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"CO 


I  o  *</•  h  3 


TRANSACTIONS 


OF 


THE   CANADIAN    INSTITUTE, 


SESSION  1892-93. 


NOTES 


ARCHAEOLOGICAL,    INDUSTRIAL    AND    SOCIOLOGICAL, 


ON   THE 


WESTERN    DENES 


WITH   AN    ETHNOGRAPHICAL   SKETCH   OF   THE   SAME 


BY   THE    REV.    FATHER    A.    G.    MORICE,    O.M.I. 


Read  4th  November, 


SEEN  . 


IS92-D3]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Introduction 5 

CHAPTER  I. 

Ethnological  Sketch 8 

The  Name  "  Dene  " 8 

Distribution  of  the  Denes 10 

Main  Characteristics  of  the  Dene  Race 17 

Distribution  of  the  Western  Dene's 22 

CHAPTER  II. 

Preliminaries , 32 

Philological 32 

Works  and  Implements  Unknown  Among  the  Western  Denes 35 

CHAPTER  III. 

Stone  Implements 39 

Industrial  Stone  Implements 43 

Stone  Weapons  of  War  and  of  the  Chase 53 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Bone  and  Horn  Implements 66 

CHAPTER  V. 

Traps  and  Snares - 84 

Fish  Traps 84 

Land  Animal  Traps 93 

•Snares 98 

Observances  of  the  Hunter  and  Trapper 106 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Wooden  Implements 1 1 1 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Bark  Implements ; 1 20 

Esculent  and  Medicinal  Plants 127 

Other  Bark  Implements I32 


4  TRANSACTIONS    OK   THE   CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.    IV. 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Copper  and  Iron  Implements ...    136- 

Copper  Implements > 1 36 

Iron  Implements 140 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Skin  Objects,  and  Twined  and  Textile  Fabrics 145 

Skin  Objects 145 

Objects  of  Mixed  Material 1 50 

Textile  and  Twined  Fabrics 156 

CHAPTER  X. 

Dress  and  Personal  Adornment 162 

Common  Dress 162 

Ceremonial  Costume 172 

CHAPTER  XI. 
Habitations 1 84 

CHAPTER  XII. 
Monuments  and  Pictography „ 199 

Carved  Monuments 199 

Pictography 206 

Index 213 

Works  quoted  or  referred  to 219 

Addenda  et  Corrigenda  221 


1892-93]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES. 


INTRODUCTION. 

i 

"  Archaeological "  is  rather  inappropriate  in  connection  with  the 
present  monograph,  whose  scope  embraces  nothing  archaean  or  really 
ancient.  The  prehistoric  Den£s  are  the  Denes  of  but  yesterday.  For,, 
what  are  the  one  hundred  years  which  have  elapsed  since  the  discovery 
of  their  country  compared  with  the  twenty  or  more  centuries  which 
separate  us  from  the  famous  civilizations  of  ancient  Egypt  and  Assyria  ? 
Yet,  to  check  possibly  too  sanguine  expectations  from  such  archaeologists 
as  may  happen  to  read  these  lines,  I  hasten  to  declare  that  it  is  perhaps 
more  easy  to  present  the  lover  of  technological  lore  with  graphic  illustra- 
tions of  the  arts  and  industries  which  flourished  among  the  subjects  of 
the  Pharaohs  and  the  Assyrian  monarchs,  than  to  thoroughly  illustrate 
from  actual  specimens  the  ensemble  of  the  arms,  working  implements, 
household  utensils  and  ceremonial  paraphernalia,  which  should  concur  in 
reconstructing  the  peculiar  mode  of  life  pursued  by  the  primitive  Denes. 
The  original  Egyptians  and  Assyrians  have  left  us,  besides  authentic 
records  of  their  own  doings  on  imperishable  material  what  promises  to 
prove  well  nigh  unlimited  stores  of  practical  illustrations  of  their  past 
sociology  in  their  tombs,  their  temples  and  other  public  monuments. 
So  that  the  antiquarian's  task  is  greatly  facilitated  by  the  abundance  of 
the  material  at  his  command.  Furthermore,  where  the  hieroglyphic  and 
cuneiform  chronicles  fail  to  clear  up  difficulties  of  interpretation  or  to 
enlighten  him  on  the  particular  use  of  ancient  implements,  he  has  only 
to  delve  into  Herodotus  and  other  historians  for  the  desired  light. 

Not  so,  however,  with  regard  to  the  prehistoric  D£n£s.  As  I  have 
elsewhere  demonstrated,*  that  family  of  American  aborigines,  and  more 
especially  the  Carrier  tribe  to  which  prominence  will  be  given  in  the 
following  pages,  is  characterized  by  a  wonderful  power  of  imitation  and 
self-adaptation  which  prompted  it,  upon  the  advent  of  the  whites,  to  dis- 
card most  of  its  native  customs,  indigenous  weapons  and  working 
implements.  As  a  natural  consequence,  many  of  the  latter  are  now  in 
a  fair  way  towards  complete  obliteration.  Moreover,  the  nation's 
historians,  I  mean  the  old  men  who  witnessed  the  manufacture  and  use 
of  some  archaeological  articles  the  duplicates  of  which  have  caused 
speculations  from  more  than  one  antiquarian,  are  fast  disappearing  from 

*  Are  the  Carrier  Sociology  and  Mythology   Indigenous  or  Exotic?"      Trans.    Roy.    Soc. 
Canada,  Section  II.  1892. 


•6  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IY. 

r^the  scene  of  this  world.     So  that  the  sooner  the  Dene  technology  is 
brought  to  light,  the  better  it  will  be  in  the  interest  of  science. 

Indeed,  should  any  value  whatever  be  attached  to  the  present 
monograph,  I  feel  quite  certain  that  it  will  be  entirely  on  account  of  its 
opportuneness.  Undertaken  twenty-five  years  ago,  it  could  probably  have 
been  made  more  exhaustive.  After  the  lapse  of  an  equal  space  of  time, 
its  usefulness  as  a  contribution  to  archaeological  knowledge  would  be 
problematical.  I  am  at  present  the  possessor  of  the  only  remaining 
specimens  of  some  objects  illustrative  of  the  past  Carrier  sociology,  and 
my  familiarity  with  the  language  and  original  customs  of  the  Indians  to 
whose  spiritual  wants  I  minister,  might  not  be  enjoyed  by  a  successor 
among  them  until  time  and  circumstances  deprive  its  use  of  much  of  its 
value. 

These  considerations,  corroborated  by  the  requests  of  scientists  whose 
advice  I  have  not  the  right  to  disregard,  have  emboldened  me  to  attempt 
a  description  of  such  technological  objects  as  can  be  illustrated  from 
specimens  in  my  possession  or  which  are  still  in  common  use  among  the 
Western  Dane's.  The  number  of  these,  as  will  soon  appear,  is  somewhat 
limited,  and  therefore  my  task  cannot  be  very  arduous.  I  only  regret 
that  my  mineralogical  shortcomings  render  an  exact  description  of  the 
material  used  in  the  fabrication  of  stone  implements  in  a  few  cases  impos- 
sible. For  the  identification  of  such  rocks  as  are  adequately  described, 
I  am  under  obligation  to  Dr.  G.  M.  Dawson,  Assistant  Director  of  the 
Geological  Survey  of  Canada,  Ottawa. 

As  technology  is  the  prime  object  of  this  monograph,  the  industries  of 
the  Western  Denes  will  be  mentioned  in  so  far  only  as  may  be  necessary 
for  the  clear  understanding  of  the  nature  and  use  of  the  objects  therein 
-described.  Which  statement  should  not  convey  the  idea  that  I  intend  to 
make  light  of  their  claims  to  importance  in  an  ethnological  contribution. 
With  a  little  reflection,  it  will  become  apparent  that  all  human  industries 
.need  material  aids  or  means  to  manifest  themselves,  and  their  results 
must  also  take  a  concrete  form.  Now,  these  palpable  data,  be  they  the 
products  of  human  ingenuity  or  the  instruments  employed  in  their 
development,  are  per  se  technological  items,  and  by  reviewing  the  latter, 
one  cannot  help  treating  of  the  former.  Therefore  I  simply  mean  to 
-say  that  the  archaeological,  rather  than  the  industrial,  plan  will  be 
adopted  in  the  following  pages.  In  other  words,  our  divisions  shall  be 
based,  not  on  the  industries  of  the  Western  De"nes,  but,  as  far  as  practical, 
on  the  material  of  the  weapons,  tools,  utensils,  fishing  devices  and  other 
implements  under  consideration. 


1892-93]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  7 

As  for  the  third,  or  sociological  scope  of  this  paper,  I  think  that  our 
title  will  be  justified  not  only  by  numerous  transient  mentions  of  native 
customs  and  practices,  but  more  especially  by  extended  descriptions  of 
the  Aborigines'  usages  and  superstitions  in  connection  with  fishing  and 
trapping,  their  domestic  economy  as  regards  diet  and  remedies,  their 
ceremonial  dress,  their  habitations,  etc.  However,  for  more  systematic 
information  concerning  the  Dene  sociology,  the  reader  must  be  referred 
to  another  paper  published  some  years  ago  under  the  title  of  "  The 
Western  Dane's  ;  their  Manners  and  Customs."  * 

Mythology  may  be  regarded  as  a  mirror  wherein  the  psychological 
ideas  and  the  particular  social  institutions  and  mode  of  life  of  a  people 
are  faithfully  reflected.  Therefore  I  have  not  deemed  it  inconsistent 
with  the  nature  of  my  subject  to  intersect  the  following  pages  with  a  few 
short  legends  or  traditions,  especially  when  these  may  prove  a  help' 
towards  the  formation  of  a  more  correct  idea  of  the  objects  hereafter 
described. 

*  Proceedings  Can.  Inst.,  vol.  vii.,  p.    109,  et  seq. 


•8  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV. 


CHAPTER  I. 

ETHNOLOGICAL  SKETCH.— THE  NAME  "DENE"." 

For  the  benefit  of  such  of  my  readers  as  may  not  have  seen  my  former 
essays,  I  must  repeat  that  by  Denes  I  mean  that  large  family  of  Ameri- 
can Aborigines  commonly  known  under  the  names  of  Tinne,  Tinneh, 
Tenni  (Bompas),  Tenne  (Kennicot)  and  Athapaskans.  As  I  have  already 
pointed  out  elsewhere,  all  of  these  appellations  are  inappropriate.  For 
more  reasons  than  one,  they  should,  in  my  estimation,  be  discarded  in 
favour  of  "  Dene."  Neither  Tinn6  nor  Tinneh  have  any  meaning  in  the 
dialect  of  the  many  tribes  into  which  that  extensive  stock  is  divided. 
The  ethnologists  who  are  responsible  for  these  nicknames  gathered  them 
from  the  desinence  of  several  tribal  names  probably  badly  pronounced, 
and  certainly  misspelt,  by  the  earliest  voyageurs  or  traders  who  made 
mention  of  these  Aborigines.  The  verbal  suffix  'Tinne,  or  'Tenne,  is 
evidently  the  term  they  aimed  at  rendering.  Now  to  the  native  ear  the 
difference  between  T  and  'T  is  infinitely  greater  than  is  with  us  that 
which  exists  between  such  letters  as  W  and  G,  since  these  are  commut- 
•able  in  the  Aryan  languages,*  while  the  former  are  not  in  the  Dene 
dialects.  Thus,  in  Carrier,  ta  means  "  lip,"  and  'ta  "  feather  ; "  to  means 
41  up,"  and  'to  "  nest ; "  tis  stands  for  "  younger  sister,"  and  'tis  for 
"  coals  ;  "  taz  is  the  root  for  "  heavy,"  and  'taz  signifies  "  backward  ;  " 
ndstaih  is  equivalent  to  "  I  dance,'"  while  'wstaih  means  "  I  ripen." 
These  contrasts  could  be  multiplied  almost  ad  infinitum. 

Furthermore,  'Tinne,  being  a  suffix,  cannot  stand  without  its  verbal 
support.  Thie  would-be  noun  is  composed  of  the  root  of  the  verb 
hwos'ten  (or  kwos'tin,  etc.,  according  to  the  dialect)  which  means  "  I 
inhabit,"  and  the  personal  plural  particle  ne  (or  ni)  resulting  in  the 
verbal  noun  hwo'tenne  (or  kwotinni,  etc.)  "  inhabitants,"  which  when 
suffixed  to  a  name  of  river  is  contracted  into  'tenne,  etc.,  as  in  Naz-Koh- 
*  tenne,  Tsij-Kch- tinni.  Thus  this  pretended  word  corresponds  in  every 
particular — save  that  in  Dene  it  is  a  verbal  not  substantive,  affix — to  the 
final  -enses  of  Lugdunenses,  Massilienses,  Carthaginienses,  Colossenses, 
etc.  Now  who  ever  dreamt  of  denominating  by  that  final  the  latin 
speaking. peoples?  Who  would,  for  instance,  call  Ens  the  French  nation 

*  As  is  evident  from  the  conversion  of  William  into  Gulielmus,    Guglielmo,  Guillermo,  Guil- 
herme  and  Guillaume  ;   of  War  into  Guerre  and  Guerra,  etc.  ;  ,of  Warrant  into  Garantir,  etc. 


18'J2-93.]  NOTES    CN    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  D 

because  it  designates  as  Parisi^j  the  inhabitants  of  Paris  ;  as 
Londoni^z5-  those  of  London,  etc.  ?  Yet  the  identity  of  the  two  cases 
is  so  evident  that  I  need  only  translate  the  above,  and  say  London- 
hwo'tenne,  Pali-hwo'tenne,  to  bring  it  home  to  the  dullest  intellect.  As 
with  the  -enses  and  the  -ens  of  the  Italic  tongues,  so  it  is  with  the  'tenne 
of  the  D£ne  idioms  ;  it  never  applies  but  to  names  of  places  or  at  least 
of  ethnographic  divisions.  Another  point  of  similarity  is  that  it  varies 
with  the  dialects,  being  'tenne  in  Carrier,  'tinni  in  TsiiKoh'tin,  'qenne 
in  Tse^kelme,  etc. 

Lastly  the  correct  pronunciation  of  these  word-endings  requires  a 
lingual  explosion  which  cannot  be  obtained  except  by  those  already  ini- 
tiated into  the  mysteries  of  the  Dene  phonetics.  Hence  the  absurdity  of 
designating  a  whole  nation  by  an  accidental  suffix,  impossible  of  pro- 
nunciation to  the  great  majority  of  the  readers,  which  is  no  word  of  itself 
and  changes  according  to  the  dialect  of  some  twenty  or  more  different 
tribes. 

Another  name  no  less  widely  used  to  denominate  the  D£ne  stock,  and 
for  which  Gallatin  is  said  to  be  responsible,  is  "  Athapaskan."  Now  fancy 
the  propriety  of  calling  the  whole  British,  not  merely  English,  race,  say 
Bristolians  or  Manchesterians  !  The  Bureau  of  Ethnology  of  the  Smith- 
sonian Institution  which  has  adopted  this  name  in  its  official  publications 
has  to  confess  that  "  it  has  been  objected  to  by  a  number  of  missionaries — 
students  of  various  dialects  of  this  family  in  the  North- West — but,"  it  is 
added,  "  priority  demanded  that  Gallatin's  name  should  be  retained."  * 
Methinks,  however,  that  time  cannot  of  itself  convert  a  wrong  into  a 
right. 

Rev.  E.  Petitot  replaces  either  vocable  by  Dene-Dindjie",  thereby 
"  uniting  in  one  compound  word  the  southermost  tribe,  the  Chippewayan 
or  D£ne\  with  the  northermost,  the  Loucheux  which  calls  itself  Dindjie."f 
This  name,  which  is  undoubtedly  a  vast  improvement  on  any  of  the 
above  mentioned,  and  has  the  merit  of  containing  two  genuine  Indian 
words,  correctly  spelt,  has  perhaps  the  disadvantage  of  unwittingly  con- 
tracting in  the  mind  of  the  reader  the  area  covered  by  the  nation  thereby 
designated.  The  Chippewayans  are  not  the  most  southerly  branch  of 
the  family  not  only  on  the  North  American  continent,  but  even  within 
British  America.  The  Tsi[Koh'tin  and  the  Carriers  inhabit  a  stretch  of 
land  several  degrees  of  latitude  more  to  the  south  and  are  nevertheless 
territorially  connected,  without  any  intervening  gap,  with  all  the  North- 

*  Bibliography  of  the  Athapaskan  Languages,  by  J.   C.  Pilling,  p.  v.  ;  Washington,  1892. 
+  Monogmphie  des  Dent-Dindjid,  p.  xix.  ;  Paris,  Leroux,  1876. 

2 


10  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.  IV. 

ern  Dene  tribes.  Therefore,  on  his  own  basis  of  word  formation,  the 
abbe  Petitot  should  call  the  whole  race  Tani-Dindjie,*  not  Dene- 
Dindjie. 

But  we  should  not  overlook  the  numerous  offshoots  it  has  spread  out 
through  the  Western  and  Southern  States  of  the  American  Union,  and 
whose  term  for  "  man,"  and  consequently  for  themselves  considered  as 
aborigines,  is  practically  identical  with  "  Dend"^*  Why  then  should  we 
not  call  the  whole  stock  Dene,  after  the  native  name  of  the  most  central — 
taking  into  consideration  the  southern  scattered  tribes — and  one  of  the 
most  populous  branches  thereof  ?+  We  could  perhaps  find  a  precedent 
for  this  in  the  names  of  such  European  peoples  as  the  Italian,  the 
French  and  even  the  English,  which  came  to  be  given  the  entire  nation 
after  they  had  long  represented  one  of  the  most  important  of  its  original 
tribes,  the  Itali,  the  Franks  and  the  Angles  or  Angli. 

Despite  their  minuteness,  the  foregoing  remarks  have  been  deemed 
necessary  since  their  substance,  as  embodied  in  a  foot-note  to  a  former 
paper  by  the  writer  does  not  appear  to  have  received  the  attention  he 
cannot  help  thinking  it  deserved  at  the  hands  of  Ethnologists.  Even  the 
few  who  have  noticed  it  now  seem  to  labour  under  the  impression  that 
the  Dene's  are  a  branch  of  the  Athapaskan  family  lately  made  known 
to  the  scientific  world !§  Such  is  the  force  of  habit!  Others  suppose  that 
Tinne  and  Dene  are  the  same  word  under  two  different  dialectical  forms. | 

DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  DE'NE'S. 

-"No    other    aboriginal   stock    in    North    America,    perhaps    not    even 

/excepting  the  Algonquian,  covers  so  great  an  extent  of  territory  as  the 

L^Dene.     The  British  Isles,  France  and  Spain,  Italy  and  any  two  or  three 

of  the  minor  European  commonwealths  taken  together  would  hardly 

represent  the  area  of  the  region  occupied  by  that  large  family.     And  yet 

/  it  is  no  exaggeration  to  say  that  few  American  races  are  less  known  than 

l_the  Northern  De"n£s  who,  in  point  of  territory,  constitute  the  main  bulk 

*  7>;//  is  the  TsijKoh'tin  word  for  "  man." 

t  It  should  be  remembered  in  this  connection  that  in  all  the  De'nd  dialects  the  vowels  have 
almost  no  linguistic  importance  whatever,  the  quintessence  of  the  words  being  condensed  in  the 
initial  consonants  of  each  syllable.  Also,  it  may  be  worth  noting  here  that  T  and  D,  P  and  B,. 
G  and  K,  etc.,  are  commutable  even  within  each  separate  dialect. 

J  The  aboriginal  race  of  the  Alaskan  littoral  is  called  Tlingit  after  the  word  it  uses  to  say 
"man."  Why  should  this  not  also  be  the  case  with  the  Dene  family? 

§The  Athapaskan  Bibliography,  passim,  1892. 

||  Language  as  a  test  of  Mental  Capacity,  by  H.  Hale.      Transact,  R.  S.  C,  p.  81,  1891. 


1892-93.]  NOTKS    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  11 

of  the  whole  -nation.  West  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  they  are  to  be 
found  from  51°  30'  of  latitude  to  the  borders  of  the  Eskimo  tribes,  while 
on  the  east  side  of  the  same  range  they  people  the  immense  plains  and 
forests  which  extend  from  the  Northern  Saskatchewan  down  almost  to 
the  delta  of  the  Mackenzie  River.  From  West  to  East  they  roam, 
undisputed  masters  of  the  soil,  over  the  almost  entire  breadth  of  the 
American  Continent,  though  a  narrow  strip  of  sea  shore  country  separates 
their  ancestral  domain  from  the  waters  of  the  Pacific  and  those  of  the 
Atlantic.  With  that  unimportant  restriction,  they  might  be  said  to 
occupy  the  immense  stretch  of  land  intervening  between  the  two  oceans  I 

In  the  words  of  Horatio  Hale,  this  is,  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains 
"a  dreary  region  of  rocks  and  marshes,  of  shallow  lakes  and  treacherous 
rivers,  offering  no  attractions  except  such  as  the  hunter  finds  in  the 
numerous  fur-bearing  animals  which  roam  over  it  and  afford  the  native 
tribes  a  precarious  subsistence.  When  this  resource  fails,  they  live  on 
lichens  which  they  gather  from  the  rocks."*  West  of  the  Rockies,  the 
country  inhabited  by  them  is  rugged  and  heavily  timbered,  dotted  with 
numerous  deep  lakes,  and  intersected  by  swift,  torrential  rivers.  Their 
staple  food  is  venison  and  salmon,  according  to  the  geographical  position 
of  their  tribal  grounds. 

I  have  already  given,  in  a  volume  of  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  Canadian 
Institute,"f  the  names  and  habitat  of  the  northern  tribes  together  with 
their  approximative  population.  Let  me  only  remark  that  in  that  list 
I  classed  the  Beaver  Indians  as  a  separate  tribe  merely  to  conform  to 
the  long  established  custom  of  the  traders  and  missionaries.  But  as  in 
America,  Ethnography  is  based  chiefly,  if  not  entirely,  on  Philology,  I  must 
explain  that,  from  a  philological  standpoint,  the  Beavers  ( Tsritenne  in 
Carrier)  are  genuine  Tse'kehne.  The  idiomatic  differences  noticeable  in 
the  speech  of  these  two  artificial  divisions  are  not  any  more  pronounced 
than,  those  which  exist  between  the  dialects  of  the  Lower  and  the  Upper 
Carriers.  The  reason  the  Beavers  go  by  a  distinctive  name  even  among 
their  congeners  is  that,  being  citizens  of  the  plains,  they  cannot  with 
propriety  be  called  Tse'kehne  or  "  Inhabitants  of  the  Rocks"  viz. :  the 
Rocky  Mountains. 

For  the  perfect  completeness  of  our  aboriginal  census,  we  should  add 
to  the  above  the  Sarcees,  a  band  of  Tse'kehne  who,  upon  a  difference 

*  Language  as  a  test  of  Mental  Capacity,  p.  81  ;  Transact.  R.  S.  C.  Vol.  IX.,  Sec.  II,  1891. 
T'l'he  Western  Dene's,  etc.,  Proc.  Can.  Inst.  Vol.  vii.,  p.  113. 


12  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.    IV. 

arising  from  a  trivial  offense,*  separated,  not  very  long  ago  from  the 
main  body  of  the  De"ne"  nation  and  were  adopted  by  the  Blackfeet,  an 
Algonquian  tribe,  among  whom  they  have  since  lived,  while  keeping 
their  linguistic  autonomy.  They  do  not  number  more  than  100  souls. 

An  ethnologic  problem  which  is  not  yet,  and  will  perhaps  never  be 
solved,  is  the  question,  How  did  it  come  to  pass  that  large  portions  of 
the  Dene  nation  detached  themselves  from  the  main  stock  and  migrated 
south  ?  When  did  this  exodus  occur?  What  was  the  route  followed  by 
the  adventurous  bands  ?  The  man  is  probably  yet  unborn  who  will 
satisfactorily  answer  these  questions.  It  may  be  that  the  interested 
tribes  have  some  legends  or  traditions  which  might  throw  some  light  on 
the  subject ;  but  I  think  this  is  hardly  the  case.f  As  far  as  the  northern 
D£nes  are  concerned,  they  do  not  even  suspect  the  existence  of  any 
kinsmen  south  of  the  TsijKoh'tins'  territory.  Two  facts  only  seem  pretty 
safely^established,  namely  :  the  separation  of  the  southern  from  the 
northern  tribes  happened  centuries  ago  ;  and,  moreover,  the  national 
moyernent^  resulting  jn  the  division^  of  the  nation  into  Two  different 
.^amps  was  from  north  to  south.  The  first  assertion  is  proven  by  the 
fact  that  "  when  the  Spaniards  first  met  them  [the  Navajos]  in  1541,  they 
were  tillers  of  the  soil,  erected  large  granaries  for  their  crops,  irrigated 
their  fields  by  artificial  water-courses  or  acegutas,  and  lived  in  substantial 
dwellings,  partly  underground."  £  In  support  of  the  second  statement, 
I  need  only  refer  to  a  tradition  current  among  some  western  tribes 
according  to  which  "days  were  formerly  exceedingly  short;  so  short 
indeed  that  sewing  the  edge  of  a  muskrat  skin  was  all  that  one  woman 
could  do  between  sunrise  and  sunset."  This  unmistakably  points  to  the 
arctic  regions  as  places  of  previous  residence. 

Unknown  to  themselves,  important  branches  of  the  great  De"n6  tree 
thrive  thousands  of  miles  away  from  the  parental  stem.  As  far  as  I  can 
ascertain  from  the  latest  and  most  reliable  source  §  available,  they  are, 
or  were  until  recently  : — 

*  According  to  Mr.  W.  E.  Trail!,  an  H.  B.  Go's  officer  who  has  passed  many  years  in  close 
proximity  to  the  Sarcees,  this  separation  was  caused  by  the  following  circumstances  :  A  party  of 
Tse'kehne  were  target  shooting  when  a  dog  happened  to  take  on  the  arrow  planted  in  the  ground 
as  a  target  one  of  those  liberties  of  which  the  canine  gent  is  so  fond.  Thereupon  the  dog  was 
shot  by  the  possessor  of  the  arrow,  upon  which  that  of  the  shooter  was  killed  by  the  master  of 
the  original  offender.  Then  followed  numerous  reprisals  which  could  only  be  stopped  by  the 
voluntary  departure  of  one  band  of  related  families  which  became  the  Sarcees. 

t  The  above  had  been  written  for  some  time,  when  I  read  in  Dr.  Brinton's  American  Race 
that  "  the  Navajos  have  no  reminiscence  of  their  ancestral  home  in  the  North." 

J  Brinton's  American  Race,  p.  72,  citing  A.  A.  Bandelier  "  Indians  of  the  Southwestern  U.  S." 

§6oth  Annual  Report  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs,  1891. 


1892-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  13 

1.  The   Kwalhiokwas  *,  the   Umkwas   and  the  Totunies  in   Oregon. 
The  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs,  for  1891  (Vol.  II., 
p.  82),  gives  78  as  the  number  of  the  Umkwa  population  in  the  Grande 
Ronde  Agency,  with  additional,  though  undetermined,  numbers  in  the 
Siletz    Agency.     According    to   the   same   authority,   the   Totunies   on 
Rogue  River  aggregate  47,  while  their  congeners  on  the  Siletz  reserve 
cannot  be  numbered  owing  to  their  intermarriages  with  alien  tribes. 

2.  The  bands  respectively  called  Hoousolton,  Miscolt,  Hostler, 'Matil- 
den,  Kentuck,  Tishtangatang  and  Siaws  in  California^,  but  better  known 
under  the  collective  name  of  Hupa,  from  that  of  their  common  reserva- 
tion in  the  Hupa  Valley.     They  aggregate  492. 

3.  The  Waildki,  likewise  on  the  Pacific  (Gatschet),  numbers  unknown. 

4.  The  Navajos,  in  Arizona,  the  most  populous  and  flourishing  of  all 
the  Dene  tribes,  since  they  number,  according  to  the  latest  and  most 
accurate  accounts,  no  less  than  16,102  souls.J 

5.  The  various  tribes  of   Apaches  of   which  the  following  is  a  list 
showing  their  habitat  and  present  population  : — 

(a)  The  Oklahoma  Apaches,  in  Oklahoma  Territory  ....  325 

(b)  The  Jicarilla  Apaches,  in  Colorado 824 

(c)  The  Mescalero  Apaches,  in  New  Mexico 531 

(d)  The  White  Mountain  Apaches,  in  Arizona 130 

(e)  The  Coyotero  Apaches,  in  Arizona 423 

(f)  The  San  Carlos  Apaches,  in  Arizona 831 

(g)  The  Tento§  Apaches,  in  Arizona 760 

(h)  The  Apaches  of  Camp  Apache,  in  Arizona 1,878 

*  Contradictory  statements  and  apparently  misapprehension  as  to  the  names  and  present  status 
of  the  Southern  Pacific  Coast  D^nes  render  an  exact  classification  of  them  difficult.  Thus  Mr. 
Horatio  Hale  (Language  as  a  Test  of  Mental  Capacity,  p.  85,  1891)  speaks  of  the  Kwalhiokwas 
as  still  lingering  in  one  of  the  Pacific  States,  while  Dr.  A.  S.  Gatschet,  in  his  work  on  "The 
Klamath  Indians  of  Southern  Oregon,  Vol.  I.  p.  45,"  published  one  year  earlier,  states  that  they 
have  disappeared  together  with  the  Tlatskanai,  another  Dene  tribe.  The  same  ethnographer 
mentions  side  by  side  (op.  cit.)  with  the  Hupas  the  Wailaki,  reference  to  whom  I  find  in  no  other 
author.  The  Totunies  are  called  Totutunies  by  H.  Hale  (op.  cit. ),  Tututenas  by  Dr.  Brinton 
(op.  cit.),  Tootoonas  by  Mr.  Morgan  (doth  Ann.  Rep.),  Tutatamy  by  P.  de  Lucy-Fossarien 
(Extrait  du  Compte  Rendu  stenographique  du  Congres  international  des  sciences  ethnographiques 
. . .  .Etude  de philologie  ethnographique  par  M.  P.  de  Lucy-Fossarien,  Paris,  1881). 

t  After  Prof.  O.  Mason  (The  Ray  Collection  from  Hupa  Reservation,  pp.  206,  207). 

+  According  to  Horatio  Hale  (Language  as  a  Test,  &c.,  p.  90),  that  tribe  was  erroneously 
thought  to  number  in  1889  as  many  as  21,000  members. 

§  These  are  not  all  pure  Denes,  many  being  mixed  with  the  neighboring  tribes,  or  even  alto- 
gether aliens  as  to  the  race  to  which  they  belong. 


14  TRAN.SACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   TV. 

In  Mexico,  the  number  of  Apaches  is  doubtful,  since,  according  to 
Dr.  D.  G.  Brinton,  "although  the  Mexican  census  of  1880  puts  the 
Mexican  Apaches  at  10,000,  no  such  numbers  can  be  located."*  The 
same  author  then  goes  on  to  state  on  the  strength  of  information 
emanating  from  Mr.  Henshaw,  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution,  that  "  the 
only  Apache  band  now  known  to  be  in  Mexico  are  the  Janos  or  Janeros 
in  Chihuahua,  made  up  of  Lipans  and  Mescaleros.f 

6.  The  Lipans,  in  New  Mexico,  who  have  dwindled  down  to  forty 
individuals.  Their  original  home  appears  to  have  been  on  the  Rio 
Grande.J 

It  would  not  be  pleasant  to  be  represented  as  playing  the  role  of  the 
carping  critic.  Yet  even  the  fear  of  appearing  to  merit  this  uncompli- 
mentary epithet,  cannot  deter  me  from  pointing  out  how  utterly  meagre 
and  unreliable  are  the  data  possessed,  even  at  the  present  time,  by  the 
best  ethnographers  relatively  to  the  Dene  stock.  Despite  the  correct  list 
of  the  Northern  tribes  given  by  the  writer  in  the  last  volume  of  the 
"  Proceedings  Canadian  Institute,"  I  find  that  Dr.  D.  G.  Brinton  in  his 
recent  book  "  The  American  Race,"  published  at  Washington  two  years 
after  the  aforesaid  classification  had  been  printed  in  Toronto,  omits  no 
less  than  six  De"ne  tribes  of  the  great  northern  division.  To  show  how 
utterly  mixed  ethnography  appears  to  be  when  it  is  a  question  of  locating 
the  various  De"ne  tribes,  and  thereby  to  excuse  the  details  into  which  I 
find  myself  obliged  to  enter,  I  take  the  liberty  of  quoting  the  following 
sentences  from  the  above  mentioned  work  : — 

"  These  [the  Denes]  extend  interruptedly  from  the  Arctic  Sea  to  the 
borders  of  Durango,  in  Mexico,  and  from  Hudson  Bay  to  the  Pacific.  .  . 
The  Loucheux  have  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Mackenzie  River,  the 
Kuchin  are  along  the  Yukon,  the  Kenai  on  the  Ocean  about  the  penin- 
sula that  bears  their  name,  while  the  Nehaunies,  Sekanies  and  Takullies 
are  among  the  mountains  to  the  south.  The  Sarcees  lived  about  the 
southern  head  waters  of  the  Saskatchewan."  § 

Now,  with  all  the  deference  due  to  such  a  veteran  ethnographer  as 
Dr.  Brinton,  truth  bids  me  state  that  : — First,  It  is  almost  absolutely  cer- 
tain that  no  branch  of  the  Dene  family  is  stationed  on  the  Arctic  Sea, 
the  whole  coast  of  which  is  occupied  by  Eskimo  tribes.  Second,  There 

t 4 

*  "The  American  Race,"  p.  69,  Washington,  1891. 

•f  Ibid. 

£  The  Karankaiva  Indians,  etc.,  by  A.  S.  Gatschet  ;  Cambridge,  Mass.,  1891. 

§  The  American  Race,  pp.  68,  69. 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  15 

are  no  Denes  on  the  Hudson  Bay  any  more  than  on  the  Pacific.  The 
former  is  peopled  on  the  north  by  the  Eskimos  and  on  the  south  by 
tribes  of  Algonquian  parentage,  while  several  alien  races  cover  the  whole 
northern  coast  of  the  latter,  with,  perhaps,  a  single  insignificant  excep- 
tion.* Third,  The  Loucheux  and  the  Kuchin  are  one  and  the  same 
tribe  under  different  names,  the  first  being  that  originally  applied  to  it 
by  the  French-Canadian  voyageurs,  while  the  second  (which  should  read 
Ku-tchin  or  Ku-t'qin,  the  last  syllable  being  exploded  with  the  tongue 
and  teeth)  is  more  in  honour  among  English-speaking  ethnographers. 
The  latter  vocable  is  the  exact  equivalent  of  the  Carrier  "  hwo'ten  ",  the 
Tse'kehne  "hwot'qen",  the  Tsi[Koh'tin  "  kwo'tin  ",  all  of  which,  as  we 
have  already  seen,  signify  "  Inhabitants."  Fourth,  The  Kenai  spoken 
of  by  Dr.  Brinton  are  probably  the  K'naia-Kho-tana  of  Dr.  Powell  and 
both  authors  may  be  right  in  placing  their  habitat  on  the  Pacific  Ocean. 
Yet  it  must  be  admitted  that  this  would  be  more  evident,  were  not  Dr. 
Brinton  to  transport  it,  ten  pages  further  on,  among  the  immense  plains 
•claimed  by  the  Blackfeet  as  their  ancestral  home.f  5th,  The  would-be 
Nehaunees,  Sekaunies  and  Takullies  call  themselves  Nalvane,  Tse'kehne 
and  TaKeme  respectively.  6th,  The  Sarcees  now  live  about  the  southern 
head  waters  of  the  Saskatchewan,  but  formerly  lived  some  degrees  further 
north  among  the  Beaver  Indians  with  whom  they  are  congenerous, 
•even  as  a  subdivision  of  the  Tse'kehne  tribe. 

Nothing  but  a  desire  of  serving  the  interests  of  ethnological  science 
has  prompted  the  above  remarks.  That  I  can  prove  all  I  advance  will 
not  be  doubted  by  those  who  are  cognizant  of  the  opportunities  I  enjoy 
of  ascertaining  the  real  ethnologic  status  of  the  tribes  by  which  I  am 
surrounded  or  of  those  which  are  so  closely  related  by  blood  and  language 
with  that  among  which  I  now  live.  The  inaccuracies  which  they  are 
aimed  at  correcting  must  also  be  my  excuse  for  venturing  to  present 
below  the  list,  as  complete  as  I  can  make  it,  of  all  the  Dene  tribes.  A 
very  few  of  the  southern  tribes  may  be  unwittingly  omitted ;  but  I  would 
rather  sin  by  omission  than  by  exaggeration.  All  the  northern  tribes 

*  This  is  the  fCnaia-Kho-tana  who  are  now  said  to  reach  the  coast  on  Cook's  Inlet  (Dr. 
Powell's  "Indian  Linguistic  Families,"  7th  Ann.  Rep.  Bur.  Ethnol.).  But  the  fact  that  this 
learned  ethnographer  associates  thereto  the  "  Ahthena  "  of  Copper  River  renders  the  identifica- 
tion of  that  tribe  somewhat  doubtful,  inasmuch  as  the  "Ahtena,"  unless  they  are  misnamed  . 
must  be  exogenous  to  the  Dene  stock,  since  that  very  name  means  in  Dene  "  foreigners,"  and  is 
used  by  our  aborigines  to  designate  all  Indians  of  non-Dene  stock.  K'naia-Kho-tana,  however, 
seems  to  have  the  right  linguistic  ring  about  it,  and  apparently  refers  to  the  "people  of  the  river 
K'naia,"  whatever  this  last  noun  may  mean. 

t" Their  [the  Blackfeet]  bands  include  the  Blood  or  Kenai  and  the  Piegan  Indians"  p.  79. 
The  italics  are  mine. 


16  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV. 

are  given  without  an  exception,  though  I  do  not  detail  the  ramifications 
or  subdivisions  of  the  Loucheux,  and  therefore  omit  any  mention  of  the 
Kenai  or  K'naia-Kho-tana.  The  figures  represent  the  population  of 
each  tribal  division.  In  the  case  of  the  southern  tribes  they  are  com- 
piled from  the  latest  official  accounts  available.  For  the  north-eastern 
divisions  they  are  those  of  Rev.  E.  Petitot  corrected  down  to  date  by 
Mr.  Rod.  Macfarlane,  an  H.  B.  Go's  officer  who  has  passed  over  40  years 
of  his  life  among  the  Indians  he  enumerates.  I  am  myself  responsible 
for  the  figures  representing  the  numbers  of  the  north-western  tribes. 

CLASSIFICATION  OF  THK  DENE  TRIBES. 
NORTHERN  DE'NE'S. 

About 

Loucheux  :  Lower  Mackenzie  River  and  Alaska 4,400 

Hares  :  Mackenzie,  Anderson  and  MacFarlane  Rivers 600 

Bad-People :  Old  Fort  Halkett 200 

Slaves  :  west  of  Great  Slave  Lake  and  McKenzie  River  .  .    1,000 

Dog-Ribs :  between  Great  Slave  Lake  and  Great  Bear  Lake.  .  .  .  1,000 

Yellow-Knives  :  north-east  of  Great  Slave  Lake  500 

Cariboo-Eaters  :  east  of  Lake  Athabaska 1,200 

Chippewayans  :  Lake  Athabaska,  etc 3,ooo 

Tse'kehne  :  both  sides  of  Rocky  Mountains  500 

Beavers  :  south  side  of  Peace  River 700 

Sarcees  :  east  of  Rocky  Mountains,  51°  lat.  north  and  south.  100 

Nah'ane  :  Stickeen  River  and  east 700 

Carriers  :  Stuart's  Lake,  north  and  south   i,6oc 

TsijKoh'tin  :  Chilcotin  River 460 

SOUTHERN  DE'NE'S. 

Umkwas,  Totunies  and  (?)  Kwalhiokwas  :   Oregon 150 

Hupas  :  Hupa  Valley,  California 492 

Wail&kis  :  Northern  California (?)  130 

Navajos  :  Arizona •. 16,102 

Apaches  :  Oklahoma,  Colorado,  New  Mexico  and  Arizona 5,7®2 

Lipans  :  New  Mexico , 40 


Total  of  the  Northern  Tribes 1 5,960* 

Total  of  the  Southern  Tribes*.  .  .   22.616 


Total  of  the  whole  nation* 38,576 

*  Exclusive  of  the  problematic  Kwaihiokwas,  the  Umkwas  of  the  Siletz  Agency,  the  Mexican 
Apaches,  or  any  such  bands  as  are  not  controlled,  even  remotely,  by  the  office  of  the  U.  S- 
Commissioner  Indian  \ffair». 


18U2-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  17 

A  tribe  of  Atnas,  Adenas,  Atnahs  or  Ahthenas,  whose  habitat  would 
be  the  extreme  north-west  of  this  continent,  is  occasionally  mentioned  in 
ethnographic  literature  as  belonging  to  the  great  Dene  family.  Pilling 
gives  it  a  place  in  his  "  Bibliography  of  the  Athapaskan  Languages.'* 
There  must  be  here  a  mistake  either  of  name  or  of  identification. 
"  Atna,"  etc.,  is  a  Den6  word  which  means  "  foreigner,  heterogener,"  and 
is  used  to  qualify  all  aboriginal  races  which  are  not  Den£.  %  Either  then 
the  Atnas  of  the  travellers  and  ethnographers  are  not  Dene,  or  if  they 
belong  to  that  race  they  must  be  misnamed. 

MAIN  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  DEN£  RACE. 

If  there  is  in  the  broad  world  a  family  of  human  beings  which,  though 
a  mere  subdivision  of  a  larger  group  of  the  genus  homo,  plainly  demon- 
strates, through  the  diversity  of  its  many  branches,  the  fallibility  as 
ethnic  criteria  of  all  but  one  of  the  various  sciences  which  go  to  make 
up  Ethnology,  this  is  most  certainly  the  D£ne  family.  Savants  now-a- 
days  seem  too  prone  to  study  man  as  they  would  a  mere  animal/  Per- 
haps they  overlook  too  easily  the  fact  that  he  is  a  rational  being.  If 
a  part  of  the  animal  kingdom,  he  is  there  a  king  without  peer ;  and  to 
judge  him  after  the  same  standard  as  we  do  the  brutes  of  creation  should 
be  considered  unscientific.  We  hear  constantly  of  bodily  measure- 
ments, of  anthropometry  and  craniology.  Now,  without  entering  into 
the  technicalities  of  these  sciences,  let  us  apply  their  test,  I  do  not  say 
to  those  portions  of  the  Den£  people  which  live  thousands  of  miles  apart, 
but  to  a  few  coterminous  tribes  of  that  nation. 

On  the  Western  slope  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  live  side  by  side  three 
tribes,  the  Tse-'kehne,  the  Carriers  and  the  Tsi[-Koh-'tin,  which  may 
furnish  us  with  convenient  material  to  experiment  upon. 

The  Tse'k^hne  are  slender  and  bony,  in  stature  rather  below  the 
average,  with  a  narrow  forehead,  hollow  cheeks,  prominent  cheek  bones, 
small  eyes  deeply  sunk  in  their  orbit,  the  upper  lip  very  thin,  and  the 
lower  somewhat  protruding,  the  chin  very  small  and  the  nose  straight. 
Go  and  inspect  them,  and  perhaps  out  of  every  ten  men,  five  who  have 
long  been  fathers  will  appear  to  you  like  mere  children.  I  have  never 
seen  but  one  fat  person  among  them  and  none  that  was  bald. 

Now  the  Carriers  are  tall  and  stout  without,  as  a  rule,  being  too  corpu- 
lent. The  men,  especially,  average  im,  66omm  in  height.  Their  forehead 
is  much  broader  than  that  of  the  Ts^'kehne,  and  less  receding  than  is 
usual  with  American  aborigines.  Their  face  is  full,  with  a  nose  generally 
aquiline  and  in  every  case  better  formed  than  that  of  their  heterogeneous 
neighbours  ;  their  lips  are  thicker  and  their  chin  more  prominent  than 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VoL.   IV. 

those  of  the  Ts£'k£hne.  Their  eyes  are  also  much  larger  and  of  a  very 
•deep  black.  Baldness,  though  rare,  is  sometimes  noticed  among  them, 
while  a  few  are  literally  obese.  I  am  very  much  mistaken  if  two  crania, 
one  of  an  individual  of  each  of  these  tribes,  would  not  be  pronounced 
by  a  craniologist  as  belonging  to  representatives  of  diametrically  different 
races. 

The  Tsi[Koh'tin,  on  the  other  hand,  are  short  in  stature,  broad  faced 
and  broad  shouldered,  with  prominent  cheek  bones,  heavy  jaws  and  a 
nose  which  is  not  uncommonly  thick  and  flattish.  They  may  be  said  to 
have  some  physical  resemblance  to  the  Chinese.  This  description 
applies  also  to  the  Babines,  who  might  be  considered  as  a  branch  of  the 
Carriers. 

The  only  points  in  common  between  the  three  tribes  are  the  dark 
eyes,  the  black,  coarse  and  straight  hair  and  the  small  hands  and  feet. 
Large  hands  and  feet,  however,  are  occasionally  met  with  among  Carrier 
men.*  I  do  not  speak  of  the  complexion,  because  it  varies  even  in  the 
same  tribe  according  to  the  occupation  and  food  of  the  natives.  A 
hunter  will  never  return  from  a  tour  of  two  or  three  months  in  the 
woods  without  being  considerably  bronzed,  while  his  fellow  tribesman 
who  has  remained  at  home,  without  being  as  white  as  a  European,  will 
yet  be  fairer  complexioned  than  most  individuals  of  the  Salish  race  of 
the  South.  Even  in  the  matter  of  beard,  a  notable  difference  is  observ- 
able, inasmuch  as  full  beards,  dark  and  coarse,  heavy  with  hardly  any 
shaving,  are  by  no  means  rare  among  the  Babine  sub-tribe,  while  the  rest 
of  the  Western  Denes  are  remarkable  for  the  scarcity,  or  sometimes  the 
total  absence,  of  facial  hair. 

If  we  now  consider  the  Dene  nation  from  a  psychological  standpoint, 

P^th£   contrast  between    its   divers   branches   will   be  still   more  startling. 

The  Northern  Denes  are  generally  pusillanimous,  timid  and  cowardly. 

""^Now,  can  this  be  said  of  the  Apaches  ?      The  Northern  Denes  are  more- 

/  over   lazy,  without   skill   or  any  artistic   disposition.     Is  it   so  with  the 

Navajos  ?     Even  among  our  Carriers,  the  proudest  and  most  progressive 

of  all  the  WTestern  tribes,  hardly  any  summer  passes  off  but  some  party 

runs  home  panic  stricken,  and  \vhy  ?     They  have  heard,  at  some  little 

distance,  some  "  men  of  the  woods  "  evidently  animated  by  murderous 

designs,  and  have  barely  escaped   with  their  lives.      Thereupon    great 

commotion  and  tumult  in  the  camp.     Immediately  everybody  is  charitably 

warned  not  to  venture  alone  in  the  forest,  and  after  sunset  every  door  is 

*  I  have  also  seen  several  really  fair-haired  Carriers,  a  peculiarity  which  is  so  much  the  more 
remarkable  as  it  certainly  can  not  be  ascribed  to  blood  mixture  with  persons  of  Caucasian  descent. 


1892-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  19 

carefully  locked  against  any  possible  intruder.  Compare  these  puerile 
fears  of  the  Carriers  with  the  indomitable  spirit,  the  warlike  disposition 
•of  the  "  terrible  Apache."  Compare  also  the  rude,  unartistic  implements, 
the  primitive  industries  of  the  same  tribes  with  the  products  of  the  Navajo 
ingenuity,  their  celebrated  blankets  and  exquisite  silverwork  especially- 
and  tell  me  if  in  this  case  psychology  is  a  safe  criterion  of  ethnologic 
-certitude. 

A  noteworthy  quality  of  the  Northern  Denes,  especially  of  such  as~ 
have  remained  untouched  by  modern  civilization  is  their  great  honesty. 

