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The Original Edition of 1595, which was the Edition probably consulted by Shakespeare 
in writing his Tragedy bearing this Title, 



Introduction, Historical, Geographical ami other Notes, 
and an Appendix of Parallel Passages 



(Eiiitor o] the Dingleiciood Shakespeare Manuals; the Oxford and Ctimbiidge Edition 

of Classics, etc.) 



(City of London School). 

GEORGE GILL & SONS, Ld., 13, Warwick Lane, E.C. 


The Delegates of the Oxford University have made a wse 
departure in recommending certain of Plutarch's Litres for study 
in connection with Shakespeare's Roman plays, for it is only by 
close and careful comparison with the originals that the student 
can obtain some idea of the methods adopted by the dramatist 
and of his marvellous powers of adaptation. 

In order to facilitate this comparison and to render it the more 
profitable we have in our Introduction to Plutarch's Life of 
CcBsar drawn attention to many points which might otherwise 
escape the student's observation, e.g. the characteristics of 
Plutarch's Lives, Plutarch's estimate of Caesar and Shakespeare's 
estimate of Plutarch, Shakespeare's omissions and his divergences 
from Plutarch, and the reasons of these changes. We have 
included also some account of the lives of Plutarch and of his 
translators, Amiot and North. This volume may be used with 
advantage in conjunction with the Oxford and Cambridge 
Edition of Shakespeare's Julius Ctssar. 

The text adopted is that of the edition of 1595, — the Second 
Edition of North's Translation, — which, except for one or two 
verbal alterations, is practically identical with the first edition of 
1570. This edition has been used, as it is generally believ^ed to 
have been the one consulted by Shakespeare in writing his Trage- 
dies of Julius Ccesar, Coriolanus, and Antony and Cleopalra. It 
has been thought advisable to modernize the type and orthography 
of the work, so as to render it more easily readable by young 
students, and also to break up the subject matter into shorter 
paragraphs ; otherwise no change has been made in the text. 

An appendix has been added, showing by means of parallel 
passages how deeply Shakespeare was indebted to Nortli's 
Translation for the actual wording of his Julius Ccesar. 

Maps of the Roman Empire and Latium, and a Plan of Rome are 
included, which sufficiently show the geography of the districts 
treated in the narrative. 

Acknowledgment is due to Messrs. George Long, George 
Wyndham, H. \V. Hudson, Archbishop Trench, and George 
Brandes, to whose valuable works the Editors have referred. 

August, 1907. 

North's Translation of Julius Caesar. 


Part T. Introduction — 


Life of Plutarch . . . . . . . . ' i. 

Life of Jaques Amyot . . . . . . ij. 

Life of Sir Thomas North . . . . . . iii- 

Plutarch's " Lives " . . . . . . iv. 

Different Estimates of C^sar . . . . ix. 

Summary of Plutarch's " Life of C^sak " xi. 

The Contrast in Shakespeare . . . . xv. 

Shakespeare's Method of using Plutarch xvi. 

North's Preface to his Translation . . xvii. 

Part II. The Text of Plutarch's "Life of Julius Ciesar," 
with Footnotes 

Historical Notes 

Geographical Notes . . 

Part III. Appendix— 

Parallel Passages . . 



Maps — 
Roman Empire after the death of [ facing 
Julius C^sar, about A.D. ioo.. 

Plan of Rome 

Latium . . . . . . . . . . xix. 

title page 







Plutarch, a Greek prose writer, was born at Chncronca. in 
Bncotia, a district lyincj between the Gulfs of Corinth and Opuntus. 
The precise dates of his birth and death are unknown, but it is 
probable that from 50 to 100 a.d. included the best years of his 
life ; he was contemporary with Tacitus and the two Plinys. 

Plutarch studied at Athens under Ammonius, a philosopher, 
and as such an education was ex])ensive, we may gather that he 
and his family were of independent means. When the Emperor 
Nero made his noted prof:;ress throuejhout Greece in a.d. 67, 
Plutarch was studying ]ihilosophy at Delplii. 

Plutarch making a tour, which was at the time considered a 
part of a liberal education among the Greeks, visited Alexandria 
in Egypt and returned by way of Asia Minor, staving a short time 
at Sardis. Twice he visited Italy, and yet he did not learn the 
Latin language till late in life. In his Life of Demosthenes he 
writes : " As to myself, I live in a little town : and I choose to 
live there, lest it should become still less. When I was in Rome, 
and other parts of Italy, I had not leisure to study the Latin 
tongue, on account of the public commissions with which I was 
charged, and the number of people who came to be instructed 
by me in philosophy. It was not, therefore, till a late period in 
life that I began to read the Latin autliors." It was probably 
on his first visit to Rome that he delivered his lectures in philoso- 
phy, which lectures are supposed to have made up the collection 
of essavs known as Opera Moralia, which " evince a mind of vast 
and varied resources, historical as well as jiliilosojihical." Whilst 
in Rome Plutarch was treated with general marks of distinction 
by many of tlie best people, and lived on terms of the greatest 
intimacy with Sossius Senecio. who was four times consul. 

Plutarch spent tlie latter part of his life in his native town of 
Chocronea, where he held the office of Archon or Chief Magistrate, 
in wliich capacity he was indefatigable in his endeavours to 
promote harmony and heal animosities amongst the citizens. 
Here, also, it is supposed, lie wrote his Parallel Lives. He was 
married to Timoxena, the daughter of 'one Alexion, to whom he 
wrote a most affectionate letter on tlie death of their only daughter. 
Wv had also four sons, of whom two survived to manhood. 

In matters of religion " he appears to have examined every 

r X, 

ii. Introduction. 

sect with a calm and unprejudiced attention ; to have selected 
what he found of use for the purposes of virtue and happiness ; 
and to have left the rest for the portion of those whose narrowness 
of mind could think either science or felicity confined to any 
denomination of men."* He was learned in the matter of Oracles, 
on which he wrote a treatise, and he paid considerable attention 
to the subject of dreams. 

In politics he was a republican, and he deplored the fact that " in 
cj^vil^ life men of greater power or wealth shall withhold the 
deference that is due to the magistrate." 


^-'^'^ (JAMES AMIOT). 

Jaques Amyot was born at Melun, near Paris, in 15 13. His 
parents were in humble circumstances and Jaques was sent to 
study in Paris, attending Cardinal Lemoine's College and after- 
wards the lectures of Thusan and Dan'ts. At the end of his 
college career he took a Tutorship at Bourges, at which University 
he was made Professor of Greek and I.atin by Marguerite of 
Navarre, and remained there over twelve years, lecturing twice a 
day. Here he translated the Mthiopica (.Ethiopian History) 
of Heliodorus (1547), Daphnis and Chloe (1559), and Plutarch's 
Lives. To search for some of the missing Lives he visited the 
libraries of Italy, but found none. He unearthed the Lives of 
Diodorus Siculus in Venice, and a more perfect copy of the 
JEthiopica in Rome. Amyot attended the Council of Trent, and 
on his return to Bourges became Tutor to Charles and Henry, 
the sons of Henry II. of France. In 1559 he published Les Vies 
de Phttarque, dedicating it to King Henry II. ; in 1560 he was 
made grand almoner of France ; in 1570, Bishop of Auxerre, and 
in 1572 he published Les Qiuvres Morales de Pluiarqtte, which met 
with but a poor reception. For defending the honour of his King, 
Amyot incurred the anger of the Holy Catholic League in 1588, 
and in 1591 he was deprived of all his offices,, dying in 1593. 

Amyot's Plutarch's Lives were reprinted in 1610 (Paris, i vol. 
folio) ; in 1783-87 (22 vols.) ; in 1801-06 (25 vols.) ; and in 
1818-21 (25 vols.). 

" Amyot lost little in truth by his translation and gained 
everything in charm. It is surprising," says Mr. Long, " to find 
how correct this old French translation generally is." 

Amyot was a man of great industry and considerable learning. 
He sought diligently in the libraries of Rome and Venice for those 
Lives of Plutarch which are lost ; and though Iris search was 
i;nsuccessful, it had this great effect, that by comparing the variety 
of manuscripts he found with the printed copies, he was enabled in 
many places to rectify the text. 

* J. and W. Langhorne. 

Life of Sir Thomas North. iii. 


Sir Thomas North, Enghsh translator, was born about a.d. 1535. 
He was the second and younger son of Edward, first Baron North, 
by his first wife, Ahcc, the daughter of Ohver Squycr. It is 
beheved he was educated at Petcrhousc College, Cambridge. 

In i^v li'^ ■^^■'^s entered as a student of I.incoln's Inn, and 
appears soon afterwards to have turned his attention to literature. 
He had served as a captain against the Armada, but retired and 
went to live near Cambridge, occupying himself in literary pursuits. 
Notwithstanding the provision made for him by liis father's will 
and the generous help of his elder brother Roger, he was always in 

1568. The freedom of the city of Cambridge was bestowed 

upon him. 
1574. He accompanied his brother Roger, now second Baron 
North, on an embassy-extraordinary to Henry III., 
King of France. Here he probably met Amyot and 
determined to translate Plutarch's Lives. 
1576. His brother Roger made him a present of the lease of a 

house and household stuff. 
15QI. He was knighted. 

1601. He was granted a pension of £^0 a year by Queen 
Elizabeth for good and faitliful service. 

There is no record of his death. 

North's literary work consisted of translations, but ho exerted a 
powerful inlluencc on Elizabethan writers. He has been described 
as the first great master of English prose, and his translation of 
Plutarch's Lives as the high-water mark of Elizabethan transla- 
tions. In 1557 North published The Diall of Princes, a trans- 
lation of Guevara's Libro Atireo, which was a Spanish adaptation 
of the Meditations of Marcus Aurelius, the Lmperor, of which 
editions were issued in 1568. 1582 and 1619. In 1570 he brought 
out his second work, The Moral/ Philosophic of Doni ; drawne 
out of the ancient writers ; second edition, 1601. This was a 
collection of ancient oriental fables, rendered with rare wit and 
vigour from the Italian of Antonio Francesco Doni. In 1570 
there appeared his translation of Plutarch's Lives. North 
dedicated tlie book to Queen Elizabeth, and it was one of the most 
popular during her reign. — DicT. of N.\t. Bioc;R.\r'HY. 

It is written throughout in admirably vivid and robust prose, 
and as a rule his translation is exceedingly accurate, for out of the 
•whole of his translation, consisting of almost i.2(X) folio jjagcs, 
certainly not more than twenty passages can be shewn in wliich 
the sense of the original is not accurately given. Nortli clearly 
must have been a good linguist, for the originals of his three 
works were in Spanish, Italian, and I'rcnch. wliilst it is most 
probable that he knew botli ("ireek and Latin, and iiad a Text of 

iv. Introduction. 

Plutarch in one or both of these languages before him when he 
wrote the Lives. 

Mr. George Wyndham says of North's translation : "In 
substance, then, the book stands alone. Its good fortune has 
been also unexampled. By a chance, this singular image of the 
ancient world has been happy beyond other in the manner of its 
transmission to our time. To quote a quarterly review : ' There 
is no other case of an ancient writer — whether Greek or Latin — 
becoming as well known in translations as he was in the classical 
world, or as great modern writers are in the modern one ' ; and 
for this chance we have to thank one man, Jaques Amyot. But 
for his version we should have received none from North, and 
without these two, Plutarch must have remained sealed to all but 
Greek scholars. For the Daciers and Langhornes could never 
have conquered in right of their own impoverished prose. They 
palmed it off on a public still dazzled by the fame wherewith 
their forerunners had illuminated the Lives, and when these were 
ousted, their own fate became a simple matter of time." 

Dr. Skeat, after pointing out the merits of North's translation, 
and alluding particularly to his " good, racy, and well-expressed " 
English, adds : " He had the advantage of writing at a period 
when nervous and idiomatic English was well understood and 
commonly written ; so that he constantly uses expressions which 
illustrate in a very interesting manner the language of our 
Authorised Version of the Bible." 


Plutarch's Lives consists of a series of the life-stories of 

forty-six famous Greeks and Romans. The author's design was 

to publish authentic biographies, in pairs : a 

THE PLAN OF Greek and a Roman, generally with some 

THE WORK. well-marked resemblance in political career, 

being selected as the subject of each. _ For this 

reason the series is also known as Plutarch's Parallel Lives 

Alexander is the Greek hero with whose life that of Caesar is 

placed in conjunction. In addition to the forty-six lives now 

collected and credited to Plutarch, it is known that he wrote other 

similar lives, such as those of Epaminondas, Augustus, Pindar, 

Hesiod and Tiberius. This we may gather from references by 

Plutarch in several of the known forty-six. The main purpose of 

the historian, who was born a century after Caesar's death and 

wrote at a time when Greece was only part of a Roman province, 

appears to have been to remind haughty Rome that Greece had 

produced in the course of her history a roll of heroes, statesmen 

and commanders, equal in all respects to the greatest of the sons 

of Rome. Each pair of lives, therefore, is marked by some 

resemblance or parallehsm, either in political career,, master 

passion, or the actuating motive of each man's life. 

( V. ) 




Tkcar^ o/Charoneo-, • 

Tranflated out of Grceke into French bylAMes Amiot, Abbot ofBeUo- 

lanc, Bifhop of Auxerre , one ofthc Kings priuie counfcil, and great 



Imprintol at London by Richaid Field fo9 
Bonham Norton, 


vi. Introduction. 

Plutarch has not simply given us historical summaries, but real 
portraits of men, dealing with their personal characteristics, 
iridividual motives and passions, such as 
Plutarch's arrogance, humanity, generosity — all richly 
TREATMENT interspersed with anecdotes, real or imaginary. 
OF These vividly portray the predominating phase 

HISTORY. of character he wished to emphasise. The 

character of his historical writings and the 
author's conception of the duty of a biographer may be gathered 
from his preface to the Life of Alexander, wherein we read: 
" In this volume we shall give the lives of Alexander the Great, 
and of Caesar, who overthrew Pompey ; and as the quantity of 
materials was so great, we shall only premise, that we hope for 
indulgence though we do not give the actions in full detail and 
with a scrupulous exactness, but rather in a short summary : 
since we are not writing Histories but Lives. Nor is it always in 
the most distinguished achievements that mien's virtues or vices 
may be best discerned ; but often an action of small note, a short 
saying, or a jest, shall distinguish a person's real character more 
than the greatest sieges or the most important battles. Therefore, 
as painters in their portraits labour the likeness in the face, and 
particularly about the eyes, in which the peculiar turn of mind 
most appears, and run over the rest with a more careless hand ; 
so we must be permitted to strike off the features of the soul, in 
order to give a real likeness of these great men, and leave to others 
the circumstantial detail of their labours and achievements." 
Such being the spirit in which the philosopher wrote his Lives we 
jhall not be surprised to find that his narratives are sometimes 
void of order, sometimes inaccurate and sometimes encumbered 
with irrelevant digressions. But what is lacking from the 
scholar's or the historian's point of view. is more than compensated 
tor by the humanity and quaint simplicity', combined with keen 
observation of manners, morals and men, and the literary and 
dramatic power of the biographer. Plutarch was a Greek, not a 
_ Roman, philosopher and, consequently, it is. not altogether sur- 
prising that he should be found occasionally inaccurate in matters 
dealing with Roman institutions. " On the whole," says !Mr. 
George Long, " his Roman lives do not often convey erroneous 
notions : if the detail is incorrect, the general impression is true." 
They are, moreover, " written with a graphic and dramatic 
vivacity, such as we find in few biographies, ancient or modern," 
axLd the author's aim throughout appears to have been to enforce 
a^-high standard of morality, ^pregver, he occasionally shows 
prejudices, as many men who possess much individualitj- are apt 
to do. He " was saturated " says Brandes "with the thought 
that conquered Greece was Rome's lord and master in every 
department of the intellectual life. He delivered Greek lectures 
in Rome and could not speak I-atin, while every Roman spoke 
Greek to him and understood it as well as his native tongue. 


Characteristics of the Lives. vii. 

Significantly enough, Roman literature and poetry do not exist 
Tor Plutarch, though he incessantly cites Greek authors and poets 
he never mentions Virgil or Ovid. He wrote about his great 
Romans as an enlightened and unprejudiced Pole jnight, in our 
days, write about great Russians. He. in whose eyes the old 
_jxpiiMLCs-shone-4:ransfigurcd^\:as_notspeciaIIy~ fitl e d t o app i ecia te'' ' ' '" 

It is a curious, though not altogether an uncommon circum- 
stance in relation to genius, that the excellence of Plutarch's 
Lives was not recognised during the life of their author. " Envy," 
we read, " is never conquered but by death " ; but if Plutarch 
was undistinguished by encomiums during his 
POWER AND life, his manes have been amply appeased by 
LATER subsequent atonements. His learning and 

iNi-LUENXE OF wisdom were praised by the Romans, Aulus 
Plutarch's Gellius, Taurus and Eusebius. Honour has 
LJiES. been done to him likewise by Origen, by Pet- 

rarch, by Montaigne, St. Evremond, and 
Montesquieu. Diydcn says he has no parallel. Professor 
Raleigh speaks of his Lives as a " supremely great literary work," 
and adds : " There are a hundred testimonies to the power and 
influence of this book of the ages. It has been the breviary of 
soldiers, statesmen and orators, and has fascinated readers so 
diverse as Henry of Navarre and Hannah More. In Plu- 
tarch Shakespeare found some of the most superb passages of the 
history of the world, great deeds nobly narrated, and great 
characters worthily drawn. Moreover, his material was already 
more than half shaped to his hand, for Plutarch writes lives, not 
annals, and pays more attention to the character of men, even in 
its humblest manifestations, than to the general and pliilosophic 
causes of events. " They who write lives," says Montaigne, 
" by reason that they take more notice of counsels than events, 
more of what proceeds from within doors than of what happens 
without, are the fittest for my perusal ; and tlierefore. of all 
others, Plutarch is the man for me." Plutarch was the man for 
Shakespeare, and in Plutarch alone he sometimes met his match. 
Stopford Brooke, writing in somewhat the same strain, tells us 
that this book of Plutarch's " for nearly two thousand years, has 
been an imaginative insjiiration in the souls of all eager young 
men, and a wise, inqKlling, and thought-stirring jiower in the 
souls of statesmen, philosophers, artists, lawmakers, and of heroic 
souls in every class of men." 

Plutarch, in his Life of Pauliis .Uniilius, describes the clTect and 
the influence which the preparation and comjiosition of his great 
work had ujion liiniself. North translates the passa^^e thus: 

" W'/icn 1 first Iw^an lo icritc lluse lives, my intent teas to f^mfil 
other : but since, continuiut; and Roinf^ on, I have much fyrofiled 
myself by lookinf; into these histories, as if I looked info a glass, to 
frame and fashion my life to the mould and f>altern of these virtuous 
nobknun. Lor running over their manners in this sort, and seeking 

viii. Introduction. 

also to describe iJieir lives : methinks, I am still conversant and 
familiar with them, and so as it were lodge them with me, one after 
another, and ivhen I come to peruse their histories, and to weigh 
the virtues and qualities they have had and what singularity each 
of them possessed and to choose and cull out the ciiiefest things of 
note in them, and their best speeches and doings most worthy of 
memory I cry out : 

' O gods, can there be no more passing pleasure in the world P ' 
But as for me by continual reading of ancient histories and gather- 
ing these lives together which I now leave before you, and by keeping 
always in mind t/ie acts of the most noble, virtuous, and best given 
men of former age, and worthy memory : I do teach and prepare 
tnyself to shake off and banish from me all lewd and dishonest 
condition, if by chance the company and conversation of those whose 
company I keep, do acquaint one ivith some unhappy or ungracious 
touch. This is easy unto me, that do dispose my quiet mind, and 
not troubled with any passion into the deep consideration of so 
many noble examples." 

Plutarch's Lives, written originally in Greek at different dates, 

were first issued in a collected form in 15 17, at Florence. 

Previously, however, in 1470, a splendid Latin 

EDITIONS AND g^ji^ion had been issued at Rome. ■ The Lives 

TRAN.SLATIONS. foj-ming this edition were translated by different 

scholars from the various manuscript copies of each life. Another 

Greek edition was published in Paris in 1624. 

Plutarch's Lives was one of the first of prose works to be 
" brought out of the retreats of the learned " and translated into 
a modern language. Jaques Amyot, a French abbot, having had 
access to the 1470 Latin edition, the Greek edition of 15 17, and a 
variety of manuscripts by means of which he was enabled to 
rectify the text, issued an excellent and spirited translation in 
1559. This is the edition from which Sir Thomas North produced 
the translation of which Shakespeare availed himself. North's 
First Edition was printed in 1579 and was reprinted in 1595, from 
which edition the text of the present volume has been taken. 

Other editions of North's translation were issued in 1603, 1612, 
1631, 1657, 1676, 1895 and 1898. 

Another early French translation, which was extensively read 
in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, was that of Dacier, 
a French classical scholar and academician. 

After the old English translation of Plutarch, no other appeared 
till the time of Dryden. To this edition, which was first published 
in 1702 and which was executed by almost as many translators 
as there are Lives, Dryden himself contributed little more than his 
name and a life of Plutarch. However, it superseded North's 
version in the estimation of the public, and was reprinted four 
times in less than thirty years. Professor Clough revised Dryden's 
text with the original Greek and has issued three editions of his 
version during the last forty years. 

To these may be added the translations of J. and W. Langhofne 
in 1770, and of Aubrey Stewart and George Long in 1848. 

Different Estimates of Caesar. ix. 


To Plutarch, Cii'sar was a^rcat marijjjrcal as a soldier, a i^ciH-ral, 

an oraTof, and a conquuroii^ut he does nol rcprciciiL him as a 

character "gigantic in all its features "; one of 

Plutarch's the world's greatest forces, who " regulated the 

ESTIMATE. destinies of the world for the present and Lhc 

future-.-'* _And that this is so we can hardly 
feel surprise when wc remember that Plutarch was a Greek and 
that he lived a century after Caesar. As a Greek, he was " satur- 
ated with the thought that conquered Greece was Rome's lord 
ynd master in every department of the intellectual lilc."t Living 
when he did hc _was too far rem oved from Caesar to feel his 
rpagic influenceT^too near to view ETiirrn p)Cfspcctivc and fuUy 
understand, or rightly gauge, the greatness and importance of the 
work he accomplished, or that of which he laid the foundatic^ns. 
Moreover, it must never be forgotten Plutarch was a biograj)lier, 
not a historian. As a biographer he pays as much attention to 
pcccadinoes^las to excellences, and more to the manners and 
" singularities " of the subject of his story than he docs to the 
enduring effects of the man's actions. The biography docs not 
portray the man as the leader and perfect representative of the 
historical development of the age in which he lived. And yet it 
must not be supposed that Plutarch held a mean opinion of 
Ca;sar, or that he ever regarded him as anything but great. (See 
page II.) 

Shakespeare's estimate of Julius Caesar must not be gauged by 
his treatment of him in the play that bears his name. We find 
in other places clear enough indications that the 
shakesi'EAKe's dramatist had not misread iiis Plutarcli and 
ESTIMATE. that he knew, at least as well as the biographer, 

what was the true worth of the man. though he 
may not ha\c a])preciated to the full tlie importance of the work 
he accom])]islieii. Horatio, one of Shakespeare's calmest and 
most right-thinUing cliaracters, si)eaks in ilamhtoi " the mightiest 
Julius." In Antony and Clcu/^alnt the heroine speaks of " broad- 
fronted Ca-sar," and in Ktn^ liichard III. tlie young jnince, 
speaking of Ca-sar's fame, says : " Death makes no conipiest of 
this contpieror." In Lymhcline we learn that Julius (a-sar's 
remembrance " will to ears and tongues be theme and lieuring 
ever," and in the same ]i]ay we are told that " there is no more 
such Ca-sars." Henry \ ., Shakespeare's ideal king, is likened to 
a " conquering Caesar," and in // Henry 17. we read tliat 
was stabbed by " l^rutus' bastard iiand." AH these allusions 
tend to show us that Shakespeare had a higlier anil truer appre- 
ciation of Cajsar than would apiJcar from the play. No doubt 

° Moiuntscu. \ Uraudcs. 

X. Introduction. 

the reason for the diminishing of Caesar's greatness in the drama 
IS that Shakespeare's mind was at the time of its composition 
attracted by heroes predestined to faihire rather than by those 
who achieved material success, and that therefore he intended 
Brutus to be his hero : consequently he was compelled to so 
arrange his play that Brutus' should be the heroic part. Hence 
Caesar is diminished until he has become little better than a 
miserable caricature. 

Ben Jonson, Caesar's learned contemporary and a classical 
scholar, sees in Caesar only " a cold, crafty personage " and 
" had probably no deep realisation of his greatness." "It is 
surprising enough to note," says Brandes, " that the scholars 
and poets of the Renaissance, in so far as they 
ELIZABETHAN took sides in the old strife between Caesar and 
-^ND Pompey, were all on Pompev's side. Even in the 

SEVENTEENTH Seventeenth century, in France, under a des- 
CENTURY potism more absolute than Caesar's, the men who 

ESTIMATES. were familiar with antique history, and who, for 
the rest, vied with each other in loyalty and king- 
worship, were unanimously opposed to Caesar. Strange as it may 
seem, it is not until our century, with its hostility to despotism 
and it continuous advance in the direction of democracy, that 
Caesar's genius has been fully appreciated, and the benefits his life 
conferred on humanity have been thoroughly understood." 

From this it will be understood that in modern opinion Cjesar 

ranks amongst the greatest heroes the world has ever known. 

IMommsen, the historian, may well be taken as 

THE MODERN representing the opinion of the age in which 

ESTIMATE. we live, and of Caesar's life and life's work he 

writes as follows : " Now the descendant of 

the Trojan prince and the Latin king's daughter created out of a 

state without distinctive culture and a cosmopolitan civilisation, 

a new whole, in which state and culture again met together at 

the acme of human existence, in the rich fulness of blessed maturity 

and worthily filled the sphere appropriate to such an union. . . 

" Whether the plan was complete, those who venture to vie in 

thought with such a man may decide ; we observe no material 

defects in what lies before us — every single stone of the building 

enough to make a man immortal, and yet all combining to form 

one harmonious whole But precisely because 

the building was an endless one, the master as long as he lived 
restlessly added stone to stone, with always the same dexterity 
and always the same elasticity busy at his work, without ever 
overturning or altering, just as if there were. for "him merely a 
to-day and no to-morrow. Thus he worked and created as never 
any mortal did before or after him ; and as a worker and creator 
he still, after well nigh two thousand years, lives in the memory of 
the nations — the first, and the unique, Imperator Ccesar." ■ 

Shakespeare's Treatment of Plutarch. \i 


{The numbers in brackets refer to the paragraphs in the text.) 

Notwithstanding that Shakespeare derived his materials from 
Phitarch's Life of Ccrsar, and notwithstanding that lie has in his 
play adhered very closely to those j^ortions of tlie history wliich 
he employed for his juirpose, yet, for reasons to which we have 
already alluded, the dramatist leaves us with a false impression 
of what Ca:'sar really was, and of the finalities and actions which 
constitute his greatness. The following brief summary of 
I'lutarch's Life of Ceesar may do something towards cstablisliing 
the biograi)hcr's credit for discernment and veracitv, and will, at 
the same time, show to how great an extent Shakespeare has 
failed to do justice to the nominal liero of his play. 

Wc read that the great Sulla recognised in Caesar even at a 

very early age the possibilities of " many Marians." An anecdote 

is related portraying Qesar's masterfulness. 

Early bravery, iron will, and the great scale on v/hich he acted 
even in his youth. He was captured by pirates 
who demanded a ransom of twenty talents (about /4,cod). 
Cfesar laughed his captors to scorn, promised a ransom of fifty 
talents and, though a jjrisoner, fearlessly ordered them about and 
boldly exercised himself in any pastime they would go to. When 
his ransom came he himself fitted out an expedition, repaid 
himself out of the pirates' booty and " hung up all these tiiicves 
o}>enly upon a cross, as he had oftentimes promised them in the 
isle he would do when they thought he did but jest (3). 

His powers of oratory were such that he 

His eloquence. " was counted the second man for eloquence in 
the State," and he might have been the first 
but that " he was rather given to follow wars and to manage 
great matters " (6). 

The peojile loved him marvellously also. 

His courteous because of the courteous manner he had to 

and gentle speak to every man, and to use them gently. 

manners. being more ceremonious therein than was 

looked for in one of his years (7). This trait 

is frequently referred to : he was also kind and thoughtful 

towards the sick (34), won victories without bloodshed (53), and 

enhanced his power by his " clemency and wonderful courtesy " 


He rejoiced the people's hearts when he 

His fearless boldly defied Sulla and set up the images of 

opposition Marius, bringing " the remembrance of Marius' 

to the honour again into Rome, which had so long 

powerful. been obscured and buried," and the goodwill 

of the people was furtiier increa.sed when tlicy 

saw him "of so kind and gentle a nature" (10). Kvery one 


xii. Introduction. 

marvelled at this boldness, whilst the party of Mairus, which was 
then "under foot," extolled Caesar to the skies (13). Crassus 
also called in aid Caesar's boldness and courage to withstand 
Pompey's greatness in the commonwealth (22). 

His stately shows and lavish prodigality 
His liberal i/y so won the people's hearts that " they devised 
and lavish daily to give him new offices for to requite him." 

expendilurc He spent great sums of money in feasting and 
of money. banqueting in Egypt (66), and acted always 

with the greatest liberality towards his soldiers 

Notwithstanding his love of splendour, his eloquence, and 

occasional addiction to pleasures, yet in war he was always " very 

careful of his business " and won as great fame 

His diligent for his "establishing of peace" and regulating 

attention to law and order as for his conquests {22,). In 

business and spite of a delicate constitution he continued in 

temperate " all labour and hardness " (32), and " took the 

life. pains of war as a medicine to cure his sick body, 

fighting always with his disease, travelling 

continually, living soberly and commonly lying abroad in the 

field " {2,3) ■ His diligence was unsurpassable and he devoted 

the unparalleled energ^^ of his intellectual powers to several 

subjects at once without distraction. " Being born to attempt 

all great enterprises " he took no rest to enjoy his conquests or 

his fame, but determined ever to excel his former self. 

Rome, in Caesar's time, was often the scene of 

He reduces civil discord, harassed by rebellions and 

chaos to turbulent mobs, the market-place sprinkled 

order. with blood, the city " like a ship left without 

a pilot " (48). More than once, when all v\'as 

" tumult and garboil " (52), the presence of Caesar brought order, 

where all before had been uproar and chaos. When Pompey fled 

from the city and took all the Senate with him, Caesar " in less 

than three score days was lord of all Italy without any bloodshed " 

(53). Being created Dictator he repealed oppressive laws, and 

honoured those who were deserving of honour, and resigned his 

Dictatorship after " eleven daj^s only " (54). 

He first won military glory - in Spain, but 
His wars and aftenvards gained greater fame by his wars in 
generalship. Gaul, where his " prowess and deeds of arms " 
did excel those of the Fabians, the Scipios, the 
Metellians, " yea also those of his own time, or long before him, 
as Sulla, Marius, the two Lucullians, and Pompey self" (31). 
He defeated the Tigurinians, the Helvetians and the Germans (38), 
the Belgae and the Nervians (39), and was accorded greater hon- 
ours by the Romans than had ever been paid by them before. 
He punished the Ipes and Tenterides, two great nations of Ger- 
many (40). He was the first Roman to cross the Rhine with an 
army and struck terror into the niost warlikejpcople of Germany 
(41). He first invaded England--—" a noble enterprise and very 

Shakespeare's Treatment of Plutarch. xiii. 

commendable " (42), suppressed serious rebellions among the 
conquered Gauls ; was always very skilful " to take time and 
opportunity and gained a victory at Alexia with exceeding great 
' valiantncss and wisdom.' Armies vanished before him ' as 
a dream or vision' " (46), and he was continually victorious over 
armies many times as great as his own. He defeated Pompey's 
army of veterans though it was " as great again " as his own, and 
showed himself as skilful in stratagem as he was courageous in 
action (64). He won a great victory in Africa over Cato and 
Scipio and " in a little piece of the dav only, he took three camps, 
and slew fifty thousand of his enemies, and lost but fifty of his 
soldiers " (70). After his victory over the sons of Pompey at 
Munda, although his triumph much oflfended the Romans, yet he 
" did so honourably behave liimsclf that there was no fault to be 
found in him " (72). 

Whenever his army was in desperate straits 

His personal he turned apparent defeat into certain victory 

bravery. by his own example of valour. He himself 

fought on foot against the Nervians (30), 

crossed the sea from Apollonia to Brundusium and back again 

" in a little pinnace of twelve oars only," fought against his own 

ensigns when they fled from Pom}>e\' and narrowly escaped being 

slain by " a great big soldier " who refused to face the enemy (57), 

showed great personal bravery against the army of Cato and 

Scipio (69), risked assassination daily in Egypt, refusing a guard 

(66), and on the last day of his life defended himself against all his 

enemies until he saw Brutus, sword in hand (76). 

Whilst in Egypt in a sea-battle. " meaning 

His swimming, to help his men," he leapt from the pier into a 

boat; being surrounded "he, leaping into the 

sea, with great hazard saved himself by swimming" — swimming 

with one hand and holding books over his head in the other (66). 

What tended more than anything else to 

The devotion make Caesar well nigh invincible was the 

and loyalty of devotion and loyalty of his soldiers to their 

his soldiers. leader, more particularly those of his favourite 

legion, the tenth. They marvelled at his 

"greedy desire of honour" (32), and vied with one another to 

distinguish themselves in his sight or in his service. Even when 

they complained of their wounds and their hardships, on seeing 

their general " then they straight changed their complaints and 

minds " (55). In return he behaved with great liberality 

towards them and won their love by his thoughtfulncss and care 

of them (32). 

