237. 
Garay,  F.  de>  mention  of,  i.  11. 
Garces,  Father,    exped.  of,  1774-6,  i. 

1716-17. 
Garcia,  Capt.,  m  command  at  Bejar, 

1721,  i.  623;  exped.  of,  i.  624. 
Garcia,  Father  J-  A.,  labors  in  Nueva 

Vizcaya,  1715-25,  i.  591-2. 
Garland,     Peter,     Indian     massacre, 

1858,  ii.  410. 

Garner,  John,  mention  of,  ii.  260. 
Garnett,  M.  W.,  mention  of,  ii.  546. 
Garrett,  Jacob,  mention  of,  ii.  170. 
Garza,    C.    de   la,    gov.    of  Coahuila, 

1738,  i.  604. 
Gastesi,  A.,  gov.  of  Nueva   Vizcaya, 

1752-4,  i.  582. 
Gato,  Port,  named  by  Ortega,    1632, 

i.  172. 
Gaxiola,    Gov.  J.  M.,    imprisonment 

of,  1876,  ii.  702. 
Garay,  Col,  occupies   Fort  Defiance, 

ii.  229. 
Gaxiola,  Gov.  N.  M.,  succeeds  Iriarte, 

1827,  ii.  638,   645;    resignation    of 

requested,  ii.  646. 
Gibbs,   Lieut-gov.    B.,  biog.,    etc.,  ii. 

536. 
Gil  y  Barbo,  A.,    alcalde  of  Bucareli, 

etc.,  i.  656. 
Gila  river,  Diaz  on  the,  1540,  i.  88-9; 

Kino  reaches,    1694,    i.    259;    Bor- 

nal's    exped.    to,     1697,    i.    264-5; 

Kino's,  1698-1700,  i.  266-71;  Sedel- 

mair's  explor.,  1744,  i.  537;  1748-50, 

i.  540-1. 
Gilbert,  Felix,  jefe  politico,   1864,  ii. 

726. 

Gillespie,  Capt.,  death  of,  ii.  396. 
Glasscock   &   Miller,    contractors,   ii. 

538. 
Goliad,  named,  etc.,  ii.  110;  captures 

of,  ii.  169,  348;  defense  prep,  at,  ii. 

219. 
Godinez,   Father  C.,   mention    of,   i. 

353;  the  Tarahumare  revolt,  1649- 

51,  i.  355-6;  murder  of,  i.  356. 
Godinez,  Padre  M.,  missionary  labors 

of,    1620-1,   i.    225;  retirement  of, 

1644,  i.  234;  biog.,  etc.,  i.  234. 
Gomez,   Father   A.,   with    Urdincla's 

exped.,     1610,     i.     318;  death    of, 

1652,  i.  344. 
Goni,  Father  P.  M.,  mention  of,  1683, 

i.  187;  with  Otondo's exped. ,  i.  192. 
Gonzalez,    town,    founded,    1825,    ii. 

110;    attack   threatened,    1835,    ii. 

165;  burned,  1836,  ii.  225. 
Gonzalez,    Father     F.,    with     Kino's 

exped.,  1699,  i.  269;  1702,  i.  500. 


Gonzalez,  Gov.  J.  M.,  battle  of  Alcan- 

tro,   ii.  327-8;  revolt  of,  ii.  588-9; 

installation  of,  1833,  ii.  655. 
Gonzalez,  P.,  capture  of,  ii.  718. 
Gonzalez,  Gov.  8.  E.,  election  of,  etc., 

ii.   590,   638;  nomination,   etc.,  of, 

1834-7,  ii.  593. 
Goodbread,  Joseph,   death,    etc.,  of, 

ii.  355. 

Goodnight,  Chas,  mention  of,  ii.  560. 
Gordejuela,    Capt.,     the    Tepehuane 

revolt,  1616-17,  i.  323,  326. 
Goribar,  Jose  M.,  app't'd  milit.  gov., 

ii.  144-5. 
Gorospe   y  Aguirre,  J.   de,  bishop  of 

Guadiana,  1660-71,  i.  338-9. 
Gorostiza,  Mex.  minister,  complaints, 

protest  of,  etc.,  ii.  285-8. 
Goycoeohea,    Gov.   F.,     appointment 

of,  1804,  ii.  705. 
Granados,  J.    J.,  bishop  of  Durango, 

1794,  i.  685;  works  of,  i.  685;  bishop 

of  Sonora,  etc.,  1787-94,  i.  713. 
Grande,  Rio,   exploration  of,  1729,  i. 

607. 
Granger,    Gen'l,  in  command  Texas, 

1865,  ii.  476. 

Grant,  Doctor,  scheme  of,  ii.  194. 
Grant,    Col  James,  battle  of  S.  An 
tonio,  ii.  182. 
Grant,  Pres.  U.  S.,  Davis'  appeal  to, 

1873,  ii.  510. 
Grant   and    Johnson,   defeat    of,    ii. 

220-2. 

Grass  fight,  ii.  178-9. 
Grashoffer,   Father  J.  B.,  mission  to 

Pimeria,  1731-3,  i.  523-4. 
Gray,  F.  C.,  biog.,  of,  ii.  549. 
Grayson,  P.  W.,  atty-gen'l,   1836,  ii. 

269;    com  mis.    to    Washington,   ii. 

284;  suicide,  etc.,  of,  ii.  313. 
Great  Britain    (see    also     England), 

builds  war  vessel  for  Mex. ,  ii.  356; 

mediation  Mex.  &  Texas,  etc.,  1842, 

ii.  374. 
Green,  Gen'l  T.  J.,  advice  of,  ii.  273- 

4;  mention  of,  ii.  358;  Mier  exped.,* 

ii.  361;  quarrel    with  Houston,  ii. 

369-70. 
Griffin,  Gen'l,   app't'd  milit.  com'd'r, 

dept  of  Texas,   ii.   488;  registrars, 

etc.,  app't'd  by,   ii.  490;  death  of, 

ii.  494. 
Grijalva,    H.  de,  exped.   of,    1533,  i. 

45-6;  with  Cortes'  exped.,   1535,  i, 

49-52. 
Grimarest,  E.,  intendente  gobernador 

of  Arizpe,  1789-92,  i.  712. 
Grimarest,  Col  Pedro,  mention  of,  ii. 

582. 


INDEX. 


787 


Grimes,    Jesse,    mention  of,    ii.   171, 

174. 

Gntton,  Edward,  app't'd  revenue  col 
lector,  ii.  194. 

Groos,  J.  J.,  land  commissioner,  i.  518. 
Ground  plan  of  the  Alamo,  i.  206. 
'  Guadalupe, '  Mex.  war  ship,  ii.  356. 
Guadalupe  mission,  founded,  1716,  i. 

614. 
Guadalajara,    city,   site  of  removed, 

1561,  i.  97;  seat  of  audiencia  at,  i. 

97. 
Guadalajara,  D.  de,  exped.  of,  1654, 

i.  386. 
Guadalajara,  Father  T.  de,   mention 

of,  i.  366-7. 
Guadiana,  Bishopric  of   (see  also  Du- 

rango,   diocese  of);  establ'd,  i.  307; 

bishop,  1620-40,  i.  307-8. 
Guajuguilla,     presidio     founded    at, 

1752,  i.  585. 
Guanecevi,  attacked  by  Tepehuanes, 

1616,  i.  323. 
Guatimape,  Spaniards    besieged    at, 

1616,  i.  322-3. 
Guayabal,    Port,    Cortes'   exped.    at, 

1535,  i.  51;  Alarcon's,  1540,  i.  90. 
Guaymas,  U.  S.   blockade  of,    1847, 

ii.  665;  surrender  of,  ii.  667;  French, 

capture  of,   1864,  ii.    696;    capture 

of,  1870,  ii.  701. 

Guazapares,    Sinaloan  tribe,    submis 
sion,  etc.,  of,  i.  248,  250. 
Guazaves,  Sinaloan  tribe,  subjugation 

of,  1600,  i.  209-10,  235. 
Guerra,  Donato,  rival  leader,  1871-2, 

and  1876,  ii.  624;  Porfirist  leader, 

Sinaloa,  1876,  ii.  702. 
Guevara,  Father  M.  de,  with  Pefialo- 

sa's  exped.,  1662,  i.  386. 
Guijosa,    Father  J.,    with     Otondo's 

exped.,  1683,  i.  187. 
Guillen,  Father,  mention  of,  i.  435-6; 

exped.  of,  i.  449. 
Guillen,    Visitador  C.,   measures    of 

1734-5,  i.  458-9;  death  of,  1748,  i. 

462. 

Gunter,  Col  J.,  biog.  of,  ii.  768-9. 
Gutierrez,  Col  J.  I.,  intrigue  of,  1834, 

ii.  592. 
Gutierrez,  Father  P.,  death  of,  1616, 

i.  322. 
Guzman,   D.  de,   hears  of  Hurtado's 

fate,    1533,   i.    45;  exped.  of,  1533, 

i.  55-6;  'Relacion.'i.  55. 
Guzman,    Padre   D.     de,    missionary 

tour  of,  1618-19,  i.  224. 
Guzman,  N.    de,   rule,  etc.,  of,  i.  11- 

12;  hatred,  etc.,  of,  i.  26-7;  hostil 
ity   to  Cortes,  i.  26-7,  42-50;  plans 


of  conquest,  i.  27;  exped.  of,  1529- 
31,  i.  27-39;  map  of  exped.,  i.  31; 
gov.  of  Nueva  Galicia,  i.  39;  aggres 
sions  of,  i.  47-8;  death  of,  i.  39. 

Guzman,  P.  de,  exped.  to  Sinaloa, 
1529,  i.  28. 

Guzman  y  Cordoba,  Capt.  B.  de,  with 
Otondo's  exped.,  1683,  i.  187. 

Gwin,  Wm  M.,  colony  scheme  of,  ii. 
696. 


H 


Hadra,  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  546, 
Hagerty,  John,  death  of,  ii.  366. 
Hall,  Dr,  mention  of,  ii.  237. 
Hall,  C.  A.,  R.R.  strike  1886,  ii.  576. 
Hamblen,  W.  P.,  biog.  of,  ii.  767. 
Hamilton,  A.  J. ,  app  t'd  provis.  gov. 

Texas,    ii.  476;    suffrage  in    state 

conven.,  1868,  ii.  495. 
Hamilton,     Gen'l     James,     contract 

with,    ii.    317;     representative    to 

England,  ii.  339;  proposals  to  Santa 

Anna,    ii.     349;    purchase    of    the 

'Zavala,'  ii.  351;  death  of,  ii.  421; 

biog.,  422. 

Hamilton,  W.  O.,  biog.,  ii.  530. 
Haimnersley,    Wm,    mention    of,    ii. 

736. 

Hancock,  Mier  prisoner,  ii.  366. 
Hancock,    Gen'l,  succeeds    Sheridan, 

ii.  493;  removal  of,  ii.  494. 
Handy,  R.  E.,  mention  of,  ii.  550. 
Hanks,  Elder  Thomas,  mention  of,  ii. 

547. 
Hanks,    Wyatt,   mention  of,  ii.  172, 

174. 

Harden,   George,  mention  of,  ii.  410. 
Hardiman,     Bailey,    elected    sec.    of 

treasury,  ii.  218. 

Hardin,  A.  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  172. 
Hardy,    Lieut,    explor.   of,    1826,    ii. 

644,  647-8. 

Harris,  J.  P.,  mention  of,  ii.  410. 
Harris,   William  P.,  mention   of,    ii. 

172,  174. 
Harrisburg,    Santa   Anna    burns,    ii. 

251. 

Harvey,  Mier  prisoner,  ii.  366. 
Harwood,  T.  M.,  mention  of,  ii.  545-6. 
Hatch,  Col  Edward,  quells  Salt  Lakes 

riot,  ii.  521. 
Hawkins,  Capt.,  defeats  the  'Monte- 

zuma,'ii.  272. 
Hayes,  Col  John  C.,  ruse,  etc.,  of,  at 

Be  jar,  ii.  357;  battle  of  Monterey, 

ii.  395-6. 
Health  and  disease,  N.  Mex.  States, 

ii.  744. 


788 


INDEX. 


Heard,  Capt.,  mention  of,  ii.  244-5. 
Heintzelman,  Major,  defeats  Cortina, 

ii.  447-8. 

Henderson,  J.  E.,  biog.  of,  ii.  768. 
Henderson,  Gen'l  J.    P.,  mention  of, 

ii.    273;    app't'd  attorney-gen'l,  ii. 

294;    commis.   to  Lond.   and  Paris, 

ii.  338;  biog,   and  inauguration  of, 

ii.    393;    battle    of    Monterey,    ii. 

395-6. 
Herbert,    Gen'l,    superseded,    ii.  455, 

proclaims  martial  law,  ii.  457. 
Heredia,    Gen'l,    mention  of,   ii.  605; 

defeats  of,  ii.  608-9,  618. 
Heredia,  Father  J.,  exped.   of,  1630, 

i.  333-4. 
Heredia,  J.  A.,  Gov.  Durango,    1841, 

ii.  602. 
Herera,  Jose  M.  de,  revol.  doings  of, 

ii.  34-5. 
Heriller,  Gen'l   L.,  victory   of,  1864, 

ii.  620. 
Hermosillo,  French  capture  of,  1865, 

ii.  696. 
Hermosillo,    Bishop   G.    de,    visit   to 

Sinaloa,    1631,   i.  230;  death,  etc., 

of,   i.    230-1;  bishop    of  Guadiana, 

1620-31,  i.  307-8. 
Hermosillo,   J.    M.  G.,   revol.  exped. 

of,  1810, ii. 630-1;   captures  Rosario, 

ii.  631 ;  defeat  of,  ii.  632. 
Herrera,  M.  de,  bishop  of  Guadiana, 

1686-9,  i.  339. 

Herrera,  Simon,  death  of,  ii.  582. 
Herring,  Capt.  M.  D.,  biog.,  ii.  577. 
Hey  wood,    Lieut,   occupation    of    La 

Paz,  etc.,  1847,  ii.  716. 
Hidalgo,  see  also  Parral;  founding  of 

mission,  i.  377. 

Hidalgo,  President,  '  Inf orme, '  i.  749. 
Hidalgo,    Father   F.,  in   Coahuila,  i. 

377. 
Hiens,    Buccaneer,    with    La   Salle's 

exped.,  i.  406-11. 
Highsaw,  H.,  mention  of,  ii.,410. 
Hightower,   T.   J.,  Indian  massacre, 

1858,  ii.  410. 
Hill,  Capt.,  evacuates  Fort  Brown,  ii. 

450. 
Hinas,    missions,    etc.,    among    the, 

1630-2,     i.     330;    subjugation     of, 

1633,  i.  330. 

Hitchcock,     Gen'l,     seizure     of    the 
'Arrow, 'ii.  722. 

Hockley,   Geo.  W.,  app't'd   commis 
sioner,  ii.  375. 

Hodges,  James,  mention  of,  ii.  172. 
Holland,   recognition   of  Texas  inde 
pendence,  ii.  339. 


;  Holley,    Mary     Austin,    'Texas,'  ii. 

385. 
,  Rollings  worth,  0.  N.,  mention  of,  ii. 

518. 

j  Holmes,  mention  of,  ii.  180. 
!  Holsinger,     Lieut-col,    surrender     of 
Fannin,  ii.  233. 

Honey,  G.  W.,  state  treasurer,  1869, 
ii.  498. 

H<x>d,  J.  L.,  pub.  money  committee, 
ii.  170. 

Hopkins,  M.,  mention  of,  ii.  550. 

Horse  marines,  achievements  of,  ii. 
282-3. 

Horton,  A.,  mention  of,  ii.  172. 

Horton,  Col  A.  C.,  arrives  at  Goliad, 
ii.   226;  charge  on  Mex.   forces,  ii. 
227;  at  battle  of  Coleto,  ii.  229. 
capital  commis.,  1839,  ii.  337. 

Hospitality,  Texas,  ii.  533-4. 

Houston,  town,  capital  removed  from, 
1839,  ii.  337;  aR.R.  centre,  ii.  572. 

Houston,  A.,  mention  of,  ii.  172,  174, 
192 

Houston,  Gen'l  Felix,  arrival  of,  ii. 
290;  defeats  Comanches,  ii.  325. 

Houston,  Gen'l  Sam,  member  state 
conv.,  1833,  ii.  133;  mention  of,  ii. 
167,  170;  elected  com'd'r  in  chief, 
ii.  173;  milit.  measures  of,  ii.  192- 
3;  delegate  to  conv.,  etc.,  ii.  199; 
speech  to  volunteers,  ii.  219.;  proc 
lamation  of,  ii.  224-5;  1842, 
ii.  348;  of  blockade,  1842,  ii. 
350;  against  Com.  Moore,  ii.  352; 
for  volunteers,  1842,  ii.  358;  retreat 
to  Colorado  river,  ii.  225,  238; 
biog.  of,  ii.  239  et  seq.,  380, 
461;  plans  of,  ii.  244-5;  insubordi 
nation  of  troops,  ii.  246;  impatience 
at  policy  of,  ii.  251;  supposed  plan 
of,  ii.  252;  speech  of,  ii.  253;  march 
of,  ii.  253-4;  battle  of  San  Jacinto, 
ii.  255  et  seq.;  council  of  war,  ii. 
258;  outline  of  policy,  ii.  259; 
wound  of,  ii.  263;  succeeded  by 
Rusk,  ii.  269;  release  of  Santa 
Anna,  ii.  275-6;  letters  to  Gen. 
Gaines,  ii.  289;  elected  pres.,  ii. 
291;  inaugural  address  of,  ii.  293; 
reelection  of,  1841,  ii.  341;  defeat 
election,  1857,  ii.  423;  elected  gov., 
1859,  ii.  426;  messages  May,  1837, 
ii.  303;  Dec.  1841,  ii.  344;  June 
1842,  ii.  357;  farewell  message, 
1844,  on  S.  Carolina  resolutions,  ii. 
429;  letter  to  Santa  Anna,  ii.  348- 
50;  archive  removal,  ii.  353;  de 
nounces  Green,  ii.  369-70;  invokes 
interposition  Mex.  and  Texas,  1842, 


INDEX. 


789 


ii.  373-4;  retirement  of,  ii.  380; 
opposition  to  secession  ii.  434-5; 
speech  on,  ii.  438;  removal,  of  etc., 
ii.  440;  death  of,  ii.  461-5. 

Howard,  Capt.,  mention  of,  ii.  324. 

Howard,  C.  H.,  salt  lakes  riot,  ii. 
519;  execution  of,  ii.  521. 

Howland,  execution  of,  ii,  334-5. 

Hoxey,  Asa,  mention  of,  ii.  171. 

Hubbard,  Gov  succeeds  Coke,  ii. 
518;  biog.,  ii.  518-19;  message, 
1879,  ii.  522. 

Huajuguilla,  presidio,  site  of  re 
moved,  i.  680. 

,  Huidrjobo,  Gov.  M.  B.,  exped.  of, 
1736,  *!  460;  gov.  of  Sinaloa  and 
Sonora,  1734-41,  i.  520-1. 

Huller,  Luis,  colony  project  of,  ii. 
734. 

Humana,  exped.,  etc.,  of,  1595,  i. 
128-9;  death  of,  i.  383. 

Humes,  missions  among  the,  1683-5, 
i.  330-1. 

Hunt,  General  M.,  mention  of,  ii. 
273;  defeat  of,  ii.  341;  envoy  to 
Q.  S.,  ii.  342. 

Hunter,  John  D.,  efforts  in  behalf  of 
the  Cherokees,  ii.  103-5;  biog.,  etc., 
of,  ii.  104  et  seq.;  murder  of,  ii. 
109. 

Hurd,  Capt.,  defeats  Thompson,  ii. 
161-2;  mention  of,  ii.  272. 

Hurdaide,  Capt.  D.  M.  de,  in  com 
mand  at  San  Felipe,  1599,  i.  16-26, 
123,  207,  209;  subdues  the  Guaza- 
ves,  i.  209-10;  the  Suaquis,  i.  210- 
12;  exped.  to  Chinipa,  1601,  i.  211; 
protects  the  Ahomes,  i.  211-12; 
subdues  the  Tehuecos,  i.  211-13; 
visit  to  Mex.,  1603-4,  i.  212;  de 
feats  the  Bacoburitos,  1604,  i.  213; 
the  Ocorones,  i.  213,  216;  subdues 
the  Yaquis,  1610,  i.  216-19;  exped. 
to  Tepahue,  1612-13,  i.  220-1; 
against  the  Aivino?,  1622,  i.  226; 
death  of,  1626,  i.  227. 


Ibarra,  Emilio,  revolt  of,  ii.  737. 
Ibarra,  F.  de,  mining  explorations  of, 

1554,  i.  100;  assists   Franciscans,  i. 

101;  gov.  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  1561, 

i.  102;  exped.  of,  1562-5,  i.  103-10; 

death,    1575,  i.  Ill;  gov.  of  Nueva 

Vizcaya,  1,^76,  i.  112. 
Imperialists,    menace    of   the    U.   S. 

towards,  etc.,  1866,  ii.  622, 
Imports  (see  also  commerce),  prohibit. 


of  Coah.  and  Tex.,  1829,  ii.  87; 
Texas,  1838-40,  ii.  342. 

Inde,  mining  camp,  Tobosos  attack, 
etc.,  1644,  i.  348-50. 

Independence,  Texas,  declaration  of, 
ii.  215-17;  signers  of  list,  ii.  216; 
recognition  of,  ii.  301,  238-40. 