Among  the  Tse'kehne,  a  trader  will  sometimes  go  on  a  trapping  ex . 

p^dition  leaving  his  store  unlocked,  without  fear  of  any  of  its  contents 
going  amiss.  Meanwhile  a  native  may  call  in  his  absence,  help  himself 
to  as  much  powder  and  shot  or  any  other  item  as  he  may  need  ;  but  he 
will  never  fail  to  leave  there  an  exact  equivalent  in  furs.  Now  compare 
this  naive  honesty  with  the  moral  code  in  vogue  among  the  Apaches. 
Read  also  what  is  said  of  the  Lipans,  another  offshoot  of  the  Dene  stock: 
they  "  live  in  the  Santa  Rosa  mountains  from  which  they  stroll  about 
making  inroads  in  the  vicinity  to  steal  horses  and  cattle."* 

With  regard  to  mental  attainments  and  force  of  character,  I  have 
shown  in  a  paper  read  before  the  Royal  Society  of  Canada/f  that  all  the 
north-western  tribes,  Nalrane  Carriers  and  TsijKoh'tin,  which  have  come 
into  contact  with  alien  races  have  adopted  the  most  prominent  practices 
and  customs  of  the  latter.  Such  is,  to  a  great  extent,  the  case  even  as 
regards  mythology.  Nay  more  :  they  have  gone  as  far  as  to  borrow  the 
language  of  their  neighbours  in  connection  with  their  traditional  songs 
and  ceremonies.  On  the  other  hand,  many  Tsi(Koh'tin  and  not  a  few 
Babines  speak  Shushwap  or  Kitikson,  while  not  one  full  blood  individual 
•of  the  two  latter  stocks  has  acquired  enough  of  the  D£ne  languages  to 
decently  hold  conversation  through  them.  The  Denes  think  it  a  mark  of 
enlightenment  to  imitate  the  alien  races  with  which  they  have  intercourse, 
while  these  show  the  little  esteem  they  profess  for  them  by  calling  them 
"  stick  savages." 

Now  hear  what  a  competent  authority  says  of  the  Denes  of  North 
California :  "  i\ext  after  the  Karoks,  they  are  the  finest  race  in  all  that 
region,  and  they  even  excel  them  in  their  statecraft,  and  in  the  singular 
influence,-  or  perhaps  brute  force,  which  they  exercise  over  the  vicinal 
tribes.  They  are  the  Romans  of  North  California  in  their  valour  and  in 
their  far-reaching  dominions.  They  are  the  French  in  the  extended  ' 

*  The  Karaukwa  Indians,  by  A.  S.  Gatschet,  p.  41  ;  1891. 

•f  Are  the  Carrier  Sociology  and  Mythology  Indigenous,  etc?     Trans.  R.  S.  C.  Sec.  n,  1892. 


20  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV. 

diffusion  of  their  language.  They  hold  in  a  state  of  semi-vassalage  most 
of  the  tribes  around  them,  exacting  from  them  annual  tribute  in  the 
shape  of  shell-money  ;  and  they  compel  all  their  tributaries  to  speak 
Hupa  in  communication  with  them.  Although  most  of  these  tribu- 
taries had  their  own  tongues  originally,  so  vigorously  were  they  put  to 
school  in  the  language  of  their  masters,  that  most  of  their  vocabularies 
were  sapped  and  reduced  to  bald  categories  of  names."* 

/"""The  Northern  Denes,  who  are  eminently  gentle  in  disposition,  have 
generally  shown  a  remarkable  receptiveness.  And  this  explains  how  it 
is  that,  with  few  exceptions,  they  are  all  to-day  practical  Christians,  and 
conform  to  the  customs  of  the  whites  as  much  as  their  social  status  will 

.permit.  In  opposition  to  this,  we  find  that  the  Navajos  and  the  Apaches 
still  hold  to  their  superstitious  beliefs  and  ceremonies,  and  keep  them- 
selves aloof  of  any  civilizing  influence.  This  is  so  true  that  when,  some 
years  ago,  an  effort  was  made  by  the  U.  S.  Commissioner  of  Indian 
Affairs  to  secure  a  tract  of  land  close  by  the  Cherokees'  territory  for  the 
location  of  the  Navajos,  the  former  who,  as  is  well  known,  have  made 
great  strides  towards  civilization,  refused  lo  entertain  the  proposition, 
"asserting  that  the  Navajos  were  not  civilized  Indians."f  I  have  never 
noticed  any  mention  of  real  improvement  in  their  midst  since  that  time. 

As  for  the  Hupas,  their  agent  stated  ten  years  ago  that  they  "  are  not 
to-day  any  more  enlightened,  advanced,  progressive,  industrious  or  better 
off  in  any  way  than  they  were  when  the  Reservation  was  established, 
about  twenty  years  ago."+  That  time  has  brought  no  change  in  their 
dispositions  is  made  clear  by  the  following  words  of  their  agent  in  his 
latest  Report  (1891) :  "They  all  cling  to  their  own  customs  and  laws  as 
being  far  better  than  any  others,  and  seem  to  look  upon  many  of  them 
as  sacred.  .  .  .  Many  of  the  Indians  seem  to  look  upon  the  attend- 
ance of  their  children  [at  school]  as  a  favour  to  the  teacher  or  the  agent,, 
and  expect  some  reward  for  it."§  In  strong  contrast  to  the  indifference  for 
intellectual  attainments  manifested  by  the  Hupas,  let  me  refer  the  reader 
to  what  I  said  in  a  former  essay  ||  of  the  craving  for  knowledge  evidenced 
by  our  Carriers,  and  the  remarkable  results  it  has  produced  even  under 
the  most  untoward  circumstances. 

*  Contributions  to  North  American  Ethnology,  vol.  iii.,  p.  72. 

t  The  Cherokee  Nation  of  Indians,  by  Ch.  C.  Royce,  Filth  Annual  Report,  Bureau  of  Ethno- 
logy, Washington,  1883-84. 

t  Indian  Affairs  Report,  1881,  6;  apud  O.  E.  Mason's  The  Ray  Collection,  p.  207. 
§  Sixtieth  Annual  Report  Commissioner  Indian  Affairs,  1891,  vol.  I,  p.  220. 
||  The  Western  Denes;  Proc.  Can.  Inst.,  vol.  vii.,  p.  165. 


1892-93.]  NOTKS    ON    THK  WESTERN    DENES.  '21 

Again,  the  folk-lore  of  the  North-Western  Denes  greatly  differs  from 
that  of  their  immediate  Eastern  neighbours  and  congeners,  while  there  is 
no  point  of  affinity  between  that  of  either  divisions  and  the  mythology 
of  the  Navajos. 

How  is  it  then  that  tribes  of  aborigines  occupying  so  widely  separated 
territories  and  so  utterly  dissimilar  from  a  psychological,  technological, 
sociological  and  mythological  standpoint  can  be  classed  under  one  single 
denomination  as  Den£s  ?  The  answer  is  in  every  mouth  :  this  is  owing 
to  linguistic  analogy.  Language,  therefore,  is  the  trait-d'union  which 
unites  into  one  homogeneous  body  such  apparently  heterogeneous  ele- 
ments. Through  it  we  are  certain  that  the  same  blood  flows  in  their 
veins,  and  that  they  are  the  children  of  a  common  father,  whoever  he 
may  have  been.  If  any  stronger  argument  can  be  adduced  in  support  of 
the  paramount  importance  of  Philology  as  an  ethnological  criterion,  I  am 
at  a  loss  to  discover  what  it  can  be. 

Hence  it  will  be  seen  that  my  initial  remarks  concerning  that  class  of 
modern  scientists  who  lay  so  much  stress  on  the  physical  structure  of 
man  to  the  detriment^of  his  special  characteristic  as  a  distinct  genus, 
thinking  and  speaking,  were  not  unwarranted.  If  even  the  ensemble  of 
the  peculiarities  which  differentiate  him  into  a  rational,  social  being 
cannot  lawfully  claim  the  first  place  in  the  ethnologist's  estimation,  a 
fortiori  this  cannot  be  granted  to  those  features  which  he  possesses  in 
common  with  non-human  animals.  In  the  words  of  Horatio  Hale,  "the 
grand  characteristic  which  distinguishes  man  from  all  mundane  beings 
is  articulate  speech.  It  is  language  alone  which  entitles  anthropology  to 
its  claim  to  be  deemed  a  distinct  department  of  science."  *  One  needs 
not  be  a  scientist  to  see  the  correctness  of  this  view,  and  it  is  a  long  time 
since  Quintilian  said:  "When  the  Creator  distinguished  us  from  the 
animals  it  was  especially  by  the  gift  of  language.  .  .  .  Reason  is  our 
portion,  and  seems  to  associate  us  with  the  immortals  ;  but  how  weak 
would  reason  be  without  the  faculty  to  express  our  thoughts  by  words, 
which  faithfully  interpret  them !  This  the  animals  want,  and  this  is 
worth  more  than  the  intelligence  of  which,  we  must  say,  they  are  abso- 
lutely deprived."  f 

I  have  not  so  far  been  fortunate  enough  to  come  across  any  vocabu- 
lary of  a  southern  Dene  dialect,  and  the  only  continuous  Navajo  texts  I 
have  ever  seen  are  those  of  the  '•  Mountain  Chant "  published  by  Dr.  W. 

*  Language  as  a  Test  of  Mental  Capacity,  by  H.  Hale;  Transact.  R.S.C.,  Vol.  ix.,  p.  77, 
1891. 

t  Quintilian,  translated  by  La  Harpe,  Dijon,  1820. 


22  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VoL.   IV. 

Matthews.*  Now,  clothing  those  texts  \vith  the  orthography  denotive  of 
the  peculiarly  exploding  and  sibilant  sounds,  which  I  think  they  must 
receive  to  become  correct  renderings,  I  find  side  by  side,  with  some  terms 
proper  to  the  tribe  or  borrowed  from  adjacent  stocks,  no  less  than 
seventy-two  words  which  are  easily  recognizable  here,  at  a  distance  of 
perhaps  2,000  miles  from  the  nearest  Navajo.  To  form  a  just  idea  of 
the  proportion  of  genuine  IJene  with  local  or  foreign  words,  it  should  be 
borne  in  mind  that  these  texts  are  composed  merely  of  a  few  words  very 
often  repeated. 

DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  WESTERN  DE"N£S. 

Now  that  we  have  made  some  acquaintance  with  the  divisions  and 
main  traits  of  the  Dene  nation  in  general,  we  may  particularize  and 
furnish  the  reader  with  more  precise  ethnologic  data  concerning  the  tribes 
whose  technology  and  industries  we  are  about  to  review.  These  we  have 
already  named :  they  are  the  Tsi'iKoh'tin,  The  Carriers  and  the  Tse'ke"hne. 
As  some  savants  have  done  me  the  honour  of  asking  for  more  detailed 
information  on  their  ethnographic  status  than  were  contained  in  a  former 
paper  on  the  same,  I  shall  now  proceed  to  give  their  tribal  subdivisions 
or  septs,  together  with  their  aboriginal  names,  the  habitat  of  the  natives 
thereby  determined  and,  as  far  as  practicable,  their  present  population 
and  the  number  of  their  villages. 

West  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  we  have  from  south  to  north  : — 

The  TsijKoh'tin,  who  actually  inhabit  the  Chilcotin  valley  and  roam 
over  the  bunch  grass  covered  plateaus  that  skirt  it  on  either  side,  from 
the  50°  to  the  52°  30'  of  latitude  north.  Their  territory  is  bordered  in 
the  east  by  the  Eraser  River,  and  in  the  west  by  the  Cascade  Range  of 
mountains.  But  not  unfrequently  a  few  bands  manage  to  cross  over  and 
make  inroads  for  hunting  purposes  into  the  territory  of  the  Sishaj  and 
other  coast  tribes.  Of  course  the  latter  resent  these  encroachments  upon 
their  ancestral  domains  ;  but  as  hunting  for  peltries  is  not  extensively 
practised  by  them,  the  harm  done  by  the  poachers  is  not  very  great. 

It  is  perhaps  worth  remarking  in  this  connection  that  the  "  Linguistic 
Map  of  British  Columbia"  prefixed  to  Dr.  F.  Boas'  Report  on  the  B.  C. 
tribes  for  iSpof  is  somewhat  inaccurate  in  that  it  gives  the  TsijKoh'tin 
quite  a  tract  of  land  on  the  east  side  of  the  Fraser  which,  as  a  matter  of 
fact,  is  now  and  has  been  occupied  from  time  immemorial  by  three 
villages  of  Shushwap  Indians,  viz.:  Soda-Creek,  Sugar-Cane  and  Alkali- 

*  Fifth  Ann.  Rep.  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  1883-84. 

t  Sixth  Report  on  the  N.  W.  Tribes  of  Canada,  London,  1890, 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  2-t 

Lake.  Nay  more,  until  recently  the  TsijKoh'tin  did  not  even  extend  as 
far  as  the  Fraser.  Some  25  years  ago  the  bulk  of  the  tribe  inhabited 
Na'kunt'jun,  a  village  on  the  lake  of  that  name  (52°  40'  lat.  by 
125°  5'  long.)  close  by  the  Bilqul.is'  territory,  whence  they  migrated 
almost  in  a  body  to  the  more  fertile  lands  they  now  occupy.* 

From  a  sociological  standpoint  they  might  be  divided  into  the  quasi- 
sedentary  and  the  nomadic  TsijKoh'tin.  The  former  dwell  on  the  north 
banks  of  the  TsijKoh,  called  by  the  whites  Chilcotin  River.  They  are 
divided  into  two  groups,  viz.:  the  TpS-THoh- tin  (people  of  the  Splint  River) 
with  one  village  on  that  creek  close  by  the  Fraser,  population  about 
75  ;  and  the  T jd-theft-lLoh- tin  (people  of  the  river  that  trails  through 
the  grass)  who  have  two  villages  near  the  Chilcotin  35  and  45  miles 
respectively  west  of  the  Fraser.  Total  population  190.  An  independent 
band  of  some  35  individuals,  an  offshoot  of  the  same  sub-division,  has 
established  itself  near  the  Fraser  facing  Fort  Alexander. 

All  of  these  TsijKoh'tin  have  abandoned  their  original  semi-sub- 
terranean huts  to  dwell  in  log  houses  covered  with  mud  according  to  the 
fashion  prevailing  among  the  neighbouring  whites.  They  also  cultivate 
wheat  and  other  cereals,  peas  and  potatoes  with  moderate  success. 

The  nomadic  TsijKoh'tin  are  called  by  the  whites  "Stone  TsijKoh'tin'* 
by  allusion  to  their  fovourite  haunts,  the  rocky  spurs  of  the  Lillooet 
mountains  and  of  the  Cascade  range  where  they  live,  largely  on  marmots. 
They  have  no  fixed  abode  and  except  during  the  winter,  they  are 
constantly  shifting  from  their  southern  to  their  northern  borders,  that  is 
from  the  aforesaid  mountains  to  the  Chilcotin  River,  where  they  generally 
pass  a  few  weeks  of  the  fair  season.  I  know  of  no  more  primitive 
people  throughout  the  whole  of  British  Columbia. 

Apart  from  the  above  regular  subdivisions  their  still  remain  at 
Na'kunt'[un,  or  in  the  proximity  of  that  lake,  a  few  straggling  members 
of  the  same  tribe. 

In  his  late  paper  on  "the  Shushwap  people  of  British  Columbia,"  Dr.  G. 
M.  Dawson  gives  f  after  Mr.  J.  W.  Mackay,  Indian  agent,  an  interesting 
account  of  a  hostile  excursion  of  Tsi[Koh'tin  warriors  into  the  country  of 

*  Were  native  testimony  regarded  as  an  insufficient  proof  of  this,  philology  might  still  furnish 
us  with  corroborative  evidence  of  unquestionable  character.  Thus  the  most  remarkable  feature 
of  the  present  territory  of  the  TsijKoh'tin  tribe  is  its  magnificent  bunch  grass  (Agropyriint 
[Trtticum]  repens  L.).  Now  they  call  it  CEnna-fjd^  or  "grass  of  the  foreigners,"  i.e.,  the 
Shushwap.  This  particular  species  of  grass  is  not  met  with  north  of  the  valley  and  bordering 
tablelands  of  the  Chilcotin  River. 

t  Notes  on  the  Shushwap  people  of  15.  C.  ;  Transact.  R.  S.  0.  Hec.  n,  p.  24,  1891. 


24  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [  VOL.   IV. 

the  Shushwap.  On  the  authority  of  that  narrative,  the  would-be  invaders 
were  pushed  back  by  superior  numbers  into  the  Semilkameen  valley 
where,  by  their  prowess,  they  compelled  their  pursuers  to  come  to  terms 
and  make  a  treaty  of  peace  from  which  intermarriages  soon  resulted. 
"  These  strangers,  who  are  said  to  have  come  from  the  Chilcotin  country, 
are  thus  the  earliest  inhabitants  of  the  Semilkameen  valley  of  whom  any 
account  has  been  obtained."  *  Seven,  out  of  thirteen  words  given  by 
Mr.  Mackay,  as  remnants  of  the  original  language  of  the  invaders,  are 
undoubtedly  TsijKoh'tin,  and  make  it  certain  that  the  Semilkameen 
Shushwap  are  partly  of  D£n£  parentage. 

Immediately  north  of  the  TsiiKoh'tin  we  find  the  Carriers  or  TakJiejne, 
the  most  important  in  numbers,  most  widespread  and  progressive  of  all 
the  north-western  Dene  tribes.  They  extend  as  far  north  as  the  56°  of 
latitude  and  are  coterminous  with  the  coast  tribes  on  the  west  and  the 
Crees  and  Tse"'k£hne  on  the  east.  The  Coast  Range  on  the  one  side  and 
the  Rocky  Mountains  as  far  as  53°  lat.  on  the  other,  separate  them 
from  their  heterogeneous  neighbours.  North  of  the  53°,  they  are  in 
immediate  contact  with  the  Ts£'kehne. 

The  Carriers  are  semi-sedentary  Indians.  They  have  fixed  homes  in 
regularly  organized  villages  from  which  they  periodically  scatter  away  in 
search  of  the  fish  and  fur-bearing  animals  on  which  they  subsist.  From 
south  to  north,  their  tribal  subdivisions  are  : — 

1.  The  qthau'tenne  (a  contraction  of  qtha-koh-'tenne,  people  of  the 
Fraser    River).      They    now  have   but   one   village,    Stella    (the    Cape) 
contiguous  to  the  old  Fort  Alexander,  formerly  one  of  the  most  important 
of  the  H.  B.  Go's,  posts  in  British  Columbia,  now  abandoned.    They  were 
originally  several   hundreds :    they  are   now  almost  extinct  as  a  sept. 
Whiskey   and    loose  morals  owing  to-  the   vicinity  of  the   whites   are 
responsible  for  this  result.     They  are  co-terminous  with  the  Shushwap 
in  the  south  and  the  TsijKoh'tin  in  the  immediate  west.      I  do  not  think 
that  fifteen  individuals  of  that  sept  now  remain. 

2.  The  Nazkutenne  (people  of  the  river  Naz}.      They  are  likewise 
greatly  reduced    in   numbers,  there  not   being  actually  more    than   90 
members  of  that  sub-tribe,  though  they  still  inhabit  two  villages  Quesnel 
and   Black-Water.f     The  same  causes,  especially  the  former,  as  played 
havoc  among  the  qthau'tenne,  are  slowly  but  surely  working  out  the 

*  Ibid.  p.  25. 

tThe  Black- Water  or  West   River  followed  up  by  Sir.  A.  Mackenzie  to   reach   the  Pacific 
Coast. 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  25 

ultimate  destruction   of  the  Nazku'tenne.     Both  villages  inhabited  by 
them  are  on  the  Fraser  River. 

3.  Due  west  of  the  Black- Water  village  and  ascending  the  river  of  that 
name  to  its  source,  we  meet  with  a  third  subdivision  of  the  Carriers,  the 
Nu-tca-tenne   (probably   corrupted    from    Nu-tcah-tenne,   people    down 
against  the  island).     These  people  dwell   in  four  small  villages,  Trout 
Lake,  ^us'kSz,*  Pe-['ka-tcek,f  and  q'ka-tco.J   The  latter  is  composed 
of  a  mixed  population  of  Dene  and   Belqula  descent  whose  first  white 
visitor  was  the  writer,  ten  years  ago.     The  Nu-cha-'tenne  formerly  had 
several  other  villages  (Tsitsi,  qrak,  etc.),  the  sites  of  which  are  still  dis- 
cernible  through   small    clearings   in    the   forest.      Their   present  total 
number  may  be  a  little  over  135. 

4.  Immediately  north  of  the  Black- Water  village,  at  the  confluence  of 
the  NutcaKoh  with  the  Fraser  River,  we  have  one  village,  Fort  George  or 
qeitli^    the  population  of  which  forms  one  separate  sept,  the    Tano- 
^tenne  (people  a  little  to  the  north).      It  numbers  actually  130  persons. 
The  Fort  George  Indians  have  on  the  east  side  of  the  Fraser  very  large 
and   productive  hunting  grounds  as  far  as,  and  comprising,  the  Rocky 
and  Caribou  mountains  and  spurs  thereof.     A  village  of  the  same  sept, 
Tcinlak  at  the  junction  of  the  Na'kralKoh  or  Stuart's  Lake  River  with 
the  NuchaKoh  had  formerly  a  flourishing  population  which  was,  not  very 
long  ago,  practically  annihilated  in  one  night  by  the  Tsi[Koh'tin. 

5.  Two  villages  on  Fraser  Lake  furnish  us  with  our  fifth  tribal  sub- 
division of  the  Carriers.     Their  population  goes  under  the  common  name 
of  Natlotenne  (contracted  from  Natleh-hwo'tenne  or  people  of  Natleh.f) 
About  135  persons  form  the  population  of  their  two  villages  Natleh  and 
Stella,**  one  at  each  end  of  the  lake. 

The  aggregate  of  the  above  enumerated  septs  constitutes  what  I 
generally  designate  under  the  collective  name  of  Lower  Carriers. 
Though  slight  linguistic  peculiarities  give  to  each  of  them  a  real  individu- 
ality, yet  the  dialect  of  all  contains  very  important  characteristics  com- 
mon to  the  whole  aggregate  which  differentiate  it  from  that  of  any  of  the 
septs  or  subtribes  which  remain  to  review. 

*  "  Half-qus,"  the  name  of  a  carp-like  fish. 

t  "  Wherewith  one  catches  fat." 

t  "The  Big-fattening." 

§"  The  Junction." 

||  "It  (i.e.,  the  salmon)  comes  back  again." 

**  The  Cape. 

3 


26  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV. 

Under  the  name  of  Upper  Carriers  I  include  : — 

6.  The  Na-kra-ztli-tenne   or  people   of   Na'kraztli  *    Stuart's    Lake 
They  inhabit  two  villages,  Na'kraztli  and  Pintce-f-  on  the  southern  end, 
and  on  the  middle  of  Stuart's  Lake.      They  number  180  souls,  and  they 
are  of  all  the  Carriers  those  who  have  made  the  greatest  strides  towards 
civilization. 

7.  Immediately  to  the  north-west,  on  the  same  lake  and  its  tributaries, 
Lakes  Tremblay,  That'jah,  \  and  Connolly,  a  second  subdivision  of  the 
Upper  Carriers,  the   seventh  of  the   whole   tribe,  occupies  four  smal 
villages,  two  only  of  which  are  regularly  organized  with  a  chief  and  the 
usual  native  officers.    These  are  Tha-tce,  J  and  Sas-thut§  respectively  at 
the  confluence  of  Thatce  river  on  Stuart's  Lake  and  near  Fort  Connolly 
on    the   lake   of    that   name.      The   others    are   'Kaztce  **  formerly  an 
important  locality  on  Thatce  river  and  Ya-Ku-tce  -f~f  at  the  north-western 
extremity  of  Stuart's  Lake.     The  original  home  of  all  these  bands  was 
at  the  end  of  that  lake,  as  is  manifest  from  their  common  name  as  a  sept: 
T'jaz-tenne,   people   of  the   bottom    or   end  of  the    lake.     Their  total 
population  is  not  over  90. 

Some  nine  or  ten  years  ago,  Drs.  Tolmie  and  Dawson  published 
conjointly  a  valuable  ethnological  map  of  this  province,}}  which  does  not 
tally  in  every  respect  with  my  description  of  the  northern  limits  of  the 
Carriers'  territory.  The  line  of  demarcation  between  the  Carriers  and  the 
Tse"'ke"hnes'  hunting  grounds  passes,  on  that  map,  through  the  middle  of 
Thatlah  lake,  giving  the  latter  a  large  strip  of  land  wkich  I  grant  to  the 
former.  I  must  explain  that  the  authors  of  that  map  thereby  point  to  the 
de  jure  or  original  territory  of  the  Carriers,  while  I  sketch  above  the 
de  facto  or  actual  limits  thereof.  By  right  Bear's  or  Connolly  lake  and 
adjacent  country  belong  to  the  Tse"'kehne  tribe  ;  but,  as  a  matter  of  fact» 
the  village  which  is  situated  close  to  the  H.  B.  Co's.  fort  is  now  the 

*  For  the  etymology  of  this  name,  see  "The  Dene  Languages,"  Trans.  Can.  Inst.  1889-90,. 
p.  1 88. 

+  Confluence  of  the  Pin  river. 

£  "  Bottom  of  the  water,"  the  equivalent  of  the  French  "Fonddu  Lac."     The  real  native 
name  of  this  lake  is  K.el-r3-p3n,  lit,   "burden-near-lake" 

||  "  The  tail,"  (i.e.,  confluence  in  the  lake)  of  the  water. 

§  "  Black  Bear  bathing  place." 

**  Confluence  of  the  ' " Kaz  river. 

ft  The  confluence  of  the  river  Yi'&.uztli,  (the  outlet  of  YaKo  lake). 

£J:  Appended  to  "  Comparative  Vocabularies  of  the  Indian  tribes  of  B.  C. ;  Montreal,  1884.. 


1892-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  27 

rendezvous  of  representatives  of  three  different  tribes,  namely  :  the 
Tse'kehne  who  periodically  congregate  there  for  trading  purposes  and 
have  no  permanent  residence ;  the  Carriers,  a  band  of  whom  now 
inhabit  the  village  and  hunt  in  the  vicinity  of  the  lake  with  the  consent 
of  the  former ;  and  the  gtnas  or  Kitiksons  from  the  Skeena  river  who 
are  considered  as  mere  intruders  and  as  such  live  there  only  on  sufferance. 

Both  the  Na'kraztli'tenne  and  the  T'laz'tenne  receive  from  the  Babines 
the  name  of  'Kutane. 

The  following  subdivisions  might  be  designated  under  the  collective 
name  of  Babines,  since  in  language  they  are  practically  one,  and  the 
custom  of  wearing  labrets  which  gave  its  distinctive  name  to  one  of  them 
was  common  to  both.  They  are  : — 

8.  The  Nitu'tinni  (in  Upper  Carrier  Nato'tenne)  or  Babines  who 
inhabit  the  northern  half  of  Babine  lake  in  three  villages  and  number 
actually  some  310  souls. 

9  The  Hivotsu'tinni  (in  Upper  Carrier  Hwotsd tenne)  or  people  of  the 
river  Hwotsutsgn.*  They  are  called  Akwilget,  "  well  dressed,"  by  the 
Kiliktons,  their  immediate  neighbours  of  Tsimpsian  parentage,  and  after 
them  by  the  whites.  They  inhabit  two  villages,  Tse-tcah,f  Key9R- 
hwotqat,^:  and  two  smaller  places  now  organizing,  Tsej-'kaz-Kwoh,§  and 
Moricetown  on  the  HwotsotsanKwoh  or  Buckley  river  and  what  is 
known  in  the  country  as  the  telegraph  trail.  All  of  these  localities  are 
within  the  northernmost  extremity  of  these  Indians'  hunting  grounds; 
which  extend  from  Fran9ais  Lake  up  to  the  Skeena  River.  Several 
members  of  that  sept  are  allied  by  blood  with  their  alien  neighbours,  the 
Kitiksons.  They  number  about  300. 

The  language  of  these  different  branches  of  the  Carrier  tribe,  while 
remaining  essentially  the  same,  undergoes  however  marked  variations 
corresponding  to  its  ethnographical  subdivisions.  Upon  that  ground  1 
have  even  sometimes  asked  myself  whether  distinct  individuality  as  a 
tribe  should  not  be  granted  to  the  Babines  whose  linguistic  or  even 
psychological  peculiarities  are  so  glaring  that  they  cannot  escape 
detection  even  by  the  most  careless  observer.  Much  of  their  dialect 
would  indeed  be  "  greek  "  to  an  qthau'ten  visitor. 

It  is  also  but  right  to  warn  the  reader  that  the  three  main  divisions 
of  the  tribe  into  Lower  Carriers,  Upper  Carriers  and  Babines,  although 

*  Almost  equivalent  to  "Spider." 

+  Down  against  the  Rock. 

+  Old  Village. 

§  River  of  the  axe  edge. 


28  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.  IV. 

founded  on  language  and  geographical  distribution,  are  not  recognized 
by  the  Carriers  themselves,  who  know  of  no  other  than  the  above 
enumerated  minor  subdivisions. 

The  TsijKoh'tin  and  Carriers  have  a  well  organized  society  composed 
of  the  hereditary  "  noblemen  "  who  own  the  land,  and  the  common 
people  who  hunt  with  and  for  them.  They  formerly  had  no  local  head- 
chiefs.  Moreover,  irrespective  of  the  ethnographic  divisions  based  on 
language  and  habitat,  they  are  divided  into  several  gentes  the  members 
of  which  believe  themselves  bound  by  ties  of  the  strictest  relationship. 
They  were  originally  exogamous,  and  throughout  the  entire  Carrier  tribe 
matriarchate  or  mother-right  is  the  law  governing  succession  to  titles 
and  property. 

Among  the  Tse-keh-ne,  or  "People-on-the-Rocks"  a  simpler  and  more 
primitive  social  organization  obtains.  That  tribe,  through  necessity  as 
much  as  from  natural  inclination,  is  entirely  nomadic.  As  salmon  is 
unknown  throughout  their  territory,  these  aborigines  have  to  be  almost 
constantly  on  fhe  move  after  the  moose,  cariboo  and  other  large  animals 
on  whose  flesh  they  mainly  subsist.  Father-right  is  their  national 
fundamental  law,  and  the  whole  tribe  is  composed  of  bands  slightly 
differing  in  language,  and  with  no  regular  chiefs.  In  fact,  their  society, 
such  as  it  is,  might  almost  be  termed  a  perfect  anarchy,  were  it  not  that 
the  advice  of  the  oldest  or  most  influential  of  each  band  is  generally 
followed  as  far  at  least  as  regards  hunting,  travelling  and  camping. 

Though  each  band  has  traditional  hunting  grounds,  the  limits  of  these 
are  but  vaguely  defined,  which  is  not  the  case  with  those  of  the  Carriers. 
Furthermore,  several  members  of  one  band  will  not  unfrequently  be 
found  hunting  unmolested  on  the  land  of  another.  Therefore  no  very 
strict  boundaries  can  be  assigned  to  the  following  tribal  subdivisions 
which  comprise  all  the  Tse"'k£hne  population  within  the  political  borders 
of  British  Columbia  : — 

1.  The    YA-tsA-fqenne,   or   "people  down  over   there"    (i.e.,   in    the 
direction    of   an    expanse   of    water)    are   the   band    which    from    time 
immemorial  bartered  out  to  the  Carriers  the  axes  and  other  primitive 
implements  of  which  due  mention  shall  be  made  further  on.     They  are 
so  called  by  the  rest  of  the  tribe  by  allusion  to  their  commercial  relations 
with  the  Carriers  of  Stuart's  Lake.     Their  hunting  grounds  lie  from 
Salmon  River*  to  MacLeod's  Lake  and  thence  to  the  Fraser,  by  53°  30'. 

2.  The  Tse-kth-ne-az,  or  "little-people-on-the-rocks"  roam  over  the 

*  There  are  so  many  Salmon  rivers  in  the  north  of  British  Columbia  that  it  may  be  necessary 
to  explain  that  the  one  here  mentioned  empties  itself  into  the  Fraser  a  little  above  Fort  George. 


1892-93.]  XCTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  29 

land  which  extends  between  the  latter  lake  and  the  summit  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains.  They  are  often  to  be  found  hunting  on  the  western  slope  of 
that  range. 

3.  The    To-ta-fqenne   ("  people-a-little-down-the-river  ")    inhabit    the 
eastern  slope  and  adjacent  plains  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  within  British 
Columbia. 

4.  The    Tsa-fqenne  (who  call  themselves   Tsa-huJi)  or  Beaver-people, 
roam  over  the  large  prairies  contiguous  to  the  Peace  River,  on  the  south 
side  of  that  stream  and  east  of  the  Rockies. 

5.  The  Tse-ta-ufqenne  (the  people  against  the  Rocks)  as  hinted  by 
their  name,  have  their  habitat  chiefly  at  the  base  of  the  Rocky  Mountains 
on  the  north  side  of  the  Peace  River. 

6.  This  is  perhaps  the  proper  place  to  mention  the  Sarcees*  who  have 
been  adopted  by  the  Blackfeet  Confederation,  and  actually  live  east  of 
the  Rocky  Mountains  by  about  51°  lat.  north. 

7.  To  the  north  of  all  the  above  sub-divisions,  from  the  56°  to  the  north, 
we  find  the  Sas-chiit-qenne  or  "people  of  the  Black  Bear"  whose  trading 
post  was  until  last  year  Fort  Connolly  on  the  lake  of  that  name. 

8.  Another  band  called  Otz9n-ne  (people  between   or  intermediary) 
claims  the  land  which  intervenes  between  the  territory  of  the  Saschut- 
'qenne   and   that   of  the   Tselohne   on    the   west   side    of    the    Rocky 
Mountains. 

9.  Those  Tst-loh-ne  (people  of  the  end  of  the  Rocks)  live  immediately 
north  of  the  latter  and  their  chief  trading  post  is  now  B.  L.  O.  (Bear-Lake- 
Outpost)  on  the  Finlay  River  by  57°  of  latitude  north.     Their  name  is 
due  to  the  fact  that  their  habitat  is  an  immense  plain  which  is  said  to 
intersect  the  whole  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  which  are  popularly  believed 
not  to  extend  any  further. 

The  aggregate  population  of  all  these  bands  does  not  exceed  1,300. 

The  Tse'kehne  are  known  to  the  Carriers  under  the  name  of  ^'tat-tenne 
or  "  people  of  the  beaver-dams,"  while  the  latter  are  responsible  for  the 
distinctive  name  of  the  Carriers — Arejne,  "packers."  The  nickname 
Ta-Ke/-ne  by  which  this  tribe  sometimes  calls  itself  f  is  of  recent  origin 
It  has  no  meaning  in  its  language  to  which  it  is  exotic,  and  I  cannot 

*  Their  aboriginal  name  as  a  sept  is  unknown  to  me.     A  century  ago  they  had  35  tents  with  a 
population  of  120.     (History  of  Manitoba,  p.  85). 
t  Indeed  they  even  call  thus  all  the  races  of  Indians  by  opposition  to  the  whites. 


30  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV. 

imagine  whence  it  originated.     It  is  the  would-be  Tacullies  or   Takullies 
of  the  ethnographers.* 

The  foregoing  information  will  be  found  recapitulated  in  the  following 
list  showing  the  tribal  subdivisions  from  south  to  north  of  the  Tsilkoh'tin> 
the  Carriers  and  the  Tse'kehne. 

TSILKOH'TIN  TRIBE. 

Stone  TsijY^oh! tin  ;  immediately  south  of  Chilcotin  River. 

ten  miles  north  of  the  mouth  of  Chilcotin  River. 

;  north  bank  of  Chilcotin  River,  45  miles  from  its  mouth. 
Independent  septs  ;  Fort  Alexander  and  Nakuntl'un. 

CARRIER  TRIBE. 

•jthaiitenne  ;  Fort  Alexander. 

Nazkiitenne ;  Quesnelle  and  mouth  of  Black  Water  River. 

Nutccitenne  ;  on  Black  Water  and  throughout  its  basin. 

Tandtenne  ;  Fort  George. 

Natldtenne  ;  Fraser  Lake. 

NJkraztlftenne  ;  Stuart's  Lake. 

T'jaz'tenne  ;  upper  end  of  Stuart's  Lake  and  tributaries. 

BABINE  SUBTRIBE. 
Nttu'tinni  ;  Babine  Lake. 
HTVotsii  tinni ;  Buckley  River  and  Fran^ais  Lake. 

TSE'KEHNE  TRIBE. 

YutsiWqenne  ;  from  Salmon  River  to  McLeod's  Lake. 
Tse'kehneaz ;  from  McLeod's  Lakes  to  the  Rocky  Mountains. 
Totafqenne  ;  immediately  east  of  Rocky  Mountains. 
Tsafqenne  (the  Beavers) ;  south  side  of  Peace  River. 
Tse' tauf qenne  ;  base  of  Rocky  Mountains  close  by  preceding. 

*  The  number  of  different  orthographical  readings  of  the  names  of  the  north-western  Dene 
tribes  is  truly  wonderful.  Thus  the  Carriers  (TaK.qne,  the  "  Porteurs"  of  the  French  Canadians) 
are  called  Tahkali  and  Tahcully  by  Anderson,  Teheili,  by  Dawson  and  Takully,  Tacully, 
Takulli  by  others.  The  Tse'kehne  are  The-kka-nt  to  Petitot,  Thekenneh  to  Kennicott,  and 
Sicany,  Siccani,  or  Sikani  to  others.  I  am  ashamed  to  own  that  I  have  myself  countenanced  in 
former  papers  the  wrong  reading  "  Sekanais"  of  my  predecessors  here. 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  31 

Sarcees ;  immediately  east  of  Rocky  Mountains,  51°  lat.  north. 
Sasck&tqenne  ;  Connolly  Lake  and  north.    West  side  Rocky  Mountains. 
Otz3nne ;  north  of  preceding,  same  side  of  mountains. 
Tselohne  ;  north  of  preceding,  same  side  of  mountains. 

To  the  above  I  should  add  the  Nah'ane  *  whose  hunting  grounds 
lie  to  the  north  of  those  of  the  Tse'kehne.  But  I  am  not  familiar  enough 
with  their  tribal  divisions  to  state  them  with  any  degree  of  certainty,  nor 
do  I  sufficiently  possess  their  technology  to  speak  authoritatively  of  it. 
It  may  however  be  broadly  stated  that  from  an  archaeological  standpoint 
the  Western  Nalrane  may  be  classed  as  Carriers,  while  the  Eastern 
Nah'ane  are  to  all  practical  purposes  regular  Tse'kehne. 

*The  so-called  Nehawni  of  Pilling,  the  Na"ane  of  Petitot,  the  Nahawney  of  Kennicott,  the 
Nehawney  of  Ross  and  the  Nahawnies  of  others. 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV. 


CHAPTER  II. 
PRELIMINARIES — PHILOLOGICAL. 

Even  Philology  is  not  without  bearing  on  Archaeology.  More  than 
once  the  former  will  prove  a  great  help  towards  elucidating  such  problems 
as  the  relative  age  or  history  of  the  human  products  whose  aggregate 
constitutes  the  raison  d1  etre  of  the  latter.  Thus  the  necessaries  of  native 
life,  those  objects  which  are  the  most  indispensable  to  savage  man  and 
whose  appearance  as  technological  items  must  therefore  have  been  the 
earliest  are,  as  a  rule,  expressed  in  De"ne"  by  monosyllabic  roots  as  thil, 
water  ;  Ktv2n,  fire  ;  /0,  fish  ;  tsa,  beaver ;  'kra,  arrow ;  pi/,  snare  ;  kuhy 
trap  ;  etc.  Other  objects  or  implements  of  more  complex  nature  or  less 
general  import,  or  the  use  of  which  supposes  higher  steps  in  the  industrial 
ladder,  are  rendered  by  polysyllabic  words.  In  the  language  of  the 
Denes,  the  more  primitive  an  object,  philologically  also  the  simpler  its 
name.  Implements  of  complicated  structure  or  of  recent  introduction 
among  the  aborigines  have  almost  invariably  names  of  similarly  composite 
fabric. 

These  considerations  have  led  me  to  give,  either  in  the  text  or  through 
foot-notes,  the  aboriginal  name  of  each  item  of  native  technology  men- 
tioned in  the  present  monograph.  As  we  shall  presently  see,  some  of 
these  names  admit  of  no  literal  translation  ;  but  when  such  translation  is 
possible,  it  shall  accompany  the  Indian  word.  Unless  otherwise  noted, 
those  names  will  be  in  the  Carrier  dialect. 

That  the  reader  may  the  more  easily  recognize  the  category  to  which 
such  words  etymologically  belong,  and  thereby  judge  of  the  place  the 
objects  they  represent  occupy  in  the  D6ne  technology,  I  deem  it  not 
irrelevant  to  reproduce  here  the  following  paragraphs  from  a  former  paper 
on  the  Dene"  languages. 

"  Considered  in  their  material  structure  and  etymology,  the  Dene 
nouns  may  be  divided  into  four  classes.  These  are  the  primary  roots 
which  are  all  monosyllabic  as  in  Chinese.  Such  are  ya,  sky  ;  thu,  water  ; 
tse\  stone ;  szs,  black  bear;  etc.  Theyare  essentially  nominative:  they 
neither  define  nor  describe  the  object  they  designate ;  they  merely 
differentiate  it  from  another.  I  consider  them  as  the  remnants  of  the 
primitive  Dene  language,  inasmuch  as  they  are  to  be  found  with  little  or 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  33 

no  alteration  in  all  the  dialects  of  the  family,  whatever  may  be  the  dis- 
tance intervening  between  the  aborigines  who  speak  them.*" 

No  etymology  or  other  explanation  than  that  of  the  text  will  be  given 
of  words  belonging  to  this  category,  because  they  admit  of  none.  Thus 
the  context  will  indicate  for  instance  that  R2/  is  a  war  club,  that  we  is  a 
kind  of  fish  trap,  etc.,  without  any  attempt  being  made  at  explaining  the 
origin  of  either  word,  or  at  giving  a  more  literal  sense  of  them  than  that 
furnished  by  the  translation,  which  would  be  impossible.  They  have  no 
derivation,  but  on  the  contrary  may  serve  as  the  compounding  elements  of 
other  words  of  secondary  import. 

"  The  second  category  comprises  roots  of  simple  import  which  are 
genuine  unsynthetical  substantives  though  polysyllabic,  generally  dissyll- 
abic, in  form.  To  this  category  belong  words  as  tone,  man  ;  ?stkhly 
woman  ;  p3nr3n,  lake ;  etc.  They  possess,  to  a  limited  extent,  the 
properties  of  the  monosyllabic  roots,  being  likewise  merely  determinative 
and  oftentimes  varying  but  little  with  the  change  of  dialect."^ 

Here  it  may  be  added  that  even  in  these  nouns  there  is  generally  one 
syllable  which  is  more  important  and  contains,  as  it  were,  the  quintessence 
of  the  word.  Thus  it  is  with  the  ne  of  t3ne ;  the  fs£  of  fstkht, 
the/wz  of  pznrm.  In  composite  words,  such  syllables  only  are  retained. 
So  the  Carriers  will  more  commonly  say  ne-zran  murderer,  than  t^ne-^ran, 
while  in  such  compounds  as  ji-?se,  she-dog,  and  pzn-tco,  big  lake,  the 
weak  or  secondary  syllable  has  also  disappeared. 

"  The  third  class  contains  composite  nouns  formed,  as  a  rule,  by  com- 
pounding, though  sometimes  by  agglutinating,  monosyllabic  or  dissylla- 
bic roots.  Such  are  ne-na-pa-ra  (literally  :  man-eyes-edge-hair)  eye 
lashes  ;  tzpe-te,  wild  sheep  horns  ;  mai-re,  vegetable  oil  instead  of  mai-K./, 
literally,  fruit-oil.  These  nouns  being  mere  compounds  of  roots  belong- 
ing to  the  two  former  categories  have  the  same  degree  of  relative 
immutableness  with  regard  to  the  various  dialects  as  the  radicals  which 
enter  into  their  composition.''^ 

In  like  manner,  implements  designated  by  names  .of  this  category 
may  be  of  as  ancient  origin  as  those  denominated  by  words  of  the  first- 

Thus,  tsa-m-pij,  beaver  snare,  contains  two  ideas  of  simple  import — 
the  medial  m  being  merely  euphonical  and  demanded  by  the  following 
p.  That  words  of  this  class  may  not  be  confounded  with  terms  of  the 
preceding,  their  compounding  roots  will  be  separated  by  a  hyphen. 

*The  Dene  Languages,  etc.     Transact  Can.  Inst.  vol.  I,  1889-90,  p.  181. 

t  Ibid. 

Slbid,  p.  182. 


-34  TRANSACTIONS    OP    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.  IV. 

"  The  fourth  and  last  class  is  made  up  of  verbal  nouns  which,  as  their 
name  indicates,  are  nothing  else  than  verbs  in  the  impersonal  or  personal 
moods  employed  to  qualify  objects  of  secondary  import  with  the  help 
sometimes  of  a  radical  noun,  sometimes  of  a  pronoun,  and  always  of  a 
prepositive  particle  prefixed  to,  or  incorporated  in,  the  verbal  substantive. 
Of  this  description  are  the  words  pe-y3n-?l 'qzl  (lit.  with-earth-one  cleaves), 
plough  ;  u-kw9t-S9zta  (lit.  it-on-one  sits),  seat ;  Jten-pa-ydK.  (lit.  work- 
for-house)  work-shop."* 

Very  few  of  the  objects  or  implements  designated  by  words  of  that 
class  can  be  regarded  as  of  really  ancient  origin. 

As  for  the  orthography  followed  in  the  present  monograph  for  render- 
ing aboriginal  words,  it  is  as  follows  : — 

The  vowels  have  the  continental  sounds.  When  accentuated,  they 
undergo  the  same  phonetic  changes  as  French  letters  do  when  affected 
by  similar  accents.  Thus  a,  i,  6,  have  the  same  sound  as  in  French  ; 
e  and  u  as  in  Italian  ;  /  is  sounded  as  the  e  of  "  mets  ",  ^  as  that  of  the 
English  "  ten  ",  while  9  corresponds  to  the  so-called  French  e  muet  in 
such  words  as  je,  te,  le.  W  is  always  a  consonant. 

Subject  to  the  following  remarks,  the  consonants  have  also  the  con- 
tinental sounds.  H  is  strongly  aspirated ;  it  represents  a  nasal  n  followed 
by  a  common  or  sounding  n;  /  is  a  lingualo-sibilant  which  is  obtained  by 
the  emission  of  a  hissing  sound  on  both  sides  of  the  tongue  curved  up- 
wards previous  to  its  striking  the  lingual  letter ;  r  is  the  result  of 
uvular  vibrations,  and  when  immediately  following  a  guttural  (g,  k,  kh, 
7k,  or  K)  it  is  almost  impreceptible  to  the  ear ;  K,  and  R,  are  respectively 
-k  and  r  pronounced  with  a  very  guttural  inflection  ;  q  nearly  resembles  ty, 
both  letters  being  simultaneously  sounded ;  c  represents  the  English  double 
•consonant  sh.  The  apostrophe  (')  prefixed  to  k,  t,  q,  adds  to  the  regular 
pronunciation  of  those  letters  the  exploding  sound  peculiar  to  most 
Indian  languages.  Jis  intermediate  between  s  and  c. 

Tk,  kh,  are  equivalent  to  t  +  h  and  k  +  h  and  are  produced  by  a 
single  emission  of  voice.  T's  and  t'[  are  "  exploded "  and  their  exact 
value  cannot  be  realized  otherwise  than  by  hearing  them  pronounced  by 
a  competent  person. 

The  hiatus  is  represented  by  a  period  in  the  upper  part  of  the  line  (•). 

*  Ibid.,  ibid. 


1892-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  35 

WORKS  AND  IMPLEMENTS  UNKNOWN  AMONG  THE  WESTERN  DE~N£S. 

Before  attempting  to  detail  what  our  aborigines  have  or  had  of 
archaeological  ware,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  enumerate  what  they  do  not 
have  and  apparently  never  had. 