Though Caesar could use stern measures when 

His clemency, circumstances called for sternness, yet we hear 

more of his clemencv tlian of his severity. 

After his victory over Pompey at Pharsalia he pardoned his 

greatest enemies, even honouring Hrutiis and Cassiiis in tlic 

xiv. Introduction. 

commonwealth and restoring to credit the memory' of Pompey 
himself : so that when he was appointed perpetual Dictator, 
" amongst other honours the Romans gave him, he rightly 
deserved this, that they should build him a temple of Clemency'' 
(72). After the victory of Pharsalia he " wrote unto his friends 
at Rome, that the greatest pleasure he took of his victory was, 
that he daily saved the lives of some of his countrymen that bare 
arms against him " (66) : being warned against Brutus shortly 
before his assassination he refused to believe him " unthankful 
or dishonourable " (75). 

Caesar projected wonderful works of engin- 

Ca-sar's other eering — canals, drains, sewers, and dredging of 

wonderful harbours {/!;). He reformed the calendar and 

works and " did set forth an excellent and perfect calendar 

projects. more exactly calculated than any other was 

before " {7^); he regulated laws between debtor 

and creditor, \\Tote his own Commentaries and other works which 

rivalled Cicero's in popularity (70), and restored cities that had 

been destroyed, and colonised them with his veteran soldiers (72). 

In Spain he burst into tears on thinking of 

CcBsar was King Alexander's glory greater than his own. 

ambitious and Passing over the Alps, he said he would rather 

became hated, be " the chiefest man " in a little poor village 

" than the second person in Rome " {22). 

" The chiefest cause," says Plutarch, " that made him mortally 

hated was the covetous desire he had to be called king ; which 

first gave the people just cause, and next his secret enemies 

honest colour, to bear him ill-will " (74). 

Caesar's death resulted from this same hatred 
Ccesar's of the people and the ill-disguised contempt he 

death. now showed for the people, whom he did not 

hesitate to call " beasts and fools " (75). Cassius 
fanned the flame of jealousy in the breast of Brutus, and those 
on whom he had lavished the greatest favours proved his most 
deadly enemies. His death was preceded by many " strange and 
wonderful signs." When, on the fatal day, he would have ad- 
journed the session of the Senate he was over persuaded by 
Dccius Brutus, in whom he had such confidence " that in his 
last will and testament he had appointed him to be his next 
heir" (76). 

After his death on the Ides of March " his 

Caesar's great prosperity and good fortune that favoured 

spirit. him all his lifetime, did continue afterwards in 

the revenge of his death, pursuing the mur- 

therers both by sea and land, till they had not left a man more 

to be executed, of all them that were actors or counsellors in the 

conspirac}^ of his death" {7?>). Moreover, many signs appeared in 

the elements ; " but, above all, the ghost that appeared unto 

Brutus showed plainly, that the gods were offended with the 

murder of Caesar " (78). 

The Contrast in Shakespeare. xv. 


What a contrast there is between the impression left upon us by 
Plutarch's Life of Casar and the picture which is drawn for us by 
Shakespeare ! In the play Ca-sar appears as an invaliil. deaf 
of one ear, incapacitated for strenuous effort by his liability to 
the " falling sickness," given to fainting, and envying Cassius' 
powers of swimming. He is a boaster and speaks " in the style 
of a glorious vapourer and braggart, full of lofty airs and mock- 
thunder " ; his military genius is barely touched upon ; he is as 
superstitious as an old woman, fearful lest he should be thought 
to be afraid, boasts of his firmness and is for ever wavering. His 
wisdom is consumed in confidence, he acts incautiously, and is 
blind to the dangers which threaten him and which all other 
eyes see clearly. 

'• As Shakespeare conceives the situation, the Republic which 
Caesar overthrew might have continued to exist but for him, and 
it was a criminal act on his part to destroy it. 

But the old aristocratic Republic had already fallen to pieces 
when Cjesar welded its fragments into a new monarchy. Sheer 
lawlessness reigned in Rome. The populace was such as even the 
rabble of our own great cities can give no conception of : not the 
brainless mob, for the most part tame, only now and then going 
wild through mere stupidity, which, in Shakespeare, listens to the 

orations over Caesar's body and tears Cinna to pieces 

Regular battles took place on the Camjjus Marlins at every elec- 
tion, and no man of position ever appeared in the streets without 
a bodyguard of gladiators and slaves. " If we try to conceive to 
ourselves," wrote Mommscn, in 1837, " a London with the slave 
population of New Orleans, with the ])olice of Constantinople, 
with the non-industrial character of the modern Rome, and 
agitated by politics after the fashion of the Paris of 1.S4S. we shall 
acquire an approximate idea of the republican glory, the departure 
of which Cicero and his associates in their sulky letters deplore. 

Compare with this picture Shakespeare's conception of .m 
ambitious Cxsar striving to introduce monarchy into a well- 
ordered republican state." * 


" Ca?sar. as opposed to Cato— and afterwards as opposed to 
Brutus— is the many-sided genius who loves life anil action and 
l)ower, in contradistinction to the narrow Puritan who hates such 
emancipated spirits, partly on principle, partly from instinct. 

" What a strange misunderstanding that Shakespeare — himself 
a lover of beauty, intent on a^hfe of activity, enjoyment, and 
satisfied ambition, who always stood to Puritanism in the same 

" Braiidcs. 

xvi. Introduction. 

hostile relation in which Caesar stood — should, out of ignorance, 
take the side of Puritanism in this case, and so disqualify himself 
from extracting from the rich mine of Caesar's character all the 
gold contained in it. In Shakespeare's Caesar we find nothing 
of the magnanimity and sincerity of the real man. He never 
assumed a hypocritical reverence towards the past, not even on 
questions of grammar. He grasped at power and seized it, but 
did not, as in Shakespeare, pretend to reject it. Shakespeare 
has let him keep the pride which he in fact displayed but has 
made it unbeautiful, and eked it out with hypocrisy."* 


Shakespeare, in his play of Julius Ccssar, has misrepresented the 
Caesar of histor}^ and the Caesar of Plutarch- This fact has been 
made clear in the preceding pages ; but it must not be concluded 
therefrom that Shakespeare read his Plutarch carelessly or that 
in his Roman plays he was in the habit of drawing too freely upon 
his imagination. The exact contrary is the case. Whereas from 
Holinshed's chronicles he took nothing but the course of events, 
the outline of the leading characters, and a few anecdotes which 
suited his purpose ; and whereas from the old novelists, like 
Bandello or Cinthio, he took only the outlines of the plots and 
relied upon his own craft and experience for the making of the 
play, in the case of Plutarch he followed an entirely different 
method ; " partly because in Plutarch, at a time when his interest 
was attracted to politics, he found the best political handbook in 
the world ; and not less because Plutarch was near enough to the 
crisis of Roman histor}^ to catch a measure of the thrilling and 
convincing quality of things seen and heard."! The whole 
drama of Julius Ccesar may be read in North's translation of 
Plutarch. Read consecutively the lives of Caesar, Brutus and 
Antony and 3^ou will find in them almost every detail of Julius 
Ccesar. And not only the details : you will find also, in many 
cases, that the very words and phrases of North are reproduced in 
the play. How closely he followed his authority can only be 
made evident by a careful comparison between the drama and 
the Life. In order to assist the student in making this comparison 
parallel passages from the Life and the play have been printed 
side by side on pp. 79 — 89 of this volume. 

Archbishop Trench, speaking on the subject of .Shakespeare's 
obligation to Sir Thomas North, says : " It is hardly an exaggera- 
tion to say that the whole play — and the same stands good of 
Coriolanus no less — is to be found in Plutarch. Shakespeare 
indeed has thrown a rich mantle of poetry over all, which is often 
wholly his own ; but of the incident there is almost notlung 

' Brandes. t Raleigh. 

North's Preface. xvii. 

which he does not owe to Plutarch, even as continually he owes 
the very wording to Sir Thomas North." 

Dr. Brandes, after instancing Shakespeare's fidelity to Plutarch 
" down to the minutest trait," adds : " Here and there we find 
small and subtle divergences from the original, which may be 
traced now to Shakespeare's temperament, now to his view of 
life, and again, to his design in the play. Plutarch, for example, 
has not Shakespeare's contempt for the populace, and does not 
make them so senselessly fickle. Then, again, he gives no hint 
for Brutus' soliloquy before taking the final resolution (11. i.). 
For the rest, wherever it is possible, Shakespeare employs the 
very words of North's translation. Nay, more, he accepts the 
characters, such as Brutus, Portia, Cassius, just as they stand in 
Plutarch. His Brutus is absolutely the .same as Plutarch's ; 
his Cassius is a man of somewhat deeper character." 

For details as to the characters of Shakespeare's play and 
points of divergence from historical fact, together with reasons 
for the changes made by Shakespeare, the student is referred to 
the Oxford and Cambridge edition of Julius Ccesar. 

Shakespeare made use of Plutarch's Lives again in the composi- 
tion of Coriolanns, in which we see the same marvellous work of 
adaptation as in Julius Ccesar, and in a less degree in his play of 
Antony and Cleopatra. There are indications also in other plays 
that Shakespeare had read other lives than those already alluded 
to. Passages in Tinion of Athens point to the dramatist's fami- 
liarity with the I>ife of Antonius and with that of Alcibiades ; 
Midsummer Night's Dream contains an allusion to the Life of 
Theseus ; He)iry V. alludes to the story of Alexander and Clitus, 
told by Plutarch ; Henry VI. contains an allusion to the ship 
" which Caesar and his fortune bare at once." Many names 
occurring in the Dramatis Personae of Shakespeare's plays may 
have been taken from Plutarch : such are Marcellus, Cornelius 
and Claudius [Hamlet) ; Camillus and Antigonus [Winter's Tale), 
and a considerable number in Timon of Athens. Merchant of 
Venice, Measure for Measure, and Love's Labour Lost also contain 
names which may have been derived fiom Plutarch. 



The profit of stories, and the praise of the Authors, arc 
suflicicntly declared by Amiot, in his Epistle to the Reader ; so 
that I sliall not need to make many words thereof. And, indeed, if 
you will supply the defects of this translation with your own 
diligence and good understanding you shall not need to trust liini 
[i.e. AmiotJ : You may prove yourselves that there is no profane 
study better than Plutark. All other learning is private, litter for 
Universities than cities, fuller of contemplation than of experience. 



more commendable in students themselves than profitable to 
others. AA'hcreas stories are fit for every place, reach to all 
persons, serve for all times, teach the living, revive the dead, 
so far excelling all other books as it is better to see learning in 
noblemen's lives, than to read it in philosopher's writings. Now, 
for the Author, I will not deny but love may deceive me, for I 
must needs love him with whom I have taken so much pain, but 
I believe I might be bold to affirm that he hath written the story 
of all Authors. For all other were fain to take their matter as 
the fortune of the countries where they wrote fell out ; but this 
man, being excellent in wit, in learning and experience, hath 
chosen the special acts of the best persons, of the famousest 
nations of the world. But I will leave the judgment to yourselves. 
My only purpose is to desire you to excuse the faults of my 
translation with your own gentleness, and with an opinion of my 
diligence and good intent. And so I wish you all the profit of the 
book. Fare ye well. The four and twen.tieth day of January, 
1579. Thomas North. 

'- plan of rome. 



Porta. Solaria- 

<is Ira.. 

_ ^ , lionianum *- 

p. P. FaUicixi'^:=^rj^/ + r°^i Od t • 


P. T3yurtina, 

■ ■ v\ 

S P.'froene^tiiux 

2 Capilolif rn 

3 Pcjxtheini 
4r Mausoleum. 'lagust 

C.GxU ^Son0 

2 -I 

2 R- 





•-J to i. -^ 



t "l 


^ J 



The asterisks * tn the margin indicate lines dealt with in the notes. 

Shakespearian References in the notes are to the Oxford and 

Cambridge Edition. 

* 1 At what time Sulla was made lord of all, 
Caesar joined he would have had Caesar put away his 

=:= with Cinna wife Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna Dictator : 

and Marius. but when he saw he could neither with any 

promise nor threat bring him to it, he took 

* her jointure away from him. The cause of Caesar's ill-will 

* unto Sulla was by means of marriage : for Marius the elder 

* married his father's own sister, by whom he had Marius the 

* younger, whereby Caesar and he were cousin-gcrmans. 

2 Sulla being troubled in weighty matters, putting to death 
so man^' of his enemies, when he came to be conqueror, he 
made no reckoning of Caesar : but he was not contented to 
be hidden in safety, but came and made suit unto the people 

* for the priesthoodship that was void, when he had scant any 
hair on his face. Howbeit he was repulsed by Sulla s means, 
that secretly was against him. Who when he was determined 
to have killed him, some of his friends told him that it was 

* to no purpose to put so young a boy as he to death. But Sulla 
told them again, that they did not consider that there were 
many Marians in that young boy. Caesar, understanding that, 
stale out of Rome and hid himself a long time in the 

*/ country of the Sabines, wandering still from place to place. 

/ But one day, being carried from house to house, he fell into 

'' the hands of Sulla's soldiers, who searched all those places and 

took them whom they found hidden. Caesar bribed the 

* captain, whose name was Cornelius, with two talents which 
he gave him. 

r Sulla (see p. 75). I M scant — scarcely, liatHly. C/. Wvatt, 

; Cinna (sec p. 75). , AhscitiC of his Love, ' I h.ivc ii,int the 

tj Jointure— 1'rcnK.Tty sultlcd u|i jm a woman simcc lo mark my cotiiiiiiiiK cml.' 

at her iiiarriiijjL-, to be cn]oycd by bur | m ho. Grammar ri:i]uircs him. 

aft.r her death. SabtiiOg («cc p. 77). 

:• Marius (m'<: p. -0. 
s father's own sister— Caisar's father's 

I) cousln-germans— first cousins, t.«. cousins 

Sttll- continually. 
26 talents. There were iw Km. Is of talents 
iiiioii^ the K>>rn.iMS -tl e ^Ti at talent^ 

ha\inii the same grandfather. ahoul £.100, ..lid the little talent -• £75. 

North's Translation of 

;;; Caesar took 
sea and went 
unto Nicomedes 
* King of Bithynia 

Caesar taken 
of pirates. 

3 After he had escaped them thus, he went 
unto the seaside arid took ship, and sailed 
into Bitliynia to go unto King- Nicomedes. 30 
"When he had been with him a while, he took 
' sea again, and was taken by pirates about the 
Isle of Pharmacusa : for those pirates kept all 
upon that sea-coast, with a great fleet of ships ' 
and boats. They asking him at the first 
twenty talents for his ransom, Caesar laughed 
them to scorn, as though they knew not 
what a man they had taken, and of himself 
promised them fifty talents. Then he sent his men up and 
down to get him this money, so that he was left in manner 40 
alone among these thieves of the Cilicians ^ (which are the 
cruellest butchers in the world), with one of his friends, and 
two of his slaves only : and yet he made, so little reckoning of 
them, that when he was desirous to sleep, he sent unto them 
to command them to make no noise. Thus was he eight and 
thirty days among them, not kept as prisoner, but rather 
waited upon by them as a prince. All this time he would 

boldly exercise hiinself in any sport or pastime they would go 
to. And other while also he would write verses and make 
orations and call them together to say them before them : 50 
and if any of them seemed as though they had not understood 
him, or passed not for them, he called them blockheads and 
brute beasts, and laughing, threatened them that he would 
hang them up. But they were as merry with the matter as 
could be, and took all in good part, thinking that this his 
bold speech came through the simplicity of his youth. So 
when his ransom was come from the city of Miletus, they being 
paid their money, and he again set at liberty : he then presently 
armed and manned out certain ships out of the haven of 
Miletus, to follow those thieves, whom he found yet riding at 60 ' 
anchor in the same island. So he took the most of them, and 
had the spoil of their goods, but ior their bodies, he brought 
them into the city of Pergamum, and there committed them 
to prison, whilst he himself went to speak 
Junius, Praetor with Junius, who had the government of Asia, 
of Asia. as unto whom the execution of these pirates 

30 Bithynia (see p. -jj). 

33 Pharmacusa, off Miletus (see p. 77). 

41 Cilicians (see p. ^^). 

52 passed not— did not care. 

57 Miletus (see p. ■/■!). 

58 presently— immediately. 
63 Pergamum (see p. 77). 
65 Asia (see p. ^^), 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 

did belong, for that he was Praetor of that country. .But 
this Praetor having a great fancy to be fingering of the money, 
because there was good store of it : answered, that he would 
Qonsider of these prisoners at belter leisure. 

4 Caesar leaving Junius there, returned again unto Pergamum, 
and there hung uji all tliese thieves openly upon a cross, as he 
had oftentimes promised them in the isle he would do, when they 
thought he did but jest. 

5 Afterwards when Sulla's power began to decay, Caesar's 
friends wrote unto him, to pray him to come home again. 
But he sailed first unto Rhodes, to study there a time under 
Apollonius the son of Molon, whose scholar also Cicero was, 
ior he was a very honest man and an excellent good rhetorician. 

6 It is reported that Caesar had an excellent 
Caesar's natural giTl to speak well before the people, 

eloquence. and besides that rare gift, he was excelleritly 
well-studied, so that doubtless he was counted 
the second man for eloquence in his time, and gave place to 
the first because he would be the first and chiefest man of war 
and authority, being not yet come to the degree of perfe ction 
to speak well, \vhicli his nature could have performed in him, 
because he was given rather to follow wars and to nianage 
great matters, which in the end brought him to be^ Lord of all 
Rome.. And therefore in a book he wrote against that which 
Cicero made in the praise of Cato he prayeth the readers not 
to compare the style of a soldier, with the eloquence of an 
excellent orator, that had followed it the most part of his life. 
7 When he was returned again unto Rome, he accused Dolabella 
for his ill behaviour in the government of his province, and he 
had divers cities of Greece that gave in evidence against him. 
Notwithstanding, Dolabella at tlie length was dismissed. 
Caesar, to recpiite the good will of the Grecians, which they 
had shewed him in his accusation of Dolabella, took their cause 
in hand, when they did accuse Publius .\ntonius before Marcus 
Lucullus, Praetor of Macedon : and followed it so hard against 
liim in their behalf, that Antonius was driven to appeal before 
the Tribunes at Rome, alleging, to colour his appeal withal. 
that lie could have no justice in Greece against tlie Grecians. 
Xow Caesar immediately wan many men's goodwills at Rome, 
through his eloepience, in pleading of their causes : and the 




f>7 Praetor (see p. 75'. 
77 Rhodes (see |>. 77). 
7"^ Apollonius (see p. 75). 
7» Cicero (see p. 75V 

79 honest — here used in its oriKiiial sensu 
of hotioiirabic, from honatus - 

91 Cato (see p. 75). 

93 it -fl">qufnce or oratory. 

91 Dolabella (sec p. 7S)- 

Noplh's Translation of 


people loved him marvellously also, because of the courteous 
manner he had to speak to every man, and to use them gently, 
being more ceremonious therein than was looked for in one of 
his years. no 

8 Furthermore, he ever kept a good board, 
Caesar loved and fared well at his table, and he was very 
hospitality. liberal besides : the which indeed did advance 
him forward, and brought him in estimation 
with the people. His enemiesjudging that 
Caesar, this fav our^ of the com mon^eople_WL Oind~sb on 

cx^' a follower of quail, wlien he could no j.onger hold out th at 
the people. charge and expense : suffered him to_xiiii_on, 
till by little and little he was grown tO-be_pf 
great strength and power. But in fine, wheruthev had thus 120 
given hir n^the bridle to grow to this greatn ess, and that thej^ 
could not then pull him back, though indeed in sight it would 
turn one day to the destruction of the whole state and common- 
.•f - _. ^ wealth of Rome : too late they found, that there is not so little 
a beginning of anything, but continuance of time will soon 
^t^ make it strong, when through contempt there is no impediment 

to hinder the greatness. Thereupon, Cicero like a wise ship- 
master that feareth the calmness of the sea, was the first man 
that mistrusting his manner of dealing in the commonwealth, 
found out his craft and malice, which he cunningly cloked 130 
under the habit of outward courtesy and familiarity. 

9 " And yet," said he, "when I consider 
Cicero's iudg- how finely he combeth his fair bush of hair, 

, f- r- and how smooth it lieth, and that I see him 

ment of Caesar. ,,.,,.,_ 

scratch his-* head with one finger only : my 

mind gives me then, that such a kind of man 
should not have so wicked a thought in his head, as to over- 
throw the state of the commonwealth." But this was long 

time after that. JChe first show and proof 140 
The love of the of^the love and goodwill which the peopje did 
=■- people in Rome bear unto Caesar, was : when he sued to be 
''■' onto Caesar. Tribune of the soldiers (to wit, Colonel of a 

thousand footmen) standing against Caius 
Pompilius, at Avhat time he was preferred and chosen 
Caesar chosen before him. But the second and more 
Tvihi^nus miUtum. manifest proof than the first, was at the 

117 quail. Sink, fail, perish from A.S. I it. i, ' By his attorneys-general to sue Ws 

cu'i'lait, tj die. C/. Cymbeline V. v. 14, Hvery.' 

' My false spirits ^Wf/.' 143 Tribune of the soldiers — the chief 

122 ia sight— obviously. officers of a legion, wiio commanded 

142 sued -=ouj;ht, beg^jed, asked for, from under the Consul. They were six in 

O.F. score, sitir, Fr. stiivre, to follow, number, and we.e termed Tribunns 

from Low L. sequo. C/. Richard II. MiliUtm. 


Plutarch's Julius Ccesar. 

Caesar made 
the funeral 
oration at the 
death of his 
aunt Julia. 




death of his aunt Julia, the wife of Marius 
the elder. For being her nephew, he made a 
solemn oration in the market-place in com- 
nuMidution of her, and at her burial did boldly 
venture to shew forth the images of Marius : 
the which was the first time that they were 
seen after Sulla's victory, because that 
Marius and all his confederates had been 
proclaimed traitors and enemies to the 
For when there were some that cried nut 
upon Caesar for doing of it : the people on the other side kci>l 
a stir, and rejoiced at it, claj^ping of their hands and thanked 
him for that he had brought as it were out of hell, the remem- 
brance of Marius' honour again into Rome, which had so long 
time been obscured and buried. 

10 And where it had been an ancient custom 
of long time that the Romans used to make 
funeral orations in praise of old ladies and 
matrons wlien they died, but not of young 
women : Caesar was the first that praised 
his own wife with funeral oration when she 
was dead, the which also did increase the 

people's goodwills the more, seeing him of so kind and gentle i;o<^<3 

11 After the burial of his wife, lie was niatle 
Treasurer under Antislius \'etus, Tractor, 
wliom lie honoured ever after : so that when 
himself came to be Praetor, he made liis .son 

to be chosen treasurer. Afterwards, when he was come out 
of that office, he married his third wife' 
Pompcia, having a daughter by his first wife 
Cornelia, which w.xs jjnarried unto Pomjiey 
tlie Great. Now for tliat he was very liberal 
in expenses, buying (as some thought) but t 
vain and short glory of the favour of the people-: (where indeed 
he bought good cheap the greatest things that could be.) Some 
say, that before he bare any office in the commonwealth, he 
was grown in debt, to the sum of thirteen hundred talents. 
1' urthermore, because he was made overseer of the work, for 

Caesar the 

first that 

praised his 

wife in funeral 


\ j Caesj 

ar made 

Caesar's third 


mS aunt JuUa-^the sister of Cains Julius 
t .1, t.-itlier of Ca-sar, the Uictalor. 

15. cried out upon— Waine.l. 

1-4 Qu.\e8tor (Sre [\ 75). 

17s Pjmpela. C.Tiar's third wife. She 
ih(- (liiiiKhtcr of (.Jui^tiis P.>iii|Miiis 
Kufus, son of a c )nsul of B.C. t-8, and 

of Cornelia, dauKhtcr of the dictator 

1R1 good cheap ch 

' h <n in.irLh' tp. 

f'f. Cower 11. i( >. ' luculuiinui 

niakrth the corn kooJ ch/ap.' 

itf} thirteen hunilrod talents - i'tv\>>tyy 

North's Translation of 

* the highway going unto Appius, he disbursed a great sum of 
his own money towards the charges of the same. And on the 

* other side, when he was made Aedile, for that he did shew the 
people the pastime of three hundred and twenty'- couple of 190 

* sword-pla3'ers.»and did besides exceed all other in sumptuous- 
ness in the sports and common feasts Avhich he made to delight 

them withal : (and did as it were drown all 

Caesar's the stately shows of others in the like, that 

prodigality. had gone before him)/ he so pleased the people, 

aiLd_ wan their love therewith, that they 

devised daily to give him new offices for to requite him. 

12 At that time there were two factions in Rome, to wit, the 
faction of Sulla, which was very strong and of great power, and 
the other of Marius, which then was under foot and durst not 200 
shew itself. But Caesar because he would renew it again, 
even at that time when he being Aedile, all the feasts and 

* common sports were in their greatest ruff : he secretly caused 
images of Marius to be made, and of victories that carried 

* triumphs and those he set up one night within the Capitol. 
I The next morning when every man saw the glistering of 

these golden images excellently well-wrought, shewing by the 
inscriptions, that they were the victories which Marius had wan 

* upon the Cimbrians : every one marvelled much at the bold- 
ness of him that durst set them up there, knowing well enough 210 
who it was. 

13 Hereupon it ran straight through all the 

Caesar accused city, and every man came thither to see them. 

to make Then some cried out upon Caesar, and said 

■■• rebellion in I it was a tyranny which he meant to set up, 

the State*-^ ^Y renewing of such honours as before had 

^ ^-- — '^ been trodden under foot, and forgotten, by 

^'^ommon decree and open proclamation : and that it was no ' 

* more but a bait to gage the people's goodwills, which he had 
set out in the statelv shows of his common plays, to see if he 220 

* had brought them to his lure, that they would abide such parts 
tcrlje played, and a new alteration of things to be made. They 
of ]\Iarius' faction on the other side, encouraging one another, 
shewed themselves straight a great number gathered together, 
and made the mount of the Capitol ring again with their cries 
and clapping of hands : insomuch as the tears ran down many 

187 highway going unto Appius (see p. 77). 

189 Aedile (see p. 75). 

191 other — others. C/. I. Corinthians xi. 21, 
' Every one taketh before other.' 

191 sword-players— gladiators (see p. 75). 

203 greatest ruff. Literally, ruff was a 
lar^e callar of muslin or linen so puffed 
out as to malce a large display, a state 

of roughness, hence riotous conduct, 
festivity. Cf. North's Plutarch, p. 849, 
' So they being in this. ri*^ and jollity.' 

203 Capitol (see p. 77). 
209 Cimbrians (see p. 77). 
215 tyranny. Absolute pjwer or sove- 
reignty (not necessardy oppressive). 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 

of their checks for vcr>' joy, when they saw the imafrcs of 
ius, and\jL 




Mari iis, and vthev cx tollc d-Caesa,'- f' ^'^" «?1.-if^g jn^l nrincr j^ jrn 
* the worthiest man of all the kinrecl of Maiius T/ 1 'h- Scngle^/ 
being assembled thereupon, Catulus Liitatius one of the greatest "^.v 
authorities at that time in ]?omc, rose, and vchcmcnllv in- 
vcighcd against Caesar, and spake that then which ever since \ '^'^><^ 
hath been noted much : that Caesar did not now covertly go 
to work, but b:w:-plaiiLj;nrrr san|"[ht to alter the stnto^ of th e 
oom mon wealth . Ne\-crthclcss, Caesar at that time answered 
him so that the Senate was satisfied. Thereupon they that liad 
him in estimation did grow in better hope than before, and 
persuaded him, that hardily he should give place to no man. 
and that through the goodwill of the people, he should be 
better than all the3^ and come to be the chicfcst man of the -^° 

14 At that time, the chief bishop Metellus 
The death of died, and two of the notablest men of the 

Metellus, chief city, and of greatest authority (Isauricus and 
Bishop of Rome. Catulus) contended for his room : Caesar, 
notwithstanding their contention, would give 
neither of them both place, but presented him.sclf to tiic people, 
and made suit for it as they did. The suit being equal betwixt 
either of them, Catulus, because he was a man of greater calling 
and dignity than the other, doubting the uncertainty of the 250 
election, sent unto Caesar a good sum of money, to make him 
leave off his suit. But Caesar sent him word again, that he 
would lend a greater sum than that, to maintain the suit against 
him. When the day of the election came, his mother bringing 
him to the door of his house, Caesar weeping, kissed her, and 
said : " Mother, this day tliou shalt see thy son chief bishop of 
Komc, or banished from Komc." 

15 In fine, when the voices of the people were 

gathered together, and the strife well debated. 
Caesar made r^ ,. . . , 1 .1 <- . 

Caesar waji_thc victory;, and made the Senate zfo 

chief Bishop andlK^JBinlillalraidlDf liini^fQLJ^^ ^_ 

of Rome. thought that thenccf ortli he would__make ^^^^"^ 

the ixopTc ~do~what he thought good . 
16 Then Catulus and I^iso fell flatly out with Cicero, and con- 
demned liim for that he did not l.cwrav Caesar, when he 

Cf. SM\TH—Cnmmomccalth, bk.I., ch.vii.. 

' .\ tyrant they nanio liiin. who liy force 

coniiiictli to thc! monarchy awainsl the 

will (if the people." 
-'0 g'igo— (KaiiKe) ciiKaRC, win over. 
221 lure — enticinioiit. Cf. 'The hire of 

iiKvi Itv and thirst of cain.' — IIrookk. 
225 klnred ^ kimlre.!, fr..m AS. rvii, kin, 

•111 I M(,/< II. slate. The ' <l ' is redundant, 
as in ' ihiindrr' and ' j^ander.' 

230 Catulus (sec p. 75). 

242 Chief bishop |m < p. 75). 

245 room. <!. .Vet-- wiv. 27, ' Festus caiDC 
iiilM l"rh\ iii.i;m.' 

248 the suit being equal - the prospects 
of lieinK chosen were equal. 

8 North's Translation of 

* knew that he was of conspiracy with Catihne, and had 

opportunity to have done it. For when 

Caesar- sus- Catihne was bent and determined, not only 

pected to be to overthrow the state of the commonwealth, 

confederate but utterly to destroy the Empire of Rome, 270 

with Catiline in ^^ scaped out of the hands of justice for lack 

his conspiracv °^ sufficient proof, before his full treason and 

determination was known. Notwithstanding 

he left Lentulus and Cethegus in the city, companions of his 

conspiracy : unto whom, whether Caesar did give any secret 

help or comfort, it is not well known. Yet this is manifest, that 

* when they were convinced in open Senate, Cicero being at that 
time Consul, asking every man's opinion in the Senate, what 
punishment they should have, and every one of them till it 
came to Caesar, gave sentence they should die : Caesar then 280 
psing up to speak, made an oration (penned and premeditated 
before) and said, (^hat it was neither lawful, nor yet their 
custom did bear it, to put men of such nobility to death^(but 

* in an exti'emity) without lawful indictment and condemnation. 

And therefore, that if they were put in prison 

Caesar went in some city of Italy, where Cicero thought 

about to best, until that Catiline were overthrown : 

deh'ver the the Senate then might at their pleasure 

conspirators. quietly take such order therein, as might best 

appear unto their wisdoms. This opinion 290 
was thought more gentle, and withal was uttered with such a 
passing good grace and eloquence, that not only they which 
were to speak after him did approve it, but such also as had 
spoken to the contrary before, revoked their opinion and stuck 
to his, until it came to Cato and Catulus to speak. 

17 They both did sharply inveigh against 

him, but Cato chiefly : who in his oration made 
Gate's oration Caesar suspected to be of the conspiracy, 
against Caesar, and stoutly spake against him insoniuch that 

the offenders were put into the hands of the 300 

officers to be put to death. Caesar coming 
out of the Senate, a company of young men which guarded 
Cicero for the safety of his person, did set upon him with their 
swords drawn. But some say, that Curio covered Caesar with 
his gown, and took him out of their hands. And Cicero self, 
when the young men looked upon him, beckoned with his head 

266 Catiline (see p. 75). 

277 convinced— convicted. 

284 indictment — charge or accusation 

313 him— j.e. Caesar. 
321 frank— free. 

3:13 five hundred and fifty.. This is seven 
hundred and fifty in Plutarch. 

324 myriads. A myriad was 10,000 
drachmas, a drachma being a silver 
coin worth 6 oboH, that is, 9jd., and 
about equal to a Roman denarius. 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 9 

that they should not kill him, either fearing the fury of the ^-OJ 
pOQplc, or else that he thought it too shameful and wicked a 
part- But if that were true, I marvel why Cicero did not put 
it into his book he wrote of his consulship. But certainly they 3u 
blamed him afterwards, for that he took not the opportunity 
offered him against Caesar, only for overmuch fear of the people. 