'Independence,'  schooner,  defeats  the 
Monjezuma,  ii.  272;  capture  of,  ii. 
284. 

'  Independencia, '  war  vessel,  ii.  707. 

Independents,  revolt  of,  1811-14,  ii. 
17  et  seq.;  defeat  royalists  on  Sali- 
tre  prairie,  1812,  ii.  20;  siege  of 
La  Bahia,  ii.  21-2;  battle  of  Rosillo, 
1813,  ii.  23;  assassination  of  royal 
ists,  1813,  ii.  24;  victory  over  Eli- 
zondo,  ii.  25-6;  defeat  of,  ii.  26-32. 

Indians  (se&  also  tribal  names);  hos 
tile  incursions  of,  ii.  286;  attack  on 
Fort  Parker,  ii.  287;  hostilities  at 
Austin,  ii.  337-8;  hostilities  of 
1837-8,  ii.  310-11;  1838-9,  ii.  319- 
26;  Cherokee  battle,  ii.  323;  depre 
dations  of,  ii.  405;  colonization  of, 
ii.  406;  extermination  council,  1858, 
ii.  409;  massacre  of,  ii.  410;  Texas, 
removal  of,  ii.  411-12;  affairs  of 
1859-82,  ii.  524-5;  hostilities,  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  etc.,  1771-1845,  ii.  593- 
601 ;  Viceroy  Galves'  war  against, 
ii.  594;  Apache  murders,  Durango, 
ii.  595;  uprising  of  Sonora,  etc., 

1831,  ii.    596;    systematic  raids  of, 
ii.  597;  Galves'  retaliation  system, 
597-8;   head  premiums  on,  ii.  599; 
American    aid   to,  ii.  599-03;  Gov. 
Conde's    method,    ii.    600;     hostili 
ties,     1850-6,    Chih.    and    Duran 
go,    ii.    614-16;   robbers,   disguised 
as,    ii.    616;    joint  action  agsfc  by 
Mex.  &  U.    S.,    ii.    626-7;  Apache 
campaign,  1813-14,   ii.    633;  Opata 
outbreak,  Sonora,    1820,   ii.   633-4; 
Yaqui     revolt,     1825,     ii.    639-43; 

1832,  ii.  652;  outbreaks  in  Sonora, 
1842,  ii.  660;  Apache  raids,  1834-6, 
ii.  653-4;  1846-7,  ii.  670;  1851-87, 
ii.  703-4;  L.  Cal,  condition,   1S25- 
6,  ii.  709;  tribes  of,  treatment,  etc., 
N.  Mex.  states,  ii.   742-3;  pop.  of, 
ii.  745. 

Indian  war  debt  of  Texas,  ii.  413. 
Ingraham,  L.  R.,  mention  of,  ii.  735. 
Intendencias,  establd.,   1786,    i.  676; 

officials,  i.  676;  working  of  system, 

i.  678-9. 
International  company  of  Mexico,  ii. 

730  et  seq.        • 


790 


INDEX. 


Interno   del  Norte,   formation  of,  ii. 

587. 
'Invincible, 'Texasschooner,  ii.  271-2; 

capture  of  'Avispa,'  etc.,  ii.  283. 
Iriarte,  Gov.    F.,    succeeds  Gonzalez, 

ii.  638;  removal  of,  ii.  644—5. 
Iriarte   y   Laurnaga,    Father    J.    P., 

mission  to  Baja  Cal.,  etc.,  1768-72, 

i.  733-6. 

Irigoyen,  Gov.,  resignation  of,  ii.  605. 
'Isabella/  U.  S.  store  ship,  ii.  718. 
Itamarra,    F.    de,  voyage   of,  1694,  i. 

194-5. 
Iturbe,  J.  de,  voyage  of,    1614-15,  i. 

164-5. 

Ives,  Rev.  C.  S.,  church  of,  ii.  548. 
Izarzabal,  Brother  I.,  mention  of,  i. 

488. 


Jackson,  Pres.  Andrew,  message  of, 
ii.  301-2;  letter  on  Tex.  Santa  Fe 
exped.,  ii.  336. 

Jackson,  C.  W.,  organizes  'Regula 
tors,'  etc.,  ii.  355. 

Jalisco,  Guzman's  exped.,  1530,  i.  28. 

Jaunegui,  Mex.  commissioner,  1842, 
ii.  375. 

Jaurequi  y  Urrutia,  Visitador  J.,  de, 
investigations  of,  1737,  i.  638. 

Jarvis,  J.  J.,  mention  of,  ii.  577. 

Jecker,  surveying  exped.  of,  ii.  695. 

Jefe  Politico,  L.  Cal.,  mode  of  app't- 
ment,  1849,  ii.  720. 

Jefferson,  Thos,  mention  of,  ii.  167. 

Jesuits,  in  Nueva  Vizcaya,  1590,  i. 
119;  1602-40,  i.  311-34;  1641-1700, 
i.  340-63,  366-72;  1701-67,  i.  585- 
9;  list  of,  i.  589-90;  expulsion  of, 
1767,  i.  688-91;  in  Slnaloa,  1591- 
1600,  i.  119-23;  1600-9,  i.  207-15; 
1650-1700,  i.  238-40,  572-6;  expul 
sion  of,  1767,  i.  575-8;  list  of,  i. 
578-80;  in  Durango,  1593-1600,  i. 
124-5;  annals  of  the,  i.  207-8;  in 
Sonora,  i.  232-3;  1650-1700,  i.  242- 
50,  572-6;  expulsion,  etc.,  of,  1767, 
i.  575-8,  704;  list  of,  i.  578-80;  in 
Baja  Cal.,  1697-1700,  i.  284-304; 
1701-67,  i.  421-74;  expulsion  of, 
1767-8,  i.  476-82;  list  of,  1697-1768, 
i.  482;  in  Pimeria,  1750,  i.  543-4; 
1751-67,  i.  560-4;  quarrel  with 
Governor  Parrilla,  1752,  i.  548-54; 
secularization  of  missions,  i.  704. 

Jesus  Maria  y  Jose,  mission,  mention 
of,  i.  417;  location,  i.  418;  aban 
doned,  i.  419. 


Jimenza,  F.,  pilot  toBecerra's  exped. r. 

1533,  i.  45,  murder  of,  i.  47. 
Jirouza,  D.,  gov.  of  Sonora,    1693,  i. 

255;    campaigns    of,    i.    255-6;    in 

Pimeria,  1695,  i.  262,  272-L 
Johnson,  Pres  ,  leniency  of,  ii.  479. 
Johnson,  jailer,  murder  of,  ii.  444. 
Johnson,    A.    E.    C.,    mention   of,  ii. 

172. 

Johnson,  A.  R.,  biog.  of,  ii.  5C9. 
Johnson,  Col  F.  W.,  revolt  of,  1832, 

ii.  119;  arrest  ordered,  ii.  161;  bat 
tle  of  San  Antonio,  ii.  182;  succeeds 

Milam,  ii.  184;  favors  Grant's  plan, 

ii.  196;  defeat,  etc.,  of,  ii.  220-2. 
Johnson,  J.,  mention  of,  ii.  564. 
Jones,   Pres.    Anson,   mention  of,  ii. 

244,  297;  opposition  to  Island  land 

sale,   ii.   309;  election  of,    1844,  ii. 

378;    inaugural     address,    ii.     382; 

proclamation     for    annexation,    ii. 

382;    'Memoranda,'   etc.,    ii.   386;. 

opposition  to  Know-nothing  party,. 

ii.  420. 
Jones,  Lieut-gov.  G.  W.,  election  of, 

ii.  483. 

Jones,  J.  R.,  mention  of,  ii.  160. 
Jones,  Maj.  J.  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  311, 

520. 

Jones,  R.,  mention  of,  ii.  171. 
Jones,  T.  L.,  execution  of,  ii.  368. 
Jordan,  Col  S.  W.,  battle  of  Alcan- 

tro,  ii.   327-8;  return  to  Texas,  ii. 

329;  defeats  Centralists,  ii.  330  et 

seq.;  retreats  to  Texas,  ii.  331.J 
'  Josiah  Bell, '  victory  of,  ii.  459. 
Joutel,  with  La  Salle's  exped.,  i.  400- 

11. 

Juarez,  Capt.,  exped.  of,  1633,  i.  330. 
Juarez,  Pres.,  reception  of,  at  Chih., 

1864,  ii.   620;  at  El  Paso,  1865,  ii. 

622;  revolt  against,  death,  etc.,  of, 

1868-72,  ii.  623-t. 
'Julius  Caesar,'  capture  of,  ii.  284. 
Junco  y  Espriella,  P.  del  B.,  gov.  of 

Texas,  1748-50,  i.  639. 
Justice,    administ.    of  in   Tex.,  ii.  4j 

1876,   ii.    531;  Coah.    &    Texas,    ii. 

94-5;  N.  Mex.  states,  ii.  742. 
Juzucanea,   Juan  P.   (see  also  'Ban- 

deras  ');  revolt  of,  ii.  639-43. 


Kansas,  agitation  over  admission,  ii. 

424-5;  polit.  strife  in,  ii.  428. 
Kappus,    Father   A.,    joins    Mange's 

exped.,  1694,  i.  257. 
Kearny,  Genl,  mention  of,  ii.  398. 
Keenan,  C.  G.,  mention  of,  ii.  538. 


INDEX. 


791 


Keller,  Father,  mission  to  Pimeria, 
1731-7,  i.  523-5;  Gov.  Vildosola's 
hostility  to,  i.  530;  exped.  of,  1743, 
i.  536;  charges  against  Parrilla, 
1752,  i.  548-9. 

Kellog,  A.  G.,  mention  of,  ii.  172. 

Kemper,  Major,  mention  of,  ii.  21-2. 

Kendall,  '  Texas  Santa  Fe  Exped.,'  ii. 
334  et  seq. 

Kennedy,  William,  'Texas  Rise, 
Progress,'  etc.,  ii.  383. 

Kerr,  Peter,  news  of  Fannin's  massa 
cre,  ii.  245. 

Kickapoos,  Indians,  troubles  with,  ii. 
406. 

King,  Capt.,  defeat  and  death  of,  ii. 

King,  V.  0.,  mention  of,  ii.  262. 

Kino,  Father  E.,  with  Otondo's  ex 
ped.,  1683,  i.  187;  diary  of,  i.  190- 
2. 

Kino,  Father  E.  F.,  biog.,  i.  250-1; 
labors,  etc.,  of,  i.  250-4;  expeds., 
etc.,  of,  1694-1700,  i.  257-71;  1701- 
6,  i.  495-502;  enthusiasm  of,  i.  277- 
8;  meeting  with  Salvatierra,  i.  278- 
9;  exploration  of,  1701,  i.  421;  in 
tercourse  with  Salvatierra,  i.  421-2; 
labors  in  Pimeria,  i.  492-3,  502-5; 
map  of,  .1701,  i.  498-9;  death  of, 
1711,  i.  505;  life  and  character,  i. 
505-6. 

Kirker,  James,  scalp  hunter,  ii.  599- 
601. 

Kittredge,    Lieut    J.     W.,     captures 
/"  Corpus  Christi,  ii.  454. 
(  Kleberg,  M.  E.,  biog.  of,  ii._765.     /, 

TCnechler, " JacoIjT^noT-office  commis., 
1869,  ii.  498. 

Knight,  James,  delegate  to  council, 
1835,  ii.  160. 

Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle,  objects, 
etc.,  of,  ii.  433;  murders  of,  ii.  435. 

Know-nothing  party,  defeat  of,  1855, 
ii.  420. 

Koogle,  W.  C.,  mention  of,  ii.  559. 


L'Archveque,  murder  of  La  Salle,  i. 
408. 

LaBahia,  siege  of,  1813,  ii.  21-2. 

La  Harpe,  exped.  of,  1721,  i.  619-21. 

La  Paz,  Lower  Cal.,  Vizcaino's  exped. 
at,  1597,  i.  149-50;  colony  establd. 
at,  1633,  i.  172-4;  settlement, 
founding,  etc.,  of,  '1633,  i.  172-5; 
abandoned,  i.  174-5;  reestabl'd, 
1683,  i.  187-8;  hostility  of  natives, 


i.    188-9;  again  abandoned,  i.   190; 

surrender  of,  1847,    ii.    712;  U.  S. 

occupation  of,  1847,  ii.  713  et  seq.; 

plan  of,  position  of  troops,  etc.,  ii. 

715;  siege  of,  ii.  714-16;  filibuster 

capture  of,  ii.  722. 
La  Salle,  R.  C.,  de,    exped.,    etc.,  of, 

1678,  i.  393;  1684-7,  i.  396-408; 

death  of,  1687,  i.  408-9;  character, 

i.  409. 

Laba,  Friar  I.  M.,  'Informe.' 
Labado,  Father  F.,  murder  of,  1645, 

i.  349. 
Labranche,  Alcee,  charge  d'  affaires  to 

Texas,  ii.  301. 

Lafitte,  Jean,  biog.,  etc.,  of,  ii.  39-43. 
Laguna,  region,  Jesuits  in,  i.  311-12. 
Lallemand,  colony  of,  1818,  ii.  44-5. 
Lamar,    M.    B.,    appt'd   sec.  of  war, 

1836,  ii.  269;  opposition  to  Santa 
Anna's     treaty,    ii.    271;     app't'd 
major-general,    etc.,     ii.      289-90; 
elected  vice-pres.,  ii.  292;  inaugu 
ral    address    of,    ii.    293;     elected 
president,     1838,     ii.    313;    inaug. 
address,   ii.   314;  message,   ii.    315; 
Ind.  policy  of,  ii.  322;   encourages 
Santa   Fe  exped.,  ii.  333;  message 
of,  Nov.  1841,  ii.  341;  extravagance 
of,  ii.  345-7. 

Landeras,  Mex.   commissioner,    1842, 

ii.  375. 
Land-grants,  to  Texan  volunteers,  ii. 

217;  frauds  in,    1835,    ii.    171;    L. 

Cal.;  ii.  727  et  seq. 
Land-office,  Texas,  certificates  issued, 

ii.  311. 
Landrun,    Col,  at  battle  S.  Antonio, 

ii.   184;  battle  with  Cherokees,  ii. 

323. 
Lands,  Texas,  bills  to  sectionize,  etc., 

1835-7,  ii.  306;  general  law  adopted, 

1837,  ii.  3C8. 

Land  titles,   N.  Mex.    states,  ii.  749. 
Lane,  Gov.,  mention  of,  ii.  617. 
Lapham,  Moses,  mention  of,  ii.  260. 
Lara,  B.  G.  de,  revol.  movements  of, 

ii.  19etseq.;  appointed  gov.  1813, 

ii.  24. 
Lara,  D.  de,  the  Tarahumare  revolt, 

1649-51,  i.  356. 
Larios,  F.  G.,  gov.  ad  int.  of  Texas, 

1743-8,  i.  639. 
Larios,  Father  J.,    visits    Coahuila, 

1670,  i.  375. 
Larrea,  J.  B. ,  gov.  of  Nueva  Vizcava, 

1700,  i.  338,  581. 
Las  Palmas  bay  mission,  founding  of, 

1733,  i.  457. 
Lavalette,  Capt.,  captures  Guaymas, 


792 


INDEX. 


1847,  ii.  667-9;  capture  of  Mazatlan, 
ii.  670. 

Laws,  Texas  legisl.,    1867,  ii.  485-6. 

Lea  Lieut-commander,  death  of,  ii. 
456. 

Leal,  Visitador  A.,  with  Kino's  ex- 
ped.,  1699,  i.  269. 

Leftwich,  Robert,  colony  of,  ii.  73. 

Leger,  T.,  mention  of,  ii.  549. 

Legislature,  Texas,  Kansas  resolution 
of,  ii.  425;  extra  session,  1861,  ii. 
434;  session,  1867,  ii.  485;  14th  ses 
sion,  ii.  511-12;  Durango,  suspen 
sion  of  members,  ii.  590;  Sonora 
and  Sinaloa,  1826,  ii.  638. 

Leon,  Capt.  A.  de,  comandante  of 
Santiago  de  Monclova,  i.  376;  ex- 
peds  of,  1689-90,  i.  414-15. 

Leon,  Brig.  F.  Ponce  de,  gov.  and 
com. -gen.,  1844,  ii.  661. 

Leon,  Gen.  M.  de,  revolt  of,  1879,  ii. 
703,  738-9. 

Leon,  Martin  de,  colony  of,  ii.  73. 

Lester,  J.  S.,  mention  of,  ii.  172. 

Letona,  Jose  M.,  elected  gov.  Tex., 
1831,  ii.  116. 

Lewis,  Capt.,  Tex.  Sania  Fe  exped., 
ii.  334-7;  treachery  of,  ii.  335. 

Lewis,  Capt.  M.  B.,  recaptures  ar 
chives,  ii.  354. 

Lezama,  Contador  M.  de,  project  of, 
i.  170. 

Liberals,  Durango,  ii.  588. 

*  Libertador/  capture  of  the  'Inde 
pendence,'  ii.  284. 

Liberty,  town,  establishment,  etc., 
of,  ii.  116;  milit.  aid  from,  ii.  170. 

'Liberty,'  Texas  schooner,  ii.  271; 
sale  of,  ii.  283. 

Liqui  mission,  founding,  etc.,  of,  1705, 
i.  432. 

Linares,  Viceroy,  aids  the  Jesuits,  i. 
436. 

Lincoln,  Pres.  A.,  election  of,  1860, 
ii.  433;  rebellion  proclamation,  ii. 
449. 

Link,  Father  W.,  in  charge  at  Borja, 
1762,  i.  472;  expeds  of,  1765-6,  i. 
473. 

Linn,  B.  D.,  biog.  of,  ii.  577. 

Linn,  J.  J.,  mention  of,  ii.  577. 

Lipans,  raids  of  the,  1722-6,  i.  631; 
subjugation  of  the,  i.  640;  Quintero 
defeats,  1813,  ii.  32. 

Lipantitlan,  town,  surrender,  etc.,  of, 
ii.  188-9. 

Littlefield,  G.  W.,  mention  of,  ii. 
560. 

Littleton,  Lieut,  defeat  of,  ii.  446. 

Lizazoin,  Father  T.  I.,  refounds  San 


Jose  mission,   1751,  i.  554;  report, 

etc.,  of,  1763,  i.  565-6. 
Llewellyn,    Capt.,    at  battle   S.  An 
tonio,  ii.  184. 

Lok,  M.,  map  of,  1582,  i.  151. 
Lomelin,  P.  B.,  bishop  of  Guadiana, 

1656-8,  i.  338. 

Loiido,   Canada   de,  Salvatierra's  ex 
peds   to,    1698-1700,  i.  294-5,  299, 

301. 

Long,  Gen.,  mention  of,  ii.  548. 
Long,  David,  mention  of. 
Long,  James,  exped.  into  Tex.,  1819, 

ii.  47-51;  death  of,  ii.  51. 
Lopez,  with  Guzman's  exped.,  1530-1, 

i.  30,  36-7. 
Lopez,    Col,   treachery  of,   ii.  329  et 

seq. 

Lopez,  A.,  exped.  of,  1654,  i.  386. 
Lopez,    Padre    D.,    the     Tepehuane 

revolt,   1616-17,  i.  329;  mission  to 

the  Jumanas,  1629,  i.  385. 
Lopez,  J.  A.,  revol.  exped.,  1810. 
Lopez,  Father  J.  F.,  rept  on  Texan 

missions,  1785,  i.  664-8. 
Lopez,  Father  N.,  exped.  of,  1684,  i. 

388-9. 
Loranco,  Col,  Cortina's  defeat  of,  ii. 

446. 
Lorenzo,    C.,    with   Ortega's   exped., 

1636,  i.  174. 
Lorenzo,  Capt.  E.  R.,  in  command  at 

San  Javier,  1701,  i.  423;  death  of, 

1746,  i.  462;  biog.,  i.  462-3. 
Lorenzo  y  la  Rea,  B.  R.,  in  charge  at 

San  Jose  del  Cabo,  1736,  i.  461. 
Loreto    mission,    founded   by  Salva- 

tierra,  1697,  i.  284-6,   290-1;  map 

of,    and     vicinity,    1700,    i.    285; 

troubles    with    natives,    i.    287-8, 

292-3,  298-9;  reinforcements,  etc., 

for,  i.  293^1,  298;  prosperity  of,  i. 

296;  Salvatierra    leaves,    i.    303-4; 

distress  at,    1701-2,  i.  422-5,  429; 

outbreak  at,  i.  424-5;  Franciscans 

at,  1768,  i.  484;  Galvez'  measures, 

etc.,  1769,  i.  726-7. 
Los  Angeles,  founded,  1781,  i.  770. 
Louisiana  boundary  dispute,  ii.  9-11; 

treaty,  1819,  ii.  45-7. 
Love,  Capt.  Wm  M.,  mention  of,  ii. 

311. 

Loving,  Geo.  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  560. 
Lowder,    W.  J.    F.,  mention   of,    ii. 

410. 

Lower  California,  see  California,Baja. 
Lower  Cal.  Colonization  and  Mining 

co.,  ii.  727. 
Lozada,  Ind.  chief,  invasion  of,  1860, 

ii,  696. 


INDEX. 


793 


Lozado,  General,  captures  Mazatlan, 

ii.  697;  defeats  Corona,  ii.  698. 
Lubbock,    Gov.    F.    R.,    election   of, 

1861,   ii.    451;    suggestions    of,    ii. 