Throughout  the  whole  extent  of  their  territory,  no  mounds,  enclosures, 
fortifications  of  a  permanent  character  or  any  earthen  works  suggesting 
human  agency  are  to  be  found,  nor  is  their  existence,  past  or  present, 
even  as  much  as  suspected  by  any  Carrier,  Tse'k6hne  or  Tsijkoh'tin.  In 
the  same  manner,  pottery,  clay  implements,  perforated  stones,  mortars, 
-ceremonial  gorgets,  gouges,  stone  sledges  and  articles  of  shell  either  plain, 
carved  or  engraved,  have  to  this  day  remained  unknown  among  them. 
They  did  formerly,  and  do  still  occasionally,  use  stone  pestles.  But  for  the 
mortars  common  among  natives  of  most  heterogeneous  stocks,  they 
substitute  a  dressed  skin  spread  on  the  ground  whereon  they  pound  dried 
salmon,  salmon  vertebrae,  bones,  etc. 

Such  sweeping  assertions  may  astonish  those  readers  who  have  already 
been  informed  by  Dr.  D.  G.  Brinton  that  among  the  Denes  "utensils 
were  of  wood,  horn  or  stone,  though  the  Takully  women  manufactured 
a  coarse  pottery  and  also  spun  and  wove  yarn  from  the  hair  of  the 
mountain  goat."*  This  statement  is  quite  a  surprise  to  me,  inasmuch  as 
I  supposed  it  was  a  fact  well  known  to  Americanists  that  no  pottery  of 
any  description  existed  among  such  north-western  stocks  of  aborigines 
as  the  D£n£,  the  Tsimpsian,  the  Haida,  the  Kwakwintl,  the  Tlinget  and 
the  Eskimo.  As  for  the  spinning  of  the  hair  of  the  mountain  goat  Dr. 
Brinton  probably  confounds  the  Carriers  (his  Takully)  with  the  Pacific 
Coast  tribes  which  did  and  occasionally  do  make  good  blankets  out  of 
that  material.-f- 

I  have  also  mentioned  the  mortars  among  articles  unknown  to  the 
original  Denes.  Therefore  I  must  call  attention  to  a  statement  of  A. 
Niblack  in  his  valuable  monograph  on  "  The  Coast  Indians  of  Southern 
Alaska "  wherein  he  says :  "  These  [mortars]  were  by  some  people 
supposed  to  indicate  that  in  early  days  these  Indians  ground  maize  as 
did  and  do  the  hunting  Indians  of  the  tnterior"\  The  italics  are  mine. 

*  The  American  Race,  p.  71. 

t  A  gentleman  speaking  de  visu  states  that  "yarn  is  spun  from  the  wool  of  the  mountain  goat 
•(not  the  mountain  sheep  or  big-horn)  and  is  woven  into  excellent  blankets  which  are  highly 
coloured  and  ornamented."  (Notes  by  Mr.  J.  C.  Callbreath  in  G.  M.  Dawson's  "Notes  on  the 
Indian  tribes  of  the  Yukon  District"  etc.,  reprint,  p.  6).  But  this  statement  applies  to  the 
Thaithan  division  of  the  Nah'ane,  not  the  Carrier  tribe. 

I  The  Coast  Indians,  etc.,  in  Ann.  Rep.  of  the  U.  S.  National  Museum,  p.  281  ;    1890. 


36 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL. 


These  words,  coming  from  an  author  who  is  generally  so  well  informed, 
are  at  best  perplexing.  To  whom  does  he  allude  in  this  reference  to  the 
maize  growing  huntsmen  of  the  interior  ?  Most  people  will  answer  that 
it  must  be  to  the  Dene  Indians  who,  in  the  latitude  within  which  the 
subjects  of  his  sketch  are  stationed,  people  the  American  Continent 
practically  in  its  whole  breadth.  Of  course,  he  cannot  thereby  refer  to 
the  Iroquois  and  the  Hurons  whose  habitat  is  close  to  the  Atlantic,  not 
the  Pacific  coast.  Now  it  is  so  well  known  that  the  Denes  were  but 
recently  innocent  of  the  least  attempt  at  cultivation  that  I  cannot  regard 
this  extraordinary  assertion  as  anything  else  than  a  slip  of  the  pen. 

A  natural  apathy,  lack  of  artistic  ambition  or  want  of  skill  caused  the 
Western  Denes  to  be  practical,  rather  than  aesthetic  craftsmen.  Where 
extra  exertion  was  not  absolutely  necessary,  it  was  very  seldom  bestowed 
upon  any  kind  of  work.  Therefore  most  of  the  implements  which  we 
shall  examine  in  the  following  chapters  are  exceedingly  simple  and 
sometimes  even  rude  in  appearance.  For  instance,  the  Dene,  knowing  by 
experience  that  a  stone  lashed,  while  in  its  natural  state,  to  his  fishing- 
net  was  doing  as  good  service  as  the  most  elaborate  sinker,  never 
attempted  to  fashion  it  into  any  of  the  artistic  shapes  given  similar 
implements  by  many  other  families  of  Aborigines.  For  this  reason  carved 
or  even  merely  grooved  sinkers  are  also  to  be  classed  among  the  indus- 
trial implements  unknown  to  the  Western  Denes. 

A  fact  which  will  perhaps  elicit  incredulous  comment  is  that  not  only 
our  Aborigines'  earliest  acquaintance  with  tobacco,  native  or  Nicotian, 
dates  only  from  1792  for  the  Ts£'kehne  and  1793  for  the  Carriers,  but 
even  the  very  act  of  smoking  was  unknown  to  them  prior  to  those  dates. 
As  a  consequence,  pipes  of  any  material  or  form  are  an  adventitious 


item  amongst  them.  Fig.  I  represents  the  earliest  known  model  of  pipes 
of  D£ne  manufacture.  It  consists  of  a  stone  bowl  with  a  serrated  base 
wherein  a  wooden  stem  has  been  inserted.  Bowl  and  stem  are  connected 


1892-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  37 

by  means  of  a  chain  of  dentalium  shells  alternating  with  coloured  glass 
beads.  A  pipe  strikingly  similar  in  form,  but  minus  the  string  of  shells 
and  beads,  was  also  in  use  among  the  Shushwap  Indians,  the  southern 
neighbours  of  the  Western  Denes,  as  appears  from  a  sketch  in  Dawson's 
"  Notes  on  the  Shushwap  People  of  British  Columbia."  * 

Against  the  above  assertion  as  to  the  absence  of  smoking  pipes  among 
the  primitive  D£nes,  it  might  be  contended  that  the  TsijKoh'tin,  who 
were  more  venturesome  than  the  two  other  tribes,  must  have  known 
through  the  Coast  and  Shushwap  Indians,  the  species  of  wild  tobacco 
which  is  said  to  have  been  cultivated  by  the  natives  of  Queen  Charlotte 
Islands,  or  gathered  in  its  wild  state  by  the  Shushwap.f  But  to  any 
person  who  is  aware  of  the  irresistible  attraction  all  races  of  Aborigines 
feel  towards  the  use  of  the  soothing  weed,  whether  genuine  or  counter- 
feit this  hypothesis  will  appear  altogether  gratuitous.  Albeit  the  tribal 
intercourse  between  the  Tsijkoh'tin  and  the  Carriers  was  formerly  a 
rather  rare  occurrence  and  not  always  of  the  most  friendly  description, 
had  smoking  been  in  vogue  among  the  former,  the  latter  could  not  well 
have  failed  to  notice  in  their  neighbours  a  practice  which  is  claimed  to 
have  appeared  so  strange  to  them  at  the  time  of  their  first  meeting  with 
the  whites.  Now  both  the  Ts£'kehne  and  the  Carriers  are  positive  that 
it  was  unknown  to  their  ancestors  previous  to  their  encounter  with 
Ma-tsi-ra-wtjoil  \  or  Sir  Alex.  McKenzie  ;  and  they  still  recount,  with 
no  lack  of  amusing  details,  first  their  stupefaction  at  beholding  smoke 
issuing  from  men's  mouths,  and  then  their  scorn  for  tobacco  when  they 
ascertained  that  it  was  not  edible.  § 

*  Transact,  R.  S.  C.  p.  12,  fig.  3 ;  1891. 

t  Vide:  "On  the  Haida  Indians  of  Queen  Charlotte  Islands,"  by  G.  M.  Dawson,  p.  114!), 
115  b,  Montreal,  1880  ;  "  Notes  on  the  Shushwap  People  of  B.C.,"  by  G.  M.  Dawson,  Trans. 
R.S.C.  Sect.  II.,  p.  23,  1891  ;  "Descriptive  Notes  on  Certain  Implements,"  etc.,  by  Al.  Mac- 
kenzie, Trans.  R.S.C.,  Sect.  II.,  p.  55.  1891  ;  "The  Coast  Indians  of  Southern  Alaska,"  etc., 
by  A.  P.  Niblack,  p.  333,  1890. 

Jin  Tse'kehne  :  "his  hair  is  plentiful,"  perhaps  by  allusion  to  the  wig  or  queue  worn  by  Sir 
Alex.  Mackenzie. 

§  The  derivation  of  the  word  ste'ka,  by  which  the  Carriers  designate  tobacco,  has  long 
puzzled  me.  It  must  be  either  a  borrowed  word  or  a  word  formed  by  agglutination,  as  the  name 
of  the  horse  (yezih-ji,  "  elk-dog  "  or  domestic  elk).  Now  I  have  studied  that  word  in  the 
vocabulary  of  over  twenty  tribes,  all  contiguous,  mediately  or  immediately,  without  being  able 
to  discover  anything  like  an  homonymous  equivalent.  On  the  other  hand,  the  two  parts  of  which 
it  is  composed,  die  and  'ka,  are  genuine  Carrier  particles  which,  taken  separately,  are  not  with- 
out meaning,  but  to  which  no  rational  signification  can  be  ascribed  when  joined  together.  Yet 
the  names  of  all  new  objects  in  the  Dene  languages  are  either  borrowed  from  foreign  dialects,  or 
more  generally  formed  by  compounding,  that  is  by  the  juxtaposition  of  two  or  more  names  of 
-objects  already  known.  Thus,  in  TsijKoh'tin  the  name  of  the  tobacco  is  ts3j-yu,  which  means 
"smoke-medicine."  Altogether,  the  Carrier  (and  Tse'kehne)  word  designating  that  imported 
plant  has  the  appearance  of  an  old  root  of  the  second  category,  which  is  to  me  inexplicable. 


38  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   VI. 

Pipe  Fig.  2  is  of  recent  manufacture,  and  bears  testimony  to  the 
TsijKoh'tin's  faculty  of  imitation.  It  has  been  wrought  out  of  an  impure 
steatite  or  soap  stone.  Its  stem  is  a  wooden  tube  connected  with  the 
base  of  the  bowl  by  a  double  string  or  chain  of  black  beads.  The  stem 
of  such  pipes  is  more  generally  lengthened  through  the  insertion  of  a 
perforated  brass  cartridge  shell  between  the  base  and  the  mouthpiece. 


Fig.  2. 

Specimens  of  pipes  identical  in  form,  and  sometimes  in  material,, 
though  many  are  of  serpentine,  are  also  found  among  the  Ts^'kehne. 
But  now-a-days  the  poorest  Carrier  scorns  them  as  utterly  unsuited  to 
his  present  state  of  civilization. 


1892-93.1  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  39" 


CHAPTER    III. 

STONE  IMPLEMENTS. 

Some  scientists  seem  to  have  an  innate  fondness  for  the  mysterious  and 
the  insolvable.  Upon  the  slightest  pretext  they  delight  in  creating  difficul- 
ties or  propounding  problems.  They  long  for  novelties  and  must  soar 
above  the  concepts  of  such  weak-minded  mortals  as  are  naive  enough  to 
pay  any  attention  to  the  "  Hebrew  myths  "  of  the  creation  of  man  and  his 
comparatively  recent  appearance  on  the  scene  of  this  world.  Whereas  in 
modern  times  we  have  no  authentically  recorded  instance  of  mound 
building  by  American  Aborigines,*  and  because  some  of  those  artificial 
works  are  of  considerable  magnitude,  they  jump  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  so-called  mound-builders  must  have  been  a  very  ancient  race,  more 
advanced  in  civilization  than  the  Indians  of  our  days  and  altogether 
different  from  them.f  In  like  manner,  because  in  Europe,  and  in  some 
parts  of  America  stone  implements  have  been  discovered  which  are  of  a 
particularly  rude  pattern,  they  infer  that  these  remains  being  found  in 
river  beds  or,  in  Europe,  imbedded  in  geological  strata  supposed  to  have 
been  formed  at  a  very  remote  epoch  prove  the  existence,  not  only  of 
prehistoric,  but  even  of  pre-Adamite  man.  Students  who  prefer  to  rely 
on  the  authority  of  such  an  unerring  guide  as  the  Bible  to  following 
modern  savants  through  their  ever  shifting,  if  not  conflicting,  theories, 
cannot  but  remark,  I  fancy,  that,  in  the  same  way  as  the  latest  researches 
tend  to  confirm  the  opinion  of  those  unprejudiced  antiquarians  who  from 
the  beginning  doubted  the  great  antiquity  of  the  American  mounds  and 
the  extraneous  nationality  of  their  builders,}:  even  so  it  must  ultimately 
1 • — • 

*  As  will  appear  from  note  J  the  Cherokees  did  erect  mounds,  though  unobserved  by  the  whites, 
within  the  present  century. 

t  "So  strong  in  fact  is  the  hold  which  this  theory  .  .  .  has  taken  of  the  minds  of  both 
American  and  European  archaeologists,  that  it  not  only  biases  their  conclusions  but  also  moulds 
and  modifies  their  nomenclature,  and  is  thrust  into  their  speculations  and  even  into  their  descrip- 
tions as  though  no  longer  a  simple  theory,  but  a  conceded  fact."  Burial  Mounds  of  the  Northern 
Section  of  the  U.  S.  by  Prof.  Cyrus  Thomas  ;  Fifth  Ann.  Rep.  Bur.  Ethnol.  p.  80. 

£  Evidence  corroborative  of  this  assumption  would  fill  many  pages.  Scientists  in  every  way 
qualified  to  speak  on  this  subject  and  to  whom  nobody  can  refuse  a  hearing  have  clearly  shown 
the  futility  of  the  theory  which  ascribes  the  erection  of  the  mounds  to  non-Indian  races.  Prof. 
Cyrus  Thomas,  than  whom  I  think  there  is  no  more  reliable  authority  on  the  subject,  lays  down 
as  one  of  the  conclusions  derived  from  the  mound  explorations  under  the  auspices  of  the  Smith" 
sonian  Institution  that  "  nothing  trustworthy  has  been  discovered  to  justify  the  theory  that  the 
mound  builders  belonged  to  a  highly  civilized  race,  or  that  they  were  a  people  who  had  attained  a 


40  TUANSAGTIONS    OF    THK    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.    IV. 

prove  to  be  the  case  with  regard  to  the  fabulous  age  ascribed  to  what  are 
called  palaeolithic  implements.  By  the  end  of  the  last  century  Voltaire  and 
his  school  were  wont  to  adduce  the  pretended  enormous  antiquity  of  the 
Egyptian  monuments  as  an  irrefutable  evidence  of  the  inaccuracy  of  the 
Mosaical  chronology.  Time  went  on,  and  the  days  came  when  Cham- 
pollion  and  Sir.  H.  Rawlinson  deciphered  the  Egyptian  and  Assyrian 
inscriptions.  Then  the  very  same  works  which  fifty  years  before  were 
instanced  as  an  excuse  for  the  encyclopedists'  sneers  at  the  Scriptures 
were  converted  into  the  best  extrinsical  proof  of  the  accuracy  of  the 
Mosaical  account. 

I  am  not  an  archaeologist,  much  less  a  geologist.    Yet,  upon  entering  into 
a  question  in  connection  wherewith  so  many  strange  and,  to  me,  evidently 

higher  culture  status  than  the  Indians.  It  is  true  that  works  and  papers  on  American  Archaeology 
are  full  of  statements  to  the  contrary  which  are  generally  based  on  the  theory  that  the  mound- 
builders  belonged  to  a  race  of  much  higher  culture  than  the  Indians.  Yet,  when  the  facts  on 
which  this  opinion  is  based  are  examined  with  sober  scientific  care,  the  splendid  fabric  which  has 
been  built  upon  them  by  that  great  workman,  imagination,  fades  from  sight.  .  .  The  links 
•discovered  directly  connecting  the  Indians  and  the  mound-builders  are  so  numerous  and  so  well 
established  that  there  should  be  no  longer  any  hesitancy  in  accepting  the  theory  that  the  two  are 
one  and  the  same  people.  .  .  The  testimony  of  the  mounds  is  very  decidedly  against  the 
theory  that  the  mound-builders  were  Mayas  or  Mexicans"  Work  in  Mound  E-xploration  of  the 
Bur.  Ethnol.,  Washington,  1887,  p.  11-13.  To  corroborate  by  actual  facts  my  position  on  this 
question,  I  glean  from  the  same  paper  the  following  extracts  : — "In  another  Wisconsin  mound 
was  found  lying  at  the  bottom  on  the  original  surface  of  the  ground,  near  the  center,  a 
genuine,  regularly-formed  gunflint.  In  another  Tennessee  mound  some  6  feet  high  and  which 
showed  no  signs  of  disturbance,  an  old  fashioned  horn  handled  case-knife  was  discovered  near  the 
bottom.  .  .  From  a  group  in  Northern  Mississippi  in  the  locality  formerly  occupied  by  the 
Chickasaw  were  obtained  a  silver  plate  with  the  Spanish  coat  of  arms  stamped  upon  it,  and  the 
iron  portions  of  a  saddle.  At  the  bottom  of  a  North  Carolina  mound,  part  of  an  iron  blade 
and  an  iron  awl  were  discovered  in  the  hands  of  the  principal  personage  buried  therein.  .  . 
At  the  bottom  of  an  undisturbed  Pennsylvania  mound,  accompanying  the  original  interment 
.  was  a  joint  of  a  large  cane  wrapped  in  pieces  of  thin  and  evenly  wrought  silver  foil, 
smoothly  cut  in  fancy  figures."  Ibid.  p.  9  and  10.  I  have  underlined  the  names  of  the  states 
mentioned  to  show  that  mound-building  in  post-Columbian  times  was  by  no  means  local  or 
exceptional.  To  the  above  should  be  added  the  still  more  significant  fact  that  in  a  small  undis- 
turbed mound  in  east  Tennessee  a  stone  with  letters  of  the  Cherokee  alphabet  rudely  carved 
upon  it  was  lately  discovered  by  a  party  of  American  explorators.  'The  problem  of  the  Ohio 
Mounds,  p.  37,  note  I.  Dr.  D.  G.  Brinton  in  his  latest  work,  The  American  Race,  p.  87-88, 
admits  that  "there  is,  to  say  the  least,  a  strong  probability  that  they  [the  modern  Muskokis]  are 
the  descendants  of  the  constructors  of  those  ancient  works "  [namely,  the  mounds  in  their 
vicinity].  Over  and  above  the  authorities  already  quoted,  here  is  how  Dr.  J.  W.  Powell,  the 
learned  head  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Smithsonian  Institution,  ends  a  review  of  an  import- 
ant paper  by  Mr.  W.  H.  Holmes  : — "  This  eliminates  one  more  source  of  error  cherished  by 
lovers  of  the  mysterious  to  establish  and  exalt  a  supposed  race  of  Mound-Builders."  Third 
Ann.  Rep.  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  p.  Ixiii.  ;  Washington,  1884.  Nobody  will  deny  that  that 
gentleman,  owing  to  his  official  position,  enjoys  opportunities  of  judging  of  the  merits  or  demerits 
of  a  cause  of  which  few  indeed  can  boast.  Lastly,  it  must  be  added  that  unlimited  evidence  goes 
to  prove  that  in  almost  every  case  the  modern  Indians  occupy  the  exact  territory  where  their 
forefathers  lived  when  they  first  came  in  contact  with  the  whites. 


1892-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  41 

false  theories  have  been  built,  I  feel  the  necessity  as  a  Christian  and  an 
observer  of  my  own  surroundings  to  put  on  record  my  utter  disbelief  in 
any  proposition  which  may  run  counter  to  the  natural  deductions  from 
the  Book  of  Genesis.  True,  even  Christian  anthropologists  are  far  from 
agreed  as  to  the  probable  age  of  man,  since  such  a  learned  orientalist  as 
the  Abbe  Vigouroux  suggests*  and  Father  Thein  inclines  to  believed 
that  creation  dates  from  over  8000  years  as  against  the  6000  which  it 
was  customary  to  reckon  as  the  maximum  distance  which  separates  us 
from  Adam.  Yet  methinks  that  there  are  limits  beyond  which  modern 
interpretation  of  the  sacred  text  cannot  safely  go.  I  suppose  that  no 
person  who  has  any  regard  for  the  authority  of  the  Bible — I  am  tempted 
to  add,  and  for  sober,  common  sense  J — will  believe  in  the  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  years  attributed  by  some  to  palaeolithic  stone  implements 
and  consequently  to  man.  To  show  that  there  are  valid  reasons  to 
doubt  the  correctness  of  such  chronological  computations,  let  me  adduce 
here  a  few  facts  derived  from  the  very  source  to  wfrich  they  are  wont  to 
point  in  confirmation  of  their  extravagant  theories,  I  mean  Geology. 

The  great  antiquity  attributed  in  Europe  to  stone  implements  is  based 
generally  on  the  age  of  the  geological  strata  wherein  they  are  found. 
For  the  sake  of  briefness,  let  us  choose  those  the  formation  of  which  is 
the  most  easily  accounted  for,  say  the  alluvial  strata.  Pieces  of  pottery 
found  at  a  depth  of  thirty-nine  feet  in  the  mud  of  the  Nile  delta  were 
pronounced  by  antiquarians  of  repute  to  be  13,000  years  old.  Such 
authorities  as  Sir  John  Lubbock  and  Sir  Charles  Lyell  asserted  in  various 
papers  that  those  Egyptian  relics  must  date  back  from  12,000  to  60,000 
years.  Now,  Sir  R.  Stephenson  found  at  a  greater  depth  in  the  delta, 
near  Damietta,  a  brick  bearing  on  its  surface  the  stamp  of  Mohammed 
AH  !  §  The  discoverer  of  the  pieces  of  pottery  "  rated  the  growth  of  the 
mud  deposit  in  a  given  spot  at  only  three  and  a  half  inches  in  a  century  ; 

* Les  Livres  Saints,  etc.,  Vol.  III.,  p.  238. 

+  Christian  Anthropology,  p.  245,  New  York,  1892. 

J  For  my  own  justification  and  to  illustrate  the  vagaries  of  some  modern  scientists,  let  me 
recall  the  fact  that  from  the  supposed  vestiges  of  man  discovered  in  the  strata  of  the  tertiary 
period,  some  geologists  assign  a  date  of  at  least  300,000  years  before  the  beginning  of  the  historic 
epoch.  Now  a  clever  Italian  writer  who  has  made  an  arithmetical  computation  of^the  number  of 
men  who  must  have  been  existing  on  the  earth  at  the  time  commonly  assigned  to  the  creation  of 
Adam  according  to  that  hypothesis,  finds  that  this  number  cannot  be  expressed  without  434 
figures  !  Suppose  the  habitable  part  of  the  earth  extended  in  a  series  of  stories  each  one  meter 
in  height  and  filled  with  men  in  the  ratio  of  10  to  each  square  meter  as  far  up  as  400  times  the 
radius  of  the  moon's  orbit  and  the  limits  of  the  earth's  orbit  will  be  reached  and  yet  the  number 
of  these  men  will  be  represented  only  by  the  figure  2  followed  by  26  ciphers. 

§  Christian  Anthropology,  p.  267,  New  York,  1892. 

4 


42  TKANSACT1OXS    OF    THK    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV!. 

but  a  description  of  the  same  spot  by  a  Mohammedan  writer  only  six 
centuries  ago  shows  that  the  mud  is  deposited  at  the  rate  of  over  eigh- 
teen inches  in  a  hundred  years."* 

An  English  resident  in  India  recounts  that  the  foundation  of  a  house 
he  had  himself  built  was  carried  away  and  strewed  along  the  bottom  of 
a  river  at  a  depth  of  thirty  or  forty  feet  below  the  level  of  the  country. 
"  Since  then  the  river  has  passed  on,"  he  says,  "  and  a  new  village  now 
stands  on  the  spot  where  my  bungalow  stood,  but  forty  feet  above  the 
ruins  ;  and  any  one  who  chooses  to  dig  on  the  spot  may  find  my  re~ 
liquice  there,  and  form  what  theory  he  likes  as  to  their  antiquity  or  my 
age."  t 

Again,  antiquarians  of  a  geological  turn  of  mind  should  remember,  it 
seems,  that  in  most  cases  the  agents  which  now  produce  alluvial  deposits 
were  formerly  many  times  more  powerful  and  that  therefore  strata  con- 
taining archaeological  relics  were  formed  at  a  proportionately  greater 
rate.  Take,  for  instance,  the  valley  of  the  Somme  in  France.  .No  region 
has  probably  become  so  famous  in  the  Annals  of  Archaeology.  The 
Somme  is  to-day  a  modest  river  with  very  quiet  waters.  Now,  accord- 
ing to  M.  de  Mercey,  who  has  made  a  careful  study  of  its  history,  its 
waters  at  the  Roman  epoch  were  fifty  times  more  abundant  than  in  our 
days.ij:  Moreover,  it  is  a  well  established  fact  that  the  sea  at  that  time 
must  have  extended  to  Amiens,  since  below  a  marine  deposit  nine  feet 
thick  coins  have  been  found,  the  most  recent  of  which  bears  the  effigy  of 
a  prince  who  died  A.D.  267. §  In  the  neighbourhood  of  Lille,  a  medal  of 
Marcus  Aurelius  was  found  at  a  depth  of  twenty-five  feet  under  a  triple 
bed  of  reddish  clay,  muddy  slime  and  peat  mixed  with  sand.  |j 

Thus  Geology  refutes  itself  the  theories  of  the  partizans  of  the  great 
age  of  the  primitive  stone  implements,  theories  which  they  claim  to  base 
on  geological  grounds.  Let  us  now  see  what  History  has  to  say  on  the 
same  subject. 

The  contention  of  the  majority  of  antiquarians  is  that  the  stone  age 
long  antedated  the  historic  period.  In  opposition  to  this,  O.  Fraas  states 
that  "  arrows  with  sharp  flint  heads,  and  especially  stone  axes,  stone 
chisels  and  stone  hammers  are  found  among  the  Germans,  even  down  to- 
the  time  of  the  Franks.  .  .  .  According  to  Herodotus,  Ethiopians 

*  Southall,  Recent  Origin  of  Man,  p.  474. 

t  Quarterly  Journal  of  the  Geological  Society,  p.  327,  Aug.  1863. 

£  Btdletin  de  la  Societe  Geologique,  1876-77,  p.  347. 

§  Christian  Anthropology,  p.  260,  New  York,  1892. 

H  Materiaux  pour  rhistoire  de  fhomme,  p.  136,  1878. 


1892-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  43 

accompanied  the  army  of  Xerxes,  who  were  so  savage  that  they  possessed 
only  weapons  of  stone  and  bone  .  .  .  ;  they  had  long  bows  made  of 
the  ribs  of  palm  leaves  and  reed  arrows  with  pebble  points  ;  their  javelins 
were  pointed  with  the  horns  of  gazelles."  *  Five  hundred  years  later, 
Tacitus  says  of  the  Fenni :  "They  have  no  (iron)  weapons.  Their  only 
means  of  attack  are  arrows  to  which,  having  no  iron,  they  give  a  bone 
point."-]-  Caesar  tells  us  in  his  De  Bello  Gallico  \  that  the  Gauls,  while 
besieging  Alesia  (52  B.C.),  made  use  of  stones  and  pebbles.  An  epic 
poem  of  the  fifth  century  describes  two  warriors  battling  with  stone 
axes.§  St.  Ouen,  bishop  of  Rouen  in  the  seventh  century,  speaks  of  flint 
hatchets  in  his  "  Life  of  St.  Eligius."  As  far  down  as  1066,  projectiles  of 
stone  were  in  use  in  Europe  according  to  William  of  Poitiers.  It  even 
appears  that  more  than  a  century  later  the  Scots  of  Wallace  made  use  of 
stone  arms.  || 

History  records  many  other  similiar  examples.  I  am  well  aware  that 
the  advocates  of  the  great  antiquity  of  man  and  human  implements  base 
their  views  on  divers  other  reasons.  But  I  think  that  all  of  these  can 
be  as  easily  disposed  of. 

INDUSTRIAL  IMPLEMENTS. 

The  facts  above  recited  are  necessary  to  establish  the  really  modern 
origin  of  many  stone  implements  which  some  regard  as  absurdly  ancient, 
and  therefore  if,  in  the  course  of  the  present  monograph  and  more 
particularly  of  this  Chapter,  Dene"  implements  or  weapons  are  occasionally 
assimilated  to  objects,  even  palaeolithic,  of  the  same  description  found  in 
the  alluvial  strata  of  Europe,  my  comparisons,  instead  of  appearing" 
preposterous,  should  be  construed  as  additional  evidence  of  the  relatively- 
recent  origin  of  the  European  "finds."  For,  I  cannot  help  thinking  that 
some  spear  heads,  for  instance,  which  were  in  use  here  but  one  hundred 
years  ago  are  identical  in  form  and  finish  with  weapons  of  the  Solutrian 
period  of  the  unpolished  stone  age.  As  for  the  industrial  implements,, 
and  especially  the  axes  of  the  prehistoric  Denes,  though  they  might  not 
perhaps  be  classed  with  strict  propriety  among  palaeolithic  implements,, 
I  think  they  could  not  properly  be  styled  neolithic,  since  they  were 
mostly  unpolished,  except  at  the  cutting  edge. 

*  Die  alten  Hohlenbewohner,  p.  30. 

t  Apud  Christian  Anthropology,  p.  320. 

t  Book  VII.,  81. 

§  Ampere,  Histoire  litteraire. 

11  Christian  Anthropology,  passim. 


44 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.   IV. 


Thus  in  fig.  3  we  have  a  celt  of  a  dark  coloured,  very  close-grained  rock 
which  shows  absolutely  no  sign  of  polish  except  at  the  cutting  edge 
and,  if  I  am  to  credit  the  Indian  from  whom  it  was  obtained  and  who 
used  it  for  some  time  as  a  skin  scraper,  even  this  faintly  polished  edge 
was  wanting  when  the  instrument  was  found  on  the  surface  of  the 
ground.  It  would  seem  that  these  rude,  unpolished  axes  were,  at  least 
among  the  Carriers,  much  more  common  than  those  entirely  or  even 
partially  polished. 


Fig.  4  hardly  exhibits  any  trace  of  improvement  on  that  primitive 
pattern.  Indeed  the  specimen  it  represents  has  even  cost  the  maker  a 
smaller  amount  of  exertion,  since  one  of  its  flat  surfaces  is  merely  the 
original  surface  of  a  blackish  siliceous  stone  in  its  natural  water-worn 
state,  while  the  reverse  is  evidently  the  result  of  the  splitting  of  the 
pebble  out  of  which  the  implement  has  been  made.  Were  it  not  for  the 
unmistakable  attempt  at  obtaining  by  friction  a  finer  edge  than  is  usual 
in  scrapers,  one  would  almost  suppose  that  it  has  been  designed  for 
dressing  skins  rather  than  cutting  wood. 

The  specimen  illustrated  by  fig.  5,  though  unpolished  except  at  its 
broadest  end,  is  more  axe-like  in  shape.  It  is  of  a  shaly  rock  externally 
rusty-looking,  but  internally  of  a  reddish  gray  transversely  striated  with 
fine  parallel  lines. 

The  implement  represented  by  fig.  6  again  differs  both  in  form  and 
material  from  all  the  preceding  specimens  of  stone  axes.  It  might  be 
described  as  gouge-shaped,  were  itnot  that  no  concavity  corresponds  to 
the  convex  exterior.  No  attempt  at  diminishing  by  friction  the  bulging 
surface  of  the  stone  has  been  made ;  its  main  asperities  only  have  been 


1892-93.] 


NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES. 


polished  off.     It  is  of  a  gray  basaltic  rock,  regularly  wood-veined  and 
very  hard. 


Fig.  5.     YT,  size.  Fig.  6.     y2  size. 

Here  (fig.  7)  we  witness  a  sort  of  transition  between  what  might  perhaps 
be  called  the  medio-palaeolithic  and  the  neolithic  types,  in  that  this  adze- 
blade  has  been  treated  to  a  partial  polish  elsewhere  than  at  its  edge. 


Fig.  7- 


size. 


Fig.  8. 


size. 


•  •&•   /  •     /j  — 

It  is  of  a  fine-grained  volcanic  rock  which  has  been  rendered  rather  hard 
by  pressure  subsequent  to  its  original  cooling.  It  is  disproportionately 
thick  and  fully  8*4  inches  long. 


46  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.  IV. 

All  these  differences  in  type  and  material  are  suggestive  of  what 
appears  to  be  a  well  established  fact,  namely  that  the  Western  Denes 
had  no  fixed  standard  in  view  when  engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  their 
adze-blades.  Any  stone  of  sufficient  hardness  and  consistency  was 
probably  picked  up,  and  after  a  rough  blocking  off,  was  given  as  sharp 
an  edge  as  the  material  was  susceptible  of  acquiring  by  means  of  the 
least  possible  exertion.  No  attention  whatever  seems  to  have  been 
paid  to  the  details  and  no  regard  manifested  for  the  elegance  of  the 
implement. 

This  remark  applies  to  adze-blades  of  genuine  Dene  origin.  But  the 
Carriers,  especially  the  more  prominent  members  of  the  tribe,  possessed 
much  finer  axes  of  which  fig.  8  is  a  fair  example.  This  is  a  thoroughly 
polished  stone  axe.  In  shape  and  material  it  is  typical  of  all  the 
polished  implements  of  that  class.  They  are,  as  a  rule,  of  a  greenish 
gray  rock  identified  by  Dr.  G.  M.  Dawson  as  fine  felspathic  slate 
or  falsite.  Although  they  were  extensively  used  among  the  Western 
Denes,  it  would  hardly  be  consistent  with  truth  to  credit  the  latter  with 
their  manufacture.  Indeed  I  am  rather  inclined  to  believe — and  this  is 
borne  out  by  the  declarations  of  living  aborigines — that,  in  so  far  at 
least  as  the  Carrier  tribe  is  concerned,  most  of  them  were  imported  from 
among  the  neighbouring  tribes.  The  Carriers  of  the  old  stock  were 
exceedingly  poor  workmen,  and  their  old  men  are  unanimous  in 
asserting  that  their  best  axes  were  bartered  from  the  Tse'kehne  and 
the  sea-coast  Indians.  It  is  therefore  quite  possible  that  the  implement 
above  figured  had  an  extraneous  origin. 


Fig.   9. 
All  these  various  types  of  axes  were  hafted  to  a  handle  generally  of 


1802-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  47 

black  thorn,*  Prumis  spinosa,  as  is  shown  through  fig.  9.  The  adzes  thus 
obtained  never  had  a  cutting  edge  fine  or  hard  enough  to  serve  crosswise 
against  wood,  and  the  axeman's  strokes  had  always  to  be  directed 
obliquely.^ 

It  must  be  noted  also  that,  among  the  Carriers,  such  instruments  were 
possessed  by  the  notables  and  a  few  wealthy  heads  of  families  only. 
The  common  people  had  recourse  to  fire  to  cut  their  provision  of  wood. 
After  having  freed  the  main  roots  of  a  tree  of  the  earth  adhering  thereto 
by  means  of  slight  excavations  underneath,  they  would  light  there  a 
small  fire  with  vegetable  matter  with  the  result  that  the  tree  would 
inevitably  topple  over  at'the  latest  on  the  morrow  thereafter.  Then  the 
smaller  limbs  were  trimmed  off  either  with  a  hard  stick,  with  a  stone  club 
if  any  was  at  hand,  or,  among  the  Babines,  with  a  bone  or  horn  implement 
specially  fashioned  for  the  purpose.  Smaller  trees  were  next  crossed 
over  the  trunk  at  the  proper  intervals  to  give  the  desired  length  to  the 
pieces  of  wood,  after  which  a  fire  was  started  at  each  point  of  intersection 
and  maintained  by  the  children  or  the  women  until  both  the  larger  and 
the  smaller  trunks  were  burnt  asunder. 

If  too  bulky  to  easily  burn  in  the  fire-place,  the  wood  was  then  split 
with  the  help  of  wedges  and  a  roughly  formed  wooden  maul.  Except 
among  the  TsijKoh'tin,  the  s:one  hammers  and  sledges  so  common 
among  the  coast  Indians  were  unknown.  For  peculiarly  heavy  work 
such  as  sinking  down  the  stakes  on  the  solidity  of  which  depends  the 
firmness  of  the  salmon  weirs,  they  sometimes  did,  and  even  now  do,  use 
such  elongated  stones  as  bear  the  greatest  resemblance  to  their  hwofs3z 
or  wooden  maul  ;  but  these  are  never  pecked  or  fashioned  into  regular 
.sledsres. 


Fig.  10. 

The  Carriers'  wedges^  were  either  of  hard  wood,  of  the  part  of  the 

*  In  Carrier  v.w3s-tco,  "big  thorn." 

tThe  axe  is  called  tsei  in  TsijKoh'tin,  tsei  in  Tse'kehne  and  Isij  in  Babine  ;  whilst,  curiously 
enough,  the  Carriers  now  call  it,  and  seem  to  have  done  so  as  long  as  any  old  man  can  remember, 
Jse-tsij,  or  stone-axe.  Nevertheless,  the  Dene  name  of  this  primitive  implement  is  evidently  tsei 
or  tsij,  a  primary  root. 

+  Yif,  pr.  root. 


48 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV- 


cariboo  horns  next  to  the  skull  of  the  animal,  or,  in  some  cases,  of  stone 
(Fig.  10). 


Fig.  II. 


Fig.  12. 


The  implement  illustrated  above  (Fig.  11)  is  a  pestle*  of  a  coarse 
variety  of  quartzite,  of  which  Fig.  12  gives  a  side  view.  The  lower 
half  of  the  instrument  has  been  left  undisturbed  by  the  artist,  the  handle 
only  being  pecked  and  smoothened  to  a  fine  enough  finish.  This  pestle 
did  service  among  the  Babine  Indians. 


Fig-    14-      l/2.  size. 


Fig.  15-      l/2  size. 


A   very  different   model    is   shown    in    Fig.   13,  wherein   we  have   an 
implement  of  Tsi]Koh'tin  origin.     It  served  a  double  purpose,  being  at 

*  Pe-ats^l,  "wherewith  one  pounds,"  v.  n. 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  49 

the  same  time  a  pestle  and  a  hammer.*  But  the  mode  of  using  it  was- 
identical  in  both  cases  ;  the  contact  between  the  matter  pounded  or 
hammered  was  only  at  the  bottom  of  the  larger  end,  the  hand  grasping 
the  instrument  in  the  middle.  I  have  witnessed  old  men  working  with 
such  stone  hammers  among  the  Skvvahomish^  with  whom  the  Tsi[Koh'tin 
have  occasional  intercourse. 

All  races  of  American  Aborigines  are  proverbially  improvident,  and 
our  Western  Dene's  cannot  be  said  to  form  an  exception  to  the  rule.  Yet 
these  very  implements,  when  used  as  pounders  or  pestles,  testify  to  the 
fact  that  the  Carriers  at  least  had  at  times  a  thought  for  the  morrow. 
In  times  of  plenty,  they  pounded  therewith  dried  salmon  previously  well 
grilled  by  the  fireside,  and  kept  the  mash  in  a  tcajyai,  one  of  their  bark 
vessels  which  shall  be  described  further  on.  When  this  had  been 
sprinkled  over  with  salmon  oil,  the  vessel  was  hermetically  closed  and 
the  whole  laid  aside  for  use  when,  owing  to  the  failure  of  the  fishing 
season  or  any  other  cause,  the  natives  were  hard  pressed  by  famine. 
Under  similarly  strained  circumstances,  salmon  bones,  or  indeed  the  bones 
of  any  animal,  were,  and  are,  also  likewise  treated,  and  made  to  obviate 
similar  needs. 


Fig.    1 6. 

Here(figs.  14  and  1 5)  are  slickstones  or  stone  scrapers,:}:  which  serve  in  the 
process  of  tanning  hides.    As  may  be  seen,  they  are  of  a  very  primitive  pat- 

* Pe-3lfj3z,  "wherewith  one  pounds  or  hammers,"  a  verbal  noun. 

+  The  Sk'qo'rnic  of  Dr.  Boas. 

%Pe-iltz£h  "  wherewith  one  scrapes "  in  Carrier  ;  tse-tgel,   "stone-broad"  in  Tse'kehne. 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IY. 


tern,  and  neither  of  the  two  evidences  any  regard  for  elegance.  And  yet 
they  are  fair  representatives  of  their  class,  even  of  those  which  are  still  in 
use  among  the  modern  Carriers.  They  generally  consist  of  flat  halves  of 
oblong  pebbles  one  end  of  which  has  been  slightly  trimmed  by  chipping 
with  a  hard  stone.  The  object  of  such  implements  being  to  soften  by 
repeated  pressure  the  hide  which  has  already  been  stripped  of  its  hair  and 
adherent  blood  and  fat,  these  scrapers  receive  no  polish  whatever.  This 
is  why  I  rather  hesitate  in  classing  among  the  skin  scrapers  the 
instrument  represented  by  fig.  1 6,  which  is  a  "find,"  and  was  not,  like 
those  above  figured,  in  actual  use  among  the  natives  when  handed  to  me. 
It  is  of  a  very  fine  grained  black  volcanic  rock  polished  at  the  broadest 
end  a,  and  as  it  is  drawn  natural  size,  it  is,  if  any,  the  smallest  skin 
scraper  I  have  ever  seen. 


Fig.   17. 

Most  of  these  tools  have  received  very  little  artificial  treatment  in  their 
manufacture.  In  fact,  they  are  almost  invariably  made  as  follows  :  any 
flat  pebble  which  is  likely  to  split  as  desired  and  thus  yield  easily  suit- 


Fig.  1 8. 

able  material  for  the  intended  scraper  is  secured  up  between  two  stones 
•on  the  ground  and  then  split  asunder  by  vigorously  throwing  a  large 
stone  on  its  upper  end.  The  half  which  best  answers  the  purpose  in 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERS    DENES.  51 

view  is  then  trimmed    to  the   proper  shape  by  chipping   off  any  too 
prominent  asperities,  or  blunting  the  edges,  should  these  prove  too  sharp. 

The  scraper  is  finally  hafted,  as  shown  herewith,  by  inserting  it  in  the 
cleft  end  of  any  stick  at  hand  over  which  a  rope  or  buck  line  is  securely 
lashed.  This  hafting  is  but  temporary,  as  the  stone  part  only  of  the 
implement  is  usually  kept  among  the  family  chattels. 

To  the  unthinking  reader  unmindful  of  the  straits  to  which  man  may 
be  reduced  in  the  absence  of  the  proper  material  and  while  too  hard 
pressed  by  more  urgent  needs  to  look  for  it,  the  above  (Fig.  18)  might 
not  be  more  than  a  useless  piece  of  quartzite.  But  an  experienced 
archaeologist  will  not  fail  to  detect  therein  unmistakable  signs  of  human 
handiwork,  and  its  fine,  if  somewhat  serrated  edge  will  at  once  suggest 
that  it  did  formerly  duty  as  a  cutting  tool.  It  is  a  salmon  knife,  which 
served  first  to  rip  the  fish  open,  and  then  to  cut  longitudinal  furrows 
through  its  flesh  previous  to  exposing  it  to  the  action  of  the  air. 
The  large  flaking  noticeable  near  its  blunt  end  is  not  accidental,  but 
served  as  a  grip  for  the  thumb,  while  the  index  and  medius  fingers  rested 
respectively  on  the  back  or  thick  side  and  on  the  reverse  surface  of  the 
implement. 


Fig.  19.  Fig.  20. 

Figs.   19   and    20   represent   stone    knives*  of  different   pattern  and 
use.     They  are  skinning  knives  and  their  material  is  augite-porphyrite. 

*  The  Carrier  word  for  "  knife  "  is  the  same  as  that  for  "  iron,"  viz.,  pzthih  in  Upper  Carrier 
and  athes  in  Lower  Carrier. 


52 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL. 


Both  are  drawn  natural  size  and  their  cutting  edge  is  at  the  fore-end. 
Knive  fig.  19  was  used  without  handle,  but  fig.  20  was  hafted  to  a  short 
stick  as  is  manifest  from  the  side  notches  discernible  therein.  The 
identity  of  these  instruments  is  beyond  the  possibility  of  a  doubt,  as  it 
has  been  established  by  the  testimony  of  an  old  Indian  who  used  him- 
self similar  knives  in  his  youth  when  no  better  ones  were  obtainable. 

The  most  serviceable  and  therefore  most  highly  priced  working  or 
carving  knives  in  use  among  the  prehistoric  Denes  were  nothing  more 
or  less  than  beaver  teeth  sharpened  when  necessary,  by  friction  on  a 
hard  stone.  But  owing  to  the  perishable  nature  of  the  material,  none 
is  now  available  for  illustration.  The  only  stone  carving  knife  which  has 
ever  fallen  under  my  observation  is  that  herewith  figured  (fig.  21).  I  be- 
lieve it  to  be  of  genuine  black  flint.  The  cutting  edge  is  at  a  and  it  is  still 
very  keen.  Notches  at  b  and  c,  though  slight  enough,  appear  neverthe- 
less to  be  quite  intentional,  and  were  it  not  for  the  symmetrical  rounding 
off  of  the  broadest  end,  they  would  suggest  a  double  handle  as  the 
original  means  of  facilitating  work  therewith.  The  Indians  neither 
account  for  these  notches,  nor  satisfactorily  explain  the  mode  of  handling 
the  knife. 


Fig.   21.     %  size. 


Fig.  22.     ]/2  size. 


Fig.  22,  represents  a  picece  of  broken  object  the  original  use  of  which 
is  likewise  problematic.  It  is  of  a  variety  of  green  marble  variegated 
with  yellow  and  rusty  red.  The  broadest  end  has  been  thinned  to  a  dull 
edge  and,  except  where  it  shows  signs  of  accidental  breakage,  it  has 
received  an  exceedingly  fine  polish.  Indeed,  though  it  has  been  found 
here,  at  Stuart's  Lake,  I  believe  it  far  too  skillfully  finished  to  be  of 
Dene"  manufacture.  It  must  have  been  imported  from  the  Coast.  But 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THK    WESTERN'    DENES.  53 

what  renders  this  relic  particularly  remarkable  is  the  presence  of  the 
very  fine  grooves  noticeable  on  each  of  its  three  unthinned  edges,  two 
only  of  which  appear  in  the  cut  above,  the  third  being  on  the,  reverse 
of  the  implement.  This  peculiarity,  while  rendering  the  identification  of 
the  find  more  difficult,  suggests  a  similarity  of  form  though  certainly  not 
of  use,  with  an  implement  formerly  common  among  the  Carriers  under 
the  name  of  asih,  "  it  grinds  through."  It  consisted  of  two  stone  tablets 
carefully  polished  at  least  on  one  side  so  as  to  permit  of  their  being 
closely  joined  together.  In  the  middle  of  their  polished  surfaces  was  a 
groove  obtained  probably  by  pecking,  not  friction,  which  when  both 
tablets  were  superposed  formed  a  cylindrical  hole  through  which  gam- 
bling sticks,  arrow  shafts,  etc.,  were  repeatedly  passed  and  thereby  given 
an  exquisite  finish.  None  of  these  implements  is  now  extant.  They 
were  the  equivalent  of  the  wooden  wrenches  used  by  the  Hupas  under 
similar  circumstances. 

WEAPONS  OF  WAR  AND  OF  THE  CHASE. 