* that loved him very dearly. For shortly after, when Caesar 
went into the Senate, to clear himself of certain presumptions 
and false accusations objected against him, and being bitterly 
taunted among them, the Senate keeping him longer than they 
were wont : the people came about the council house, and called 
out aloud for him, bidding them let him out. Cato then fearing 
the insurrection of the poor necdj' persons, which were they 
that put all their hope in Caesar, and did also move the 3*0 

* people to stir : did persuade the Senate to make a frank 
distribution of corn unto them, for a month. This distribution 

* did put the commonwealth to a new charge of five hundred and 

* fifty myriads. This counsel quenched a present great fear, 
and did in happy time scatter and disperse abroad the best part 
of Caesar's force and power, at such time as he was made 

* Praetor,-and that for respect of his office he was most to be f^ 
feared. Yet all the time he was officer, he never sought any 
alteration in the commonwealth, but contrarily he himself had 

a great misfortune fell in his own house, which was this. 33' 

18 There was a young nobleman of the order 

■*= The love of P. of the Patricians, called Publius Clodius, who 

Clodius unto lacked neither wealth nor eloquence, but 

Pompeia, otherwise as insolent and impudent a person. 

Caesars wife '^'^ '^"V ^^'^^ ^'^*^ '" Rome. He became in love 

with Pompeia Caesar's wife, who misliked 

* not witlial : notwithstanding she was so straiglitly Icwkcd 
to, and that Aurclia (Caesar's mother) an honest gentlewoman 
had such an eye of her, that these two lovers could not meet 

as they would, without great peril and difficulty. 340 

* 19 The Romans do use to iionour a goddess 
The good god- which they call the good goddess, as the 
dess- what she Grecians have her whom they call Gynaccia, 

. , to wit, the Koddess of women. IkrtlicPhry- 

was, and her i 1 ^ i i- . .1 

gians do claim to be peculiar unto tliem, 

sacrifices. raying : that she is King Midas' mother. 
Ilowbeit the Romans hold opinion, that it 

3*7 Praetor (see p. 75). 

33a Publius Clodius (sec p. 75). 

337 Btralghtly -strictly. Among Elizal'cilian 
wriiers, ' slraiKht ' from, A. S. sirchi, from 
itrtcciin to Mrctcli, and 'iltail' from 
O.F. tsl'tit, Cilrottt from ilrulu\, 
strict, strait— were often confuscil. 

3ii do use— arc accustomed. 

Hi good goddess. We ' Cicero 

111 l;i r r;i;i' n Mr \\ , respon- 

n ' ' .ill v,t know ro- 

»]> 'I lii<) festival 

w.i IilI'I ' II .N|a> I A. 

10 North's Translation of 

* is a nymph of wood married unto god Faunus. The Grecians, 
they say also, that she was one of the mothers of the god 

* Bacchus, whom they dare not name. And for proof hereof, on 350 
her feast dav, the women make certain tabernacles of vine twigs, 
and leaves of vine branches, and also they make as the tale 
goeth, a holy dragon for this goddess, . and do set it by her : 
besides, it is not lawful for any man to be present at their 
sacrifices, no not within the house itself where they are made. 
Furthermore, they say that the women in these sacrifices do 
many things amongst themselves, much like vmto the cere- 
monies of Orpheus. Now when the time of this feast came, 
the husband (whether he were Praetor or Consul) and all his 
men and the boys in the house, do come out of it, and leave it 360 
wholly to his wife, to order the house at her pleasure, and there 
the sacrifices and ceremonies are done the most part of the night, 
and they do besides pa^s the night away in songs and music. 
Pompeia, Caesar's wife, being that year to celebrate this feast, 
Clodius who had yet no hair on his face, and thereby thought 

he should not be bewrayed : disguised himself in a singing 
wench's apparel, because his face was very like unto a young 

* wench. He finding the gates open, being secretly brought in 

* by her chamber-maid that was made privy unto it : she left 
him, and ran to Pompeia her mistress, to tell her that he was 370 
come. The chamber-maid tarried long before she came again, 
insomuch as Clodius being weary waiting for her where she left 

* him, he took his pleasure, and went from one place to another in 
the house, which had very large rooms in it, still shunning the 
light, and was by chance met withal by one of Aurelia's maids, 
who taking him for a woman, prayed her to play. Clodius refus- 
ing to play, the maid pulled him forward, and asked him what 

* he was : Clodius then answered her, that he tarried for Abra, 
one of Pompeia's women. So, Aurelia's maid knowing him by 
his voice, ran straight where the lights and ladies were, and 380 
cried out, that there was a man disguised in woman's apparel. 
The women therewith were so amazed, that Aurelia caused 

* them presently to leave off the ceremonies of the sacrifice, and 
to hide their secret things, and having seen the gates fast locked, 
went immediately up and down the house with torch light to 
seek out this man : who at the last was found out in the 
chamber of Pompeia's maid, with whom he hid himself. 
Thus Clodius being found out, and known of the women : 

348 nymph of wood— wood n>'mph, i.e. a j 368 He. This subject has no predicate. 

deity supposed to preside over the 

woods ; a Dryad. 369 privy— having a knowledge of something 

348 Faunus (see p. 75). I secret. From O.F. prive, Fr. prii'e, 

350 Bacchus (see p. 73). 1 from Lat. piivatiis, private. C/. Acts 

368 wench— a girl or maid; not used in a v. 2, ' His wife also being /»n'j' to it.' 

bad sense, as at present. From A.S. 

winch; plural, children (of either sex). 373 he -redundant (see note, p. 59 1. 2334). 

Plutarch's Juljus Caesar. 


Clodius taken 

they thrust him out of the doors by the 

shoulders. The same niyht the women told 390 

'in the sacrifices their husbands of this chance as soon as 

of the good ihey came home. The nc.\t morning there 

goddess. ran a great rumour through the city, how 

Clodius had attempted a great villany, and 

that he deserved, not only to be punished of tliem whom he 

had slandered, but also of the commonwealth and the gods. 

23 There was one of the Tribunes of the 

* jicople that did indict him, and accuse him 
Clodius accused of high treason to the gods. Furthermore, 

for profaning there were also of the chiefest of the nobility •4«5 
the sacrifices of and Senate, that came to depose against him, 
the good inid burdened him with many horrible and 

goddess detestable facts, and specially with incest 

* committed with his own sister, which was 
married unto F-ucullus. Notwithstanding the 

people stoutly defemled Clodius against their accusations : 
and this did help him much against the judges, which were 
amazed, and afraid to stir the people. This 
notwithstanding, Caesar presently put his 
wife away, and thereupon, being brought by 410 
Clodius' accuser to be a witness against him, 
he answered, he knew nothing of that they 
objected against Clodius. This answer being clean contrary 
to their expectation that heard it, the accuser asked Caesar, 
why then he had put away his wife : " because I will not," said 
he, " that my wife be so much as suspected." And some say 
that Caesar sjjake truly as he thought. But others think, that 
he did it to please the common people, who were very desirous 
to save Clodius. 

21 So Clodius was discharged of this accusa- *-° 
tion, because the most part of the judges gave 
a confused judgment, for the fear they stood 
one way of the danger of the common people 
if tiicy condemned him : and for the ill- 
opinion of the other side of the nobility, if 
tliey did (juit him. 

22 Tlic government of the province of Spain 
being fallen unto Caesar for that he was 
Praetor : his creditors came and cried out 

Caesar putteth 

away his wife 


Clodius quit by 
the Judges for 
profaning the 

sacrifices of the 
good goddess. 

Caesar, Praetor 
of Spain. 

37H Abra -a |>et name in Greek fur a slave. 

iHi presently— iniuicdiutely, at laice. 

391 Chance -Invent. C/. Juhtu Cu-,ar I. il. 
2ii>, 'Tell IIS what liatli t/iiiiiiYi< lo-Hay.' 

398 indict (sec uutitt, [1. i(). I. \) to wrilf. 

4c4 which. In nuxlcrn KnKli^li. 'which' 
sliuuUI be ' whu,' as its aiitcce<l<:iit is 
a person. Cf. • Our Father, which art 

ill Mc.iven.' 
4li that— relative oinitled ; • that which, or 

what. Cf. St. John iii, 3, ' Wc s|>cak 

Ihal we <lo know.* 
42C quit — aci|tii(,tli5charKc: from (>.!■'. ifutUr, 

It. ./uiticr, .lint. (V. All I Wfll V. ill. 

jijo. ' I would I oHilil ./Id/ all Lflcncc*.' 
43; proTlQoe of Spam i^k- i>. 77). 

12 North's Translation of 

upon him, and were importunate of him to be paid. Caesar 430 
being unable to satisfy them, was compelled to go unto 
Crassus, who was the richest man of all Rome, and that stood 
in need of Caesar's boldness and courage to 
withstand Pompey's greatness in the common- 
Crassus surety wealth. Crassus became his surety unto his 
for Caesar to greediest creditors for tlie sum of eight hun- 
, . ... di^ed and thirty talents : whereupon they 

suffered Caesar to depart to the government 
of his province. In his journey it is reported, 
that passing over the mountains of the Alps, 44° 
they came through a little poor village that had not many 
households and yet poor cottages. There, his friends that did 
accompany him, asked him merrily, if there were any contend- 
ing for offices in that town, and whether there was any strife 
there amongst the noblemen for honour. Caesar, speaking in 
good earnest, answered : " I cannot tell that," said he, " but 
for my part, I had rather be the chiefest man here, than the 
second person in Rome." Another time also when he was 
in Spain, reading the history of Alexander's acts, when he had 
read it, he was sorrowful a good while after, and then burst out 450 
in weeping. His friends seeing that, marvelled what should be 
the cause of his sorrow. He answered them, " Do ye not think, ' ' 
said he, " that I have good cause to be heavy, when King Alex- 
ander being no older than myself is now, had in old time wan 
so many nations and countries : and that I hitherunto have 
done nothing worthy of myself ? " 

23 Therefore when he was come into Spain, 
Caesar's acts he was very careful of his business, and had 
in Spain. in few days joined ten new ensigns more of, 

^ footmen, unto the other twenty which he had 460 
before. Then(^marching forward against the Cala'icans and 
Lusitanians, he conquered all^ymd went as far as the great sea 
Oceanus, subduing all the people which before knew not the 
Romans for their lords. There he took order for, paci fying of 
the war, and did as wisely take order for the establishing of 
p eace. Tor he I^drd'~reCOBcile~-4he cities tbgether,_ and made 
them^riends ori£j\vjth another, biit_.specially he _pacLfi.ed all 
-suits of law, and_striie,__betwixt the debtors and creditors, 
_wHich__greA4iIIEpIxeaai2n_aL usury^ For ~He~ordained that the 
creditors should take yearly two parts of the revenue 47° 

461 Cala'icans (see p. tj). ' 493 give over the suit, etc. The triumph 

462 Lusitanians (see p 77) "'''* '''" honour of one day only, whereas 

the consulsliip was a power of one year's 

469 usury— interest charged for money lent, duration and would give Caesar time, 

from Fr. tisme, occupation of a thing, power and opportunity to accoinplish 

from Latin iisurus, jitor, to use. Not, his designs. 

as now, excessive interest. 493 triumph. A Roman triumph was a 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 


Caesars order 

betwixt the 

creditors and 


Caesars sol- 
diers call him 

of their debtors, until such time as they had 
paid themselves : and that the debtors 
should have the third part to themselves to 
li\e withal. He having won great estimation 
by this good order taken, returned from 
his government very rich, and his soldiers also full of rich 
spoils, who called him Imperator, to say 
sovereign captain. Now the Romans liaving 
a custom, that such as demanded honour of 
triumph, should remain a while without the 480 
city, and that they on the other side which 
sued for the Consulship, sliould of necessity 
be there in person : Caesar coming unhappily at that very 
time when the Consuls were chosen, he sent to pray the Senate 
to do liim that favour, that being absent, he might by his 
friends sjic for the Consulsliip. Cato at the first did veliemently 
inveigh against it, vouching an express law forbidding the 
contrary. But afterwards, perceiving that notwithstanding the 
reasons he alleged, many of the Senators (being won by Caesar) 
favoured his request : yet he cunningly sought all he could to 4./^ 
prevent them, prolonging time, dilating his oration until night. 
24 Caesar thereupon determined rather to 
give over the suit of his triumph, and to 
make suit for the Consulship : and so 
came into the city, and had such a device 
with liim, as went beyond them ali, but Calo 
only. Uis device was this, Pompey and 
Crassus, two of the greatest personages of the city of Rome, 
being at jar together, Caesar made them friends, and by that 51W 
means got unto himself the power of tlicm both : for, by colour 
of that gentle act and friendship of his, he subtly (unwares to 
them all) did greatly alter and change the state of the common- 
wealth. For it was not the private discord between Pompey 
and Caesar, as" many men tli''iigT7tTTTurtxttTi scd the javIL^iar : 

III' nt tujiethOTvwTio joined all their 

lull. V 

Caesar recon- 
cileth Pompey 
and Crassus 

btrtnTTtticr was 


first to overthrow the state pf tin; ^ enale and 
alrd~a ftcrwards the y fell at jarone with anotlier. 

that then foresaw and pruphecietl many 
Cato's foresight times what would follow, was taken but for 
and prophecy, a vain man : but afterwards they found him 
a wiser man, than happy in his counsel. 


solemn procession in which a victorious 

cor.'-" • 

' ' 

1 .. _ 1 

■ five 

general eiiteriil the city, in a chariot 



(trawn by four liorses, prccciicd by tlic 


. II 

captives ami spoils taken in war, fnl- 


lowe<l by his troops, alonj; the Via 



Sacra, to the Ca lilol to offer sacrifice 
in the Tcuiplc of j upiier. No triumph 

iS. • Ih 

It w 

liiUt at 

jtir, the 


I'rcncb should luako a 


14 North's Translation of 

25 Thus Caesar being brought unto the assembly of the 

election, in the midst of these two noble 

Caesar's first persons, whom he had before reconciled 

consulship together : he was there chosen Consul, with 

with Calpurnius Calpurnius Bibulus, without gainsaying or 

Bibuius, contradiction of any man. 

26 Now when he was- entered into liis office, 
Caesar's Laws, he began to put forth laws meeter for a 520 
Lex agmiia. seditious Tribune of the people, than for a 
Consul : because by them he preferred the 
division of lands, and distributing of corn to 
every citizen, gratis, to please them withal. But when the 
noblemen of the Senate were against his device, he desiring 
no better occasion, began to cry out, and to protest, that by 
the overhardness and austerity of the Senate, they drave 
him against his will to lean unto the people : and thereupon 
having Crassus on the one side of him, and Pompey on the 
other, he asked them openly in the assembly, if they did 530 
give their consent unto the laws which he had put forth. They 
both answered, they did. Thea-iie-pr^yed-the m to at aad by 
him_against those that threatened him with force of sword to 
let him. Crassus gave him his word, he would. Pompey ^so 
did the hke, and added thereunto, that he would come with his 
sword and target both, against them that would withstand him 
with their swords. These words offended much the Senate, 
being far unmeet for his gravity, and undecent for the majesty 
and honour he carried : and most of all uncomely for the 
presence of the Senate whom he should have reverenced, 540 
and were speeches fitter for a rash light-headed youth, than 
tor his person. Howbeit the common people on the other 
side, they rejoiced. 

27 Then Caesar because he would be more 

Caesar married assured of Pompey's power and friendship, 

his daughter he gave him his daughter Juha in marriage, 

Julia unto which was made sure before unto Servilius 

Pompey. Caepio, and promised him in exchange 

= Pompey's Avife, the which was sure also unto 

Faustus the son of Sulla. And shortly after also, Caesar self 550 

did marry Calpurnia, the daughter of Piso, whom he caused 

to be made Consul, to succeed him the next year following. 

516 Consul (see p. 735. 

517 Calpurnius (see p. 75) 
534 to let him — to hinder, impede, prevent ; 

I. iv.Ss, "By Heaven, I'll make a ghost 
of him that lets me.' 
536 target — a small round shield or buckler. 
0. I Henry IV., II. iv..2-3, ' Took all 
Irom .\.S. lettan, to make late, from I their seven points in my ^u•i;<'^ thus.' 

hut, slow. Cf. 'a let' in lawn tennis, I 547 made sure— betrothed, affianced, 
which is a hindrance not arising from \ 549 wife — Both the 1579 and 1595 editions 
any fault of the player; also Hamlet , have 'wife' as in the text. This is 

Plutarch's Julius Caesap. 15 

^ Culu then cried out with open mouth, and 

Caesar tnarried n i ii i i -l Vli i. i. 

called the gods to witness, that it was a 

Calpurnia, the sii-m^eful matter, and not to be suffered, that 

daughter of they should in that sort make havoc of the 

Piso. Empire of Rome, by such horrible bawdy 

matches, distributing among themselves 

through those wicked marriages, the governments of the 

provinces, and of great armies. Calpurnius Bibulus, fellow 560 

consul with Caesar, perceiving that he did contend in vain, 

making all the resistance he could to withstand this law, and 

that oftentimes he was in danger to be slain with Cato, in the 

* market-place and assembly : he kept close in his house all the 
rest of his consulship. 

28 When Pompey had married Julia, he Idled 

Pompey by all the market-place with soldiers, and by 

force of arms open force authorised the laws which Caesar 

authorised made in the behalf of the people. Further- 

* Caesars laws, "loi'c. he procured that Caesar had Gaul on 57.. 

* this side, and beyond the Alps, and all lUyria, 
with four legions granted him for five years. 

Caesar sent Then Cato standing up to speak against it : 

Cato to Caesar bade his officers lay hold on him, and 

prison. carry him to prison, thinking he would have 

appealed unto the Tribunes. But Cato said 

never a word, when he went his way. Caesar perceiving then, 

that not only the Senators and nobility were offended, but that 

the common people also for the reverence they bare unto Cato's 

virtues, were ashamed and went away with silence ; he himself j.v. 

secretly did pray one of the Tribunes that lie would take Cato 

from the officers. But after he had played this part, there 

* were few Senators that would be President of the Senate under 

* him, but left the city, because they could not away with his 
doings. And of them, there was an old man called Considius, 
that on a time boldly told him. the rest durst not come to 
council, because they were afraid of his soldiers. Caesar 
answered him again : " And why then, dost thou not keep thee 
at home, for the same fear ? " Considius replied, " Because 
my age taketh away fear from me, for having so short a time 59° 
to live, I have no care to prolong it further." 

29 The shamefuUest part that Caesar played while he w;u> 

eviilcnily an error for ' daughter,' and ..i the end near the d, .public 

«.is .iiiicrKkd in the 1(103 edition. luiMiicii. ".is (rjn>.iLtc-<i in the l-'urum. 

jOj market-place. The I'lrum .r r.ruin 570 Oaul on thta ildo (*cc p. 77)- 

Kiinianuiii, coiisi>te<i of ot )7i Qaul beyond iMcp. 77). 

huildin^s around a (|iiuiir.iii ico 371 Illyrla 1 <c p. rr). 

in Koinu. It was 260 >jids lonic, j 583 would bo - w. n- williri 

55 yards wide at oiie end. and 140 yarJt ' 584 could not away with - . , dltUkod. 


North's Translation of 

Caesar by 

Clodius drove 

Cicero out of 



Consul, seemeth to be this : when he chose 
P. Clodius Tribune of the people, that had 
offered his wife such dishonour, and profaned 
the holy ancient mysteries of the women, 
which were celebrated in his own house. 
Clodius sued to be Tribune to no other end, but to destroy 
Cicero : and Caesar self also departed not from Rome to his 
army before he had set them together by the ears, and 
driven Cicero out of Italy. All these things they say he did, 
before the wars with the Gauls. 

30 But the time of the great armies and con- 
quests he made afterwards, and of the war in 
which he subdued all the Gauls ; (entering into 
another course of life far contrary unto the 
first) ma de him to be^k nnwn as valiant _a. 

Caesar, a 

valiant soldier 

and a skilful 



soldierand^as^excellentjaxaptain-to lead men, 
as those that afore him hadj)een rni^Tited the wi'^p'^t and_,most 
vahantest generals that ev er were , and that^y their jvahant 610 
deeds had achieved great Jionour. For whosoever could com- 
pare the house of the Fabians, of the Scipios, of the Metellians, 
yea those also of his own time, or long before him, as Sulla, 
Marius, the two LucuUians, and Pompey self. 

" Whose fame ascendeth up unto the heavens." 
31 It wiU appear that Caesar's prowess and deeds of arms, did 
excel them all together. The one, in the hard countries where 
he made wars : another, in enlarging the realms and countries 
which he joined unto the Empire of Rome : another, in the 
multitude and power of his enemies whom he overcame : 620 
another, in the rudeness and austere nature of men with whom 
he had to do, whose manners afterwards he softened and made 
civil : another, in courtesy and clemency which he used unto 
them whom he had conquered : another, in great bounty and 
liberality bestowed upon them that served under him in those 
wars : and in fine, he excelled them all in the number of battles 
he had fought, and in the number of his enemies he had slain 
in battle. 

32 For in less than ten years' war in Gaul he 

took by force and assault above eight hundred 630 

towns, he conquered three hundred several 

nations ; and having before him in battle 

thirty hundred thousand soldiers, at sundry 

Caesar's con- 
quests in 

609 most valiantest — a double superlative, 
rather common in Shakespeare and 
other writers of the period. Cf. 
2 Henry IV., III. i. 28, ' In the calmest 
and most stillest night.' Also the 
scriptural phrase 'the Most Highest.' 

612 Fablanst The most famous of these 

was Quintus Fabius Maximus, known 
as Cunctator (the delayer), owing to 
his cautious tactics when opposed to 
Hannibal after the defeat at Trasimene, 
B.C. 217. 
612 Scipios. Of these the greatest was 
Africanus who conquered Carthage. 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 


The wonderful 


of Acilius, 

Cassius, Scaeva, 

and divers 

others of 





times he slew ten hundred thousand of them, and took as 

many more prisoners. Furthermore, he was 

The love and sq entirely Jjclovcd of his sol diers, that to do 

respect of h im service ( where otherwise they weren?) 

Caesar's soldiers n^orc than other in any private quarrel)^!?" 

unto him Caesar's honour were touched, tlicy jverc 

in\inciblCj and would so desperately venture 640 
themselves, and with such fury, that no man was able toZabTtle 
them. And this appcareth plainly by the 
example of Acilius : who in a battle by sea 
before the city of Marseilles, boarding of his 
enemies' ships, one cut off his right hand with a 
sword, but yet he forsook not his target which 
he had in his left liand, but thrust it into his 
enemies' faces, and made them fly, so that he 
wan their ship from them. And Cassius, 
Scaeva also, in a conflict before the city of 630 
Dyrrachium, having one of his eyes put 
out with an arrow, his shoulder stricken 
I dart, and his thigh with another, and 
luiving received thirty arrows upon his shield : he called 
his enemies, and made as though he would yield unto them. But 
when two of them came running to him, he clave one of their 
shoulders from his body with his sword, and hurt the other in 
the face : so that he made him turn his back, and at the length 
saved himself, by means of his companions that came to help 
him. And in Britain also, when tlie captains of the bands were C6o 
dri\en into a marish or bog full of mire and dirt, and that the 
enemies did fiercely assail them there : Caesar then standing to 
view the battle, he saw a private soldier of his thrust in among 
the captairfs, and fought so valiantly in their defence, that at 
the lengtli he dravc the barbarous people to fly, and by his 
means saved the captains, which otherwise weie in great danger 
to have been cast away. Then this soldier being the hindmost 
man of all the captains, marching with great pain through the . 
mire and dirt, half swimming and half afoot : in the end got to 
the other side, but left his shield behind him. Caesar wondering 670 
at his noble courage, ran to him with joy to embrace him. But 
the poor soldier hanging down his head, the water standing in 
his eyes, fell down at Caesar's feet, and besought him to 
pardon him, for that he had left his target behind him. And 

654 thirty. Plutarcli says ' one hundred 
and Ihirly," but C.x-sar in his Hello 
Civili, Hook III. says, he received 2^0 
darts on his target and that he gave 
him a reward of zoo.auo sesterces 
(nearlv £3,000), and promoted hiin from 
the 8th raiik to the 1st. 

661 marish— ni.irsli, from Low L. ituiriicut, 
or more pruhalily direct from O. Hr. 
viaresclie, a boK or marsh : 
C/. Milton, l'ara<itit I. oil, XII. 63a 

' As evening niisl 
Risen from a river, o'er the mariik 


North's Translation of 


in Afric also, Scipio having taken one of 
Caesar's ships, and Granius Petronius aboard 
on her amongst otlier, not long before chosen 
Treasurer : he put all the rest to the sword 
but him, and said he would give him his life. But Petronius 
answered him again : that Caesar's soldiers did not use tojiave C8o 
their lives ^iven them, but to give others their lives : and with 
these words he drew his sword, and thrust himself through. 
Now C aesar' s selldid breed j:his noble courage and life in them. 
First, for that he gave them bouhtlTuIlyTlihxrdid honour theiii 
also, shewing thereby, tliat he did not heap up riches in the 
wars to maintain his life afterwards in wantonness and pleasure, 
but that he did keep it in store, honourably to reward their 
valiant service : and that by so much he thought himself rich, 
by how much he was liberal in rewarding of them that had 
deserved it. Furthermore, they did not wonder so much at his 693 
valiantness in putting himself at every instant in such manifest 
danger, and in taking so extreme pains as he did, knowing that 
it was his greedy desire of honour that set him afire, and 
pricked Mm forward to do it ; but that he always continued all 
labour and hardness, more than his body could bear, that filled 
them all with admiration. 

33 For concerning the constitution of his body, 

Caesar had he was lean, white, and soft-skinned, and 

the falling often subject to headache, and other while to 

sickness. the falling sickness : (the which took him the 700 

first time as it is reported, in Corduba, a city 

of Spain) but yet therefore yielded not to the disease of his 

body, to make it a cloak to cherish him withal, but contrarily, 

took the pains of war, as a medicine to cure his sick body. 

fighting always with his disease, travelling continually, living 

soberly, and commonly lying abroad in the field. For the most 

nights he slept in his coach or litter, and thereby bestowed his 

rest, to make him always able to do something : and in the day 

time, he would travel up and down the country to see towns, 

castles, and strong places. He had always a secretary with him 710 

in his coach, who did still write as he went by the way, and a 

soldier behind him that carried his sword. He made such 

speed the first time he came from Rome, when he had his office : 

that in eight days he came to the river of Rhone. He was so 

excellent a rider of horse from his youth, that holding his hands 

675 Scipio. Metellus Scipio, the adopted 
son of Metellus Pius, was Pompey's 
fatlier-iii-lau- and colleague in the 
Consulship, B.C. 52. He sided \Yith 
Pompey in the Civil War. 

700 falling sickness— epilepsy. 

701 Corctuba— now Cordova, the capital of 

Baetica, on the Baeiis, was made a 
Roman Colony B.C. 152. 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 


in his diet. 

Caesars civility 

not to blame 

his friend. 

mislikcd, and 
lacked good 


behind him, he would gallop his horse upon the spur. In his 
wars in Gaul, he did further exercise himself to indite letters as 
he rode by the way, and did occupy two secretaries at once 

* with as much as they could write, and as Oppius writcth, more 
than two at a time. And it is reported, that Caesar was the 720 

* first that devised friends might talk together by writing 
ciphers in letters, when lie had no leisure to speak with them 

* for his urgent business, and for the di-f.uKM^ hi-^idis from 

34 How little account Caesar made of his diet, 
The temperance this example doth prove it. Caesar supping 
of Caesar one night in Milan with his friend Valerius 

Leo, there was served sperage to his board, 
and oil of perfume put into it instead of salad 
oil. He simply ate it, and found no fault, 
blaming his friends that were offended : and 
told them, that it had been enough for them 
to have abstained to eat of that they 
not to shame their friend, and how that he 
manner that found fault with his friend. 
Another time as he travelled through the country', he was 
driven by foul weather on the sudden to take a poor man's 
cottage, that had but one little cabin in it, and that was so 
narrow, that one man could but scarce lie in it. Then he said 
to his friends that were about him : " Greatest rooms are 
meetest for greatest men. and the most necessary rooms for tiie 
sickest persons," and thereupon he caused Oppius that was sick 
to lie there all niglit : and lie himself, with the rest of his friends, 
lav without doors under the easing of the house. 

35 The first war that Caesar made with the Gauls, was with 
the Helvetians and Tigurinians, who, having set fire of all tlicir 
good cities, to the number of twelve, and four hundred villages 
besides, came to invade that part of Gaul which was subject to 
the Romans, as the Cimbri and Teutons had done before : unto 
whom for valiantness they gave no place, and they were also a 75^ 
great number of them (for they were three hundred thousand 
souls in all) wlicrcof there were a luuuired. 
fourscore, and ten thousand fighting men. 
Of those, it was not Caesar himself that 
overcame the Tigurinians. but l.abicnus his 
lieutenant, that overthrew them by the 
river of Arax. But the Helvetians thcm- 


The Tigur- 
inians are 
slain by 

719 Opptus c^ce p. 76). 

721 writing ciphers In letters— carrying on 

a correspsndcnce written in secret 

characlpf . 

for— ')n :<■ f. 

sperago i';. formerly known as 

sp^ra^c "f spir ii;p, namn ilerivol troni 
Lat. aipar.igiis. Or. ntrt{)<lpityo<;, so 




ot the |>rickles »oinr 

744 easlng-.i c.Tmplion of A.S. *ft\e.e»vt%, 

i c. thi- pr'ieriinn lowrr o<lr'- ' ■ ' ■ ' 

746 Helvotlans, etc. («e<< p. 77V 
7in Clmhrl. etc [■•>■'■ \\ —). 
755 Tlgurlnl.-int i<r p --> 

20 North's Translation of 

selves came suddenly with their army to set 

upon him, as he was going towards a city of 

"■ Arax fl. his confederates. Caesar perceiving that, 

made haste to get him some place of 76o 

strength, and there did set his men in 

battle ray. When one brought him his horse to get 

up on, which he used in battle, he said 

Caesar refused unto them : " When I have overcome 

his horse when mine enemies, I will then get up on him 

he fought a to follow the chase, but now let us give 

battle. them charge." Therewith he marched 

forward afoot, and gave charge : and there 

fought it out a long time, before he could make them fly 

that were in battle. 770 

The Helvetians 36 But the greatest trouble he had, was to 
slain by distress their camp, and to break their 

Caesar. strength which they had made with their 

carts. For there, they that before had fled 
from the battle, did not only put themselves -in force 
and valiantly fought it out : but their wives and 
children also fighting for their lives to the death, were all 
* slain, and the battle was scant ended at midnight. Now if the 
act of this victory was famous, unto that he added another as 
notable, or exceeding it. For of all the barbarous people that 78o 
had escaped from this battle, he gathered together again above 
a hundred thousand of them, and compelled them to return 
hoine into their country, which they had forsaken, and unto 
their towns also which they had burnt ; because he feared th(? 
Rhine fl Germans would come over the river of Rhine, 

and occupy that country lying void. 
37 The second war he made, was in defence of the Gauls 
against the Germans : although before, he 
- Caesar made himself had caused Ariovistus their king, 
" war with King to be received for a confederate of the 79° 
Ariovistus. Romans. Notwithstanding, they were 
grown very unquiet neighbours, and it 
appeared plainly, that having any occasion offered them to 
enlarge their territories, they would not content them with 
their own, but meant to invade and possess the rest of Gaul, 
Caesar perceiving that some of his captains trembled for fear, 
but specially the young gentlemen of noble houses of Rome, 

759 Arax— Saone, which flows into the 
Rhone at Lyons. 

759 city of his confederates. From Bello 
GalHco, Book I., we learn that this was 
Bibracto, now Autnn, on the Arroux, 

778 scant— scarcely, hardly (see note on 
p. I). 

7S9 Ariovistus. A chief of the Suevi, who 
led 120,000 of the German tribes against 
CaDsar, B.C. 5S, but was driven out of 
Gaul at the battle of Vesontio. 

a tributary of the Loire. 790 confederate— ally. 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 


The wise women 

of Germany : 

how they did 

foretell things 

to come. 

King Ariovlstus 

overthrown by 


who thought to have gone to the wars with him, as only for 
their pleasure and gain : he called them to council, and com- 
manded them that were afraid, that they should depart home, 800 
and not put themselves in danger against their wills, sith they 
had such womanish faint hearts to shrink when he had need of 
them. And for himself, he said, he would set upon the bar- 
barous people, though he had left him but the tenth legion only, 
saying, that the enemies were no valiantcr than the Cimbri 
had been, nor that he was a captain inferior unto Marius. This 
oration being made, the soldiers of the tenth legion sent their 
lieutenants unto him, to thank him for the good opinion he had 
of them : and the other legions also fell out with their cajitains, 
and all of them together followed him many days' journey with ^'° 
good will to serve him, until they came within two hundred 
furlongs of the camp of the enemies. Ariovistus' courage was 
well cooled, when he saw Caesar was come, and that the Romans 
came to seek out the Germans, where they thought, and made 
account, that they durst not have abidden them : and therefore 
nothing mistrusting it would have come so to pass, he wondered 
much at Cnr^ar's courage, and the more when he saw liis own 
army in a maze withal. But much more did 
their courages fall, by reason of the foolish 
women prophesiers they had among them, •**" 
wliich did foretell things to come : wlio, 
considering the waves and troubles of the 
rivers, and the terrible noise they made 
running down the stream, did forewarn them 
not to fight, until the new moon. Caesar 
having intelligence thereof, and perceiving that the barbarous 
people thereupon stirred not : thought it best then to set upon 
tliem, being discouraged with this superstitious fear, rather 
than losing time, he should tarry their leisure. So he did 
skirmish with them even to their forts, and little hills where 830 
tliey lay, and by this means provoked them so, that with great 
fury they came down to fight. 

38 There he overcame them in battle, and 
followed them in chase, with great shmghtcr. 
three hundred furlong, even unto the river 
of Hhine : and he filled all the fields thitherto 
with dead bodies and spoils. Howbeit Ario- 
vistus llyiug with speed, got over the river of 

801 sith— since. 