457;  state  treasurer,   1878,  ii.  522. 
Lucenilla  y  Torres,  C'apt.   F.,  voyage 

of,  1668,  i.  184-5. 

Luckett,   P.  N.,  mention  of,  ii.  437. 
Luis,  Cacique,  the  Pima  revolt,  1751- 

2,  i.  544-5. 
Luna,  Father,  with  Barriga's  exped. . 

1644,  i.  182. 

Lunatic  asylum,  Texas,  ii.  537-8. 
Luyando,  Father  J.  B.,  in  Baja  Cal., 

1727-8,  i.  454. 
Lyons,  Patrick,  death  of,  ii.  366. 


M 


McAshan,  S.  M.,  biog.  of,  ii.  767. 
McBride,  Sergeant,   execution  of,  ii. 

521. 
McCormick,  Geo.,  state  atty-een.,  ii. 

522. 

McCoy,  Col  J.  C.,  biog.  of,  ii.  577. 
McCulloch,  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  397. 
.McCullough,  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  434; 

captures  San  Antonio,  ii.  437. 
McDermott,  Lieut-coin.,  death  of,  ii. 

460. 
McDonald,   Lieut  Wm,   at  battle  S. 

Antonio,  ii.  183. 

McGowan,  J.  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  397. 
McKinney,  equips   Texas  schooners, 

ii.  271. 

McKinney,  A.  T.,  biog.,  etc.,  ii.  543. 
McLanahan,    Midshipman,    bravery, 

etc.,  of,  ii.  716;  death  .of,  ii.  717. 
McLeod,  Gen.  H.  D.,  mention  of,  ii. 

296;    Comanche   council,    1840,    ii. 

324. 
McLeod,  Gen.  Hugh,  Tex.  Santa  Fe 

exped.,  ii.  334;  surrender  of,  ii.  336. 
McMullen,  mention  of,  ii.  397. 
McNeal,  W.  W.,  Indian  massacre  of, 

ii.  410. 
McNeil    Stirling,  delegate  to  council, 

1835,  ii.  160. 

Mackay,  T.  J.,  testimony  of,  ii.  482. 
Macomb,    David   B.,   mention  of,  ii. 

172. 

Madero,  Francisco,  arrest  of,  ii.  116. 
Madero,  Gov.    J.  I.,   mention   of,   ii. 

590. 
Madison,    Pres.,    proclamation   ag'st 

filibusters,  1815,  ii.  34. 
Magee,  Lieut   August,   revol.   move 
ments  of,  ii.  19  et  seq.;  elected  col 

of  revolutionists,  ii.  21;  death  of, 

ii.  22. 


Magruder,  Gen.,  recaptures  Galves- 
ton,  ii.  455-6;  disagreement  with 
state  authorities,  ii.  472. 

Mahan,  Patrick,  execution  of,  ii.  368. 

Mail  service,  Texas,  ii.  569-70. 

Maillard,  N.  D.,  'History  of  Texas,' 
ii.  141;  misrepresentations  of,  ii. 
214. 

Maldonado,  Capt.,  exped.  of,  1540,  i. 
87-8. 

Maldonado,  A.  del  C.,  with  Vasca's 
exped.,  etc.,  i.  61,  66,  70. 

Maldonado,  L.  F.  de,  voyage  of,  1588, 
i.  144-5. 

Malhado  island,  Spaniards  wrecked 
on,  1528,  i.  61;  location  of,  i.  63. 

Mange,  Capt.  J.  M.,  'Historia  de  la 
Pimeria  Alta,'  i.  256;  expeds  of, 
1694-9,  i.  256-70;  with  Salvatierra's 
exped.,  1701-2,  i.  494-500. 

Manufactures,  Texas,  ii.  566;  Sonora 
and  Sinaloa,  ii.  760. 

Mapimi,  presidio  of,  reoccupied,  1711, 
i.  583. 

Maps  and  plans,  region  north  and 
west  of  Mexico,  i.  11;  Guzman's 
expedition,  1531,  i.  31;  explora 
tions^  1532-6,  i.  43;  Cabeza  de 
Vaca's  route,  i.  67;  explorations  of, 
1539-42,  i.  73;  Castillo's,  1541,  i. 
81;  Nueva  Vizcaya,  i.  101,  592, 
677;  Lok's,  1582,  i.  151;  Wytfliet- 
Ptolemy's,  1597,  i.  152;  Vizcaino's 
1603,  i.  156;  Dutch  map,  1624-5,  i- 
169;  D'Avitty's,  1637,  i.  176;  Dam. 
pier's,  1699,  i.  195;  Harris,  1705,  i. 
196;  Sinaloa  and  Sonora,  i.  208; 
Pimeria,  i.  251;  Loreto  and  vicin 
ity,  1700,  i.  285;  Orozco  y  Berra's, 
i.  310;  southern  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
1700,  i.  312;  northern  Nueva  Viz 
caya,  1700,  i.  347;  Coahuila,  i.  377; 
Texas,  i.  381,  615;  peninsular  mis 
sions,  i.  427;  California  missions,  i. 
447;  Consag's,  1746,  i.  464;  Vene- 
gas,  1757,  i.  471;  Baegert's,  1757, 
i.  479;  Kino's,  1701,  i.  499;  Sonora 
and  Sinaloa,  i.  555;  Sonora  in  the 
eighteenth  century,  i.  703;  Palou's, 
i.  771;  Austin's  map  of  1835,  ii.  75; 
San  Antonio  and  environs,  ii.  181; 
Santa  Anna's  march,  ii.  203;  ground 
plan  of  the  Alamo,  ii.  206;  sectional 
map  of  1835,  ii.  249;  fortress  of 
Perote,  ii.  368;  city  of  Monterey, 
ii.  395;  Durango  and  Chihuahua,  ii. 
583;  Durango  and  Sinaloa,  ii.  591; 
Chihuahua,  ii.  606;  Sonora  and 
Sinaloa,  ii.  629;  Sinaloa,  ii.  657;  new 
map  of  Sonora,  ii.  666;  positions  of 


794 


INDEX. 


troop,  La  Paz,  1847,  ii.  715;  Urrea's 

campaign,  ii.  228;  routes  of  armies, 

Santa   Anna  and  Houston,  ii.  252; 

plan  of    battle-field,    San  Jacinto, 

ii.  256. 
Mariscal,    Gov.,    election,    removal, 

etc.,  of,  ii.  702. 
Marjiano,    Father  L.  M.,  at  San  Ig- 

nacio,  1722-3,  i.  507. 
Marie,  Sieur  de,  with  La  Salle's  ex- 

ped  ,  i.  406-8. 
Marras,  Rector  D.  A.,  dispute  with 

Aguirre,  1673,  i.  243-4. 
Martial  law,  Texas,  proclaimed,  1832,  I 

ii.    119;  1862,  ii.  456-7;  proclama- 

tions   of,    1871,    ii.  507;  Chih.  and 

Durango,  1864,  ii.  619-20. 
Martin,  Capt.  H.,  exped.   of,  1650,  i.  ! 

385-6. 
Martin,  Wylie,    polit.    chief,   ii.  160;  j 

mention  of,  ii.  171;  company  of,  at  i 

S.  Felipe,  ii.  246;  rejoins  Houston,  j 

ii.  250,  253. 
Martinez,  Gen.,  defeat,  etc.,  of,  1868, 

ii.  697,  700. 

Martinez,  Capt.  F.,  with  Teran's  ex 
ped.,  1691-2,  i.  416-17. 
Martinez,  Father  G.,   mention  of,  i. 

365. 
Martinez,  Padre  M.,  death  of,  1632, 

i.  229. 
Martinez,  Col   M.,  resignation,  etc., 

1835,  ii.  710. 
Martos  y  Navarette,    A.  de,  gov.  of  j 

Texas,  1760-7,  i.  643,  649,  652. 
Masanet,  Father  D.,  with  Leon's  ex- 

peds,  i.  414-15;  with  Teran's  exped., 

1691-2,  i.  416-17. 
Mascarenas,  Gov.,  proclaims  martial 

law,  ii.  620. 

Mason,  General,  mention  of,  ii.  286-7. 
Masterson,  Judge  J.  R.,  biog.   of,  ii. 

766-7. 
Matagorda,  municipality  created,  ii. 

144. 
Matamoros,    exped.    against,  ii.    194 

et   seq.;    federalists'    siege    of,    ii. 

328. 
Maverick,  at  siege   of  Bejar,  ii.  180; 

guide,  battle  of  S.  Antonio,  ii.  182. 
Maverick,  S.  A.,  mention  of,  ii.  437. 
Maxey,  Senator  S.  B.,  biog.  of,  ii. 

578. 

Mayorga,  Father,  mention  of,  i.  434. 
Mayos,  Sinaloan  tribe,  mission  found 
ed  among,  1613,  i.  222;  conversions 
among,    i.    226;  revolt  of,    1826,  ii. 
640;  1867,  ii   701. 

Mazatlan,  founding  of,  i.  206;  name, 
i.   206;  hist,    of,   ii.    650;    captured 


by  Paredes,  etc.,  1838,  ii.  658;  sur 
render  to  the  U.  S.,  ii.  669-70; 
blockade  of,  etc.,  1864,  ii.  697; 
French  evacuate,  ii.  699. 

Mediavilla  y  Ascona,  M.  de,  gov.  of 
Texas,  1726-30,  i.  632-4. 

Medina,  Father  P.  I.  de,  mention  of, 
i.  340. 

Mejia,  Gen.  Jose  A.,  Texas  exped., 
ii.  125;  Tampico  attack,  etc.,  ii. 
189-90. 

Meleiidez,  commandant,  murder  of, 
ii.  725. 

'  Memorias  para  la  Historias  de  la 
Provincia  de  Sinaloa,'  MS.,  120. 

Menard,  P.  J. ,  mention  of,  ii.  170. 

Mendarozqueta,  Gov.  B.,  gov.  Du 
rango,  1833,  ii.  591;  removal  and 
replacement  of,  ii.  592;  succeeds 
Heredia,  ii.  602. 

Mendez,  Father  P.,  mission  to  Sina 
loa,  1600-6,  i.  209-14;  theTehuecos' 
revolt,  etc.,  1611,  i.  219-20;  labors 
among  the  Mayos,  i.  222;  mission 
ary  labors  of,  1621,  i.  225-6;  1628, 
i.  228;  retirement  of,  1635,  i.  231. 

Mendigutia,  Father  A.,  mention  of,  i. 
591. 

Mendoza,  Viceroy,  designs  of,  i.  72; 
Coronado's  exped.,  i.  83;  rupture 
with  Cortes,  i.  95;  contract  with 
Alvarado,  1540,  i.  96;  exped.  to 
Nueva  Galicia,  i.  97. 

Mendoza,  Capt.  A.  G.,  de,  with  Sal- 
vatierra's  exped.,  1699,  i.  297-9; 
complaint,  etc.,  of,  i.  302-3;  resig 
nation  of,  1701,  i.  423. 

Mendoza,  D.  H.  de,  Cortes'  instruc 
tions  to,  i.  41;  exped.  of,  1532,  i. 
41-5. 

Mendoza,  Friar  G.  de,  mission  to 
Durango,  i.  100-1. 

Mendoza,  J.  de,  gov.  of  Sinaloa,  i. 
556;  rule,  1755-60,  i.  556;  death  of, 
1760,  i.  556. 

Mendoza,  J.  D.,  de,  mention  of,  i. 
388-9. 

Menifee,  William,  mention  of,  ii.  171. 

Mercado,  G.  V.  de,  exped.  to  Zacate- 

cas,  1552,  i.  100. 

Mexico,  Texan  affairs,  1716,  i.  616-17, 
622;  action  in  Santa  Anna  treaty, 
ii.  279-80;  Texas  peace  proposals, 
1839,  ii.  340;  ports  of  Texas  block 
aded,  1842,  ii.  350  et  seq. ;  threat 
against  the  U.  S.,  1842,  ii.  376. 

Mexican  border,  troubles  of,  1876,  ii. 
518. 

Mexicans,  race  troubles  with  Texas, 
1857,  ii.  416  et  seq, 


INDEX. 


795 


Mezieres,  Lieut  A.  de,  rept  on  Texan 
affairs,  1778,  i.  660-2;  expeds  of, 
1778-9,  i.  663-4. 

Michoacan,  subjugation  of,  i.  13-14. 

Middendorf,  Father  B.,  mission  to 
the  Papagos,  1756,  i.  561. 

Mier  disaster,  ii.  361  et  seq.;  at 
tempted  escape  and  execution  of 
prisoners,  ii.  365;  foreign  corres 
pondence  on,  ii.  369. 

Mier  y  Teran,  Manuel,  app't'd  com'd 
gen'l,  ii.  115;  tyranny  of,  ii.  116-17. 

Milan,  Benj.  R.,  colony  of,  ii.  74; 
arrest  and  escape  of,  ii.  154,  169; 
battle  of  San  Antonio,  ii.  180  et 
seq;  death  and  biog.  of,  ii.  184. 

Miles,  capture  of  Santa  Anna,  ii.  264. 

Military  movements  of  U.  S.  and 
Mex.,  1805,  ii.  11;  army  ordinance, 
Texas,  1835,  ii.  173;  appropriations 
for,  ii.  305;  protection  of  frontier, 
1839,  ii.  317;  posts,  list  1861,  ii. 
437;  movements,  1861-5,  ii.  450  et 
seq;  withdrawal  of,  ii.  502;  militia 
organization  of,  1870,  ii.  506;  milit. 
colonies,  Mex.  frontier,  decree, 
1848,  ii.  612;  militia  Mex.  frontier, 
ii.  613;  force  in  Souora  &  Sinaloa, 
1826,  ii.  638;  frontier  force,  Sonora, 
1848-50,  ii.  671;  milit.  colony,  L. 
Cal.,  1850,  ii.  720. 

Millard,  Lieut-col  H.,  mention  of.  ii. 
172,  174;  at  council  of  war,  ii.  258; 
battle  San  Jacinto,  ii.  260. 

Miller,  Major,  capture  of,  ii.  233-4.. 

Miller,  J.  B.,  member  state  conv., 
1833,  ii.  133-4. 

Mina,  Javier,  movements  of,  1816-17, 
ii.  36-7. 

Miller,  John  F.,  quarantine  bill  of, 
ii.  562. 

Miller,  S.  A.,  'Journal,'  ii.  372. 

Mines  and  minerals,  Texas,  ii.  564-6; 
N.  Mex.  states,  ii.  751;  gold,  ii. 
751;  statistics,  ii.  752;  silver,  ii. 
752;  leading  mines,  ii.  753;  Sonora, 
ii.  754;  placers,  ii.  754;  Sinaloa, 
Durango,  &  L.  Cal.,  ii.  755;  miscel. 
minerals,  ii.  756. 

Minon,  Col  Jose,  at  battle  of  the 
Alamo,  ii.  210. 

Minutili,  Father  G.,  at  Loreta,  1702, 
i.  426-7. 

Miramon,  Lieut-col  A.,  Paredes  ap 
points  gov.,  etc.,  ii.  669. 

Miranda,  Col,  neutrality,  1847,  ii.712. 

Miranda  y  Castro,  Gov.,  appointment, 
etc.,  of,  ii.  737-8. 

Missions,  Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  decline 
of,  1833,  ii.  651. 


Missouri  compromise,  ii.  423. 

Mitchell,  Asa,  mention  of,  ii.  171. 

Mixton  war,  1540-2,  i.  96-7. 

Moctezuma,  Viceroy,  mention  of,  i. 
280. 

Moderators  and  regulators,  war  of,  ii. 
354. 

Molano,  Col.,  treachery  of,  ii.  329  et 
seq. 

Molina,  Father,  massacre  at  San 
Saba,  1758,  i.  646-8. 

Monclova,  Presidio,  site  of  trans 
ferred,  1772,  i.  608. 

Mondragoii,  B.,  comandante  of  Sina 
loa,  1589,  i.  115. 

Monroy,  A.  do,  gov.  of  Nueva  Viz- 
caya,  1586-9,  i.  113. 

Monsalve,  L.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva  Viz- 
caya,  1639,  i.  300. 

Montalvo,  0.  de,  '  Sergas  de  Esplan- 
dian, '  i.  82. 

Montano,  Capt.  F.,  the  Tepehuane 
revolt,  1616-17,  i.  326;  the  Toboso 
outbreak,  etc.,  1644-5,  i.  349-50. 

Monterde,  J.  M.,  gov. -gen'l  Chih.,  ii. 
602. 

Monterde,  M.,  appointment,  etc.,  of, 
1830,  ii.  710. 

Monterey,  Cal.,  Vizcaino  discovers, 
1603,  i.  159-60;  mission  founded  at, 
1770,  i.  767;  capital  of  Cal.,  i.  768; 
plan  of,  ii.  395. 

Monteros,  deputy,  reforms  and  ob 
jections  of,  ii.  636. 

Montesclaros,  Fuerte  de,  building, 
etc.,  of  1610,  i.  215-16;  garrison  of, 
i.  220. 

'Montezuma,'  Mex.  war  ship,  ii.  356. 

Montoya,  Gen'l,  defeat  of,  ii.  331. 

Montoya,  P.  de,  exped.  to  Sinaloa, 
1583,  i.  113-14;  death  of,  i.  114. 

Moore,  J.  W.,  mention  of,  ii.  171. 

Moore,  Commodore,  disobedience  of, 
1842,  ii.  352;  defeats  '  Montezuma/ 
and  'Guadalupe,'  ii.  356. 

Moore,  congressman,  mention  of,  ii. 
401. 

Moore,  Chief  Justice  G.  F.,  election 
of,  1878,  ii.  522. 

Moore  Col  John  H.,  defeats  Casta- 
neda,  ii.  166;  defeats  Comanches, 
1840,  ii.  326. 

Moore,  R.  F.,  mention  of,  ii.  545. 

Moquis,  requests  of  for  missionaries, 
1711-23,  i.  509-10;  proposed  subju 
gation  of,  1742-4,  i.  536;  exped. 
against,  1747,  i.  539-40;  independ 
ence  of,  i.  603. 

Mora,  Comandante,  peace  negotia 
tions  of,  1834,  ii,  654. 


796 


INDEX. 


Morales,  Col,  at  battle  of  the  Alamo, 
ii.  210;  advance  upon  Goliad,  ii. 
226-7;  battle  of  Colito,  ii.  229. 

Morales,  Gov.,  resignation  of,  etc., 
1864,  ii.  696;  battles  with  the 
French,  1865,  ii.  697. 

Morales,  J.  F.  de,  comandante  of 
Sonora,  1650,  i.  233. 

Morales,  Capt.  M.  G-.,  the  Tarahu- 
mere  revolt,  1649-51,  i.  356-7; 
comisario  in  Baja  Cal.,  1678,  i.  488. 

Moranget,  with  La  Salle's  exped., 
i.  400-7;  murder  of,  i.  408. 

Moreno,  J.  M.,  sub  jefe  politico,  ii. 
725. 

Moret,  M.,  gov.  Durango,  1852,  ii. 
617. 

Morfi,  Father  J.  A.,  death  of,  1783,  i. 
664;  works  of,  i.  664. 

Morfit,  Henry  M.,  report  on  Texas, 
ii.  285. 

Morgan,  Col,  assent  to  Moore's  oper 
ations,  ii.  352-3. 

'Morning  Light,'  surrender  of,  ii. 
459. 

Morrell,  Rev.  Z.  N.,  mention  of.  ii. 
547. 

Morris,  constable,  murder  of,  ii.  444. 

Morris,  Capt.  R.  C.,  mention  of,  ii. 
179. 

Morris,  Major,  battle  of  San  Antonio, 
ii.  182. 

Morrison,  Lieut-col.,  battle  at  Pal 
metto  rancho,  ii.  475. 

Mortimer,  Serg.  E.  C.,  death  of,  ii. 
520. 

Mota,  Bishop,  the  Acaxce  revolt, 
1601-2,  i.  315. 

Motheral,  W.  E.,  Indian  massacre  of, 
ii.  410. 

Mott,  W.  F.,  biog.  of,  ii.  765. 

Mugazabal,  Brother,  death  of,  1761, 
i.  472. 

Mulege  mission,  founding,  etc.,  of, 
1705,  i.  432-3. 

Murrah,  Gov.,  Pendleton,  inaugura 
tion  of,  1863,  ii.  465-6;  message, 
etc.,  1864,  ii.  468-73;  flight  of,  ii. 
478.  ^ 

Musquiz,  Ramon,  polit.  chief,  ii.  116; 
vice-governor.  1835,  ii.  146;  propo 
sals  of,  ii.  157. 

Mussina,  [Simon,  mention  of,  ii.  550. 

N 

Nachitoches,  Fort,  Ramon's  visit  to, 
1716,  i.  615-16;  site  of  transferred, 
1735,  i.  636. 

Nacogdoches,  resolutions  of,  1835,  ii. 
167;  rebellion,  1838.  ii.  320. 


Naglee,  Capt.   H.    M.,    campaign  of 

L.  Cal.,  1847,  ii.  718. 
Napoli,   Father  I.  M.,  mention  of.  i. 

453. 
Narvaez,    P.    de,    exped.,    etc.,  of,  i. 

11-12;  1527-8,    i.   60-1,  380;    gov. 

of  LasPalmas,  i.  60;  fate  of,  i.61-2. 
Narvona,  Capt.,  gov.  Sonora  and  Sin., 

1821,  ii.  630;  Apache  campaigns  of, 

1813-14,  ii.  633. 
Nava,  replaced,  ii.  582. 
Nava,   Gen.    P.  de,  comandante  gen. 

of  Provincias  Internas,  1790,  i.  675. 
Nava,   Priest    D.   de,    with   Ortega's 

exped.,  1632,  i.  171-3. 
Navarette,  A.  M.,  gov.    of  Coahuila, 

1756,  i.  604. 
Navarette,  Pedro,  jefe  politico,  1863, 

ii.  726. 