Prominent  among  these  were,  of  course  the  arrow,*  and  its  correlative 
the  bow.f 

The  arrow  heads  \  of  the  Western  Denes  were  either  of  stone,  of  bone 
or  horn,  or  of  wood.  The  form,  no  less  than  the  material,  of  the  stone 
arrow  points  greatly  differed.  In  fig.  23  will  be  found  specimens  repres- 
entative of  the  most  common  patterns.  Many  of  them  are  quite 
diminutive  in  proportions,  and  would  seem  to  partake  more  of  the  nature 
of  play-things  than  of  that  of  the  deadly  weapons  they  undoubtedly  were. 
As  regards  shape,  those  marked  a  and  b  may  be  described  as  the  typical 
arrow-points  of  the  Western  Denes.  In  common  with  specimen  c,  whose 
main  peculiarity  is  the  absence  of  one  of  the  usual  side  notches,  they  are 
of  a  blackish  resonant  rock  which  I  long  mistook  for  a  variety  of  flint, 
but  which  Dr.  G.  M.  Dawson  declares  to  be  a  very  fine  grained  augite- 
porphyrite.  The  Carriers  call  this  stone  pis,  and  it  is  one  of  the  16 
varieties  of  rocks  known  to  their  vocabulary.  They  used  it  in  the  making 
of  the  largest  number  of  their  missile  weapons,  arrows,  spears,  etc.  It  is 
but  right  to  remark  here  that  the  point  a  is  so  much  larger  than  most 
genuine  Dene  arrow  heads,  that  some  Indians  claim  it  was  a  bow,  not  an 
arrow  point.  Of  the  bow  points  further  mention  will  soon  be  made. 

* ' ' Kra,  prim.  root. 

^Slthi.     Singularly  enough  the  Carriers  have  a  collective  name  for  bow  and  arrow  taken  to- 
gether.    This  is  'JCra-zza. 
+  Nuntai,  second,  root. 


54 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV. 


A  less  common  and  more  valued  material,  called  wire  in  Carrier,  is 
the  obsidian  of  which  the  arrow-point  marked  d  is  formed.  Such  points 
are  generally  very  small,  e  represents  the  most  beautiful  of  all  the  arrow 
heads  in  my  possession.  It  has  been  ingeniously  chipped  of  a  hard 
crystalline  rock  identified  by  Dr.  Davvson  as  smoky  quartz.  Its  form  and 


finish  display  evidences  of  exceptionally  good  workmanship,  too  good  in 
fact  to  be  D6ne  ;  and  I  cannot  help  supposing  that  it  must  be  some  relic 
left  among  the  Carriers  by  some  coast  warrior  after  one  of  those  many 
conflicts  recorded  in  the  traditions  of  the  old  men.  Other  points,  such 
as  those  labelled  f,  /t,  are  of  a  species  of  translucent  vitreous  rock  which 
probably  does  not  essentially  differ  from  that  of  specimen  e. 

That  marked  h  is  remarkable  for  the  absence  of  both  notches.  It  is 
long,  narrow,  and  so  thick  that  but  for  its  intentionally  thinned  edges  it 
might  be  taken  for  a  drill  point.  A  few  arrow  heads  as  that  marked  g 
are  of  chalcedony,  tse-lkrai  (stone-whitish).  They  are  as  a  rule  of  a 
rather  rude  description. 

All  the  above  are  drawn  full  size.  Specimens  d  and  *,  when  seen 
otherwise  than  on  paper,  appear  very  small  and  tiny  indeed.  Yet  it 
would  be  erroneous  to  suppose  them  to  be  mere  anomalies  or  exceptions. 
Judging  from  the  number  of  Dene  arrow  heads  in  my  collection,  such 
diminutive  implements  form  at  least  one  quarter  of  all  the  arrow  heads 
now  extant. 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  55 

Lastly,  a  few  points  are  of  a  black,  very  hard  and  fine-grained  stone, 
differing  from  the  material  of  all  the  arrow  heads  already  described. 
Such  is  that  marked  j.  It  is  the  only  one  of  that  description  which  I 
have  ever  seen.  It  is  blunt-tipped,  and  with  hardly  any  edge  or  sign  of 
flaking.  It  has  the  exact  appearance  of  an  implement  very  much  the 
worse  for  wear. 

There  are  to-day  no  well-authenticated  Western  Dene  arrow-heads  of 
bone  or  ivory  in  existence.  Their  tip  was  not  pointed  like  that  of  the 
stone  weapons.  They  were  mere  beaver  teeth  in  their  natural  state 
secured  to  a  shaft.  Some  of  these  were  also  of  the  root  part  of  the  cari- 
boo's antlers,  and  both  bone  and  horn  arrow-tips  were  considered 
exceptionally  effective. 


In  Figs.  24  and  25  1  have  tried  to  illustrate  the  modes  of  connecting 
the  stone  points  with  the  shaft,  as  formerly  practised  by  our  aborigines- 
Sometimes  the  shaft  was  simply  cleft  open  to  receive  the  point  (Fig.  24), 
and  sometimes  it  was  slit  at  the  end  as  in  Fig.  25.  In  either  case,  point 
and  shank  were  firmly  fastened  together  with  sinew  and  pitch.  The  fore- 
shatts  used  along  with  the  arrows  of  some  American  races  were  unknown 
here. 

The  shaft  *  of  the  Western  Dene  arrows  was  invariably  of  seasoned 
amelanchier  (A.  alnifolia)  wood.  As  partially  visible  in  Fig.  25,  delicate 
grooves,  one  on  each  opposite  side,  ran  through  the  shank  of  the  weapon 
and  were  intended  to  facilitate  the  detection  of  the  game  when  it  had 
been  only  wounded.  The  blood  issuing  from  the  wound,  by  flowing 

*  K3s,  a  primary  root. 


56 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV. 


freely  through  these  grooves,  dropped  on  the  snow  or  bare  ground  in  a 
less-scattered  condition,  thus  aiding  the  hunter  in  tracking  the  animal 
ere  it  was  finally  dispatched. 


Fig.  26. 

Fig.  26  gives  a  fair  idea  of  a  Carrier  arrow  ready  for  use.  As  may  be 
seen,  the  feathering  is  triple.  The  tips  only  of  the  feather  quills  are  fast- 
ened to  the  shaft.  Sinew  and  pitch  were  restored  to  in  order  to  secure 
the  part  of  the  quills  adhering  to  the  shaft  end,  while  sinew  alone  generally 
sufficed  to  fasten  the  larger  or  root  end  of  the  feathers. 

A  variety  of  arrow*  which  was  entirely  of  amelanchier  wood  with- 
out stone  or  bone  point  or  shaft  grooves  did  service  in  connection  with 
target  practice  or  one  of  the  games  which  shall  be  described  further  on. 
(Chap.  VI.) 

The  Tse'kehne,  who  to  this  day  live  almost  entirely  on  the  spoils  of 
the  chase,  formerly  far  excelled  the  Carriers  in  the  manufacture  and 
use  of  hunting  weapons.  Some  of  these,  which  were  indeed  in  actual 
use  among  the  Carriers,  were  nevertheless  of  undisputed  Tse'kehne 
origin.  Such  were  the  "  cut  arrow,"  the  triple  headed  arrow  and  the 
blunt  arrow. 


27. 


The  "cut-arrow  "  ^kra-tc^n-k^u3]^  lit.  "  arrow-stick-cut  off")  was  so  called 
on  account  of  its  peculiar  shape  (fig.  27).  Its  point  was  made  of  a 
cariboo  horn  and  "  was  awl-like  in  form.  Its  broader  extremity  was 
hollowed  out  to  receive  a  wooden  shaft  which  served  to  dart  it  off  from  the 
bow  as  a  common  arrow,  with  this  difference  however  that,  when  in 
motion,  the  horn  point  detached  itself  from  the  shaft.  This  projectile 
was  deadly,  and  intended  only  for  use  against  a  human  enemy  or  for 
killing  large  game."f 


Fig.   28. 

To  shoot  smaller  game  they  had  recourse  either  to  the  triple  headed 

*'ke-squht  verb,  noun,  meaning  as  far  as  it  can  be  translated  :   "it  shoots  in  as  far  as  the 
feathering." 

+  The  Western  Denes,  etc.     Proc.  Can.  Inst.,  Vol.  VII.,  p.  140. 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  57 

arrow  shown  in  fig.  28,  or  to  a  wooden  blunt  arrow  (fig.  29).  The  former* 
consisted  of  three  flat  pieces  of  bone,  or  more  generally  horn,  cut  trans- 
versely at  their  broadest  extremity  and  fastened  to  the  shaft  through 
their  smaller  end  and  sides  by  strong  sinew  threads.  It  did  good  service 
even  against  large  animals,  and  it  is  not  more  than  40  years  since  it  has 
entirely  fallen  into  disuse. 


Fig.  29. 

The  latterf  has  been  drawn  from  a  specimen  obtained  from  a  Tse-'kehne 
who,  in  common  with  the  majority  of  his  fellow  huntsmen,  to  this  day 
finds  this  simple  and  primitive  looking  projectile  invaluable  against 
grouse,  rabbits,  etc. 

Even  such  an  apparently  insignificant  act  as  that  of  releasing  the 
arrow  while  shooting  has  been  analyzed  so  as  to  yield  modern  scientists 
material  for  ethnic  divisions.  Professor  Morse  thus  classes  the  different 
methods  in  vogue  among  American,  European  or  Asiatic  archers  :  — 

(1)  Primary.  —  The  notch  of  the  arrow  is  grasped  between  the  end  of 
the  straightened  thumb  and  the  first  and  second  joints  of  the  bent  fore- 
finger.    Tt  is  practised  by  children  generally,  and  by  the  Ainos,  Deme- 
raras,  Utes,  Micmacs,  etc. 

(2)  Secondary.  —  The  notch  of  the  arrow  is  grasped  with  the  straight- 
ened thumb  and  bent  fore-finger  ;  while  the  ends  of  the   second  and 
third    fingers    are  brought  to   bear  on   the  string  to  assist  in  drawing. 
Practised  by  the  Zunis,  Ottawas,  etc. 

(3)  Tertiary.  —  In  this  release  the  forefinger,  instead  of  being  bent,  is 
nearly  straight  with  its  tip  as  well  as  the  tips  of  the  second  and  third 
fingers,  pressing  or  pulling  on  the  string,  the  thumb,  as  in  the  primary 
and  secondary  release,  active  in  assisting  in  pinching  the  arrow  and  pull- 
ing it  back.     It  is   practised  by  Sioux,  Arapahos,  Cheyennes,  Assini- 
boins,      Comanches,     Crows,     Blackfeet,     Navajos,      Siamese,      Great 
Andamanese. 

(4)  Mediterranean.  —  The  string  is  drawn  back  with  the  tips  of  the  first, 
second  and  third  fingers,  the  balls  of  the  fingers  clinging  to  the  string 
with  the  terminal  joints  of  the  fingers   slightly  flexed.     The  arrow  is 
lightly  held  between  the  first  and  second  fingers,  the  thumb  straight  and 
inactive.     Practised  by  nations  around  the  Mediterranean,  by  modern 


s,  second,  root. 
Ttos.,  prim.  root. 

5 


58  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  |  VOL.   IV. 

archers,  Flemish  (using  first  and  second    fingers   only),   Eskimos,  Little 
Andamese. 

(5)  Mongolian. — In  this  release  the  string  is  drawn  by  the  flexed 
thumb  bent  over  the  string,  the  end  of  the  forefinger  assisting  in  holding 
the  thumb  in  position.  The  thumb  is  protected  by  a  guard  of  some 
kind.  It  is  practised  by  Manchus,  Chinese,  Coreans,  Japanese,  Turks 
and  Persians.* 

Our  Carriers  followed  the  first  or  primary  method  of  arrow  release, 
while  the  Ts^'kehne  conformed  to  the  fourth  or  Mediterranean.  I  am 
not  acquainted  with  that  in  vogue  among  the  prehistoric  Tsi[Koh'tin. 
The  above  details  are  given  to  show  to  what  advantage  even  the  slight- 
est differences  in  the  performance  of  an  act  common  to  all  primitive 
peoples  can  be  turned  by  the  acute  observer  and  reflecting  scientist. 

Although  the  scope  of  this  paper,  to  be  consistent  with  its  heading, 
should  be  restricted  to  stone  implements,  I  feel  that  I  cannot  well  separ- 
ate bows  from  arrows  in  my  treatment  of  the  weapons  of  the  chase.  As 
far  as  my  information  goes,  three  varieties  of  bows,  exclusive  of  cross- 
bows, obtained  among  the  Western  Dene's.  Of  these  two  were  proper  to 
the  Tse'kehne,  and  the  third  to  the  Carriers  and  probably  the  TsijKoh'tin 
as  well. 


F«s-  30. 

The  regular  hunting  or  war  bow  of  the  Tse'kehne  was  of  mountain 
maple  (Acer  glabrum,  Tow.}  and  five  feet  and  a  half  or  more  in  length. 
The  edges,  both  inner  and  outer,  were  smoothened  over  so  as  to  permit 
of  strips  of  unplaited  sinew  being  twisted  around  to  ensure  therefor  the 
necessary  strength.  These  pieces  of  sinew  were  fastened  on  with  a  glue 
obtained  from  the  sturgeon  sound,  which  also  did  service  for  all  kinds  of 
gluing  purposes  among  each  of  the  three  tribes,  while  still  in  their  pre- 
historic period.  The  central  part  of  the  bow,  which  was  so  thick  as  to 
appear  almost  rectangular,  was  finally  covered  with  a  tissue  of  differently- 
tinged  porcupine  quills. 

Great  care  was  taken  to  obtain  a  bow-string  impermeable  to  snow  and 
rain.  With  this  object  in  view,  delicate  threads  of  sinew  were  twisted 
together  and  afterwards  rubbed  over  with  sturgeon  glue.  This  first 
string  was  then  gradually  strengthened  by  additional  sinew  threads 
twisted  round  the  first  and  main  cord,  each  overlaying  of  sinew  being 

*  See  Anthropology  in  1886,  by  C.  T.  Mason,   p.  538. 


1892-D3.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  59 

thoroughly  saturated  with  glue.  Finally  when  the  string  had  attained  a 
sufficient  thickness  for  efficient  service,  it  was  repeatedly  rubbed  over 
with  the  gum  of  the  black  pine  (Abies  balsamed). 


Fig.  31- 

A  less  elaborate  bow  (Fig.  31)  is  still  to  this  very  day  in  use  among 
the  Tse'kehne  in  connection  with  the  blunt  arrow  already  mentioned.  It 
is  of  seasoned  willow  (Salix  longifolia),  and  being  devoid  of  any  sinew 
backing  or  other  strengthening  device,  its  edges  are  more  angular  than 
those  of  Fig.  30.  Its  string  consists  merely  of  a  double  line  of  cariboo 
skin  slightly  twisted  together.  The  specimen  figured  above  measures 
four  feet  ten  inches. 


Fig.  32- 

The  Carrier  bow  was  never  much  more  than  four  feet  in  length,  and 
the  wooden  part  of  it  was  invariably  juniper  (/.  occidentalis).  Instead 
of  being  twisted  around  as  in  the  Tse'kehne  bow,  the  shreds  of  sinew- 
were  glued  on  the  back  after  the  fashion  of  the  Eskimo  bow,  with  this 
difference,  however,  that  in  the  Carrier  weapon  the  sinew  was  not  plaited. 
When  a  layer  of  thin  sinew  strips  had  been  fastened  lengthwise  on  the 
entire  back  of  the  bow,  it  was  allowed  to  dry,  after  which  others  were 
successively  added  until  the  desired  strength  had  been  obtained.  A 
process  analogous  to  that  whereby  the  Tse'kehne  bow-string  was  made 
was  followed  in  cording  the  string  of  the  Carrier  bow. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  remark  that  both  of  the  aforesaid  war  and 
hunting  bows  disappeared  almost  simultaneously  with  the  establishment 
of  the  North- West  Company's  posts  throughout  Western  Dene  territory. 
However,  it  may  be  said  that  as  late  as  60  years  ago  fire-arms  were  still 
desiderata  among  the  poorest  class  of  Aborigines. 

Here  is  a  Tse'kehne  crossbow*  of  modern  manufacture.  It  does  duty 
against  small  game  or  for  target  practice,  and  is  also  used  by  children  as  a 
plaything.  Although  the  old  men  assure  me  that  they  have  always  seen 
such  weapons  among  their  fellow  huntsmen,  I  cannot  believe  that  cross- 
bows were  known  to  the  original  Tse'kehne.  It  is  much  more  probable 
that  they  have  been  derived  from  the  band  of  Iroquois  established  in 
close  proximity  to  the  territory  of  the  Beaver  Indians.  My  purpose  in 

*  TFkas  f,  "that  which  darts  off,"  in  Tse'kehne. 


€0  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.  IV. 

mentioning  them  here  is  to  show  that  the  faculty  of  self  appropriation 
and  adaptiveness  which  more  particularly  characterizes  the  Carrier  mind, 


Fig.  33- 

is,  to  some  extent,  shared  in  even  by  the  Tse'kehne  tribe  which  to  this 
day  has  little  reason  to  boast  of  its  material  progress. 

A  detail  which  it  may  also  be  worth  noting  is  the  mode  of  holding  the 
bow  while  shooting.  The  Carriers,  who  almost  invariably  knelt  while 
shooting,  held  it  in  a  horizontal  position,  while  the  Tse'kehne  used  it 
perpendicularly,  one  end  of  the  weapon  resting  on  the  ground. 

To  return  to  stone  implements.  Besides  the  arms  already  described 
the  Western  Denes  had  recourse,  when  on  the  offensive,  to  five  other 
varieties  of  weapons ;  the  spear,  the  dagger,  the  war  club,  the  temple- 
lancet  or  skull- cracker,  and  what  might  be  termed  the  counterpart  of  the 
modern  bayonet. 

This  latter  arm  was  called  3jthi~ -la-din' ai  *  which  may  be  freely 
translated  "  fixed  at  the  end  of  the  bow."  Its  name  explains  its  nature. 
It  was  brought  into  requisition  by  the  warrior  or  the  hunter  when  too 
closely  pressed  by  the  enemy  to  shoot,  and  was  used  as  a  spear.  Such 
points  were  of  identical  material  with  that  of  arrow-heads,  a,  b  and  c,  fig. 
23,  and  were  chipped  to  the  shape  of  figs.  34  and  35.  The  latter  point 
is  rather  ruder  in  appearance  than  the  average  bow-points.  Indeed  from 

*  Lit.   "  bow-end-appended  to  ;"  plural,     slthi-la-dinla,  a  verbal  noun. 


1892-93.] 


NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES. 


61 


the  cut  giving  a  side  view  of  it,  it  would  seem  that  it  had  been  left  un- 
finished.    These  weapons  were  inserted  in  a  slit  at  one  end  of  the  bow 


Fig.  34-  Fig.  35. 

(fig.  32)  and  securely   fastened  therein  with  pitch  inside  and   pitch  and 
sinew  outside. 


Fig,  37,  size. 


62 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV. 


The  spear  heads  *  in  nowise  differed  from  the  bow-points,  save  perhaps 
that  they  were  generally  larger  in  proportions  and  narrower  at  the  base. 
Herewith  are  shown  representative  specimens.  Fig.  37  is,  by  exception^ 
of  felspathic  slate.  Its  shape  and  make  would  suggest  to  the  archaeologist 
a  comparison  with  the  laurel  leaf  points  of  the  so-called  Solutrian  epoch. 
It  is  drawn  full  size.  One  of  its  surfaces  shows  hardly  any  trace  of 
flaking  and  almost  perfectly  flat. 

In  fig.  38  we  have  a*  type  of  a  very  different  description.  It  lacks  the 
exquisite  finish  of  the  preceding  and  is  double-pointed,  so  that  the  base 
is  not  easily  distinguished  from  the  tip.  As  may  be  seen  from  the  out- 
lines of  its  side,  its  shape  is  far  from  elegant. 


Fig.  38- 


Fig-   39- 


All  of  these  spear  heads  were  hafted  to  a  pole  five  or  six  feet  long 
pretty  much  after  the  mode  of  connecting  the  arrow  heads  with  their 
shaft. 


*  The  heads  of  these  and  all  missile  weapons  are  called  n&nta? .     The   spear,  shaft  and  point, 
is  named  in  Carrier  s3B.-tfoz,  or  "  hook-staff." 


1892-93.]  NOTES  O\  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  63 

To  all  appearances,  the  stone  daggers*  of  the  prehistoric  Denes  were 
-distinguished  from  their  spears  by  two  peculiarities  :  the  shortness  of  the 
handle  and  the  greater  dimensions  of  the  blade.  I  would  call  the 
attention  of  antiquarians  to  the  size,  shape  and  finish  of  the  above 
illustrated  dagger  blade  (fig.  39).  Although  evidently  broken  off  at 
the  tip  end,  it  is  still  fully  8^  inches  in  length  and  3  inches  in  width. 
Yet  it  is  not  more  than  y%  of  an  inch  in  its  greatest  thickness.  It  has 
been  chipped  off  to  an  almost  perfectly  flat  surface,  the  flakes  being  as  in 
the  Solutrian  implements  remarkably  large  and  shaving-like.  Neverthe- 
less this  exquisite  relic  of  prehistoric  workmanship  has  been  found,  not  in 
the  cavern  of  Solutre,  but  scarcely  two  hundred  yards  from  where  these 
lines  are  written.  I  may  add  that  it  was  found  on  the  surface  of  the 
groundf  and  is  of  exactly  the  same  material  as  the  great  majority  of 
Dene  arrow  heads. 

The  Dene  dagger  was  carried  about  hanging  from  the  belt  through  a 
a  leather  thong,  as  is  now  done  with  its  modern  substitute,  the  steel 
poniard. 


*  Mecyal,  second  cat. 

•fThe  foregoing  had  been  written  for  some  time  when  I  came  across  the  following  passage  of 
Mr.  D.  Boyle's  Archaeological  Report  for  1891  (p.  10)  which  I  had  overlooked  in  the  haste  of  the 
first  reading  :  "  While  many  specimens  (especially  flaked  ones)  found  in  different  parts  of  the 
province,  may  be  classed  as  palseoliths,  they  have,  up  to  the  present  time  always  been  found 
associated  in  such  a  way  with  neoliths  that  it  is  impossible  to  designate  them  as  polseoliths  with 
any  degree  of  certainty.  Leaf-shaped  "flints"  have  been  picked  up  that  are  quite  as  rudely 
formed  as  any  from  the  deepest  stalagmite  deposits  of  Europe,  but  never  in  situations  to  suggest 
that  they  are  other  than  rough-hewn  tools  or  weapons,  which,  as  such  had  a  purpose  in  the 
economy  of  people  who  are  capable  of  producing  better  tilings.  Until  we  find  specimens  of  this 
kind,  as  Dr.  Abbot  found  them  in  the  Trenton  gravels,  or  in  some  situations  isolated  from  all 
others,  or  distinct  as  to  material  or  coating  from  specimens  of  a  superior  quality  in  the  same 
neighbourhood,  we  shall  not  be  warranted  in  making  any  distinction  relative  to  time  of  possible 
production."  It  is  gratifying  to  hear  of  would-be  palseoliths  being  found  even  in  Eastern  Canada 
.alongside  with  neoliths,  for  this  coincidence  appears  to  me  a  confirmation  of  the  opinion  that,  in 
America  at  least,  these  divergences  of  type  are  suggestive  less  of  distinct  epochs  than  of  unequal 
skill  in  the  craftsmen,  or  possibly  ethnic  difference  in  the  race,  that  produced  them.  I  am 
persuaded  that  had  Sir.  A.  Mackenzie  examined  with  the  care  of  an  antiquarian  the  arms  of  the 
Western  Denes  whom  he  met  one  hundred  years  ago,  he  would  have  found  both  styles  co-existing 
.among  them. 


64 


TRANSACTION'S    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV.. 


Apart  from  the  above  missile  and  cutting  arms,  the  Carriers  and 
Babines  possessed  two  other  offensive  weapons  of  stone,  which  they 
called  respectively,  R?/  and  tfo/'teR. 

The  first  is  the  war  club  of  which  at  least  two  different  types  existed. 

Fig.  40  is  a  club  of  a  grayish  basaltic  rock  which  has 
been  treated  to  a  partial  polish  only,  as  its  surface  is 
naturally  smooth.  A  variety  of  the  same  was-  of  bone, 
or  more  generally  of  cariboo  horn.  Its  shape  and  use 
were  identical,  but  its  length  was  about  double  that  of 
the  stone  weapon.  Fig.  41  represents  a  club  of  a  different 
and  perhaps  more  common  pattern.  It  is  of  carefully 
pecked  granite,  and  though  the  specimen  illustrated  is 
imperfect,  the  base  and  knob  being  wanting,  I  have  had 
no  difficulty  in  reconstituting  it  to  its  original  form  after 
other  similar  weapons  I  have  seen  in  several  parts  of 
our  district.  To  the  knob  at  the  small  end  was 
fastened  a  buckskin  line  which,  being  firmly  wound 
around  the  wrist  and  hand  of  the  warrior,  ensured  the 
safe  keeping  of  the  weapon  amidst  the  excitement  of 
the  fray. 


Fig.  41. 


The  skull-crackers,  vulgarly  .called  "tommy-sticks,"  of  the  plain  In- 
dians of  the  North-West  Territories,  are  well-known  even  to  others  than 
archaeologists.  I  have  never  suspected  their  presence  among  the  ances- 
tors of  our  present  Dene"  population  west  of  the  Rockies  until  last  year, 
when  the  example  (fig.  42)  was  found  in  Hwotsu'tin  territory.  It  came  as 
a  revelation  upon  the  Carriers,  none  of  whom  was  found  who  could  do 
more  than  guess  its  use.  It  is  somewhat  peculiar  in  appearance,  and  its 
groove  is  but  rudely  and  irregularly  formed. 


Fig.  42.     y3  size.  Fig-  43-     Yt  size. 

The  innocent-looking  little  piece  of  partly  polished  stone  designed  in 
fig.  43  was,  in  the  hands  of  a  Babine  Indian,  a  rather  treacherous 
weapon.  It  is  the  temple-lancet  or  skull-cracker  *  referred  to  above. 
After  it  had  been  securely  hafted  to  a  wcoden  handle  three  or  four  feet 


1 892-93. J  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  65 

long,  stone  lancet  and  handle  forming,  when  connected,  a  scythe-like 
implement,  the  warrior — or  indeed  assassin,  as  the  case  may  have  been — 
struck  therewith  his  victim  on  the  temple,  oftentimes  thus  causing  instant 
death. 

Before  bringing  to  a  close  this  chapter  devoted  to  stone  implements,  it 
may  not  be  amiss  to  say  a  word  concerning  the  art  of  stone  chipping  as 
practised  by  the  prehistoric  Denes.  I  remember  having  read  in  a  publi- 
cation emanating  from  a  learned  society,  an  elaborate  dissertation  on 
this  subject  wherein  the  author  took  great  pains  to  elucidate  difficulties 
which  to  me  appeared  to  be  mainly  of  his  own  making.  It  may  be  that 
the  rules  of  the  craft  varied  with  the  localities  and  the  material  em- 
ployed ;  but  here,  among  the  Western  Denes,  there  was  no  great  mystery 
about  the  operation. 

The  material  chosen  in  preference  to  fashion  arrow  or  spear  heads  with 
was  loose,  broken  pieces  of  the  rock  such  as  were  found  on  the  surface. 
Of  course  these  were  confined  to  a  few  localities  only,  wherein  were 
situated  sorts  of  quarries  which  were  very  jealously  guarded  against  any 
person,  even  of  the  same  tribe,  whose  right  to  a  share  in  their  contents 
was  not  fully  established.  A  violation  of  this  traditional  law  was  often 
considered  a  casus  belli  between  the  co-clansmen  of  the  trespasser  and 
those  of  the  proprietors  of  the  quarry. 

The  first  operation  consisted  in  roughly  blocking  off  with  a  hard  stone 
the  pieces  of  the  flint,  the  removal  of  which  was  necessary  to  obtain 

a  vague  resemblance  to  the  intended 
weapon.  Then  grasping  the  flint  length- 
wise with  the  closed  fingers  of  the  left 
hand  (fig.  44),  the  arrow-smith  carefully 
pressed  off  the  flakes  with  an  elongated 
stone  held  in  his  right  hand,  until  the 
desired  form  and  finish  were  obtained. 
Fig.  44.  A  piece  of  buckskin  served  as  a  pad 

to  protect  the  hand  against  the  asperities  of  the  point. 

I  owe  these  details  to  an  old  chief  who  has  been  an  eye-witness  to  the 
operation.  I  should  add  that  in  not  a  few  cases  a  moose  molar  tooth 
replaced  the  long  chipping  stone.  I  know  also  of  a  very  few  points  the 
sharp  edges  of  which  have  been  polished  off  by  friction. 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.   IV. 


CHAPTER   IV. 
BONE  AND  HORN  IMPLEMENTS. 

Several  bone  or  horn  objects  formerly  in  use  among  the  Western 
Denes  have  already  been  mentioned  in  connection  with  stone  implements 
of  congenerous  nature.  As  they  were  mostly  weapons  or  working  tools 
which  have  long  been  replaced  by  iron  or  steel  substitutes,  few  of  them 
could  be  illustrated  from  existing  specimens.  Such  as  will 
be  found  described  in  the  present  chapter  are,  however, 
still  largely  used  by  the  natives,  even  of  the  Carrier 
tribe. 

They  are,  with  few  exceptions,  industrial  implements. 
Among  those  which  serve  in  connection  with  hunting  or 
trapping,  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  is  the  tsa-yu-tliej 
(beaver-medicine-recipient,  or  castoreum  bottle).  As  will 
be  seen  further  on,  this  same  vessel  is  of  birch  bark 
among  the  Carriers.  But  the  Tse'kehne,  who  are  essen- 
tially huntsmen  and  whose  country  abounds  in  large  game, 
make  it  out  of  a  cariboo  horn,  and  adorn  (?)  it  with  such 
primitive  designs  as  may  be  noticed  in  fig.  45.  Therein 
the  trapper  keeps  the  castoreum  which  he  dilutes  either 
on  the  steel  trap,  or  in  the  mud  contiguous  thereto,  in  order 
Fig.  45-  to  decoy  the  beaver  into  its  ultimate  capture. 

Of  course  this  mode  of  trapping  is  practicable  only  during  the  spring 
or  summer  months.  In  the  winter,  beaver  is  sought  after  with  nets  set 
in  holes  cut  in  the  ice  a  short  distance  from  the  rodent's  habitation  and 
store.  I  have  elsewhere  given  an  account  of  this  winter  trapping  which 
will,  perhaps,  bear  reproduction  here.  "  Once  they  have  found  his  [the 
beaver's]  lodge,  an  indispensable  preliminary  to  secure  his  capture  is  to 
discover  the  exact  location  of  his  path  or  trail  under  ice.  It  appears 
that  he  follows  well  marked  routes  when  swimming  from,  or  returning  to 
his  winter  quarters.  These  our  Denes  easily  find  out  by  sounding  the 
ice  in  different  directions  with  cariboo  horns.  Their  well  exercised  ears 
readily  discover  by  a  peculiar  resonance  of  the  ice  where  the  rodent's 
usual  path  lies.  So,  at  a  given  point,  they  cut  a  hole  wherein  they  set 
their  babiche  beaver  net,"*  taking  care  to  plant  at  a  short  distance  a 


"The  Western  Denes,"  etc.,  Proc.  Can.  Inst.  vol.  vii.,  p.  131. 


1892-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  67 

stick  the  upper  end  of  which  is  provided  with  little  bells — the  counter- 
part of  the  beaver  nails  and  pebbles  which  did  duty  in  prehistoric  years. 
To  this  upright  stick  the  side  ropes  of  the  net  are  attached  in  such  a 
way  as  to  be  ready  for  use  when  the  game  is  to  be  ensnared.  "  Then 
the  hunter  (should  I  not  say  fisher  ?)  proceeds  to  demolish  the  beaver's 
lodge,  in  order  to  drive  him  off.  Should  the  game  not  be  found  there 
the  same  operation  is  repeated  at  his  adjoining  provision  store.  When 
the  undulations  of  the  water  tell  of  his  presence  therein,  he  is  fright- 
ened away  to  where  the  net  is  set.  Supposing  that  the  beaver  is  swifter 
•than  his  hunter  and  reaches  the  net  before  the  latter,  the  efforts  he  will 
make  to  extricate  himself  therefrom  will  agitate  the  small  bells  before 
mentioned,  and  the  hunter  will  immediately  make  for  the  hole  and  draw 
him  out  before  he  has  time  to  cut  himself  clear  of  the  net."* 


Fig.  46. 

Fig.  46  represents  the  mas,  a  bone  device  indispensable  to  the  efficiency 
of  the  beaver  net.  It  is  attached  to  the  end  of  the  net  which  is  laid  out 
at  the  opening  in  the  ice  wherein  it  floats  on  the  water.  The  side  strings 
of  the  net  are  passed  through  the  centre  hole  of  the  bone  piece  (mas) 
and  thence  connected  with  the  little  bells  at  the  top  of  the  outstanding 
stick,  so  that  by  pulling  them  up,  the  farthest  end  of  the  net,  which  is 
under  ice,  will  be  drawn  back  to  where  the  mas  is  secured,  and  thereby 
the  game  will  be  bagged,  as  it  were,  and  speedily  killed  on  the'  ice. 
These  bone  pieces  affect  divers  forms,  several  of  which  are  symbolical. 
Thus  the  mas  shown  above,  is  intended  to  represent  a  beaver.  It  will 
be  remarked  that  the  design  is  highly  conventionalized.  Yet,  even  a 
child  (of  Dene  parentage,  of  course)  will  recognize  at  once  its  significance- 
Barbed  harpoons  f  such  as  those  shown  in  the  accompanying  figures 
are  resorted  to  when  the  Dene  is  out  beaver  hunting — not  trapping  or 
snaring, — that  is  in  such  cases  as  when  the  beaver  is  met  with  free  of  any 
trap  or  net.  Until  a  short  time  ago  those  beaver  harpoons  were  made 
of  cariboo  horn  ;  but  to-day  implements  of  identical  shape  wrought  out 
•of  steel  files  or  pieces  of  iron  have  almost  entirely  superseded  the 

*  Ibid,  p.  132. 

•\7[ta-?s3n,    "lip  or  barb-bone." 


68 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.    IV, 


original  horn  weapon.     To-day,  as  formerly,  they  are  securely  fastened 
to  a  handle  three  or  four  feet  long,  wherewith  they  are  launched  at  the 


Fig.  47-     #  size. 


game  much  as  would  be  done  with  a  regular  lance.  The  shaft  is 
intended  to  secure  greater  impetus  and  efficiency  to  the  weapon.  The 
specimen  illustrated  by  fig.  47  is  a  find,  and  is  therefore  more  ancient' 


Fig.  48.     y^.  size. 


than  that  shown  in  fig.  48  which  is  quite  modern.  A  comparison 
between  these  implements  and  those  of  similar  intent  in  use  among 
widely  different  races  of  Indians  all  over  North  America  cannot  fail  to 
elicit  the  remark  that  the  same  needs  create  the  same  means.  * 

In  the  act  of  dressing  hides  several  bone  or  horn  implements  are  still 
used  among  the  Western  Denes.  These  are  the  fat-scraper,  the  hair- 
scraper,  the  bone-awl,  and  the  skin-scraper. 


Fig  49. 

The  firstj-  is  made  of  a  split  cariboo  horn  (fig.  49)  and,  as  its  name 
indicates,  it  serves  to  scrape  off  the  fat  adhering  to  the  fresh  skin.  This 
fat  is  received  in  the  concave  part  of  the  implement  and  thence  trans- 
ferred to  a  bark  vessel  close  by.  In  the  form  above  delineated,  it  is  more 
of  a  Tse'kehne  than  of  a  Carrier  tool,  and  as  such  it  does  service  more 
particularly  in  the  treatment  of  marmot  (Arctomys  monax  and  caligalus] 
and  wild  goat  (Aplocerus  montanus]  skins. 

The  Carrier  equivalent  therefor  generally  consists  of  the  socket  end 
of  the  shoulder  blade  of  the  cariboo,  left  almost  in  its  natural  state. 

*  See  Ann.  Rep.  Canad.  Inst.  1888,  p.  58,  figs.  100,  101. 

t  Pe-tha-3tzo,    "wherewith  the  flesh-side  is  scraped  "  (of  a  liquid   or  fat  substance):    fourth 
category  of  nouns. 


18-J2-93.] 


NOTES    CN    THE    WKSTKHN    DENES. 


69 


This  implement  is  used  in  connection  with  grease  or  fat  scraping  of  any 
description. 


Once  the  hide  has  been  freed  of  most  of  its  fat  and  blood,  it  is  soaked 
in  cold,  and  then  in  warm,  watei,  after  which  one  of  its  extremities  is 
lashed  up  around  the  smaller  end  of  a  stout  pole  leaning  on  any  kind  of 
support,  a  wall,  a  fence,  etc  The  hair  is  then  removed  by  energetic 
action  on  the  skin  hanging  down  over  the  pole  with  a  scraper*  formed 
of  the  tibia  of  a  cariboo  (fig.  50).  By  reason  of  the  peculiar  tenacity  of 
the  hair,  moose  skins  are  now  operated  on  with  a  short  curved  steel  knife. 
But  the  bone  instrument  shown  above  is  still  very  extensively  employed 
in  connection  with  any  other  kind  of  hair  scraping. 

After  having  been  thoroughly  rubbed  with  the  brain  of  the  animal,  its 
skin  is  next  extended  within  a  wooden  frame  as  is  practised  by  most 
tribes  of  Aborigines.  The  holes  near  the  edges  through  which  the  line 


Fig.  52- 

which  fastens  it  to  the  frame  is  passed,  were  formerly  and  are  still  in  some 
localities,  pierced  with  bone  awls  -f-  identical  in  form  and  material  with 
those  occasionally  found  in  mounds.  They  are  of  the  fibula  bone  of  the 
cariboo,  or,  as  in  fig.  52,  of  the  black  bear.  The  latter  are  more  common 
among  the  TsijKoh'tin.  In  times  past  such  awls  were  resorted  to  when- 
ever any  skin  or  bark  perforations,  such  as  are  incident  to  the  art  of 
canoe  building  or  sewing  bark  vessels,  were  found  necessary.  They  are 
now  obsolete,  steel  having  almost  entirely  replaced  bone  in  the  fabrica- 
tion of  any  such  tools.  Yet  the  specimens  illustrated  above  were  in  use 
among  the  Carriers  and  the  TsilKoh'tin  immediately  prior  to  their  being 
given  me. 

*  Pe-na-slqe,  "wherewith  one  scrapes  off"  (i.e.,  hair)  ;  fourth  category. 
t,  "  knee-bone  awl"  ;  third  category. 


70 


TRANSACTIONS     OF    THK    CANADIAN     INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.   IV, 


The  object  in  view  while  spreading  the  skin  in  its  wooden  frame  is  to 
remove  its  "  mack  "  or  inner  cuticle.  This  is  accomplished  by  means  of 
bone  scrapers,*  which  are  everywhere  essentially  the  same,  but  whose 
form  or  even  material  varies  according  to  the  tribe  by  which  they  are  used. 


Thus  the  TsiiKoh'tin  scraper  (Fig.  53)  is  of  bear  bone  and  wedge-like 
in  form.     The  skin  wrapping  shown  in  the  cut  is  quite  often  wanting. 


Fig-   54-     Yz  size. 

The  Carrier  scraper  (Fig.  54)  is  of  cariboo  bone  and  shaped  somewhat 
like  a  chisel.  Its  main  peculiarity  consists  in  the  teeth  cut  in  its  edge  to 
prevent  its  slipping  too  easily  over  the  skin  and  ensure  better  gripping 
power.  Identical  implements  are  at  times  found  as  relics  ot  extinct 
races  in  many  parts  of  the  northern  American  continent,  and  I  still 
remember  how  the  perplexity  as  to  their  probable  destination  evi- 
denced through  the  lines  of  an  antiquarian,  who  some  years  ago  was 
describing  one  of  them,  brought  home  to  me  the  advantages  enjoyed, 
even  from  an  archaeological  standpoint,  by  persons  actually  passing  their 
life  among  the  aborigines. 


Among  the  Tse'kehne  the  skin  scrapers  are  of  cariboo  horn,  thinned 
and  reduced  to  the  form  of  that  delineated  in  fig.  55.  A  piece  of  buck- 
skin wrapped  around  the  end  held  in  the  hand  facilitates  the  handling  of 
that  rather  awkward  implement.  The  serrated  edge  of  the  Carrier 
scraper  is  also  reproduced  by  the  Tse'kehne.  Or  indeed  it  is  quite  as 
likely  that  the  Carriers  have  learned  this  peculiarity  from  the  Tse'kehne, 
who  in  their  turn  have  borrowed  it  from  the  Crees  and  other  Algonquian 

*  gtha-nkwst,  "it  scrapes  (by  pecking)  the  flesh  side." 


1892-93.] 


NOTES    ON    THK  WESTERN    DENES. 


7.1 


tribes  of  the  East,  all  of  which  observe  it  in  making  their  skins  crapers, 
while  the  TsijKoh'tin,  who  are  the  most  distantly  situated  from  them, 
seem  to  be  ignorant  of  it. 

All  of  these  scrapers  also  do  service  in  the  process  of  skinning  animals 
as  means  of  separating  the  hide  from  the  flesh. 

If  we  now  pass  from  bone  implements  connected  with  hunting  to  such 
as  are  laid  under  contribution  as  means  of  furthering  the  fishing 
industry,  we  may  note  in  the  first  place  the  ta-kret*  or  fish  harpoon  (fig. 


Fig-  56- 


56).  The  cut  renders  a  detailed  description  of  it  unnecessary.  The  only 
wooden  parts  are  the  shaft  and  the  socket,  round  which  is  wound  the 
skin  line  which  fastens  the  two  side-hooks  of  the  harpoon,  while  it  secures 
in  its  proper  place  the  middle  prong.  The  hook  pieces  are  fastened  with 
sinew.  An  archaeologist  fond  of  comparisons  cannot  fail  to  notice  the 
resemblance  of  this  weapon  to  its  Eskimo  equivalent  such  as  illustrated 
in  fig.  453  of  Dr.  F.  Boas'  "  The  Central  Eskimo,  "f  The  ta-kret  serves 
to  dart  a  large  species  of  white-fleshed  salmon  (Oncorrynchus  cJiouicha, 
Walbaum),  calleJ  kes  by  the  Carriers  and  qes  by  the  TsijKoh'tin.  Now- 
adays these  implements  are  mostly  of  iron  or  steel  ;  but  their  shape  has 
remained  unaltered. 


The  Tsi[Koh'tin  spear  salmon  with  a  harpoon  of  a  totally  different  pat- 
tern (fig.  57).  It  is  double  darted,  and  so  made  that  upon  fastening  in 
the  flesh  of  the  fish,  both  darts  detach  themselves  from  the  forked  shaft *to 

*  "  Lip-dart,"  by  allusion  to  its  mouth-like  appearance, 
•r  Sixth  Ann.  Rep.  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  1884-85. 


72 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.    IV. 


which  they  are  secured  by  means  of  a  plated  raw-hide  line.  The  whole 
detachable  points  of  this  implement  were  originally  of  mountain  sheep 
horn  ;  but  in  modern  specimens  the  tip  is  generally  of  iron  and  occasion- 
ally of  copper,  the  barbs  only  being  of  horn. 

Both  the  Carrier  and  the  TsijKoh'tin  harpoons  are  hafted  to  shafts 
sometimes  as  much  as  12  or  15  feet  long,  so  as  to  render  them  serviceable 
from  the  top  of  rocks  or  precipitous  river  banks  emerging  from  the 
rapids  where  that  species  of  fish  is  wont  to  congregate. 

Implements  of  that  size  are  designed  exclusively  for  salmon  fishing. 
For  smaller  fish,  besides  the  nets,  which  will  be  described  in  their  proper 
place,  the  Carriers  have  recourse  to  a  bone  or  steel  harpoon  of  analogous 
model  with  that  of  fig.  56,  but  reduced  in  dimensions  and  hafted  to  a 
short  handle.  If  in  the  winter  time,  bait  is  used  as  a  means  of  attracting 
the  fish.  Having  cut  in  the  ice  a  hole  of  sufficient  diameter  to  observe 
the  movements  of  the  trout  underneath,  the  Carrier  drops  and  gently 


oscillates  in  the  water  bone  imitations  of  Coregone  fry  (fig.  58),  hanging 
through  a  sinew  line  from  a  wood  or  bone  piece  held  in  the  left  hand.  Upon 
biting  the  bait,  the  fish  is  speedily  speared  with  the  above  mentioned 
harpoon. 

Here  (fig.  59)  we  have  a  fishing  implement  which,  though  of  a  rather 
primitive  style,  yet  requires  but  little  explanation.  The  lancet  or  pin-like 
part  of  the  hook*  only  is  of  b'one,  while  the  shank  is  of  wood.  This 
implement  is  drawn  natural  size.  In  remote  localities,  during  hunting 
expeditions  away  in  the  woods,  it  is  found  to  this  day  very  serviceable. 

A  fishing  device  less  modern  in  appearance  is  shown  in  fig.  60.  It  is 
called  by  the  Carriers  the-saten  a  word  which  cannot  be  better  translated 
than  by  "lying  on  the  bottom,"  though  the  actual  equivalent  of  that  phrase 
would  be  thfa-9sthan.  A  very  small  fish  is  used  as  bait  and  fastened  in 

*  Qas  ;  prim.  root. 


1892-93.] 


NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES. 


this  wise  to  the  implement ;  the  whole  of  the  bone  pin  including  the  sinew 
line  to  which  it  is  attached  is  passed  through  the  anal  part  of  the  fish 


Fig.  59- 

and  then  one-half  of  it  is  inserted  lengthwise  through  the  body  of  the 
fish  commencing  from  the  point  of  initial  insertion  of  the  sinew  line  to 
the  head,  after  which  the  whole  is  dropped  in  the  water  and  held  as  in 
the  case  of  the  bone  coregone  bait.  The  larger  fish,  generally  the  loche 
or  turbot  (Lota  maculosd}  which  is  very  voracious,  overlooks  the  other 
half  of  the  implement  left  bare,  and  by  gulping  down  the  small  fish 
gives  warning  to  the  fisherman,  who  instantly  pulls  up  the  whole,  thereby 
sinking  the  bone  pin  in  the  gills  of  the  large  fish  which  is  thus  easily 
secured. 

As  a  rule,  the  small  end  bones  of  the  loon's  wings,  or  occasionally 
even  young  beaver  ribs,  are  the  material  chosen  to  make  the  two  last 
mentioned  implements.  The  same  probably  served  also  to  fabricate  the 
needles  of  the  prehistoric  Den£s.  But  none  of  them  is  now  extant,  and 
this  may  be  a  mere  conjecture. 

Before  proceeding  further,  a  word  about  the  species  of  fishes  more 
extensively  sought  after  by  the  Carriers  and  the  TsijKoh'tin  may  not  be 
out  of  place.  They  are  of  course  very  numerous,  but  king  among  them 
all  is  the  salmon,  and  of  the  five  species  which  are  now  known  to  ascend 
their  rivers,  the  suck-eye  (Oncorhynchus  nerka,  Walbaum)  or  tha-llo  *  is 
by  far  the  most  important  either  on  account  of  its  economic  value  or  of 
the  prodigious  numbers  of  its  annual  run.  Next  in  abundance  and 

*  "Water-fish." 
6 


74  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VoL.   IV. 

importance  as  an  article  of  diet  is  the  large  white  flesh  salmon  or  kes 
which  has  already  been  mentioned.  These  two  species  are  common  to- 
most  of  the  streams  within  Carrier,  Babine  and  TsijKoh'tin  territory, 
though  the  latter  avoids  not  a  few  minor  tributaries  of  the  large  rivers. 
One  is  particular  to  Babine  lake  and  outlet — it  is  the  hump-back  salmon* 
(O.  gorbuscka,  Walb.)  It  is  not  of  much  value.  The  two  other  specie-, 
tJiestle^  and  ta-1z3\<\  in  Carrier  are  quite  plentiful  in  such  streams  as 
discharge  their  waters  through  the  Skeena  river  ;  but  according  to  local 
observations  they  make  their  appearance  in  Stuart's  Lake  and  immediate 
outlet  only  when  the  next  run  of  the  tha-llo  is  to  be  extraordinarily  large. 
As  far  as  I  can  judge  the  thestle  is  the  O.  keta  of  Walbaum,  such  as 
described  by  Jordan  and  Gilbert ;  §  but  I  can  find  no  specific  name  for 
the  ta-tzaR,  whose  native  name  is  an  exact  translation  of  the  scientific 
word  for  all  the  Pacific  Salmons  :  fyxtis,  hook  ;  (hy/os,  snout  ;  Carrier : 
fa,  snout  (and  lip) ;  tz?R,  hook. 