805 Cimbri, .1 Celtic race who were success- 
ful aK.iiiist scviT.-il Roman armies, but 
were fitiaUy rftfealed by Marius, 
loi r..C. (SIT al^.j p. 77). 

Si 5 ablddon -stayed or waited for. 

83s threo hundred furlong. Plutarch say* 
'four hundred,' which is nlwul fifty 
miles. This agrees with C;i-sar'« 
account in his Mcllo fl.illiro, • millia 
^(miiKiri r«r" /i>iO I 111 i/f I 1/1 '.' 

i.« ' alK)ut hfty miles from n 


North's Translation of 


Rhine, and escaped with a few of his men. It is said, that 
there were. slain four score thousand persons at this battle. 
After this exploit, Caesar left his army among the Sequani to 
winter there : and he himself in the meantime, thinking of the 
affairs at Rome, went over the mountains into Gaul about the 
river of Po, being part of his province which he had in charge. 
For there the river called Rubicon divideth the rest of Italy 
from Gaul on this side the Alps. Caesar lying there, did 
practise to make friends in Rome, because many came thither 
to see him : unto whom he granted their suits the}^ demanded ; 
and sent them home also, partly with liberal rewards, and 
partly with large promises and hope. Now during all this S50 
conquest of the Gauls, Pompey did not consider how Caesar • 
interchangeably did conquer the Gauls with the weapons of the 
Romans, and wan the Romans again with the money of the 
Gauls. Caesar being advertised that the Belgae (which were 
the warlikest men of all the Gauls, and that occupied the third 
part of Gaul) were all up in arms, and had raised a great power 
of men together : he straight made towards them with all 
possible speed, and found them spoiling and overrunning the 
country of the Gauls, their neighbours, and confederates of the 

39 So he gave them battle, and they fighting 
cowardly, he overthrew the most part of them 
which were in a troop together, and slew such 
a number of them, that the Romans passed 
over deep rivers and lakes afoot, upon their dead bodies, the 
rivers were so full of them. After this overthrow, they that 
dwelt nearest unto the seaside, and were next neighbours 
unto the Ocean, did yield themselves, without any compulsion 
or fight : whereupon, he led his army against the Nervians, 
the stoutest warriors of all the Belgae. The}^ 
dwelling in the wood countr3^ had convej^ed 


Tlie Belgae over- 
come by Caesar. 

Nervii. the 

stoutest wanriors their wives, children and 


of the Belgae. marvellous great forest, as far 

mto a 
from their 

enemies as they could : and being about the 
number of six score tliousand fighting men and more, they 
came one day and set upon Caesar, when his army was out 
of order, and fortifying of his camp, little looking to have 
fought that day. At the first charge, they brake the horsemen 
of the Romans, and compassing in the twelfth and seventh 

841 Sequani, a powerful tribe, wliose cliief 
town was Vesontio, tiie modern 

845 Rubicon (see p. ■;■/). 

847 practise— plot. 

854 advertised — notified, informed. Cf. 
Tioilus and Cressida, II. ii. 211, ' I was 
advertised their general slept.' 

86g Nervians — a powerful and warlike 
people of the Beigre, in Gallia. Belgica, 
whose territory extended from the 
Sabis (Sambre) to the sea. 

S75 Six score thousand. 
' sixty thousand.' 

Phitarc'i says 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 23 

legion, they slew all the centurions and captains of the bands. k<o 
And had not Caesar self taken his shield on his arm, and flyin<,' 
in among the barbarous people, made a lane through tliem tliat 
fought before him : and the tenth legion also seeing him in 
danger, run unto him from the top of the hill where they stood 
in battle, and broken the ranks of their enemies : there had 
not a Roman escaped alive that day. But_taknTg ( xmiDlo of 
Cacsar'sjvaliantncss, they^iought '< !>■ 

The Nervii beyond their power, and yet eoitUl uut uiakc 
slain by the Nervians fly, but they fought it out to 

Caesar. the death, till they were all iu manner slain in S90 

the £cld. It is written that of three score 
thousand fighting men, there escaped biit five hundred ; and 
of four hundred gentlemen and counsellors of the Romans, but 
three saved. The Senate understanding it at Rome, ordained 
that they should do sacrifice unto the gods, and keep feasts and 
solemn processions fifteen days together without intermission, 
having never made the like ordinance at Rome, for any victory 
that ever was obtained. Because they saw the danger had 
been marvellous great, so many nations rising as they did in 
arms together against him : and further, the love of the 900 
people unto him made his victory much more famous. For 
when Caesar had set his affairs at a stay in Gaul on the other 
side of the Alps : he always used to lie about the river of Po 
in the winter time, to give direction for the establishing of 
things at Rome, at his pleasure. For, not only they that made 
suits for offices at Rome were chosen magistrates, by means of 
Caesar's money which he gave them, with the whicli, bribing 
the people, they bought their voices, and when they were in 
office, did all that they could to increase Caesar's power and 

greatness : but the greatest and chiefcst men 9'>' 

The great lords also of the nobility went unto Luca unto him. 

of Rome oome As Pompey, Crassus, Appius Praetor of 

to Luca and Sardinia, and Nepos Proconsul in Spain. 

Caesar Insomuch that there were at one time six 

score sergeants carrying rods and axes before 

the magistrates : and above two hundred senators besides. 

There they fell in consultation, and determined that Pompey 

and Crassus should again be chosen consuls tlie next year 

following. Furthermore, they did appoint, that Caesar should 

have money again delivered him to pay his army, and besides, 9J0 

^''■, tonth legion. This Is correct, ami not 
the twelfth legion as in I'hit.irch's text, 
for Ci-sar in his .iccoiiiit says>ieiiiis 
sent the tenth 1pk>o>i to (>>s assistance. 
(Sec I'.. ('.., It. ..k II. c. 26.) 

902 had set his affairs at a stay— sent his 
troops into winter quarters. 

902 Oaul on the other side, oto. Trans- 

ali'ini' < iaiil. 

90J made suits for ofBcei— were candidates 
fur olhcis. 

908 Toioet— votes. 

911 Laca— the modern Lucca. 

24 North's Translation of 

did prorogue the time of his government five years further. 
This was thought a very strange and an unreasonable matter 
unto wise men. For they themselves that had taken so much 
money of Caesar, persuaded the Senate to let him have money 
of the common treasure, as though he had had none before : 
yea to speak more plainly, they compelled the Senate unto 
it, sighing and lamenting to see the decrees they passed. 
Cato was not there then, for they had purposely sent him before 
into Cyprus. Howbeit Favonius that followed Cato's steps, 
when he saw that he could not prevail, nor withstand them : 930 
he went out of the Senate in choler, and cried out amongst the 
people, that it was a horrible shame. But no man did hearken 
unto him, some for the reverence they bare unto Pompey and 
Crassus, and others favouring Caesar's proceedings, did put all 
their hope and trust in him : and therefore did quiet themselves, 
and stirred not. Then Caesar returning into Gaul beyond the 
Alps unto his army, found there a great war in the countr}'. 

40 For two great nations of Germany had not 
I pes and Ten- long before passed over the river of Rhine, 
terides : people to conquer new lands : and the one of these 940 

of Germany. people were called Ipes and the other Ten- 
terides. Now touching the battle which 
Caesar fought with them, he himself doth describe in his 
Commentaries, in this sort. That the barbarous people having 
sent ambassadors unto him, to require peace for a certain 
time, they notwithstanding, against law of arms, came and 
set upon him as he travelled by the way, insomuch as eight 
hundred of their men of arms overthrew five thousand of his 
horsemen, who nothing at all mistrusted their 
Caesars horse- coming. Again, that they sent him. other 950 

men put to ambassadors to mock him once more : but 
flight. that he kept them, and therewith caused his 

whole army to march against them, thinking 
it a foUy and madness, to keep faith with such traitorous 
barbarous breakers of leagues. Canutius writeth, that the 
Senate appointing again to do new sacrifice, processions, and 
feasts, to give thanks to the gods for this victory : Cato was of 
contrarj^ opinion, that Caesar should be delivered into the 
hands of the barbarous people, for to purge their city and 
commonwealth of this breach of faith, and to turn the curse 960 
upon him, that was the author of it. 

929 Favonius. A servile imitator of Cato, 
whose character, style and mannerisms 

941 Ipes, etc. (see p. 77). 

949 mistrusted— suspected., 
he so closely copied as to gain him the j 955 Canutius. Plutarch correctly gives this 
title of Cato's ape. I as Tanusius. 

Plutapch's Julius Caesar. 


41 Of these barbarous people, which came 

The I pes and over the Rhine (being about the number of 

Tenterides slain four hundred thousand persons) they were all 

by Caesar. in manner slain, saving a very few of them, 

that flying from the battle got over the river 

* of Rhine again, who were received by the Sicambrians, 

another people of the Germans. Caesar 
Sicambri, taking this occasion against them, lacking 

another people no goodwill of himself besides, to have the '"'' 
of the Germans, honour to be counted the first Roman that 

ever passed over the river of Rhine with an 
army : he built a bridge over it. This river is marvellous broad. 

and runneth with great fury. And in that 
Caesar made a place specially where he built his bridge, 
bridge over the for there it is of a great breadth from one 
river of Rhine, side to the other, and it hath so strong and 

swift a stream besides : that men casting 
down great bodies of trees into the river (which the stream 
bringeth down with it) did with the great blows and force 9So 
thereof marvellously shake the posts of the bridge he had 
set up. But to prevent the blows of those trees, and 
also to break the fury of the stream : he made a pile of 
great wood above the bridge a good way, and did forcibly 
ram them into the bottom of the river, so that in ten days' 
space, he had set up and finished his bridge of the goodliest 
carpenter's work, and most excellent invention to see to, that 
could be possibly thought or devised. Then passing over 
his army upon it. he found none that durst any more fight with 

* him. For the Suevians, which were the warlikest people of wo 
all Germany, had gotten themselves with their goods into 
wonderful great valleys and bogs, full of woods and forests. 
Now when he had burnt all the country of his enemies, and 
confirmed the league with the confederates of the Romans : 

he returned back into Gaul after he had tarried ciglitcen days 
at the most in Germany, on tlie otlier side of the Rhine. 

42 The journey he made also into England 

Caesar's journey was a noble enterprise, and very commendable. 

into England. For he was the first that sailed tlic West 

Ocean with an army by sea. and that passed '°<^ 
through the sea Atlanticum with his army, to make war 

* in that so great and famous island ; (which many ancien^ 

(jo; Sicambrians (see p. 77J. 
f)().. Suevians (see p. 78). 
loo; So great and famous Island. Plutarch 

has i'ij(rov (island) only, which Amyoi 

enlarges to t» itite isU, ii t:n%nJf, ' in 
Ih.'it islaiul so ^rcat.' and this Nurtb 
improves u|Kin as in the text. 


North's Translation of 

The death of 

Julia, Caesars 


writers would not believe that it was so indeed, and did make 
them vary about it, saying that it was but a fable and a lie) : 
and was the first that enlarged the Roman Empire, beyond 
the earth inhabitable. For twice he passed over the narrow 
sea against the firm land of Gaul, and fighting many battles 
there, did hurt his enemies more, than enrich his own 
men : because, of men hardly brought up, and poor, there 
was nothing to be gotten. Whereupon his war had not such loio 
success as he looked for, and therefore taking pledges onlj' of 
the king, and imposing a yearly tribute upon him, to be paid 
unto the people of Rome : he returned again into Gaul. 

43 There he was no sooner landed, but he 
found letters ready to be sent over the sea 
unto him, in the which he was advertised 
from Rome, of the death of his daughter, that 
she was dead with child by Pompey. For 
the which Caesar and Pompey both, were marvellous sorrowful : 
and their friends mourned also, thinking that this alliance ^°^° 
which maintained the commonwealth (that otherwise was 
very tickle) in good peace and concord, was now severed, and 
broken asunder, and the rather likely, because the child lived 
not long after the mother. So the common people at Rome 
took the corpse of Julia, in despite of the Tribunes, and buried 
it in the field of Mars. Now Caesar being driven to divide 
his army (that was very great) into sundry 
garrisons for the winter time, and retm-ning 
again into Italy as he was wont : all Gaul 
rebelled again, and had raised great armies 103° 
in every quarter to set upon the Romans, and to assay i-f they 
could distress their forts where they lay in garrison. The 
greatest number and most warlike men of these Gauls, that 
entered into action of rebellion, were led by one Ambiorix : 
and first did set upon the garrisons of Cotta 
and Titurius, whom they slew, and all the 
soldiers they had about them. Then they 
went with three score thousand fighting men 
to besiege the garrison which Quintus Cicero 
had in his charge, and had almost taken them 1040 
by force, because all the soldiers were every man of them hurt : 
but they were so valiant and courageous, that they did more 
than men (as they say) in defending of themselves. These 

The rebellion 
of the Gauls. 

Cotta and 
Titurius, with 
their army, 

1022 tickle— unsteady, easily overthrown. 
Cf. 2 Hen. VI., I. i. 216, ' The state of 
Normandy stands on a tickle point.' 

1026 the field of Mars— the Campus Martins 
which was the N.W. part of the plain 
lying in the bend of the Tiber, outside 
the walls of Rome. 

1027 his army — it consisted of eight legions. 

1031 assay— tiy, attempt. Cf. i Hen. 4, IV. 
iv. 34, ' But, seeing thou fall'st on me 
so lucliily, I will assay thee.' 

1034 Ambiorix (see p. 76). 

1039 Quintus Cicero (see p. 76). 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 27 

news being come to Caesar, who was far from thence at that 
time, he returned with all possible speed, and levying seven 
thousand soldiers, made haste to help Cicero that was in such 
distress. The Gauls that did besiege Cicero, understanding 

* of Caesar's coming, raised their siege incontinently, to go and 
meet him : making account that he was but a handful in their 
hands, they were so few. Caesar to deceive them, still drew 1050 
back, and made as though he fled from them, lodging in places 
meet for a captain that had but a few, to fight with a great 
number of his enemies, and commanded his men in no wise to 
stir out to skirmish with them, but compelled them to raise up 

* the rampers of his camp, and to fortify the gates, as men that 
were afraid, because the enemies should the less esteem of them : 
until that at length he took opportunity, by their disorderly 
coming to assail the trenches of his camp, (they were grown to 

such a presumptuous boldness and bravery) 

Caesar slew the and then sallying out upon them, he put them luOo 

Gauls led by all to flight with slaughter of a great number 

Ambiorix. of them. This did suppress all the rebeUions 

of the Gauls in tliose parts, antl furlhcrmi»re, 

he himself in person went in the midst of winter thither, where 

he heard they did rebel : for that there was come a new supply 

* out of Italy of three whole legions in their room, which he had 
lost : of tl>e which, two of them Pompey lent him, and the 
other legion, he himself had levied in Gaul about the river of I'o. 

M During these stirs, brake forth the bc- 
The second ginning of the greatest and most dangerous 1070 
rebellion of war that he had in all Gaul, the which had 

* the Gauls been secretly practised of long time by the 

against chiefest and most warlike people of that 

ooooor. country, who had levied a wonderful great 

power. For everywhere they levied multi- 
tudes of men, and great riches besides, to fortify their strong- 
holds. Furthermore the country where they rose, was very 
ill to come unto, and specially at that time being winter, when 
the rivers were fr<j/.en, the woods and forests covered will) snow, 
the meadows drowned with floods, and tlie fields so deep nlio>io 

* snow, that no ways were to be found, neither tlie marishes iu)r 
rivers to be discerned, all was so overflown and ilrowiied with 
water : all uhicli troubles togetiier were enough (as tliey 
thougiit) to keep Caesar from .setting upon the rebels. .Many 

iu.|8 inoonllnonlly— at once, str.ii^litway. rempincr ttviii re, nuam; <mi ilii), 

r/. 0//ii//.i, IV, iii. 12, • lie will rciurii in; |'ar.ire, to (jd ready, pr«'|Mrc. 

tiui'iitincnt.' The 'l' in r.iiii|'arl» is re<luii(taiil. « 

1055 rampers, an early form of rainparis, ii.u. their rouin i.l.i. c of tlio'.c. 

also writtuii raml'ieri, riii>if<i,tii, mm- I lo;^ practised —I'luiicil.' 

fan. The correct I'rvnch form i» ' lotii marUhea (»cu note on p. 17). 


North's Translation of 


captains of the 

rebels against 


nations of the Gauls were of this conspiracy, but two of the 
chiefest were the Arvernians and Carnutes : who had chosen 
Vercingetorix for their Ueutenant-general, 
whose father the Gauls before had put to 
death, because they thought he aspired 
to make himself king. This Vercingetorix 1090 
dividing his army into divers parts, and 
appointing divers captains over them, had 
gotten to take his part, all the people and countries there about, 
even as far as they that dwell towards the sea Adriatic, having 
further determined (understanding that Rome did conspire 
against Caesar) to make all Gaul rise in arms against him. So 
that if he had but tarried a little longer, until Caesar had 
entered into his civil wars : he had put all Italy in as great fear 
and danger, as it was when the Cimbri did come and invade 
it. But Caesar, that was valiant in all assays and dangers of "°" 
war, and that was very skilful to take time and opportunity : 
so soon as he understood the news of the rebellion, he departed 
with speed, and returned back the self same way which he had 
gone, making the barbarous people know, that they should 
deal with an army invincible, and which they could not possibly 
withstand, considering the great speed he had made with the 
same, in so sharp and hard a winter. For where they would 
not possibly have believed, that a post or currer could have 
come in so short a time from the place where he was, unto them : 
they wondered when they saw him burning and destroying mo 
the country, the towns and strong forts where he came with 
his army, taking all to mercy that yielded unto him : until such 
time as the Aedui took arms against him, 
who before were wont to be called the brethren 
of the Romans, and were greatly honoured 
of them. Wherefore Caesar's men when 
they understood that they had joined with 

Tiie Aedui rebel 

against the 


were marvellous sorry, and half discouraged. 

the rebels, they 
Thereupon, Caesar departing from those parties, went through 
the country of the Lingones, to enter the country of the Bur- 
gonians, who were confederates of the Romans, and the nearest 
unto Italy on that side, in respect of all the rest of Gaul. Thither 
the enemies came to set upon him, and to environ him of all 
sides, with an infinite number of thousands of fighting men. 

io86 Arvernians, etc. (see p. 78). 

1087 Vercingetorix. Chief of the Arverni, 
who carried on war with great ability 
against Ctesar B.C. 52. He was 
carried captive to Rome after the 
capture of Alesia, and adorned Caesar's 
triumph in B.C. 45, and then put todeath. 

1094 sea Adriatic (see p. 78). 

iioS ctU'rer— messenger, Lat. ciitiere, to run. 

1113 Aedui (seep. 78). 

iiig parties— parts, districts. 

1 120 Lingones, etc. (see p. 78). 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 29 

Caesar on the other side tarried their coming, 

Vercingetorix imd fighting with them a long time, he made 

overthrown by tlicm so afraid of him, that at length he 

Caesar. overcame the barbarous people. But at the 

first, it seemeth notwithstanding, that he had 

received some overthrow : for the Arvcrnians shewed a sword "3'^ 

hanged up in one of their temples, which they said they had 

won from Caesar. Insomuch as Caesar self coming that way by 

occasion, saw it, and fell a-laughing at it. But some of his friends 

going about to take it away, he would not suffer them, but 

bade them let it alone, and touch it not, for it was a holy 


45 Notwithstanding, such as at the first had 

The Siege of saved themselves by flying, the most of them 

Alexia. were gotten with their king into the city of 

Alexia, the which Caesar went and besieged, u^o 

although it seemed inexpugnable, both for the height of the 

walls, as also for the multitude of soldiers they had to defend 

it. But now during this siege, he fell into a marvellous great 

danger without, almost incredible. For an 

Caesar's danger army of three hundred thousand fighting 

and wise men of the best men that were among all the 

policy. nations of the Gauls, came against him, being 

at the siege of Alexia, besides them that were 

'■ within the city, which amounted to the number of three score 

and ten thousand fighting men at the least : so that perceiving uy 

he was shut in betwixt two so great armies, he was driven to 

fortify himself within two walls, the one against them of the city, 

and the other against them without. For if those two armies 

had joined together, Caesar had been utterly undone. And 

therefore, this siege of Alexia, and the battle he wan before it, 

did deservedly win him more honour and fame, than any other. 

^ , ^ *6 For there, in that instant and extreme 

Caesars great , ^ , j i- . i 

. . . danger, he showed more valiantness and 

victory at ' • , ,, , i- , ■ i ..i i 

fli«^,.io wisdom, than he did in any battle he 

fought before. But what a wonderful thing,, (». 

was this ! tliat they of the city never heard anything of them 

tliat came to aid them, until Caesar had overcome them : and 

furthermore, that the Romans themselves upon the wall that 

was built against the city, knew also no more of it, than they, 

but when it was done, and tiiat they heard the cries and 

nc) Alexia (sec p. 78). 

1149 three score and ten thousand. 

I'lutat'ch s^^s, ' one huiuircd ainl 
si'vcnty tlioiisaiu).' 
iiGo wonderful thing. I'lntarch liort: fell 

differs greatly from that of Cajsar in 
book VII. flow was it possihie to 
conceal the approach of 3i)o,i>oj men 
from lliiise within the walls, or that his 
own troops next the walls slioulii 

into some yreat error or quoted from know nothing of the victory until they 

some spurious account. His stu.y beard the cries of those within Alexia ? 

30 North's Translation of 

lamentations of men and women in Alexia, when they per- 
ceived on the other side of the city such a number of glistering 

* shields of gold and silver, such store of bloody corselets and 
armours, such a deal of plate and movables, and such a number 

of tents and pavUions after the fashion of the Gauls, which 1 170 
the Romans had gotten of their spoils in their camp. Thus 
suddenly was this great army vanished, as a dream or vision : 
where the most part of them were slain that day in battle. 
Furthermore, after that they within the city of Alexia had done 
great hurt to Caesar, and themselves also : in 

Alexia the end, they all yielded themselves. And 

yielded up to Vercingetorix (he that was their king and 

Caesar. captain in this war) went out of the gates 

* excellently well armed, and his horse furnished 

* with rich caparison accordingly, and rode round about Caesar, nSo 
who sat in his chair of state. Then, hghting from his horse, 

* he took off his caparison and furniture, and unarmed himself, 
and laid all on the ground, and went and sat down at Caesar's 
feet, and said never a word. So Caesar at length committed him 
as a prisoner taken in the wars, to lead him afterwards in his 
triumph at Rome. 

47 Xow Caesar had of long time determined to 
The discord destroy Pompey, and Pompey him also. 

.... _ For Crassus being killed amongst the Par- 

- between Caesar , . , , ^j., ^. j. . ^i. 

thians, who only did see, that one of themngo 
and Pompey. ^^^.^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ . nothing kept Caesar 

and the from being the greatest person, but because he .^^^ 

cause of it. destroyed not Pompey, that was the greater : "^ 

* neither did anything let Pompey to withstand 
that it should not come to pass, but because he did not first 
overcome Caesar, whom only he feared. For till then, Pompey 
had not long feared him, but always before set light by him, 
thinking it an easy matter for him to put him down when he 

* would, sith he had brought him to that greatness he was come 
unto. But Caesar contrarily, having had that drift_in his head£2oo 
from the beginning, like a wrestler that studieth fOTjtricks to 1 

overthrow his adversary L-ie went far from C^q, 

Caesars Rome, to exercise himself in -the wars of Gaul, 

craftiness. where he did train his army, and presently by 

his valiant deeds did increase his fame and 

honour. By these means became Caesar as famous as Pompey 

n6i corselets— light pieces of armour worn 
to protect the breast and body. Cf. 
Coriolanus V. iv. 21. ' He is able to 
pierce a corselet with his eye.' 

1 1 70 furnished— provided. 

1 180 caparison — horse-cloth, from O.F. 
caparasson. a cover for a saddle or 

' Here is the steed, we the caparison.' 
1182 fumituxe- equipment.. 
iiSg Parthians (see p. 78). 
1194 let— prevent (see p. 14, 1. 534). 
1 199 sith — since, from A.S. sidh dhain, 

after that. Cf. Gent, of Verona I. ii. 126, 
1 will not, sith so prettily he couples 

coach. Cf. Coriolanus I. ix. 12, I it to his complaining names." 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 


in his doings, and lacked no more to put his enterprise in 
execution but some occasions of colour, whicli Pompcy partly 
gave him, and partly also the time delivered him, but chielly, 
the hard fortune and ill-government at that time of the •-'•^ 
commonwealth at Rome. 

*8 For they that made suit for honour and 
offices, bought the voices of the people with 
ready money, which they gave out openly to 
usury, without shame or fear. Thereupon, 
the common people that had sold their voices 
for money, came to the market-place at the 
day of election, to fight for him that had hired them : not witii 

The peoples 

voices bought 

at Rome 

fop money 

their voices, but with their bows, slings, and swords. So that 
the assembly seldom time brake up, but that the puli)it for 1220 
orations was defiled and sprinkled with the blood of them that 
were slain in the market-place, the city remaining all that time 
without government of magistrate, like a ship left without a 
pilot. Insomuch, as men of deep judgment and discretion 
seeing such fury and madness of the people, thought themselves 
happy if the commonwealth were no worse troubled, than willi 
the absolute state of a monarchy and sovereign lord to govern 
them. Furthermore, there were many that were not afraid to 
speak it openly, that there was no other help to remedy the 
troubles of the commonwealth, but by the authority of one 1230 
man only, that should command them all : and that this 
medicine must be ministered by the hands of him, that was the 
greatest physician, meaning covertly Pompcy. Now Pompcy 
used many fine speeches, making semblance as though he would 
none of it. and yet cunningly underhand did lay all the irons in 
the fire he could, to bring it to pass, that he might be chosen 
Dictator. Cato finding the mark he shot at, and fearing lest in 
the end the people should be compelled to make him Dictator : 
he persuaded the Senate rather to make him sole Consul, that 
contenting himself with that more just and lawful government. 'iv> 
hi- should iir)t covet the oilier unlawful. The Senate following 
his counsel, did not only make him Consul, 
but further did prorogue iiis government of 
the ])rovinces he had. For he had two i)r(>- 
vinces, all S|)ain and .\fric, the which Ik- 
governed by his lieutenants ; anil furtlier. la- 
received yearly of the common treasure to pay liis soldiers 

governed Spain 
and A 


a^thousand talents. 
i2o8 occasions of colour— i>lauMt>lu i>rc- 


I22U pulpit for orations. The public rostra 
(|>l.ill»niis) lliat wlTu in tin- l''<iriiiii, 
or m.irkft-iil.ici;. Oriniii.illv tliiri- 
only uue pulpit. This pulpit, ur !iUt;c. 

ol>t.iiMtil r'"-ir.i III III 

frmnllii t|<turi'il ships (I . , I 

on it as <ii V :.. In'!. mm; 

tlicrc were twii such rostra, as will as 
several sin.illcr oiio from which 
orators uiit(bt address the |>cople. 


North's Translation of 

and have his 



49 Hereupon Caesar took occasion also to send 
Caesar sueth his men to make suit in his name for the 125a 
the second time Consulship, and also to have the government 
to be Consul, of his provinces prorogued. Pompey at the 
first held his peace. But Marcellus and 
I.entulus (that otherwise hated Caesar) with- 
stood them, and to shame and dishonour him, 
had much needless speech in matters of 
*= weight. Furthermore, they took away the freedom from the 
colonies which Caesar had lately brought unto the city of 
^ Novum Comum in Gaul toward Italy, where Caesar not long 
before had lodged them. And moreover, when Marcellus was 1260 
Consul, he made one of the senators in that city to be whipped 
with rods, who came to Rome about those matters : and said, 
he gave them those marks, that he should know he was no 
Roman citizen, and bade him go his way, and tell Caesar of it. 
After Marcellus' consulship, Caesar setting 
Caesar bribeth open his coffers of the treasure he had gotten 
the magistrates amoiig the Gauls, did frankly give it. out 
at Rome. amongst the magistrates at Rome, without 

• restraint or spare. First, he set Curio, the 

Tribune clear out of debt ; and gave also unto Paul the 1270 
Consul a thousand five hundred talents, with which money he 
built that notable palace, by the market place, called Paul's 
'' Basilisk, in the place of Fulvius' Basilisk. Then Pompey being 
afraid of this practice, began openly to procure, both by himself 
and his friends, that they should send Caesar a successor : and 
moreover, he sent unto Caesar for his two legions of men of war 
which he had lent him, for the conquest of Gaul. Caesar sent 
him them again, and gave every private soldier, two hundred and 
fifty silver drachmas. Now, they that brought 
Pompey abused these two legions back from Caesar, gave out 1280 
by flatterers. ill and seditious words against him among the 
people, and did also abuse Pompey with false 
persuasions and vain hopes, informing him that he was mar- 
vellously desired and wished for in Caesar's camp : and that 
though in Rome, for the malice and secret spite which the 
governors there did bear him, he could hardly obtain that he . 
desired : yet in Gaul he might assure himself, that all the army 
was at his commandment. They added further also, that if 

1257 took away freedom from the colonies— 

deprived the settlers of the rights of 
Roman citizenship. 

1259 Novum Comum— the modern Como. 

1259 Gaul toward. Italy. Gallia Cisalpina. 

1269 Curio-made Tribune by Pompey's 
influence, but Caisar bought him over. 

1273 Fulvius' Basilisk— basilica, a public 
building in the Furnm, used for judicial 
tribunals, and as an exchange. 
1279 drachmas — silver coins, worth six oboli 
= 9Jd. ; about tlie same as a Roman 
denarius. Cf. Julius Cresar iii. 2, 
' To every Roman citizen he gives 
To every several man 75 druchmas.' 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 


Caesar s 

requests unto 

the Senate. 

the soldiers there did once return over the mountains again into 
Italy, they would all straight come to him, they did so hate 129^ 
Caesar : because he wearied them with too much labour and 
continual light, and withal, for that they susj^ectcd he aspired 
to be king. These words breeding security in Pompey, and a 
vain conceit of himself, made him negligent in his doings, so that 
he made no preparation for war, as though he had no occasion 
to be afraid : but only studied to thwart Caesar in speech, and 
to cross the suits he made. Howbeit Caesar passed not of all 
this. For the report went, that one of Caesar's captains which 
was sent to Rome to prosecute his suit, being at the Senate door, 
and hearing that they denied to prorogue Caesar's time of ijoo 
government which he sued for : clapping his hand upon his 
sword, he said, " Sith you will not grant it him, this shall give 
it him." 

50 Notwithstanding, the requests that Caesar 
])ropoundcd, carried great semblance of reason 
with them. For he said, that he was con- 
tented to lay down arms, so that Pompey did 
the like : and that both of them as private 
persons should come and make suit of their citizens to obtain 
honourable recompense : declaring unto them, that taking 131U 
arms from him, and granting them unto Pompey, they did 
wrongfully accuse him in going about to make himself a tyrant, 
and in the meantime to grant the other means to be a tyrant. 
Curio making these offers and persuasions openly before the 
people, in the name of Caesar, he was heard with great rejoicing 
and clapping of hands, and there were some that cast flowers 
and nosegays uj^on him when he went his way, as they common- 
ly use to do unto any man, wlicn he hath obtained victory, 
and won any giimcs. Then Antonius one of the Tribunes, 
brought a letter sent from Caesar, and made it openly to be 1320- 
rcad in despite of the Consuls. But Scipio in the Senate, 
Pompey's father-in-law, made this motion : that if Caesar did 
not dismiss his army by a certain day apjiointed him, the 
Komans should proclaim him an enemy unto Home. Then 
the Consuls openly asked in the jiresence of the Senators, if 
tlicy thought it good that I'ompey should dismiss his army : 
but few agreed to that demand. After tluit again they asked, 
if they liked that Caesar should dismiss his army, thereto they 
all in manner answered yea, yea. I'ul wlicu Antonius 

Poinpi'y clisliaiuliii); his .irmy, but that 
one aixl all vulnl lliat C.i'sar should 
dismiss his, ami iiu wimuUt, as l'uiii|>cy 
was at that time at the (;atcs uf K<>inc 
with a |>owerfiil army, an cfTi-ctive 
means to carry a inajirity in the 

1293 breeding security— a false sense of 
securitv. Cj. Julius C.ijsar II. iii. 8, 
' Security gives way to conspiracy.' 

1297 passed not— paid no heed to. 

1319 Antonius c-eir p. 7(1). 

132b Caesar should dismiss. Dion, the his- 
totian, says, ' there was not a man for 


North's Translation of 

requested again that both of them should lay down arms : 1330 
then they were all indifferently of his mind. Notwithstanding 
because Scipio did insolently behave himself, and :\Iarcellus 
also, who cried that they must use force of arms, and not men's 
opinions against a thief : the Senate rose straight upon it 
without further determination, and men changed apparel 
through the city because of this dissension, as they use to do in 
a common calamity. After that, there came other letters from 
Caesar, which seemed much more reasonable : in the wliich he 
requested that they would grant him Gaul, that lieth between 
the mountains of the Alps and Italy and Illyria, wath two 1340 
legions only, and then that he would request nothing else, until 
he made suit of the second Consulship. Cicero the Orator, that 
was newly come from his government of Cilicia, travailed to 
reconcile them together, and pacified Pompey the best he could : 
who told him, he would yield to anything he would have him, so 
he did let him alone with his army. So Cicero persuaded 
Caesar's friends to be contented, to take those two provinces, and 
six thousand men only, that they might be friends and at peace 
together. Pompey very willingly yielded unto it, and granted 
them. But Lentulus the Consul would not agree to it, but 1350 
shamefully drave Curio and Antonius out of the Senate : where- 
by they themselves gave Caesar a happy occasion and colour, 
as could be, stirring up his soldiers the more against them, when 
he shewed them these two notable men and Tribunes of the 
people that were driven to fly, disguised like slaves, in a carrier's 
cart. For, they were driven for fear to steal 
out of Rome, disguised in that manner. Now 
at that time, Caesar had not in all about him, 
above five thousand footmen and three 
thousand horsemen : for the rest of his army 1360 
he left on the other side of the mountains to 
be brought after him by his lieutenants. 
So, considering that for the execution of his 
enterprise, he should not need so many men of war at the first, 
but rather suddenly stealing upon them, to make them afraid 
with his valiantness, taking benefit of the opportunity of time, 
because he should more easily make his enemies afraid of him. 