Navarro,  Ant.,  signs  declaration  in 
dependence,  ii.  216. 
Navarro,  J.  A.,  Tex.  Santa  Fe  exped., 

ii.  334;  escape  and  biog.  of,  ii.  337. 
Navarro,    Juan,    succeeds   Corral,  ii. 

586. 
Navarro,    Don    P.    G.,    auditor    de 

guerraof  Provincias  Internas,  1777, 

i.  672. 
Navarro,    Gov.  R.,    election  of,  etc., 

1858-60,  ii.  725. 
Navigation,    Texas,  ii.  568;  N.  Mex. 

states,  ii.  763-4. 
Navy,    Texas,     battles,     etc.,    of,  ii. 

283-4;  appropriations  for,   1839,  ii. 

317;  operations  of,  1842,  ii.   350  et 

seq.;    authorized   sale  of,    ii.    352; 

repeal  of  act,  ii.  353. 
Mayarit,  location,  i.  518;  conquest  of, 

1721-2,  i.  518-19. 
Neal,  murder  of,  ii.  444. 
Negrete,  L.  delC.,  captures  Durango, 

1821,   ii.    585-6;  sub   jefe   politico, 

1842,  ii.  711;  arrest  of,  ii.  720. 
Negroes    (see    also   Freedmen);    con 
spiracy  of,  Texas,  1856,  ii.  416-17. 
Neighbors,  R.  S.,  Ind.  agent,  ii.  411; 

death  of,  ii.  412. 

Neill,  Col  J.  C.,  battle  of  San  Anto 
nio,  ii.    182;  Alamo  commander,  ii. 

196;  latter  to  Houston,  ii.  201. 
'Nelson,'  schooner,  ii.  118. 
Nentvig,  Father,  escapes  from  Pimas, 

1751,  i.  544. 
Neve,   F.  de,   comandante-gen.,  etc., 

of  Provincias  Internas,  1782,  i.  673; 

gov.  of  Cal.,  1774-9,  i.  738-42,  745; 

in  AltaCal.,  1777,  i.  768-9. 
Neville,  Capt.  C.  L.,  biog.,  ii.  578. 
Nevome  mission,  description  of,  1658, 

i.  242-3. 


INDEX. 


797 


Nevomes,  Sinaloan  tribe,  missionary 
labors  among,  1615,  i.  223-4;  con 
versions  among,  i.  226;  revolt  of, 
1526-7,  i.  227. 

New  map  of  Sonora,  ii.  666. 

New  Mexico,  annals  of,  1540-1600,  i. 
127-9;  church  affairs  in,  1601-30,  i. 
374;  revolts  in,  1680-96,  i.  374; 
boundary  with  Texas,  ii.  398; 
Texas  boundary  bill,  ii.  400-1. 

New  Orleans  Grays,  organization  of, 
ii.  170-1;  arrival  at  S.  Antonio,  ii. 
179. 

New  York  volunteer  campaign  in  L. 
Cal.,  ii.  713. 

Newcomb,  J.,  mention  of,  ii.  427-8. 

Newspapers,  Texas,  ii.  548-50;  The 
Cotton  Plant,  ii.  548;  The  Texas 
Kepublican,  ii.  549;  Texas  Gazette 
andBrazoria,  ii.  549;  Constitutional 
Advocate  and  Texas  Public  Adver 
tiser,  ii.  549;  Texas  Kepublican,  ii. 
549;  Telegraph,  ii.  549;  Houston, 
Telegraph,  ii.  549;  Texas  Planter, 
ii.  549;  Civilian,  ii.  549;  Austin 
City  Gazette,  ii.  549;  Morning 
Star,  ii.  550;  Texas  Sentinel,  ii. 
550;  Times,  ii.  550;  Advocate,  ii. 
550;  Gazette,  ii.  550. 

Nieto,  Miguel,  capture  of,  etc.,  ii. 
120. 

Nira  y  Quiroga,  G.,  gov.  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  1685,  i.  338. 

Niza,  Friar  M.  de,  exped.  of,  1539,  i. 
74-7. 

Nolan,  Philip,  exped.  of,  ii.  5;  death 
of,  ii.  7. 

Nombre  de  Dios,  Durango,  founding 
of,  1563,  i.  101-2,  104;  progress  of, 
1553-1600,  i.  111-12. 

Nombre  de  Jesus,  mission,  founded, 
1688,  i.  378;  refounded,  1698,  i. 
379. 

Noriega,  Gen'l,  vessels  of,  seized,  ii. 
724. 

Norris,  Nathaniel,  Nacogdoches  re 
bellion,  ii.  320. 

Nueces,  river,  name,  i.  385. 

Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Dolores  mis 
sion,  founding  of,  1687,  i.  252;  1721, 
i.  452. 

Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Dolores  de  los 
Tejas,  presidio,  founded,  1716,  i. 
614-15;  reestabl'd,  1721,  i.  625; 
suppressed,  1729,  i.  633-4. 

Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe  Mis 
sion,  founding  of,  1719,  i.  449; 
location,  i.  449-50. 

Nuestra  Senora  del  Pilar  de  la  Paz 
Mission,  founded,  1720,  i.  449. 


Nueva  Galicia,  name,  i.  39;  conquest 
of,  1542,  i.  97;  bishopric  of,  i.  97; 
Franciscans  in,  i.  97;  industrial 
progress,  i.  97. 

Nueva  Tlascala,  founding  of,  i.  126. 

Nueva  Vizcaya,  (see  also  Durango), 
maps  of,  i.  101,  312,  347,  592,  677; 
name,  i.  102;  Ibarra's  province, 
1561,  i.  102;  location,  i.  102;  Ibarra's 
exped.  i.  103-10;  settlements  found 
ed  in,  1563,  i.  103-4;  1564-5,  i.  108- 
10;  1569-1600,  i.  12;  1654-67,  i. 
595-601;  industries  of,  ii.  112;  gov 
ernors  of,  i.  112-13;  gov's  1600-40, 
i.  306;  1640-1700,  i.  337-8;  1700-68, 
i.  580-1;  1768-1800,  i.  676-8;  Fran 
ciscans  in,  1554-90,  i.  116-19;  1600- 
45,  i.  334-6;  1640-1700,  i.  363; 
Jesuits  in,  1590,  i.  119;  1602-40,  i. 
311-34;  1641-1700,  i.  340-63,  366- 
72;  expulsion  of,  1767,  i.  688-91; 
name,  etc.,i.  205;  extent  of,  i.  305; 
government  of,  i.  306-7;  church 
affairs  in,  1600-40,  i.  307-8;  1640- 
1700,  i.  338-9;  1769-1800,  i.  684-7; 
mission  districts  of,  309-11;  1641- 
1700,  i.  340;  subjugation  of  natives 
in,  1601-14,  i.  313-19;  the  Tepe- 
huane  revolt,  1616-17,  i.  320-9; 
tribes,  etc.,  of  upper  Vizcaya,  i. 
332;  scant  annals  of,  i.  339-40; 
Indian  outbreaks  in,  1644-90,  i. 
348-372;  presidios,  etc.,  i.  582-5, 
680;  mission  affairs  in,  1701-67,  i. 
585-601;  1768-1800,  i.  687-911; 
aProvincia  liiterna,  1776,  i.  670; 
Indian  raids,  etc.,  in,  i.  679-81; 
Indian  policy  in  1786-8,  i.  682-3; 
division  of,  ii.  586;  reunited,  ii.  587. 

Nuri,  Sinaloa,  alleged  miracle  at,  i. 
243. 


Oats,  Texas,  cultivation  of,  ii.  557. 
'  Ocean,'  steamer,  mention  of,  ii.  273* 
Och,  Father,  at  San  Ignacio,  etc.,   i. 

561. 
Ochiltree,  W.  B.,  defeat  election  1853, 

ii.  405. 
Ochoa,  Gov.  A.,    succeeds  Terrazas, 

1872,  ii.  624. 
Ochoa,  Col  G.  de,  revolt  of,  1828,  ii. 

589. 
Oconor,  Col  H. ,  provis.  gov.  of  Texas, 

1767-70,  i.  652;  mention  of,  i.  714. 
Ocorinis,    Sinaloan   tribe,    revolt   of, 

1604,  i.  213,  216. 
Officials,    Texas,    salaries   of,  ii.  295; 

1841,  ii.  346, 


798 


INDEX. 


Ogden,  James,  execution  of,  ii.  368. 
Ojinaga,  Gen'l,  death  of,  ii.  621. 
Ojuela,    Father  M.,    with  Kino's  ex- 

ped.,  1706,  i.  501-2. 
Olid,  C.  de,   expeds  of,  i.  5-8,  13-14. 
Oliva,    Padre    A.,    founds    convent., 

1604,  i.  336;  labors,  etc.,  of,  i.  336. 
Olivares   y    Benito,   G.  de,  bishop   of 

Durango,  etc.,  1796-1812,  i.  685. 
Olivaa,  Capt.    M.,  the  Tepehuane  re 
volt,  1616-17,  i.  323. 
Omitlan,  Guzman  at,  1530,  i.  29. 
Onabas,  Sinaloa,  alleged  miracle  at,  i. 

243. 

Onate,  Capt. -gen.,  policy  of,  i.  378. 
Onate,  C.  de,  with  Guzman's   exped., 

1529,    i.   28,    30;    acting     gov.     of 

Nueva    Galicia,     1538,     i.   71;    ex 
ped.  of,    1605,  i.    163;  1601-1611,  i. 

382-4. 
Onate,  J.  de,  conquest  of  New  Mex., 

1595-9,  i.  129. 
Opatas,  missionaries,  etc.,  among  the, 

1630-9,    i.    230;  outbreak  of,  1820, 

ii.  633-4. 

'  Origin  and   True   Cause,  Texas    In 
surrection,'  ii.  159. 
Orobato,  Father,  mission  to  Sinaloa, 

1600,  i.  209,  212. 
Orobio  y  Basterra,  P.  de,  gov.  ad  int. 

of  Texas,  1737^0,  i.  638-9. 
Orozco,  Oid or,    dispute   with   Ibarra, 

1563,  i.  104-5. 
Orozco,  Father  D.,  death  of,  1616,  i. 

323. 

Orozco  y  Berra,  map  of,  i.  310. 
Orrantia,   Gov.,  acting  gov.,  1838,  ii. 

658. 

Ortega,  arrest  of,  ii.  623. 
Ortega,  Gen'l,  defeat  of,  1859,  ii.  618; 

1864,  ii.  620. 
Ortega,  Friar  D.,  visits  the  Jumanas, 

1632,  i.  385. 
Ortega,   F.   de,  expeds.  of,  1632-6,  i. 

171-5;     'Primera   Demerccion,3    i. 

172;  protest,  etc.,  of,  1636,  i.  178. 
Ortega,   F.   D.   de,   gov. -intendent   of 

Durango,  1786-92,  i.  678. 
Ortega,  H.,  at  La  Paz,  1634,  i.  173. 
Ortiz,    Gov.    C.    R.,    flight,    etc.,   of, 

1882,  ii.  703. 
Ojorio,  Father   G.,  labors  in  Nueva 

Vizcaya,  1715-25,  i.  591-2. 
Ostimuri,   Province,  location,   etc.,  i. 

204;  mission  affairs   in,   1701-30,  i. 

512-13. 
Otermin,  Gov.,  rule  in  New  Mex.,  i. 

374. 
Otondo  y  Antillon,  I.,  contract  with 

viceroy,  etc.,  1678,  i.  186;  fleet,  etc., 


of,  i.  187;  expeds  of,  1683-5,  i.  187- 

93;  in  charge  at  San  Felipe,  1684 

i.  237. 
Ouervo  y  Valdes,  F.,  gov.  of  Coahuila 

and  Texas;  i.  376. 
Oviedo,  with  Vaca's  exped.,  1528,  i. 

61,  65. 
Owen,   Lieut,    Comanche  defeat,    ii. 

326. 

Owens,  Dr  S.  A.,  biog.,  ii.  576. 
Oyarzabal,  Capt.  S.,  the  Tepehuane 

revolt,  1616-17,  i.  327. 


Pacheco,  Capt.  R.  M.,  quarrel  with 

Martos,  1767,  i.  652;  gov.  of  Texas, 

1789-90,  i.  669. 
Packenham,  mediation  Mex.  &  Texas, 

ii.  340. 
Padres,  Lieut  J.  M.,  deputy  gov.  L. 

CaL,  1825,  ii.  710. 

Paddock,  B.  F.,  mention  of,   ii.  574. 
Padilla,  J.  A.,  mention  of,  ii.  174. 
Paez,   Father  M.,  death  of,   1676,  i. 

239. 

Paine,  Dr  J.  F.  Y.,  biog.  of,  ii.  766. 
Palacio,  Gov.  R.,  mention  of,  i.  664. 
Palmerston,  Lord,  mediation  Texas 

&  Mex.,  ii.  340. 
Palou,  Father,  rept,  etc.,  of,  i.  729- 

33;  feud  with  Barri,  1772,  i.  735-6. 
Papagos,  mention  of,  i.  508;  removal 

of,  ordered,  1750,  i.  533;  the  Pima 

revolt,  1751-2,  i.  544;  missionaries 

among,  i.  561-2. 
Parades,  revolt  of,  1844,  ii.  662. 
Pardinas,   J.   I.    de,  gov.    of  Nueva 

Vizcaya,  1690,  i.  338. 
Paredes,  Gen.,  captures  Mazatlan,  ii. 

658. 
Paredes,  Father  A.,  report  of,  i.  389- 

91. 
Paredes,  Friar  M.  S.  de,  protest  of, 

1729,  i.  634. 
Parker,  Daniel,  mention  of,  ii.    171, 

174. 
Parker,    James  W.,    mention  of,   ii. 

172. 
Parmer,  Martin,  mention  of,  ii.  172, 

174. 
Parra,  F.  de  la,  exped.  to  Sinaloa, 

18)0,    ii.     630-1;    capture    of,     ii. 

632. 
Parral,  settlement  of,  founded,  1631, 

i.   334;  a  presidio,    i.    336;  French 

defeat  at,  1866,  ii.  622. 
Parras  district,  Jesuit  missions  secu 
larized  in,   1645-6,  i.  342;  effect  of 

secularization,    i.     343-4;    alleged 


INDEX. 


799 


miracle  in,  1669,  i.  344;  small-pox 
in,  1682,  i.  344;  transferred  to  Coa- 
huila,  1785,  i.  604. 

Parras  mission,  location,  etc.,  of,  i. 
311. 

Parrilla,  Col  D.  0.,  gov.  of  Sinaloa 
and  Sonora,  i.  531;  rule,  1749-53, 
i.  531-54;  quarrel  with  Jesuits, 
1752,  i.  548-54;  exped.  of,  1757-8, 
i.  644;  the  massacre  at  San  Saba, 
1758,  i.  645-9;  rept  of,  i.  648-9; 
exped.  against  Cornanches,  1759,  i. 
649. 

Pascual,  Padre  J.,  missionary  labors 
of,  1627,  i.  225;  missions  founded 
by,  1526-7,  i.  227;  death  of,  1632, 
i.  229;  mention  of,  i.  353-4. 

Paso  del  Norte,  presidio,  site  of,  re 
moved,  i.  680. 

Patoni,  Gen.,  defeat  of,  1859,  ii.  618; 

fov.    Durango,     1861,     defeat     of, 
864,  ii.  620;  harasses  the  French, 

1866,    ii.  622;  murder   of,  etc.,  ii. 

623. 
Patrick,  George  M.,  mention  of,  ii. 

172. 

Patton,  at  battle  S.  Antonio,  ii.  185. 
Patton,  Capt.,  mention  of,  ii.  244. 
Pavon,  General,  defeat  of,  ii.  327-8. 
Pavy,  Capt.  F.,  mention  of,  ii.  735. 
Peacock,  Capt.,  mention  of,  ii.  179. 
Pearce,  Senator  J.  A.,  boundary  and 

debt  of  Texas,  bill  to  solve,  ii.  399. 
Pease,  Gov.  E.  M.,  election  of,  1853, 

ii.   404;    reelection,    1855,    ii.    405; 

defeat,  1866,  ii.  483;  message  Nov. 

1857,  ii.  414;  Sheridan  app'ts  gov., 

ii.  491,  493;  resignation  of,  ii.  498. 
Pecoro,  Father  F.,  labors,  etc.,  of,  i. 

248. 
Pedrin,  Antonio,  jefe  politico,    1864, 

ii.  726. 

Pena,  Capt.,  mention  of,  ii.  330. 
Penalosa,   Gov.    D.  de,  with  Foute's 

exped.,    1640,    i.    180;    exped.    of, 

1662,  i.  386-8;  quarrel  with  the  in 

quisition,  i.  369;  proposals  to  French 
ovt,  i.  393-6;  death  of,    1687,    i. 


gov 
396. 


Penasco,    Father  F.,    mention  of,  i. 

378. 

Pendleton,  W.  S.,  biog.  of,  ii.  578. 
Penitentiaries,  Texas,  ii,  534. 
Peons,  Mex.,  position  of,  ii.  91. 
Peralta,  battle  at,  ii.  453. 
Peralta  y  Mendoza,  J.,  alcalde  mayor 

of  San  Felipe,  1644,  i.  207;  coman- 

dante  of  Sonora,  i.  234. 
Perea,  Father  E.,  mission  to  the  Ju- 

manas,  1629,  i.  3S5. 


Perea,  Capt.  P.  de,  alcalde  mayor  of 

San  Felipe,  1626-41,  i.  207;  coman- 

dante   of  Sinaloa,    1626-40,  i.  227- 

31;    province    of,    divided,    i.    232; 

rule  of,  i.  232-3;  death  of,   1644,  i. 

233. 
Pereda  y  Arce,  Capt.  F.,  with  Oton- 

da's  exped.,  1683,  i.  187. 
Perez,  Col. ,  enters  Durango,  1866,  ii. 

623. 

Perez,  A.,  expeds  of,   1686-7,  i.  413. 
Perez,  J.,  exped.  to  Alta  Cal.,  1769, 

i.  489. 
Perez,   Capt.     J.    A.,    defeated    by 

Apaches,  1730,  i.  635. 
Perez,  Father  M.,  mission  to  Sinaloa, 

1600-4,    i.    209,    213;     missionary 

labors   of,    1617,    i.  224;  death   of, 

1626,  i.  227. 
Perry,  Col,  defeats  Elizondo,  1813,  ii. 

25-6;  proclamation  of,  1815,  ii.  34; 

defeat  and  death  of,  ii.  37-8. 
Perry,  A.  G.,  mention  of,  ii.  172,  174. 
Perry,  J.  F.,  delegate  conv.,  1835,  ii. 

160;  mention  of,  ii.  300. 
Pescador,  J.  A.,  mention  of,  ii.  589. 
Pesqueira,  Gov.,  reelection  of,   1867, 

ii.  701;  defeats  Porfirists,  etc.,   ii. 

702. 
Pfefferkorn,  I.,  mission  to  Pimeria,  i. 

561-2. 

Phelps,  Orlando,  release  of,  ii.  370. 
Philippine  islands,  Urdaneta's  exped. 

to,  1564-5,  i.  137-9;  course,  i.  138- 

40. 
Physical  divisions,  Texas,  description 

of,  ii.  551-6. 
Piastla,   province,  Guzman  in,   1531, 

i.  33. 
Piatos,  campaigns  against  the,  1768- 

71,  i.  695-701. 
Piccolo,  Father  F.  M. ,  plot  to  murder, 

1701,  i.  423;  at  Loreto,  i.   425;  re 
port  of,  i.  425-6;  exped.  of,  1702,  i. 

426-7;  explors   of,   1703,   i.  427-8; 

1716,    i.    437;    death    of,    1729,    i. 

454-5. 

Piccolo,  Father  M.,  Salvatierra's  ex 
ped.    to  Cal.,    1697-1700,    i.    283, 

289-301. 
Piedras,    Col.,    mention    of,    ii.    116; 

releases   citizens,    ii.    123;  settlers' 

defeat  of,  ii.  127-8. 
Pierson,  Capt.,  mutiny  of,  ii.  360. 
Pierson,    J.    G.  W.,  mention  of,   ii. 

172. 

Pike,  Maj.  Z.  M.,  explor.  of,  ii.  3. 
Pilar,  presidio,  founded,  1721,  i,  626- 

7;  abandoned,  1772,  i.  655-6. 


800 


INDEX. 


Pilar,  G.  del,  with  Guzman's  exped., 
1530-1,  i.  30,  37. 

Pimas,  alleged  outrages  of,  i.  253-4; 
aid  the  Spaniards,  i.  255-6;  revolt, 
etc.,  of,  1695,  i.  260-3;  Apache 
raids  on,  etc.,  1698-9,  i.  274;  cam 
paigns  against  the,  1768-71,  i.  695— 
701. 

Pimeria,  map  of,  i.  251;  Kino's  labors 
in,  i.  492-3,  502-5;  Campo's  labors 
in,  i.  507-8;  mission  affairs  in, 
1723-30,  i.  510-11;  1731-51,  i. 
523-5;  1751-67,  i.  560-4;  mining 
affairs,  1736-41,  i.  525-8;  treatment 
of  natives,  i.  533;  Jesuits  in,  1750, 
i.  543-4;  revolt  in,  1751-2,  i.  544-5. 