To  the  above  should  be  added  the  keszl\  or  land-locked  salmon 
(O.  Kennerlyi),  which  is  much  appreciated  by  the  native  palate  and 
captured  mainly  with  the  help  of  fish  traps  or  'kuntzai.  It  is  however 
inferior  in  point  of  economic  importance  to  the  great  lake  trout  (Salveli- 
nus  namaycush)  Walb.)  called///  by  the  Indians  and  which  is  extensively 
sought  after  either  during  the  autumn  months  or  the  cold  season.  In 
the  former  case  it  is  quite  frequently  dried  and  cured  as  the  red  salmon 
or  thai  o.  The  other  trouts  to  be  found  in  Dene  lakes  or  rivers  are  the 
common  trout  (Salmo  purpuratus,  Pallas)  and  the  bull  trout  (Salvelinus 
nialina,  Walb.)  There  are  also  two  species  of  whitefish,  the  Coregonus 
dupeiformis  (Mitch.)  and  the  Coregonus  quadrilateralis  of  Richardson, 
which  in  some  localities  are  caught  in  such  large  quantities  that  many 
thousands  are  usually  kept  frozen  for  use  during  the  winter. 

The  above  are,  of  course,  the  best  fish  available  here.  But  as  the  child 
of  the  forest  has  not  always  the  choice  of  his  diet,  he  must  more  often 
than  once  content  himself  with  such  carps  or  carpiodes,  such  suckers 
or  catastomidae  as  may  chance  to  venture  too  near  his  drag-net.  These 
seldom  fail  him.  Their  name  is  legion,  and  I  will  not  be  so  rash  as  to 
attempt  a  nomenclature  of  them. 

*  Sl3»ron,  a  word  which  to  a  Dene  ear  appears  quite  foreign. 
+  A  noun  of  the  second  category. 
+  "  Lip  (and  snout)-hook." 

§  Synopsis  of  the  Fishes  of  North  America  by  I).  S.  Jordan  and  (Jh.  H.  Gilbert,  Washington,. 
1882. 
||  Almost  equivalent  to  "small  kes  "  or  white  flesh  salmon. 


18'J2-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  75 

I  did  not  mention  the  sturgeon  (Accipenser  transmontanus,  Richard- 
son), because,  although  it  is  a  welcome  visitor  to  our  lakes,  its  visits  are 
too  rare  and  far  between  to  entitle  it  to  serious  consideration  in  this 
connection.  It  is  caught  in  large  meshed  nets.* 

To  join  the  two  extremes,  I  will  add  to  the  sturgeon,  the  largest  of 
our  fresh  water  fishes,  the  thejmzkft  a  very  small  fish  which  I  think  is  not 
known  to  Ichthyology.  It  frequents  a  few  little  lakes  only,  and  is 
taken  with  scoop-nets  during  the  few  mild  days  which  usually  interrupt 
the  severity  of  our  winters.  The  quantity  of  that  fish  brought  home 
after  one  single  afternoon's  absence  from  the  village  is  sometimes  really 
enormous. 

To  be  complete  I  should  have  noticed  among  bone  implements  serving 
fishing  or  trapping  purposes,  the  zte,  I  or  ice-breaker.  This  is,  however, 
a  mere  pointed  cariboo  horn,  which  tends  to  disappear  as  a  working  tool,, 
being  gradually  replaced  by  a  piece  of  iron  or  steel,  whenever  this  can 
be  obtained. 

There  is  a  horn  wedge  which,  even  at  the  present  day,  serves  to  split 
the  slender  rods  of  which  are  made  the  'kuntzai  or  fish  baskets,  which 
shall  be  described  in  the  chapter  devoted  to  wood  implements.  As  in 
most  implements  requiring  hard  material,  cariboo  horn  is  chosen  to 
make  these  wedges. 


Fig.  62.     %  size. 

The  above  figure  requires- no  explanation.     A  glance  at  the  horn  ladle 

*  The  Carrier  name  of  the  sturgeon  is  ie-tco,   "  big-fish." 

t  A  root  of  the  second  category,  the  first  syllable  of  which  refers  to  the  lake  bottoms  from- 
which  these  fishes  seem  to  suddenly  emerge. 

+  jte  means  "  horn,"  and  is  used  to  designate  even  steel  ice-breakers.  The  ancient  name  for 
them  is  (zontzij  in  Carrisr  which  is  evidently  identical  with  the  present  tzorontzij  of  the 
T.si[Koh'tin. 


76  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.  VI. 

and  spoon  therein  represented  will  show  that  our  Western  DeneY  handi- 
work is  of  a  very  poor  grade  indeed  compared  with  that  of  the  elabor- 
ately carved  Haida,  Tsimsian  or  Tlingit  spoons.  The  only  attempt  at 


Fig-  63-    X  size- 


or  ornamentation  of  any  kind  appears  in  the  Tse'kehne  spoon  or 
ladle  (fig.  63).  Genuine  Carrier  utensils  of  this  class,  which  are  either  of 
wood  or  of  horn,  are  even  plainer  than  those  above  illustrated.  Evi- 
dently our  Dane's  have  no  eye  for  the  beautiful.  In  all  cases  of  horn 
spoons  the  material  is  mountain  sheep  horn. 

The  manufacture  of  such  household  implements  necessitates  the  pos- 
session of  no  extraordinary  amount  of  skill.  After  the  horn  has  been 
split  in  two  equal  halves,  a  spherical,  smooth-surfaced  stone  is  heated, 
and  to  expand  the  too  contracted  sides  of  the  horn  they  are  applied 
thereon  and  gently  pressed  out,  a  layer  of  pitch  having  previously  been 
spread  over  the  stone  so  as  to  give  consistency  to  the  material  of  the 
spoon  and  prevent  its  artificially  distended  parts  from  returning,  when 
cooled,  to  their  original  shape.  The  finishing  touches  are  then  given 
with  the  carving  knife. 

Keeping  within  the  same  class  of  industrial  bone  implements,  we  come 
on  the  bark  peelers  *  and  the  cambium  scrapers.-f-  Both  of  these  are 
in  great  demand  every  recurring  spring  for  the  purpose  of  extracting  for 
food  the  cambium  layer  of  the  shrub  pine  (Pinus  contorta).  Their  name 
sufficiently  describes  their  use.  Below  is  the  Carrier  type  of  both 
peeler  and  scraper,  which,  it  should  be  remarked,  are  oftentimes  much 
larger  than  those  after  which  fig.  64  has  been  drawn.  In  fig.  65  we  have 
a  double-edged  scraper,  which,  though  known  among  and  sometimes  used 
by  the  Carriers,  is  more  frequently  seen  among  the  Tse'kehne.  The 
various  styles  of  these  useful  implements  are  all  of  cariboo  horn.  The 

*  Enifqyj,  "  it  penetrates  by  tearing,"  a  verbal  noun. 
+  Eltzo ,  "  that  which  scrapes,"  verb.  noun. 


1892-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  77 

shavings-like  cambium  thereby  obtained  is  much  relished  by  the  natives, 


Fig.  64. 

who  even  collect  it  at  times  for  the  purpose  of  drying  and  keeping  for 
use  during  the  winter  months. 


Fig-  65.     Yi  size. 

If  from  the  indispensable  or  useful  we  pass  to  the  agreeable,  the 
gambling  sticks  formerly  used  among  our  aborigines  may  claim  our 
attention.  Here,  again,  we  find  the  elegantly-carved  gambling  sticks  of 
the  West  Coast  tribes  replaced  by  simple  polished  pieces  of  lynx  or 
other  animal's  bones  without  any  particular  design,  and  with  the  mere 
addition  to  one  of  the  pair  of  the  sinew  wrapping  necessary  to  determine 

the  winning  stick.  The  Babine  specimens 
(fig.  66)  are  rather  large  and  must  prove 
awkward  in  the  hand  of  the  gambler.  But 
they  have  the  reputation  of  being  preven- 
tive of  dishonesty,  if  distinctions  between 
the  honest  and  the  dishonest  can  be  estab- 
lished in  connection  with  such  a  pastime  as 
gambling.  Such  of  these  trinkets  as  are 
Fig.  66.  %  size.  hollow  have  generally  both  ends  shut  with 

a  piece  of  wood,  and  contain  minute  pebbles  andjgravel  which  produce 
a  gentle  rattling  sound  in  the  hand  of  the  native,  much  to  his  own  satis- 
faction. 


78 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  VI. 


Fig.  67  represents  the  TsiiKoh'tin  and  fig.  68  the  Tse'kehne  equivalent 
of  the  Babine  gambling  sticks.  It  will  be  seen  from  the  latter  that  the 
Tse'kehne,  who  are  the  most  primitive  and  uncultured  of  the  three  tribes 
whose  technology  is  under  review,  are  again  the  only  people  who  in  this 
connection,  as  with  regard  to  their  spoons,  have  made  the  merest  attempt 
at  bone  carving. 


Fig.  68.     #  size. 

The  game  played  with  these  bone  pieces  is,  I  think,  too  well  known  to 
demand  a  description.  The  jerking  movements  and  passes  of  hands  of 
the  party  operating  therewith,  as  well  as  the  drum  beating  and  the  sing- 
ing of  the  spectators  or  partners,  are  practised  among  most  of  the  Indian 
races,  especially  of  the  Pacific  Coast,  which  have  occupied  the  attention 
of  American  ethnologists.  The  Abbe  Petitot  says  in  one  of  his  latest 
publications*  that  this  game  is  adventitious  among  the  Eastern  Denes 
who  have  borrowed  it  from  the  Crees.  This  remark  is  no  less  apposite 
with  regard  to  their  kinsmen  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  Although 
no  other  chance  game  possesses  to-day  so  many  charms  for  the  frivolous 
Western  Denes,  the  old  men  assure  me  that  it  was  formerly  unknown 
among  their  fellow  countrymen.  That  their  testimony  is  based  on  fact, 
the  very  name  of  that  game  would  seem  to  indicate,  since  it  is  a  mere 
verb  in  the  impersonal  mood  :  mt'sz'a,  "  one  keeps  in  the  hand  while 
moving,"  and  is  therefore  of  the  fourth  category  of  Dene  nouns.  The 
word  for  "  gambling  sticks,"  such  as  used  in  connection  with  nat'so'a,  is 
ny'ta,  which  is  the  same  verb  under  the  potential  form  and  means  "  that 
which  can  be  held  in  the  hand."  Any  of  the  surrounding  races, 
Tsimpsian,  Salishan  or  Algonquin,  may  be  held  responsible  for  its  intro- 
duction among  the  Western  Denes,  for  they  are  all  exceedingly  fond 
of  it. 


The  original  counterpart  of  the  modern  n9t's9'a  was  the 


which 


*I  think  it  is  in  his  book  En  route  pour  la  Mer  Glaciale,  Parts,  1888. 
tMay  be  translated  by  "Gambling"  in  a  general  sense. 


1>92-'J3.J  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  79 

in  times  past  was  passionately  played  by  the  Carriers,  but  is  now 
altogether  forgotten  except  by  a  few  elder  men.  It  necessitated  the  use 
of  a  quantity  of  finely-polished  bonesticks,  perhaps  four  or  five  inches 
long,  of  which  a  correct  idea  may  be  gathered  from  fig.  336,  illustrating 
Niblack's  "The  Indians  of  Southern  Alaska."*  These  bones  were 
-called  alte,  a  root  word  of  the  second  category,  implying  much  greater 
antiquity  than  that  of  the  no'ta 

Speaking  of  atlih,  a  tradition  which  has  some  bearing  thereon  comes 
up  for  a  share  in  the  reader's  consideration.  If  of  no  interest  to  the 
archaeologist,  it  will  serve  a  sociological  purpose  and  may  have  the 
advantage  of  furnishing  us  with  a  peinture  de  mceurs,  as  the  French  have 
it.  Here  it  is.  f 

"  A  young  man  was  so  fond  of  playing  atlih  that,  after  he  had  lost 
every  part  of  his  wearing  apparel,  he  went  so  far  as  to  gamble  away  his 
very  wife  and  children.  Disgusted  at  his  conduct,  his  fellow  villagers 
turned  away  from  him  and  migrated  to  another  spot  of  the  forest,  taking 
along  all  their  belongings,  and  carefully  extinguishing  the  fire  of  every 
lodge  so  that  he  might  perish. 

"  Now  this  happened  in  winter  time.  Reduced  to  this  sad  fate,  and  in 
a  state  of  complete  nakedness,  the  young  man  searched  every  fireplace 
in  the  hope  of  finding  some  bits  of  burning  cinders,  but  to  no  purpose. 
He  then  took  the  dry  grass  on  which  his  fellow  villagers  had  been  resting 
every  night  and  roughly  weaved  it  into  somo  sort  of  a  garment  to  cover 
his  nakedness. 

"  Yet  without  fire  or  food  he  could  not  live.  So  he  went  off  in  despair 
without  snow-shoes,  expecting  death  in  the  midst  of  his  wanderings. 

"  After  journeying  some  time,  as  he  was  half  frozen  and  dying  of 
hunger,  he  suddenly  caught  sight  in  the  top  of  the  tall  spruces  of  a 
glimmer  as  that  of  a  far-off  fire.  Groping  his  way  thither,  he  soon 
perceived  sparks  flying  out  of  two  columns  of  smoke,  and  cautiously 
approaching  he  came  upon  a  large  lodge  covered  with  branches  of 
conifers.  He  peeped  through  a  chink  and  saw  nobody  but  an  old  man 
sitting  by  one  of  two  large  fires  burning  in  the  lodge. 

"Immediately  the  old  man  cried  out:  'Come  in,  my  son-in-law!'  The 
young  man  was  much  astonished,  inasmuch  as  he  could  see  nobody 
outside  but  himself.  '  Come  in,  my  son-in-law  ;  what  are  you  doing  out 

*  Rep.  U.  S.  Museum,  1888,  plate  Ixiii. 

+  It  must  be  remarked  that  in  the  version  the  most  in  vo^ue  among  the  Carriers,  the  beginning 
of  this  legend  is  very  different  from  that  adopted  hero  after  Julian  gtetsa-niya  (he  walks  ahead) 
of  this  place,  Stuart's  Lake. 


80  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.  VI. 

in  the  cold  ? '  came  again  from  the  lodge.  Whereupon  the  gambler 
ascertained  that  it  was  himself  who  was  thus  addressed.  Therefore  he 
timidly  entered,  and,  following  his  host's  suggestion,  he  set  to  warm  him- 
self by  one  of  the  fires. 

"  The  old  man  was  called  Nt-ytfa-hwolluz  *  because,  being  no  other 
than  Yihta,-f-  he  nightly  carries  his  house  about  in  the  course  of  his 
travellings.  '  You  seem  very  miserable,  my  son-in-law  ;  take  this  up,'  he 
said  to  his  guest  while  putting  mantlewise  on  the  young  man's  shoulders 
a  robe  of  sewn  marmot  skins.  He  next  handed  him  a  pair  of  tanned 
skin  mocassins  and  ornamented  leggings  of  the  same  material.  He  then 
called  out :  '  My  daughter,  roast  by  the  fireside  something  to  eat  for  your 
husband — he  must  be  hungry.'  Hearing  which,  the  gambler,  who  had 
thought  himself  alone  with  N9-y3R-hwolluz,  was  much  surprised  to  see  a 
beautiful  virgin  \  emerge  from  one  of  the  corner  provision  and  goods 
stores  §  and  proceed  to  prepare  a  repast  for  him. 

"  Meanwhile,  the  old  man  was  digging  a  hole  in  the  ashes,  whence  he 
brought  out  a  whole  black  bear  cooked  under  the  fire  with  skin  and  hair 
on.  Pressing  with  his  fingers  the  brim  of  the  hole  made  by  the  arrow,  he 
took  the  bear  up  to  his  guest's  lips,  saying  :  '  Suck  out  the  grease,  my  son- 
in-law.'  The  latter  was  so  exhausted  by  fatigue  that  he  could  drink 
but  a  little  of  the  warm  liquid,  which  caused  his  host  to  exclaim  :  '  How 
small-bellied  my  son-in-law  is ! '  Then  the  old  man  went  to  the  second 
fireplace,  likewise  dug  out  therefrom  a  whole  bear  and  made  his  guest 
drink  in  the  same  way  with  the  same  result  accompanied  by  a  similar 
remark. 

"  After  they  had  eaten,  N3y9Rhwolluz  showed  the  gambler  to  his 
resting  place  and  cautioned  him  not  to  go  out  during  the  night.  As  for 
himself,  he  was  soon  noticed  to  leave  the  lodge  that  and  every  other 
night ;  and,  as  he  came  back  in  the  morning,  he  invariably  seemed  to  be 
quite  heated  and  looked  as  one  who  has  travelled  a  very  great  distance. 

"  The  gambler  lived  there  happily  with  his  new  wife  for  some  months. 
But  his  former  passion  soon  revived.  As  spring  came  back,  he  would 
take  some  alt£  in  an  absent-minded  way  and  set  out  to  play  therewith 
all  alone.  Which  seeing,  his  father-in-law  said  to  him  :  '  If  you  feel 

*  Lit.  "he-carries  (as  with  a  sleigh )-a-house."  The  final  hwolluz  is  proper  to  the  dialect  of  the 
Lower  Carriers,  though  the  tale  is  narrated  by  an  Upper  Carrier,  which  circumstance  would  seem 
to  indicate  that  the  legend  is  not,  as  so  many  others,  borrowed  from  a  Tsimpsian  tribe. 

t  Ursa  major. 

^.Sak-ssta,  "  She  sits  apart." 

§  See  the  Chapter  on  the  Dene  habitations. 


1892-93.]  NOTES  ON  TUB  WESTERN  DENES.  81 

lonesome  here,  my  son-in-law,  return  for  a  while  to  your  own  folks  and 
gamble  with  them.'  Then  handing  him  a  set  of  alte  and  four  t^tq^^h* 
he  added  :  '  When  you  have  won  all  that  is  worth  winning,  throw  your 
tatquh  up  over  the  roof  of  the  house,  and  come  back  immediately. 
Also  remember  not  to  speak  to  your  former  wife.' 

"  The  gambler  then  made  his  departure,  and  was  soon  again  among 
the  people  who  had  abandoned  him.  He  was  now  a  handsome  and  well- 
dressed  young  man,  and  soon  finding  partners  for  his  game  he  stripped 
them  of  all  their  belongings,  after  which  he  threw  his  tatquh  over  the 
roof  of  the  lodge.  He  also  met  his  former  wife  as  she  was  coming  from 
drawing  water,  and,  though  she  entreated  him  to  take  her  back  to  wife 
again,  he  hardened  his  heart  and  did  not  know  her.f 

"  Yet,  instead  of  returning  immediately  after  he  had  thrown  his  tstquh 
over  the  roof,  as  he  had  been  directed  to  do,  his  passion  for  atlih  betrayed 
him  into  playing  again,  when  he  lost  all  he  had  won.  He  was  thus 
reduced  to  his  first  state  of  wretched  nakedness.  He  then  thought  of 
NoyaRhwolluz,  of  his  new  wife  and  his  new  home,  and  attempted  to 
return  to  them,  but  he  could  never  find  them." 

A  third  chance  game  was  proper  to  the  women  and  was 
played  with  button-like  pieces  of  bone.  It  was  based  on  the 
same  principle  as  dice,  and,  in  common  with  atlih,  it  has  long 
fallen  into  disuse.  Its  name  is  atiyeh. 

The  three  bone  implements  which  remain  to  be  described  have 
likewise  disappeared  from  among  the  Carriers  to  whom  they 
were  proper.  Thus  fig.  69  shows  a  telni  or  ceremonial  whistle, 
which  could  not  at  present  be  identified  by  one-twentieth  of  the 
living  Carrier  population.  It  is  made  of  the  larger  wing  bone  of 
the  swan,  notched  near,  and  slit  at,  one  end  exactly  as  shown 
in  the  above  figure  and  without  the  insertion  of  any  mouth- 
piece. On  great  ceremonial  occasions,  the  notable  or  native 

F>g-  69-    nobleman,  who   was  privileged  to  accompany  his  dance  there- 
with, kept  it  constantly  in  his  mouth  unsupported  by  the  hand, 

and  from   time  to  time. extracted   therefrom    loud,    shrill    notes,   which 

added  not  a  little  to  the  liveliness  of  the  scene. 

The  object  represented  by  fig.  70  differs  but  little  from  the  preceding, 
the  material  being  identical  and  the  form  almost  so.  But  its  use  and 
destination  are  widely  different.  It  is  a  fs3n-kuz  or  "bone-tube" 

*  A  long  throwing  rod  which  serves  to  play  another  game.  It  will  be  figured  and  explained 
further  on. 

t  In  the  biblical  sense  of  Cognovit. 


82 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THK    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.   IV. 


through  which  Carrier  and  Babine  girls  attaining  the  age  of  puberty  had 
to  drink  under  pain,  it  was  said,  of  contracting  dreadful  throat  diseases 
should  they  attempt  to  quench  their  thirst  by  helping  themselves  im- 


70, 


mediately  from  the  water  vessel  as  was  done  by  common  folks.  This 
trinket  was  constantly  carried  about,  hanging  from  the  sinew  and  down 
necklace  usually  encircling  the  neck  of  such  pubescent  maidens,  also  as  a 
specific  against  malign  influences. 


Closely  connected  therewith  was  the  double-pronged  comb  shown  in! 
fig.  71.  It  was  worn  in  the  hair  and  likewise  connected  with  the 
medicinal  (?)  necklace  through  a  long,  loosely-hanging  string  adorned 
with  beads,  or,  in  primordial  times,  dentalium  shells  or  other  small  articles 
of  native  ornament.  Its  use  was  not  restricted  to  pubescent  girls,  but 
this  comb  or  tsi-ltszt*  as  it  was  called,  was  also  common  to  young  men 
attaining  maturity.  It  should  perhaps  be  remarked  that  in  this  latter 
case  the  instrument  was  of  wood,  not  of  bone.  "  Comb "  is  rather  a 
misnomer  when  applied  to  such  an  object  which  served  merely  to  scratch 
one's  head  with,  as  immediate  contact  between 'the  fingers  and  the  head 
was  then  reputed  productive  of  fatal  diseases. 

Apropos  of  diseases  it  may  be  mentioned  that  bleeding  as  a  surgical 
-operation  was,  and  still  is,  frequently  resorted  to  by  our  Western  Denes. 
So  far  as  my  information  goes,  there  was  in  pristine  times  no  surgical 
instrument  such  as  an  equivalent  of  our  lancet  employed  in  this  con- 

*  "  Head-scratches,"  verb.  noun. 


IS92-93.] 


NOTES    ON    THE    WKSTERX    DENES. 


83 


nection.  It  would  seem  that  the  operation  was  formerly  performed  either 
with  a  bone  needle  or  awl,  or  more  commonly  with  a  sharp-edged  stone 
arrow  head. 


Fig.  J2  illustrates  the  change  brought  in  the  native  huntsman's  economy 
by  modern  civilization.  It  is  a  little  piece  of  bone  carved  to  the  shape 
of  a  fantastic  being,  half  animal  (viz.  coyote),  half  fish,  on  the  back  of 
which  little  excrescences  have  been  left,  the  object  of  which  is  to  hold  as 
many  metallic  caps  for  use  with  a  shot  gun.  This  little  trinket  is 
fastened  to  the  string  of  the  powder-horn  or  to  that  of  the  shot  pouch. 
It  is  more  commonly  cut  out  of  a  piece  of  thick  leather  without  any 
attempt  at  design. 


84  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THK    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV. 


CHAPTER  V. 
TRAPS  AND  SNARES. 
FISH  TRAPS. 

Judged  by  their  staple  food,  the  Carriers  and  the  Tsi[Koh'tin  are  mari- 
time or  coast  tribes,  since  they  mostly  rely  upon  the  annual  run  of 
salmon  for  their  sustenance  during  the  whole  year.  But,  owing  to  the 
topography  of  their  country  and  their  peculiar  environments,  their  mode 
of  securing  their  supply  of  the  fish  materially  differs  from  that  adopted 
by  the  coast  Indians.  Nay  more,  even  among  themselves  the  process 
varies  according  to  the  localities  and  the  nature  of  the  fish  stream.  It 
may  be  broadly  stated  that  at  least  seven  different  devices  are  resorted 
to,  which  I  shall  presently  endeavour  to  explain. 

In  the  first  place  one  should  not  forget  that  the  salmon  almost  ex- 
clusively referred  to  in  the  present  paragraph,  that  on  which  the  two 
tribes  named  above  mainly  subsist,  is  the  so-called  Eraser  River  salmon 
(Oncorhynchus  nerka,  Walbaum).  It  is  exceedingly  gregarious  in  habits 
and  usually  plentiful.  As  will  soon  be  seen,  these  two  peculiarities  are 
taken  occasion  of  by  the  natives  to  facilitate  its  capture. 

Where  it  is  practicable  the  Kamstkadals'  method  of  salmon-fishing  is 
followed.  This  consists  in  staking  across  the  river  in  its  whole  width 
and  leaving  for  the  fish  only  narrow  passages  ending  in  long,  funnel- 
shaped  baskets  from  which  escape  is  impossible.  Owing  to  the  import- 
ance of  this  industry,  some  detailed  explanation  of  the  whole  process 
will  not  be  out  of  place. 

At  intervals  of  forty  or  fifty  feet  heavy  posts  are  driven  as  solidly  as 
possible  in  the  bed  of  the  stream  from  shore  to  shore,  and  on  these  will 
depend  the  strength  of  the  whole  structure.  As  an  additional  guarantee 
against  the  action  of  the  current,  as  many  props  or  braces  are  sunk 
slanting  down  stream  and  secured  against  the  upright  posts  close  to  the 
water  line.  In  this  and  all  similar  cases  the  fastening  material  consists 
of  willow,  high  cranberry  bush  or  spruce  sapling  wattle.  Finally,  heavy 
poles,  as  long  as  can  be  found,  are  laid  transversely  on  the  forks  formed 
by  the  intersection  of  the  piles  with  their  props,  and  the  result  consti- 
tutes what  may  be  called  the  skeleton  of  the  weir.  The  intervals  be- 
tween the  upfight  posts  are  afterwards  filled  in  by  poles  driven  down  in 
the  bed  of  the  river,  and  as  these  are  placed  on  the  upstream  side  of  the 


1892-93.] 


NOTES  OX  THE  WESTERN  DENES. 


85 


long  railing  already  mentioned,  no  artificial  fastening  therewith  is  required. 
The  weir  is  then  ready  to  receive  the  fishing  apparatus,  which  consists  of 
the  hurdles,*  the  bottle-like  baskets  nazrw3t\  and  the  narrow  terminal 
baskets,  K^r.^ 

The  hurdles  are  made  of  different  sizes,  according  to  the  place  they 
are  to  occupy.  They  are  simply  barkless  spruce  switches,  held  slightly 
apart  by  a  few  transversal  sticks  laid  against,  not  entwined  with,  the 
trellis  work,  and  there  secured  by  being  wattled  with  wattup  or  spruce 
root.  The  larger  number  of  these  hurdles  serve  to  line  the  upstream 
side  of  the  weir,  thereby  closing  every  possible  issue  through  it,  while 
with  the  rest  are  constructed  corral-like  enclosures  guarding  the  mouth 
of  the  baskets,  as  shown  in  the  accompanying  diagram  (fig.  73).  The 


Fig.  73- 


entrance  to  these  corrals,  and  therefore  to  the  trap,  is  at  a,  and  is  gener- 
ally half  a  foot  wide.  A  stand  for  parts  of  the  barrier  or  weir.  The 
salmon  upon  stealing  in  finds  its  way  up  blocked  at  b,  and  by  a  sidewise 
evolution  comes  in  sight  of  the  long  conduit  prepared  for  it  in  the  shape 
of  the  nazrwat  or  main  basket  c,  together  with  the  narrow  terminal 
cylinders  d.  With  a  view  of  liberating  itself  from  the  hurdle  enclosure, 
it  swims  down  as  far  as  the  terminal  cylinders,  which,  being  too  narrow 
to  permit  of  its  turning  back,  thus  determine  its  capture.  Others 
following  will  soon  pack  even  the  broader  end  of  the  nazrwat  to  such  an 
extent  that  oftentimes  no  moving  room  is  left.  The  dotted  outlines  in 

*  7c3-st']u,  a  contraction  of  tan-sfju,   "stick-twined." 

+  A  contraction  of  nantzrwat,  "  cylindrical  at  the  mouth  (and  long  in  body)." 
£  Prim.  root.     Means  any  long,  slender  and  smooth-surfaced  appendage,  as  a  handle,  a  stem. 
So  named  because  it  is  considered  as  the  handle  of  the  funnel-like  basket  or  nazrwvl. 


^6  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV. 

the  above  diagram  represent  the  end  of  each  basket  which,  it  is  useless 
to  add,  is  left  opened  so  as  to  aififord  a  free  passage  for  the  fish.  Such 
traps  are  generally  constructed  in  pairs  as  is  shown  above. 

Instead  of  shutting  with  trellis  work  the  furthest  end  of  the  last  Kas 

or  narrow  cylinder,  some  add  thereto  a 
large  rectangular  box-like  reservoir  pro- 
vided with  a  conical  conduit  or  entrance 
(fig.  74)  tapering  into  the  box  so  as  to  pre- 
Fis-  74-  elude  the  possibility  of  the  fish  escaping 

once  it  has  entered  and  found  the  liberty  of  movements  it  lacked  while  in 
the  narrow  baskets.  Therein  the  salmon  crowd  in  such  numbers  that  they 
soon  get  packed  as  sardines  in  a  box  and  finally  squeeze  themselves  to 
death.* 

This  trap  is  efficient  at  night  only,  and  when  the  large  ter- 
minal basket  just  mentioned  is  wanting,  the  nazrwat  has  to 
be  watched  lest  the  fish  remaining  at  its  mouth  eventually 
make  good  their  escape.  At  least  two  Indians  go  every 
morning  and  lift  up  with  wooden  hooks  (fig.  75)  such 
parts  of  the  trap  as  cannot  easily  be  reached  by  the  hand 
and  carefully  empty  its  contents  into  their  canoe.  The  Kas- 
are  but  temporarily  connected,  being  detachable  at  will 
Two  or  three,  or  in  extreme  cases  as  many  as  four,  are 
ordinarily  added  to  the  nazrwat. 

The  nazrwat  measures  at  least  15  feet  in  length  and  as 
much  as  6  or  8  feet  in  its  greatest  width,^  while  its  narrow 
end  is  not  more  than  6  inches  wide.     Uniform  with  the 
latter  is  the  Kas,  which  is  of  variable  length,  10  feet  being 
Fi<r   _-         probably  the  minimum  and  16  the  maximum. 
Clear  pieces  of  Douglas  fir  (Pinus  nmrrayana)  are  the. material  chosen 
in  the  preparation  of  these  fish  traps  and  of  all  those  which 
remain  to  describe.     Once  a  suitable  fir  trunk  has  been  split 
into  portable  sizes  the  wood  is  allowed  to  remain  a  few  days 
in  the  water,  after  which  it  is  converted  with  the  help  of  the 
bone  wedge  (fig.  75  bis]  into  long  and  very  slender  rods  which 
are  then  shaved  smooth  with  the  knife  and  assigned  to  their 
respective  places  in  the  structure.     The  encircling  pieces  are 
of  spruce  (Abies  nigra)  and  are  wattled  to  the  longitudinal 
bis.  rods  with  the  usual  wattup  or  spruce  root. 

*  These  reservoirs  are  called  ytita-sKai,a  contraction  of  yutaf-asKai,  "it  (recipient)  lies  down 
stream." 

t  This,  of  course,  varies  with  the  depth  of  the  stream. 


1S92-93  ]  NOTES    ON    THK    WKSTEKN    DENES.  £7 

The  nazrw9t  and  its  correlative,  the  Kzs,  are  exclusively  designed  for 
the  capture  of  the  salmon.  A  second  fishing  device,  less  restricted  in  its 
use,  is  the  'k&n-tzai*  It  works  on  the  same  principle  as  the  yutasKaz  or 
terminal  fish-box.  It  is  a  large  cylindrical  basket  about  15  feet  long  and 
at  least  four  in  diameter.  Its  bottom  end  is  made  of  sticks  radiating 
from  the  centre,  while  its  entrance  is  provided  with  the  tapering  conduit 
or  "  heart,"  as  it  is  called  by  the  natives,  which  we  have  already  noticed 
in  \.\\Q yutasKai.  Only  in  this  case  it  is  much  longer,  since  the  apex  or 
inside  end  of  the  truncated  cone-like  aperture  reaches  almost  to  the 
middle  of  the  whole  basket.  To  make  the  safe  keeping  of  the  fish  doubly 
sure,  the  converging  sticks  of  this  inner'conduit  are  made  to  project  inside 
beyond  the  small  hoop  to  which  they  are  fastened.  These  pin-like  stick- 
ends  easily  dissuade  the  fish  from  trying  to  escape. 

The  'kuntzai  was  formerly  used  in  connection  with  beaver  trapping, 
and  to-day  it  does  duty  in  several  localities  against  the  musk-rat.  In 
such  a  case  the  lattice  work  is  made  of  sticks  so  broad  as  to  resemble 
laths  more  than  rods,  while  the  interstices  between  its  component  paits 
are  so  small  that  they  leave  no  room  for  the  rodent's  snout  should  it 
attempt  to  gnaw  off  pieces  of  it.  As  an  additional  measure  of  safety  for 
the  trap,  stones  are  also  scattered  on  its  bottom,  upon  which  the  game  is 
said  to  direct  its  attention  in  the  hope  of  effecting  its  escape.  .  When 
used  as  a  trapping  implement  these  baskets  are  laid  in  the  bed  of  sluggish 
rivers  or  creeks  previously  jammed  with  branches  and  boughs  of  conifer- 
ous trees. 

But  what  we  are  presently  concerned  with  is  fish  trapping.  The 
'kuntzai  are  used  here  (Stuart's  Lake)  in  conjunction  with  the  nazrwat. 
They  are  likewise  deposited  in  the  bed  of  the  stream,  but  with  their 
mouth  or  entrance  end  in  inverse  positions  relatively  to  the  direction  of 
the  current.  I  think  that  no  words  of  mine  can  better  explain  their  use 
and  respective  positrons  than  the  accompanying  diagram  showing  both 
nazrwat  and  'kuntzai  weirs  with  their  hurdle  corrals  and  baskets.  A  is 
the  'kuntzai  weir  which  is  semicircular  and  extends  to  the  middle  of  the 
stream  only.  For  this  reason,  though  it  is  built  on  the  same  principle  of 
piles  and  braces  a-*  that  of  the  nazrwst,  the  necessary  strength  is  more 
easily  obtained.  Its  shape  precludes  the  possibility  of  being  latticed  as 
the  former,  yet  every  issue  is  carefully  stuffed  with  spruce  boughs  B 
and  C  alone  are  regular  hurdles  similar  to  those  forming  the  corrals  of 
the  main  or  up  stream  barrier.  D  represents  a  partial  trellis  left  open  at 
the  proper  intervals  to  receive  the  mouth  of  the  'kuntzai  e,  which  are  laid 

*  Apparently  a  contraction  of  fkftn-Ktzai,  "  fish-ova  are  lying  down,"  which  etymology  is  hard 
to  explain,  since  those  fishing  implements  have  (now  at  least)  no  relation  to  fish  ova. 


88 


TRANSACTION'S    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.    VI. 


G 


down  in  parallel  order  to  the  number  sometimes  of  ten  or  twelve. 
Immediately  facing  the  row  of  basket  entrances  a  large  beam  F,  hewn 
on  the  upper  side  only,  partly  floats  on  the  water  and  is  partly 
supported  on  the  forks  of  piles  driven  in  the  bed  of  the  river. 


So  much  for  the  apparatus.  Now  as  to  its  working.  The  fish,  which 
is  constantly  following  its  way  up  stream  finding  any  further  progress 
impeded  by  the  staking  across  the  river  G,  remains  there  almost  station- 
ary during  the  day  feeling  shy  of  the  nazrwat  traps  prepared  for  its 
capture  at  night.  So  it  frequently  happens  that  within  the  space  inter- 
vening between  the  complete  and  the  partial  weirs  large  numbers  of  the 
fish  have  congregated  ere  the  sun  sets.  Therefore  natives,  manning  as 
many  canoes  as  are  available,  drive  it  by  dint  of  noise  and  by  well 
directed  strokes  in  the  water,  first  into  the  corral  A,  D,  F,  and  then  to  the 
cylindrical  baskets  wherewith  it  is  secured.  Then,  at  a  given  signal,  one 
man  from  each  canoe  jumps  on  the  beam  F,  and  lifts  up  the  entrance  end 
of  the  baskets  as  a  precaution  against  the  possible  egress  of  a  few  fish, 
while  his  partner  returns  by  canoe  to  the  opposite  end  of  the  trap  to 
empty  it  of  its  contents.  A  lid  or  door  a  there  prepared  on  the  top  side 
of  the  trap  facilitates  that  operation.  The  lifting  up  of  the  'kuntzai  at 
the  entrance  extremity  is  the  work  of  but  a  moment,  inasmuch  as  it 


1892-93.] 


NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES. 


89 


chiefly  results  from  the  dropping  in  the  water  of  the  large  stone  b,  which 
keeps  it  sunk  to  the  proper  depth. 

Both  the  naznvat  and  the  'kuntzai  are  serviceable  in  such  places  only 
as  the  outlet  of  lakes  or  shallow  streams  where  the  current  is  slow 
enough  to  permit  of  the  erection  of  the  necessary  weir.  Where  this  is 
impossible,  a  third  and  even  more  ingenious  device — since  once  it  is 
placed  in  position,  it  does  all  the  work  of  itself — is  resorted  to.  Lattice 
work  projecting  a  few  feet  only  from  the  shore  is  erected  in  the  water, 
connected  wherewith  is  laid  on  the  bottom  a  tobogan-like  basket  with  an 
opening  near  its  curved  end.  The  fish  passes  through  this  into  an  un- 
covered canal-like  conduit  leading  into  a  large  latticed  reservoir  where  it 
is  caught.  The  apparatus  becomes  mure  intelligible  by  a  glance  at  fig. 
76  wherein  we  have  a  sectional  view  of  the  whole.  The  lines  marked 


.       ..    Jl..?. -f.) 

*~  .A-£ *_:±± W 


Fig.  76. 

a,  and  b  show  respectively  the  bottom  and  the  'surface  of  the  water. 
The  upper  part  of  the  entrance  basket  c  is  flat  and  serves  at  the  same 
time  as  a  bed  for  the  canal  d  which  is  formed  by  the  addition  of  two  long 
hurdles  e  on  either  side  of  the  main  or  lower  basket  top.  The  salmon 
having  entered  at  c  soon  finds  its  way  upstream  blocked  at  f,  where  the 
basket  is  rather  narrow.  But,  as  its  instinct  is  decidedly  against  the 
wisdom  of  a  backward  course,  as  soon  as  it  becomes  aware  of  the  free 
passage  prepared  at  g,  therein  it  runs  and  thence  to  the  trap  h  laid  out 
for  its  capture,  i  stands  for  one  of  the  stakes  which  hold  up  the  trap  or 
reservoir  while  they  secure  the  whole  structure  against  the  action  of  the 
current. 

This  fish-trap  is  called  ?s,  and  it  does  also  good  service  against  the 
land-locked  salmon  and  other  minor  fish,  such  as  trout,  ling,  etc.,  in  such 
streams  as  are  favored  with  a  strong  current. 

Where  the  river  is  of  a  more  sluggish  character,  a  fourth  device,  called 
we,  is  resorted  to.  Though  differently  constructed,  it  works  on  the  same 
principle  as  the  preceding.  Its  use  requires  the  building  of  a  regular 
weir  or  staking  across  the  entire  width  of  the  stream,  and  several  such 
traps  are  laid  out,  side  by  side,  pretty  much  as  is  done  with  the  nazrwat. 
7 


90 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV. 


The  diagram  fig.  77  gives  a  longitudinal  section  of  this  fishing  con- 
trivance, which,  after  the  details  furnished  above,  hardly  needs  a  word  of 
explanation.  It  suffices  to  follow  the  smaller  arrows  of  the  figure  to 
understand  the  movements  and  account  for  the  capture  of  the  fish.  Let 
me  simply  add  that  all  the  component  parts  of  this  trap  are  originally 
distinct  and  separate.  They  are  merely  kept  in  their  proper  place  by 
means  of  willow  bark  wattlings.* 


Less  complicated  than  any  of  the  preceding  fish-traps  is  the 
(laid  down  on  the  bottom),  which  is  also  of  latticed  work  and  whose 
general  appearance  cannot  be  better  described  than  by  comparing  it  to  a 
coffin  (fig.  78).  Its  catching  device  consists  of  a  sort  of  trap-door 
attached  on  the  inside  to  the  top  of  one  end  and  slanting  down  until  it 
almost  touches  the  bottom  of  the  box-like  apparatus.  This  door  is  so 
arranged  that  it  slightly  yields  up  to  pressure  from  the  fish  and  shuts 
down  on  it  once  it  has  entered.  The  thes-Kai  is  used  in  shallow  streams 
only. 


Fig.  78. 

A  sixth  method  of  salmon  fishing  which  is  likewise  practicable  in  a  few 
localities  only  is  that  wherewith  a  t2-sKai,+  or  pot  hanger  basket  has  to- 
be  employed.  "  In  some  places  where  the  stream  contracts  to  art 
insignificant  width  and,  in  escaping  from  its  rocky  embankment,  produces 
a  fall  deep  enough  to  temporarily  impede  the  salmon's  course  upwards,. 

*  In  the  accompanying  diagrams,  the  smaller  or  inner  arrows  show  the  course  of  the  fish,  while 
the  larger  ones  point  to  the  direction  of  the  current. 

t  A  contraction  for  to-9sKai,  "  it  (a  recipient)  stands  up." 


1892-93.] 


NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES. 


91 


the  Carriers  simply  bridge  the  fall  over  and  with  bark  ropes  suspend 
therefrom  a  sort  of  lattice,  seven  or  eight  feet  wide,  the  lower  extremity 

of  which  is  curved  up  like  a  pot  hanger 
(fig.  79).  When  the  fish  attempts  to  jump 
over  the  fall,  he  strikes  the  latticed  barrier 
and  drops  back  into  the  basket-like  bottom."'55 

Lastly,  where  none  of  the  above  described 
modes  of  capturing  the  salmon  are  available, 
the  Carrier  or  TsijKoh'tin  has  still  a  seventh 
expedient,  more  inconvenient  and  less  profit- 
able it  is  true,  left  at  his  disposal.  This  is 
fishing  with  the  bag-net  (fig.  152).  Unless 
the  run  of  salmon  be  exceptionally  large, 
this  method  is  rather  tedious,  and  either  dire 
necessity  or  the  passion  of  a  sportsman  only 
can  be  adduced  as  an  excuse  for  this  kind  of 
fishing,  inasmuch  as  it  is  impracticable  except 
at  night.  I  still  remember  coming  up  some 
ten  years  ago,  the  mighty  Fraser  then  swollen 

up  to  the  brim  by  the  July  freshets.  As  we  were  making  very  poor 
time  painfully  poling  up  stream,  I  had  resolved  to  profit  by  a  beauti- 
ful moonlight  to  compensate  by  night  boating  what  we  necessarily  lost 
on  account  of  the  slowness  of  our  progress  during  the  day.  As  we 
neared  the  Indian  village  we  were  making  for,  we  frequently  sighted 
from  a  distance  human  forms  standing  motionless  on  every  available 
rocky  promontory  projecting  into  the  river.  Upon  approaching  them, 
we  would  perceive  that  they  were  intently  gazing  on  one  spot  in  the 
water,  and  when  questioned  as  to  their  success,  their  almost  invariable 
answer  would  be :  Sukrak !  thallo  /tukR  !  "  Not  a  bit ;  there  is  no- 
salmon. !"  They  were  bag-net  fishing. 

Where  the  natural  rocky  projections  are  not  pronounced  enough 
wharf-like  scaffoldings  are  erected  for  the  convenience  of  the  fishermen 
Some  such  are  to  be  seen  on  the  HwotsotsanKwah  which  evidence  no 
mean  engineering  capabilities. 

In  describing  the  Dene  fishing  contrivances,  I  have  occasionally  used 
the  foot  measure  as  the  best,  because  the  most  common,  means  of  deter- 
mining their  dimensions.  Useless  to  say  that  this  is  not  the  recognized 
standard  of  length  measure  among  the  natives.  Before  proceeding 
further,  it  may  not  be  irrelevant  to  enumerate  their  various  measures. 


'The  Western  Dene's,  p.  129. 


92  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.  IY. 

They  are  : — 

1.  Horw3-thisni*  the  fathom,  measured  from  end  to  end  of  the  arms 
extended. 

2.  Ne-tayo,\  the  half-fathom  ;  from  the  middle  of  the  chest  to  the  tip 
of  the  fingers. 

3.  Ne-fsti-kat,  I   the   smaller   half-fathom  ;    from    the   breast   to   the 
extremity  of  the  hand. 

4.  Ne-kran-kzz,  \  the  yard  ;  from  the  shoulder  to  the  end  of  the  fingers. 

5.  Ne-fsilla^  the  cubit ;  extremity  of  the  hand  to  the  elbow. 

6.  Ne-lla-tc3n-k9^*'if-  the  hand-length  ;  the  hand  up  to  the  wrist. 

7.  TtltzzR,^  is  the  width  of  the  fourfing  ers  slightly  stretched  out.     It 
is  a  net-mesh  measure. 

8.  U-kwz-sthan,^  the  finger-width.     It  is  obtained  by  laying  on  the 
object  measured  as  many  fingers  pressed  together  as  may  be  necessary. 
It  is  the  smallest  Dene  measure,  and  is  resorted  to  in  connection  with 
pieces  of  tobacco,  of  bread,  of  costly  cloth,  etc. 

The  largest  and  most  commonly  employed  is  the  first  named,  horw3- 
thisni,  which  serves  to  measure  houses,  fish-traps,  nets,  logs,  etc. 

Another  measure  of  length  of  a  more  complex  nature  is  obtained  by 
pressing  one  hand  over  the  breast  and  reckoning  from  the  tip  of  the 
other  hand  to  the  elbow  of  the  folded  arm.  It  is  therefore  equivalent  to 
three-quarters  of  a  fathom. 

To  preserve  their  salmon  the  Carriers  and  Tsi[Koh'tin  have  recourse  to 
the  well  known  method  of  drying.  After  the  head  has  been  cut  off,  they 
open  and  clean  the  fish,  after  which  they  expose  it  for  one  day  or  two  to 
the  rays  of  the  sun.  The  spine  and  vertebrae  are  then  extracted,  together 
with  the  flesh  adhering  thereto,  which  is  destined  for  the  dogs'  larder  or 
used  as  bait  when  trapping.  The  fish  is  next  furrowed  inside  with  a 
sharp  knife  as  a  precaution  against  putrefaction,  and,  two  wooden 
splinters  having  been  driven  through  the  flesh  so  as  to  keep  its  inside 
constantly  opened,  it  is  dried  beneath  rough  sheds  by  the  action  of  the 
sun  and  air  aided  by  the  fire  and  smoke  underneath. 

As  for  the  heads,  which  are  considered  by  many  as  the  morceau  delicat 
of  the  salmon,  they  are  cut  open  and  smoked  or  their  oil  is  extracted  in 
this  wise  :  After  long  willow  twigs  have  been  spitted  through  them,  they 

*  Lit.  "  along  it  it  is  embraced  ;  "  verb.  noun.     §  "  Man-elbow  end." 

t  "  Man-chest."  **  "  Man-hands-stick  (wrist)-after." 

%  "  Man-breast-on."  t+"  It  straddles,"  fourth  category  of  nouns. 

||  "  Man-arms-half."  +J  "  It-over-it  (long  obj.)  lies,"  a  verbal  noun. 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    D^NES.  93 

are  deposited  in  the  water  on  the  sandy  shore  of  the  lake  or  stream  till 
they  reach  an  advanced  stage  of  decay.  The  stench  they  then  exhale 
is  simply  asphyxiating.  But  not  so  with  the  natives,  it  would  seem, 
since  they  do  not  recoil  from  collecting  them  and,  after  having  slightly 
exposed  them  to  the  action  of  the  sun  as  a  means  of  evaporating  the 
water  they  have  absorbed,  they  submit  them  to  a  thorough  boiling  in 
large  bark  vessels  and  gather  their  oil  in  bags  made  of  salmon  skin. 
This  they  greatly  relish,  and  have  recourse  to  whenever  they  wish  to 
enhance  the  natural  succulency  of  their  service  berries  and  other  fruit. 
To  a  civilized  palate  it  is  simply  an  abomination. 