Antonius and 
Curio, Tribunes 

of the people. 

fly from Rome 

to Caesar. 

commg so suddenly when they looked not for him. than he 
should otherwise distress them, assailing them with his whole 
army, in giving them leisure to provide further for Mm : he '370 

133 1 indififerently— without distinction or 


1332 Marcellus. Plutarch has Lentulus, so 

that .\myot made a mistake. 
1343 travailea— toiled, worked hard, from 
Fr. tyavailUrJtomlmvail, toil, labour. 

Cf. Troilus and Cressida I. i. 70, 'I 

have had my labour for my.travail.' 

1352 COlOtir— pretext. 

1359 three thousand. Plutarch says ' thrse 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 


commanded his captains and lieutenants to go before, wiihout 
any other armour than their swords, to take the city of Ari- 
minum (a great city of Gaul, being the first city men come to, 
when they come out of Gaul) with as little bloodshed and 
tumult, as they could possible. Then committing that force 
and army he had with him, unto Hortensius, one of his friends : 
he remained a whole day together, openly in the sight of every 
man, to sec the sword-players handle their weapons before him. 
At night he went into his lodging, and bathing his body a little, 
came afterwards into the hall amongst them, and made merry 1380 
with them awhile, whom he had bidden to supper. Then when 
it was well forward night, and very dark, he rose from the table, 
and prayed his company to be merry, and no man to stir, for 
he would straight come to them again : howbeit he had secretly 
before commanded a few of his trustiest friends to follow him, 
not altogether, but some one way, and some another way. lie 
himself in the meantime took a coach he had hired, and made as 
if he would have gone some other way at the first, but suddenly 
he turned back again towards the city of Ariminum. When 
he was come unto the little river of Rubicon, which dividethisgo 
Gaul on this side the Alps from Italy : he stayed upon a 

51 For, the nearer he came to execute his 
purpose, the more remorse he had in his 
conscience, to think what an enterprise he 
took in liand ; and his thoughts also fell out 
more doubtful, when he entered into con- 
sideration of the desperatenessof his attempt. 
So he fell into many thoughts with himself, 
and spake never a word, waving sometime one way, sometime 1400 
another way, and oftentimes changed his determination, 
contrary to himself. So did he talk much also with his friends 
he had with him, amongst whom was Asinius Pollio, telling 
them \vhat mi.schiefs the beginning of this passage over that 
river would breed in the world, and how much their posterity 
and them that lived after them, would speak of it in time to 
come. But at length, casting from him with a noble courage, 
all those perilous tlioughts to come, and speaking these words 
which valiant men commonly say, that attempt dangerous antl 
desperate enterprises : " A desperate man feareth no danger, 1410 

Caesar's doubt- 
ful thoughts 
at the river 
of Rubicon. 

1372 Arlmlniun (see p. 78). 

• 373 a groat, cliy, etc. This pxplanatlon is 
not in I'Uit.irch, but was aililol by 
Aniyot, will) clearly was i^nnrant of 
the boundaries of Cisalpine (iaul : 
' i^raiulc villi qu'mi rcncoitlrc Id (•rcinicie 
ail 501 Mi lie la Oaiile.' 

1384 Straight -siraiyhtway, at once. 

1403 ABiniua (see p. 7O). 

1410 A desperate man. etc. So North 
transl.ius tin jiri.vfrb, ' .1 tout f<rrilie 
n'y a qu'vii cou(< (•nilleiiv f'ouiums,' 
he found in Ainyoi. The (ircck oriRi- 
nal hail XvippujiOu) Kvfio^, i.e. 
' The ilic is cast.' 

36 North's Translation of 

come on ! " he passed over the river, and when he was come 

over, he ran with his coach and never 

The Greek stayed, so that, before dayhght he was within 

^'^ the city of Ariminum, and took it. It is said, 

that the night before he passed over this 
speech* ^^Ccist 

. ' „ river, he dreamed a damnable dream, that he 

carnally knew his mother. 
52 The city of Ariminum being taken, and the 
Caesar took rumour thereof dispersed through all Italy, 
the city of even as if it had been open war both by sea 1420 
Ariminum. and land, and as if all the laws of Rome, to- 
gether with the extreme bounds and confines 
of the same had been broken up : a man would have said, 
that not only the men and women for fear, as experience 
proved at other times, but whole cities themselves leaving their 
habitations, fled from one place to another through all Italy. 
And Rome itself also was immediately 
* Rome in uproar filled with the flowing repair of all the people 
with Caesar's their neighbours thereabouts, which came 
coming. thither froin all parties like droves of cattle, 1430 

that there was neither officer nor magistrate 
that could any more command them by authority, neither by 
any persuasion of reason bridle such a confused and disorderly 
multitude : so that Rome had in manner destroyed itself for 
lack of rule and order. For in all places, men were of contrary 
opinions, and there were dangerous stirs and tumults every- 
where ; because they that were glad of this trouble, could 
keep in no certain place, but running up and down the city, 
when they met with others in divers places, that seemed either 
to be afraid or angry with this tumult (as otherwise it is impos- 14^0 
sible in so great a city) they flatly fell out with them, and boldly 
threatened them with that that was to come. Pompey himself, 
who at that time was not a little amazed, was yet much more 
troubled with the ill words some gave him on the one side, and 
some on the other. For some of them reproved him, and said 
that he had done wisely and had paid for his folly, because he 
had made Caesar so great and strong against him and the 
commonwealth. And other again did blame him, because he 
had refused the honest offers and reasonable conditions of 
peace, which Caesar had offered him, suffering Lentulus the 1450 
Consul to abuse him too much. On the other side, Favonius 

p. 287, ' In which time one Taib, a 
follower of Cessford . . . came forth 
in a bravery, . . . asking if any of them 
had courage to break a lance for his 
1453 bravery— fit of bravado. Cf. Spotwood, mistress ' ; also Hamlet V. ii. 78, ' The 

1428 repair — return, from Fr. repairer, to 
haunt, to lodge in ; from Lat. repatrio, 
to return to one's country. 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 


spake unto him, and bade him stamp on the ground with his 
foot : For Pompcy being one day in a bravery in the Senate, 
said openly : let no man take thought for preparation of war, 
for when he listed, with one stamp of his foot on the ground, 
he would fill all Italy with soldiers. This notw^ithstanding, 
Pompey that time had a greater number of soldiers than 
Caesar : but they would never let liim follow his own deter- 
mination. For they brought him so many lies, and put so 
many examples of fear before him, as if Caesar had been already u&j 
at their heels, and had won all : so that in the end he yielded 
unto them, and gave place to their fury and madness, determin- 
ing (seeing all things in such tumult and garboil) that there was 
no way but to forsake the city, and thereupon commanded the 
Senate to follow him. and not a man to tarry there, unless he 
loved tyranny, more than his own liberty and the common- 
wealth. Thus the Consuls themselves, before 
Pompey flieth they had done their common sacrifices accus- 
from Rome. tomed at their going out of the city, fled 

every man of them. So did likewise the 1470 
most part of the Senators, taking their own things in haste, 
such as came first to hand, as if by stealth they had taken them 
from another. And there were some of them also that always 
loved Caesar, whose wits were then so troubled and besides 
themselves, with the fear they had conceived ; that they also 
fled, and followed tlie stream of this tumult, without manifest 
cause or necessity. But above all things, it was a lamentable 
sight to see the city itself, that in this fear and trouble was left 
at all adventure, as a ship tossed in a storm of sea, forsaken of 
her pilots, and despairing of her safety. This their departure 1480 
being thus miserable, yet men esteemed their banishment (for 
the love they bare unto Pompey) to be their natural country, 
and reckoned Kome no better than Caesar's camp. 

53 At that time also Labienus, who was one 
of Caesar's greatest friends, and had been 
always used as his lieutenant in tlie wars of 
Gaul, and had valiantly fought in his cause : 
he likewise forsook him then, and fled unto 
Pompcy. But Caesar sent his money and 
carriage after him, and then went and encamped before the 1490 
city of Corfinus, the wliicli Domitius kept, with tliirty cohorts 
or ensigns. When Domitius saw he was besieged he straight 

Labienus for- 
sook Caesar 
and fled to 

bravery of bis grief did put me into a 
towering passion.' 
1463 garboU. Other forms are carboile 
and t;ttrboyle ; meant a noisy tumult, 
or commution; from O. Fr. f;iiiboutl, 
3 burly burly; Lat. gnirire, to chatter, 

and biiUiie, to boil. C/. Antony and 
Cleopatra I. iii. 6i, 'Look here, and 
at thy KovcreiKu leisure read what 
garboili she awaked.' 

1491 Corfinus (see p. 78). 


North's Translation of 



from Caesar 

and fled to 


* thought himself but undone, and despairing of his success, he 
bade a physician, a slave of his, give him poison. The physician 
gave him a drink which he drank, thinking to have died. But 
shortly after Domitius hearing them report what clemency and 
wonderful courtesy Caesar used unto them he took ; repented 
him then that he had drunk this drink, and began to lament and 
bewail his desperate resolution taken to die. The physician 
did comfort him again, and told him, that he had taken a drink. 1500 
only to make him sleep, but not to destroy him. Then Domi- 
tius rejoiced, and went straight and yielded himself to Caesar : 

who gave him his life, but he notwithstanding 
stale away immediately, and fled unto 
Pompey. When these news were brought 
to Rome, they did marvellously rejoice and 
comfort them that still remained there ; and 
moreover there were of them that had for- 
saken Rome, which returned thither again. 
In the meantime, Caesar did put all Domitius' men in pay, 1510 
and he did the like through all the cities, where he had taken 
any captains, that levied men for Pompey. Now Caesar 

* having assembled a great and dreadful power together, went 
straight to where he thought to find Pompey himself. But 

Pompey tarried not his coming, but fled 

into the city of Brundusium, from whence 

he had sent the two consuls before with that 

army he had, unto Dyrrachium : and he 

himself also went thither afterwards, when 

he understood that Caesar was come, as you shall hear more 1520 

amply hereafter in his life. Caesar lacked no goodwill to 

follow him, but wanting ships to take the seas, he returned 

forthwith to Rome : So that in less than three score days, 

he was lord of all Italy, without any bloodshed. Who when 

he was come to Rome, and found it much quieter than he looked 

for, and many senators there also, he courteously entreated 

them, and prayed them to send unto Pompey, to pacify all 

matters between them, upon reasonable conditions. But no 

man did attempt it, either because they feared Pompcjr, for 

that they had forsaken him, or else for that -they thought 1530 

Caesar meant not as he spake, but that they were words of 

course, to colour his purpose withal. And when Metcllus also, 

one of the Tribunes, would not suffer him to take any of the 

Pompey flieth 
into Epirus. 

1493 but undone— simply ruined. 

1513 power— force. C/. Richard II., II. ii. 
143, ' Where is the duke, my father, 
with his power ? ' 

1516 Brundusium (see p. 78). 
151 8 Dyrrachium (see p. 7S). 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 39 

common treasure out of the temple of Saturn but told him that 

it was against the law : " Tush," said he, " time of war and 

law are two things. If this that I do," quoth he, " do offend 

thee, then get thee hence for this time, for 

Silent leges inter war cannot abide this frank and bold speech. 

arma. But when wars are done, and that we are all 

* quiet again, then thou shalt speak in the 1540 
pulpit what thou wilt : and yet do I tell thee this of favour, 
impairing so much my right, for thou art mine, both thou, and 
all them that have risen against me, and whom I have in my 

hands." When he had thus spoken unto 

Caesar taketh .Mctellus, he went to the temple door where 

money out of tlic treasure lay : and finding no keys there, 

the temple he caused smiths to be sent for, and made 

of Saturn. them break open the locks, Metellus thereupon 

began again to withstand him, and certain men 
that stood by praised him in his doing ; but Caesar at length 1550 
speaking bigly to him, threatened him he would kill him 
presently, if he troubled him any more : and told him, further- 
more, " Young man" cpioth he, "thou knowest it is harder 
for me to tell thee, than to do it." That word made Metellus 

* quake for fear, that he got him away roundly ; and ever after 
that, Caesar had all at his commandment for the wars. 

54 From thence he went into Spain, to make 

Caesars journey war with Petreius and Varro, Pompey's 

into Spain lieutenants : first to get their armies and 

against provinces into his hands which they governed, 'sCo 

Pompey's ^'^'^^ afterwards he might follow Pompey the 

lieutenants better, leaving never an enemy behind him. 

In this journey he was oftentimes himself 

in danger, through the ambushes that were laid for liim in 

divers strange sorts and places, and likely also to have lost all 

his army for lack of victuals. All tliis notwitlistanding, he 

never left following of Pompey's lieutenants, provoking them 

to battle, and intrenching them in : until he had gotten their 

camp and armies into his hands, albeit that the lieutenants 

themselves tied unto Pompey. When Caesar returned again 1570 

unto Rome, Piso his father-in-law gave him counsel to send 

ambassadors unto Pompey, to treat of peace. But Isauricus, 

to flatter Caesar, was against it. Xacsax-bcing then jcrcatcd 

1540 ahalt speak in the pulpit (sec noie, 

!'• 3')- 
1555 roundly — straightforwardly, without I round ty tj lUcef 


much ceremony. Cf. Titiniut; of tht 
i>hrtu< I, ii. 39, ' Shall I then cuiiiu 


Norlh's Translation of 


JDictator by the Senate, called home again all the banished 
men, and restored, all jtheir children to honour, whose fathers 
before had been slain in Sulla's time : and did somewhat cut 
off the usurie s th at did oppress them, and besides, did make 
some such other ordinances as those, but 
very 4ew, For lie was Dictator but eleven 
days only, and tlien did yield it u p of h imself, 1580 
and mad e him self Consul \\ith Servilius 
Isauricus, and after that determined to follow the wars. 
All the rest of his army he left coming 
on the way beliind him, and went him- 
self before with six hundred horse, and 
five legions only of footmen, in the winter 


Caesar and 

quarter, about the month of January, which 
after the Athenians, is called Posideon. Then having passed 
over the sea Ionium, and landed his 
men, he wan the cities of Oricum and 159° 
ApoUonia. Then he sent his ships back 
again to Brundusium, to transport the 
rest of his soldiers that could not come with 
that speed he did. 
55 They as they came by the way, (like men whose strength 
of body, and lusty youth, was decayed) being 
wearied ^\ith so many sundry battles as they 
had fought with their enemies : complained of 
Caesar in this sort : " To w hat end and purpose 

Caesar goeth 

into the 

kingdom of 


Complaints of 

the old soldiers 

against Caesar 

dotli_this mag^aje us af terMmJjip and dowmeoo 
in the world, using us like slaves and drudges^? It is hot ouf~ 
armour, but our bodies that bear the blows away ; and what, 
shaU we never be without our harness on our backs, and our 
shields on our arms ? Should not Caesar think, at the least when 
he seeth our blood and wounds, that we are all mortal men, and 
that we feel the misery and pains that other men do feel ? 
And now even in the dead of \\T.nter,he putteth us unto the mercy 
of the sea and tempest, yea which the gods themselves cannot 
withstand : as if he fled before his enemies and pursued them 
not." Thus spending time -with this talk; the soldiers still 'Sio 
marching on by small journeys came at length unto the city of 
Brundusium. But when they were come, and found that 
Caesar had already passed over the sea, then they straight 
changed their complaints and minds. For they blamed them- 

1579 Dictator. Cassar was made Dictator 
B.C. 49. 

1583 Posideon— from Poseidon, the Greek 
god of the sea, called by the Romans, 
Neptune. The Greeks called the 
severest part of the winter by this 
name. It did not correspond to our 

January, but included the latter part 
of December. 

1590 Oricum (see p. 78). 

1591 Apollonia (see p. 78). 

1591 ships hack again. They were sent 
under Calenus. He, sailing too late 
for the wind, fell in with Bibulus, who 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 41 


selves, and took on also with their captains, because they had 
not made them make more haste in marching : and sitting upon 
the rocks and cliffs of the sea, they looked over the main sea, 
towards the realm of Epirus, to see if they could discern the 
ships returning back, to transport them over. Caesar in the 
meantime being in the city of ApoUonia, having but a small ,620 
army to fight with Pompcy, it grieved him for that the rest of 
his army was so long a-coming, not knowing what way to take. 
56 In the end he followed a dangerous deter- 
A great mination, to embark unknown in a little 

adventure of pinnace of twelve oars only, to pass over 
Caesar. the sea again unto Jirundusium, the which 

he could not do witliout great danger, con- 
sidering that all that sea was full of Pompcy 's sliips and armies. 
So he took shij? in the niglit apparelled hke a slave, and went 
aboard upon this little pinnace, and said never a word, as if he ,630 
had been some poor man of mean condition. The pinnace 
lay in the mouth of the river of Anius, the 
Anius fl. which commonly was wont to be very calm 

and quiet, by reason of a little wind that 
came from the sliore, which every morning drave back the 
waves far into the main sea. But that night, by ill fortune, 
there came a great wind from the sea that overcame the land 
wind, insomuch as the force and strength of the river fighting 
against the violence of the rage and waves of the sea, the en- 
counter was marvellous dangerous, the water of the river being ,5^0 
driven back, and rebounding upward, with great noise and 
danger in turning of the water. Thereupon the master of the 
pinnace, seeing he could not possibly get out of the mouth of 
this river, bade the mariners to cast about again, and to return 
against the stream. Caesar hearing that, straight discovered 
himself to the master of the pinnace, who at the first was 
amazed when he saw him : but Caesar then taking him by the 
hand, said unto him, " Good fellow, be of good cheer, and 
forwards hardily, fear not, for thou hast Caesar and his fortune 
with thee." Then the mariners forgetting the danger of the,r,5„ 
storm they were in, laid on load witli oars and laboured for life 
what they could against the wind, to get out of the mouth of 
this river. But at length, perceiving they laboured in vain, 
and that tlie pinnace took in abundance of water, and was 
ready to sink : Caesar then to his great grief, was driven to 

look thirty shi|>s, which he burnt, with ' 1632 Anius (see p. 78) 
all their pilots and sailurs, to intimidate 
the rest (sec Ca.sar, B. G., Uk. III.). 

1G13 took on— luiind fault. 

lOii pinnace— a small vessel with oars ami 
sails. I-r. piiuissc, Lat. fiiiiin, a ship. 

1649 forwards hardily— row boldly on. C/, 
WvLi.ii 1 i-.'s St. .Mark xv. 43,' '//(in/ify 
he cmredu into I'ilat and axidc tha 
boJ) of Jhesa.' 

i6}i laid on load— worked vi);orouslyi 

42 North's Translation of 

return back again. Who when he was returned unto his 
camp, his soldiers came in great companies unto him, and 
were very sorry, that he mistrusted he was not able with them 
alone to overcome his enemies, but would put his person in 
danger, to go fetch them that were absent, putting no trust 1660 
in them that were present. 

* 57 In the meantime Antonius arrived, and 
brought with him the rest of his army from 

Caesar's dangers grundusium. Then Caesar finding himself 
and troubles strong enough, went and offered Pompey 
^= in the realm battle, who was passingly well lodged, for 
of Epirus. victualling of his camp both by sea and land, 
Caesar on the other side, who had no great 
plenty of victuals at the first, was in a very hard case : inso- 
much as his men gathered roots, and mingled them with milk, 1670 
and ate them. Furthermore, they did make bread -of it also, 
and sometime when they skirmished with the enemies, and 
came alongst by them that watched and warded, they cast 
of their bread into the trenches, and said : that as long as 
the earth brought forth such fruits, they would never leave 

* besieging of Pompey. But Pompey straightly commanded 
them, that they should neither carry those words nor bread 
into their camp, fearing lest his men's hearts would fail them, 
and that they would be afraid, when they should think of their 
enemies' hardness, with whom they had to fight, sith they were leso 
weary with no pains, no more than brute beasts. Caesar's 
men did daily skirmish hard to the trenches of Pompey's camp, 

in the which Caesar had ever the better, saving once only, 

at what time his men fled with such fear, that 

Caesar's army all his camp that day was in great hazard to 

fled from have been cast away. For Pompey came on 

* Pompey. with his battle upon them, and they were not 

able to abide it, but were fought with, and 
driven into their camp, and their trenches were filled with dead 
bodies, which were slain within the very gate and bulwarks of i6go 
their camp, they were so valiantly pursued. Caesar stood before 
them that fled, to make them to turn head again : but he could 
not prevail. For when he would have taken the ensigns to 
have stayed them, the ensign bearers threw them down on the 
ground : so that the enemies took two and thirty of them, 
and Caesax!s_seIf„also scaped hardly with life. For striking a 

1662 Antonius arrived. Antony and Calenus 
came in the vessels that had escaped 
Bibulus, with 800 horse and four 
legions (see Cassar, B. G., Bk. III.), 

i655 passingly— tolerably. 

1676 straightly— strictly (see note, p. 9). 

1687 battle— army. Cf. Henry V. iv., 
prologue, line g, ' Each battle sees the 
other's uniber'd face.' 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 43 

great big soldier that fled by him, commanding him to stay, 
and turn his face to his enemy : the soldier being afraid, lift 

* up his sword to strike at Caesar. But one of Caesar's pages, 
preventing him, gave him such a blow with his sword, that he 1700 
strake off his shoulder. Caesar that day was brought unto so 
great extremity, that (if Pompey had not cither for fear, or 
spiteful fortune, left off to follow his victory, and retired into his 
camp, being contented to have driven his enemies into their camp) 
returning to his camp with his friends, he said unto them : " Jt\p 

victory this day had been our^neinies'^ iTthcy p^^ 
Caesars words haJTiad a captain, that could havct old how t o 
of Pompey s hav e overcom e." So when he was come to 
victory. Ins'lodging, he went to bed, and that night 

troubled him more, than any night that ever'7"o 
he had. For still his mind ran with great sorrow of the foul 
fault he had committed in leading of his army, of selfwill to 
remain there so long by the seaside, his enemies being the 
stronger by sea : considering that he had before him a goodly 
country, rich and plentiful of all things, and goodly cities of 
Macedon and Thessaly, and had not the wit to bring the war 
from thence, but to lose his time in a place, where he was rather 
besieged of his enemies for lack of victuals, than tliat he did 
besiege them by force of arms. Thus, fretting and chafing 

* to see himself so straighted with victuals, and to think of his 17^0 
ill luck, he raised his camp, intending to go set upon Scipio, 
making account, that cither he should draw Pompey to battle 
against his will, when he had not the .sea at his back to furnish 
him with plenty of victuals ; or else that he should easily 
overcome Scipio, finchng him alone, unless he were aided. 

58 This remove of Caesar's camp, did much 

Pompey s de- encourage Pompey's army and his captains, 

termination for who would needs in any case have followed 

the war. after him, as though he had been overcome, 

and had fled. But for Pompey himself, he '73° 
would in no respect hazard battle, whicli was a matter of so 
great importance. For finding himself well provided of all 
things necessary to tarry time, he thought it better to draw 
this war out in length, by tract of time, the rather to consume 
this little strength that remained in Caesar's army : of the 
wliich, the best men were marvellous well trained and good 
soldiers, and for, at one day's battle, were incom- 

1C09 one of Ceesar's pages. The word 
ill Plutarch which Aiiiyot trans- 
lates ticuyer anil North /'<i),'« is 

V7ra(nri(rTii<:, which means a 

sliicKl liiarcr. 
i"so straighted - ^"-iii< i ■ ■! kit nrtc on 

paKf 9) 


North's Translation of 

parable. But on the other side again, to remove here and there 
so oft, and to fortify their camp where they came, and to besiege 
any wall, or to keep watch all night in their armour : the most i/io 
part of them could not do it, by reason of their age, being 
unable to do away with that pains, so that the weakness of their 
bodies did also take away the life and courage of their hearts. 
Furthermore, there fell a pestilent disease among them that 
came by ill meats hunger drave them to eat : yet was not this 
the worst. For besides, he had no store of money, neither 
could tell how to come by victuals : so that it seemed in all 
likelihood, that in very short time he would come to nothing. 
For these respects, Pompey would in no case fight, and yet 
had he but Cato only of his mind in that, who stuck in it the 1750 
rather, because he would avoid shedding of his countrymen's 
blood. For when Cato had viewed the dead bodies slain in the 
camp of his enemies, at the last skirmish that was between 
them, the which were no less than a thousand persons : he 
covered his face, and went away weeping. 

59 AH other but he, contrarily fell out with 
him, and blamed him, because he so long 
refrained from battle, and some pricked him 
forward, and called him Agamemnon, and 
king of kings, saying, that he delayed this i7fo 
war in this sort, because he would not leave 
his authority to command them all, and that he was glad 
always to see many captains roundabout him, which. came to 
his lodging to honour him, and wait upon him. And Favonius 
also, a hare-brained fellow, franticly counterfeiting the round 
and plain speech of Cato, made as though he was marvellous 
angry, and said : "Is it not great pity, that we shall not eat 
this year of Tusculum figs, and all for Pompey's ambitious 
mind to reign alone ? " And Afranius, who not long before 
was but lately come out of Spain (where, because he had but 1770 
ill success, he was accused of treason, that for money he sold 
his army unto Caesar :) he went busily asking, why they fought 
not with that merchant, unto whom they said he had sold 
that province of Spain ? So that Pompey with these kind of 
speeches, against his will, was driven to follow Caesar, to fight 
with him. Then was Caesar at the first, marvellously perplexed, 
and troubled by the way : because he found none that would 

Pompey called 


and king of 


1742 to do away with that pains— 'o 

endure ihat fatigue. 
1750 stuck in — adhered to. 
1759 Agamemnon — the leader of the 

Greeks against Troy and superior to 

them all in dignity and majesty; 

hence ' king of kings.' 

176S Tusculum. A favourite residence of 
the rich Romans during the summer 

1769 Afranius. Afranius was one of 
Pomi e)'s lieutenants in Spain. For 
others see p. 39. 

Plutarch's Julius Csesaiv 45 

give him any victuals, being despised of every man, for the 
late loss and overthrow he had received. But after that he 
'■ had taken the city of Gomphi in Thessaly, he did not only meet 17S0 
with plenty of victuals to relieve his army 
The city of witli : but he strangely also did rid them of 
Gomphi. in their disease. For the soldiers meeting with 
Thessaly. plenty of wine, drinking hard, and making 
merry : drave away the infection of the pesti- 
lence. For Ihcy disposed themselves unto dancing, masking, 
and playing the Baccherians by the way, insomuch that 
drinking drunk they overcame their disease, and made their 
bodies new again. 

60 When they both came into the country of 1790 
Pompey's Pliarsaha, and both camps lay before the 

dream in other : Pompey returned again to his former 
Pharsalin. determination, and the rather, because he had 
ill signs and tokens of misfortune in his sleep. 
For he thought in his sleep, that when he entered into the theatre, 
all the Romans received him with great clapping of hands. 
Whereupon, they that were about him grew 
The security to such boldness and security, assuring thcm- 
of the selves of victory : that Domitius, Spinther, 

Pompeians. and Scipio, in a bravery contended between iSod 
themselves, for^the chief bishopric which 
Caesar had. Furthermore, there were divers that sent unto 
Rome to hire the nearest houses unto the market-place, as being 
the fittest place for praetors and consuls : making their account 
already, that those offices could not scape them incontinently 
after the wars. But besides those, the young gentlemen, and 
Roman kniglits were marvellous desirous to fight, that were 
bravely mounted, and armed witli glistering gilt armours, 
their horses fat and very finely kept, and themselves goodly 
young men, to the number of seven thousand, where theiSio 
gentlemen of Caesar's side, were but one tliousand only. The 
number of hi.i footmen also were much after 
Pompey s army tlic same reckoning. For he had five and 
as great again forty thousand against two and twenty 
as Caesars. thousand. Wherefore Caesar called his 
soldiers togctlier, and told tliem how Corni- 
ficius was at hand, who brought two whole legions, and that he 
had fifteen ensigns led by Calcnus, the which he had made to 

1780 Oomphl-a strong fortress in Thessaly, 1701 Pharsalla-the country round Phar- 
on the borders of Epirus, ccn.manding ^^al"". » town in Thessaly. 

the chief jafs 1 etwccn those two iS.i chief bishopric (see nttc on p. 75, and 
districts. on joi)//is.i.i er, [>. ^9). 

46 North's Translation of 

* stay about Megara and Athens. Then he asked them if they 
would tarr^' for that aid or not, or whether they would rather 1820 
themselves alone venture battle. The soldiers cried out to 
him, and prayed him not to defer battle, but rather to devise 

* some fetch to make the enemy fight as soon as he could. Then 
as he sacrificed unto the gods, for the purifpng of his army : 
the first beast was no sooner sacrificed, but his soothsayer 
assured him that he should fight within three days. Caesar 
asked him again, if he saw in the sacrifices, any lucky sign, or 
token of good luck. The soothsayer answered, " For that, 
thou shalt answer thyself, better than I can do : for the gods 
do promise us a marvellous great change, and alteration ofiSso 
things that are now, unto another clean contrar3^ For if thou 

* beest well now, then think to have worse fortune hereafter : 
and if thou be ill, assure thyself thou shalt have better." 

61 The night before the battle, as he went 
A wonder about midnight to visit the watch, men saw 

* seen in the ^ great firebrand in the element, all of a light 

element ^^^' ^^^^^ came over Caesar's camp, and fell 

. down in Pompey's. In the morning also 

when thev relieved the watch, they heard a 
false alarm in the enemies' camp, without any 18+0 
Pharsalia. apparent cause which they commonly call, 
a sudden fear, that makes nien beside them- 
selves. This notwithstanding, Caesar thought not to fight that 
day, but was determined to have raised his camp from thence, 

* and to have gone towards the city of Scotusa : and his tents 
in his camp were already overthrown when his scouts came in 
with great speed, to bring him news that his enemies were 
preparing themselves to fight. 

62 Then he was very glad, and after he had 
Caesar's army, made his prayers unto the gods to help him'Sso 
and his order that day, he set his men in battle ray, and 
of battle in divided them into three squadrons : giving 

* the fields '^^^ middle battle unto Domitius Calvinus, 
of Pharsalia ^^*^ ^^^ ^^^^ wing unto Antonius, and placed 

himself in the right wing, choosing his place 
to fight in the tenth legion. But seeing that against that, his 
enemies had set all their horsemen : he was half afraid when he 
saw the great number of them, and so brave besides. Where- 

1819 Megara (see p. 78). 

1823 fetch— a trick, stratagem, cr artifice. 
Cf. Waterland, vol. II. 243, 'The 
gentleman thinks he has a /etch for 
that' ; also Himlet II. i. 38, ' It is a 
fetch of wit." 

1S32 then think. North has ' dost thou 

think,' ignoring^ the imperative mood 
found in Amyot and Plutarch. 

1836 element— sky. 

1845 Scotusa (see p. 7S). 

1853 battle— division. 

1353 Domltiixs (see p. 76). 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 47 

fore he closely made six ensigns to come from the rearward of 
his battle, whom he had laid as ambush behind his right wing, i860 
having first appointed his soldiers what they should do, when 
the horsemen oi the enemies came to give them charge. On the 

other side, Pompey placed himself in the 

Pompey's army, right wing of his battle, gave the left wing 

and his order unto Domitius, and the middle battle unto 

of battle. Scipio his father-in-law. Now all the Roman 

knights ( as we have told you before) were 
placed in the left wing, of purpose to environ Caesar's right wing 
behind, and to give their hottest charge there, where the general 
of their enemies was : making their account, that there was no 1870 
squadron of horsemen how thick soever they were, that could 
receive the charge of so great a troop of horsemen, and that at 
the first onset, they would overthrow them all, and march upon 
their bellies. When the trumpets on either side did sound the 
alarm to the battle, Pompey commanded his footmen that they 
should stand still without stirring, to receive the charge of 
their enemies, until they came to throwing of their darts. 

Wlierefore Caesar afterwards said, that 
An ill counsel Pompey had committed a foul fault, not to 
and foul fault consider that the charge which is given 1880 
of Pompey. running with fury, besides that it giveth the 

more strength also unto their blows, doth 
set men's hearts also afire : for the common hurling of all the 
soldiers that run together, is unto them as a bo.\ on the ear 
that sets men afire. Then Caesar making his battle march 
forward to give the onset, saw one of his captains (a valiant 
man, and very skilful in war, in whom he had also great coa- 
fidence) speaking to his soldiers that he had under his charge, 
encouraging them to fight like men that day. So he called him 
aloud by his name, and said unto him : " Well, Caius Crassinius, '890 
what liope shall we have to-day ? How arc we determined, to 
fight it out manfully ? " Then Crassinius casting up his hand, 
answered him akiud, " This day, O Caesar, we shall have a 
noble victory, and I promise thee ere night thou shall praise 
me alive or dead." 