Pinadero,  B.  B.,  alcalde  mayor  of 
San  Felipe,  1674,  i.  237. 

Pinadero,  B.  P.  de,  exped.,  etc.,  of, 
i.  184-6;  petition  of,  1671,  i.  186. 

Pindray,  Charles  de,  death  of,  etc., 
ii.  675-6. 

Pineda,  A.  A.,  voyage  of,  1519,  i.  380. 

Pineda,  J.  de,  gov.  of  Sonora  and 
Sinaloa,  1763-9,  i.  710-11. 

Pineda,  J.  C.  de,  gov.  of  Sinaloa  and 
Sonora,  i.  564;  rule,  1763-9,  i.  564- 
78,  694-711. 

Pineda,  Capt.  M.,  campaign  of,  L. 
Cal.,  1847,  ii.  713  et  seq. 

Pinilla  y  Perez,  Angel,  zealousy  in 
royal  cause,  ii.  584. 

Pinkard,  Ferdinand,  mention  of,  ii. 
550. 

Pitic,  presidio  founded  at,  etc.,  1741- 
4,  i.  528-30;  removed,  1750,  i.  535. 

Pitic  (see  also  Hermosillo),  improve 
ments,  etc.,  at,  i.  569-70;  made 
capital,  ii.  650. 

'Plan  of  battle-field,'  San  Jacinto,  ii. 
256. 

'Plan  San  Antonio  and  environs,'  ii. 
181. 

Pleasant  Grove,  federal  victory  at,  ii. 
467. 

Pleasant  Hill,  federal  victory  at,  ii. 
467. 

Plemons,  Judge  W.  B.,  first  judge 
new  constitution,  ii.  578. 

Plum  creek,  Comanches'  defeat  at, 
1840,  ii.  325. 

Plummer,  Capt.,  warning  to  Baylor, 
ii.  411. 

Population,  Texas,  ii.  2;  increase  of, 
1830,  ii.  76;  Coahuila,  1803-10,  ii. 
78;  Texas,  1834,  ii.  148;  1836,  ii. 
285;  1841,  ii.  346;  1844-7,  ii.  360- 
1;  1860-88,  ii.  529;  Sonora  and 
Sinaloa,  1831-9,  ii.  647;  N.  Mex. 
states,  ii.  745. 


Porfiristas,  revolt  of,  187 1-2  and  1875, 

ii.  624,  701. 
Politics  (see  also  Elections  and  party 

names);  Texas,  1825,  ii.  190 et  seq.; 

election  July  1836,  ii.  291;  1857,  ii. 

423;  1861,  ii.  451;  first  organization 

of,  ii.  419;  know-nothing  party,  ii. 

420;  abolitionists,  ii.  420;  civil  war, 

ii.   427;  antagonism  in    1870-1,  ii. 

507;  democratic    scheme,   1872,    ii. 

509-10;  Durango,    1824,    ii.   587-9. 
Porter  y  Casanate,   alcalde  mayor  of 

San  Felipe,  1 650,  i.  207. 
Portilla,  Col   N.   de   la,  butchery   of 

Texans,  ii.  234-5;  disgust,  etc.,  of, 

ii.   236-7;  battle    San   Jacinto,    ii. 

263. 
Portola,    Gov.,    exped.  to  Alta  Cal., 

1769,  i.  489-90,  766. 
Portola,  Don  G.  de,  the  Jesuit  expul 
sion,  1767-8,  i..  477-81. 
Portsmouth,  U.  S.,  sloop  of  war,  ii. 

667-8;  captures  La  Paz,  ii.  712. 
Potter,  Robert,  elected  sec.  of  navy, 

ii.  218;  opposition  to  Santa  Anna's 

treaty,  ii.  270-1. 
Portugal,  F.  J.  P.  de,  gov. -intendent 

of  Durango,  1792,  i.  678. 
Portugal,    Gomez,    plans    exped.    to 

Sinaloa,  1810,  ii.  630. 
Powers,  James,   colony  grant,  ii.  74. 
Prado,  Father  N.,  labors,   etc.,  of,  i. 

247-8. 

Prairie  View  school,  ii.  547. 
Presidios,  Sonora  and  Sinaloa,   1826, 

ii.  638;  decline  of,  1833,  ii.  651. 
Price,  Gen.,   Trias'  surrender  to,   ii. 

611-12. 

Printing,  Texas,  first  press,  ii.  548. 
Proano,  Capt.  D.   de,  alcalde  mayor 

of  San  Miguel,  1531,  i.  37-8;  trial, 

etc.,  of,  i.  59. 
Protestant  episcopal  church,  Texas, 

first,  ii.  548. 
Provincias     internas,      organization, 

etc.,  of,   1776-7,   i.  670-2;  name,  i. 

670-1;  division  of  provinces,  1785, 

i.  673-4;  consolidation  of  provinces, 

1787,  1793,  i.  674-5;  del  Oriente,  i. 

674-5;  del  Occidente,  i.  674-5;  re- 
division  of,  ii.  581. 
Pujol,  Lieut,  murders   Melendez,  ii. 

725. 
Purisima  mission,    founded,    1787,  i. 

770. 
Purisima  Concepcion  mission  founded, . 

1718,  i.  438;  battle  at,  ii.  175-7. 

Q 

Queretaro,  conquest  of,  i.  13. 


INDEX. 


801 


Quezala,  province,  Guzman  in,  1531, 

i.  32-3. 

Quihue,  P.,  revolt  of,  1696,  i.  273. 
Quijada,  J.  L.   de,  exped.  to  Sinaloa, 

1584,  i.  114. 
Quintero,  Col  Cayetano,  defeats  the 

Lipans,  ii.  32. 
Quivira,     city,     discovery,    etc.,    of, 

1662,  i.  386-7. 
Quivira,  province,  Coronado's  exped. 

in,  1541,  i.  85-6. 
Quiviras,    Spaniards     defend,      etc., 

1601,  i.  383-4. 


R 


Rabago  y  Teran,  F.  de,  capt.  of  San 

Javier  mission,  1751,  i.  642. 
Rabago  y  Teran,  P. ,  gov.  of  Coahuila 

and  Texas,  i.  376,  604. 
Races,  N.  Mex.  states,  ii.  743-4. 
Rafael,  Ind.  chief,   ii.  595. 
Railroads,  Texas,  ii.  570-6;  state  aid 

to.  ii.   575;  strike,    1886,  ii.  575-6. 
Rainwater,    E.    R.,    mention    of,    ii. 

260. 
Ramirez,    Father    G.,    labors    of,    i. 

124-5. 
Ramirez,  Friar  J.  B.,  with  Lucenilla's 

exped.,  1668,  i.  184. 
Ramirez,  Jesus,  defeat  and  deatn  of, 

ii.  703. 

Ramon,  Capt.,  murder  of,  i.  631. 
Ramon,  Capt.  D.,  exped.  of,   1716,  i. 

612-16. 
Ramon,  Capt.  J.,  exped.  of,  1721,  i. 

623-4. 
Rangel,  Col  J.  M.,  quells  revolt,  1880, 

ii.  739. 

Rebollar,  M.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva  Viz- 
•  cay  a,  1674-6,  i.  338. 
Reconstruction,  Texas,  ii.  476,  et  seq. 
Reddick,  J.  A.,  mention  of,  ii.  558. 
Redondo,     Gov.,    elected     sub. -gov., 

1848,  ii.  671-2. 

Reese,  Capt.,  mutiny  of,  ii.  360. 
Reeve,  Col,  capture  of,  ii.  437. 
Reeves,  Denmore,  mention  of,  ii.  260. 
Refugio,  Nuestra  Senora  del,  mission, 

founded,  1791,  i.  668;  attack  on,  ii. 

222-4;  capture  of,  1842,  ii.  348. 
Regulators  and  moderators,   war  of, 

ii.  354. 

Religion,  Texas,  ii.  96,  547-8. 
Remedios.  town,   founding  of,  i.  253. 
Rengel,   J.,   comandante  gen.  ad  int. 

of   Provincias  Internas,   1784-5,    i. 

673;  comandante  inspector,  i.  674. 
Renshaw,   Commander,  surrender  of 

Galvestonto,  ii.454;  death  of,  ii.456. 
TEXAS.    51 


Renteria,  M.  de,  with  Ibarra's  exped., 
1563,  i.  105. 

Representatives,  Texas,  list  of,  1846- 
61,  ii.  449, 

Republic  of  the  Rio  Grande,  organi 
zation  and  defeat  of,  ii.  329  et  seq. 

Republic  of  Sonora,  Walker's,  ii.  723. 

Republicans,  Texas,  defeat  of,  election, 
1872  and  1873,  ii.  508;  1876,  ii.  515. 

Retz,  Father  J.,  mention  of,  i.  469; 
labors,  etc.,  of,  i.  470-2;  the  Jesuit 
expulsion,  1767-8,  i.  479. 

Revenue  (see  also  finance),  Texas, 
collection  of  customs,  1831,  ii.  117; 
1852-58,  ii.  415;  N.  Mex.  states,  ii. 
741-2. 

Revolution  against  royalty,  1811,  ii. 
17  et  seq.;  of  Texas,  events  lead 
ing  to,  ii.  152  et  seq.;  peace  and 
war  parties,  ii.  160;  of  Diaz,  1871- 
2  and  1875-7,  ii.  623-5;  federalists 
Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  1837-8,  ii.  656; 
Gandara's  revolt,  1843,  ii.  661; 
Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  1852-8,  ii.  695; 
Souora  Porfirists,  1871,  ii.  701;  Por- 
firists,  Sinaloa,  1876,  ii.  702;  of 
Marquez  de  Leon,  1879,  ii.  703,  738. 

Reyes,  Father  A.  de  los,  rept.  of, 
1772,  i.  709;  bishop  of  Sonora,  etc., 
1782-7,  i.  712-13. 

Reymershoffer,  G.,  biog.  of,  ii.  766. 

Reynolds,  Gen'l,  succeeds  Hancock,  ii. 
494. 

Rezabal,  Capt.  A.,  comandante  at 
San  Felipe,  1701,  i.  516. 

Rhueii,  Father  E.,  at  Sonoita,  1750, 
i.  543;  murder  of,  1751,  i.  544. 

Ribas,  Father  A.  P.  de,  mission  to 
Sinaloa,  1604,  i.  212-15;  provincial 
of  Mex.,  1620,  i.  225;  'Triumphs 
of  the  Faith, 'i.  535-6. 

Rickett,  Capt.,  operations  againrt 
Cortina,  ii.  447. 

Rio,  Father  M.  del,  labors  of,  i.  242. 

Rio  Grande  City,  Cortina  captures, 
ii.  448. 

Rio  y  Loza,  Capt.  R.  del,  mining  ex- 
peds  of,  1563,  i.  106;  gov.  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  1589-90,  i.  113;  gov.  of 
Sinaloa,  1591,  i.  115. 

Ripperda,  Baron  de,  gov.  of  Texas,  i. 
652;  rule,  1767-78,  i.  652-60. 

Rivera,  Capt.,  with  Consag's  exped., 
1753,  i.  470;  exped.  to  Alta  Cal., 
1769,  i.  489;  death  of,  i.  1781. 

Rivera,  Visitador-general  P.,  de,  rept 
of,  1730,  i.  512-13;  '  Diario, '  etc,, 
i.  583-4;  rept.  on  Texan  affairs, 
1729,  i.  633-4. 

Rivera  y  Moncada,  Don  F.,  in  charge 


802 


INDEX. 


at  Loreto,    1752,    i.  469-70;  lieut- 

gov.  of  Baja  Cal.,  etc.,  1776,  i.  742; 

in  Alta  Cal.,  1774,  i.  768. 
Robards,  W.  L.,   Texas  comptroller, 

1866,  ii.  483. 

Roberts,  C.  M.,  execution  of,  ii.  368. 
Roberts,    Gov.    0.    M.,    election    of, 

1878,  ii.  522;  inaugural  address,  ii. 

523;  special  message,  ii.  523-4. 
Robertson,  J.  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  518. 
Robinson,    Capt.    A.,  mention   of,  ii. 

296. 
Robinson,  James  W.,  mention  of,  ii. 

171,  197;  app't'd  lieut-gov.,  ii.  173; 

ruse  of,  ii.  372-3. 
Robinson,    Joel   N.,    captures   Santa 

Anna,  ii.  264. 

Robinson,  T.,  mention  of,  ii.  550. 
Rodriguez,  Father  A.,  exped.  of,  1581, 

i.  127. 
Rodriguez,    Lieut   N.,    defeat   of,   ii. 

188-9. 

Rogers,  C.  H.,  mention  of,  ii.  563. 
Rogers,  John  D.,  biog.  of,  ii.  766. 
Rogers,  Capt.  W.,  voyage,  etc.,  of, 

1708-10,  i.  197-200. 
Romano,  Father,  mention  of,  i.  444. 
Romero,   Capt.,     with     Salvatierra's 

exped.,  1697,  i.  284. 
Romero,  T.,  Tellez  defeats,  1846,  ii. 

669. 
Romeu,  J.  A.,  gov.  of  Alta  Cal.,  1791, 

i.  750,  772. 

Roods,  '  Texas, '  ii.  568-9. 
Rosales,  surrender  of,  ii.  611-12. 
Rosales,    Gov.    A.,    appointment    of, 

1864,  ii.  696;  resignation  of,  ii.  698. 
Rosales,   P.    A.    de,    with   Cardona's 

exped.,  1614,  i.  164. 
Rosenburg,  mention  of,  ii.  334;  death 

of,  ii.  335. 

Rosillo,  battle  of,  1813,  ii.  22-3. 
Ross,  Col  Reuben,  battle  of  Alcantro, 

ii.    327-8;  abandons  federalists,  ii. 

328. 
Rouset,  F.   de  J.,  bishop   of  Sonora, 

1796,  i.  713. 
'Routes  of  armies,'  Houston  and  Santa 

Anna's,  plan,  ii.  252. 
Rowan.  Wm,  execution  of,  ii.  368. 
Royalists,  revolt  against,  1811-14,  ii. 

17  ei  seq. ;  defeat  on  Salitre  prairie, 

1812,  ii.  20;  siege  at  La  Bahia,  ii. 

21-2;  battle  of  Rosillo,  1813,  ii,  23; 

assassination   of,    1813,   ii.    24;  de 
feat   of  Elizondo,  ii.  25-6;  victory 

of,  ii.    26  et   seq.;  surrender   of  at 

Rosario,  1810,   ii.  631. 
Roy  all,  R.  R.,  pres.  San  Felipe  coun 
cil,  ii,  168;  mention  of,  ii.  170. 


Royston,    Treas,  M.  H.,  election  of, 

1866,  ii.  483. 
Rubi,    Gov.,    election   of   denounced, 

1868,  ii.  700. 
Rubi,  Marques  de,  tour  of,  1766-7,  i. 

585,  651;  rept.  of,  i.  651-2. 
Ruiz,  Alcalde,  mention  of,  ii.  214. 
Ruiz,  Father  A.,  labors  in  Topia,   i. 

313,   317;    revolt   of  the   Acaxees, 

1601-2,  i.  314. 

Ruiz,  F.,  signs   declaration   of  inde 
pendence,  ii.  216. 
Ruiz,  J.   M.,  jefe   politico,    succeeds 

Argiiello,  1822,  ii.  708. 
Runnels,    Gov.    H.    R.,    election    of, 

1857,  ii.    423;    secession   message, 

1858,  ii.  424;  defeat  election,  1859, 
ii.  426. 

Rusk,  Gen.  T.  J.,  biog.  of,  ii.  167, 
421;  elected  sec.  of  war,  ii.  218; 
arrival  at  Houston's  camp,  ii.  251; 
speech  of,  ii.  253;  at  battle  San 
Jacinto,  ii.  258;  appt'd  commander- 
in-chief,  ii.  269;  mention  of,  ii. 
272;  force  of,  July  1836,  ii.  289; 
reapp't'd  sec.  of  war,  ii.  294;  Cher 
okee  battle,  1839,  ii.  323;  Indian 
war  debt,  ii.  413;  death  of,  ii.  421. 

Ryan,  Capt.,  mutiny  of,  ii.  360. 

Ryan,  A.  P.,  biog.,  ii.  574-5, 

Ryerson,  Gov.  Geo.,  biog.  of,  ii.  732. 


S 


Saavedra,  A.  de,  voyage  of,  1527,  i. 
23. 

Sabaibos,  revolt  of  the,  1602,  i.  316. 

'Sabine,'  schooner,  ii.  118. 

Sabine  City,  union  capture  of,  ii. 
454-5. 

Sabine  cross-roads,  confederate  vic 
tory  at,  ii.  467. 

Sacramento,  presidio  Coahuila  found 
ed,  1736,  i.  607. 

Sacta,  Father  F.  J.,  mission  to 
Pimeria,  1695,  i.  259;  martyrdom 
of,  i.  260. 

Salado  creek,  battle  at,  1813,  ii.  22-3. 

Salas,  Father  J.  de,  exped.  of,  etc.,  i. 
384-5. 

Salazar,  Texans  surrender  to,  ii.  335. 

Salazar,  Friar  D.  de,  mention  of,  i. 
379. 

Salcedo,  F.,  voyage  of,  1565,  i.  138. 

Salcedo,  J.  G.,  gov.  of  Nueva  Viz- 
caya,  1670-3,  i.  337-8. 

Salcedo,  Manuel  de,  gov.  of  Texas, 
1810,  ii.  17;  siege  of  La  Bahia, 
1812-13,  ii.  21-2;  battle  at  Salado 
creek,  ii,  22-3. 


INDEX. 


Salcedo  y  Salced,  Brig.  Nemesio,  re 
call  of,  ii.  582;  executes  Hidalgo, 
ii.  584. 

Saldueiido,  Friar  A.,  labors  in  Coa- 
huila,  1603-6,  i.  336,  375. 

Sales,  Father  L.,  'Noticias,'  i.   750. 

Salgado,    Father,  mention  of,  i.  566. 

Salineros,  raids  of  the,  1645,  i.  350-1. 

Salitre  prairie,  battle  at,  1812,  ii.  20. 

Salt  war,  Texas,  ii.  519-22. 

Saltillo,  revolt  at,  i.  126;  villa  of, 
founded,  1586,  i.  126;  faction  fight 
at,  1832,  ii.  143;  centralists  defeat 
at,  ii.  330-1. 

Saltillo  district,  transferred  to  Coa- 
huila,  1785,  i.  604. 

Salvador,  Capt.  F.  S.,  representations 
to  the  king,  1751,  i.  541-3. 

Salvatierra,  Father  J.  M.,  labors,  etc., 
of,  i.  248-50,  254,  286-91,  372,  511; 
biog.,  etc.,  i.  278;  proposed  mission 
to  Cal.,  i.  278;  discouragements  of, 
i.  278-9;  aid,  etc.,  to,  i.  279-80; 
license  granted  to,  1697,  i.  280; 
preparations,  etc.,  of,  i.  281-3;  voy. 
of,  i.  284;  founds  Loreto,  i.  284-6; 
works  of,  i.  289-90;  expeds  of,  i. 
294-5,  299,  301,  433,  437,  493-8; 
appeals  of,  rejected,  i.  301-2;  com 
plaints  against,  i.  302-3;  removal 
of,  i.  303-4;  explor.  of,  1701,  i.  421; 
1703,  i.  427;  intercourse  with  Kino, 
i.  421-2;  at  Loreto,  i.  422-4,  429- 
32;  provincial,  i.  430;  report  of,  i. 
430-1;  death  of,  1717,  i.  438, 

Sam  Houston  Normal  institute,  ii.545. 

Samaniego,  L.  de,  with  Guzman's  ex- 
ped.,  1530,  i.  30,  36;  death  of,  i.  83. 

San  Agustin  de  Ahumada,  presidio, 
establ'd,  1755,  i.  643;  presidio, 
abandoned,  1772,  i.  655-6. 

San  Andres,  attacked  by  Acaxees, 
1601-2,  i.  314. 

San  Antonio  mission,  founded,  1771, 
i.  767. 

'  San  Antonio,'  war  schooner,  mutiny 
on,  ii.  351. 

'San  Antonio  and  environs,'  map,  ii. 

181. 

/  San  Antonio  de  Bejar  (see  also  Bejar) ; 
society  of,  'ii.  3;  siege  of,  ii.  177  et 
seq. ;  capitulation  of,  ii.  188;  cap 
tured  by  Vasquez,  1842,Ji.  348. 

San  Antonio  del  ParraT,  custodia  of, 
created,  1714,  i.  591. 

San  Antonio  de  Velero  mission, 
founded,  1718,  i.  618. 

San  Augustin,  municipality  created, 
ii.  144. 

San  Bernabe,    mission  of,   founded, 


1674,  i.  363;  the  Manila  galleon  at 
1734,  i.  457;  1735,  i.  460. 

'San  Bernard,'  war  schooner,  ii.  351. 

San  Bernardo,  Bahia  de,  opened  as  a 
port,  ii.  2. 

San  Bernardino  de  Candela  mission, 
founding  of,  1690,  i.  378. 

San  Bruno,  settlement,  founding  of 
1683,  i.  190;  affairs  'at,  i.  liiO-3; 
abandoned,  1685,  i.  193. 

San  Buenaventura,  founded,  1782,  i. 
770. 