LAND   ANIMAL   TRAPS. 

While  the  fauna  of  Northern  British  Columbia  could  be  more  varied, 
it  is  nevertheless  abundant  enough  to  relieve  the  more  pressing  needs  of 
the  Indian  tribes  stationed  within  its  borders.  With  one  single  ex- 
ception all  the  larger  mammals  on  whose  meat  the  prehistoric  Dene's 
subsisted  are  still  to  be  found  there.  By  this  exception  I  refer  to  the 
elk  (Cervus  canadensis,  Erxl.)  which  the  Carriers  assert  to  have  been 
indigenous  to  their  present  territory,  but  which  has  long  disappeared 
from  among  them.  Philologically  speaking  its  successor  is  the  horse, 
which  both  Carriers  and  TsijKoh'tin  call  a  domestic  elk  (yfeih>  elk,  ji  dog 
or  domestic  animal),  while  the  Ts£'ke"hne  see  in  the  noble  animal  nothing 
but  a  "  big  dog "  ji-tco.  From  an  economic  standpoint  however,  it  is 
now  replaced  by  the  moose  (Alee  americanus>  Jardine)  and  the  cariboo 
(Rangifer  caribou.  Linn.)*  The  deer  (Cariacus  virginianus  leucurus) 
which  is  unknown  to  the  Tse'kehne  and  rare  among  the  Carriers  is 
exceedingly  plentiful  among  the  Tsi{Koh'tin.  But  Providence  has  given 
the  former  two  valuable  mammals  which  are  practically  wanting  among 
the  latter,  I  mean  the  mountain  sheep  (Ovis  montana,  Cuv.)  and  the 
mountain  goat  (Capra  americana,  Rich.)  whose  native  names  are  tape  and 
aspai  respectively.  Other  animals  which  are  sought  more  for  their  meat 
than  their  fur  are  the  hoary  marmot  (Arctomys  caligatus),  the  ground-hog 
(A.  monax,  Linn.)  and  last  but  not  least  the  hare  (Lepus  americanus)- 
The  porcupine  (EretJnzon  dorsatus  epixanthus)  was  formerly  hunted 
for  the  sake  of  its  quills  which  were  greatly  prized  as  an  article  of 
ornamentation.f 

Most  of  the  other  mammals  hunted  by  our  Dene's  are  valued  chiefly 
for  their  fur,  though  the  meat  of  almost  all  is  appreciated  as  an  addition 

*  The  moose  is  called  tani,  and  the  caribou,  hwotzih,  by  the  Carriers. 

fThe  marmot    is  called  Min;  the  grounp  hog,  'kani;  the   hare,  &>R  and  the    porcupine, 
ta  fquk. 


94  TRANSACTIONS    OF   THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.  IV. 

to  their  provision  store.  Prominent  among  them  is  of  course  the  beaver 
(Castor  fiber,  Linn.),  which  is  called  tsa  by  all  the  Western  Dene  tribes. 
Its  small  congener,  the  muskrat  (Fiber  zibethicus,  Linn.),  is  the  beaver  of 
the  children  and  the  poor,  to  whom  it  is  known  as  the  tsfket.  However 
a  much  more  precious  game  even  than  the  beaver  is  the  black  bear 
(Ursus  americanus,  Pallas),  called  sas  by  both  the  Tse'kehne  and  the 
TsijKoh'tin  and  S3s  by  the  Carriers.  Our  Western  D6nes,  who  usually 
prove  so  cowardly  against  a  human  enemy,  are  so  courageous  when 
matched  with  almost  any  wild  beast,  that  among  them  he  would  not  be 
considered  a  man  who  would  be  afraid  of  a  bear.  Personal  encoun- 
ters wherein  bruin  comes  out  second  best  are  by  no  means  a  rare 
occurrence  here,  and  not  a  few  Carriers  still  bear  the  marks  of  the  bear's 
teeth  and  claws.  Even  the  grizzly  (U.  horribilis)  is  no  terror  to  them.  I 
have  here  at  my  side  an  Indian  who  has  killed  one  with  a  revolver,  while 
I  am  well  acquainted  with  another,  a  most'  reliable  man,  who  by  his  fear- 
lessness and  sangfroid  put  to  flight  a  bear  of  that  species  with  which  he 
had  been  sitting  face  to  face  for  perhaps  a  quarter  of  an  hour  without 
receiving  as  much  as  a  scratch  from  the  monster,  and  without  having 
used  the  shotgun  which  he  had  not  had  time  to  load.  The  main  point 
in  such  awkward  circumstances  is  not  to  betray  the  least  fear  and  to  look 
one's  adversary  right  in  the  eyes.  Show  any  degree  of  hesitation  and 
you  are  lost.  Although  no  two  species  of  the  grizzly  bear  are  known  to 
science,  it  might  be,  however,  that  the  shyas,  the  bear  of  which  I  am 
speaking,  is  but  a  variety  of  Ursus  horribilis,  inasmuch  as  the  Indians 
pretend  to  know  another  and  much  more  formidable  one  which  they  call 
tsa-rana  or  "  he  busies  himself  with  the  beaver,"  by  allusion  to  its  favorite 
occupation,  beaver  hunting.  This  animal  they  fear,  and  so  far  they  pro- 
fess never  to  have  killed  any  adult  of  the  species,  but  to  have  occasionally 
seen  a  few.  ^  It  is,  they  say,  much  larger  than  the  skyas  or  common 
grizzly  ;  its  heel  is  proportionately  narrower  and  the  fore  end  of  its  paw 
much  broader.  It  is  worthless  as  an  economic  item,  as  it  emits  a  most 
offensive  smell. 

The  other  fur  bearing  animals  sought  after  by  the  Western  De"nes  are 
the  marten  (Mustela  martes,  Rich.),  the  fisher  (Mustela  canadensis,  Linn.), 
which  the  Carriers  call  a  "  big  marten, "  t&nnih-tco,  the  otter  (Lutra 
canadensis,  Turton),  the  wolverine  (Gulo  luscus,  Linn.),  the  lynx  (Felts 
canadensis,  Rich.),  the  fox  ( Vulpes  vulgaris),  the  wolf  (Cants  hipus 
occidentalis  ),  the  coyote  (Cants  latrans),  and  the  two  small  carnivores, 
the  ermine  (Putorius  vulgaris,  Linn.),  and  the  mink  (P.  vison,  Brissonj. 
In  addition  to  washi,  its  regular  name,  the  lynx,  whose  ancestors  are 
believed  to  have  had  intercourse  with  women,  is  often  half  jocosely 
called  siinte,  "  my  first  cousin  "  by  the  Carriers.  As  to  the  different 


1892-93.] 


NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES. 


95 


varieties  of  foxes  and  wolves,  they  are  recognized  and  differentiated  by 
adjectives,  not  distinct  names,  in  the  native  tongues,  as  they  are  founded 
merely  on  colour,  not,  as  with  the  dog,  on  anatomical  peculiar- 
ities. It  is  a  well  known  fact  among  our  aborigines  that,  for  instance, 
Ted,  cross  and  black  foxes  are  found  in  one  and  the  same  litter,  so  that  it 
seems  naturalists  should  not  see  more  difference  between  a  red  and  a 
black  fox  than  they  do  between  a  gray  and  a  white  bull-dog.* 

When  not  chased  or  killed  by  chance  as  happens  in  the  course  of  one's 
travellings,  the  above  named  fur  bearing  animals  are  procured  either  with 


Fig.  So. 

traps  or  snares.     At  least  three  varieties  of  the  former  contrivances,  all 
of  genuine  Dene  origin,  are  still  in  general  use,  and  a  fourth,  the  bear 

*It  should  be  mentioned  here  that  aboriginal  usage  prevents  the  hunter  from  killing  for  him- 
self any  of  the  largest  animals,  especially  such  as  are  chased  for  their  meat.  After  his  game  has 
been  brought  down,  he  will  invariably  give  it  to  one  of  his  companions,  or  if  he  happens  to  have 
none,  he  will  cache  it  up  against  wolverines  or  any  carnivorous  animals  and  return  to  the  village. 
Then  he  will  say  to  any  one  whom  he  chooses  to  favour  with  his  spoils  :  "  In  such  and  such  a 
spot  in  the  forest  I  have  shot  a  cariboo  for  you.  Go  and  fetch  it."  To  act  otherwise  would  be 
equivalent  to  courting  the  scorn  of  every  hunter  of  any  standing  in  one's  place. 


9,0 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.   IV. 


trap,  though  now  a  thing  of  the  past,  is  still  remembered  by  old  men. 
Its  main  or  fall  part  consisted  of  trunks  of  small  trees  united  into  a  sort 
of  lattice  work  by  means  of  muskeg  pine  saplings  interlaced  through 
them.  To  ensure  additional  efficiency  for  the  structure,  large  stones  were 
laid  over  it,  heaps  of  which  are  still  to  be  seen  in  several  places,  generally 
close  by  the  banks  of  salmon  streams.  I  can  find  no  native  in  a  position 
to  satisfactorily  explain  the  mechanism  of  this  trap.  All  I  can  gather  is 
that  it  was  very  effective,  not  only  against  black  bears,  but  even  against 
grizzlies. 


To  secure  martens  and  other  small  land  game,  the  Carriers  never  use 
but  the  trap  shown  in  fig.  80,  which  is  very  simple  in  construction.  It  is 
merely  composed  of  a  fall  stick  a,  one  end  of  which  is  thrust  in  the 
ground  in  an  oblique  direction,  and  which  springs  down  on  the  transversal 
or  ground  stick  b,  through  the  falling  off  of  the  pole  c,  resting  upright  on 
the  bait  stick  d.  To  prevent  the  game  from  getting  at  the  bait  otherwise 
than  through  the  trap,  a  rectangular  enclosure  is  erected  with  small 
pickets  generally  against,  or  close  to,  the  bole  of  a  spruce  or  pine  tree. 
Should  the  fall  stick  not  exactly  correspond  in  position  with  that  lying 
on  the  ground,  the  marten  might  survive  the  springing  of  the  trap  and 


1892-93.] 


NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES. 


eventually  effect  its  escape.  To  guard  against  such  an  accident,  two 
stakes  e  are  driven  in  the  ground  on  each  side  of  the  falling  apparatus. 
The  use  and  working  of  the  weight  pole  f  need  no  explanation. 

Much  more  complicated,  as  may  be  seen  from  fig.  81,  is  the  action  of 
the  lynx  trap.  The  device  causing  the  capture,  if  not  the  death,  of  the 
game,  is  identical  with  that  of  the  preceding,  save  that  two  weight  poles 
instead  of  one  are  used.  But  the  principle  of  the  apparatus  itself  is 
altogether  different,  and  might  be  pointed  out  as  an  evidence  of  no  mean 
ingenuity.  Although  I  have  faithfully  outlined  in  dots  the  working  of 
the  trap  while  in  the  act  of  springing,  some  further  explanation  of  it 
may  be  necessary. 

The  general  principle  governing  its  action  is  the  balance  principle. 
The  fall  stick  being  pressed  down  by  the  weight  sticks,  thereby  forces  up 
the  furthest  end  of  the  lever  a,  which  is  balanced  on  the  post  b,  acting 
as  fulcrum.  As  an  immediate  consequence,  the  string  button  c  (fig  82} 
is  started  up  and  at  once  arrested  in  its  flight  by  the 
horizontal  sticks  d  engaged  between  the  button  and  the 
j  perpendicular  pole  e.  The  reason  of  the  springing  of 
the  trap  is  now  easy  to  understand.  The  lynx,  or  fox, 
upon  trying  to  get  at  the  bait  laid  on  the  ground  a  little 
distance  off  within  a  picket  enclosure,  is  bound  to  tread 
on  the  trip  stick  e  which  is  thereby  disengaged  from  the 
pressure  of  the  button,  which  immediately  whirls  up 
yielding  to  the  action  of  the  weight  poles  on  the  lever,  as  shown  in  the 
dotted  outlines.  Both  the  post  and  the  perpendicular  pole  e  are  stuck 
in  the  ground,  and  the  latter,  as  well  as  the  weight  sticks,  are  set  up 
through  the  branches  of  the  tree  under  which  the  trap  is  prepared. 


Fie.  82. 


A  somewhat  different  setting  of  the  same  trap  is  obtained  by  engaging 
the  trip  stick  above,  instead  of  below,  the  middle  of  the  button  piece.  In 
this  case  no  bait  is  provided  for  the  game,  but  the  trip  stick  is  thorough- 
ly rubbed  over  with  castoreum,  by  licking  which  the  animal  springs  off 
the  lever,  whereby  the  fall  stick  slips  down  on  the  base. 


98 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV. 


A  modification  of  this  trap  is  occasionally  used  by  a  few  to  capture 
the  beaver.  But  as  the  Crees  are  credited  with  its  invention,  no  further 
mention  of  it  is  necessary. 

Fig.  83  represents  a  kind  of  trap  differing  in  every  particular  from  the 
three  already  described.  It  is  proper  to  the  Tse'kehne  and  does  service 
against  marmots.  As  shown  in  the  cut,  it  is  usually  set  in  front  of  the 
animal's  den,  and  its  action  or  working  apparatus  has  some  resemblance 
to  the  common  figure  four  trap.  Its  trip  stick  a  is  laid  across  the  entrance 
of  the  marmot's  den  and  is  disposed  so  as  to  form  a  right  angle  with  the 
left  side  of  the  spring  stick  b.  Of  course  this  is  concealed  from  view  with 
dry  grass,  leaves,  moss  or  any  other  available  vegetable  material.  In 
order  to  give  even  a  clearer  idea  of  the  mechanism  of  the  trap,  its  corn- 


Fig.  85. 


Fig.  84. 

ponent  parts  will  be  found  separately  drawn  in  fig.  84.  Let  it  suffice  ot 
add  that,  while  the  fall  stick  is  looped  to  the  springing  piece  b,  the  small 
end  of  the  latter  is  at  the  same  time  notched  in  the  trip  stick  a  and  con- 
nected with  the  post  c  through  the  double  string  d,  which  presses  in  the 
extremity  of  both  trip  and  spring  pieces. 

These  traps  are  not  hastily  constructed  on  the  spur  of  the  momen} 
with  any  chance  material  taken  at  random  from  the  immediate  vicinity 
of  the  spot  where  they  are  set.  They  require  some  little  care  in  their 
preparation,  and  they  are  therefore  made  at  home,  and  carried  about 
with  their  different  parts  tied  together  as  shown  in  fig.  85. 

SNARES. 

Whilst  we  are  occupied  with  the  divers  contrivances  invented  by  native 
ingenuity  to  capture  land  animals,  it  may  be  well  to  give  some  idea  of 
the  Western  Denes'  methods  of  snaring  the  same.  To  such  as  may  be 
tempted  to  call  in  question  the  appositeness  of  such  minute  details,  I 
would  beg  to  point  out  that  the  aborigines,  whose  technology  we  are 
studying,  are  pre-eminently  huntsmen  no  less  than  fishermen  ;  and  to 
call  complete  a  review  of  their  industrial  implements,  which  does  not 


1892-93.] 


NOTES    ON    THE    WESTEKN 


embrace  their  various  fishing  and  hunting  contrivances,  would  be  equiva- 
tent  to  supposing  well  constituted  a  body  lacking  nerve  or  bone.  Besides 
giving  us  some  idea  of  their  proficiency  as  craftsmen,  they  enable  us 
to  witness,  as  it  were,  the  workings  of  their  mind  as  applied  to  their 
means  of  providing  for  the  necessaries  of  life.  So  that  those  very  details 
which  may  appear  unimportant  to  the  superficial  reader,  add  in  the 
estimation  of  the  scientist,  a  psychological  interest  to  a  study  which  is 
primarily  technological.  What  has  already  been  said  of  the  Western 
Denes'  fish  or  animal  traps  has  led  us  to  the  conclusion  that,  if  those 
aborigines  are  wanting  in  the  appreciation  of  the  beautiful,  they  are  by 
no  means  devoid  of  the  faculty  of  judging  and  selecting  that  which  is 
best  suited  to  the  attainment  of  their  ends.  A  review  of  their  snaring 
devices  cannot  fail  to  confirm  this  impression. 

At  least  eight  different  methods  of  snare  setting,  generally  varying 
according  to  the  nature  of  the  game,  obtain  among  the  single  Carrier 
tribe.  I  leave  it  to  the  following  figures  to  explain  the  details,  and  shall 
content  myself  with  noting  en  passant  that  which  they  cannot  tell. 


Fig.  86. 

Figs.  86  and  87  represent  bear-snares  *  whereby  the  game  is  either 
choked  down  on  the  ground  (fig.  86)  or  flung  up  in  the  air  (fig.  87).  The 
action  of  the  former  is  exceedingly  simple,  though  it  cannot  fail  to  prove 
very  effective.  Of  course  it  is  clear  that  the  bear  upon  getting  engaged 
in  the  noose,  which  is  in  all  cases  held  in  the  proper  position  through 

*  The  root  for  snare  in  general  is  pij,  and  this  word  is  suffixed  to  the  name  of  the  game  for 
which  each  snare  is  intended.  Euphony  demands  that  it  be  preceded  by  an  m  ;  therefore  bear- 
snare  is  ~s3s-mpi}  ;  lynx-snare,  washi-mpij,  etc.,  in  Carrier. 


100 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTSTUTE. 


[VOL.  IV; 


small  strings  lashed  to  the  bushes  near  by,  will,  to  free  himself  therefrom, 
pull  forward  or  backward.  Either  movement  must  result  in  the  fall  of 
the  post  a  and  thereby  of  the  beam  b. 


Fig.  87. 

As  to  the  second  mode  of  setting  the  bear-snare,  it  may  be  necessary 
to  explain  that  as  soon  as  the  game  is  noosed  up  by  the  falling  of  the 
crossed  poles,  he  will  naturally,  in  his  efforts  to  disentangle  himself, 
struggle  for  a  support  for  his  paws  so  as  to  annul  the  action  of  the  noose. 
.  This  is  provided  for  hi.n  in  the  shape  of  the  wooden  piece  noticeable 
under  the  small  end  of  the  lever.  But  as  the  role  of  the  hunter  is  not 
one  of  mercy,  he  has  taken  care,  prior  to  setting  his  snare,  to  bore  through 
that  piece  of  wood  a  hole  large  enough  to  ensure  its  slipping  down  with 
the  contraction  of  the  noose.  So  that  by  pressing  down  on  it,  the  animal 
only  hastens  its  own  death.  The  manner  of  lashing  the  lever  or  balancing 
pole  to  the  post  is  shown  in  Fig.  88.  It  is  reputed  the  safest  and  is 
adopted  with  regard  to  all  other  snares  requiring  a  similar  appliance. 

The  setting  of  the  cariboo  snare  cannot  be  simpler.  As  shown 
herewith,  it  merely  consists  in  a  noose  attached  to  a  stout  stake  (fig.  89) 
with  which  the  game  scampers  away,  and  becoming  engaged  among 
fallen  or  standing  trees  chokes  himself  to  death. 

Until  a  few  years  ago,  the  Tse'kehne  were  wont  to  use  these  snares 
extensively  and  with  no  mean  results.  As  many  as  forty  or  fifty  were 


1892-93.] 


NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES. 


101 


set  in  a  line  through  such  defiles  or  passes  of  their  mountains  as  were 
the  most  frequented  by  the  roaming  bands  of  cariboo.  After  two  of 
their  most  active  hunters  had  been  deputed  to  watch  at  either  end  of  the 
line,  the  others,  numbering  fifteen  or  more,  would,  by  loud  shouting  and 
firing  of  guns,  drive  the  reluctant  game  to  the  snares  where  it  was 
captured. 


Fig.  88 


Fig.  90. 


Fig.  89. 


In  figs.  90  and  91  we  have  snares  very  differently  set,  though  they  are 
intended  for  the  same  kind  of  game,  viz. :  the  lynx.  The  working  of 
the  apparatus  is  in  the  first  model  identical  with  that  of  the  cariboo  snare. 
The  little  stick  planted  in  the  ground  is  destined  to  no  other  purpose 
than  that  of  holding  the  noose  in  position  with  the  help  of  the  two  side 
strings. 

Fig.  91  though  more  complicated  in  appearance  is  no  less  easy  of 
understanding.  It  is  composed  of  two  levers  balanced  on  their  posts, 
the  end  of  the  main  or  snare  pole  being  engaged  under  that  of  the 
other,  which  is  prevented  from  yielding  to  the  weight  of  its  larger  end 
by  the  temporary  stick  a  set  thereunder.  The  struggling  of  the  lynx 
when  caught  in  the  noose  will  cause  this  to  drop  off  on  the  ground, 


102 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IY. 


whereby  the  small  end  of  both  levers  will  spring  up,  leaving  no  possible 
chance  of  escape  to  the  game. 


Fig.    91. 

The  fox  snare  (fig.  92)  is  likewise  based  on  the  balance  principle,  and 
needs  no  further  explanation  than  this  :  The  snare  string  above  the  noose 


Fig.  92. 

is  wound  round  a  stake  solidly  driven  in  the  ground  and  a  detachable 
transversal  piece  of   wood   in   such  a  way  that  it  unrols   itself  by  the 


189293.] 


NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES. 


103 


slightest  movement  on  the  part  of  the  noosed  animal.      This  connection 
between  the  transversal  and  the  horizontal  sticks  I  have  tried  to  illustrate 


93- 


by  fig-  93  ;  but  I  think  that  its  working  requires  to  be  seen  to  be  fully 
understood.     This  snare  does  also  good  service  against  marmots. 


Fig.  94- 

Fig.  94  represents  a  mode  of  snare  setting  usual  in  connection  with 
the  latter  game  only.  It  needs  no  explanation,  since'the  lever  of  fig.  92 
is  simply  replaced  here  by  a  bent  down  switch. 


Fig-  95- 

Lastly  fig.  95  gives  us  an  idea  of  the  rabbit  snare  as  it  is  commonly 


104  TRANSACTIONS    OF    TUB    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.  IV. 

set  by  our  Carriers.  The  method  is  identical  with  the  preceding,  save 
that  a  switch  forming  a  semi-circle  is  substituted  for  the  stake  to 
which  the  movable  cross-piece  is  temporarily  fastened.  Of  course  this 
necessitates  a  change  in  the  position  of  the  latter  which  in  this  case  is 
laid  horizontally  over  the  apex  of  the  hoop. 

The  strings  of  the  cariboo  and  bear  snares  are  made  of  moose  or 
cariboo  skin  strands,  generally  four  in  number.  As  a  protection  against 
moisture  or  any  other  deteriorating  agent,  they  are  in  most  cases  wrapped 
with  thin  strips  of  willow  bark.  Hempen  twine  such  as  is  for  sale  at 
any  H.  B.  Co.  fort  nowadays  serves  against  any  species  of  minor  game. 

Before  leaving  this  subject,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  mention  that  even 
waterfowl  were  formerly  sought  after  by  means  of  snaring  devices. 
Ducks  and  grebes  were  then  the  coveted  game.  The  snares  consisted  in 
a  noose  cord  of  vegetable  fibre  attached  to  a  stick  firmly  driven  in  the 
bottom  of  the  piece  of  water,  more  generally  in  such  shallow  places  as 
the  fowl  ordinarily  frequent  when  feeding. 

Waterfowl  of  any  larger  species  such  as  geese  and  swans,  especially 
the  latter,  are  said  to  have  been  secured  in  olden  times,  by  an  ingenious 
stratagem  which  cannot  be  better  described  than  by  relating  the  follow- 
ing fragment  of  the  Carriers'  national  legend  wherein  the  famous  hero 
plays  such  a  wonderful  role. 


"  In  the  course  of  his  travellings,  gstas  came  upon  a  family  consisting 
of  the  father,  two  sons  and  a  daughter.  One  day,  the  old  man  sent  his 
sons  to  try  their  chances  at  catching  swans  in  his  hereditary  fishing- 
place.  The  young  men,  who  had  already  heard  of  gstas'  wonderful 
deeds,  said  to  him  :  '  Cousin,  we  always  lose  our  time  in  our  attempts  at 
catching  swans.  Our  father  wants  some  to  make  for  himself  a  head- 
dress and  a  breast  blanket  *  for  the  winter.  People  say  that  you 
generally  succeed  in  any  enterprise  you  undertake.  Come  then,  and 
help  us.'  gstas  readily  consented,  and  went  out  with  them. 

"  When  they  had  reached  the  family  fishing  grounds,  they  perceived 
eight  swans  lazily  gliding  on  the  water.  '  Have  not  you  taken  a  rope 
along  with  you?'  asked  gstas.  Upon  which  they  pointed  to  a  long  rope 
which  had  been  left  there  for  future  use  in  a  similar  emergency. 

"  Presently  gstas  donned  a  head-dress  made  of  the  head  and  neck  of 
a  swan,  and,  taking  the  rope  with  him,  swam  slowly  towards  the  swans 
imitating  in  every  point  their  movements.  Then  he  deftly  tied  the  feet 

*  See  the  chapter  on  Dress  and  Personal  adornment. 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  105 

of  five  of  them  to  his  long  rope  without  as  much  as  awakening  their 
suspicions,  and  swam  back  to  the  stake  driven  in  the  bed  of  the  river  to 
which  he  secured  the  end  of  his  rope.  Being  now  sure  of  his  game,  he 
took  off  his  head-dress  when  the  swans  perceiving  their  mistake  took  to 
their  wings,  but  were  soon  arrested  in  their  flight  by  the  retaining  rope 
and  stake.  They  were  then  taken  by  the  wily  stranger. 

"  The  young  men  who  had  on  previous  occasions  tried  the  same  trick 
without  avail,  were  delighted  at  the  success  of  their  guest,  so  much  the 
more  that  nobody  before  him  had  been  able  to  get  by  this  method  more 
than  four  swans  at  one  time.  They  therefore  invited  him  on  another 
day  to  give  them  a  further  proof  of  his  ability,  and  even  to  outdo  himself 
.if  that  was  possible.  Much  flattered  at  their  encomiums,  gstas  this 
time  tied  the  legs  of  no  less  than  eight  swans.  But  as  he  was  swimming 
back  to  attach  the  rope  to  the  stake,  he  unwittingly  lifted  off  his  head- 
dress, upon  which  all  the  fowl  flew  off  taking  up  with  them  ^stas  who 
was  thus  carried  very  far  away  into  the  countries  beyond  the  horizon." 

The  story  then  proceeds  to  relate  how,  new  Vulcan,  having  let  go  the 
rope,  he  fell  down  upon  a  rock  wherein  he  sank  and  was  buried  alive. 

Whether  this  or  any  analogous  mode  of  securing  waterfowl  was  really 
practised  by  the  prehistoric  Carriers  cannot,  of  course,  be  now  positively 
stated.  Strange  as  it  appears,  some  such  stratagem  may  have  been 
resorted  to,  since  we  read  that  in  China  waterfowl  are  caught  by  wading 
in  the  water  up  to  the  neck  with  one's  head  hidden  in  a  gourd 
and  then  seizing  the  bird's  legs  to  finally  draw  it  down  in  the  water  with- 
out ever  revealing  one's  personality.*  Be  that  as  it  may,  the  modern 
Carriers  know  it  only  by  tradition.  They  now  prefer  to  build  small 
circular  huts  of  coniferous  boughs  or  even  walls  or  cairns  of  stone  in  the 
favorite  haunts  of  the  fowl  behind  which  they  hide  and  by  imitating 
their  call,  prevail  upon  them  to  approach  within  shooting  range  when 
they  are  easily  dispatched. 

I  have  enumerated  the  fishes  and  land  animals  trapped  or  otherwise 
hunted  by  our  Western  De'nes,  and  described  the  various  devices  made 
use  of  to  secure  them.  I  leave  it  to  the  following  list  of  the  names  of 
the  lunar  months  in  two  dialects  to  furnish  the  reader  with  some  hints  as 
to  the  time  when  they  are  generally  sought  after. 

*See  Six  Legendes  Amtricaines  identifies  a  T histoire  de  Moise,  etc.,  par  le  R.  P.  Petitot, 
Missions  de  la  Congregation  O.M.I.,  Paris,  1877,  p.  741. 


106  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV  • 


NAMES  OF  THE  TWELVE  LUNAR  MONTHS. 

IN  CARRIER.  IN  TSE'KEHNE. 

Sa-tco,  the  big  moon.  Infsih-sa,  moon  of  the  wind. 

Tc3z-S3l*  Yastsse-sa,     moon    of    the    snow- 

Tczz-tco*  storms. 

Cin-uza,  moon  of  the  spring.       •  Ahta-inza,    moon    of    the    golden 

Takus-uza,  moon  of  the  carp.  eagle. 

Tanr-nza,  moon  of  the  summer.  Ratqe'-znza,  moon  of  the  wild  goose. 

Ktol-uza,  moon  of  the  land-locked  Sas-inza,  moon  of  the  black  bear 

salmon-  M3n3k-tce-thyoje,  moon  when  they  J 

Thallo-za,  moon  of  the  red  salmon.         taj<e  tQ  ^  water 

Ptt-uza,  moon  of  the  bull-trout.  HJkc-ta,  "the  buffalo  ruts." 

7oh-uza,  moon  of  the  white-fish.  ^tsiz-inza,  moulting  moon. 

Pannn   wt'szKet,  "during  its  half  Sa_ts9tl^  little  moon. 

one  navigates."!  Sa-tct,  great  moon. 

Sa-tco-din-at,    "next     to    the    big  ^.^  «the   fat   (of  the    animals) 

disappears." 

Atv-tfon-tfon-tsttle,  "  what  freezes  is 
covered  with  bare  ice." 

The  first  of  these  months  corresponds  nearly  to  January. 

The  size  of  the  page  prevents  me  from  giving  side  by  side  with  the 
above  the  names  of  the  TsiiKoh'tin  months.  Their  main  peculiarities- 
may  be  thus  resumed  :  March  is  the  "  moon  when  one  comes  out  of  the 
subterranean  huts"  ;  April  is  the  moon  of  the  sucker;  July,  that  of  the 
Kes,  or  white-fleshed  salmon  ;  August,  that  of  the  red-fleshed  salmon  ;. 
November  is  called  "this  month  we  all  enter  the  subterranean  huts," 
and  December  is  the  moon  of  the  ice.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that  different 
social  habits  and  occupations  have  left  their  impress  even  on  the  names 
of  the  months  such  as  recognized  by  the  three  Den£  tribes  under  study. 

OBSERVANCES  OF  THE  HUNTER  *AND  THE  TRAPPER. 

Prior  to  their  embracing  Christianity,  the  Western  Denes  had  recourse 
to  various  other  means  of  ensuring  success  while  engaged  in  hunting. 
Several  superstitious  practices  were  observed,  the  neglect  of  which  was 

*  The  root  Tc3z  is  now  meaningless.     The  finals  sal  and  tco  mean  "small"  and    "big"  re- 
spectively. 

+ 1.  e.     Lake  Stuart  is  opened  to  navigation  during  the  half  of  this  month. 

*  I.  e.     The  goslings. 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE   WESTERN    DENES.  107 

regarded  as  entailing  unavoidable  failure.  Most  of  these  were  based  on 
their  regard  for  continence  and  their  excessive  repugnance  for,  and  dread 
of,  menstruating  women. 

As  soon  as  a  Carrier  had  made  up  his  mind  to  try  his  chances  at  bear- 
snaring,  he  separated  a  thoro  for  a  full  month  previous  to  the  setting  of 
his  snares.  During  all  that  time,  he  could  not  drink  from  the  same 
vessel  as  his  wife,  but  had  to  use  a  special  birch  bark  drinking  cup.  The 
second  half  of  the  penitential  month  was  employed  in  preparing  his 
snares.  The  omission  of  these  observances  was  believed  to  cause  the 
escape  of  the  game  after  it  had  been  snared.  To  further  allure  it 
into  the  snares  he  was  making,  the  hunter  used  to  eat  the  root  of  a 
species  of  heracleum  (tseiep  in  Carrier)  of  which  the  black  bear  is  said  to 
be  especially  fond.  Sometimes  he  would  chew  and  squirt  it  up  with 
water  exclaiming  at  the  same  time  :  Nyiistluh  !  may  I  snare  you  ! 

Once  a  bear,  or  indeed  any  animal,  had  been  secured,  it  was  never 
allowed  to  pass  a  night  in  its  entirety,  but  must  have  some  limb,  hind  or 
fore  paws,  cut  off,  as  a  means  of  pacifying  its  fellows  irritated  by  its 
killing. 

Speaking  of  the  meat  of  snared  animals,  I  cannot  help  remarking  that 
young  women  having  their  menses  could  not  eat  of  their  head,  heart  or 
hind  part  without  exposing  themselves  to  a  premature  death  through  a 
kind  of  rabies  which  was  sure  to  attack  them  in  after  years.  This  infir- 
mity led  them  to  keep  tearing  off  the  flesh  of  their  arms  with  their  teeth. 
If  perchance  they  were  favored  with  a  lucid  moment,  they  improved  it 
by  making  their  confession  to  the  shaman.  "  When  young,  I  ate  of  the 
head,  etc.,  of  an  animal  "  they  would  say.  Thereupon  the  medicine  man 
would  suck  from  the  body  of  the  patient  what  was  represented  as  the 
tabooed  morsel  unlawfully  swallowed,  and  forsooth  the  woman  was 
cured  ! 

The  heart  even  of  water-fowls  was  forbidden  to  similarly  circumstanced 
young  women,  who  had  also  to  abstain  from  cutting  up  the  grebes  which, 
among  the  Carriers,  are  caught  each  spring  in  such  large  numbers.  These 
fowl  are  full  of  blood,  and  their  being  manipulated  by  such  persons 
would  communicate  to  the  latter  either  haemorrhage  or  unnaturally  pro- 
longed menses. 

If  in  the  woods  with  his  wife,  the  hunter  would  also  prefer  to  see  her 
tear  herself  up  in  the  bush  and  thorns,  to  let  her  pass  in  the  narrow  trail 
wherein  he  may  have  deposited  his  snares  preparatory  to  setting  them. 
Should  she  as  much  as  step  over  without  touching  them,  her  mate  would 
certainly  consider  any  further  attempt  at  capturing  game  as  futile  and 
useless. 


108  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THK    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   1Y. 

The  skulls  of  the  bears  whose  flesh  has  been  eaten  up  are  even  to-day 
invariably  stuck  up  a  stick  or  the  broken  branch  of  a  tree.  But  the 
aborigines  fail  to  give  any  reason  for  this  practice. 

If  the  Carrier  was  to  use  traps  instead  of  snares,  the  observances  pre- 
paratory to  setting  them  varied  somewhat.  When  martens  were  the 
intended  game,  the  period  of  abstinence  from  sexual  intercourse  was 
shortened  to  ten  days  or  thereabouts,  during  which  the  trapper  slept  by 
the  fireside  pressing  down  a  little  stick  over  his  neck.  This,  of  course, 
could  not  fail  to  cause  the  fall-stick  of  his  traps  to  drop  on  the  neck  of 
the  coveted  game !  The  chewing  and  squirting  up  of  the  heracleum  root 
were  observed  in  this  as  in  the  former  case.  The  deprecatory  formula 
was  merely  changed  into  Nyilskuh  !  may  I  entrap  you  ! 

When  successful,  the  trapper  had  to  be  very  careful  that  no  dog  touches 
his  prey,  which,  to  avert  such  a  misfortune,  he  had  to  hang  up  a  peg  in 
the  lodge  as  soon  as  this  was  practicable.  Contact  with  a  dog  would 
certainly  indispose  the  game's  fellow  martens  against  the  traps  of  the 
hunter  responsible  for  such  a  slight. 

No  superstitious  practice  appears  to  have  been  followed  as  a  prepara- 
tion to  beaver  hunting,  save  that  to  ensure  a  larger  catch,  one-half  of  each 
trap  was  daubed  with  red  ochre.  But  nobody  who  does  not  care  to  con- 
demn himself  to  useless  efforts  at  securing  any  further  supply  of  the  game 
must  be  unguarded  enough  to  swallow  the  little  patella  bone  of  the 
beaver.  In  like  manner,  if  after  having  captured  a  beaver,  a  Carrier  has 
the  carelessness  to  let  one  of  his  dogs  get  at  that  bone,  he  may  as  well 
resign  himself  to  return  home  empty  handed.  During  the  whole  beaver- 
trapping  season,  his  first  capture  will  infallibly  be  his  last. 

Lynx  not  only  was  not  eaten  by  the  women,  but  even  when  once 
snared,  it  could  not  be  brought  in  the  lodge  through  the  doorway. 
Women  as  well  as  men  daily  enter  through  that  passage,  and  the  former 
must  have  no  intercourse,  however  indirect,  with  the  feline.  So  it  was 
introduced  by  men  into  the  lodge  through  the  smoke  hole  in  the  roof. 
It  was  touched  by  men  only,  its  flesh  boiled  by  men  and  eaten  by  men. 
The  reason  of  the  aversion  of  the  women  for  the  lynx  will  appear  from 
the  following  legend  : — 

"  A  young  couple  of  Indians  was  living  in  the  woods.  One  morning, 
as  the  husband  was  absent  chasing  large  animals,  a  stranger  of  surprising 
beauty  and  apparently  endowed  with  superhuman  powers  came  upon  the 
young  woman.  "  Follow  me :  you  shall  be  my  wife,"  he  said  to  her. 
But  as  she  was  very  much  attached  to  her  husband,  she  strove  hard  not  to 
hearken  to  him.  Yet  such  were  the  stranger's  charms  and  hidden  powers 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  109 

that  her  mind  was  as  if  paralyzed  in  his  presence.  As  she  pretended  that 
she  had  no  provisions  for  the  journey,  he  told  her  that  the  distance  was 
short,  and  that  he  had  plenty  in  his  own  place.  Whereupon  he  seized 
her  and  she  had  to  follow  him.  Now  the  stranger  was  no  other  than  the 
lynx.  She  managed  however  to  snatch  from  her  lodge  in  leaving  a 
grouse  (Dendragapus  franklinii,  Dougl.)  which  her  husband  had  shot  a 
while  before.  As  she  walked  behind  her  seducer,  she  would  pluck  a  few 
of  the  grouse's  feathers  and  down  and  drop  them  along  thereby  marking 
her  trail  on  the  ground.  By  the  time  that  she  reached  her  new  home,  the 
bird  was  entirely  stripped  of  its  feathers  and  down. 

"  The  lynx's  lodge  was  full  of  pieces  of  the  fat  of  cariboo  and  moose 
hanging  up  to  dry.  Before  dark,  he  went  out  to  do  a  little  hunting  a 
short  distance  off. 

"  Meanwhile  the  young  woman's  lawful  husband  who  had  experienced 
no  difficulty  in  tracking  her,  thanks,  to  the  fallen  feathers  and  the 
trampled  herbage — for  it  was  summer  time — came  upon  her  as  she  was 
sitting  lonely  in  the  lynx's  lodge.  She  at  once  told  him  the  story  of  her 
abduction  by  the  stranger.  At  the  same  time  she  insisted  that  the  latter 
was  uncommonly  powerful,  and  cautioned  her  husband  against  using 
violence  in  this  case.  "  We  had  better  try  and  take  him  by  stratagem, 
for  both  of  us  together  are  nothing  to  him,"  she  said. 

"  She  had  barely  uttered  these  words,  when  the  lynx  came  home  after 
a  successful  hunt.  The  woman  went  out  to  him  and  said  presenting  the 
new  comer:  "  Husband,  here  is  your  brother-in-law,  for  he  is  indeed  my 
own  younger  brother."  Upon  which  the  lynx  asked  :  "  Have  I  then  a 
brother-in-law?" — "Yes  indeed,  and  a  very  good  one,"  answered  the 
woman.  Then  her  own  lawful  ^husband  told  the  lynx  how  very  pleased 
he  was  to  see  his  sister  married  to  so  good  a  hunter  and  thereby  delivered 
from  her  first  husband  who  had  been  living  with  her  against  the  wishes  of 
all  her  relations.  To  confirm  the  sincerity  of  his  declarations,  he  pre- 
sented the  lynx  with  his  own  quiver  full  of  arrows,  keeping  only  his  bow 
for  himself.  "  I  will  hereafter  see  you  more  than  once,"  he  added  ''  and 
each  time  I  shall  make  you  similar  presents." 

"  The  lynx  was  so  pleased  that  he  insisted  upon  preparing  himself  his 
guest's  supper. 

"  Now  prior  to  his  return  home,  the  young  woman  had  related  to  her 
real  husband  how  the  lynx  had  asked  her  whether  she  was  having  her 
menses.  Lest  she  may  have  been  tempted  to  prove  unfaithful,  she  had 
answered  affirmatively,  though  that  was  not  the  case.  Hearing  this,  the 
lynx  had  manifested  a  great  dread  of  her  and  left  her  untouched.  They 


110  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV. 

had  then,  her  husband  and  herself,  agreed   as  to  the  plan  to  follow  to 
effect  her  deliverance. 

"  Therefore,  after  they  had  eaten  to  their  content,  she  purposely 
attempted  to  play  with  the  lynx,  while  her  husband,  who  was  lying  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  fireplace,  feigned  sleep.  But  each  time  that  she 
tried  to  touch  the  lynx  she  was  sharply  rebuked  :  '  SkrantJiaJionkres* 
you  will  throw  a  spell  over  my  arms,'  he  would  say.  Yet  she  would  not 
desist  in  her  endeavors  to  keep  him  awake  so  as  to  render  his  sleep  more 
profound  once  he  would  fall  asleep. 

"  At  length  after  he  had  been  a  while  soundly  sleeping,  she  motioned 
her  husband  with  a  stick  that  now  was  the  time  to  act.  Therefore  he 
cautiously  seized  his  bow  which  was  double  pointed,  as  one  end  of  it  was 
provided  with  a  long  horn  dart  while  the  other  had  a  stone  spear  head 
With  all  his  might,  he  sank  the  horn  dart  into  the  lynx's  breast,  while 
his  wife  chopped  off  his  head  with  a  stone  adze  she  had  kept  concealed 
in  her  bosom. 

"  After  he  had  transpierced  him  with  the  horn  dart,  he  and  his  wife 
turned  him  over  and  he  repeated  the  same  operation  on  his  back  with 
the  stone  spear  head  of  his  bow.  They  did  not  leave  him  till  he  had 
been  reduced  to  a  shapeless  mass  of  bone  and  flesh. 

"  Ever  since,  our  women  have  been  afraid  of  the  lynx,  for  he  is  indeed 
a  ravisher." 

In  the  estimation  of  the  Carriers  of  the  generations  gone  by,  fishing 
was  not  fraught  with  the  same  perils  as  hunting,  and  therefore  few,  if 
any,  superstitious  precautions  accompanied  it.  Indeed  the  only  vain 
observance  which  can  be  mentioned  in  this  connection  was  that  which 
forbade  women  having  their  monthly  flow  to  cut  or  carve  salmon, 
inasmuch  as  this  was  reputed  to  seriously  endanger  the  health  and 
especially  enfeeble  for  life  the  arms  of  the  transgressor. 

When  no  shaman  was  at  hand  to  consult  about  the  quantity  of  the 
salmon  coming  up,  either  the  elements  or  some  peculiarities  in  the 
vegetable  kingdom  afforded  them  a  means  of  prognosticating  the  nature 
of  the  forthcoming  run  of  fish.  Thus  a  continually  rumbling  thunder  or 
the  early  fall  of  the  service-berries  portended  to  them  an  abundant 
harvest.  I  would  not  affirm  that  these  ideas  have  no  longer  any  hold 
on  the  mind  of  a  few  modern  Carriers.  Those  persons  who  are  au  fail 
with  the  popular  notions  current  among  the  lower  classes  of  the  Old 
World  will,  I  think,  hesitate  before  tasking  my  Indians  with  uncommon 
credulity. 

*  Thahonkrh  is  hard  to  translate  in  English.      The  lynx  means  that  her  touch  while  in  her 
unclean  state  will  incapacitate  him  for  the  chase. 


1892-93.] 


NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES. 


Ill 


CHAPTER   VI. 
WOODEN  IMPLEMENTS. 

I  may  mention  as  having  some  relation  to  one  of  the  objects  of  the  pre- 
ceding Chapter,  namely  fishing,  the  hwofszz*  and  the  fo//<?/.f    The  former 


Fig.  96. 

is  the  wooden  maul  which  serves  to  drive  home  the  piles  of  the  salmon 
weirs  used  by  the  Carriers.  It  is  bottle-shaped,  and  of  the  hardest  wood 
obtainable,  generally  birch  (Bitula  papyraced). 


Fig-  97- 
» 

The  latter  is  the  wooden  float  attached  to  their  nets.  Here  we  cannot 
fail  to  remark  that  the  Western  D6nes  had  in  this  connection  an  oppor- 
tunity of  exhibiting  at  least  a  minimum  of  artistic  taste,  and,  as  in  most 
cases,  did  not  improve  it.  The  cut  (fig.  97)  shows  the  working  of  the 
float  when  in  actual  use. 

Such  entirely  wooden  implements  as  are  unconnected  with  either 
fishing  or  hunting  are  relatively  few  and  unimportant.  Therefore  we 
need  not  tarry  long  in  their  description.  Commencing  with  those  which 
serve  recreative  purposes,  we  may  refer  in  the  first  place  to  the  t3tquh 
(fig.  98)  of  which  mention  has  already  been  made  in  the  course  of  a 


Fig.  98. 


*  Second  category  of  nouns. 

t  A  verbal  noun  almost  equivalent  to   "it  floats  up." 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV. 


native  legend.  It  is  a  rod  five  or  six  feet  long  which  is  thrown  through 
the  air  so  as  to  fall  as  far  as  possible  from  the  initial  point  of  launching, 
the  distance  reached  determining  the  measure  of  success  attained.  This 
game  was  formerly  much  in  vogue  among  the  Carriers.  It  is  now 
obsolescent. 


Fig.  99. 

A  great  rival  is  1WZ3Z,  which  is  played  with  sticks  of  almost  the  same 
shape,  (fig.  99)  though  much  stouter  near  their  fore-end.  As  [they  do 
duty  on  the  frozen  surface  of  the  snow,  the  finest  polish  possible  is 
aimed  at  in  their  preparation.  These  sticks  vary  in  length  from  three  to 
six  or  seven  feet,  according  to  the  strength,  possessed  or  assumed,  of  the 
player.  The  Carriers  are  to-day  passionately  fond  of  this  game,  which 
is  played,  as  a  rule,  by  adverse  bands,  the  stake  going  over  to  the  party 
which  first  attains  the  fixed  number  of  points. 


Fig.   ioo. 

-  is  another  pastime  which  is  somewhat  childish  in  character.  In 
most  cases  it  is  played  by  the  fireside  in  the  camp  lodge  during  the  long 
winter  evenings.  Its  necessary  accompaniments  are  a  blunt-headed  stick 
(fig.  ioo)  and  two  small,  thin  and  springy  boards  firmly  driven  in  the 
ground,  one  close  by  each  player.  The  two  opposite  parties  sit  facing 
each  other  and  throw  the  ta'ko'  against  the  little  board  on  the  other  side, 
upon  hitting  which  it  rebounds  to  the  knees  of  the  successful  player,  who 
is  then  entitled  to  recommence  and  continue  as  long  as  luck  favors  him. 
Failing  to  get  at  the  mark,  the  ta'ko-  is  handed  to  the  other  partner.  The 
number  of  points  obtained  indicates  the  winner.  The  old  men  profess 
to  be  ignorant  cf  that  game,  which  is  probably  adventitious  among  our 
Indians. 

While  we  are  treating  of  the  games  in  connection  wherewith  success 
depends  on  the  skill  of  the  performer,  not  on  mere  hazard  as  with  nst'sa'a, 
atlih  and  atiyeh,  we  may  mention  'ket-la-p^s  ("  encircling  willow ")  or 
arrow  target  shooting,  though  the  implement  required  for  its  performance 


1892-93.] 


NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES. 


and  from  which  the  name  of  the  game  is  derived  would,  considered  in 
itself,  be  classed  among  the  objects  which  shall  form  the  subject  matter 
of  our  next  chapter. 