63 When he had told him so, he was himself 

The battle in the foremost man that gave charge upon his 

the fields of enemies, witli liis band following of him, being 

Pharsalia. about six score men, and making a lane 


North's Translation of 

through the foremost ranks, with great slaughter he entered 1900 
far into the battle of his enemies : until that valiantly fighting 
in this sort, he was thrust in at length in the mouth with a 
sword, that the point of it came out again at his neck. Now the 
footmen of both battles being come to the sword, the horsemen 
of the left wing of Pompey, did march as fiercely also, spreading 
out their troups, to compass in the right wing of Caesar's 
battle. But before they began to give charge, the six ensigns 
of footmen which Caesar had laid in ambush behind him, they 
began to run full upon them, not throwing away their darts 

far off as they were wont to do, neither striking 1910 
Caesar's their enemies on the thighs nor on the legs, 

stratagem. but to seek to hit them full in the eyes, and 
to hurt them in the face, as Caesar had taught 
them. For he hoped that these lusty young gentlemen that 
had not been often in the wars, nor were used to see themselves 
hurt, and the which, being in the prime of their youth and 
beauty, would be afraid of those hurts, as well for the fear of 
the present danger to be slain, as also for that their faces 
should not for ever be deformed. As indeed it came to pass, 
for they could never abide that they should come so near their 1920 
faces, with the points of their darts, but hung down their heads 
for fear to be hit with them in their eyes, and turned their 
backs, covering their face, because they should not be hurt. 
Then, breaking of themselves, they began at length cowardly to 
fly, and were occasion also of the loss of all the rest of Pompey's 
army. For they that had broken them, ran immediately to set 
upon the squadron of the footmen behind, and slew them. 

6i Then Pompey seeing his horsemen from 
Caesar the other wing of his battle, so scattered and 

overcometh dispersed, flying away: forgot that he was i9:.o 
Pompey. any more Pompey the great which he had 

been before, but rather was like a man whose 
wits the gods had taken from him, being afraid and amazed 
with the slaughter sent from above, and so retired into his tent 
speaking never a word, and sat there to see the end of this battle. 
Until at length all his army being overthrowai, and put 
• to flight, the enemies came, and got up upon the rampers 
and defence of his camp, and fought hand to hand with them 
that stood to defend the same. Then as a man come to him- 
self again, he spake but this only word, "What, even into 040 

1525 occasion— the cause. 
1937 rampers (see note on p. 27). 
1951 Caius Caesar, i.e. Caius Julius Caesar. 
1968 many signs — Cassar himself nicnticns 
some, e.g. be sa^s be was told tl at in 

the Temple of Minerva, at Elis, the 
statue of victory in front of the 
goddess turned her face towards the 
portal the very c'ay Csesar deftated 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 


Pompey's our camp ? " So in haste, casting off his 

flight. coat-armour and apparel of a general, he 

shifted him, and put on such, as became his 
miserable fortune, and so stale out of his camp. Furthermore, 
what he did after his overthrow, and how he had put himself into 
the hands of the Egyptians, by whom he was miserably slain : 
we have set it forth at large in his life. Then Caesar entering 
into Pompey's camp, and seeing the bodies laid on the ground 
that were slain, and others also that were a-killing ; said, fetching 
a great sigh : " It was their own doing, and against my will." 1550 
For Cains Caesar, after he had won so many famous conquests, 
and overcome so many great battles, had been utterly con- 
demned notwithstanding, if lie liad departed from his army. 
Asinius Pollio writeth, that he spake these words then in Latin, 
which he afterwards wrote in Greek, and saith furthermore, 
that the most part of them which were put to the sword in the 
camp, were slaves and bondmen, and that there were not slain 
at all in this battle, above six thousand soldiers. 

63 As for them that were taken prisoners, 

Caesar did put many of them amongst his i960 

legions, and did pardon also many men of 

estimation, among whom Brutus was one, 

that afterwards slew Caesar himself : and it 

is reported, that Caesar was very sorry for 

liim, when he could not immediately be 

found after the battle, and that he rejoiced again, when he 

Signs and knew he was alive, and that he came to 

- tokens of yield himself to him. Caesar had many 

_ ■ • a. , signs and tokens of victory before this 

^' battle: but llie notablcst of all other that 1970 

* happened to him, was in the city of Tralles. For in the temple 

of victory, within the same city, there was an 

image of Caesar, and the earth all about it very 

hard of itself, and was paved beside with hard 

stone : and yet some say that there sprang up a 

pahn hard by tlie base of the same image. In 

the city of I'adua, Caius Cornelius, an excellent 

soothsayer, (a countryman and friend of Titus Livius the 

historiograplier) was by chance at that time set to behold the 

flying of birds. He (as Livy rcportcth) knew the very time 

Brutus, that 

slew Caesar, 

taken prisoner 

at the battle 

of Pharsalia. 

A strange tale 
of Cornelius, 
an excellent 

1971 Tralles (sec p. 78). 

1978 Soothsayer — soothfayers, or at:K»rs, 
Wire iiicinl ers of collc(;cs at Koine 
foun<lcd !)>■ KiiiR Nuiiia. .'\t first tlitru 
were three colleges, the members all 
beine patricians. Tliey prclenc'cd to 
predict future events by noting the 

fll);lil and vinKiii); of Ijrds, the manner 
ill which the sacred chickens ate their 
focd, the in(i\cnu'nts of quadrupeds, 
etc. As they were consulted on all 
imp<rlanf occafions. they long |K)S- 
(esfcd Kfbnt influence (see mtc on 
' chief bishop,' p. 75). 


Nopth's Translation of 

when the battle began, and told them that were present, " Even 1980 
now they give the onset on both sides, and both armies do meet 
at this instant." Then sitting down again to consider of the 
birds, after he had bethought him of the signs : he suddenly- 
rose up on his feet, and cried out as a man possessed with some 
spirit, " O Caesar, the victory is thine." Every man wondering 
to see him, he took the crown he had on his head, and made an 
oath that he would never put it on again, till the event of his 
prediction had proved his art true. Livy testifieth, that it so 
came to pass. Caesar afterwards giving freedom unto the 
Thessalians, in respect of the victory he wan in their country, 1990 
he followed after Pompey. When he came into Asia, he gave 
freedom also unto the Gnidians for Theopompus' sake, who 

had gathered the fables together. He did release Asia also, the 
third part of the tribute which the inhabitants paid unto the 
Romans. Then he came into Alexandria, after Pompey was 
slain : and detested Theodotus that presented him Pompey's 
head, and turned his head aside because he would not see it. 

id beholding it, wept. 
66 Furthermore, he courteously used all Pom- 
pey's friends and familiars, who wandering 2000 
up and down the country, were taken of the 
King of Egypt, and wan them all to be at his 
commandment. Continuing these courtesies, 
his friends at Rome, that the greatest 
pleasure he took of his victory_wa§.,^hat 
he daily saved the lives of _some^j3£^is C^>^> 
cbuntrjanen that bare arms against ^him. 
And for the war he made in Alexandria, some 
say, he needed not have done it, but that he 
willingly did it for the love of Cleopatra : wherein he wan 2010 
little honour, and besides did put his person 
in great danger. Others do lay the fault upon 
the King of Egypt's ministers, but specially 
on Pothinus, the eunuch, who bearing the 
greatest sway of all the king's servants, after 
he had caused Pompey to be slain, and driven 
Cleopatra from the court, secretly laid wait all the ways he 
could, how he might likewise kill Caesar. Wherefore Caesar 
hearing an inkling of it, began thenceforth to spend all the 

Notwithstanding he took his seal 


clemency in 


he wrote unto 

The cause of 
Caesar's war 
in Alexandria. 

Pothinus, the 

eunuch, caused 

Pompey to be 


1992 Theopompus (see p. 76). 

1997 aside. Both the 1579 and 1595 editions 
have 'at toe side,' whilst that of 1603 
has 'aside,' which is clearly what is 

2019 an inkling — a hint, intimation. Inkling; 
is a verbal noun, formed from the 
Middle Engli^h verb incle, ' to incle 
the truth.' Cf. Coriolanus I. i, 60, 
' They have had iiikliHg this fortnight 
what we intend to do,' 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 


night long in feasting and banqueting, that his person might be -0^° 
in the better safety. But besides all this, Pothinus the eunuch 
spake many things openly not to be borne, only to shame 
Caesar, and to stir up the people to envy him. For he made 
his soldiers have the worst and oldest wheat that could be 
gotten : then if they did complain of it, he told them, they 
must be contented, seeing they ate at another man's cost. 
And he would serve them also at the table in treen and earthen 
dishes, saying, that Caesar had away all their gold and silver, 
for a debt unto the king's father (that then reigned) did owe 
unto him : which was, a thousand seven hundred and fifty 2030 
myriads, whereof Caesar had before forgiven seven hundred and 
fifty thousand unto his children. Howbeit he then asked a 
million to pay his soldiers withal. Thereto Pothinus answered 
him, that at that time he should do better to follow his other 
causes of greater importance, and afterwards that he should at 
more leisure recover his debt, with the king's goodwill and 
favour. Caesar replied unto him, and said, that he would not 
ask counsel of the Egyptians for his affairs, but would be paid : 
and thereupon secretly sent for Cleopatra which was in the 
country to come unto him. She only taking Apollodorus2o4o 
Sicilian of all her friends, took a httle boat, and went away with 
him in it in the night, and came and landed 
Cleopatra came hard by the foot of the castle. Then having 
to Caesar. no other mean to come into the court without 
being known, she laid herself down upon a 
mattress or flock bed which Apollodorus her friend tied and 
bound up together like a bundle with a 
great leather thong, and so took her up on 
his back, and brought her thus hampered 
in this fardel unto Caesar, in at the castle 205° 
gate. This was the first occasion (as it is 
reported) that made Caesar to lo\e her : 
but afterwards, when he saw her sweet 
conversation and pleasant entertainment, he 
fell then in further likmg with her, and did 
reconcile her again unto her brother the king, with condition, 
that they two jointly should reign together. Upon this new 
reconciliation, a great feast being prepared, a slave of Caesar's 
that was his barber, the fearlullest wretch that Uvcd, still 
busily prying and listening abroad in every corner, being ao6o 

trussed up in 
*a mattress, and 
so broui^ht to 
Caesar upon 

3027 treaa— wooden, from A.S. treowen, a 
tree. C/. JovK, Expniilion of Daniel, 
Ch. I, 'They praised and worshipiKjd 
ihcir own g.ildcn, syluety, coper, 
ycrncy, tretn and stony goddis.' 

30JO fardel— a bundle or 

Lat. /ardellus, a bunk „ 

/ariiah, a. package. C/. Hamlet 
III. i. 76, ' Vvlio would /<i>i/Ws bear.' 

2U39 feirfullest— niQSt timid. 

iiack, from Low 
rdcn, from Arabic 


North's Translation of 

The great 

library of 



mistrustful by nature : found that Pothinus and Achillas did 
lie in wait to kill his master Caesar. This being 
proved unto Caesar, he did set such sure watch about 
the hall, where the feast wr.s made, that in fine, he slew 
the eunuch Pothinus himself. Achillas on the other side, 
saved himself and fled unto the king's camp, where he raised a 
marvellous dangerous and difficult war for Caesar ; because he 
was having then but a few men about him as he had, he was to 
fight against a great and strong city. The first danger he fell 
into, was for the lack of water he had : for that his enemies had 2070 
stopped the mouths of the pipes, the which conveyed the 
water unto the castle. The second danger he had, was, that 
seeing his enemies came to take his ships from him, he was 
driven to repulse that danger with fire, the which burnt the 
arsenal where the ships lay, and that notable 
librarj^ of Alexandria withal. The third 
danger was in the battle by sea, that was 
fought by the tower of Phar : where meaning 
to help his men that fought by sea, he leaped 
from the pier into a boat. Then the Eg^'ptians 20S0 
made towards him with their oars, on every side : but he 
leaping into the sea, with great hazard saved himself by swim- 
ming. It is said, that then holding divers 
books in his hand, he did never let them go, 
but kept them always upon liis head above 
water, and swam with the other hand, not- 
withstanding that they shot marvellously at 
him, and was driven sometime to duck into 
the water : howbeit the boat was drowned presently. In fine, 
the king coming to his men that made war with Caesar, he went aogo 
against him, and gave him battle, and wan it with great 
slaughter, and effusion of blood. But for the king, no man 
could ever tell what became of him after. 
* 67 Thereupon Caesar made Cleopatra his 

Caesar made sister, Queen of Egypt, who being great with 
Cleopatra Queen child bj^ him, was shortly brought to bed of 
of Egypt. a son, whom the Alexandrians named 

■' Caesarion. From thence he went into Syria, 

and so going into Asia, there it was told him that Domitius 


swimming with 

books in his 


arsenal. Here means ' dock,' a mean- 
ing which it has now lost. Originally 
it came from the .^rab ddr cinaa, a 
house of industry, hence, a factory, a 
dockyard. In Spanish and Portuguese 
arsenal means a magazine or dockyard ; 
in Italian, a wet dock. 

2076 tower of Phar. .\ noted tower, on the 
top of which fires were kept burning to 
guide sailors. It was on a small island 
called Pharos, near Alexandria. 

2 394 his Sister — the sister of the King of 

209S Cassarion (see p. ^6). 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 



Caesar's son, 

begotten of 


was overthrown in battle, by Pharnaces, the 2100 
son of King Mithridatcs, and was fled out 
of the reahn of I'ont, with a few men with 
him : and that this king Pharnaces greedily 
following his victory, was not contented 
with the winning of Bithynia, and Cap- 
padocea, but further would needs attempt to win Armenia 
the less, procuring all those kings, princes, and governors of 
the provinces thereabouts to rebel against the Romans. There- 
upon Caesar went thither straight with three 
Caesars victory legions, and fought a great battle with King 2110 
of King Pharnaces by the city of Zcla, where he slew 

Pharnaces. his army, and drave him out of all the rcalrri 
of Pont^ And because he would ad\ertise 
one of his friends of the suddenness of this vict ory, he o nly 
wrote three wordsunto Anitius at Ro me : 


Caesar writeth 
three words 
to celebrate 
his victory. 

other tongue. 

vidi, vici : to wit, I came, _\ saw, I 
conqu ered. These three words ending all 
with like sound and letters in tlie Latin, 
liave a certain short grace, more pleasant to 
the ear. than can be well expressed in any 2120 
After this he returned again into Italy, and 
came to Rome, ending his year for which he was made Dicta- 
tor the second time, which office before was never granted 
for one whole year, but unto him. Then he was chosen 
Consul for the year following. 
68 Afterwards he was very ill spoken of, for that his soldiers in 
a mutiny having slain two praetors, Cosconius and Galba, he 
gave them no other punishment for it, but instead of calling 
them soldiers, he named them citizens, and gave unto every one 
of them a thousand drachmas a man, and great possessions in 2130 
Italy. He was much mislikcd also for the desperate parts and 
madness of Dolabella, for the covetousness of Anitius, for the 
drunkenness of Antonius and Cornificius, which made Pomjiey's 
house be pulled down and builded up again, as a thing not big 
enough for him, wherewith the Romans were marvellously 
offended. Caesar knew all this well enough, and would have 
been contented to have redressed them ; but to bring his 
matters to pass he pretended, he was driven to serve his turn 
by such instruments. 

21 1 1 Zela (see p. 76). 

211 J Pont. Pharnaces sci/.e<l the oppor- 
tunity of the Civil War to resiiiiit- 
possession of Lis father's dominions of 

Pontus, here called Pont. 
2125 year following, i.i-. It. 0.46. 
2137 bring bla matters, etc.— a bicvc his 


North's Translation of 


journey into 

Afric against 

Cato and 


69 After the battle of Pharsalia, Cato and^Ho 
Cicero being fled into Afric, King Juba 
joined with them, and levied a great puissant 
army. Wherefore Caesar determined to 
make war with them, and in the midst of 
winter, he took his journey into Sicily. There, 
because he would take all hope from his 
captains and soldiers to make any long abode there, he went 
and lodged upon the very sands by the seaside, and with the 
next gale of wind that came, he took the sea with three thousand 
footmen, and a few horsemen. Then having put them a-land, 2150 
unawares to them, he hoisted sail again, to go fetch the rest of 
his army, being afraid lest they should meet with some danger 
in passing over, and meeting them midway, he brought them 
all into his camp. Where^jwhen it was told hinvthaLhis^nemies 
trust ed in an ancient oracle, whiclisaidj^ that it was predestined 
_jin to th e family of the Scipios tg_be conquerors^ jn ^fric : 
either of purpose to mock Scipio the generalof his enemies, or 
Tbtherwise in good earnest to take the benefit of this name 
(given by the oracle) unto himself, in all the skinuishes^and 
battles fought, he gave the charge of his army, unto a man of 2160 
inearr quality and account, called Scipio SalutiusPwhcTcame of 
the race of Scipio African, and made him _ahvays_liis_general 
* whenJis_fDught. For he was eftsoons compelled to weary and 
harry his enemies : for that neither his men in his camp had 
corn enough, nor his beasts forage, but the 
Caesar's troubles soldiers were driven to take seaweeds, called 
in Afric: Alga: and (washing away the brackishness 

Alga and dog's thereof with fresh water, putting to it a little 
herb called dog's tooth) to cast it so to their 
horse to eat. For the Numidians, (which are 2170 
light horsemen, and very ready of service,) 

tooth given to 

the horse 

to eat. 




number together, would be 

on a sudden in every place, and spread all the fields over 

thereabout, so that no man durst peep 

Caesar's out of the camp to go for forage. And 

dangers in one day as the men of arms were staying to 

Afric. behold an African doing notable things in 

dancing and playing with the flute : they 

being sat down quietly to take their pleasure of the view thereof, 

2141 King Juba (see p. 76). 

2142 puissant -mighty, powerful, from Fr. 

puissant, povverfal. C/. Milton, 
Paradise Lost XII. 322, 'For piety 
renown'd and puissant deeds.' King 
Lear V. iii. 216, 'His grief grew 
2163 eftsoons— soon after, shortly, or quickly, 


from A. S. eft, aj^ain, and soon. 
Thomson, Epitliaiamium, 

' Eftsoons the father of the silver 

The noble Thames, his azure head 
2i6j dog's tooth. A literal translation of 
chienienf, couch-grass. 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 55 

having in the meantime given their slaves their horses to hold, ^'t*" 
the enemies stealing suddenly upon them, compassed them in 
roundabout, and slew a number of theni in the held, and 
' chasing the other also that fled, followed them pell mell into 
the camp. Furthermore had not Caesar himself in person, and 
Asinius Pollio with him gone out of the camp to the rescue, 
and stayed them that fled : the war that day had been ended. 
There was also another skirmish where his enemies had the 
upper hand, in the which it is reported, that Caesar taking the 
ensign-bearer by the collar that carried the eagle in his hand, 
stayed him by force, and turning his face, told him: "See, 2190 
there be thy enemies." These advantages did lift up Scipio's 
heart aloft and gave him courage to hazard battle : and 
leaving Afranius on the one side of him and King Juba on the 
other hand, both their camps lying near to other, he did fortify 
' himself by the city of Thapsacus, above the lake, to be a safe 
refuge for them all in this battle. But whilst he was busy 
entrenching of himself, Caesar having marvellous speedily 
passed through a great country full of wood, by bypaths wliich 
' men would never have mistrusted : he stale upon some behind, 
and suddenly assailed the other before, so that he over- 2200 
threw them all, and made them fly. Then following this first 
good hap he had, he went forthwith to set upon the camp of 
Afranius, the which he took at the first onset, and the camp of 
the Xumidians also, King Juba being fled. 

7 J Thus in a little piece of the day only, he 

Caesar s great took three camps, and slew fifty thousand 

victory and of his enemies, and lost but fifty of his soldiers. 

small loss. I'^ this sort is set down the effect of this battle 

by some writers. Yet others do write also, 
that Caesar self was not there in person at the execution oi^o 

this battle. For as he did set his men 

Caesar troubled '" battle array, the falling sickness took 

with the falling '^'"^' ^hereunto he wius given, and thcrc- 

. , fore feeling it coming, before he was 

overcome withal, he was carried into a castle 

not far from thence, where the battle was 
fought, and tlicre took his rest till the extremity of his disease 
had left him. Now, for the Praetor and Consuls that scaped 
from this battle, many of them being taken prisoners, did kill 

.:i8j pell-mell — in utter confusion; from Richard HI., V. iii. 31a. 'March on, 

O. l-r. fesU-mesle, I-r. pellevicllt, 
literally stirred up with a shovel ; fr. m 
Fr. fctlt, a shovel, and l-r. vicler, to 
mix. Cf. Ulti.ek, lluiliOrus i. 3, 'To 
come pellmtll to blows.' Also 

join bravely, let us to 't piH-mcll.' 
219s Thapsacus (see p. 78). 
2:99 mistrusted '^uspccicd. 
2212 railing sickness (sec note, p. 18). 


North's Translation of 

themselves, and others also Caesar did put to death : but he 2220 
being specially desirous of all men else to have Cato alive in 
his hands, he went with all possible speed unto the city of 
Utica, whereof Cato was governor, by means whereof he was 
not at the battle. Notwithstanding^ being 
certified by the way that Cato_ had_slain 
himself ~with his own hands, he then made Ci.<0 
open show that he was very sorry for it, but 
why or wherefore, no mahT could tell. But 
this is true, that Caesar said at that present 
" O Cato, I envy thy death, because thou didst envy my 2230 

Caesar was 

sorry for 

the death 

of Cato. 

* time 

glory, to save thy life." This notwithstanding, the book that 
he wrote afterwards against Cato being dead, did shew no very 
great affection nor pitiful heart towards him. For how could 
he have pardoned him, if living he had him in his hands : that 
being dead did speak so vehemently against 
him ? Notwithstanding, men suppose he 
would have pardoned him, if he had taken 
him alive, by the clemency he shewed unto 
Cicero, Brutus, and divers others that had 
borne arms against him. Some report, that he wrote that 2240 
book, not so much for any private 
malice he had to his death, as for civil 
ambition, upon this occasion. Cicero had 
written a book in praise of Cato, which he 
entitled, Cato.. This book in likelihood was 
very well liked of, by reason of the eloquence 
of the orator that made it, and of the excellent subject thereof. 
Caesar therewith was marvellously offended, thinking that to 
praise him, of whose death he was author, was even as much as 
to accuse himself : and therefore he wrote a letter against him, 2250 
and heaped up a number of accusations against Cato, and 
entitled the book, Anticaton. Both these books have favourers 
unto this day, some defending the one for the love they bare 
to Caesar, and others allowing the other for Cato's sake. 
71 Caesar being now returned out of Afric, first of all made an 
oration to the people, wherein he greatly^praised and com- 
mended this his last victory, declaring unto them, that he had 
conquered so many countries unto the empire of Rome, that he 
could furnish the commonwealth yearly, with two hundred 

Caesar wrote 

against Cato, 

being dead. 

Cicero wrote 

a bool< in 

praise of Cato 

being dead. 

2223 Utica (see p. 78). 

2223 by means whereof— for which reason. 
2230 envy my glory, etc.— begrudge me 
the glory of sparing thy Hfe. 

2260 twenty hundred thousand. Plutarch 

says thirty hundred thousand. 

2261 three triumphs. Plutarch only names 

three, whereas it is certain Ca;sar had 
four. The most important, that over 
the Gauls, he omits (see Suetonius). 
272 to curry favour with— to obtain the 
goodwill of, a corrupti^n of Mid. 
English, ' to curry favell ' ; Fr. ctriller 
fauveau, lit. to rub down the chestnut 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 57 

* thousand bushels of wheat, and twenty hundred thousand 2^60 

* pound weight of oil. Then he made three triumphs, the one 
for Egypt, the other for the kingdom of I'ont, and the third 
for Afric : not because he had overcome Scipio there, but 
King Juba, whose son being likewise called Juba, being then 
a young boy, was led captive in the show of this triumph. But 
this his imprisonment fell out happily for him : for where he 

was but a barbarous Numidian, by the study 

Juba, the son ^^^ ^^jj unto when he was prisoner, he came 

of King Juba. afterwards to be reckoned one of the wisest 

a famous historiographers of the Grecians. And these 2370 

historiographer, triumphs ended^ he yery_liberally rewarded 

* his soldiers : and to curry favour with the 
people, he made great_ feasts and common sports. For 
■" ' ~ he feasted all the Romans at one time, 

Caesar's at two and twenty thousand tables, and 

feasting of gave them the pleasure to see divers 

- the Romans. sword-players to fight at the sharp, and 

battles also by sea, for the remembrance of 

his daughter Julia,'*tv'hich was dead long before. Then after 

all these sports, he made the people (as the manner was) to be 2280 

* mustered : and where there were at the last musters before, 
three hundred and twenty thousand citizens, at this muster 
only there were but a hundred and fifty thousand. Such 
misery and destruction had this civil war brought unto the 
commonwealth of Rome, and had consumed such a number of 
Romans not speaking at all of the mischiefs and calamities 
it had brought unto all the rest of Italy, and to the other 

provinces pertaining to Rome. I 

Caesar Consul 72 After all these things \yere_endcd., he was 

'i'- the fourth chosen Consul the fourth time, and went 2290 

time. into Spain to make war with the sons of 

Pompey : who were yet but very young, jDut 

Battle fought had notwithstanding raised a marvellous 

betwixt Caesar gicat army together, and shewed to have 

and the young ^^'^^ manhood and courage worthy to com- 

Pompeys by "i^^ritl such an army, insomuch as they put 

., ., _ Caesar himself in great danger of his life, 

' The greatest battle that was fought between 

"" ^- them in all this war, was by the city of 

horse ; /avet was a common name for 
a horse, and the same word, l.ut from a 
diflcr.nt source (l.^i. /abula), was used 
f.)r flattery. C/. Macaui.av lli^t. Kng.. 

i.h v%fi • „i 1.1. .. .0 ' 

Ch. xvi. •. . . changed ihir'rti 


to curry favour Hll, King lame.. 

2277 at the 8i,arp_^vit|, pointed we.ip .ns 

C/. C.,i.i.ii.,(, • If butchers had but the 

manners to go to sharf>i, gcnilcincii 
would be contented with a rubber 
at cuffs.' 

22St mustered— asscmbl d together so as to 
take .1 census. C/. 2 Kin.;s xxv. 19, 
' Tlu; principal scribe of the host, 
wliijii itr.i'.lcreil the iieople.' 

22()j fourth time. This was B.C. 46. 


58 North's Translation of 

* iMunda. For then Caesar seeing his men sorely distressed, 2300 
and having their hands full of their enemies : he ran into 
the press among his men that fought, and cried out unto 
them : " What! are ye not ashamed to be beaten and taken 
prisoners, yielding yourselves with your own hands to these 
young boys ? " And so, with all the force he could make, 

I having with much ado put his enemies to 

Caesar's victory flight: he slew above thirty thousand of them 

of the sons in the field, and lost of his own men a 

of Ponipey. thousand of the best he had. After this 

battle he went into his tent, and told his friends, 2310 
that he had often before fought for victory, but this last time now, 
that he had fought for the safety of his own life. He wan 

^ this battle on the veiy feast day of the Bacchanalians, in the 
which men sa}', that Pompey the great went out of Rome, about 
four years before, to begin this civil war. For his sons, the 
younger scaped from the battle : but within few days after, 
Didius brought the head of the elder. This was the last war 
that Caesar made. But the triumph he made into Rome for 
the same, did as much offend the Romans, and more, than 
anything that ever he had done before : because he had not 2320 
overcome captains that were strangers, nor barbarous kings, 
but had destroyed the sons of the noblest man in Rome, whom 
fortune had overthrown. And because he had plucked up his 
race by the roots, meriTdld not think it meet for him to triumph 
so for the calamities of his country, rejoicing at a thing for the 
which he had but one excuse to allege in his defence, imto the 
gods and men ; that he was compelled to do that he did. And 
the rather they thought it not meet, because he had never 
before sent letters nor messengers unto the commonwealth at 
Rome, for any victory that he had ever won in all the civil 2330 
wars : but did always for shame refuse the glor\- of it. This 
notwithstanding, the Romans inclining to Caesar's prosperity, 
and taking the bit in the mouth, supposing that to be ruled by 

' one man alone, it would be a good mean for them to take 

breath a httle, after so many troubles an d miseries asjbhey 

had abidden in these civil wars : they^ chose 

Caesar Dictator ^""^ perpetual Dictator. This was a plain ^^ 

tyranny, for to this absolute power of dictator, 

P6PDGXU <^.\ -^ - -J..L . - - — -1- _ 

they added this, never to be af raid t p-^be 

1/ deposed : Cicero propounded before the 


2300 Munda. A town in Baetica, south of 
Spain, about twenty-five miles west 
ot Malaga, now called Monda, B.C. 45. 

2313 very feast day. March 17th, B.C. 45. 

had then baen abolished over 140 
years. Translators have been misled 
by term rrj Ttuv Aiovi'crtcui' eopr'q 
. . .^ (Diony^iiorum festo), the festival of 

To call it the feast day of the Bac- I Dionysians. It really was the festival 

chanalians is absurd, as that festival ' known as ' Libera'lia,' the name 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 




The temple of 
clemency dedi- 
cated unto 
Caesar for 
his courtesy. 

Senate, that they should give him such honours as were meet 
for a man : howboit otlicrs afterwards added to, honours 
beyond all reason. For, men striving who should most honour 
him, they made him hateful and troublesome to themselves 
that most favoured him, by reason ot the unmcasurablc great- 
ness and honours which they gave him. Thereupon, it is 
reported, that even they that most hated-Mm»_\vcre no less 
favourers and furthcrers of his honours, than they that most 
flattered him : because they might have greater occasions to 
rise, and that it might appear thc^' had justl;ausc^!n3~colour to 2350 
attempt that they did against him. And^nbvvrTorTiimself , 
after he had ended his civil wars, he did so 
honourably behave himself, that there was no 
fault to be found in him : and therefore, 
mcthinks, amongst other honours they gave 
him, he rightly deserved this, that they 
should build him a temple of clemency, to 
thank him for his courtesy he had used unto 
them in his victory. For he pardoned^maiLy 
of them that had borne arms against him_, jind 2360 
~ furthermore, did prefer some of Ihcrn^ to 

Cassius and honour and office in the^ commo nwealth : as 
Brutus Praetors, amongst others, Cassius and Brutus, both of 
whom he made Praetors. Ajjd^ - wiiere 
Pornpey's images had been thrown, dowiLjie_causcd them to be 
set ugjagainT^ whereupon Cicero said then, lhat_Caesar setting 
up Pompcy's images again he made his own to stand the^surer. 
And when some of his friends did counsel him to have a guard 
for the safety of his person, and some also did offer themselves 
to serve him, he would never consent to it, but 
Caesar s saying said, it was better to die once.Jhan always to 
be afraid of death. But to win himself the 
love and goodwill of the people, as the 
guard and best safety he could have, 
he made common feasts again, and 
general distributions of corn. Furthermore, 
to gratify the soldiers also, he replenished 
many cities again with inhabitants, which 
before had been destroyed, and placed them 
there that had no place to repair unto : of ajSo 
the which the noblest and chiefcst cities were 


■ 2.170 

of death, 

Goodwill of 

subjects the 

best guard 

and safety 

for princes. 


Dionysus beiiix cuinnion to both 
deities, ' Libera ' niifl ' Uacchus.' 
Hence arose the error in translation. 
It would be a good mean. 'It' is 
redundant, tlie snl>)cct of the sentence 
being ' to be ruled by one man alone.' 

There are several other similar in- 
stances (sec lines 276, 349, 546 and 

2334 mean— way, means. 

233f tyranny (see note, p. fi). 

235' that — that which (sec note, p. ii). 


North's Translation of 

* these two, Carthage and Corinth, and it chanced also that, like 
as aforetime they had been both taken and destroyed together, 
even so were they both set afoot again, and replenished with 

* people, at one self time. And, as for great personages, he wan 
them also, promising some of them to make them praetors and 
consuls in time to come, and unto others honours and prefer- 
ments, but to all men generally good hope, seeking all the ways 
he could to make every man contented with his reign. Inso- 
much as, one of the consuls called Maximus chancing to die a 23^0 
day before his consulship ended, he declared Caninius Rebilus 

Consul only for the day that remained. So, 
divers going to his house (as the manner was) 
to salute him, and to congratulate with him 
of his calling and preferment, being newly 
chosen officer, Cicero pleasantly said, " Come, 
let us make haste, and be gone thither 

before his consulship come out." 
73 Furtherrnore^ Caesar being born to_ attempt^ll great 

enterprises, and _ having an ambitious desire besides to-'i'^° 

Rebilus Consul 
for one day. 

£;3^^^ covefgreat honours, the prosp^roui^J^goo3r~success he had 
'of~his^ former^ conquests bred no desir e in _hirn_c|uietly to 
enjoy the fruits of his labours, but rather gave him_iiO£e^of 
things to come, still kindling more and more in him thoughts of 
greater enterprises, and desire of new glory, as if that which he 
~had present were stale and nothing woi;th. This humour of his 
was no other but an emulation with himself as with another 
man, and a certain contention to overcome the things he 
prepared to attempt. For he was determined, and made 

* preparation also, to make war with the Persians. Then, when 241° 

* he had overcome them, to pass through Hyrcania (compassing 
in the sea Caspium and mount Caucasus) into the realms of 

* Pontus, and so to invade Scythia : and, overrunning all the 
countries and people adjoining unto high Germany, and 
Germany itself, at length to return by Gaul into Italy, and so 

'^^X:::^ to enlarge the Roman Empire roundT that it might Jielevery 
way^compassed in by the grea^t sea^ Oceanus. But whilst he 

* was preparing for this voyage he attempted to cut the 

* bar of the strait of Peloponnesus in the 
Anien et Tiber, place where the city of Corinth standeth. 2420 

fl. Then he was minded to bring the rivers 

2382 Carthage, etc. (see p. 78). 

2385 oneself— the same. C/. Rich. II., I. ii. 23, 
'That self mould that fashioned thee.' 