San  Buenaventura,  mission,  reestab 
lished,  1692,  i.  378;  presidio,  site 
removed,  i.  680. 

San  Carlos,  custodia  of,  organized, 
1783,  i.  719;  mission  of,  founded, 
1770,  i.  767. 

San  Carlos  de  Buenavista,  presidio 
establ'd  at,  i.  567. 

San  Diego,  Cal.,  Cabrillo  at,  1542,  i. 
135;  Vizcaino's  exped.  at,  1602,  i. 
158;  Arillaga  at,  1796,  i.  753;  first 
mission  founded  at,  1769,  i.  766; 
destruction  of  1775,  i.  768. 

'San  Felipe' war  vessel,  def  eats  Correo, 
ii.  161-2. 

San  Felipe,  missions,  etc.,  of,  1645,  i. 
236;  burning  of,  1836,  ii.  247. 

San  Felipe  de  Real  de  Chihuahua, 
founding  of,  i.  599-600;  declared  a 
villa,  1718,  i.  600;  prosperity  of,  i. 
600-1. 

San  Felipe  y  Santiago  de  Carapoa, 
villa,  founded,  1583,  i.  113;  aban 
doned,  i.  114;  reestablished,  1584, 
i.  114;  presidio  establ'd  at,  1596,  i. 
115;  missionaries  at,  i.  122-3;  gar 
rison  of,  i.  207;  alcalde  mayores, 
1600-50,  i.  207;  population,  i.  207; 
Jesuits  at,  i.  207;  population  of, 
1678,  i.  238. 

San  Fernando,  name  changed,  ii.  110- 
11. 

San  Fernando  mission,  founded,  1797, 
i.  771. 

San  Fernando  de  Velicat£  mission, 
founding  of,  1769,  i.  490-1. 

San  Francisco  bay,  discovery,  etc.,  of, 
1769,  i.  766-7. 

San  Francisco  mission,  founded,  1776, 
i.  786. 

San  Francisco  Borja  mission,  mention 
of,  i.  244-5;  Spaniards  massacred 
at,  1648,  i.  353-4;  mission,  found 
ing,  etc.,  of,  1759-62,  i.  471-2. 

San  Francisco  de  Comayaus,  convent 
founded  at,  1604,  i.  336. 

San  Francisco  de'la  Espada  mission, 
descript.  of,  1778,  i.  658-9. 


804 


INDEX. 


San  Francisco  Javier,  mission  district, 
founding  of,  1639,  i.  230;  mission, 
etc.,  of,  1646,  i.  235-6;  towns,  etc., 
of,  1653,  i.  242. 

San  Francisco  Javier  de  Najera  mis 
sion,  founded,  1722,  i.  627. 

San  Francisco  Javier  de  Sonora  mis 
sion,  mention  of,  i.  244-5. 

San  Francisco  de  los  Tejas  mission, 
founded,  1690,  i.  415;  1716,  i.  614; 
sickness  at,  i.  417;  location,  i.  418; 
abandoned,  i.  419. 

San  Gabriel  mission,  founded,  1771, 
i.  767. 

San  Gabriel,  pueblo,  founding  of, 
1631,  i.  334. 

San  Gerdnimo,  settlement,  founding 
of,  1540,  i.  87;  hostility  of  natives, 
i.  89;  site  of,  changed,  i.  89;  de 
serted,  1542,  i.  89-90. 

San  Ignacjo,  missions  of,  1645,  i.  236; 
1728,  i.  454. 

San  Ignacio,  town,  founding  of,  i. 
253. 

San  Ignacio  de  Piastla,  Hermosillo's 
defeat  at,  1SJ1,  ii.  631-2. 

San  Ignacio  de  Yaqui  mission,  men 
tion  of,  i.  244. 

San  Ignacio  Zape,  see  Zape. 

San  Ildefonso  mission,  establ'd,  1744, 
i.  641. 

San  Jacinto,  battle  of,  ii.  255  et  seq. 

'San  Jacinto,' war  schooner,  ii.  350. 

San  Javier  mission,  founding  of,  1699. 
i  299;  outbreak  at,  1701,  i.  423; 
Ugarte  at,  i.  423-4;  prosperity  of, 
i.  423-4;  revolt  at,  1703,  i.  428; 
prosperity  of,  1705,  i.  433;  mission 
transferred,  1719,  i.  450;  Francis 
cans  at,  1768,  i.  484-5;  establ'd, 
1744,  i.  641;  desertion  of,  i.  642. 

San  Javier  del  Bac,  Kino's  exped.  to, 
1700,  i.  270. 

San  Jose,  pueblo,  founding  of,  1777, 
i.  768. 

San  Jose,  mission,  founded,  1797,  i. 
771. 

San  Jose  de  Aguayo  mission,  descript. 
of,  1778,  i.  657-8. 

San  Jose  mission,  Texas,  founded, 
1716,  i.  614. 

San  Jose  del  Cabo,  mission  founded 
at,  1730,  i.  455;  presidio  establ'd  at, 
1736,  i.  461;  miss,  and  church  pil 
laged,  1822,  ii.  707;  U.  S.  occupa 
tion  of,  1847,  ii.  714;  siege  of,  ii. 
716-17. 

San  Jose  de  Guaymas,  mission,  men 
tion  of,  i.  511;  refounded,  1751,  i. 
554;  attacked  by  Seris,  i.  554. 


San  Jose  Imuris,  town,  founding  of. 

i.  253. 
San  Jose  Tizonazo  mission,  mention 

of,  i.  344-5. 
San  Jose   y  San   Miguel  de  Aguayo 

mission,  establ'd,  1720,  i.  619. 
San  Juan  Bautista,  Alta  Cal.,  found 
ing  of,  1797,  i.  771. 
San  Juan  Bautista  mission,  founding 

of,  1699,  i.  379;  1705,  i.  432;  avisi- 

ta,  1721,  i.  453. 
San  Juan  Capistrano  mission,  mention 

of,  i.  658:  founded,   1776-7,  i.   768. 
San  Juan  de  IOH  Caballeros,  capital  of 

New  Mex.,  1599,  i.  129. 
San  Juan  de  Mazatlan,  see  Mazatlan. 
San   Juan   cle    Sinaloa,   founding   of, 

1563,  i.  108;  Indian  outbreak  at,  i. 

113;  abandoned,  i.  113. 
San  Juan  valley,  Ibarra's  exped.  in, 

1562-3,  i.  103-7. 
San  Juan  y  Santa  Cruz,   M.  de,  gov. 

of   Nueva    Vizcaya,    1714,    i.    581; 

measures,  i.  583. 
San   Lorenzo    mission,    founding   of, 

1761-2,  i.  650. 
San  Luis  presidio,  site  of,  transferred, 

1772,  i.  608. 
San   Luis    de  las  Amarillas  presidio, 

founding  of,  1757,  i.  644. 
San  Luis  Gonzaga  mission,  founded, 

1737,  i.  461. 
San   Luis    Obispo   mission,  founded, 

1771,  i.  767. 
San  Luis  Hey  mission,  founded,  1798, 

i.   771. 
San    Miguel,  villa   de,    founding   of, 

1531,  i.  37-8;  site   of,  removed,   i. 

38;  condition  of,    1620-5,  i.  206-7. 
San  Miguel  mission,  rebuilt,  1721,  i. 

626,  founded,  1787,  i.  748;  founded, 

1797S  i.  771. 

San  Miguel  de  los  Adeas,  French  oc 
cupation  of,  1719,  i.  718-19. 
San    Miguel     de    Aguayo,    mission, 

founding  of,  1675,  i.  375. 
San  Miguel  de  Cuellar  mission,  found 
ed,  1716,  i.  615. 

San  Miguel  Horcasitas,  presidio  es 
tabl'd  at,  1650,  i.  538. 
San  Miguel  port,  Guzman's  exped.  at, 

1533,  i.  57-8. 
San  Miguel,  river,  Guzman's  exped. 

on  the,  1533,  i.  57-8. 
San  Patricio,  surrender  of,  ii.  221-2. 
San  Pedro,  flood  at,  1612,  i.  313. 
San  Pedro  Martyr  de  Verona  mission, 

founded,   1794,  i.  751. 
San  Saba  mission,  founding  of,   175V, 

i.  644;  massacre  at,  1758,  i.  645-8. 


INDEX. 


805 


San  Sebastian,  villa,  founding  of, 
1565,  i.  110;  mining  at,  i.  110;  Viz 
caino's  exped.  at,  1597,  i.  148;  min 
ing,  etc.,  in,  i.  205-6. 

San  Vicente  Ferrer  mission,  founded, 
1780,  i.  745. 

Sanchez,  Jose  J.,  at  battle  S.  Antonio, 
ii.  186. 

Sanchez,  Pres.  P.,  address  to  Sonora 
and  Sinaloa,  1831,  ii.  647. 

Sandoval,  Lieut-col,  capture  of,  ii. 
169. 

Sandoval,  M.  de,  gov.  of  Texas,  i. 
636;  rule,  1734-6,  i.  636-7;  residen- 
cia,  etc.,  of,  i.  638. 

Sanger  Brothers,  success  of,  ii.  568. 

Sansbury,  mention  of,  ii.  366. 

Santa  Anna,  Gen'l,  intrigues  of,  ii.. 
134  et  seq. ;  tenders  resignation,  ii. 
143;  arbitration  in  Coah.,  ii.  145; 
acts  of,  condemned,  July,  1835,  ii. 
160;  decision  on  Texas  separation, 
1834,  ii.  146-7;  letters  of  inter 
cepted,  ii.  192;  invasion  of,  ii.  202; 
plan  of  march,  ii.  203;  forces  of, 
ii.  204;  battle  and  massacre  of  the 
Alamo,  ii.  204  et  seq. ;  false  reports 
of,  ii.  214;  butchery  of  Texans, 
Goliad,  ii.  234;  pursuit  of  Houston, 
ii.  247;  orders  to  Urrea,  ii.  248; 
movements  of,  ii.  249-51;  burns 
Harrisburg,  ii.  251 ;  wild  actions  of, 
ii.  254-5;  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  ii. 
255  et  seq. ;  flight  and  capture  of, 
ii.  263-4;  despatch  to  Filisola,  ii. 
265;  treaty  with  Texas,  ii.  269; 
opposition  to  release  of,  ii.  273; 
terror  of,  ii.  274;  attempted  assas 
sination,  etc.,  of,  ii.  275;  media 
tion  of  Houston,  ii.  275-6;  inter 
views  with  Pres.  Jackson,  ii.  277; 
Filisola's  instructions  concerning, 
ii.  279;  releases  Texas  Santa  Fe 
prisoners,  ii.  336;  Hamilton's  pro 
posal  to,  ii.  349;  Houston's  letter 
to,  ii,  348-50;  Robinson's  ruse,  ii. 
372-3;  revolt,  1852,  ii.  617;  pronun- 
ciamento,  1822,  effect  in  Sonora 
and  Sinaloa,  ii.  636. 

Santa  Barbara,  mission  founded,  1786, 
i.  770;  presidio  founded,  1782,  i. 
770. 

Santa  Catalina,  Indian  outbreak  at, 
1616,  i.  322. 

Santa  Catalina  Martyr,  mission, 
founded  1797,  i.  754;  progress  of, 
i.  756. 

Santa  Clara,  mission,  founded,  1776- 
7,  i.  70S. 

Santa  Cruz,  founding  of,  1791,  i.  771. 


Santa  Cruz  bay, Cortes  at,  1535 ,1.50-1. 
Santa   Cruz   del   Ciboio,    fort    built, 

1771,  i.  656. 
Santa  Eulalia,    cathedral,  etc.,  of,  i. 

601. 
Santa  Fe,  founding  of,  i.  374;  capital 

of  New  Mex.,  i.   374;  captured  by 

confederates,  ii.  452. 
Santa  Fe  Expedition,  Texas,  1841,  ii. 

333. 
Santa   Gertrudis   mission,    founding, 

etc.,  of,  1751-2,  i.  469. 
Santa  Maria  mission,  founding,  etc., 

of,  1766-7,  i.  473^. 
Santa  Rosa  presidio,    site  of    trans« 

f erred,  1772,  i.  608. 
Santa  Rosalia  mission,  founding   of, 

1705,  i.  433. 
Santaella,  T.  G.  de,  aids  Salvatierra* 

1696,  i.  279. 
Santarem,  Father  H.,  labors  in  Topia, 

1599-1600,   i.   123;  later  labors   in 

Topia,  i.  313;  revolt  of  the  Acaxees, 

1601-2,  i.  314-16;  death  of,  1616,  i'. 

323-4. 
Santiago  de  Monclova,  villa,   found* 

ing,  etc.,  of,  1687,  i.  376. 
Santiago  Papasquiaro,  Spaniards  mas 
sacred  at,  1016,  i.  323. 
Santo   Martires    de    Japon    mission, 

mention  of,  i.  245. 
Santo    Tomas     de    Aquino    mission, 

founded,  1791,  i.  751. 
Sarmiento,  A.  de  0.,  gov.    of  Nueva 

Vizcaya,  1665-70,  i.  337. 
Sarrabia,  Prefecto  B.,  gov.  Durango, 

1864,  ii.  620. 

Sastre,  M.,  gov.  of  Sonora  and  Sina 
loa,  1772,  i.  711. 

Savariego,    Capt.,  mention  of,  ii  237. 
Sayers,  Lieut-gov.  J.  D.,  election  of, 

1878,  ii.  522. 

Schofield,  Charles,  biog.  of,  ii.  736. 
School  fund,  Texas,  1852-61,  ii.  416, 
Scrutchfield,    Judge  L.  H.,  biog.   of, 

ii.  769. 

Scurry,  Col,  defeat  of,  ii.  452. 
Seal,  of  Texas,  1836,  ii.  295. 
Securities,  Texas,  1838-9,  ii.  318. 
Secession,  Texas,    ordinance   for,    ii. 

436;  popular  vote  on,  ii.  439. 
Sedelmair,    Father    J.,    mission     to 

Pimeria,    1736-7,  i.    524-5;  exped. 

of,    1744,  i.    536-7;    1748,   i.    540; 

1750,    i.  540-1;  '  Relacion,' etc.,  i. 

538-9;  escape  from  Pimas,  1751,  i. 

544;     refutes     Parrilla's     charges, 

1752,  i.  549-51. 

Segesser,  Fathec  F. ,  mission  to  Pim 
eria,  1731-6,  i.  523-4. 


806 


INDEX. 


Selfridge,  Commander  F.  0. ,  repulses 

Mexicans    at     Guaymas,    ii.     6(38; 

campaign  of,  L.  Cal.,  ii.  713  et  seq. 
Senators,  Texas,  list  of,    1845-61,   ii. 

449. 
Serb,    expeds.    against,    1800,  i.  275, 

535-6;  1761-2,1.   565;    1768-71,   i. 

695-701;  Jesuits  among,  1690-1709, 

i.     511;     subjugation    of     ordered, 

1750,    i.    533;    demands,    etc.,    of, 

1754,   i.    554;  war   with,    i.    554-6; 

mention  of,  ii.  628. 
Serna,    F.    B.    de   la,  gov.    of  Nueva 

Vizcaya,  1640-2,  i.  337. 
Serna,    Gov.,    appointment,    etc.,  of, 

1874,  ii.  702-3. 
Serra,  Father   J.,  mention  of,  i.   766; 

in  Alta  Cal.,  i.    767-8;    death   of, 

1784,  i.  770. 
Sesma,   General,    to  relieve   Cos,    ii. 

203;  force,  etc.,  of,  ii.  244. 
rShacleford,  Dr,  mention  of,  ii.237. 
Sharpe,  Capt.,  mention  of,  ii.  244. 
Shaw,  James  B.,  Texas  comptroller, 

ii.  403. 
Shelby  county,  Tex.,  vendetta  in,  ii. 

355. 
Shelvocke,  Capt.  G.,  voyage,  etc.,  of, 

1719-21,  i.  200-1. 
Shepherd,  James  L.,  execution  of,  ii. 

368. 
Sheridan,  Gen.,  removal  of,  1867,  ii. 

493. 
Sherman,  Col  S.,  mention  of,  ii.  244; 

at   council   of   war,  ii.   558;  battle 

San  Jacinto,  ii.  260-1. 
Shubrick,   Commodore,  captures  Ma- 

zatlan,    1846,   ii.    669-70:   L.    Cal. 

campaign,  1847,  ii.  714. 
Sibley,  John,  mention  of,  ii.  48. 
Sibley,  Gen.,  capture  of,  ii.  437;  joins 

confederates,     ii.     451-2;     defeats 
!    Canby,  ii.  452;    retreat  to  Texas, 

ii.  453. 
Sibubapas,    campaigns    against   the, 

1768-71,  i.  695-701. 
Sierpe,  P.  G.  de  la,  aids  Salvatierra, 

3697-8,  i.  280,  293-4. 
Sierra,  Father  A.  F.  dela,  labors,  etc., 

of,  1670-3,  i.  247. 
Sierra,  L.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 

1677,  i.  338. 

Sigler,  William  N.,  mention  of,  ii.  171. 
Simians,  E.  J.,  mention  of,  ii.  546. 
Sinaloa,  N.   de  Guzman's  exped.  in, 

1530,  i.  30;  1533,  i.  56-7;  annals  of, 

1564-C6,  i.  113-16;  Jesuits  in,  1591- 

1600,  i.  119-23;  location  of,  i.  203; 

name,    i.   <?03;  territory,    i.    204-5; 

map  of,  i.  208,  555,  657;  and  Du- 


rango,  map  of,  ii.  591;  floods,  etc., 
in,  1639-41,  i.  231;  missions  of, 
1645,  i.  236;  1650-1700,  i.  238-40; 
settlements,  etc.,  in,  1747-9,  i.  546- 
7;  progress  and  events,  1800-1830, 
ii.  628;  revol.  exped.  to,  1810,  ii. 
630-2;  and  Sonora,  new  constitu 
tion,  1820,  ii.  635;  separation  from 
Sonora,  1823,  ii.  637;  1827-SO,  ii. 
644-6;  revenue  of,  ii.  741;  education 
in,  ii.  746. 

Sinaloa  y  Sonora,  gobernacion  of, 
establ'cl,  1734,  i.  520. 

Sinnickaon,  Dr,  battle  of  Mier,  ii. 
363-4. 

Sisson,  Maj.  G.  H.,  biog.,  etc.,  and 
project  of,  ii.  734. 

Sistiaga,  Father  S.,  with  Bravo's  ex 
ped.,  1718,  i.  445. 

Slavery,  decree  of  emancipation,  1827, 
ii.  90;  decree  of,  1829,  ii.  92;  excep 
tion  favor  of  Texas,  ii.  93;  'iexas 
constitution,  1836,  ii.  305;  English 
interference,  ii.  377;  legislation  in 
cong.,  ii.  423  et  seq.;  legislation  in 
Texas,  ii.  423,  428;  agitations  in 
congress,  1860,  ii.  430-3. 

Slaughter,  Col  C.  C.,  biog.  of,  ii. 
560-1. 

Slaughter,  J.  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  561. 

Slough,  Col,  defeats  confederates, 
Apache  canon,  ii.  452. 

Smith,  at  siege  of  San  Antonio,  ii. 
ISO. 

Smith,  Deaf,  at  battle  S.  Antonio,  ii. 
182;  important  capture  of,  ii.  253; 
destroys  Vince's  bridge,  ii.  259; 
bearer  Santa  Anna's  despatches,  ii. 
266. 

Smith,  Ashbel,  minister  to  England, 
ii.  338;  Eng.  evasion  of  neutrality, 
ii.  356;  pres.  university  regents,  ii. 
545. 

Smith,  Col  B.  F.,  commissioner  to 
Filisola,  ii.  270. 

Smith,  Gov.  Henry,  mention  of,  ii. 
172;  appointment  of,  ii.  173;  rup 
ture  with  council,  ii.  190  et  seq.; 
defeat  of,  ii.  291;  app't'd  sec.  of  the 
treasury,  ii.  294. 

Smith,  Gen.  Kirby,  suppresses  insur 
rection,  ii.  355;  surrender  of,  ii. 
475. 

Smith,  Mayor  J.  P.,  biog.  of,  ii.  574. 

Smith,  Capt.  J.  W.,  at  battle  S.  An 
tonio,  ii.  182;  enters  the  Alamo,  ii. 
209. 

Smith,  M.  W.,  mention  of,  ii.  171. 

Smith,  Capt.  T.  I.,  'Archive  war,'  ii« 
354. 


INDEX. 


807 


Snmggling,  Texas,  1831,  ii.  117-18; 
Analmac,  guard  attacked,  ii.  156. 

Snivcly,  Col  Jacob,  disaster  of,  ii.  371. 

Sobaipuris,  uprising  of,   1701,  i.  504. 

Society,  Texas,  pop.,  1844-7,  ii.  390; 
crime,  ii.  391;  amusements,  etc.,  ii. 
392;  illiteracy,  etc.,  ii.  393;  condi 
tion  of,  1SG4-5,  ii.  472;  1865-6,  ii. 
430;  1866-88,  ii.  530  et  sea,. ;  hospi 
tality,  ii.  533;  benevolent  institu 
tions,  ii.  537. 

Soils,  eastern  Texas,  ii.  551;  south,  ii. 
552;  central,  ii.  553;  north,  ii.  553; 
western,  ii.  554;  '  panhandle '  of 
Texas,  ii.  555. 

Soldiers,  land  grants  to,  ii.  217. 

Soledad,  founding  of,  1791,  i.  771. 