Fig.  101. 

This  is  a  sort  of  open  work  disk  or  wheel  made  principally  of  willow 
bark  strings,  though  the  frame  of  the  hoop  is  composed  of  three  or  four 
switches  very  closely  fitting  each  other  and  kept  in  position  by  a  strong 
lacing  of  strips  of  bark.  Radiating  from  the  axis,  or  heart  as  it  is  called, 
are  four  cords  of  similar  material  stretched  so  as  to  form  a  cross  (fig.  101). 

As  this  was  formerly  the  great  national  game  of  the  Carriers,  I  may 
be  pardoned  for  giving  its  rules  somewhat  in  full. 

A  team  of  five  or  six  men  was  matched  against  another  of  presumed 
equal  force,  and  after  each  player  had  been  provided  with  a  given  number 
of  pointless  arrows,  the  disk  was  set  wheeling  away  by  one  team  to  the 
cry  of  tlep  !  ttip  !  This  was  the  signal  for  the  other  to  shoot  at  it  while 
it  was  in  motion.  Should  they  fail  to  hit  it,  it  was  returned  rolling  to 
the  first  team  so  as  to  give  them  an  equal  chance  of  making  at  it  with 
their  arrows.  As  soon  as  the  disk  had  been  shot,  the  real  competitive 
game  commenced.  The  arrows  which  had  hit  it,  two,  three  or  more, 
became  the  stake  for  the  rival  team  to  win  over.  For  this  purpose  the 
disk  was  hung  up  a  short  stick  planted  in  the  ground  near  the  team  who 
had  succeeded  in  sending  home  the  arrows,  and  it  was  aimed  at  succes- 
sively by  each  member  of  the  opposite  party.  Should  any  one  be  lucky 
enough  to  shoot  it  with  his  first  arrow,  the  stake  played  for  became  his 
irrevocable  property.  When  the  target  was  hit,  but  on  a  subsequent 
attempt  of  the  marksman,  the  stake  was  thereby  won  over,  subject  to  its 
being  redeemed  by  any  member  of  the  opposing  team  performing  the 
same  feat.  In  this  case  the  game  became  a  draw  ;  the  wheel  was  set 
rolling  anew,  and  the  nature  of  the  stake  was  determined  as  in  the  first 
instance. 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CAtfADlAX    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.   IV". 


I  have  never  seen  'keilapss  played  by  others  than  children  and  young 
men.  But  in  times  past  it  had  a  sort  of  national  importance,  inasmuch  as 
teams  from  distant  villages  were  wont  to  assemble  in  certain  localities 
more  favorable  to  its  performance  in  good  style.  Indeed,  until  a  few 
years  ago  the  sporting  field  of  some  was  literally  dotted  with  small 
cavities  resulting  from  the  fall  of  the  arrows. 

Fig.  102  represents  the  device  doing  duty  among  the  TsijKoh'tin  as  a 
spindle.  Prior  to  the  introduction  of  European  textile 
fabrics,  its  uses  were  doubtless  of  a  much  wider  des- 
cription than  to-day.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  I  have  never 
seen  it  in  actual  use  except  to  spin  or  twist  the  rabbit 
skin  lines  entering  into  the  manufacture  of  blankets. 
The  discoidal  attachment  is  wanting  in  the  implement 
such  as  known  among  the  Carriers. 

There  can  be  imagined  no  simpler  or  more  primitive 
method  of  lighting  fire  than  that  originally  obtaining 
Fig.  102.  among  the  Western  Denes.  Instead  of  the  somewhat 
elaborate  fire-drill  in  use  amongst  the  northernmost  congenerous  tribes, 
such  as  the  Loucheux  and  the  Hares,  our  aborigines'  apparatus  was 
reduced  to  a  short  stick,  generally  of  resinous  scrub  pine  (P.  contorta)  set 
revolving  on  touchwood  by  immediate  contact  with  the  hands  as  is 
practised  by  the  Wataweita  of  eastern  equatorial  Africa.* 

Shall  I  speak  of  the  Western  Danes'  canoes  ?  They  certainly  possess 
no  peculiarity  to  render  them  worthy  of  any  mention,  unless  it  be  their 
very  rudeness  of  form  and  finish.  Of  course  I  do  not  here  refer  to  the 
birch  bark  canoes,  which  among  the  Carriers  and  the  TsijKoh'tin,  have 
gone  out  of  use  since  the  last  fifty  years  or  so.  Of  these  I  have  seen  but 
very  few  examples,  and  they  were  not  representatives  of  their  class. 


Fig.  103. 

West  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  the  present  Dene  canoe  is  dug  out  of  bal- 
sam poplar  trees  (Populus  balsamifera),  and  either  because  the  material 
will  not  admit  of  a  similar  treatment,  or  because  our  Indians  have  not  yet 
learned  the  method  of  expanding  the  sides  by  the  action  of  fire  under- 
neath, as  is  done  by  the  Coast  Tribes  with  regard  to  their  cedar  canoes, 
they  are  left  almost  as  narrow  at  the  centre  as  the  tree  was  while  in  its 


See  "Fire  making  apparatus  in  the  U.S.  Museum,"  by  Walter  Hough,  p.  553- 


18U2-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  115 

original  state.  A  few  cross  sticks  only  prevent  the  sides  from  shrinking  in 
too  much.  This  want  of  width,  added  to  the  fact  that  the  prow  is  always 
made  of  the  broader  end  of  the  tree,  renders  these  canoes  very  awkward 
in  stormy  weather  on  our  lakes,  inasmuch  as  they  generally  compensate 
in  length  what  they  lack  in  breadth. 

Another  fact  worthy  of  remark  is  that  the  Carriers,  who  owe  to  their 
frequent  intercourse  with  the  Coast  Indians,  much  of  their  technology 
and  all  such  of  their  customs  as  are  unknown  to  the  rest  of  the  Dene 
nation,*  should  have  failed  to  take  the  hint  from  their  maritime  com- 
mercial visitors  and  build  wooden  canoes,  until  they  appropriated,  some 
seventy  years  ago,  two  rough  "dug-outs"  manned  by  a  party  of  Iroquois 
hailing  from  the  East. 

Their  paddles  offer  hardly  any  noticeable  peculiarities,  save  perhaps  the 
absence  of  the  cross-like  appendage  at  the  end  of  the  handle  which  is 
common  among  maritime  tribes.  This  is  explained  by  the  different 
manner  of  handling  the  implement.  While  the  Coast  Indian  when 
paddling  seems  to  divide  his  strength  between  propelling  forward  with  the 
left  hand  and  pulling  backward  with  the  right,  the  edge  of  the  wooden 
canoe  being  made  to  serve  as  a  partial  fulcrum  for  the  lever  in  his  hands, 
the  Carrier,  who  unconsciously  labours  under  the  illusion  that  he  is  still 
manning  a  frail  birch  bark  canoe,  does  all  his  paddling  away  from  his 
dug-out  without  ever  touching  its  sides.  This  exercise  necessitates  the 
peculiarly  long  shaft  of  his  paddle  and  renders  useless  the  cross-end  of 
the  maritime  implement.  The  aforesaid  illusion  is  so  patent 
that  even  while  at  the  helm,  he  scarcely  ever  uses  his  paddle 
as  a  rudder  to  steer  his  craft.  He  prefers  to  paddle  out  alter- 
nately to  the  right  and  to  the  left,  thereby  communicating  to 
the  canoe  a  kind  of  zig-zag  course. 

To  return  to  the  description  of  technological  items.  In  fig. 
104  we  have  an  industrial  implement  whose  destination  cannot 
be  guessed,  inasmuch  as  its  form  is  rather  misleading.  It  is 
not  an  oar,  but  a  'ah-tcas.  This  compound  word,  when  under- 
stood, prevents  the  possibility  of  any  misconception  as  to  the 
use  of  the  object  thereby  determined.  'Ah  is  the  Carrier  word 
for  a  species  of  fern  whose  bulbous  root  our  aborigines  greatly 
relish,  and  tcJs  means  "  paddle,"  and  by  extension  any  paddle- 
shaped  object.  Hence  this  implement  is  designed  to  dig  out 
Fig.  104.  the  escuient  root  Of  the  fern  "ah.  Yet,  in  spite  of  its  name,  it 

*  See  my  paper  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Canada,  Sect.  II.  1892,  p.  109- 
126. 


116 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV. 


does  frequent  service  as  a  mere  pe-yas-hahwozo*  or  snow  shovel,  as 
it  is  also  used  to  clear  of  snow  the  doorway  of  habitations  and  space 
adjacent  thereto.  It  should  be  remarked,  however,  that  the  prehistoric 
•ahtcas,  was  much  ruder  in  form  and  finish  than  that  herewith  illustrated. 

The  bulb  of  this  fern  is  eaten  while  fresh  and  baked  a  Vetouffee  in  this 
wise :  "  The  natives  dig  out  a  hole  about  three  feet  in  diameter  in  the 
ground,  pave  its  bottom  with  heated  stones  over  which  they  strew  chips 
of  alder  (Alnus  rubrd]  bark,  and  then  fill  it  up  with  the  roots.  The 
whole  is  then  covered  with  earth  and  the  roots  will  be  ready  for  the  table 
ten  or  twelve  hours  later,  that  is  when  entirely  cooled  down."-f- 

As  far  as  I  can  ascertain,  no  such  esculent  root  as  'ah  grows  in  the 
TsijKoh'tin's  country.  But  its  absence  is  more  than  compensated  by  the 
presence  there  of  two  very  useful  tubers,  3sroflJi  and  siintt,  which  resemble 
respectively  diminutive  oblong  and  spheroidal  potatoes.  When  these 


Fig.  105.  Fig.  106.     yz  size. 

have  reached  maturity,  they  are  dug  out  with  the  T-shaped  tool  shown 
in  fig.  105.  As  may  be  seen,  there  is  nothing  complicated  in  the  nature 
of  this  implement,  since  it  is  nothing  else  than  a  birch  branch  cut  off 
with  its  shoot.  To  ensure  greater  toughness  to  the  material,  its  point  is 
generally  treated  to  a  slight  calcination.  Immense  numbers  of  the 
root  are  annually  gathered.  They  are  either  boiled  as  potatoes  or 
smoked  in  the  house.  For  the  latter  purpose  a  sinew  or  buckskin  line  is 
passed  through  each  of  them,  and  while  thus  forming  strings  of  vegetable 
beads,  they  are  hung  up  near  the  chimney  or  the  fire  hole.  The  smoking 
process  is  rather  long,  and  at  its  close,  the  tubers  are  eaten  without  any 
further  preparation.  I  have  also  seen  this  method  practised  among  the 
TsijKoh'tin  with  regard  to  the  smallest  of  their  potatoes. 

From  the  culinary  peculiarities  of  the  TsijKoh'tin  we  may  pass  to  their 
faculty  of  imitation    and    adaptiveness   as   evidenced    by  the  herewith 


*  Lit.   "  wherewith-snow-is  shaved  off." 
•1-The  Western  Dene's,  p.  135. 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  117 

figured  toilet  article  which  had  been  made  and  was  used  by  one  of  them 
immediately  before  it  was  handed  to  me.  If  this  comb  stamps  them  as 
good  imitators,  it  must  be  confessed  that  it  entitles  them  to  no  particular 
claim  to  be  ranked  as  artists.  An  examination  of  the  cut  will  reveal  the 
extreme  simplicity  of  the  process  of  fabrication  of  this  article.  A  set  of 
small  holes  have'  first  been  drilled  with  the  hole-borer  (fig.  130),  after 
which  the  portions  of  the  wood  whose  veins  had  thus  been  cut  asunder 
have  been  extracted  with  the  knife  leaving  out  what  becomes  the  tines 
or  prongs  of  the  comb.* 

The  original  comb  of  the  Western  De"nes  was  remarkable  for  the  length 
of  its  prongs  rendered  necessary  by  their  peculiar  way  of  wearing  the 
hair  prior  to  their  first  encounter  with  European  civilization. 
In  all  probability,  it  was  made  in  about  the  same  style  as  the 
above  Carrier  comb  (fig.  107)  which  is  not  a  toilet  article,  but 
served  the  purpose  of  ritual  observances.  To  secure  success 
in  his  trapping  or  snaring  operations,  the  Carrier  had,  besides 
lying  down  by  the  fireside,  dreaming,  etc.,  to  make  use  of  this 
three-pronged  comb,  which  consists  in  the  juxtaposition  of  as 
many  wooden  pins  bound  together  with  sinew  lines. 

That  our  Western  Dene's  are  indeed  a  self  appropriating 
Fi     107      race  's  furtner  evidenced  by  the  tc3n'i  or  wooden  cuirass  which 
Yt  size,      the  Carrier  warriors  used  to  don  as  a  protection  against  the 
enemy's  arrows.     This  was  composed,  as  a  rule,  of  dried  rods  of  Amelan- 
chier  alnifolia  (or  Canadensis)  disposed  in  parallel  order  and  held  together 
by  means  of  cariboo  skin  lines  interlaced  through  the  middle  and  near 
both  edges.     It  was  identical  with  the  wooden  armour  formerly  in  use 
among  the  coast  tribes  from  which  it  was  undoubtedly  borrowed.     I  have 
never  seen  any;  but  fig.  53,  plate  xv.  in  Niblack's  "The  Coast  Indians 
of  Southern  Alaska  "  f  will  give  some  idea  of  its  general  appearance. 

Composed  of  the  same  material  was  the  *kei-lla-tkan\  or  shield,  which 
was  oval  in  form  as  the  Roman  clypeus.  The  mode  of  manufacture  only 
differed  somewhat,  as  the  branches  or  twigs  of  amelanchier  were  very 
closely  interwoven.  No  specimen  is  now  available  for  illustration. 

Another  wooden  implement  which,  though  I  have  seen  in  actual  use, 
I  cannot  figure  herewith  for  the  lack  of  a  specimen  to  draw  from,  is 

*  The  Carrier  name  of  the  comb  is  tsi-ltzti,  "  the  head  is  curried,"  a  verbal  noun. 

•^Ann.  Rep.  U.  S.  National  Museum,  1888. 

J  Lit.   "  willow  (or  birch )-the  hand-hold  "  ;  3rd  categ.  of  nouns. 


H8  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THK    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VoL.   IV. 

the  tc2ti-3s?ju  (sticks-interwoven)  of  the  Babines.  Its  name  indicates 
its  mode  of  fabrication,  but  leaves  us  in  the  dark  as  to  its  shape  or 
destination.  Imagine  a  rough  arm  chair  without  legs  and  made  of  stout, 
split  sticks  of  willow  (Salix  longifolia)  or  other  wood  secured  by  skin 
strings,  and  you  have  a  perfect  idea  of  its  form.  As  for  its  use,  it  may 
be  properly  pointed  out  by  a  simple  reference  to  the  plate  xx  illustrating 
Ancient  Mexican  Carriers,  in  Cyrus  Thomas'  paper  on  the  Manuscrit 
Troano.*  The  packing  devices  seem  to  be  identical  in  both  cases,  while 
the  modes  of  handling  the  implement  appear  to  have  been  different. 
Our  Western  Dene  women — useless  to  remark  that  among  primitive 
peoples  heavy  work  always  falls  to  the  lot  of  the  woman — pack  from  the 
forehead  with  a  skin  line  broadening  in  the  middle,  and,  if  the  load  is 
.unusually  weighty,  the  ends  of  this  line  are  made  to  pass  around  the 
chest  so  as  to  render  the  burden  more  manageable.  Among  the 
Hwotso'tin,  a  fraction  of  the  Babine  sub-tribe,  I  have  seen  a  woman  thus 
packing,  apparently  with  the  greatest  ease,  her  invalid  husband,  a  man 
of  more  than  average  size  and  weight. 

I  shall  purposely  avoid  speaking  of  the  board  boxes  likewise  used  as 
carrying  mediums  by  some  of  our  Carriers,  because  they  are  imported 
from  the  coast,  not  indigenous  to  the  Western  Den£s. 

These  other  objects  which,  as  sociological  items,  are  also  due  to  the 
influence  of  the  maritime  tribes,  but  had  become  naturalized  among,  and 
were  made  by,  the  Carriers,  were  the  nt/riv^s,  the  hanftaihft  and  the 
fsak.  The  first  two  are  respectively  the  ceremonial  rattle  and  mask, 
none  of  which  can  now  be  illustrated  from  existing  specimens.  These 
were  almost  the  only  objects  of  art  of  genuine  Dene  manufacture  to 
which  I  can  point,  and  yet  I  do  not  think  I  unduly  depreciate  my 
Indians'  artistic  capabilities  by  adding  that  they  were  rather  below  than 
above  the  average  of  similar  aboriginal  carvings.  The  masks  were  used 
only  by  mimics  accompanying  by  grotesque  gestures  and  jerking  of  the 
head  the  dance  of  a  privileged  few.  But  the  rattles  served  a  double 
purpose:  they  did  service  in  connection  with  a  notable's  dance,  being  then 
held  in  the  hand  by  the  dancing  personage  himself,  and  also  as  an 
accompaniment  to  the  incantations  of  the  nijq3n,\  or  shaman.  Both 
implements  are,  even  at  the  present  day,  so  common  among  North 
Pacific  Coast  tribes  that  no  description  of  either  is  needed  by  readers 
ever  so  little  au  fait  with  American  aboriginal  paraphernalia  It  may 

*  Contributions  to  North  American  Ethnology,  vol.  v.,  p.  20. 

fLit.   "that  (round  obj.)  which  is  taken  off;"  the  verb  ha-nes'aih  in  the  potential  mood. 
£Lit.    "he  makes  people  sing."     Not  to  forget  that  among  most  aboriginal  races,  song  and 
magic  are  convertible  terms. 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    D^NES.  119 

suffice  to  refer  less  informed  readers  to  the  plates  or  figures  illustrating 
Niblack's  "The  Coast  Indians  of  Southern  Alaska";*  G.  M.  Dawson's 
"Notes  on  the  Haidajf"  W.  H.  Dall's  "Masks  and  Labrets,J"  etc. 

•  Fig.  108  illustrates  an  implement  which,  for  the  lack  of  another  term 
we  must  call  a  rattle,  though  in  shape,  use  and  native  name  §  it 
widely  differs  from  the  above  mentioned  ceremonial  rattle.  It 
is  campanulate  in  form  and  is  composed  of  a  rounded  piece  of 
wood,  hollowed  out  in  its  larger  or  bottom  end  and  split  asunder 
as  far  up  as  that  part  of  it  which  serves  as  a  handle.  It  was 
used  by  the  participants  in  that  aboriginal  ceremony,  the  tlief- 
szlrwzs,  ||  which  I  have  described  in  a  former  paper.**  By  slap- 
ping against  one  another,  its  two  halves  produced  a  very  sharp 
rattling  sound  which  could  be  heard  at  a  great  distance. 

This  is  perhaps  the  proper  place  to  mention  another  piece  of 
Den£  carving,  the  gentile  totem,  toad,  grouse,  beaver,  etc.,  which 
Fig.  108.  on  great  festival  occasions  was  exhibited  as  a  means  of  attracting 
" Slze-  offerings,  apparently  to  the  said  totem  image,  which  were  in 
reality  presents,  voluntary  or  due,  to  the  givers  of  the  feast.  Of  course 
no  specimens  of  these  carvings  now  exist  among  the  natives. 

The  fsak,  the  third  borrowed  sociological  item  mentioned  above,  was 
a  canoe  or  trough-shaped  vessel,  sometimes  elaborately  carved  to  the 
arms  of  its  possessor,  I  mean  the  totem  animal  of  the  notable  to  whom 
it  belonged,  and  wherein  food  was  served  to  the  invited  guests.  This 
large  vessel  was  brought  into  requisition  on  the  occasion  of  extraordinary 
festivals  only.  Identical  specimens  are  shown  in  plate  xxxviii.  of 
Niblack's  book. 

Another  kind  of  wooden  utensil  called  fsai  or  dish,  which  was  often- 
times inlaid  with  haliotis  shells  as  an  attempt  at  ornamentation,  is  also 
known  to  have  been  possessed  by  a  few  Carrier  families.  But  I  greatly 
suspect  that  the  vessel,  no  less  than  its  ornaments,  had  been  bartered 
from  among  the  coast  Indians  during  the  fairs  which  were  periodically 
held  on  the  borders  of  the  Kitiksons'  territory. 

This  brings  us  to  the  consideration  of  the  Western  Danes'  household 
utensils. 

*Rep.  U.S.  Museum,  1888. 

t  Report  on  the  Queen  Charlotte  Islands.     Ann.  Rep.  Geol.  Surv.  Canada,  1878-79. 

£  Third  Ann.  Rep.  Bureau  Ethnol ;  Washington,  1884. 

$yait9'ta',   "from  which  there  comes  a  slapping  sound." 

||  "  One  runs  out." 

**The  Western  Denes,  etc.,  Pro.  Can.  Inst.  Vol.  VII,  1888-89,  p.  154. 


120 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

BARK  IMPLEMENTS. 

In  no  branch  of  aboriginal  industry  is  the  Western  Denes'  and  especi- 
ally the  Carriers'  inferiority  as  workmen  more  apparent  than  with  regard 
to  their  household  utensils.  Most  certainly  no  more  primitive  ware 
could  be  imagined,  both  as  regards  material  and  workmanship.  It  has 
already  been  pointed  out  that  no  pottery  or  clay  objects  of  any  description 
ever  existed  among  them.  With  reference  to  the  Carriers  and  the 
Tse'kehne,  the  list  of  unknown  technological  items  must  be  extended  so 
as  to  comprise  even  thd  twined  basket-work  vessels  so  common  among 
the  majority  of  American  indigenous  races.  These  are  replaced  among 
the  aforesaid  tribes  by  corresponding  vessels  made  of  either  birch 
(Bttula  papyracea)  or  spruce  (Abies  nigra)  bark.  Only  the  coarser 
variety  of  vessels,  thoes  the  object  of  which  is  but  temporary,  are  made 
of  the  latter  material,  the  remainder,  those  which  are  properly  household 
utensils,  being  invariably  of  birch-bark. 


Fig.  no. 


Fig.    109. 

The  most  popular  vessels  among  the  Carriers  are  the  two  herewith 
illustrated.  Both  are  of  a  single  piece  of  birch  bark,  and  this  must  in- 
deed be  understood  of  all  birch  or^spruce  bark  utensils.  The  shape  and 
cut  of  the  material  previous  to  sewing  are  represented  in  figs.  1 1 1  and 
112.  In  the  former  figure,  besides  these,  the  seams  and  stitches  will  be 


1892-93.] 


NOTKS  ON  THK  WESTERN  DENES. 


121 


found  faithfully  delineated.  The  curved  bold  lines  in  the  cut  indicate 
the  places  of  cutting  preparatory  to  folding  up  the  bark,  and  the  dotted 
outlines  stand  for  what  becomes  the  outside  edge  corresponding  to,  and 


Fig.    in. 

sewed  with,  the  tapering  piece  of  bark  noticeable  in  the  lower  part  of  the 
finished  vessel.  Such  portions  of  the  material  as  are  comprised  between 
the  bold  and  the  dotted  lines — a,  b,  c,  d — are  cut  off  once  the  adjacent 


&  :\  i  I 


Fig.  112. 


fig-  "3- 

parts  have  been  sewed.     To  give  the  necessary  consistency  to  the  rim,  a 
rod  is  made  to  encircle  it  on  the  inside.     Furthermore,  to  still  add  to  the 
9 


122  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  |  VOL.   IV. 

solidity  of  the  vessel  and  ensure  greater  neatness  of  appearance,  \vattup, 
or  split  spruce  root,  is  made  to  pass  through  the  bark  and  wrapped  very 
tightly  around  the  rod  and  rim.  In  order  to  avoid  striking  .successively" 
the  same  grain  of  the  bark  with  the  awl,  the  holes  are  pierced  each  re- 
ceding backward  till  four  or  five  have  been  stitched  in,  after  which  the 

O 

first  of  a  new  series  is  made  closer  to  the  brim.  To  break  the  monotony 
of  the  wattup  wrapping,  small  pieces  of  tcdn-na-f qdj*  or  bird  cherry 
(Piunus  pensylvanica.  Linn.)  bark  are  inserted,  generally  in  the  middle 
of  each  of  the  four  sides  of  the  vessel,  enough  of  their  shining  surface 
being  left  uncovered  to  be  easily  visible. 

The  largest  of  the  bark  vessels  above  illustrated  is  called  a  tcajyaj.  It 
has,  as  a  rule,  a  capacity  of  from  three  or  four  to  ten  gallons.  As  regards 
the  uses  to  which  it  is  put,  they  are  manifold.  While  the  women  are 
gathering  berries,  it  serves  to  bring  home  the  fruit  which  has  been 
immediately  collected  in  the  smaller  or  tliej  vessel  (fig.  1 10).  In  the  lodge 
the  tcajyaj  is  also  the  recipient  of  clothes,  the  sewing  implements  of  the 
women,  the  family  heirlooms,  the  trinkets  of  the  children,  etc.  More- 
over, it  serves  frequently  to  cache  up  close  by  the  houses  any  household 
chattels  which  it  is  thought  expedient  to  protect  against  mice.  When 
thus  employed  it  is  suspended,  carefully  covered  with  birch  bark,  from' 
the  lower  limb  of  a  branchy  evergreen. 

Some  tcajyaj,  while  remaining  identical  in  form,  materially  differ  in  their 
style  of  cutting  and  sewing.  Of  these  fig.  1 13  affords  a  fair  example. 

None  of  the  bark  vessels  of  the  Carriers  is  provided  with  a  lid. 

The  second  vessel,  the  the],  "receptacle,"  (figs.  110,  112)  somewhat 
resembles  the  first  in  form  and  hardly  differs  in  make,  save  of  course,  the 
altered  cutting  of  the  bark.  But  while  all  the  tcajyaj  are  very  deep  and 
as  nearly  quadrilateral  in  shape  as  the  material  will  allow,  the  orifice  of 
the  thej  is  oval  and  the  vessel  is  proportionately  more  shallow.  More- 
over, all  such  specimens  as  exhibit  a  pretension  to  elegance  have  the 
middle  of  their  length  rims  somewhat  elliptical.  Inserted  between  the 
bark  and  the  encircling  rod  on  both  narrow  sides  are  two  buckskin 
thongs  forming  loops  to  which  is  attached  the  neat  yarn  string — generally 
adorned  with  multicoloured  yarn  tufts — which  serves  to  suspend  the 
vessel  from  the  neck.  The  thej  is  carried  on  the  breast,  while  the  tcajyaj 
is  packed,  sometimes  two  at  a  time,  on  the  back  and  the  occiput.  Some- 
times, as  is  the  case  with  the  more  stylish  patterns,  the  cherry  bark  orna- 
ments are  replaced  by  dyed  horse  hair  arranged  so  as  to  produce 
geometrical  designs. 

*  "  Stick  which  one  tears  around,"  by  allusion  to  the  mode  of  treating  its  bark. 


1892-93.] 


NOTES    OX    THE    WESTERN    DENES. 


The  thej  is  above  all  a  berry  basket,  but  it  does  also  frequent  service 
as  a  drinking  cup.  Its  size  is  subject  to  great  variations,  as  it  may  con- 
tain from  one  pint  to  two  gallons.  Both  tcajyaj  and  thej  are  to  be  seen 
in  every  Carrier  household,  and  the  latter  especially  is  used  so  extensively 
that  there  is  hardly  any  girl,  however  so  poor,  who  does  not  possess  her 
berry  basket. 


|Fig.  114. 


'     ' 


Fig.  115. 

The  vessel  delineated  in  fig.  1 14  differs  from  the  preceding  in  every 
particular  except  material  and  the  setting  of  its  rim.  It  is  shallow,  and 
almost  rectangular  in  form,  and  the  seams,  instead  of  tapering  from  the 
corners  to  the  centre  of  the  ends  as  in  the  above  described,  remain* 
confined  to  the  corners.  Fig.  1 15  will  make  it  clear  that  its  manufacture 
offers  no  serious  difficulty.  Here  again  the  dotted  outlines  point  to 
those  portions  of  the  bark  which  are  cut  off  after  the  vessel  has  been 
sewed.  As  its  main  destination  is  to  hold  liquid,  though  but  for  a  short 
time,  whether  this  be  water,  grease,  or  berry  juice,  it  is  made  perfectly 
water  tight.  Its  native  name  is  fsai,  a  Dene  root,  which  means  tray, 
dish,  or  plate.  The  t'sai  greatly  vary  in  size,  though  they  average  a. 
capacity  of  five  gallons. 


Fig.   1 1 6. 

Very  much  resembling  this  vessel  is  the  fjzs-fsai  or  fish  tray  (fig.  I  i6)r 
which  however  differs  not  a  little  as  regards  both  make  and  finish.     It  is 

o 

without  a  single  seam,  the  corners  of  the  bark  being  merely  folded  up, 


124 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV. 


and  the  switch  which  encircles  its  rim  is  laid  on  the  outside,  instead  of 
the  inside,  surface  of  the  bark  edges.  This  also  lacks  the  thorough 
wattup  wrapping  of  the  rim,  for  which  is  substituted  a  spiral  lacing  of  a 
coarser  kind  of  spruce  root.  To  prevent  the  thin  birch  bark  from  yielding 
too  much  to  the  pressure  of  the  rim  switch,  a  double  lining  consisting  of 
two  narrow  strips  of  bark  is  applied  against  the  vessel's  edge  both  on  the 
inside  and  on  the  outside. 

It  should  be  added  that  a  few  fish  trays  are  also  made  with  seams 
exactly  as  the  common  dish  or  tray  (fig.  1 14). 

The  length  of  this  vessel  is  generally  double  its  width,  which,  in 
extreme  cases,  may  reach  as  much  as  one  foot  and  a  half.  It  does 
service  principally  in  connection  with  the  daily  net-fishing.  The  net, 
which  has  been  left  to  dry  during  the  day,  is  at  dusk  prepared  for  use  at 
home,  the  floats  and  sinkers  being  there  attached  in  their  proper  places. 
The  whole  is  then  carefully  folded  and  deposited  in  this  tray,  after  which 
the  fisherman — or  rather  fisherwoman,  since  net  fishing  invariably 
devolves  on  the  woman — proceeds  to  the  spot  in  the  lake  chosen  to  set 
it.  When  it  is  withdrawn  in  the  morning,  two  such  vessels  may  generally 
be  seen  in  the  canoe,  one  destined  to  hold  the  fish,  the  other  reserved  for 
the  net,  which  is  folded  therein  as  soon  as  drawn  out  of  the  water. 


Fig.   118 

No  vessels  of  European  or  American  manufacture  have  so  far  replaced 
any  of  the  above  described  utensils.  This  is  not  the  case  with  figs.  117 
and  1 1 8,  tor  which  tin  or  copper  vessels  have  long  been  substituted. 
The  former,  however,  was  still  to  be  seen  in  actual  use  some  ten  or  fifteen 
years  ago.  It  was  intended  to  keep  water  in  ;  hence  its  Carrier  name 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  125 


)  "water-receptacle."  This  circumstance  accounts  also  for  its 
peculiar  form  —  I  mean  the  contraction  of  its  upper  part  in  faint  imitation 
of  the  neck  of  a  jar.  Of  course  this  vessel  was  made  water-tight,  the 
wattup  used  as  thread  being,  after  sewing,  carefully  pressed  in  with  the 
finger  previously  coated  with  the  balsam  of  the  spruce  (Abies  balsamea). 

The  latter  is  the  original  Carrier  kettle  or  boiler,*  which  is  now  alto- 
gether antiquated.  It  is  seamless  ;  the  bark  of  which  it  is  made  has  simply 
been  folded  up  at  its  four  corners  and  is  so  retained  by  means  of  a  few 
stitches  and  of  an  encircling  rod  on  the  outside  of  the  rim.  Therein 
were  boiled  the  roots,  fish  or  meat  of  the  family  repast,  and  the  aborigines 
are  still  loud  in  their  praise  of  its  excellence  as  a  rapid  boiler.  Naturally 
enough,  the  frailty  of  its  material  required  that  care  be  taken  lest  it  come 
in  immediate  contact  with  the  flames.  These  primitive  kettles  were  not 
only  serviceable,  but  even  much  more  durable  than  might  be  expected. 
In  fact,  their  only  part  which  was  at  all  liable  to  get  burnt  was  the 
wooden  rim  hoop,  which  had  to  be  renewed  from  time  to  time. 

On  grand  occasions,  such  as  the  famous  "potlaches"  or  ceremonial 
banquets  f  so  much  in  vogue  among  almost  all  the  British  Columbian 
tribes,  large  square  boxes  imported  from  the  sea  coast,  were  called  into 
requisition.  When  filled  with  water  arfd  meat  or  fish,  heated  stones  were 
repeatedly  cast  in  until  their  contents  were  boiled. 

The  contrivance  illustrated  by  fig.  119  consists  of  two  parts,  both  of 
which  are  of  spruce  bark.  Its  object  cannot  well  be  understood  without 
some  details  on  one  of  the  Carriers'  most  important  industries,  berry 
collecting  and  preserving. 

Conspicuous  among  the  various  species  of  wild  fruit  which  yearly  ripens 
in  profusion  throughout  their  territory  is  the  service  berry  (Amelanchier 
alnifolia).  So  important  is  it  in  their  estimation  that  they  generally  call 
it  merely  the  fruit,  mat.  At  the  end  of  every  summer,  the  women  gather 
immense  quantities  of  it,  first  in  their  thej  and  then  in  their  tcajyaj 
wherein  it  is  brought  home.  When  not  eaten  fresh,  seasoned,  as  a  rule, 
with  bear  grease  or  salmon  oil,  the  berries  are  kept  for  future  use  under 
the  form  of  large,  thin  cakes  resembling  plugs  of  tobacco.  They  are 
then  prepared  by  a  process  which,  if  primitive,  is  not  the  less  complicated 

As  soon  as  the  desired  quantity  of  the  fruit  has  been  secured,  the 
Carriers  build  on  the  ground,  in  a  sandy  spot,  if  possible,  the  below 

*  JVusai,  sec.  root.      The  name  of  the  modern  kettle  is  usa'. 

f  liorwsnita,  "the  going  near"  a  verbal  noun,  which  confirms  what  I  have  written  else- 
where, namely  that  such  feasts,  no  less  than  several  other  practices,  are  of  recent  origin  among 
the  Western  Denes. 


126 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.    IV. 


delineated  boiler  and  tray.  They  commence  by  digging  a  shallow 
excavation  in  the  sand  into  which  they  lay  one  end  of  a  rough  bark  tray, 
thereby  obtaining  an  oblique  inclination  for  the  whole  vessel,  the  lower 
end  of  which  is  alone  folded  up.  Inside  the  upper  half  of  the  tray,  a 
boiler  of  corresponding  width  and  made  of  a  large  piece  of  spruce  bark 
is  erected  and  secured  in  position  by  three  sticks  driven  in  the  ground  on 
the  outside  of  both  boiler  and  tray.  This  boiler  has  no  other  bottom 
than  that  of  the  tray  wherein  it  stands  upright  and  wherewith  it  forms  an 
obtuse  angle.  As  a  consequence  of  this  last  circumstance  an  aperture  is 
left  between  the  bottom  of  the  tray  and  the  lower  edge  of  the  front  side 
of  the  boiler,  that  facing  the  projecting  part  of  the  shallow  vessel.  A  few 
twigs  are  there  deposited  which  will  act  as  a  strainer  with  regard  to  the 
escaping  juice  of  the  berries.  Once  the  boiler  has  been  filled  up  with  the 
fruit,  heated  stones  are  cast  in  which  have  the  double  effect  of  pressing 
down  and  boiling  its  contents.  The  juice  escaping  in  the  outer  part  of 
the  tray  is  transferred  when  necessary  to  another  vessel.  The  berries  in  the 


Fig.   119. 

boiler  having  considerably  sunk  down  and  the  stones  beginning  to  cool, 
a  new  supply  of  both  is  thrown  on  top  of  the  mash,  which  operation  is 
repeated  as  long  as  the  size  of  the  boiler  will  allow.  After  all  the  juice 
has  thus  been  extracted,  the  residue  of  the  berries  is  thoroughly  kneaded, 
after  which  it  is  spread  out  in  thin  layers  on  willow  hurdles  previously 
covered  with  heraeleum  leaves,  and  then  exposed  to  the  action  of  the 
sun  and  air.  By  frequently  sprinkling  the  mash  with  the  juice  of  the 
berries  and  letting  it  dry  until  it  attains  the  proper  degree  of  consistency, 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  127 

rit  finally  coagulates  into  cakes  of  uniform  thickness  which  are  then 
stored  away  for  future  use.  When  properly  prepared,  these  will  keep  for 
years  and  if  sprinkled  over  with  a  little  sugar,  they  are  of  tempting 
succulency  even  to  others  than  Indians. 

ESCULENT  AND  MEDICINAL  PLANTS. 

Before  proceeding  further  in  our  description  of  native  utensils,  it  may 
not  be  irrelevant  to  complete  our  knowledge  of  the  means  of  subsistence 
•of  the  Western  L)£nes  by  a  brief  nomenclature  of  the  other  esculent 
berries,  roots  or  plants  they  use  as  food,  as  well  as  of  the  chief  medicinal 
herbs  which  they  have,  or  had  formerly,  recourse  to  in  case  of  bodily 
ailment.  Their  flora,  such'as  represented  in  their  vocabulary,  is  some- 
what limited,  inasmuch  as,  with  very  few  exceptions,  only  such  plants  as 
have  a  place  in  their  domestic  economy  are  deemed  worthy  of  a  name. 
Question,  for  instance,  a  TsiiKoh'tin  about  the  native  name  of  a  beautiful 
flower  which  may  strike  your  fancy,  and  if  it  is  not  that  of  an  edible  or 
medicinal  plant,  he  will  look  at  you  wondering  if  your  mind  is  not 
getting  unbalanced  and  ask  you  scornfully  :  "  Do  you  think  that  we  eat 
such  a  thing,  that  we  should  have  a  name  for  it  ?  "  A  great  many  berries 
they  do  eat,  and  therefore  honour  with  a  distinctive  name  These,  added 
to  those  already  mentioned  in  the  course  of  the  present  monograph,  are  : 

The  small,  low-growing  blue  berry  ( Vaccinium  myrtillns]  which  is 
common  in  dry,  stony  places,  such,  generally,  as  are  wooded  with  the 
scrub  pine.  These  are  gathered  in  the  autumn  and  either  eaten  fresh, 
when  they  are  very  succulent,  or  dried  and  kept  until  needed  for  use.  In 
this  latter  case,  they  are  first  boiled  in  a  common  tin  kettle,  then  thor- 
oughly kneaded,  and  spread,  without  extracting  the  juice,  over  small 
trellis,  much  as  is  done  with  the  mash  of  the  service  berries.  Their  Car- 
rier name  \s ytn-tfo-mai'  or  ground  berries. 

A  larger  species  of  blue  berries  (  V.  myrtiloides)  is  also  much  sought 
.after  and  treated,  as  a  rule,  as  the  small  ground  blue  berries.  Such  is 
also  the  case  with  the  swamp  cranberry  (Oxicoccus  palustris}  which, 
though  rather  scarce  here,  is  none  the  less  appreciated  by  the  natives. 
The  Carrier  name  of  the  former  is  ya/ts^l,  a  secondary  root ;  that  of.  the 
latter  zya'-fo-mai",  or  marsh  berry,  a  noun  of  the  third  category. 

Tdtqe  is  a  large,  dark -colored  berry,  (Empetrum  nigrum}  somewhat 
acid  and  very  juicy.  When  not  eaten  fresh,  or  seasoned  with  bear 
grease,  whole  basketsful  of  it  are  deposited  in  long  trough-like  vessels  of 
spruce  bark,  tucked  up  at  both  ends  so  as  to  form  provisional  receptacles 
therefor.  After  they  have  undergone  the  usual  kneading  process,  heated 


128  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.  IV. 

stones  are  thrown  over  the  mash  until  it  has  boiled  long  enough  to  pre- 
vent its  deteriorating  with  age,  after  which  cakes  are  obtained  by  drying 
on  hurdles,  as  practised  with  regard  to  the  service  berry. 

A  species  of  high  bush  cranberry  (  Viburnum  paneiflorum\  in  spite  of 
its  pungency,  is  also  much  appreciated  by  the  native  palate.  It  comes  to 
perfect  maturity  late  in  September,  and  is  generally  eaten  with  bear 
grease.  But  when  it  ripens  early  enough,  and  when  the  service  berries 
are  not  kept  in  dried  cakes  it  is  mixed  with  them  to  render  them  more 
digestible.  The  service  berry,  when  eaten  alone,  is  rather  heavy  on  the 
stomach,  and  the  addition  of  the  cranberries  is  intended  to  correct  this 
drawback.  The  Carriers  call  the  high  bush  cranberry  tsajtse. 

The  soap  berry  (Shepperdia  canadensis),  which  is  so  unpalatable  to  a 
white  man,  is  not  the  least  esteemed  of  esculent  berries  among  the 
Western  Denes.  It  is  either  eaten  raw  or  dried  for  future  use.  In  both 
cases,  it  requires  some  preparation  to  become  edible.  After  it  has  been 
mashed  in  a  tin  or  bark  vessel  and  sprinkled  with  a  little  sugar  to  soften 
down  its  bitter  taste,  it  is  vigorously  stirred  with  the  hand  until  it 
springs  up  into  a  beautiful  rosy  foam — whence  its  name — which  is  highly 
appreciated,  especially  on  a  hot  summer  day.  If  not  needed  at  the 
time  the  berries  are  collected,  their  mash  is  put  in  a  spruce  bark  vessel 
and  boiled  by  means  of  heated  stones  until  nothing  remains  but  the 
roasted  residue  of  the  fruit.  This  is  now  given  the  form  of  the  usual 
plug-like  cakes  by  spreading  and  drying  on  hurdles  and  finally  stowed 
away.  When  these  are  required  for  consumption,  they  are  put  in  a 
kettle,  dissolved  in  a  little  water,  and  stirred  with  the  hand  as  in  the  case 
of  the  fresh  berries  and  with  similar  results. 

Two  other  species  of  single  berried  fruit  called  respectively  tcitcestetcc* 
and  nontza  are  generally  eaten  fresh.  As  far  as  I  can  guess,  they 
belong  to  the  genus  Viburnum.  The  first,  which  grows  only  on 
mountainous  soil,  is  black  and  resembles  the  service  berry,  but  the 
natives  claim  that  it  is  unknown  to  the  whites.  The  second  is  a  blue 
berry  ripening  on  very  tall  bushes. 

Nor  should  we  omit  in  our  nomenclature  even  the  berry  of  the 
kinnikinik  (ArctostapJiylos  uva-urst],  which  is  prepared  for  eating 
by  roasting  in  a  frying  pan  and  mixed  with  salmon  oil  or  the  grease 
of  any  animal.  Its  native  name  is  t3nih  in  all  the  western  dialects. 

The  natives  also  relish  any  species  of  edible — and  sometimes  to  us 
non-edible — berries,  such  as  the  raspberry  (Rubns  strigosus],  the  straw- 

*  This  name,  though  used  among  the  Carriers,  is  of  undoubted  Tse'kehne  origin. 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES. 

berry  (Fragaria  canadensis),  the  black  currant  (Ribes  nigrum),  which  the 
Carriers  call  "toad  berry,"  etc.  But  none  of  these  has  the  economic 
importance  of  those  above  enumerated. 

Besides  these  and  the  bulbous  roots  'ah,  sunti  and  3sronh  which  have 
been  mentioned  elsewhere,  the  Western  Ue"nes  find  in  their  immediate 
vicinity  several  indigenous  plants  to  diversify  their  daily  menu  of  fish  or 
meat.  Chief  among  these  may  be  quoted  the  red  lily  (Lilium  Colum- 
bianum),  the  bulb  of  which  is  used  as  an  article  of  food  by  most 
British  Columbian  and  other  American,  or  even  Asiatic  tribes.  It  is 
cooked  by  boiling  pretty  much  as  is  done  with  potatoes.  The  natives 
harvest  it  almost  as  soon  as  it  has  sprouted  out,  a  short  time  after  the 
entire  disappearance  of  snow.  The  Carrier  and  TsijKoh'tin  name  is 
tsa-tcsn  or  "beaver-stick." 

Another  plant  of  a  different  botanical  family  whose  root  is  likewise 
much  appreciated  as  an  article  of  food  is  the  S3s  or  sweet  flag  (Acorus 
Calamus}.  This  root  is  eaten  without  any  other  preparation  than 
cleaning  and  washing  in  cold  water. 

The  wild  onion  (Allicum  cernuum)  is  also  eaten,  root  and  leaves, 
either  raw  or  slightly  roasted  in  the  ashes.  The  Carriers  call  it  fjo-tstfn, 
"  stinking  grass."  So  is  the  root  of  the  dog-tooth  violet  (Erythronium 
giganteum),  which  is  reputed  excellent  by  the  natives.  Its  Carrier 
name  is  tcilkhe-rez,  a  compound  word  which  is  unfit  for  translation. 

In  the  cow-parsnip  (Heracleum  lanatum),  and  a  variety  of.  the  same 
(kraz,  in  Carrier)  it  is  the  inner  part  of  the  growing  stalks  which  is 
preferred.  It  is  often  used  while  fresh  and  unprepared  save  by  the 
stripping  of  its  fibrous  envelope.  But  if  fire  is  at  hand,  a  Carrier  will 
generally  treat  it  to  a  slight  roasting  through  the  flames  previously  to 
peeling  off  the  stalk.  The  H.  lanatum  is  the  kus  of  the  Western 
Dene's,  a  primary  root,  indicative  of  its  importance  in  the  estimation  of 
the  natives. 

The  marrow  of  the  willow  herb  (Epilobium  angusttfoliwri)  is  also 
much  esteemed,  as  is  manifest  from  the  nature  of  its  Carrier  name,  \<as- 
It  is  eaten  before  the  plant  reaches  maturity. 

Nor  do  the  Carriers  disdain  the  leaves  of  the  Oregon  grape  (Berberis 
aquifolium),  which  are  simmered  in  a  little  water  until  no  liquid  remains. 
This  plant,  however,  was  formerly  more  sought  after  than  is  done  by 
the  modern  Carriers,  who  call  it  Jtan-tcis,  "  simmered-leaf." 

Another  article  of  food,  cheap  because  very  common,  but  not  the 
least  prized  by  the  aborigines  is  the  hair-like  lichen  (Alectoria  jubata)* 


130  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV. 

which  grows  hanging  from  most  coniferous  trees,  especially  the  Douglas 
pine — hence  its  Carrier  name  teh-ra,  "  above-hair."  The  natives  submit 
it,  after  gathering,  to  a  thorough  washing,  till  it  loses  its  outer  colouring 
matter.  They  next  mix  it  with  dough  as  one  would  do  with  raisins,  and 
bake  the  whole.  The  lichen  has  then  on  the  cake  the  same  effect  as 
would  a  copious  application  of  yeast  powder  on  a  loaf  of  bread.  The 
Carriers  assure  me  that,  thus  prepared,  it  is  very  sweet  and  savory. 
Prior  to  the  introduction  of  flour,  they  cooked  it  with  grease. 

Although  the  shaman's  influence  was  great  and  his  services  frequently 
resorted  to  among  the  prehistoric  Western  Denes,  especially  the  Carriers, 
natural  remedies  such  as  provided  by  the  vegetable  kingdom  were  by  no 
means  despised  by  them.  Nay  more,  their  medical  flora  was  rather 
extensive,  and  it  may  be  said  to  their  credit,  that  several  of  nature's 
most  valuable  secrets  were  no  mysteries  to  them.  Among  the  herbs  or 
vegetable  growths  esteemed  among  them  for  their  medicinal  properties,  I 
may  mention  the  following  : — 

Tat/z's  (Polyporus  officinalis),  a  fungoid  growth  from  the  Douglas  pine. 
It  was  ground  down  into  a  fine  powder  and  taken  internally  in  a  little 
•water  as  a  panacea  against  biliousness.  According  to  the  dose,  it  was  a 
purgative  or  an  emetic.  It  was  very  effective  ;  so  effective  indeed  as  to 
be  really  dangerous.  For  that  reason  it  has  been  altogether  discarded 
in  favour  of  milder  laxatives  such  as  the  bark  of  the  elder  (Sambitcus 
racemosus),  which  is  pounded  while  fresh  and  taken  in  cold  water. 