2410 Persians. Amyot has ' le% Parthes ' 
(Parthians), so that evidently North 
has made a mistake in translation. 

21 II Hyrcania (see p. 78). 

2413 Scythia (seep. 78). 

241S voyage— originally a journty, whether 
by land or sea;' from O. Fr. veiage, 
Fr. L'oyage : from Lat. xnaticum, provi- 
sions for a journey. C/. 

2419 Peloponnesus (see'p. 78). 

2422 Anien (see p. 78). 

Plutarch's Julius CaeSar. 


the inequality 
of the year. 

' of Anion and Tiber, straip;ht from Rome unto the city of 
' Circeii, with a deep channel and high banks cast up on cither 
side, and so to fall into the sea at Tcrracina, for the better 
safety and commodity of the merchants that come to Rome to 
traffic there. Furthermore, he determined to draw and 
' seaw all the water of the marishes betwixt the cities of Xomcn- 
tum and Setium, to make it firm land, for the benefit of many 
thousands of people ; and on the seacoast next to Rome to 
cast great high banks, and to cleanse all the haven about -+3'^ 
' Ostia, of rocks and stones hidden under the water, and to take 
' away all other impediments that made the harborough dan- 
' gerous for ships, and to make new havens and arsenals meet to 
harbour such ships, as did continually traffic thither. All 
these things were purposed to be done, but took no effect. 
But the ordinance of the calendar, and 
Caesar reformed reformation of the year, to take away all 
confusion of time, being exactly calculated of 
the mathematicians, and brought to perfec- 
tion, was a great commodity. For the-44« 
Romans, using then the ancient computation 
of the year, had not only such incertainty and alteration of the 
month and times, that the sacrifices and the yearly feasts came 
little by little to seasons contrary for the purpose they were 
ordained : but also in the revolution of the sun (which is called 
Annus Solaris) no other nation agreed with them in account : 
and, of the Romans themselves, only the priests understood it. 
And therefore, when they listed, they suddenly (no man being 
able to control them) did thrust in a month above their ordinary 
number, which they called in old time, Mercedonius. Some--»30 
say, that Xuma Pompilius was the first that devised this way, 
to put a month between : but it was a weak remedy, and did 
little help the correction of the errors that were made in the 
account of the year, to frame them to perfection. But Caesar, 
committing this matter unto the philosophers, and best expert 
mathematicians at that time, did set forth an excellent and 
perfect calendar, more exactly calculated, than any other that 
was before : the whicli the Romans do use until this present 
day, and do nothing err as otiiers, in the difference of time. 

74 But his enemies notwilhstaj iding that'"*^ 
Why Caesar envied his greatness, did not stick to find 
was hated. fault withal. As Cicero the orator, when 

2423 Clrcell — a town on the sea coast, sixty- 

tivc miles south-east of Koine. 
2427 seaw — sewer or drain. Seaw is short 

for esiewe;ifroni O.iFr. tauitr, to dry ; 

Lat. cxiucco, to deprive of moisture ; 

ex, out, and iuccui, juice, moisture. 
2431 Oatla (see p. 78;. 
24 33 harborough— harbour. 

2)3} arsenals -dockyards (see note, p. ;2). 
2440 commodity— advantage, convenience. 

cy. a Henry IV„ I. ii. 278. ' I will turn 

diseases to commodity.' 
2446 Annus Solaris— year. 
2450 Morcodonlus. mcnsis intcrcataiis. 
2454 them— the years. 


North's Translation of 

one said, "To-morrow the star Lyra will rise : " " Yea," 
said he, " at the commandment of Caesar," as if men were 
compelled so to say and think, by Caesar's edict. But^he 
chiefest cause that made him mortally ^ ated. was the 

covetous desire to be called king 

which first gave the people 


Just cause, and next his secret enemies hoiiesi^ colour ,„jto_bear 
him illwill. This notwithstanding, they that procured him this 
honour and dignity, gave it out among the people, that it was : 
written in the Sibylline prophecies, how the Romans might 
overcome the Parthians, if they made war with them, and were 
led by a king, but otherwise that they were unconquerable. 
And furthermore, they were so bold besides, that Caesar 
returning to Rome from the city of Alba, when they came 
to salute him, they called him king. But the people being 
offended, and Caesar also angry, Jie^aid_hej\vas not called king, 
but Caesar. Then ever>' man keeping silence, he went his way 
heavy and sorrowful. When they had decreed divers honours 
for him in the Senate, the Consuls and Praetors accompanied 24S0 
with the whole assembly of the Senate, went unto him in the 
market-place, where he was set by the pulpit for orations, to tell 
him what honours they had decreed for him in his absence. 
But he sitting still in his majesty, disdaining to rise up unto 
them when thej' came in, as if they had been private men, 
answered them : that his honours had more need to be cut off 
than enlarged. This did not only offend the Senate, but the 
common people also, to see that he should so lightly esteem of 
the magistrates of the commonwealth : insomuch as every 
man that might lawfully go his way, departed thence very 2490 
sorrowfully. Thereupon also Caesar rising, departed home to 
his house, and tearing open his doublet collar, making his neck 
bare, he cried aloud to his friends, thatJii^_throa±jyvas_ready to 
offer to any man that would come and cut it. Notwithstanding, 
it is reported, that afterwards to excuse this folly, he imputed 
it to his disease, saying, that their wits are not perfect \vhich 
have his disease of the falling ejvil, when standing on their feet 
they speak to the common people, but are soon troubled with a 
trembling of their bod3^ and a sudden dimness and giddiness. 
But that was not true. For he would have risen up to the-^soo 
Senate, but Cornelius Balbus, one of his friends (but rather a 
flatterer) would not let him, saying, " What ! do you not 

2471 Sibylline prophecies. Accordirg to 
the legend, the Sibyl offered King 
Tarquinius nine books for sale. On 
his refusing to purchase them, she 
destroyed three and cffered him the 
remaining six ; meeting with another 
refusal, she destroyed three more, 

whereupon he purcliased the remaining 
three, which were preserved in the 

2482 pulpit for orations (see note, p. 31). 

2492 doublet. Probably an undergarment 
which required another over it. It 
fitted closely to the body, with skirts 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 


remember you are Caesar, and will you not let them reverence 
you, and do their duties ? " Besides tlicsc occasions and 
offences, there followed also his shame and reproach, abusing 
the Tribunes of the people in this sort. 

75 At that time, the feast Lupercalia was 
The feast celebrated, the which in old time men say 
Lupercalia. was the feast of shepherds or herdmen, and 

is much like unto the feast of the LycacanS25io 
in Arcadia. But, howsoever it is, that day there are divers 
noblemen's sons, young men, (and some of them magistrates 
themselves that govern them) which run naked through the 
city, striking in sport them they meet in their way, with 
leather thongs, hair and all on, to make them give place. And 
many noblewomen and gentlewomen also, go of puipose to stand 
in their way, and do put forth their hands to be stricken, as 
scholars hold them out to their schoolmaster, to be stricken with 
the ferule : persuading themselves that being with child, they 
shall have good delivery, and also being barren, that it will 2520 
make them to conceive with child. Caesar sat to behold that 
sport upon the pulpit for orations, in a chair of gold, apparelled 
in triumphing manner. Antonius who was 
Consul at that time, was one of them that 
ran this holy course. So when he came into 
the market place, the people made a lane for 
him to run at liberty, and he came to Caesar, 
and presented him a diadem wreathed about 
Whereupon there arose a certain cry of 
rejoicing, not very great, done only by a 2530 
few appointed for the purpose. But when 
Caesar refused the diadem, then all the 
people together made an outcry of joy. Then 

Antonius. being 

Consul, was one 

of tile Lupep- 


with laurel. 

Antonius offering it him again, there was a 

Antonius pre- 
sented the 
diadem to 


second shout of joy, but yet of a few. But 

when Caesar refused it again the second time, then all the 

whole people shouted. Caesar having made this proof, found 

that the people did not like of it, and thereupon rose out of his 

chair, and commanded the crown to be carried unto Jupiter in 

the Capitol. After that, there were set up images of Caesar in tiie 2540 

city with diadems upon their heads, like kings. Those, the two 

Tribunes, Flavius and Marullus, went and pulled down : and 

slightly bf.'low the girdle; from O.F 
doulilel, ail inner (double) garment. 

2497 falling evll- 

on p. 18. 

-called tlie fulling sickness 

2507 Lupercalia. This festival, originally 
held by shepherds was celebrated on 

February 15. It was held in the 
Lupercal. where Romulus and Kciiius 
are said to have been nurtured by a 
she-wolf. The place contained an 
altar and a srove where goats and dogs 
were sacrificed to Luptrcus, the god 
of fertility. 


North's Tpanslation of 

furthermore, meeting with them that first saluted Caesar as 
king, they committed them to prison. The people followed 
them rejoicing at it, and called them Brutes ; because of 
Brutus, who had in old time driven the kings out of Rome, and 
that brought the kingdom of one person, unto the government 
of the Senate and people. Caesar was so offended withal, that 
he deprived Marullus and Flavius of their tribuneships, and 
accusing them, he spake also against the people, and called 2550 
them Bruti, and Cumani, to wit, beasts and fools. Hereupon 
the people went straight unto Marcus Brutus, who from his 
father came of the first Brutus, and by his mother of the house of 
the Servihans, a noble house as any was in RomiC, and was also 
nephew and son-in-law of Marcus Cato. Notwithstanding, the 
great honours and favour Caesar shewed unto him, kept him 
back, that of himself alone he did not conspire nor consent to 
depose him of his kingdom. For Caesar did not only save 
his life, after the battle of Pharsalia when 
Pompey fled, and did at his request also^^eo 
save many more of his friends besides : but, 
furthermore, he put a marvellous confidence 
in him. For he had already preferred him 
to the Praetorship for that year, and further- 
more was appointed to be Consul, the fourth 
year after that, having through Caesar's friendship obtained 
it before Cassius, who likewise made suit for the same : and 
Caesar also, as it is reported, said in this contention, " Indeed 
Cassius hath alleged best reason, but yet shall he not be chosen 

before Brutus." Some one day accusing 2570 
Brutus while he practised this conspiracy, 
Caesar would not hear of it, but clapping his 
hand on his body, told them, " Brutus will 
look for his skin : " meaning thereby, that 
Brutus for his virtue deserved to rule after him, but yet, that 
for ambition's sake he would not shew himself unthankful or 
dishonourable. Now they that desired change, and wished 
Brutus only their prince and governor above all other, they 
durst not come to him themselves to tell him what they 
would have him to do, but in the night did cast sundry 25^0 
papers into the praetor's seat where he gave audience, and 
most of them to this effect. " Thou sleepest, Brutus, and 
art not Brutus indeed." Cassius, finding Brutus' ambition 

Caesan saved 

Marcus Brutus' 

life after the 

battle of 


Brutus con- 

spireth against 


2546 Brutus — Lucius Junius Brutus was a 
nephew of Tarquinius Superbus. 
His elder brother was murdered by 
Tarquin, whereupon Lucius feigned 
idiocy ; hence his name, Brutus. He 

was the hero of the legends about the 
expulsion of the Tarquins. 

2553 by his mother— Servilia, half-sister 
of Cato of Utica (Marcus Cato). 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 


Cassius stirreth stirred up the more by these seditious bills, 

did prick him forward, and caa, him on the 

up Brutus ^ - . , 1 1 I J 1 

more, for a private quarrel he had conceived 

asainst Caesar, ^g^inst Caesar : the circumstance whereof 

we have set down more at large in Brutus' 

life. Caesar also had Cassius in great jealousy, and susjiected 

him much : whereupon he said on a time to his friends, " What'sgo 

will Cassius do, think ye ? I like not his pale looks." Another 

time, when Caesar's friends complained unto him of Antonius 

and DolabcUa, that they pretended some mischief towards him : 

he answered them again, " As for those fat men and smooth- 

' combed heads," quoth he, " I reckon not of them : but these 

palc-visagcd and carrion-lean people, I fear them most " : 

meaning Brutus and Cassius. C ertainly , destiny_jnay be 

easier foreseen than avoided : considering 


and foreshows 

or Caesar's 


the strange and wonderful signs that were 

said to be seen before Caesar's death. For, 2600 
touching the fires in the element, and spirits 
running up and down in the night, and also 
the solitary birds to be seen at noon-days 
sitting in the great market-place : are not all these signs 
perhaps worth the noting, in such a wonderful chance as 
happened ? But Strabo the philosopher write! Ii, that divers 
men were seen going up and down in fire : and furthermore, 
that there was a slave of the soldiers, that did cast a mar- 
vellous burning flame out of his hand, insomuch as they that 
saw it, thought he had been burnt, but, when the fire was out, 2610 
it was found he had no liurt. Caesar self also doing sacrifice 
unto the gods, found that one of the beasts which was sacrificed 
had no heart : and that was a strange thing in nature, how a 
beast could live without a heart. 

76 Furthermore, there was a certain sooth- 
Caesar's day of sayer that had given Caesar warning long 
his death prog- time afore, to take heed of'the day of the 
nosticated by a I^lcs of March (which is the^fiftecnth of the 
soothsayer month), for on that day he should be in great 

danger. That day being come. Caesar going 26:0 
unto the Senate-house, and speaking merrily unto the sooth- 
sayer, told him, " The Ides of March be come " : " So be they," 
softly answered the soothsayer, " but yet are they not past." 

3595 QUOtb. In the original the contraction 
Q for quoth is given, and not the 
2606 Strabo the phllosophor. Strabo was 

born about B.C. 74. He wrote a 
history, which lias nut come down to 
us, and a work on neo>;ra|)liy in seven- 
teen books, of wliich all but the seventh 
have been preserved. 


North's Translation of 

* And the very day before, Caesar, supping with IVIarcus Lepidus, 
sealed certain letters as he was wont to do at the board : so, 

The dream of 

Caesar's wife. 

talk falling out amongst them, reasoning what death was 
best, he preventing their opinions, cried out aloud, " Death 
unlooked for." Then going to bed the same night as his 
manner was, and lying with his wife Calpurnia, all the windows 
and doors of his chamber flying open, the noise awoke him, and ^^3° 
made him afraid when he saw such light : but more, when he 
heard his wife Calpurnia, being fast asleep, weep and sigh, and 
put forth many fumbling lamentable speeches. For she 
dreamed that Caesar was slain, and that she 
had him in her arms. Others also do deny that 
she had any such dream, as amongst others 
Titus Livius writeth, that it was in this sort. 
The Senate having set upon the top of Caesar's 
house, for an ornament and setting forth of the same, a certain 
' pinnacle, Calpurnia dreamed that she saw it broken down, and 2640 
that she thought she lamented and wept for it. Insomuch that, 
Caesar rising in the morning, she prayed him if it were possible 
not to go out of the doors that day, but to adjourn the session of 
the Senate, until another day. And if that he made no reckon- 
ing of her dream, yet that he would search further of the sooth- 
sayers, by their sacrifices, to know what should happen him 
that day. Thereby it seemed that Caesar likewise did fear 
andsuspect somewhat, because^his wife Calpurnia until that time 
was never giyen to any fear or superstition: and thenTfoFtKat 
he saw her so troubled in mind with this dream she had. But 2650 
much more afterwards, when the soothsayers, having sacrificed 
many beasts one after another, told him that none did like them: 
then he determined to send Antonius to adjourn the session of 
the Senate. But in the meantime came 
Decius Brutus, surnamed Albinus, in whom 
Caesar put such confidence, that in his last 
will and testament he had appointed him to 
be his next heir, and yet was of the conspiracy 
with Cassius and Brutus : he, fearing that if 
Caesar did adjourn the session that day the conspiracy would 2660 
out, laughed the soothsayers to scorn, and reproved Caesar, 
saying : that he gave the Senate occasion to mislike with him. 
and that they might think he mocked them, considering that 

Decius Brutus 
Albinus' per- 
suasion to 

2624 Marcus Lepidus (see p. 76). 

2633 fumbling— confused ; from Dutch fom- 
melen, to grope. 

2640 pinnacle — a kind of ornament usually 
placed on the tcp of a Temple. The 
Greeks called it acTOS, diTCJfia, 

and the Latins Fastigum. It was 
usually adorned with statues of gods, 
figures of victory, or similar decora- 

266t would out— be disclosed. 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 


Decius Brutus 
brought Caesar 
into the Senate- 

by his commandment they were assembled, and that they were 
ready wilhngly to grant him all things, and to proclaim him 
king of all the provinces of the Empire of Rome out of Italy, 
and that he should wear his diadem in all other places both by 
sea and land. And furthermore, that if any man should tell 
them from him they sliould depart for that present time, and 
return again when Calpurnia should have better dreams : what 2670 
would his enemies and ill-willers say, and how could they like 
of his friends words ? And who could persuade them otherwise, 
but that they would think his dominion a slavery unto them, 
and tyrannical in himself ? " And yet, if it be so," said he, 
" that you utterly mislike of this day, it is better that you go 
yourself in person, and saluting the Senate to dismiss them till 
another time." Therewith he took Caesar by 
the hand, and brought him out of his house. 
Caesar was not gone far from his house, but a 
bondman, a stranger, did what he could t0 26So 
speak with him : and when, he saw he was 
put back by the great press and multitude of 
people that followed him, he went straight into his house, and 
put himself into Calpurnia's hands to be kept till Caesar came 
back again, telling her that he had great matters to impart 
unto him. And one Artemidorus also, born 
in the Isle of Gnidus, a doctor of rhetoric in 
the Greek tongue, who by means of his pro- 
fession was very familiar with certain of 
Brutus' confederates, and therefore knew the 2690 
most part of all their practices against Caesar, came and brought 
him a little bill written with his own hand, of all that he meant 
to tell him. He, marking how Caesar received all the supplica- 
tions that were offered him, and that he gave them straight 
to his men that were about him, pressed nearer to him, and 
said : " Caesar, read this memorial to yourself and that quickly, 
for they be matters of great weight, and touch you nearly." 
Caesar took it of him, but could never read it, though he many 
times attempted it, for the number of people that did salute 
him : but holding it still in his hand, keeping it to himself, 2700 
went on withal into the Senate-house. Howbeit other are of 
opinion, that it was some man else that gave him that memorial, 
and not Artemidorus, who did what he could all the way as he 

The tokens of 
the conspiracy 
against Caesar. 

2687 Onldus or Cnldua— a celebrated city, 
partly on an island and partly un the 

coast of Caria, in the south-west of 
Asia Minor. 


North's Translation of 

The place 

where Caesar 

was slain. 

went to give it Caesar, but he was always repulsed by the 
people. For these things, they may seem to come by chance : 
but the place where the murder was prepared, and where the 
Senate were assembled, and where also there 
stood up an image of Pompey dedicated by 
himself amongst other ornaments which he 
gave unto the theatre : all these were manifest 2710 
proofs that it was the ordinance of some god, 
that made this treason to be executed specially in that very 
place. It is also reported, that Cassius (although otherwise 
he did favour the doctrine of Epicurus) beholding the image of 
Pompey, before they entered into the action of their traitorous 
enterprise, he did softly call upon it, to aid him. But the 
instant danger of the present time, taking away his former 
reason, did suddenly put him into a furious passion, and made 
him like a man half beside himself. Now Antonius, that was 

a faithful friend to Caesar, and a valiant man 2720 

besides of his hands, him, Decius Brutus 

Albinus entertained out of the Senate-house, 

having begun a long tale of set purpose. So, 

Caesar coming into the house, all the Senate 

stood up on their feet to do him honour. Then part of Brutus' 

company and confederates stood round about Caesar's chair, 

and part of them also came towards him, as though they made 

■ suit with Metellus Cimber, to call home his brother again from 

banishment : and thus, prosecuting still their suit, they followed 

Caesar, till he was set in his chair. Who, denying their petitions, 2730 

and being offended with them one after another, because the 

more they were denied, the more they pressed upon him, and 

were the earnester with him : Metellus at length, taking his 

gown with both his hands, pulled it over his neck which was the 

sign given the confederates to set upon him. Then Casca behind 

him strake him in the neck with his sword : 

Casca, the first howbeit the wound was not great nor mortal, 

that struck , because it seemed, the fear of such a devilish 

at Caesar. attempt did amaze him, and take his strength 

from him, that he killed him not at the first 2740 
blow. But Caesar, turning straight to him, caught hold of his 
sword, and held it hard : and they both cried out, Caesar in 
Latin : " O vile traitor Casca, what doest thou ? " And 



faithful friend. 

2721 Decius Brutus Albinus. Plutarch in 
his life of Brutus says this part was 
taken by Caius Trebonius, and in this 
respect Shakespeare followed him (see 
Julius Cajsar, III. i. 25-26). In reality 
it was Brutus Albinus who detained 

2728 Metellus. Plutarch says TiAAtos, 
and in his life of Brutus calls this man 
Tullius Cimber. The mistake was 
made by Amyot, and North followed 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 69 

Casca in Greek to his brother, " Brother, help me." At the 
beginning of this stir, they that were present, not knowing of 
the conspiracy, were so amazed with the horrible sight they 
saw : they had no power to fly, neither to help him, not so 
much, as once to make any outcry. They on the other side 
that had conspired his death, compassed him in on every side 
with their swords drawn in their hands, that Caesar turned 2750 
him no where, but he was stricken at by some, and still had 
naked swords in his face, and was hacked and mangled among 
them, as a wild beast taken of hunters. For it was agreed 
among them, that every man should^ give him a wound, 
because all their parts should be in this murder : and 
then Brutus himself gave him one wound about his privities. 
Men report also, that Caesar did still defend himself against the 
rest, running every way with his body : but when he saw 
Brutus with his sword drawn in his hand, ^then he pulled his 
gown over his head, and made no more resistance, and was 2760 
driven either casually, or purposely, by the counsel of the 
conspirators, against the base whereupon Pompey's image 

* stood, which ran all of a gore blood till he was slain. Thus it 
seemed, that the image took just revenge of l^ompey's enemy, 
being thrown down on the ground at his feet, and yielding up 
his ghost there, for the number of the wounds he had upon him. 

* 77 For it is reported, that he had three and 
Caesar slain twenty wounds upon his body : and divers 

and had twenty- of the conspirators did hurt themselves, 
three wounds striking one body with so many blows. When 2770 
uoon him. Caesar was slain, the Senate (though Brutus 
stood in the midst amongst them as though 

* he would have said somewhat touching this fact) presently 
ran out of the house, and Hying, filled all the city with mar- 
vellous fear and tumult. Insomuch as some did shut to their 
doors, others forsook their shops and warehouses, and others 
ran to the place to see what the matter was : and others also, 
that had seen it, ran home to their houses again. But Antonius 
and Lepidus, which were two of Caesar's chiefest friends, 
secretly conveying themselves away, fled into other men's 2780 
houses, and forsook their own. Brutus and his confederates 

on the other side, being yet hot with tliis murder they 
had committed, having their swords drawn in tlicir hands, 

2763 gore blood. Also goare blood, an Caesar's three and thirty luoumls,' 

obsolete lerm for gore, or blood ; from 
A.S. gnr, tilth, dirt 

2767 three and twenty. Shakespeare, in 

his Julius Ciusar, V. i. 53, says, 'Till 2773 presently once, innn-.liatcly 

but l-'lutarch, Appian an'l Suetonius 
all agree in saying he hid iweuty- 



70 North's Translation of 

The murderers came all in a troop together out of the 
of Caesar do Senate, and went into the market place, 
go to the not as men that made countenance to fly, 
Capital. but otherwise boldly holding up their heads 

like men of courage, and called to the 
people to defend their liberty, and stayed to speak with every 
great personage whom they met in their way. Of them, some ,730 
followed this troop, and went amongst them, as if they had been 
of the conspiracy, and falsely challenged part of the honour 
with them : amongst them was Caius Octavius, and Lentulus 
Spinther. But both of them were afterwards put to death for 
their vain covetousness of honour, by Antonius and Octavius 
Caesar the younger : and yet had no part of that honour for the 
which they Avere put to death, neither did any man believe 
that they were any of the confederates, or of counsel with them. 
For they that did put them to death, took revenge rather of the 
will they had to oi^end, than of any fact they had committed. 2800 
The next morning^, Brutus and his confederates came into the 
market place to speak unto the people, who gave them such 
audience, that it seemed they neither greatly reproved, nor 
allowed the fact : for by their great silence they shewed, that 
they were sorry for Caesar's death, and also that they did 
reverence Brutus. N ow th e Senate^ gran t ed general pardon 
for all that was past, and to pacify every man, ordained besides, 
^^^,?j- that Caesar's funerals'should be honoured as a goci, and estab- 
fished all things that he hadT'done : and gave certain provinces 
also, and convenient honours unto Brutus and his confederates, jsio 
whereby every man thoug ht all t hings were brought to good 
peace and quietness again. 

"^ 78 But when they had opened Caesar's 

Caesars testament, and found a liberal legacy of 

funerals. money, bequeathed unto every citizen of 

Rome, and that they saw his body (which 

was brought into the market-place) all bemangled with gashes 

of swords : then there was no order to keep the multitude and 

common people quiet, but they plucked up forms, tables and 

stools, and laid them all about the body, and setting them afire, ,9-0 

burnt the corpse. Then when the fire was well kindled, they 

took the firebrands, and went unto their houses that had slain 

Caesar, to set them afire. Other also ran up and down the 

-f '' 


Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 71 

city to see if they could meet with any of them, to cut them in 
pieces : howbeit they could meet with never a man of them, 
because they had locked themselves up safely in their houses. 

There was one of Caesar's friends called 

Cinna s dream Cinna, that had a marvellous strange and 

of Caesar. terrible dream the night before. He dreamed 

that Caesar bade him to supper, and that he 2830 
refused, and would not go : then that Caesar took him by the 
hand, and led him against his will. Now Cinna hearing at that 
time, that tlicy burnt Caesar's body in the market place, not- 
withstanding that he feared his dream, and had an ague on 
him besides : he went into the market place to honour his 
funerals. When he came thither, one of the mean sort asked 
him what his name was ? He was straight called by his name. 
The first man told it to another, and that other unto another, 
so that it ran straight through them all, that he was one of them 
that murdered Caesar : (for indeed one of the traitors to Caesar, 2840 
was called Cinna as himself) wherefore taking him for 

Cinna the murderer, they fell upon him with 

The murder such iury, that they presently despatched him 

of Cinna. in the market-place. This stir and fury made 

Brutus and Cassius more afraid, than of all 
that was past, and therefore within few days after, they de- 
parted out of Rome : and touching their doings afterwards, 
and what calamity they suffered till their deaths, we have 
written it at large, in the hfe of Brutus. Caesar died at six 

and fifty years of age : and Pompey also^^jo 
Caesar fifty- lived not passing four years more than he. 
six years old So he reaped no other fruit of all his reign and 
at his death. dominion, which he had so vehemently 

desired all his hfe. and pursued with such 
extreme danger : but a vain name only, and a superficial glory, 
that procured him the envy and l)atrcd of his country. But 

his great prosperity and good fortune that 
The revenge of favoured him all his lifetime, did continue 
Caesars death, afterwards in the revenge of his death, pur- 
suing the murderers both by sea and land, till 2860 
they had not left a man more to be executed of all them that 
were actors or counsellors in the conspiracy of his deatli. 

-■•^1 '■, presently— at once, immediately. 

2>5-' Pompey also lived, etc. This sentence 
IS a mistranslation by North. Aniyot 
says ' ne surucuiil J'oiiipeiiis ^'ii/rw 

plus lie quatte tins,' mcaniiiij '(C.-usar) 
did not survive Pompey more than four 
years,' and this is so, as Pompey died 
in B.C. 4b, and Cxsar in B.C. 44 




North's Translation of 

Cassius being 
overthrown at 
the battle of 
Philippi, slew 
himself with 
the self same 
sword, where- 
with he strake 

Furthermore, of all the chances that happen 
unto men upon the earth, that which came 
to Cassius above all other, is most to be 
wondered at. For he, being overcome in battle 
at the journey of Philippi, slew himself 
with the same sword, with which he strake 

Caesar. Again, of 

in the element, 

Wonders seen 

in the element 

after Caesar's 

death. A great 


the great comet which seven nights together 2870 
was seen very bright after Caesar's death, 
the eighth night after was never seen more. 
Also the brightness of the sun was darkened, 
the which all that year through rose very pale, and shined not 
out, whereby it gave but small heat : there- 
fore the air being very cloudy and dark, 
by the weakness of the heat that could not 
come forth, did cause the earth to bring 
forth but raw and unripe fruit, which rotted 
before it could ripe. But above all, the 2'*^*' 
ghost that appeared unto Brutus shewed 
plainly, that the gods were offended with the murder of Caesar. 
The vision was thus, Brutus being ready to 
Brutus' vision, pass over his army from the city of Abydos, 
to the other coast lying directly against it, 
slept every night (as his manner was) in his tent, and being yet 
awake, thinking of his affairs : (for by report he was as careful 
a captain, and lived with as little sleep, as ever man did) he 
thought he heard a noise at his tent door, and looking towards 

the light of the lamp that waxed very dim, ^^90 
he saw a horrible vision of a man, of a wonder- 
ful greatness, and dreadful look, which at the 
first made him marvellously afraid. But 
when he saw that it did him no hurt, but 
stood by his bedside, and said nothing : at length he asked him 
what he was. The image answered him : "I am thy ill angel, 
Brutus, and thou shalt see me by the city of Philippi." Then 
Brutus replied again, and said : " Well, I shall see thee then." 
Therewithal the spirit presently vanished from him. After 
that time Brutus being in battle near unto the city of Philippi, ^9"° 
against Antonius and Octavius Caesar, at the first battle he 
wan the victory, and overthrowing all them that withstood 

A spirit 

appeared unto 


2870 the great comet. Pliny has preserved 
a passage of Augustus Caesar, wherein 
he stated that that comet appeared 

suddenly whilst they were celebrating 
the games in honour of Caesar. 

2884 Abydos (see p. 78). 

2897 Philippi ( see p. 78). 

Plutarch's Julius Caesar. 73 

him, he dravc them into young Caesar's 
The second camp which he took. The second battle 
appearing of being at hand, this spirit again appeared unto 
the spirit him, but spake never a word. Thereupon, 

unto Brutus. Brutus knowing he should die, did put 
himself to all hazard in battle, but yet fighting 
could not be slain. So seeing his men put to flight and over- 
thrown, he ran unto a little rock not far off, and there setting 2910 
his sword's point to his breast, fell upon it, but yet as it is 
reported, with the help of his friend that despatched him. 



I Sulla. Sulla was made Dictator, or, as 
here, lord of all, in B.C. Si. He was the 
greatest Roman general, except, perhaps, 
the elder Scipio or Julius Caesar. 

3 Cinna. A friend of Marius, and leader of 
the popular party against Sulla. Cassar 
married his daughter Cornelia, and 
hence became a partisan of Marius. 
Cinna was Consul in U.C. S7, 86, 85, 
and 84. 

7. Marios. The celebrated Roman, who 
was seven times Consul, his last Con- 
sulship being in B.C. 86, with Cinna 
as his colleague. 

67 Praetor. Praetors were judicial ma),is- 
trates for civil or private suits, elected 
annually. Cnesar raised the number 
from eight to si.Meen, and the nomination 
of half of ihem was in the hands of the 
Imperator. After serving a year they 
were sent out as governors of provinces. 

78' ApoUonius. Plutarch here is incorrect, 
as Caisar had studied at Rome under 
.ApoUonius, who was no relation to 
Molon. The latter was a well-known 
rhetorician of Rhodes, and it was he, 
not ApoUonius, who taught Catsar in 

78 Cicero. The greatest orator of his time : 
as a statesman weak and vain. 

gi Cato. Marcus Cato, great grandson of 
Cato the Censor, vehenuntly opposed 
the measures of Caisar, Pompey and 
Crassus. He was a stoic — stern and 
unyielding in character. In B.C. 46 he 
committed suicide to prevent falling into 
Caesar's hands (see p. 56). 

54 Dolahella. He was Consul in B.C. 81, 
and was accused, in B.C. 77, of extortion 
in his province (see p. 3). 

103 Trlbtmes. The Tribunes were plebeian 
magistrates elected annually by the 
plebeian assembly. They possessed tlie 
right of veto on a magisterial edict, and 
their niebiscites, or law>, were binding 
on all citizens. One of their preroga- 
tives was that of calling the other 
magistrates to order. 

174 Quaestor. Certain magistrates at Rome 
who had charge of the |>ublic treasury, 
the receipt of taxes, tribute, payment of 
public monies, etc. Originally there 
were two, increased in B.C. 421 to four, 
afterwards to eight, and by Julius 
C.xsar to forty. In the text called 

189 Aedlle. The Aediles were Roman 
magistrates who were the custodians of 
the decrees of the Senate and of the 
people, and maintained public order, 
assisting the Tribunes. Cassar became 
Aedile B.C. 65. 

191 sword-players. These were gladiators. 
Suetonius says Casar raised so many 
gladiators that his enemies compelled 
him to limit the number to 120 couples, 
fewer than he had intended. 

230 Catulus Lutatius was Consul in B.C. 78 
and Censor in B.C. 65. By his upright 
character and conduct he won the 
respect of the people. He opposed the 
laws giving extraordinary powers to 
Pompey, B.C. 67—66. 