Soils,  Lieut  A.,  outrages  of,  1095,  i. 
260-1;  exped.  of,  1696,  i.  272. 

Somerville,  A.,  mention  of,  ii.  160. 

Somerville,  murder  of,  ii.  413. 

Somerville,  Gen.,  mention  of,  ii.  253; 
at  council  of  war,  ii.  258;  operations, 
etc.,  of,  ii.  359;  biog.  and  death  of, 
ii.  3ol. 

Sonoita,  Sedelmair  visits,  1743,  i.  536; 
attacked  by  "Pimas,  1751,  i.  544. 

Souora,  name,  i.  204-5,  241;  map  of, 
i.  208,  555,  703;  new  map  of,  ii.  6GG; 
missions  of,  1645,  i.  236;  Jesuits  in, 
1650-1700,  i.  242-50;  separ.  from 
Sinaloa,  1693,  i.  255;  Ind.  revolt  in, 
i.  255-6;  mission  affairs  in,  1701-30, 
i.  512-16;  1767-1800,  i.  704-10; 
Indian  raids,  etc.,  in,  i.  694-702, 
714-18;  govs,  etc.,  of,  1763-1SGO,  i. 
710-12;  see  of,  establ'd,  1781,  i.  712; 
church  affairs  in,  1770-1800,  i.  712- 
13;  progress  and  events,  1800-1830, 
ii.  6'28  et  seq.;  new  constitution, 
1820,  ii.  635;  separation  from  Sina 
loa,  etc.,  1823,  ii.  637;  division  of, 
boundaries,  etc.,  1827-30,  ii.  644-6. 
made  a  sub.  dept,  1853,  ii.  681 ;  rev 
enue  of,  ii.  741;  education  in,  ii. 
747;  mining  riches  of,  ii.  754. 

Sosa,  G.  C.  de,  exped.  of,  1590-1,  i. 
128;  arrest  of,  i.  128. 

Sotelo  y  Figueroa,  Father  M.  M., 
mention  of,  i.  472. 

Soto,  H.  de,  exped.  of,  i.  382. 

Soto,  P.  de,  with  Barriga's  exped., 
1644,  i.  182. 

Soto  La  Marina,  capture  of,  1817,  ii. 
37. 

South  Carolina,  secession  resolutions, 
ii.  429. 

Spain,  war  with  France,  1719,  i.  618; 
hostility  to  Americans,  ii.  11  etseq.j 
loyalty  to,  ii.  585. 


Spaniards,  laws  against,  1827-9,  ii. 
93;  edict  expelling,  Son.  and  Sin., 
1828,  ii.  643. 

Sparks,  John,  biog.  of,  ii.  561. 

Spilberg,  G.,  voyage  of,  1615,  i.  166- 
7. 

Staples,   Stephen,   mention  of,  ii.  97. 

Stapp,  W.  P.,  release  of,  ii.  370. 

State  convention,  Texas,  1868.  ii 
494-5. 

State  troops,  Texas,  conscription  of. 
ii.  470-1. 

St  Denis,  L.,  exped.  of,  1705,  i.  609; 
1713,  i.  610-16;  charges  against, 
etc.,  i.  616-17;  in  command  at 
Natchitoches,  1721,  i.  625;  meeting 
with  Aguayo,  i.  625;  correspond, 
with  Saiidoval,  1736,  i.  636-7. 

Steele,  William,   mention  of,  ii.  518. 

Steiger,  Father  P.  G.,  mission  to  Pi- 
meria,  1733,  i.  524. 

Steiner,  Dr,  mention  of,  ii.  538. 

vStephens,   Samuel,    death  of,  ii.  410. 

Stewart,  C.  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  160. 

Stiles,  Washington,  testimony  of,  ii. 
161. 

Stockdale,  Lieut-gov.  F.  S.,  inaugu 
ration  of,  1863,  ii.  466. 

Stock-raising,  Texas,  ii.  559-64;  cat 
tle,  ii.  560;  diseases,  ii.  56:2;  quar 
antines,  ii.  562-3;  sheep,  horses, 
etc.,  563-4;  N.  Mex.  states,  ii. 
750-1. 

Stone,  C.  P.,  organizes  Jecker's  sur 
veying  exped.,  ii.  695.  ' 

Street,  J.  K.,  biog.  of,  ii.  578. 

Stuart,  Dr  D.  F.,  biog.  of,  ii.  767-8. 

Stuart,  Hamilton,  mention  of,  ii.  549. 

Suaquis,  Sinaloan  tribe,  subjugation 
of,  1600-1,  i.  210-12;  outbreak,  etc., 
1766,  i.  567-8. 

Suarez,  Capt.,  the  Tepehuane  revolt, 
1615-17,  i.  324. 

Supreme  court,  Sonora  and  Sinaloa, 
1826,  ii.  638. 

Surveys,  geol.  and  agric.,  ii.  564. 

Swain,  J.  W.,  biog.  of,  ii.  577. 

Swan,  Capt.,  voyage  of,  1685,  i.  194. 

Sweitzer's  regiment,  annihilation  of, 
ii.  467. 

Swisher,  at  battle  S.  Antonio,  ii.  185. 

Swisher,  John  M.,  Texas  auditor,  ii. 

403. 

Sylvester,  capture  of  Santa  Anna,  iL 
264. 

T 

Tabasco,  revolt  of,  ii.  351. 
Tagle,  P.  A.  S.  de,  bishop  of  Durango, 
1749-57,  i.  594. 


808 


INDEX. 


Tajo  mine,  discovery  of,  1655,  i.  238. 
Tamarad,  Father  N.,  mention   of,   i. 

437-8;  labors  in  Baja  CaL,  1718,  i. 

446;  murder  of,  1734,  i.  458. 
Tamaron,  Bishop  P.,  report,  etc.,  of, 

i.  562-4;  bishop  of  Durango,  1758- 

68,  i.    594-5;   report   of,    i.    595-8; 

correspondence,   etc.,  of,  1767-8,  i. 

704-5. 
Tamotchala,   town,  capture   of,  1535, 

i.  56. 

Tampico,  tragedy  at,  ii.  189. 
Tapacohores,    church  disaster   at,  ii. 

582. 
Tapia,  Father,  missionary  labors  of, 

1592-4,  i.  121;  martyrdom  of,  1594, 

i.  121-2. 
Tapia,  Genl  A.  L.,  succeeds  Miranda, 

etc.,  ii.  738. 
Tapiz,  P.,   bishop  of  Durango,  1713— 

22,  i.  594. 
Tarahumara,  missionary  labors,  etc., 

in,    1607-30,    i.    333^;  1639-48,   i. 

346-8;  revolt  in,  1649-51,  i.  352-8; 

1652,  i.   358-60;  mission  affairs  in, 

i.  361-3. 
Taraval,  Father  S.,  works  of,  i.  455; 

in  charge  at  Purisima,  1730,  i.  455; 

at  Sanlgnacio,  1732,  i.  456;  explor. 

of,  1732-3,  i.  456;  founds  Las   Pal- 
mas  mission,  i.  457;  escape  of,  1734, 

i.  458-9. 

Tarda,  Father,  mention  of,  i.  366-7. 
Tarlton,  Col,  mention  of,  ii.  244. 
Taxicora.   Cacique,  capture,  etc.,  of, 

1601,  i.  211;  execution  of,  212. 
Taylor,  Gen'l,  movements   of,  ii.  394; 

battle  of  Monterey,  ii.  395-6. 
Tays,  Lieut  J.  B.,  battle  against  riot 
ers,  ii.  520. 
Teal,    Capt  Henry,  commissioner   to 

Filisola,  ii.  270;  commis.  to  Mexico, 

ii.  282. 

Tecuchuapa,  disturbance  in,  i.  3 1C. 
Tehuecos,    Sinaloan   tribe,  revolt   of, 

1611-12,  i.  219-20. 
Tello,  Father  T.,  at  Caborca,   1750,  i. 

543;  murder  of,  1751,  i.  544. 
Tellez,   Col,    defeats    Romero,    etc., 

1846,  ii.  669. 
Tellez,  M.,  comandante  at  San  Felipe, 

1585,  i.  114. 
Temoris,    Sinaloan  tribe,  submission 

of,  i.  248. 
Tempis,  Father  A.,  death  of,  1746,  i. 

462;  biog.,  i.  462. 
Templeton,  J.  D.,  biog.  of,  ii.  768. 
Tenerapa,    Tepehuanes    defeated   at, 

1617,  i.  326. 
Tenor io,  Capt.,  mention  of,  ii.  156. 


Tenorio,  A.  de  C.,  with  Ortega's  ex- 
ped.,  1632,  i.  171. 

Tepahue,  Hurdaide's  exped.  to,  1612- 
13,  i.  220-1. 

Tepehuane,  district,  extent  of,  i. 
309;  descript.  of,  i.  319-20;  revolt 
in,  1616-17,  i.  320-9;  1638,  i.  331-2; 
missionary  labors  in,  i.  331;  mis 
sion  matters  in,  1644-68,  i.  344-6. 

Tepocas,  Jesuits  among,  1709,  i.  511. 

Teporaca,  Cacique,  the  Tarahumare 
revolts,  1649-52,  ii.  356-8;  execu 
tion  of,  1652,  i.  360. 

Teran,  Gen.,  campaign,  etc.,  of,  1695, 
i.  272. 

Teran,  D.,  comandante  of  Santiago 
de  Monclova,  etc.,  i.  376;  exped. 
of,  1691-2,  i.  416-18;  'Descripcion 
y  Diaria/  i.  416. 

Terrazas,  Gen'l  Luis,  gov.  Chih,  1861, 
ii.  619;  reinstated,  1864,  ii.  621; 
rule  of,  1879-84,  ii.  625. 

Terrenate,  presidio  founded  at,  etc., 
1741-4,  i.  528-30. 

Terreros,  Father  A.  G.,  exped.  of, 
1757,  i.  644;  the  massacre  at  San 
Saba,  1758,  i.  645-8. 

Terreros,  P.  R.  de,  contributions  of, 
1756,  i.  644. 

Terrill,  Prof.  I.  M.,  biog.  of,  ii.  545. 

Texas,  explorations,  etc.,  of,  1528- 
1693,  i.  380-419;  maps  of,  i.  381, 
615;  name,  i.  392;  gov'sof,  1702-26, 
i.  604;  French  claims  to,  1712,  i. 
609-10;  St  Denis'  exped.,  1705,  i. 
609;  Ramon's,  1716,  i.  612-16; 
French  invasion  of ,  1719-20,  i.  618- 
22;  Aguayo's exped.,  1720-2,  622-9; 
Gov.  Almazan's  rule,  1722-6,  i. 
630-2;  Mediavilla's,  1726-30,  i. 
632-4;  Rivera's  rept.  on,  1729,  i. 
633-4;  Gov.  Bustillo's  rule  1730-3, 
i.  634-6;  Sandoval's,  1734-6,  i.  636- 
7;  Apache  raids,  etc.,  in  1730-4,  i. 
635-6;  1760-1,  i.  650;  Gov.  Fran- 
quis'  rule,  1736-7,  i.  637-8;  Oro- 
bio's,  1737-40,  i.  638-9:  Wintuisen's, 
T.  F.,  1741-3,  i.  639;  Bonco's  1743, 
i.  639;  Lario's,  1743-8,  i.  639; 
Junco's,  1748-50,  i.  639;  Barrios', 
1751-60,  i.  639,  643;  mission  affairs 
in,  i.  639-42,  653-69;  the  boundary 
question,  i.  636-7,  643-4;  contra 
band  trade  in,  i.  643;  theComanche 
outbreak,  etc.,  1758,  i.  645-9;  Gov. 
Martos'  rule,  1760-7,  i.  649,  652; 
Oconnor's  1767-70,  i.  652;  popula 
tion,  i.  657,  1805-7,  ii.  2;  1830,  ii. 
76;  1860-88,  ii.  529;  Gov.  Cabel- 
lo's  rule,  1778-81,  i.  660,  668;  Pa- 


INDEX. 


checo's,  1789-90,  i.  669;  claimed 
by  the  U.  S.,  ii.  1-16;  Louisiana 
boundary  dispute,  ii.  9-11;  treaty, 
1819,  ii.  45-7;  military  force  in 
creased,  180u,  ii.  11;  Salcedo  made 
gov.  of,  1810,  ii.  17;  condition  of, 
1821,  ii.  52;  foreign  colonists,  1819, 
ii.  55;  Austin's  colony,  ii.  56  et 
seq. ;  colonization  law,  1825,  ii.  70; 
slavery  decrees,  1827-9,  ii.  90-3; 
agitation  on,  ii.  423  et  seq. ;  admin- 
ist.  of  justice,  1827-9,  ii.  94-5;  ed 
ucation,  1811-30,  ii.  95-6;  religion, 
1831,  ii.  98;  revolt,  1826,  ii.  105  et 
seq.;  Mexican  oppression,  ii.  Ill 
et  seq. ;  changes  in  laws  for  1830, 
ii.  114;  military  despotism,  1830, 
ii.  115;  martial  law,  1832,  ii.  119; 
Coah.  separation  discussed,  ii.  130 
et  seq.;  colonization  decree,  1832, 
ii.  132;  state  convention,  1832-3, 
ii.  132-3;  constitution,  ii.  133;  gov't 
measures  for,  1833,  ii.  137;  decree 
for 'supreme  court,  etc.,  1834,  ii. 
144;  land  frauds,  1835,  ii.  149; 
Coah.  state  authorities  deposed,  ii. 
154-5;  committees  of  vig.  and 
safety  formed,  ii.  155;  bill  of  rights, 
ii.  172;  provis.  gov't,  1835,  ii.  173; 
polit.  affairs  of,  1835,  ii.  190  et  seq. ; 
public  domain,  ii.  191;  breach  be 
tween  council  and  gov.,  ii.  193; 
apathy  of,  1836,  ii.  201;  finances  of, 
ii.  202;  1870,  ii.  505;  1874-5,  ii. 
513;  1879,  ii.  522;  debt  of,  ii.  399; 
debt,  1850,  ii.  401-2;  liquidation 
of  debt,  ii.  412 et  seq.;  school  fund, 
1852-61,  ii.  416;  revenue,  1852-8, 
ii.  415;  independence  declared,  ii. 
21  Set  seq.;  signers  of  list,  ii.  216; 
recognized,  ii.  301,  338-40;  con 
stitution  adopted,  1836,  ii.  218; 
seat  of  gov't  at  Harrisburg,  ii.  238; 
at  Galveston,  ii.  268;  statistics  of 
1836,  ii.  285;  elections,  1836,  ii.  291; 
1841,  ii.  341;  1844,  ii.  378;  1849,  ii. 
398;  prospects  of,  1838,  ii.  310; 
boundary  with  N.  Mex.,  ii.  332, 
398;  capital  moved  to  Austin,  1839, 
ii.  337;  foreign  relations,  1838-42, 
ii.  338-40;  navy  operations,  1842, 
ii.  350  et  seq. ;  second  invasion  of. 
ii.  357  et  seq.;  annexation  to  U.  S., 
ii.  382;  volunteers  of,  in  Mex.  war, 
ii.  394  et  seq.;  Santa  Fe  exped., 
1841,  ii.  333  etseq.;  claims  asrainst, 
1847-51,  ii.  403;  secession,  424  et 
seq.;  prosperity  of,  1858-9,  ii.  426; 
adopts  confederate  constitution,  ii. 
439;  reconstruction,  1865-6,  ii.  478 


etseq.;  state  constitution,  1866,  ii. 

482;  restoration  to  statehood,  ii.  501- 

2;  political  vicissitudes  of,  ii.  526-7; 

progress  of,  ii.  528-9;  editorial  and 

press  association,  ii.  550. 
Texas  K.  R.  Navig.  &  Banking  Co., 

act  to  incorporate,  ii.  296. 
Thompson,    capture   of  Santa   Anna, 

ii.  264. 
Thompson,   Capt.,  desertion,  etc.,  of, 

ii.  303. 

Thompson,  A.  P.,  mention  of,  ii.  549. 
Thompson,    Alexander,    mention   of, 

ii.  172. 
Thompson,  J.  M.  N..  execution  of,  ii. 

368. 
Thompson,  Capt.  T.  M.,  outrages,  etc., 

of,  ii.  161-2. 
Thrall,    H.  S.,  'A  Pictorial   History 

of  Texas,'  ii.  386. 
Throckmorton,     Gov.    J.    W.,    pres. 

state  conven.,  ii.  482;  elected  gcv., 

biog.,    etc.,    ii.    483;     message    of, 

1866,  ii.  483    et  seq.;  disagreement 

with  Gen.  Griffin,  ii.   490;  removal 

of,    ii.    491;    final    report,  ii.    491; 

biog.  of,  ii.  765. 
'Ticson,' schooner,  ii.  118. 
Tiguex,  Province,  Coronado's  exped., 

in,  1540-1,  i.  85. 
Tobar,    Capt.,    exped.     to    Tusayan, 

1540,  i.  85;  at  San  Gerdnimo,  etc., 

i.  89. 
Tobar,  Father  H.  de,  murder  of,  1616, 

i.  322. 
Tobar,  P.,  comandante  at  San  Felipe, 

i.  115. 

Tobin,  Capt.,  mention  of,  445;  opera 
tions  against  Cortina,  ii.  447-8. 
Tobosos,  raids  of  the,  1644-5,  i.  348- 

51. 

Todd,  Geo.  T.,  mention  of,  ii.  565. 
Todos  Santos,  see  Ensenada. 
Toledo,  Jose  A.  de,  biog.,  etc.,  of,  ii. 

26;  defeat  of,  1813,  ii.  28-9. 
Tolosa,  J.  de,    exped.    to   Zacatecas, 

1546-8,  i.  99. 
Tolsa,  General,    mention   of,  ii.    203; 

reenforces  Sesma,  ii.    247;    ratifies 

Texas  treaty,  ii.  270. 
Tonty,  H.  de,    exped.    of,  1688-9,    i. 

412. 
Topia,  Province.  Ibarra  in,  1563-4,  i. 

105-7;    extent   of,  i.  309;  subjuga 
tion  of,  1601-14,   i.   313-19;  extent 

of,    i.    316;  conversions   in,  i.   316; 

missions,  etc.,  in,  i.  340-1. 
Tornel,   Mex.   sec.   of  war,  orders  to 

Filisola,  ii.  279-80. 
Torre,  D.  P.    de  la,    gov.    of  Nueva 


810 


INDEX. 


Galicia,  etc.,  1536,  i.  71;  death  of, 

1538,  i.  71. 
Torre,  J.    de    la,  exped.   to  Nayarit, 

1721,  i.  518. 
Torres,  J.  A.,  leader  of  uprising,  1810, 

ii.  630. 
Torres,    Gov.   Luis,    succeeds   Serna, 

.  etc.,  ii.  703. 
Torrey,   James  N.,    execution   of,  ii. 

368. 
Tortolero,     Capt.     L.,     Salvatierra's 

exped.  to  Cal.,  1697-9,  i.  284,  288- 

97. 
Townley,   Capt.,   voyage  of,  1685,  i. 

194. 
Towns,    Coah.    and     Tex.,    gov't  of, 

1810,  ii.  78-9. 
Trade,  see  Commerce. 
Trahern,  mention  of,  ii.  366. 
Travis,  Col  W.   B.,  capture  of,  1832, 

ii.    119;  release    of,    ii.    124;  arrest 

ordered,  July,    1885,   ii.  161;  at  S. 

Felipe,  ii.    195;    reenforcement    of, 

ii.  202;  carelessness  of,  ii.  207;  ap 
peal  of,  ii.  208;  death  of,  ii.  211. 
Treasurer,  Texas,  deficit  of,  ii.  509. 
Treaty  of  peace,  Mex.  and  U.  S.,  ii. 

612. 
Trejo,  F.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 

1577-83,  i.  112-13. 
'  Tremont,' Anier.  brig.,  ii.  161. 
Tresierra  y  Cano,  A.,  intendente  go- 

bernador  of  Arizpe,  1793,  i.  712. 
Tresino,   Manuel,  mention  of,  ii.  445. 
Trias,  Gov.  Angel,  installation  of,  ii. 

602;    succeeds     Irigoyen,    ii.    605; 

surrender   of,    ii.    611-12;    deposes 

Cordero,  ii.  617;  removal,  etc.,  of, 

ii.  625. 
Tristan,  Provincial  A.  F.,  'Informe,' 

i.  687. 
Tristan,  E.  L.  de,  bishop  of  Durango, 

etc.,  1786,  i.  684-5. 
Troutnian,  Miss,  mention  of,  ii.  296. 
Tubac,   presidio  of  founded,    1752,  i. 

554. 
Tubares,  Sinaloan  tribe,   revolt,  etc., 

of,  1681-4,  i.  248  9. 
Tubutama,  Indian  outbreak  at,  1695, 

i.  260-1. 
Timon  y  Quiros,  Capt.  G.  A.,  coman- 

dante  at  San  Felipe,  1712-24,  i.  516- 

17;  charges  against,  i.  516;  Apache 

raids,  i.  516-17. 
Tunstall,    W.    V.,    sec.    state   conv., 

1868,  ii.  495. 
Turnbull,    James,    execution    of,    ii. 

368. 
Turner,  Col   Amasa,    mention   of,  ii. 

244. 


Turrill,  C.  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  735. 
Tiirsch,  Father  I. ,  mention  of,  i.  473. 
Tucije,  Apache  chief,  execution  of,  ii. 