242 Chief Bishop. The president of the 
hfads of the Roman Colleges of priests. 
At first the "number was three, then 
five, afterwards increased to nine, and 
later to eleven. The president was 
styled ' Pontifex Maxiums,' which North 
translates ' Chief Bishop.' Caesar 
became Pontifex Maximus B.C. 63 (see 
iiote, soothsayer, p. 49). 

268 Catiline. A patrician of great abilities. 
He was at the head of a vast conspiracy 
to obtain the mastership of Rome. This 
came to a head in the year 63 B.C., 
during the consulship of Cicero, whose 
watchfulness saved the state. 

327 Praetor. Caesar was made Praetor 
B.C. 62. 

332 Publius Clodlus was a man of very bad 
character. He was tried in the follow- 
ing year for profaning the mysteries of 
the Buna Dea, but was acquitted owing 
to his having bribed his judges. After- 
wards appointed Tribune (see p. 16). 

348 Faunus— the protecting deity of shep- 
herds and agriculture. 

550 Bacchus— the god of wine, generally 
stated to be the son of Zeus (Jupiter) 
and Scmele. 

516 Consul. Casar became Consul B.C. 59. 

517 Calpurnius Blbulus. The colleague of 

Julius C.-Esar, as Aedile B.C. 65, 
Praetor, B.C.62, and Consul B.C. 59. He 
was a staunch adherent of the aristo- 
cratical party, and so being imable to 
resist the combination of C.tsar, 
Pompey and Crassus he retired from 
the duties of his office. His wife was 
Porcia, the daughter of Cato the 


Historical Notes. 

719 Oppius— Caius Oppius, an intimate 
friend of Caesar, whose private affairs 
he managed in conjunction with 
Cornelius Balbus. 

1034 Ambiorix, chief of the Eburones, who 
with Catuvulcus, destroyed the Roman 
troops under Sabinus and Cotta, at 
Aduatuca, B.C. 54. Caesar's vain pur- 
suit of him, B.C. 55, is given in B.C. 
V. 29-43. 

1039 Quintus Cicero, the brother of the 

1319 Antonius. This was the Mark Antony 
of Shakespeare's plays. Consul with 
Caesar in B.C. 44. 

1403 Asinius Pollio. A distinguished Roman 
orator, poet and historian. He was 
born B.C. 76, and was a companion of 
Caesar at the crossing of the Rubicon. 

1853 Domitius Calvinus — made Consul 
B.C. 53, through the influence of 
Pompey, but changed sides. 

1992 Theopompus— a celebrated Greek his- 
torian, was born at Chios, about B.C. 


209S Caesarion. Son of Julius Caesar and 
Cleopatra, born B.C. 47. After the 
death of his mother in B.C. 30 he was 
executed by the order of Augustus 

2141 King Juba. The king of Numidia, 
who joined Pompey's party and gained 
a victory over Curio, B.C. 49. 

2451 Numa Pompilius. He was elected king 
a year after the death of Romulus, and 
was renowned for his wisdom cind 


2624 Marcus Lepidus. He was Consul with 
Caesar in B.C. 46. He was near Rome 
with an army at the time of the latter's 
murder and rendered .-Antony assist- 
ance, becoming later one of the 

In the te.xt, the following past tenses^ now obsolete, 
i.e. gone out of use, of certain verbs, are found. These, 
with their modern equivalents, are : — 





St rake 








bewray = betray 

In addition, the plural word goodwills is used where 
now the singular goodzi'ill would be preferred. 


22 Sabines. A race of people, akin to the 
Latins, who inhabite'l the country to 
the cast of the Tiber, and its tributaries 
the Nar ami Anio. 

30 Bithynla. A district of Asia Minor, 
southof the Black Sea. King Nicomedei, 
here named, bequeathed his kingdom to 
the Romans at his death in B.C. 74. 

33 Pharmacusa — near Miletus, in Asia 

41 Cilicians. The old inhabitants of Cilicia, 
in the south-east ot .\s\a. Minor, who, 
driven from the plains by Greek settlers, 
became noted robbers and pirates. 
Pompey drove them from the sea, and 
having taken the level country from 
Tigranej he made it a Roman province, 
B.C. 67. 

57 Miletus. An important part in Caria, a 
district in the south-west of Asia Minor. 

63 Pergamum. A noted city in the district 
of Mysia, on the Caicus. It was the 
capital of the kingdom of Pergamus, 
and afterwards of the Roman province 
of Asia. In the i6.>3 edition the name 
is Pergamus. 

65 Asia. The Roman province of Asia 
included the districts of Mysia, Lydia, 
Caria and Phrygia. 

77 Rhodes. The most easterly isle of the 
ytgean Sea. It lies twelve miles south 
of Caria. 

1S7 highway going unto Appius. A bad 
mistake of Njrtli, for .\myot has 'du 
grand cheniin qui apelle la voye 
d' Appiui ' translated in the 1603 edition 
'the hit;hway called Appius' way.' 
This road ij the Appian way made by 
the Censor, .Appius Claudius Caecus, 
B.C. 312, from Porta Capena (Rome) to 
Capua near Naples. 

205 CapitoL Lat. Capitolium, so called 
from the bleeding head-f(i/>i(/ — which 
was found in digging the foundations. 
It was a ti-mplc to Jupiter, situate<l on 
the Capitolinc Hill, and was one of the 
most im[)osing buildings in Rome. 

209 Cimbrians. A Celtic race, who, migra- 
ting from Jutland, inflicted miny severe 
defeats upon the Romans B.C. 113 — 105. 
Instead of crossing the .Mps they 
marched into Spain, returning into 
Gaul B.C. 102, where they and their 
allies (thi- Teutons) were almost anni- 
hilated by Marius. 

427 province of Spain. Not the whole of 
Spain, but farther Spain — ex I'ratlura 
ultcriorcm fortttus //is/>iiHiVi»i— which 
c imprised Lasitania and Uaetica, i.e. 
Portugal and Andalusia. 

461 Calaicans. A people who inhabited the 

north-west corner of Spain, north of 
the river Durius (Douro). They were 
some of the most uncivilised in Spain 
and had been previously decisively 
defeated by D. Brutus, B.C. 138. 

462 Lusltanlans. .\ people who lived in the 

west of Portugal from the Tagus to the 

570 Gaul on this side — Gallia Cisalpina 

included Piedmont and Lombardy in 
North of Italy. 

57" Gaul beyond the Alps— Gallic Trans- 
alpiuie or Gallia Ulteriori, included 
France, Switzerland, the Netherlands, 
and Germany west of the Rhine. Four 
divisions in jCaesars time — Gallia 
Narboniensis, Aquitani, Keltae, and 

571 lUyria— more generally Illyiicum—com- 

prised all the land west of Macedonia, 
and east of Italy and Rhaetia, extending 
south as far as Epirus, and north as far 
as the valleys of the Save and Drave, 
and the junction of these rivers with 
the Danube. 

746 Helvetians. A brave and powerful Celtic 
people who dwelt between the Junas, 
Lake Geneva, the Rhone and the Rhine 
as far as Lake Constance. About B.C. 
61 they attempted to migrate into the 
fertile plains of Gaul, but were driven 
back by Caesar. 

746 Tigurinians. The most important of the 
four pagi or divisions of the Helvetians. 

749 Clmhrl and Teutons. In B.C. 107 and 

845 Rubicon. A small river in Itily, flowing 
into the .\driatic, a little north of 
Ariminuin. forming the boundary of 
the Roman republic and the province 
of Gallia Cisalpina. By crossing this 
with his army, Cajsar declared war 
against the republic. 

941 Ipes. This people were the Usipetes of 
Cusar li.G., Bk. IV. (North's). Ipes is 
due to a misreading of the Greek text, 

Ot'triTTas as oi"j"I~i"i. They lived 
in Ca;sar's time east of the Rhine, 
between the Lippe and the Ruhr. 

941 Tenterides. These were the Tencteri 
of H.G., Bk. IV., who dwelt east of the 
Rhine, between the Ruhr and the Sieg. 

967 Sicambrlans. The Sicambri, or Sygain- 
bri, one of the most powerful (Hjople in 
Germany. They dwelt ot the 
Rhine, between the rivers Lippe and 


Geographical Notes. 

ggo Suevians. The Suevi of B.G., Bk. IV. 

The name Suevi is given collectively 
to a number of warlike tribes, who 
occupied a large part of Germany, 
migrating from place to place. (See 
Ca-sar E.G., Bk. IV.). 

1086 Arvernians. A Gallic people of Aqui- 
tania. Their capital was Nemossus, 
on the Allier. The district is now 
known as Auvergne. 

1086 Carnutes. A Gallic race o people in 
the centre of Gaul, between the Loire 
and Seine. Their capital wasGenabum 

1094 sea Adriatic. Some say that in this 
place is to be read in the Greek 
original, ' irpos TOV Apaptv,' 
which is 'the river Arar (Saone).' 
Most probably this is correct. 

H14 Aedui. One of the most powerful people 
in Gaul, who lived between the Loire 
and the Saone. They were the first 
of their race to ally themselves to the 

1 120 Lingones. A powerful people in 
Transalpine Gaul, between the Treviri 
and the Sequani, around the sources 
of the Seine. 

1 120 Burgonians, i.e. the Sequani. 

1 140 Alexia. Alesia in Ccesar, a fortified 
town of the Mandubii, in which 
Vercingetorix was besieged and cap- 
tured by Caesar, B.C. 52. 

1189 Parthians. Crassus, who was Consul 
with Pompey in B.C. 55, received 
Syria as his province, and was defeated 
by the Parthians near Carshae, the 
Haran of Scripture, and shortly after- 
wards slain. 

1372 Ariminum. A town in Umbria, at the 
mouih of the little river, Ariminus. It 
is now Rimini. 

1491 Corfinus. A strongly-fortified town in 
Samnium, near the river Aternus. The 
Italians in the Social War intended to 
make it the new capital. 

1516 Brundiisium. A small town on the 
south-east coast of Italy, with an excel- 
lent harbour. The Appian way. after 
its extension from Capua, terminated 
here, and this rendered it the usual 
place of departure for Greece and the 
East. It is now known as Brindisi. 

1518 Dyrrachium. A town in Greek Ulyria, 
and the usual place of landing for 
people crossing from Brundusium. 

1590 Oricum. An important town on the 

coast of Illyria, opposite Brindisi 
(Brundusium), near the boundary of 

1591 ApoUonia. An important town in 

Illyria, near the mouth of the Aous 
1632 Anius. North follows Amyot in calling 
this river Anius. Both Plutarch and 
Strabo give it as ' Aous.' Strabo states 
that it was in Epirus and ran within 10 
miles of Apollonia. It is now known 
as the Voyussa. 

1819 Megara. A town in Megaris, a small 
district in Greece between the 
Corinthian and Saronic Gulfs. 

1845 Scotusa. An ancient town of 

Thessaly, near the source of the 
Onchestus. Also spelt Scortussa. 

1971 Tralles. A town on the Eudon, a 
tributary of the Mseander, near the 
modern Aidin. 

2111 Zela. A city in the south of Pontus, on 
the river Iris, south of Amasia (now 
Amasiyah), where Cassar defeated 
Pharnaces, and sent his noted des- 
patch to Rome. 

2195 Thapsacus, i.e. Thapsus, a city 
on the east coast of Byzaicum, in 
Africa, north of the Gulf of Cabes, 
where Caesar defeated the Pompeian 
army, B.C. 46. 

2223 Utioa. A town twenty-seven Roman 
miles north-west of Carthage, on the 
shores of the Carthaginian Gulf. It 
was the scene of the last stand of the 
Pompeians against Cassar, and of the 
suicide of the younger Calo. 

2382 Carthage and Corinth. Both cities 
were taken and destroyed 102 years 
previously ; Carthage by the last 
Scipio Africanus, and Corinth by 
Muminius Achaicus, and both were 
rebuilt and repeopled in the same 

241 1 Hyrcania. A province of the ancient 
Persian, on the south and south-eastern 
shores of the Caspian Sea. 

2413 Scythia. In Plutarch's time, the term 
' Scythia ' was applied to the whole of 
Northern Asia, from the Volga to far 
beyond the Imaum (Thian Shan and 
Altai) Mountains, which divided it into 
two parts. Of this region little was 
really known, ■ but many fabulous 
stories were in existence. 

2419 Peloponnesus. The peninsula forming 
the southern part of Greece, now 
known as the ' Morea.' 

2422 Anlen — now the Aniene, a tributary of 
the Tiber, which it joins two miles 
above the city, after a course of seventy 

2431 Ostia. A town at the mouth of the 
Tiber, and the harbour for Rome, 
sixteen miles away. 

2884 Abydos. A town in Asia Minor, on the 
Hellespont (the Dardanelles), opposite 
to Sestos in Europe. Here the army 
of Brutus and Cassius crossed the 
strait previous to the battle of Philippi. 

2897 Philippi. A noted city in Macedonia, 
between the rivers Nestus and 
Strymon.budt by Philip of Macedon. 
Here Brutus and Cassius were defeated 
by .\ntony and Octavius Cxsar, 
B.C. 42. 




I. i. 67-68. 

' Disrobe the images, 

If you do find them deck'd with 

' It is no matter ; let no images 

Be hung with Caesar's tro- 

I. i. 70. 

You know it is the feast of 

I. ii. 3-4, 6-9. 

Stand you directly in Antonius' 

way, when he doth run his 

course. Antonius! 
Forget not in your speed, 

To touch Calpurnia ; for our 

elders say. 
The barren, touched in this 

holy chase, 
Shake off their sterile curse. 

I. ii. 18. 

Beware the Ides of March. 

I. ii. 119. 

He had a fever when he was 

in Spain. 
And when the fit was on him, 

I did mark 
How he did shake : 

1595 EDITION. 

1- 2539. 

After that there were set up 
images of Caesar in the city 
with Diadems upon their 
heades, like kings. Those, the 
two Tribunes Flavius and 
MaruUus went and pulled 

1. 2505. 

At that time, the feast Luper- 
calia was celebrated. 

1 2511. 

Young men, (and some of 
them Magistrates themselves 
that govern them) which run 
naked through the citie, strik- 
ing in sport them they meete 
in their way with leather 
thongs. And many noble wo- 
men and gentlewomen also, 
goe of purpose to stand in their 
way and doe put forth their 
handes to be stricken . . . 
being barren, that it will make 
them to conceive with childe. 

1. 2616. 

To take heede of the Ides of 

1. 699. 

Often subject to headache, 
and otherwhile to the falling 
sicknes : (the which tooke him 
the first time, in Corduba, a 
city of Spaine. 




I. ii. 192-5, 198-201. 

Let me have men about me 

that are fat ; 
Sleek-headed men, and such as 

sleep o' nights. 
Yond Cassius has a lean and 

hungry look : 
He thinks too much : such men 

are dangerous. 
Would he were fatter ! But I 

fear him not : 
Yet if my name were liable to 

I do not know the man I 

should avoid 
So soon as that spare Cassius. 

I. ii. 220-230, 235-244. 

Casca.: Why there was a 

crown offered him ; and being 
offered him, he put it by with the 
the back of his hand, thus : and 
then the people fell a-shouting. 
Bi'iit. : What was the second 

noise for ? 
Casca. : Why, for that too. 
Cass. : They shouted thrice : 

what was the last cry for ? 
Casca. : Why, for that too. 
Brut. : Was the crown offered 

him thrice ? 
Casca. : Ay, marry, was't, and 
he put it by thrice, every time 
gentler than other ; and at 
every putting b}', mine honest 
neighbours shouted — I saw 
Mark Antony offer him a 
crown — I told you, he put it 
by once ; but, for all that, to 
my thinking, he would fain 
have had it. Then he offered 
it to him again ; then he put 
it by again ; but to my think- 
ing, he was very loath to lay 
his fingers off it. And then 
he offered it the third time; 
he put it the third time by : 
and still as he refused it, the 
rabblement shouted. 


11. 2589 and 2593. 

What will Cassius doe, think 
ye ? I like not his pale looks. 

As for those fat men, and 
smooth comed heads, I never 
reckon of them : but those pale 
visaged and carian lean people, 
I feare them most, meaning 
Brutus and Cassius. 

1. 2526. 

And he (Antonius) came to 
Caesar and presented him a 
Diadeame wreathed about with 
laurell. Whereupon there rose 
a certaine cry of rejoycing, not 
very great, done onely by a few, 
appointed for the purpose. But 
when Caesar refused the Diad- 
eame, then all the people 
together made an outcry of joy. 
But when Caesar refused it 
againe the second time, then 
all the whole people shouted. 

Parallel Passages. 


I. ii. 254. 
'Tis very like ; he hath the 



1. 699. 

And often subject to head- 
ache, and otherwhile to the 
falling sicknes. 

I. ii. 265-267. 

He plucked me ope his doub- 
let, and offered them his 
throat to cut. 

I. ii. 286-7. 

MaruUus and Flavius, for pul- 
ling scarfs off Caesar's 
images, are put to silence. 

I. ii. 269-271. 

When he came to himself 
again, he said, If he had done 
or said anything amiss, he 
desired their worships to 
think it was his infirmity. 

I. ii. 317-3^1- 

I will this night, 

In several hands, in at his win- 
dow throw. 

As if they came from several 

Writings, all tending to the 
great opinion 

That Rome holds of his name. 

I. iii. 15-18. 

A common slave — you know 

him well by sight — 
Held up his left hand, which 

did flame, and burn 
Like twenty torches join'd, and 

yet his hand. 
Not sensible of fire, remain'd 


1. 2491. 

Tearing open his dublet 
coUer, making his necke bare, 
he cried out aloud to his 
friendes, that his throte was 
readie to offer to any man that 
would come and cut it. 

•• 2547- 

Caesar was so offended with- 

all that he deprived Marullus 
and Flavius of- their Tribune- 

1. 2494. 

Afterwards to excuse this 
foUie, he imputed it to his 
disease, saying, that their wittes 
are not perfit which have his 
disease of the falling evil, when 
standing on their feete, they 
speake to the common people, 
but are soone troubled with a 
trembling of their body. 

1- ^579- 

But in the night did cast 
sundry papers into the Praetor's 
seate, where hee gave audience, 
and the most of them to this 

1. 2607. 

That there was a slave of the 
souldiers, that did cast a mar- 
vellous burning flame out of 
his hand, insomuch as they that 
saw it, thought he had bene 
burnt, but when the fire was 
out, it was found he had no 






Who swore they saw 
Men, all in fire, walk up and 

down the streets, 
And yesterday, the bird of night 

did sit 
Even at noonday upon the 

market place. 
Hooting and shrieking. 

II. i. 46-48. 

Brutus, thou sleep'st : awake, 

and see thyself. 
Shall Rome, etc. — Speak, strike, 

redress ! 
Brutus, thou sleep'st : awake. 

II. ii. 1-3. 

Nor heaven nor earth have 

been at peace to-night : 
Thrice hath Calpurnia in her 

sleep cried out, 
" Help, ho ! They murder 


II. ii. 5-6. 

Go bid the priests do present 

And bring me their opinion of 


II. ii. 8-9. 

What mean you, Caesar ? think 

you to walk forth ? 
You shall not stir out of j'our 

house to-day. 

II. ii. 31-32. 

Cowards die many times before 

their deaths ; 
The valiant never taste of 

death but once. 

II. 2605 and 2601. 

That divers men were seene 
going up and downe in fire, — 
and also the solitary birdes to 
be seene at noone daj^s sitting 
in the great market place. 

1. 2581. 

Thou sleepest Brutus, and 

art not Brutus indeede. 

1. 2628. 

All the windowes and dores 
of his chamber flying open, the 
noise awoke him, and made 
him afraied when he saw such 
light : but more when he heard 
his wife Calpurnia, being fast 
asleepe, weepe and sigh, and 
put forth many fumbling la- 
mentable speaches. For shee 
dreamed that Caesar was slaine, 
and that shee had him in her 

1. 2644. 

Yet that he would search 
further of the Soothsayers by 
their sacrifices, to know what 
should happen him that day. 

1. 2640. 

Insomuch that Caesar rising 
in the morning, shee prayd 
him if it wer possible, not to 
go out of the dores that day. 

1. 2370. 

But saide, it was better to 
die once, than alwaies to be 
afifraide of death. 

Parallel Passages. 



II. ii. 39-40- 

Plucking the entrails of an 

offering forth, 
They could not find a heart 

within the beast. 


1. 2610. 

Caesar selfe also doing sacri- 
fice unto the goddes, found 
that one of the beasts which 
was sacrificed had no heart. 

II. ii. 52-56. 

We'll send Mark Antony to the 

And he shall say j^ou are not 

well to-day 
Let me, upon my knee, prevail 

in this. 
Caes : Mark Antony shall say 

I am not well : 
And for thj* humour, I will 

stay at home. 

I. 2641. 

Shee prayd him if it wer 
possible, not to go out of the 
dores that day, but to adjorne 
the session of the Senate. . . . 
Then he determined to send 
Antonius to adjorne the session 
of the Senate. 

II. ii. 93-101. 

And know it now; the Senate 

have concluded. 
To give this day a crown to 

mighty Caesar, 
If you shall send them word 

you will not come. 
Their minds may change. Be- 
sides, it were a mock 
Apt to be rendered, for some 

one to say 
" Break up the Senate till 

another time. 
When Caesar's wife shall meet 

with better dreams." 
If Caesar hide himself, shall 

they not whisper, 
" Lo, Caesar is afraid." 

1. 2663. 

That they were ready wil- 
lingly to graunt him all things, 
and to proclaime him king of 
all the provinces of the Empire 
of Rome out of Italy, and that 
he should weare his Diadem in 
all other places, both by sea 
and land. And furthermore, 
that if any man should tell 
them from him, they should 
depart for that present time, 
and returne againe when Cal- 
purnia should have better 
drcames, what would his ene- 
mies and ill-willers say, and 
how could they like of his 
friends words. 

II. iii. 10-112. 

There will I stand till Caesar 

pass along, 
And as a suitor will I give him 


1. 2690. 

Came and brought him a iitl 
bill written with his owne hand, 
of all that he mcnt to tell him. 




III. i. 1-2. 

Caes. : The Ides of March are 

Sooth. : Ay, Caesar ; but not 


III. i. 6,7. 

O Caesar, read mine first ; for 

mine's a suit 
That touches Caesar nearer; 

read it, great Caesar. 

III. i. 25, 26. 

Trebonius knows his time : for, 

look you, Brutus, 
He draws Mark Antony out of 

the way. 

HI- i- 33-35. 50-51. 

Most high, most mighty, and 

most puissant Caesar, 
Metellus Cimber throws before 

thy seat 
An humble heart, 
To sound more sweetly in great 

Caesar's ear 
For the repealing of my 

banish'd brother. 

III. i. 105-110. 

Bvu. : Stoop, Romans, stoop, 

And let us bathe our hands in 

Caesar's blood 
Up to the elbows, and besmear 

our swords ; 
Then walk we forth, even to the 

And waving our red weapons 

o'er our heads. 
Let's all cry, " Peace, freedom, 

and liberty." 


1. 2619. 

Caesar going unto the Senate 
house, and speaking merily 
unto the Soothsayer, tolde him, 
the Ides of March be come : 
so they be, softly aunswered 
the Soothsayer, but yet are 
they not past. 

1. 2695. 

Caesar, reade this memorial} 
to your selfe, and that quickly, 
for they be matters of great 
waight and touch you nearly. 

1. 2718. 

Now Antonius, that was a 
faithfull friend to Caesar, and a 
valiant man besides of his 
handes, him, Decius Brutus 
Albinos entertained out of the 
Senate-house, having begun a 
long tale of set purpose. 

1. 2726. 

As though they made sute 
with Metellus Cimber, to call 
home his brother againe from 

1. 2780. 

Brutus and his confederats 
on the other side, being yet hot 
with this murther they had 
committed, having their swords 
drawen in their hands, came all 
in a troupe together out of the 
Senate, and went into the mar- 
ket place, not as men that made 
countenaunce to flie, but other- 
wise boldly holding up their 
heades like men of courage, and 
called to the people to defend 
their liberty. 

Parallel Passages. 



III. i. 115 ; III. ii. 190-191. 
That now on Pompey's basis 

lies alonj;. 
Even at the base of Pompey's 

Which all the while ran blood, 

great Caesar fell. 

III. i. 204-206. 

Here wast thou bay'd, 
brave hart ; 
Here did'st thou fall : and here 
thv hunters stand. 

III. ii. i-io. 

Cits.: We will be satisfied ; let 

us be satisfied. 
Bnt. : Then follow me, and give 

me audience, friends. 
Cassius, go you into the other 

And part the numbers. 
Those that will hear me speak, 

let 'em stay here ; 
Those that will follow Cassius, 

go with him ; 
And public reasons shall be 

Of Caesar's death. 

1 Cit.: I will hear Brutus speak. 

2 Cit. : I will hear Cassius and 
compare their reasons, 

When severally we hear them 

III. ii. 98. 

You all did see, that on the 

III. ii. 131-133- 

But here's a parchment, with 

the seal of Caesar ; 
I found it in his closet, 'tis his 

will : 
Let but the commons hear this 



1. 2761. 

Against the base whereupon 
Pompey's image stoode, which 
ran all of a goare blood till he 
was slaine. 

1. 2751. 

And was hacked and mangled 
among them as a wilde beast 
taken of hunters. 

1. 2800. 

The next morning, Brutus and 
his confederates came into the 
market place to speake unto 
the people, who gave them such 
audience, that it seemed they 
neither greatly reproved, nor 
allowed the fact : for by their 
great silence they shewed, that 
they were sorry for Caesar's 
death, and also that they did 
reverence Brutus. 

1. 2505. 

At that time the Lupercalia 
was celebrated. 

1. 2812. 

But when they had opened 
Caesar's testament. 




III. ii. 175. 

That day he overcame the 


1. 888. 

And yet could not make the 
Nervians flie, but they fought 
it out to the death, till they 
were all in manner slain in the 

III. ii. 186-191. 

For when the noble Caesar saw 

him stab, 
Ingratitude, more strong than 

traitors' arms, 
Quite vanquish'd him : then 

burst his mighty heart ; 
And in his mantle muffling up 

his face, 
Even at the base of Pompey's 

Which all the while ran blood, 

great Caesar fell. 

1- 2757. 

But when he saw Brutus 
with his sword drawen in his 
hand, then he pulled his gowne 
over his head, and made no 
more resistaunce, and was 
driven either casually or pur- 
posedly, by the counsell of the 
conspirators, against the base 
whereupon Pompey's image 
stoode, which ran all of a 
goare blood till he was slaine. 

III. ii. 198-199. 

Look you here, 
Here is himself, marr'd, as 
you see, with traitors. 

III. ii. 241-243 ; 248-252. 

Ant. : Here is the will, and 
under Caesar's seal : — 

To every Roman citizen he 

To every several man, seventy- 
five drachmas. 

Moreover, he hath left you all 
his walks, 

His private arbours, and new- 
planted orchards. 

On this side Tiber ; he hath 
left them you 

And to your heirs for ever : 
common pleasures, 

To walk abroad and recreate 

1. 2815. 

That they saw his body 
(which was brought into the 
market place) all bemangled 
with gashes of swords. 

I. 2812. 

But when the}' had opened 
Caesar's testament, and found 
a liberall legacie of money, 
bequeathed unto every citizen 
of Rome. 

See Life of Brutus, p. 1062, 

II. 8-10— 

When Caesar's testament 
was read openh^ among them, 
whereby it appeared he be- 
queathed unto every Citizen of 
Rome, 75 drachmas a man, 
and that he left his gardens 
and arbors unto the people, 
which he had on this side of 
the river of Tiber. 

Parallel Passages. 



III. ii. 255-260. 

We'll burn his body in the holy 

And with the brands fire the 

traitors' houses. 
Take up the body. 

2 Cit. : Go fetch fire. 

3 Cit. : Pluck down benches. 

4 Cit. : Pluck down forms, 
windows, anything. 

III. iii. 1-40. 

Ciit. I dreamt to-night that I 

did feast with Caesar, 
And things unlucky charge my 

I have no will to wander forth 

of doors, 
Yet something leads me forth. 

1 Cit. : What is your name ? 

2 Cit. : Whither are you go- 

3 Cit. : Where do you dwell ? 

4 Cit. : Are you a married man 
or a bachelor ? 

2 Ctf. : Answer every man 

1 Cit. : Ay, and briefly. 
4 Cit. : Ay, and wisely. 

3 Cit. : Ay, and truly, you were 

Cin. : What is my name ? 
Whither am I going ? Where 
do I dwell ? Am I a married 
man or a bachelor ? Then 
to answer every man directly, 
and briefly, wisely and truly; 
wisely I say I am a bachelor. 

2 Cit. : That's as much as to 
say, they are fools that 
marry: you'll bear me a 
bang for that, I fear. Pro- 
ceed, directly. 

Cin.: Directly, I am going to 

Caesars funeral. 
I Cit. : As a friend, or an 

Cin. ■ As a friend. 


1. 2818. 

But they plucked up formes, 
tables, and stools, and laved 
them all about the body, and 
setting them afire, burnt the 
corse. Then when the fire 
was well kindled, they took the 
firebrands, and went unto their 
houses that had slain Caesar, 
to set them afire. 

1. 2826. 

There was one of Caesar's 
friends called Cinna that had a 
marvellous strange and terrible 
dreame the night before. He 
dreamed that Caesar bad him 
to supper, and that he refused 
and would not go : then that 
Caesar tooke him by the hand, 
and led him against his will. 
Now Cinna hearing at that 
time, that they burnt Caesar's 
body in the market place, 
notwithstanding that he feared 
his dreame, and had an ague 
on him besides : he went to 
the market place to honour his 
funerals. When he came 
thither, one of the mean sorte 
asked him what his name was ? 
He was straight called by his 
name. The first man tolde it 




2 Cit. : That matter is answered 

4 Cit. : For your dwelling, 

Cin. : Briefly, I dwell by the 


3 Cit. : Your name, sir, truly. 
Cin. : Truly, my name is 

I Cit.: Tear him to pieces; 

he's a conspirator. 
Cin. : I am Cinna the poet. I 

am Cinna the poet. 

4 Cit. : Tear him for his bad 
verses; tear him for his bad 

Cin, : I am not Cinna the 

III. ii. 269-270. 

I heard him say, Brutus and 
Cassius are rid like madmen 
through the gates of Rome. 

IV. iii. 275-287. 

Let me see, let me see ; is not 

the leaf turn'd down where I 

left reading ? Here it is, I 

How ill this taper burns ! Ha! 

who comes here ? 
I think, it is the weakness of 

mine eyes 
That shapes this monstrous 

It comes upon me. — Art thou 

anything ? 
Art thou some god, some angel, 

or some devil. 
That makest my blood run 

cold, and my hair to stand ? 
Speak to me what thou art. 
Ghost : Thy evil spirit, Brutus. 
Brii. : Why comest thou ? 

to another, and that other unto 
another, so that it ranne 
straight through them all, that 
hee was one of them that 
murdered Caesar : (for indeede 
one of the traitors to Caesar, 
was also called Cinna as him- 
selfe) wherefore taking him 
for Cinna the murderer, they 
fell uppon him with such fury, 
that they presently dispatched 
him in the market place. 

1. 2843. 

This sturre and fury made 
Brutus and Cassius more afraied 
then of all that was past, and 
therefore within fewe daj's 
after, they departed out of 

1. 2882. 

Brutus being ... in his 
tent, and being yet awake, 
thinking of his affaires : he 
thought he heard a noise at his 
tent dore, and looking towards 
the light of the lampe that 
waxed very dimme, he saw a 
horrible vision of a man, of a 
wonderful! greatnes, and dread- 
ful looke, which at the first 
made him marvellously afraid. 
But when he saw that it did 
him no hurt, but stoode by his 
bedside, and sayd nothing: 
at length he asked him what he 
was. The image aunswered 
him : I am thy ill angell, 
Brutus, and thou shalt see me 
by the city of Philippes. Then 

Parallel Passages. 



Ghost : To tell thee thou shalt 

see me at Philippi. 
Bru. ; Well ; then I shall see 

thee a,!<ain ? 
Ghost : Ay, at Philippi. 
Bru. : Why. I will see thee at 

Philippi, then. 

V. i. 53- 

Never till Caesar's three 

thirty wounds 
Be well avenged. 


Brutus replied againe, and 
sayed ; Well, I shall see thee 
then. Therewithall, the spirite 
presently vanished from him. 

1, 2766. 
and That he had three and 

twenty wounds upon his body. 

V. i. 76. 

Vou know that I held Epicurus 

1. 2712. 

Though otherwise hee did fa- 
vour the doctrine of Epicurus. 

V. iii. 41-46. 

And with this good sword 
That ran through Caesar's 

bowels, search this bosom. 
Stand not to answer ; here, 

take thou the hilts, 
And, when my face is cover'd, 

as 'tis now. 
Guide thou the sword. Caesar, 

thou art avenged, 
Even witii the sword that 

killed thee. 


For he 

being overcome in 
battel at the iorney of 
Philippes, slue himselfe with 
the same sword, with which he 
strake Caesar. 

V. V. 17-20. 

The ghost of Caesar hath 

appear'd to me. 
Two several times by night ; 

at Sardis once, 
And this last night here in 

Philippi fields : 
I know my hour is come. 

1. 2903. 

The second battell being at 
hand, this spirit appeared 
againe unto him, but spake 
never a word. Thereupon 
Brutus knowing hee should 
die, did put himself to all 
hazard in battel. 





Julius caesar