654. 
Tutino,  Padre  A.,  mission   to  Topia, 

1602,  i.  316. 
Twiggs,  General,  surrender,  etc.,  of, 

ii.  437. 


Ugalde,  J.  de,  gov.  of  Coahuila,  1778, 
i.  604;  comandante  gen'lof  Provin- 
cias  Internas  del  Oriente,  etc., 
1787,  i.  674;  defeats  Apaches,  etc., 
1790,  i.  669. 

Ugarte,  Commandant,  removes  Mon- 
terde,  ii.  602. 

Ugarte,  Father,  explor.  of,  1521,  i. 
508-9;  labors  of,  i.  511. 

Ugarte,  Father  J.  de,  aids  Salvatierra, 
1697-8,  i.  279-80,  298;  labors,  etc., 
in  Baja  Cal.,  1701-9,  i.  422-35; 
biog.,  i.  422;  exped.  of,  1721,  i. 
450-1;  death,  1730,  i.  456;  charac 
ter,  i.  456. 

Ugarte  y  Loyola,  J. ,  gov.  of  Coahuila, 
i.  604;  comandante  gen.  of  Provin- 
cias  Internas,  1785,  i.  673-4. 

Ugartechea,  Col,  mention  of,  ii.  116; 
battle  at  Velasco,  ii.  122;  address 
to  Texans,  1835,  ii.  157;  order  to 
alcaldes,  1835,  ii.  161;  demand  for 
cannon,  ii.  165;  orders  to  polit. 
chief,  ii.  171;  at  battle  S.  Antonio, 
ii.  185. 

Ulloa,  F.  de,  exped.  of,  1539,  i.  78. 

Ulloa,  P.  de,  mission  to  Cortes,  1535, 
i.  49-50. 

'  Uncle  Ben,'  victory  of,  ii.  459. 

Unionists,  Texas,  victory  of,  1859,  ii. 
426-7;  murders  of,  in  Texas,  ii. 
458;  maltreatment  of  1865-6,  ii. 
480. 

United  States,  claims  to  Texas,  ii.  1- 
16;  boundary  troubles  with  Spain, 
1805,  ii.  10  et  seq. ;  boundary  in 
trigues  of,  ii.  88;  influence  in  Texas 
affairs,  1835,  ii.  158-9;  aid  to  Texas, 
1835,  ii.  170-1;  neutrality,  etc.,  of, 
ii.  285;  occupation  of  Texas  terri 
tory,  ii.  286;  recognizes  independ 
ence  of  Texas,  ii.  301;  annexation 
of  Texas  rejected,  ii.  342;  annexa 
tion,  ii.  382-3;  jealousy  of  Great 
Britain,  etc.,  1842,  ii.  374;  threat  of 
Mex.,  etc.,  1842,  ii.  376;  purchase 
of  Texas  Santa  Fe  claim,  ii.  400-3; 
menaces  the  French,  1864,  ii.  622. 

United  States  volunteers,  in  Texan 


INDEX. 


811 


war,  disgust  at  inaction,  at  S.  An 
tonio,  ii.  179;  restlessness  of,  ii. 
195;  inducements  to,  ii.  294-5. 

Universities,  Texas,  list  of,  ii.  546; 
Texas  state  university,  ii.  545. 

Urdaneta,  A.  de,  exped.  to  the  Phil 
ippines,  1564-5,  i.  137-9;  death  of, 
1568,  i.  139. 

Urdinola,  Gov.  F.,  gov.  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  1602-11,  i.  306;  revolt  of 
the  Acaxees,  1601-2,  i.  314-16;  sub 
dues  the  Xiximes,  1610,  i.  318-19. 

Ures,  French  capture  of,  ii.  697. 

Urrea's  campaign,  map,  ii.  228. 

Urrea,  B.  de,  corresp.  with  Gov. 
Pineda,  1767,  i.  569. 

Urrea,  Gen.  Jose,  mention  of,  ii.  204; 
defeats  Grant  and  Johnson,  ii.  220- 
2;  defeats  Fannin,  ii.  227-33;  Santa 
Anna's  orders  to,  ii.  248;  succeeds 
Filisola,  ii.  281;  supports  Pedraza, 
1832,  ii.  590;  promotion  of,  ii.  593; 

Proclaims     federal     system,     etc., 
837-8,  ii.  656;  defeat  at  Mazatlan, 
ii.   658;  defeats  Gandara,    ii.  659; 
reappointment  of,  1842,  ii.  660;  de 
feat  of,  ii.  662-3. 
Urrea,  M.,  gefe  politico,  ii.  586. 


Vaca,  Capt.  A,,  exped.  of,  1634,  i. 
385. 

Vaca,  A.  N.  C.  de,  treasurer,  etc.,  of 
Narvaez'  exped.,  1528,  i.  60;  ad 
ventures  of,  i.  60-70;  'Relacion,' 
i.  62;  map  of  route,  i.  67;  further 
career,  i.  70. 

Vaca,  C.  de,  crosses  Texas,  1535,  i. 
380-1. 

Vacapa,  town,  Niza's  exped.  at,  1539, 
i.  75-6. 

Valdes,  J.,  revolt  of  suppressed,  1880, 
ii.  625-6. 

Valdes,  L.,  gov.  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
1639-40,  i.  306;  1642-8,  i.  337;  the 
Toboso  outbreak,  etc.,  1644-5,  i. 
350. 

Valdez,  Pedro,  defeats  Vega,  ii.  695. 

Valdivar,  exploration,  etc.,  of,  1540, 
i.  83-4. 

Valte,  Father  A.  del,  the  Tepehuane 
revolt,  1616-17,  i.  327. 

Valle,  Bishop  J.  del,  visit  to  Sinaloa, 
1610,  i.  219. 

Valle,  Santiago  de,  councillor,^  11.  86. 

Valle  de  Banderas,  name,  i.  15. 

Valenzuela,  E.  C.  de,  with  Ortega's 
exped.,  1632,  i.  171. 

Valverde,  battle  of,  ii.  452. 


Vancouver,  G.,  voyages  of,  1792-4,  L 

772. 
Vandersipe,   Father,   death  of,    1651, 

i.  242. 
Van  Dorn,    Maj.    Earle,    capture  of 

Sibley,  etc.,  ii.  437. 
Van  Nostrand,  J.,  mention  of,  ii.  537. 
Van  Zandt,  Texas  charge  d'  affaires, 

ii.  374. 

Van  Zaiidt,  Isaac,  biog.  of,  ii.  576-7. 
Van   Zandt,    K.    M.,  mention  of,  ii. 
577. 

an  Zandt,  Dr  L,  mention  of,  ii.  577. 
Vara,   Col,    captures  Miller's  volun 
teers,  ii.  233-4. 
Varohios,  Sinaloan  tribe,   submission 

of,  i.  248. 
Varona,  Capt  G.    S.,   exped.  of,  1691, 

i.  417. 
Vasquez,  Geii'l  E,.,  defeat  of,  ii.  331  j 

capture    of    S.    Antonio,    1842,    ii. 

348. 
Vega,    Gen'l,    schemes  of,    1868,   ii. 

700-1. 
Vega,  Gov.  F.  de  la,  Valdez  defeats, 

ii.  695. 
Vega,    Father   R.   de,    with   Ortega's 

exped.,  1636,  i.  174-5. 
Vega,    S.    L.    de   la,   comandante    of 

Sonora,  1644,    i.    233;  death   of,  i. 

233. 
Vehlein,  Joseph,  colony  grant,  ii.  74, 

110. 
Velarde,  Father  I..,  eulogy  of^Kino, 

i.  505-6;  Campos'  explor.,  1715,  i. 

507. 

Velasco,  Viceroy,  contract  with  Viz 
caino,  1594,  i.  147. 
Velasco,  D.  F.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva  Viz- 

caya,  1596,  i.  113. 
Velasco,     Fiscal,    report    on     Texan 

affairs,  1716,  i.  616-17. 
Velasco,   H.   de,  gov.    of  Nueva  Viz- 

caya,  1630,  i.  306. 
Velasco,   Father,  mission  to  Sinaloa, 

1600-9,  i.  209-15. 
Velasco,  Father  J.   B.,   labors   of,  i. 

222;  death  of,  1612,  i.  222;  biog.,  i. 

222. 
Velasco,  Father  P.,  death  of,  1649,  i. 

234. 

Velasco  y  Altamirano,  G.  de  L.,  bish 
op  of  Guadiana,  1692-1700,  i.   3."9. 
Velasquez,   F.,  captures  Tamotchala, 

1533,  i.  56. 
Velasquez,  J.,  gov.  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 

1784-6,  i.  676-8. 
'Velocity,'  surrender  of,  ii.  459. 
'  Vencedor  del  Alamo, '  capture  of  the 

'Independence*,'  ii.  284. 


812 


INDEX. 


Venegas,   Viceroy,    aid    to    Salcedo, 

1813,  ii.  22. 
Venegas,    Father,    map   of,    1757,    i. 

471. 

Venegas,  M. ,  '  Noticia  de  la  Califor 
nia,'  i.  281-2. 
Ventura,  Father  L.,  at  Loreto,  1757, 

i.  470;  mention  of,  i.  473. 
Vera,  Father  F.,  with  Urdinola's  ex- 

ped.,  1610,  i.  318. 
Verastegui,   A.  M.  de,  with  Otondo's 

exped.,  1683,  i.  187. 
Verdugo,  Gov.  P.,  proclaims  for  lib 
erals,  1856,  ii.  695. 
Vermillion,   capture  of   Santa  Anna, 

ii.  264. 
Vertiz  y  Ontanon,   J.    F.    de,  gov.   of 

Nueva  Vizcaya,  1737,  i.  581. 
Veterans,  Texas,  pensions  to,  ii.  514. 
Victoria,     town,     founded,     ii.    110; 

Comanche  attack  on,  ii.  325. 
Victoria,  Tarn.,  state  gov't  at,  ii.  330. 
Victoria,  Gen'l,  mention  of,  ii.  340. 
Victoria,    Lieut-col    M.,  app't'd   sub. 

jefe  politico,  1829,  ii.  710. 
Vidal,  Lieut-col,  defeat  of,  ii.  606-7. 
Vidaurri,     Francisco,     decreed     gov 
ernor,    1834,    ii.    143;  overtures   to 

Texas,  ii.  327. 
Viesca,    Gov.    Agustin,     election    of, 

1835,    ii.    146;  arrest,    etc.,    of,    ii. 

154-5;  address  to  Texans,  ii.  158. 
Viesca,  Jose  M.,  elected  gov.,  ii.   86. 
Vila,  V.,  exped.  toAltaCal.,  1769,  i. 

489. 
Vildosola,    Don   A.,    gov.    of  Sinaloa 

and  Sonora,  i.   528;  rule,  1741-8,  i. 

528-31. 
Vildosola,    Capt.    G.,  expeds.  against 

Apaches,  1756,  i.  557;  1758,  i.  558; 

1766,  i.  559. 
Villaescusa,Col.,  surrender  atRosario, 

1810,  ii.    631;  defeats   Hermosillo, 

1811,  ii.  632. 

Villafane,  Father,  death  of,  1634,  i. 
231;  biog.,  i.  231. 

Villagian,  victory  at  Parral,  1864,  ii. 
622;  sub.  prefect,  driven  out,  etc., 
ii.  738. 

Villalobos,  R.  L.  de,  exped.  of,  1542, 
i.  137. 

\  illalta,  Father  C.  de,  mission  to  Sin 
aloa,  1604,  i.  212-14;  labors  of, 
1612,  i.  221;  missionary  labors  of, 
1621,  i.  225-6;  death  of,  1623,  i. 
226. 

Villapuente,  Marquis,  donations  of, 
1702,  i.  426. 

Villa  Senor  y  Sanchez,  works  cf,  i. 
466,  530-1. 


Villavicencio,  J.  J.,  wrrks  of,  i.  456. 
Vmce  ,s  bridge,  Ueai  tumuli   destroys, 

ii.  259. 

Viticulture,  Texas,  ii.  558. 
Vivero,  R.  de,  gov.  of  Is ueva  Vizcaya 

1601-2,  i.  300. 
Vizcaino,    S.,  exped.   to  Lower  Cal., 

1597,  i.    147-51;  1602-3,  i.    153-60; 

map  of,    1603,    i.    156;    voyage  to 

Japan,  i.  162-3. 


W 


Wagner,  Father  J.,  attempted  mur 
der  of,  i.  461;  death  of,  1/44,  i.  462. 

Wainwright,  Commander,  death  of, 
ii.  456. 

Walker,  .Senator,  resolution  of,  ii. 
302. 

Walker,  S.  A.,  battle  of  Monterey, 
ii.  396-7. 

Walker,  S.  H.,  escape  of,  etc.,  ii.  366. 

Walker,  W.  W.,  mention  of,  ii.  48. 

Walker,  William,  filibustering  exped. 
to  L.  Cal.,  ii.  682,  720  et  seq.; 
appearance  of,  ii.  721;  operations 
in  S.  F.,  ii.  722,  724;  reenforce- 
ments  of  and  defeat,  etc.,  ii.  723. 

Wallace,  Lieut-col.  J.  W.  E.,  election 
of,  ii.  166. 

Waller,  Edwin,  mention  of,  ii.  172. 

Waller,  J.  R.,  mention  of,  ii.  410. 

Walsh,  W.  C.,  land  commissioner, 
1878,  ii.  522. 

War  party,  Texas,  agitations  of, 
1835,  ii.  156-9. 

War  of  the  Regulators  and  Modera 
tors,  1842,  ii.  354. 

Ward,  Major,  elected  Lieut-col,  ii. 
219;  with  King,  etc.,  ii.  222-4; 
death  of,  ii.  235. 

Ward,  Col  T.  W.,  mention  of,  ii.  554. 

Ward,  Gen'l  T.  N.,  biog.  of,  ii.  765. 

Ward,  Dewey  &  Co  ,  mention  of,  ii. 
535. 

Washington,  Lewis,  mention  of,  ii. 
296. 

Webb,  James,  commiss.  to  Mex.,  ii. 
340. 

Webb,  W.  E.,  mention  of,  ii.  735. 

Welles,  E.  T.,  pres.  Land  Co.,  ii.  735. 

Welles,  Col  T.  G.,  mention  of,  ii.  735. 

Wells,  Major,  battle  San  Jacinto,  ii. 
258. 

West,  Claiborne,  mention  of,  ii.  172, 
174. 

Westbrook,  C.  A.,  mention  of,  ii.  551. 

Westbrook,  Mrs  C.  A.,  biog.  of,  ii.769. 

Westover,  Capt.,  defeats  Rodriguez, 
ii.  188-9. 


INDEX. 


813 


Whaling,    Henry,    execution    of,   ii. 

368. 
*  Wharton, '  on  coast  of  Yucatan,  1842, 

ii.  352. 

Wharton  party,  mention  of,  ii.  291. 
Wharton,  J.  A.,    mention  of,  ii.   160, 

162;  draughts  'bill  of  rights,'  ii.  172; 

Texas   mil  it.    agent,    ii.     192;  men 
tion  of,  ii.  294;  capture  and  escape 

of,  ii.  303;  death  of,  ii.  313. 
Wharton,    W.     H.,    chairman     state 

conv.,   1833,  ii.   133-4;  app't'd  em- 

bassador  to  the    U.    S.,    ii.    173-4; 

appeal  of  in  aid  of  Texas,    ii.   284; 

return   of,  ii.    293;  minister  to   the 

U.  S.,  ii.  294;  capture  and  escape 

of,  ii.  303. 

Wheat,  Texas,  ii.  557. 
Whistler,  Col.,  occupies  Nacogdoches, 

ii.  287. 
Whitaker,    William,    mention    of,  ii. 

171. 

Whiting,  Samuel,  mention  of,  ii.  550. 
Whitmore,    G.     W.,     representative 

1869,  ii.  498. 

Wilie,  T.,  Indian  massacre  of,  ii.  410. 
Williams,  arrest  ordered,  ii.  161. 
Williams,  equips  Texas  schooners,  ii. 

271. 
Williams,    S.    M.,  commis.   to    Mex., 

1842,  ii.  375. 
Williamson,  R.  M.,  arrest  ordered,  ii. 

161;  mention  of,  ii.  172. 
Willis,  R.  S.,  biog.  of,  ii.  765-6. 
Wilson,    Charles,  mention  of,  ii.  172, 

174. 

Wilson,  Robert,  defeat  of,  ii.  313. 
Wing,  M.  C.,  execution  of,  ii.  368. 
Wintuisen,    T.     F.,    gov.    of    Texas, 

1741-3,  i.  639. 
Woll,  General,  force,  etc.,   of,  ii.  244;  |  Z 

despatch  to  Houston,   ii.  267;  cap-  | 

tures   8.    Antonio,    ii.    357;  media-  .  Zacatecas,  mining  in,    i.  97-100;   re- 

tion   Mex.    &  Texas,  1842,   ii.    375;  |      bellion  of,  ii.  153. 


Xiximes,  submission  of  the,  1607,  i. 
317;  uprising  of,  1610,  i.  317-18; 
1616,  i.  324;  subjugation  of,  1610- 
11,  i.  318-19;  conversion,  etc.,  of, 
1611-14,  i.  319. 


Yafiez,  Gov.,  appointment  of,  1854, 
ii.  681,  695;  outwits  Boulbon,  ii. 
686;  victory  of,  ii.  688-9;  removal, 
etc.,  of,  ii.  690. 

Yaqui  river,  Guzman's  exped.  on  the, 
1533,  i.  57;  Vaca's,  i.  66-8. 

Yaquis,  defeat,  etc.,  of,  1533,  i.  57; 
war  with  the,  1609,  i.  217-18;  sub 
mission  of,  i.  213-19;  treaty  with, 
1610,  i.  219;  missionaries  among, 
1617-19,  i.  224;  conversions  among, 
i.  226;  troubles  with,  1764-7,  i. 
566-71;  revolt  of  the,  1740-1,  i. 
521-3;  1825,  ii.  639-43;  1832,  ii. 
652;  1867,  ii.  701 ;  1887,  ii.  704. 

Yellowstone,  steamboat,  ii.  252. 

Yoakum,  H.,  'History  of  Texas,' ii. 
384. 

Yorkino  party,  Durango,  ii.  588; 
arrest  of  prom,  members,  ii.  589. 

Young,  Col  Hugh  F.,  mention  of,  ii. 
372, 

Young,  Col  W.  C.,  capture  of  Fort 
Arbuckle,  ii.  450;  biog.  of,  ii.  561. 

Yucatan,  revolt,  etc.,  of,  ii.  351. 

Yuma,  Kino's  exped.  to,  1700,  i.  270- 
1. 

Yumas,  Sedelmair  among  the,  1748, 
i.  540;  1750,  i.  541. 


manifesto  of,  ii.  37 
Wood,  Gov.  Geo.  T.,  inauguration  of, 
ii.  397;  threat  against  New  Mex., 
1848,  ii.  398;  defeat  of  election, 
1853,  ii.  405. 


Zacatecas,  City,  founded  1548,  i.  97. 

Zacatula,  founding  of,  i.  19. 

Zambrano,  Juan  M.,  counter  revolu 
tion  of,  1812,  ii.  18-19;  mention  of, 
ii.  29. 


Wood,  W.,  mention  of,  ii.  410.  j  Zapata,  Col  Antonio,  battle  of  Alcan- 

Woodbury,  John  L.,  coal  mine  priv-  !      tro,  ii.  327-8. 

ileges  of,  ii.  97.  !  Zapata,  Father  J.  0.,  report  of,  1678, 

Woodridge,    A.   P.,    mention    of,    ii.  I      l  239-40. 

1  Zapata,  Father  O.,  report  of,  1678,  i. 

244-5. 

Zape,  the  Tepehuane  revolt,  1616-17, 
i.  322;  massacre  at,  i.  323. 


546. 

Woods,  J.  B.,  mention  of,  ii.  172. 
Wooten,  T.  D.,  mention  of,  ii.  546. 
Worth,  Gen'l,  battle  of  Monterey,  ii. 

395-6. 
Wytfliet-Ptolemy,  map,    1597,  i.  152. 


Zappa,    Father   J.    B.,  mention  of,  i. 


Zarate,  Padre  G.,  '  Relaciones. ' 


814 


INDEX. 


1  Zavala,'  war  steamship,  purchase  of, 
ii.  317;  mention  of,  ii.  351. 

Zavala,  Gov.  Lorenzo  de,  colony 
grant  to,  ii.  75;  mention  of,  ii.  140; 
biog.,  etc.,  ii.  158;  arrest  ordered, 
ii.  160,  164;  Austin's  reception  of, 
ii.  167-8;  mention  of,  ii.  171;  signs 
independence  declaration,  ii.  216; 
elected  vice-pres.  Texas,  ii.  218; 
resignation  of,  ii.  292-3;  death  of, 
ii.  298. 

Zavaleta,  plan  of,  revolt  against 
Sonora,  1833,  ii.  655. 


Zayas,  A.  delas  C.,  intendente  gobeiv 

nador  of  Arizpe,  1786-9,  i.  712. 
Zerman,  Capt,  seizure  of,  ii.  724. 
Zigarran,  Father  T.,  murder  of,  1645, 

i.  349. 

Zubira,  Bishop,  banishment  of,  ii.  592. 
Zulvaga,    Gov   Luis,   app'tment    and 

removal  of,  ii.  602;  flight,  etc.,  of, 

ii.  618. 
Ziiniga,  Brother  J.    de,    at  La  Paz, 

1633,  i.  172. 
Zuzaraqui,  Father,  mention  of,  i.  484. 


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