The  young  shoots  of  two  species  of  spruce  Abies  nigra  and  A. 
balsamea,  were,  and  are  still  frequently,  used  as  a  febrifuge  or  against 
any  kind  of  complaint  resulting  in  cutaneous  inflammation  or  eruptions- 
The  shoots  are  thoroughly  boiled  and  the  decoction  drank  while  warm. 

A  decoction  of  the  boughs  of  the  juniper  bush  (Juniperus  occidentalis) 
is  also  considered  effective  against  such  maladies  as  fever  or  measles. 

In  cases  of  such  cutaneous  eruptions  as  particularly  affect  young 
•children,  the  diseased  part  is  thoroughly  smeared  with  the  mash  of  the 
swamp  cranberry  (Oxicoccus  palustris),  and  it  Is  claimed  that  beneficial 
results  never  fail  to  follow  within  an  astonishingly  short  space  of  time. 

The  root  of  the  aspen  (Populus  tremuloides)  thoroughly  chewed  and 
.applied  on  cuts  and  bruises,  is  very  extensively  resorted  to  as  a  sure 
means  of  stopping  bleeding.  Excellent  and  well  authenticated  results 
have  more  than  o.ice  attested  its  efficacy!  In  urgent  cases,  the  bark  of 
the  tree  is  used  instead  of  the  root. 

The  root  of  two  other  plants  ^i-bz-reh*  a  liliaceous  plant,  and  the 

*  Lit.  "Dos — urine— root." 


18'J2-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTEKN  DENES.  131 

heracleum,  though  of  slower  action,  is  nevertheless  reputed  effective 
against  haemorrhage  from  cuts.  It  is  mashed  fine,  and  a  poultice  of  it  is 
applied  on  the  wound. 

Infusions  of  the  bark  or  leaves  of  the  raspberry  bush  (Rubus  strigosus) 
served  as  an  emmenagogue,  while  the  same  parts — or  more  often  still 
the  wood  with  the  bark — of  the  Viburnum  opulns,  a  species  of  high  cran- 
berry, and  of  the  bird  cherry  (Prunus  pensylvanica),  similarly  treated, 
yielded  a  fairly  good  remedy  against  blood  spitting. 

They  had  also  several  tonics  or  astringents,  among  which  figured  :  the 
wild  cherry  (Prunus  virginiand),  cold  infusions  of  the  inner  bark  of 
which  were  taken  as  a  stimulant;  the  yarrow  (Achillea  millefoliuiri)  and 
the  American  sarsaparilla  (Aralia  nudicaulis\  decoctions  of  which  are 
still  quite  valued  ;  the  spearmint  {MentJia  viridis),  which  was  used  as  a 
tonic  against  many  ills,  and  last,  not  least,  the  Labrador  tea  (Ledum 
palustre),  which,  added  to  its  medicinal  properties,  was  often  put  to  the 
same  uses  as  to-day  the  tea  of  commerce. 

In  cases  of  swellings  and  non-running  sores  the  Carriers  use  fomenta- 
tions of  the  red  willow  (Cornus  stoloniferd)  bark.  For  running  sores  and 
ulcers  of  any  description  they  profess  to  have  an  excellent  salve  in  the 
decoction  of  the  bark  of  the  osier-willow  {Salix  longifolid]  and  of  the 
aspen  mixed  in  equal  quantities.  The  mixture  forms  a  milky  liquor 
wherewith  the  ulcers  are  first  bathed  and  then  rubbed  over  with  the 
hand,  thus  causing  the  extraction  of  the  humors. 

Two  species  of  horse  tails,  Equisetum  hyemale  and  E.  pratense,  are 
valued  as  powerful  helps  against  retention  of  urine.  Decoctions  of  the 
herbs  are  drank  freely  until  the  desired  effect  is  obtained.  The  leaves  of 
the  uva-ursi  are  also  used  as  diuretics,  but  their  properties  may  have 
become  known  among  the  natives  through  their  intercourse  with  the 
whites. 

One  of  the  most  effective  of  the  native  remedies  is  the  Jiwollak  (Arte- 
misia Jrigida?}  a  sage-like  plant  which  is  used  against  local  pains  and 
nervous  shooting.  The  leaves  are  laid  over  the  heated  stones  of  the 
sudatory,  while  the  patient  sits  in  a  reclining  position  over  the  steam 
emanating  from  them.  In  extreme  cases  the  leaves  are  applied  while 
fresh  directly  to  the  ailing  part  of  the  body,  but  such  are  their  caustic 
properties  that  they  cannot  be  borne  more  than  a  few  moments. 

When  no  other  remedy  is  available,  the  stalks  of  the  black  currant 
(Ribes  rubruni]  are  cut  in  small  pieces,  boiled  for  some  time  and  the 
decoction  taken  as  a  cough  medicine. 

To  alleviate  violent  pains,  they  formerly  had  recourse  to  the  bulb  of 


132  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV. 

the  hemlock  (Conium  maculatum)  which  they  roasted  over  the  ashes, 
and,  after  crushing  with  the  hand,  they  applied  to  the  ailing  spot.  But 
owing  to  the  poisonous  nature  of  this  root,  they  now  refrain  from  using 
it  for  any  purpose. 

Of  special  value  to  the  women  as  a  help  after  parturition  was  the 
hwujwj,  a  plant  commonly  known,  I  think,  under  the  name  of  Devil's 
bush  (Fatsia  horrida).  The  bark  was  mashed  while  fresh  and  taken 
internally  with  a  few  drops  of  water  by  women  just  delivered  of  a  child, 
but  whose  after-birth  had  not  been,  or  could  not  otherwise  be,  expelled. 
It  did  also  frequent  service  as  a  purgative  for  persons  of  both  sexes. 

Even  such  delicate  diseases  as  sore-eyes  had  in  the  Carriers'  estimation 
a  valued  antidote  in  the  vegetable  kingdom.  This  consisted  in  a 
mixture  of  the  root  of  the  soap  berry  bush  and  of  the  wild  rose  (Rosa 
blanda)  tree.  After  they  had  been  stripped  of  their  outside  bark,  the 
cambium  like  layer  next  to  the  wood  was  carefully  scraped  off,  mixed 
with  a  few  drops  of  clean  water  and  delicately  crushed  with  a  flint  or  a 
knife  till  a  sort  of  ointment  was  formed  which  was  then  applied  to  the 
eyes.  Though  sore  eyes  are  by  no  means  rare  among  the  Western 
Denes,  no  application  of  this  sedative  ever  fell  under  mj;  observation. 

A  few  other  plants  or  herbs  are  also  used,  the  medical  properties  of 
which  have  been  revealed  to  the  natives  by  the  H.  B.  Co.  people  or,  later 
on,  by  the  missionaries.  But  all  those  above  enumerated  are  strictly 
aboriginal  medicines. 

OTHER  BARK  IMPLEMENTS. 

We  now  revert  to  the  bark  implements.  Two  models  of  bark  utensils 
differing  slightly  in  form  and  much  in  use  from  those  illustrated  in  the 
first  part  of  this  chapter  are,  or  were,  common  among  the  Carriers. 
One  is  the  trough-shaped  vessel  already  mentioned  as  serving  to  bail 
in  the  fruits  of  the  high  cranberry.  It  is  of  spruce  bark,  of  rude  and 
temporary  make,  and  resembles  the  fps-fsai  or  fish-basket  in  every 
particular  save  that  it  is  deeper.  Though  it  occasionally  serves  as  a 
boiler  with  regard  to  edible  berries,  it  is  more  often  used  to  cook  for 
their  oil  the  heads  of  salmon  or  other  large  fish. 

The  last  vessel  of  Carrier  make 
which  remains  to  describe  is  now  a 
thing  of  the  past.  It  was  of  birch 
bark,  flattish  and  rectangular,  and 
had  but  one  narrow  side  (fig.  120). 
Its  brim  was,  as  usual,  strengthened 
by  the  apposition  of  a  willow  switch 
running  along  its  three  sides.  It  served  as  a  bathing  tub  for  the  infants 


1892-ya.] 


NOTKS  ON  THE  WESTEKX  DENES. 


133 


and,  owing  to  its  chief  peculiarity,  it  had  to  be  kept  in  a  slanting  position 
while  in  use. 

The  Carrier  women  originally  carried  their  babes  in  regular  cradles 
made  of  birch  bark  curved  up  at  the  narrow  end  as  the  basket-tray  of 
our  last  illustration,  save  that  this  part  was  sewed,  not  merely  stitched 
in  one  place  as  was  the  case  with  fig.  120.  The  bottom  of  the  cradle 
was  prolonged  at  the  broad  or  open  end  to  serve  as  a  support  for  the 
head  of  the  infant.  Starting  from  both  sides  a  hoop  of  willow  half  en- 
circled at  the  proper  distance  the  head  of  the  child,  and  was  intended 
to  allow  sufficient  breathing  room  when  it  was  deemed  desirable  to  cover 
it.  The  necessary  lacings  were  passed  through  a  band  of  buckskin 
bordering  the  cradle  on  the  outside. 

With  the  advent  of  the  whites  these  primitive  cradles  disappeared,  to 
be  replaced  by  the  systematic  swaddling  clothes  disposed  as  in  fig.  121, 
which  still  obtain  among  the  Carriers.  Now,  as  in  olden  times,  the 
lacing  is  done  with  one  string  passed  through  bands  of  cariboo  skin 
ornamented  according  to  the  fancy  of  the  mother.  This  string  is  so 
arranged  that  by  pulling  both  ends  the  swaddling  envelope  is  drawn  up 
over  the  feet  of  the  babe.  Progressive  mothers — and  they  form  the 
majority — nowadays  substitute  for  this  tightening  device  strips  of  cariboo 
.string  buttoned  at  either  end  over  each  side  of  the  swaddling  clothes. 


Fig.  121. 

The  TsijKoh'tin  have  preserved  to  this  day  their  traditional  baby- 
baskets  or  cradles,  of  which  fig.  122  will  give  a  fair  idea.  They  are 
made  of  the  twigs  of  a  species  of  willow,  and  their  bottom  is  generally 


TKANSACTIONS    OF    THK    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VoL.  IV. 


strengthened  by  the  addition  of  a  board.  The  framework  when  com- 
pleted is  thoroughly  concealed  beneath  a  closely-fitting  covering  of  deer 
hide  served  on  the  sides  of  the  basket.  As  in  the  original  Carrier  cradle,, 
breathing  roo.m  is  afforded  by  means  of  an  osier  hoop  from  which 
toys  or  playthings,  beaver  teeth  or  nails,  etc.,  hang  in  sight  of  the  child, 

One  peculiarity  which  I  think  is  proper  to  the  TsijKoh'tin  baby  baskets 
is  the  bark  conduit  which  may  be  noticed  in  our  illustration  and  whose 
end  is  to  preserve  the  infant  against  moisture,  and  also  to  reduce  to  a 
minimum  the  trouble  consequent  upon  bringing  up  such  small  children. 

As  the  styles  of  baby  cradles  differ  according  to  the  tribe,  even  so  it  is 
with  the  mode  of  carrying  them.  A  Carrier  mother  carries  her  child 
hanging  perpendicularly  on  her  back  by  a  strap  running  across  her 
shoulders  and  breast,  while  the  TsijKoh'tin  women  carry  their  baby 
horizontally  on  their  back  and  suspended  in  its  cradle  by  a  tump  line 
passed  athwart  their  forehead.  In  this  they  simply  conform  to  the 
custom  of  their  southeastern  neighbours,  the  Shushwap. 

The  Tse'kehne  vessels  do  not  materially  differ  from  those  of  the 
Carriers,  and  their  mode  of  treating  and  carrying  the  Tse'kehne  babies 
tallies  also  with  that  of  the  latter.  But  the  house- 
hold vessels  of  the  TsijKoh'tin  have  no  point 
of  resemblance  with  any  of  those  I  have  thus 
far  described.  No  bark  vessels  are  seen  among 
them,  as  they  replace  bark  by  regular  basket- 
work.  I  regret  my  inability  to  present  the  reader 
with  an  accurate  description  of  their  root  weav- 
ing process.  Yet,  if  memory  serves  me  right,  I 
think  that  they  coil,  not  twine,  the  root  according 
to  the  method  illustrated  by  Prof.  O.  T.  Mason 
in  the  Smithsonian  Report  for  1884*  and  else- 
where. However,  all  the  household  utensils  I 
have  seen  among  the  TsijKoh'tin  are  broad- 
mouthed  and  wallet-like,  none  of  them  tapering 
up  as  some  of  the  specimens  quoted  by  the 
learned  professor. 

Their  water  vessel,  the  form  of  which  I  remem- 
ber wt  11,  is  similar  to  that  illustrated  on  page  18  of 
Dr.  G.  M.  Dawson's   "  Notes  on  the  Shushwap 
people  of  B.   C,"  f  save   perhaps    that    it    is  not 
quite  so   narrow  at  the  bottom.     Many  of  them  are  elaborately  orna- 

*  Ann.  Rep.  Part  II.,  p.  294,  plate  V. 

t  Trans.  Roy.  Soc.,  Canada,  Sect.  II.,  1891. 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THK    WESTERN    DENES.  135- 

mented   with  geometrical   or  animal    designs.      They   are   generally   of 
about  seven  or  eight  gallons  capacity. 

A  second  vessel  (fjasqaz  in  TsijKoh'tin)  much  smaller  and  pan-shaped,, 
does  duty  as  a  washing  dish  and  receptacle  for  cooked  food  principally 
the  starchy  bulbs  suntt  and  dsronJi. 

A  third  is  elliptical  and  of  about  the  same  diameter  across  its  breadth. 

It  is  used  as  a  washing-tub  wherein  the  babies  are  made  to  stand 
naked  to  be  washed  every  evening  by  their  mothers. 

Before  we  close  this  chapter,  we  should  not  forget  to  mention  the 
birch  bark  tsa-yu-thej  or  castoreum  bottle  (fig.  123)  such  as  it  is  used 
among  the  Carriers.  The  object  of  that  implement  has  already  been, 
explained.^ 

+  In  the  chapter  on  Bone  Implements. 


136  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THK    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV. 

CHAPTER   VIII. 

COPPER  AND  IRON  IMPLEMENTS. 

COPPER  IMPLEMENTS. 

* 

Rev.  E.  Petitot,  arguing  in  favor  of  the  contemporaneity  in  the  same 
part  of  America  of  the  bronze  and  the  iron  ages  with  the  palaeolithic  and 
the  neolithic  epochs,  has  the  following  to  say  : — 

"  Avant  1'arrivee  des  Europeans  dans  la  vallee  du  Mac-Kenzie,  les 
Couteaux-Jaunes  et  les  Flancs-de-Chien  connaissaient  1'usage  du  cuivre 
natif  qu'ils  trouverent  sur  les  bords  de  la  riviere  Copper-mine.  Us  s'en 
fabriquaient  des  couteaux,  d'ou  leur  est  venu  leur  nom.  Us  faisaient  en 
meme  temps  usage  de  la  pierre  polie.  Done  nous  avons  ici  contempor- 
aneite  de  la  pierre  polie  et  du  bronze.  De  leur  cot£,  les  Peaux-de-Lievre, 
qui  ignoraient  le  cuivre  et  qui  ne  se  dounaient  pas  la  peine  de  polir  leurs 
instruments  de  pierre,  avaient  decouvert  le  long  du  Mac-Kenzie,  a 
1'embouchure  de  la  riviere  L? e-ota-la-delin,  du  ferologiste,  et  ils  en  fabri- 
quaient des  aiguillettes  et  des  alenes  de  quatre  pouces  de  long  qu'ils 
troquaient  avec  les  Thekkane  et  autres  tribus  meridionales  des  Mon- 
tagnes  Rocheuses  centre  des  peaux  d'elan  a  raison  de  dix  pour  une 
alene."  * 

It  is  likely  that  most  archaeologists  will  refuse  to  concede  that  the  use 
of  copper  knives  by  a  savage  people  entitles  the  makers  to  be  regarded 
as  having  reached  that  stage  of  industrial  advancement  commonly  called 
the  bronze  age.  The  use  of  copper  is  in  this  case  too  limited  they  will 
probably  say.  This  reason,  plausible  as  it  certainly  appears  at  first,  is 
after  reflection  rather  more  specious  than  convincing.  For  was  not  this 
the  case  even  in  the  old  world  ?  Were  not  stone  weapons  largely  used 
there  contemporaneously  with  copper  or  iron  implements?  No,  answers 
the  antiquarian ;  each  epoch  or  age  was  very  distinct  and  strictly 
consecutive. 

Let  us  see. 

In  Italy,  C.  Geikie  found  early  uncoined  money  (CBS  rude)  along  with 
polished  stone  weapons;  and  a  number  of  flint  knives  have  been  obtained 
from  Etruscan  graves.  Indeed  a  piece  of  coined  copper  money  marking 

*  Rapport  succinct  sur  la  Geologie  des  values  de  F Athabaskaw — Mackenzie  el  de  t  Anderson  ; 
Paris,  A.  Hennuyer,  1875. 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DEN^S.  137 

a  still  later  period  has  been  found  in  an  Etruscan  tomb  alongside  with  a 
stone  knife.  At  Bibracte,  the  most  important  town  of  the  ./Edui  in 
ancient  Gaul,  scientific  exploration  has  brought  to  light  work  on  metal 
and  coins  mingled  with  flint  arrow  heads,  polished  stone  axes  and  a 
flint  knife.  Similar  discoveries  have  been  made  in  many  places  through- 
out France.*  In  ancient  Egypt,  stone  and  metal  implements  were  also 
used  contemporaneously. f  In  the  centre  and  south  of  modern  Africa, 
the  negroes,  according  to  Lenormant  "  have  never  known  bronze,  and 
work  hardly  any  copper.  Instead  of  this,  they  manufacture  iron  wares 
in  large  quantities  and  for  this  purpose  make  use  of  a  process  which  was 
not  communicated  to  them  from  the  outside.  Hence  they  themselves 
discovered  the  method  of  manufacturing  iron,  and  when  they  gave  up 
the  use  of  stone  implements,  they  passed  to  the  manufacture  of  this 
metal."* 

These  few  instances  chosen  among  many  others  will,  I  hope,  suffice 
to  prove  that  the  sharp  and  almost  instantaneous  change  from  one  age 
to  another  and  the  strictly  successive  order  generally  believed  to  have 
been  followed  in  these  transitions  are,  in  many  cases,  more  fancied  than 
real.  Metal  objects  were  apparently  the  property  of  the  leaders  and  the 
higher  classes  generally  while  the  lower  classes  must  have  contented 
themselves  with  the  stone  equivalents,  just  as  in  the  Middle  Ages  only 
the  knights  wore  steel  armour. 

That  copper  and  iron  were  to  be  found  among  the  Carriers  long  before 
these  aborigines  even  suspected  the  existence  of  the  whites  there  can  be 
no  doubt.  But  the  use  of  these  metals  was,  of  course,  restricted  to  a 
few  fancy  objects  or  working  tools.  Moreover,  in  so  far  at  least  as  that 
tribe  is  concerned,  neither  copper  nor  iron  was  indigenous  and  the  former 
metal  only  was  wrought  by  its  members.  Concerning  its  introduction 
among  the  Carriers,  I  take  the  liberty  of  reproducing  here  a  short  native 
legend  which  I  have  already  quoted  elsewhere.§ 

"  In  times  not  very  remote,  all  the  Indians  (themselves  among  the 
rest)  congregated  at  a  certain  point  of  the  sea  coast,  around  a  tower-like 
copper  mountain  emerging  from  the  midst  of  the  water.  Their  object  was 
to  decide  which  tribe  should  become  the  possessor  thereof.  When  all 
had  united  in  shouting,  the  mountain  began  gradually  to  totter,  and  the 
Haidahs  who  are  blessed  with  big  heads  and  strong  voices  caused  it 

*  See  "Christian  Anthropology,"  New  York,  1892,  p.  324. 

t  Ibid. 

+  "  Die  Anfdnge  der  Cultur"  vol.  I.  p.  57. 

§  "The  Western  Denes,"  Proc.  Canadian  Institute,  1888-89. 

10 


138  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.  IV 

to  fall  on  their  side.  '  Thus  it  was,' they  add,  'that  those  Indians  secured 
the  copper  mountain,  and  we  have  ever  since  been  obliged  to  have 
recourse  to  them  for  what  we  require  of  that  metal  to  make  bracelets  for 
our  wives  and  daughters.'  " 

The  reference  to  this  wonderful  towering  mountain  of  copper,  fantastic 
as  it  may  appear,  might  perhaps  be  explained  by  the  existence  of  the 
monumental  Pillar  Rock  on  the  shore  of  Graham  Island,  a  sketch  of 
which  will  be  found  in  G.  M.  Dawson's  Report  on  the  Queen  Charlotte 
Islands.*  Even  in  prehistoric  times,  some  Carriers  had  evidently  visited 
the  Pacific  Coast,  as  may  be  inferred  from  a  few  of  their  legends  where- 
in some  peculiarities  proper  to  that  region  are  introduced  with  a  tolerable 
amount  of  accuracy.  On  the  other  hand,  as  most  of  their  copper  was 
imported  from  the  coast,  it  was  but  natural  that,  according  to  the  custom 
of  primitive  peoples  of  assigning  a  fabulous  origin  to  extraordinary 
objects,  they  should  associate  in  their  narrative  the  wonderful  pillar-rock 
with  the  no  less  wonderful  yellow  metal. 

I  might  point  here  to  the  adventures  of  a  mythic  Carrier,  a  sort  of 
wandering  Jew,  who  underwent  many  a  stirring  experience  on  the  Pacific 
Coast  while  in  quest  of  a  stolen  wife,  and  who  is  the  first  personage 
mentioned  as  possessing  copper.  The  fact  that  the  possibly  historical 
data  hidden  amidst  the  details  of  that  legend  are  interwoven  with  many 
miraculous  circumstances,  would  lead  us  to  suppose  that  the  knowledge 
of  that  metal  among  the  Western  Dene's  dates  back  from  a  rather  re- 
mote epoch. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  I  have  never  met  with  more  than  five  kinds  of 
copper  objects  of  genuine  Carrier  or  TsijKoh'tin  manufacture.  These 


124.  Fig.    125. 


are  the  hair  tweezers,  the  bracelets,  the  finger  rings,  the  harpoon  tips  and 
the  dog  collars.  The  hair  tweezers  f  were  originally  of  cariboo  horn. 
They  then  consisted  of  two  thin  pieces  of  horn  given  the  required  shape 
by  means  of  heating,  and  tied  together  at  one  end  with  sinew  threads 
(fig.  124).  The  copper  tweezers  were  of  one  piece  and  affected  the  form 
represented  in  fig.  125.  The  object  of  both  was  to  remove  any  super- 

*  Montreal,  1880;  plate  ii. 

•*•  7'^i-anta,   "grebe-bill,"  a  noun  of  the  third  category.- 


1892-93.] 


NOTKS  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES. 


fluous  facial  hair.  "  Superfluous  "  should  be  understood  here  as  synony- 
mous with  "  any  "  hair  growing  on  the  lips,  the  chin  or  the  cheeks,  since 
the  Western  Denes  kept  themselves  beardless.  The  prehistoric 
Tse"'kehne,  if  they  are  to  be  judged  by  their  immediate  successors,  the 
eldest  among  the  modern  Tse'kehne,  indulged  in  the  possession  of  a 
queer  looking  partial  moustache,  which  was  obtained  by  leaving  un- 
touched the  hair  growing  on  the  upper  lip  below,  and  exactly  corres- 
ponding in  width  with  the  septum,  while  on  both  sides  the  lip  was  other- 
wise free  of  hair.  The  tweezers  were  worn  on  the  breast,  hanging  from 
the  neck.  They  are  still  to  be  seen  among  the  TsijKoh'tin  and  the 
Tse^ke'hne. 

The  Carrier  na-ltJian*  or  metallic  bracelets  (fig.  126)  were  of  an  ex- 
ceedingly simple  pattern. 
As  the  hair  tweezers,  they 
were  originally  of  cariboo 
horn  ;  but  as  commercial 
relations  became  more  ex- 
tended, copper  was  soon 
manufacture.  In  later 

times  pewter  was  even  adopted  and  beaten  to 
the  desired  shape  out  of  the  spoons  of  com- 
merce. I  speak  in  the  past  time,  because  among 
the  Carriers  especially,  such  trinkets  are  now 
practically  unknown. 

When  bartered  from  the  Coast  Indians,  the 
copper  was  generally  in  sticks  or  slender  bars, 
which  were  then  wrought  by  hammering  by  the 
Carriers.  These  bars  remain  almost  unaltered 
when  used  to  give  consistency  to  the  collars  of 
their  dog-harnesses,  f  When  not  ornamented, 
these  harnesses  are  probably  similar  to  those  in 
use  among  the  eastern  Indians,  and  as  such 
would  hardly  deserve  any  mention.  But  the  Carriers'  fondness  of  parade 
has  long  prompted  them  to  add  to  the  original  pieces  the  blanket  and 
collar  ornaments  which  I  have  thought  worth  the  while  to  show  in  fig. 
127.  Of  course  these  two  additions  are  detachable  paraphernalia,  which 
are  not  generally  used,  except  when  reaching  or  leaving  a  village.  The 
frame  of  the  upper  parts  is  of  copper. 


Fig.    126. 

preferred    in    their 


127. 


*  Lit.  "  it  (of  a  heavy  material)  is  around." 
t  "ji-fjui,  dogf-ropes,  3rd  cat.  nouns. 


140  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV. 

Fig.  128  can  be  adduced  as  a  further  evidence  of  that  power  of  imita- 
tion which  I  have  more  than  once  quoted  as  one  of  the 
characteristics  of  the  tribes  under  study,  especially  the 
Carriers.  Finger-rings,*  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  say, 
were  unknown  among  the  primitive  Denes  ;  but  they 
no  sooner  became  aware  of  their  existence  among  the 
whites  than  they  set  upon  fabricating  them  with  what- 
ever material  at  their  command.  One  of  the  results 
was  the  ring  sketched  above  which  has  been  found 
here,  Fort  Saint  James. 

IRON   IMPLEMENTS. 

Whether  hematite  was  known  to  the  Western  D£nes  prior  to  their 
contact  with  European  civilization  cannot  well  be  ascertained  at  the 
present  time.  It  would  seem  highly  probable  that  it  was  among  all  the 
tribes  but  the  Carrier,  which  to-day  has  no  other  word  for  "  iron  "  or  iron 
ore  than  that  used  for  "  knife."  Even  among  the  Ts£'kehne,  who  call  a 
knife  pes  and  iron  tsa-tsofte  (beaver-dung),  it  is  very  doubtful  if  they  ever 
subjected  hematite  to  any  treatment  calculated  to  reduce  it  to  the  shape 
of  a  working  tool.  Yet  I  think  I  am  warranted  in  asserting  that  iron 
implements  have  been  known  and  used  even  among  the  Carriers  for  at 
least  two  centuries,  that  is  one  hundred  years  before  they  had  heard  of 
the  whites.  The  memory  of  the  appearance  of  the  first  iron  axe  at  this 
place  (Stuart's  Lake  Mission)  has  been  kept  vivid  to  this  day  by  the 
descendants  of  its  original  possessor.  Their  narrative,  when  shorn  of  a 
few  excrescences,  I  believe  to  be  historically  true,  inasmuch  as  names  of 
persons  and  of  localities,  together  with  minute  particulars  connected 
therewith,  are  freely  mentioned.  Their  veracity  is  made  still  more 
apparent  by  the  genuine  and  unbroken  genealogy  of  the  present  chief  of 
this  village  up  to  the  first  possessor  of  the  marvellous  implement.  A  full 
account  of  the  deeds  of  the  various  personages  introduced  in  the 
chronicle  might  prove  not  uninteresting  even  to  the  general  reader.  For 
the  present  I  shall  content  myself  with  its  initial  chapter.  The  chief  of 
Stuart's  Lake  will  be  our  narrator. 

"  The  first  man  (i.e.  Carrier)  who  ever  possessed  an  iron  axe  was  my 
grandfather  (i.e.  one  of  my  ancestors).  His  name  was  Na'kwal,  and, 
owing  to  his  rank  as  one  of  the  most  influential  notables,  but  more  par- 
ticularly on  account  of  the  great  age  he  attained,  he  has  remained  famous 
among  us.  He  was  so  old  when  he  died  that  his  hair  had  turned  yellow, 
after  having  long  been  snow-white.  He  was  a  most  irascible  man  and 

* La.-th.3rt3,  "passed  round  the  finger." 


1892-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  141 

therefore  much  feared.  What  his  age  was  when  he  got  the  iron  axe  I 
cannot  say.  He  must  have  been  a  grown-up  man  and  full-fledged 
"  nobleman,"  since  tradition  tells  us  that  upon  receiving  it,  he  convoked  a 
large  crowd  of  Indians  of  clans  differing  from  his  to  a  grand  ceremonial 
banquet.  Now  this  can  be  done  only  by  a  taneza*  or  nobleman.  On 
that  occasion,  the  iron  adze-blade  was  suspended  from  a  rafter  over  the 
heads  of  the  invited  guests  so  that  they  might  have  an  opportunity  of 
contemplating  it  at  ease.  The  implement  was  considered  exceedingly 
precious.  It  had  come  from  some  unknown  place  in  the  direction  of 
Tse'tcah.*  It  was  thereafter  taken  great  care  of,  and  its  possession  was 
the  means  of  considerably  enhancing  my  grandfather's  prestige  among 
his  fellow  Carriers. 

"  Yet  it  was  lost  one  day  under  the  following  circumstances.  Some 
men  of  Na'kwal's  family  were  in  the  woods  cutting  spruce  branches  to 
cover  up  the  doorway  of  the  winter  lodge  they  were  erecting,  when  the 
skin  line  which  fastened  it  to  its  handle  as  an  adze  getting  loosened,  the 
blade  suddenly  dashed  off  and  fell  among  the  branches  already  cut.  By 
searching  among  these,  the  implement  must  have  dropped  down  in  the 
snow,  for  it  could  never  be  found  by  natural  means  that  winter." 

The  story  then  proceeds  to  relate  how  it  was  subsequently  found 
through  the  incantations  of  a  medicine  man  who  was  richly  paid  for  his 
trouble,  and  concludes  thus  :  "  This  happened  a  very  long  time  ago,  long 
before  my  forefathers  had  heard  of  the  whites." 

That  this  is  a  fact  is  shown  by  a  few  words  attributed  to  Na'kw9l 
which,  tHough  still  intelligible,  are  nevertheless  quite  archaic,  and  also 
by  the  following  genealogy  of  Na'kwal's  posterity. 

1.  Na'kwjl  must  have  lived  at  least  two  or  three  scores  of  years  after 
the  acquisition  of  the  iron  axe,  when  he  died  and  was  succeeded  in  a 
genealogical  point  of  view  by 

2.  Tcitcanit,  his  youngest  son,  who  had  two  wives  and  being  of  a  jealous 
disposition,  was  secretly  drowned  by  them  when  in  declining  years. 

3.  Tcitcanit  was  succeeded    as   tdneza'  or   nobleman    by  a  maternal 
nephew  named   Tsalekujye.      This  personage  killed  a  man  with  an  iron 
pointed  lance,  and  was  himself  killed  when  he  was  getting  much  advanced 
in  years. 

*  Near  the  Skeena  river.  See  the  map  accompanying  my  paper,  "Are  the  Carrier  Sociology 
and  Mythology  Indigenous,"  etc.?  Trans.  R.  S.  C.,  Sec.  II.,  1892. 


142 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV 


4.  His  successor  was  Kwah,  who  made  war  and  slaughtered  hosts  of 
Lower  Carriers.     By  a  second  wife  he  had 

5.  Atsuj,  a  second  son,  who  died  five  years  ago,  over  one  hundred 
years  old,  since  he  remembered  the  arrival  of  Sir  Al.  Mackenzie's  party 
in  the  country.     He  left  three  generations  of  descendants. 

Reference  has  been  made  to  a  prehistoric  iron  pointed  spear.  Tradition 
furthermore  records  the  killing,  in  ante-European  times,  of 
a  cariboo  with  an  iron  or  steel  knife  or  dagger.  This 
happened  on  this  lake,  some  15  miles  from  here.  Below, 
the  reader  will  also  find  figured  a  steel  dagger  which  came 
into  the  possession  of  the  Carriers  some  no  or  120  years 
ago — their  country  was  discovered  in  1793.  It  was  instru- 
mental in  killing  several  men  and  was  originally  much 
larger.  The  handle  was  also  of  a  different  description,  the 
knife  being  one  of  a  class  of  steel  daggers  called  in  the 
dialect  of  the  Babines  fjak-nanisfs9r,  or  "  rounded  at  the 
end  "  (of  the  handle).  It  probably  resembled  the  instru- 
ment represented  by  fig.  108  e  of  Niblack's  "The  Indians 
of  Southern  Alaska."* 

The  presence  of  steel  implements,  even  so  early  and 
so  far  away  in  the  interior  of  British  Columbia,  is  not 
calculated  to  disconcert  the  archaeologist,  considering  the 
29>  frequent  intercourse  the  inland  tribes  had  from  time  im- 
memorial with  the  Coast  Indians.  Both  Cook  and  Dixon  ascribe  the 
introduction  of  such  tools  among  the  Coast  tribes  to  the  Russians  whose 
first  recorded  expedition  on  the  Northern  Pacific  Ocean  dates  from  1740. 
But  Na'kwal's  iron  axe  cannot  evidently  be  attributed  to  the  influence 
of  the  Russians,  since  it  had  apparently  reached  this  place  long  before 
I.  I.  Behring's  expedition  was  fitted  out.  Coast  Indians  must  naturally 
have  been  slow  in  parting  with  such  valuable  implements.  Moreover  it 
should  not  be  forgotten  that  not  more  than  fifteen  years  before  the 
advent  of  the  whites  among  the  Carriers,  iron  tools  were  still  so  rare 
among  the  Coast  tribes  that  in  1779  a  Captain  Gray  master  of  one  of 
the  Boston  trading  vessels,  is  reported  to  have  got  at  Nootka,  on  Van- 
couver Island,  two-hundred  otter  skins  worth  about  $8,000  for  an  old 
iron  chisel  !f 


*  Ann.  Report,  National  Museum,  1888. 

t  Christmas  No.  of  the  Victoria   "Colonist,"  1891. 


1892-93.] 


NOTES    ON    THE    WESTEKN    DENES. 


143 


Among  the  steel  implements  distinctly  Dene  in  manufacture  and 
actually  in  use  among  the  Carriers,  are  the  hole-borer  or  drill, 
the  moose  skin  scraper  and  the  crooked  knife  or  spoke- 
shave. 

The  first  is  made  with  a  nail  or  any  available  piece  of  iron 
securely  lashed  on  the  side  of  a  stick  or  fastened  in  a  slit 
at  its  extremity.  Occasional  holes  are  obtained  by  rubbing 
the  drill  between  the  hands  while  strenuously  pressing  down 
the  implement.  But  when  a  set  of  fine  holes,  such  as  those 
130  of  the  snow-shoes,  is  desired,  the  Carriers  have  recourse,  in 


Fig-  131- 

addition   to  the  borer,  to  a  small  bow  and  a  hard   piece  of  wood  which 
they  manage  as  shown  in  fig.  131. 


Fig-  I32-     Yz  size- 

The  name  of  the  tool  shown  in  fig.  132,  inrwzj*  or  moose  skin  scraper, 
explains  its  raison  d'etre.  It  has  been  patiently  ground  down  to  its 
present  shape  from  an  old  file. 

*  Second  category  of  nouns. 


144 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL. 


Identical  material  and  mode  of  manufacture  have  likewise  resulted  in 
the  accompanying  spokeshave  or  zras,  the  "  drawknife."  It  is  of  the 
greatest  usefulness  to  the  modern  Indian,  so  much  so  that  there  is  not  a 
house  among  the  Carriers  wherein  it  is  not  to  be  seen.  They  employ  it 
to  finish  the  inside  of  their  canoes,  to  shave  off  the  rods  used  in  the 
construction  of  their  fish-traps,  to  fashion  the  side  and  transversal  sticks 


Fig-   !33-      1A  size. 


of  their  snow-shoes,  and  to  do  almost  any  kind  of  manual  work  in  con- 
nection wherewith  a  white  man  would  use  a  draw-knife  or  even  a  common 
pocket  knife.  The  lower  grade  of  ?ras  is  made  of  the  blade  of  a  table 
knife.  The  handle  of  the  specimen  above  illustrated  is  of  cariboo  bone, 
secured  to  the  blade  first  by  copper  wire  and  then  by  rawhide  lines 
wrapped  around.  The  whole  tool  is  of  native  manufacture. 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  145 


CHAPTER   IX. 

SKIN  OBJECTS  AND  TWINED  AND  TEXTILE  FABRICS. 
SKIN  OBJECTS. 

Under  this  head  we  will  consider  any  native  items  wherein  dressed  or 
undressed  skin  enters  as  the  chief  component  part. 

Passing  references  to  the  treatment  of  hides  have  already  appeared  in 
the  course  of  the  descriptions  of  the  implements  used  by  the  Western 
Denes  to  free  them  of  hair,  fat  or  blood.  It  now  merely  remains  with 
me  to  add  that  after  the  skin  in  preparation  has  been  rubbed  over  with 
the  brains  of  the  animal,  it  is  allowed  to  pass  a  whole  night  steeping  in 
cold  water.  It  is  then  subjected  to  several  rinsings  in  hot  water,  alter- 
nating with  thorough  scrapings,  until,  being  quite  dry,  soft  and  pliable, 
it  is  given  the  form  of  a  bag  and  placed  over  the  smoke  of  decayed  wood 
or  other  vegetable  matter.  Once  it  has  been  thus  smoked  on  both  sides, 
it  is  ready  for  use. 


134- 


Among  the  TsiiKoh'tin  skin  dressing  is  practically  confined  to  the 
hide  of  the  deer,  while  among  the  Tse'kehne  moose  and  cariboo  skins 


146  TKANSACTOONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV. 

only  are  tanned  for  use.  Moose  is  rare  within  the  Carriers'  territory, 
and  still  more  so  is  the  deer.  Therefore,  with  that  tribe,  mocassins, 
mittens  and  gloves,  bags,  etc.,  are  almost  exclusively  of  cariboo  skin. 
We  will  here  pass  over  skin  articles,  which  belong  to  the  native  accoutre- 
ment or  wearing  apparel,  as  these  shall  be  treated  of  in  the  next  chapter. 

Confining  ourselves  to  household  or  non-personal  objects,  we  may 
mention  no  less  than  seven  varieties  of  leather  bags  or  pouches  in  use 
among  the  primitive  Carriers.  Fig.  134  represents  the  household  bag  or 
eztjai.  This  is  generally  the  property  of  women  and  serves  to  contain 
the  family  chattels,  but  more  particularly  such  as  are  proper  to  the 
women,  clothes,  pieces  of  tanned  skins,  working  tools,  articles  of  orna- 
mentation, etc.  This  bag  needs  no  description  ;  the  cut  cannot  but  give 
an  exact  idea  of  its  form.  The  bead  work  in  some  is  much  more  elabor- 
ate than  in  the  specimen  herewith  figured.  Before  the  introduction  of 
glass  beads,  dyed  porcupine  quills  served  to  ornament  this  and  all  other 
kinds  of  skin  receptacle.  The  cover  piece  of  this  eztjai  is  also,  I  am 
told,  a  modern  innovation.  This  bag  is  never  used  as  a  packing  con- 
trivance. 

A  variety  of  the  same,  but  much  reduced  in  dimensions,  was  formerly 
the  regular  badge  of  widowhood  among  Carrier  women,  so  much  so  that 
the  custom  which  required  its  use  has  given  the  Carriers  their  distinctive 
name.  Among  them  cremation  was  the  national  mode  of  disposing  of 
the  dead.  As  a  rule,  on  the  morning  following  the  funeral  ceremony,  the 
relatives  of  the  deceased,  accompanied  by  his  widow,  were  wont  to  pick 
up  from  among  the  ashes  of  the  pyre  the  few  remaining  charred  bones 
which,  if  too  large  for  the  purpose  in  view,  they  did  not  scruple  to 
reduce  by  breaking  to  the  desired  size,  These  were  then  handed  to  the 
widow  to  daily  pack  till  her  liberation  from  the  bondage  consequent  on 
her  new  condition.  This  gruesome  task  devolved  on  her  for  the  space  of 
at  least  two  or  three  years,  and  in  extreme  cases  was  prolonged  to  a 
period  of  some  five  years.  Upon  the  final  giving  away  of  property 
which  was  the  signal  for  the  cessation  of  mourning,  these  bones  were 
deposited  with  the  satchet  containing  them  in  a  box  laid  on  the  top  of  a 
funeral  column  near  the  village. 

Some  of  these  satchets  were  still  in  existence  a  few  years  ago.  Their 
cover,  instead  of  fitting  over  the  whole  bag  as  in  the  household  ezijai, 
reached  only  half  way  down.  Its  sides  were  also  sewn  with  those  of  the 
satchet  itself,  so  as  to  preclude  the  possibility  of  its  contents  being  acci- 
dentally thrown  out.  Of  course,  a  string  was  attached  to  the  satchet 
and  passed  across  the  neck  or  or  breast  of  the  packer.  A  lining  of  birch 


1892-93.] 


NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES. 


147 


bark  also  gave  the  receptacle  a  certain  degree  of  consistency,  and  served 
.moreover  as  an  additional  protection  for  the  bones. 

The  regular  packing  wallet  *  herewith  figured  is  still  very  generally 
used  for  carrying  provisions  during  long  journeys  and  might  be  termed 
the  native  buffet.  It  is  of  two  different  materials  ;  its  main  parts  are  of 
undressed  moose  hide  with  the  hair  out,  while  its  sides,  top  and  bottom 
are  of  tanned  cariboo  skin.  The  skin  of  the  upper  part  of  the  legs  of' 
the  animal  is  chosen  in  preference  and  sewn  together,  as  may  appear 
from  a  glance  at  the  illustration  below.  The  packing  band  is  also  of 
untanned  moose  skin.  On  either  side  of  the  bag,  ears  of  tanned  skin  are 
pierced  each  with  two  holes,  the  lower  one  of  which  is  intended  to 
receive  the  strap  when  the  walllet  is  not  full.  The  broad  or  middle  part 
of  this  line  passes  athwart  the  forehead  of  the  packer,  and,  after  sliding 
through  one  of  the  holes  at  either  side  of  the  bag,  its  loose  ends  are 
drawn  forward  and  tied  over  the  breast,  so  that  the  position  of  the  burden 
•can  be  changed  at  will. 


F'g-   135- 


148 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV. 


Not  uncommonly  these  wallets  or  knap-sacks  are  made  entirely  of 
dried  salmon  skins  sewn  together.  Once  the  flesh  of  the  fish  has  reached 
the  proper  degree  of  stiffness,  it  is  carefully  torn  off  and  one  of  the  skins 
is  shredded  into  fine  filaments  which  serve  as  thread. 

The  jti'kfe  generally  does  duty  in  connection  with  heavy  burdens, 
which  means  for  anybody  au  fait  with  native  sociology  that  it  is  the 
appanage  of  the  women.  The  men  have  also  a  packing  bag  of  their 
own  intended  as  a  receptacle  of  such  light  burdens  as  are  incident  to  short 
trips,  and  which  shall  be,described  further  on. 

The  fourth  variety  of  leather  bags  is  the  dog-bag,  which  is  so  much 
like  a  common  saddle-bag  that  I  refrain  from 
figuring  it  here.  No  harnessing  device  is  con- 
nected with  it,  it  is  simply  lashed  on  the  sides  of 
the  canine  with  a  separate  line. 

Fig.  1  36  also  represents  a  double-bag  ;  but 
this  is  proper  to  the  huntsman.  In  one  end  of  it 
he  keeps  his  provision  of  powder,  and  in  the 
other  that  of  shot  or  balls.  Both  halves  of  the 
bag  are  shut  by  tying  around  the  strings  attached 
immediately  below  the  common  or  middle  open- 
ing.  Out  of  this  ammunition  pouch  the  hunts- 


- J36- 


man  fills  up  as  often  as  necessary  his  powder  horn,  and  his  ornamented 
shot  pouch  which  are  parts  of  his  accoutrement. 


Fig.  137- 

Here  we  have  a  Yjwzn-zzz  or  fire-bag.  Its  use  has  ceased  with  the 
introduction  of  matches,  and  its  name  is  now  given  to  a  small  pouch  of 
different  pattern,  though  somewhat  similar  in  intent.  The  former  served 
to  carry  about  or  keep  at  home  the  tinders  and  parched  hay  originally 


1892-93.] 


NOTES    ON    THK    WKSTERN    DENES. 


149 


required  to  start  a  fire  with  the  fire  drill  or  more  recently  with  the  fire 
steel.  Its  elliptical  form  was  probably  intended 
as  a  help  in  guarding  its  contents  against  rain  or 
moisture.  As  an  additional  measure  of  precau- 
tion, the  pouch  was  generally  carried  under  the 
arm  pit  suspended  from  the  neck. 

Its  modern  substitute  is  of  common  cloth  in 
the  form  of  a  flour  sack  and  with  two  strings 
so  arranged  at  its  mouth  that  the  pouch  can  be 
shut  by  drawing  them  apart.  Matches  and 
tobacco  with  a  pocket  knife  are  generally  the 
only  things  kept  in  this  Kwanzaz. 

Fig.  138  represents  a  needle  and  thread  pouch. 
Although  originally  of  tanned  skin   it   is  now 
almost  exclusively  of  black  or  blue  cloth  trim- 
med with  ribbons  or  coloured  tape. 

To  complete  our  list  of  skin  objects  of  Dene"  manufacture,  we  should 
add  to  the  above  the  pe-sta  (wherein  one  sits),  a  sort  of  cuirass  in  use  in 
prehistoric  times  especially  among  the  Carriers.  It  had  the  form  of  a 
sleeveless  tunic  falling  to  the  knees,  so  that  it  protected  the  whole 
body,  since  those  aborigines  generally  shot  kneeling.  Its  material 
was  moose  skin  which,  when  sewn  according  to  the  proper  pattern, 
was  soaked  in  water,  then  repeatedly  rubbed  on  the  sandy  shores 
of  a  stream  or  lake  and  dried  with  the  sand  and  small  pebbles  adhering 
thereto,  after  which  it  was  thoroughly  coated  with  sturgeon  glue.  Being 
again  subjected  before  drying  to  another  rubbing  over  sand,  it  received 
a  new  coating  of  glue,  and  after  this  process  had  been  repeated  .three  or 
four  times,  it  formed  an  armour  perfectly  arrow  proof.* 

*  In  his  Appendice  relatif  aux  armes  de  pierre  des  Indiens  antiques  published  in  1875,  the 
Abbe  E.  Petitot,  speaking  of  the  Denes  of  the  Mackenzie  Basin,  says  that  "ces  Indiens 
arctiques  pretendent  qu'ils  n'  out  pas  toujours  habite  sur  le  sol  oil  nous  les  avous  trouves,  mais 
qu'ils  ont  vecu,  a  une  epoque  fort  eloignee,  dans  une  patrie  plus  belle  que  la  presente.  .  . 
Dans  cette  terre  .  .  .  bien  tour  dans  1'occident,  un  peuple  puissant  opprimait  les  Loucheux 
et  les  Peaux-de-lievre.  Ce  peuple  se  rasait  la  tete,  portait  de  faux  cheveux  et  se  coiffait  de 
casques.  .  .  .  Ses  guerriers  se  couvraient  la  poitrine  d'  une  tunique  de  peau  d:  elan  revetue 
d'une  foule  de  petits  cailloux  coagules  en  maniere  d'  ecailles  (cuirasse) ;  ce  qui  les  rendait  comme 
invulnerables  a  leurs  traits.  ...  A  cette  epoque  les  Dene-Dindjies  faisaient,  disaient-ils, 
usage  de  lances,  qu'  ils  m'  ont  depeintes  comme  des  couteaux  fixes  par  une  ligature  au  bout  d' 
une  perche ;  d'epieux,  sorte  de  cornes  munies  d'  un  crochet  et  egalement  emnmnche'es ;  d' 
arbaletes  ;  de  dagues,  et  enfin  de  boucliers."  Then  the  learned  missionary  adds  that  "  attcune  de 
ces  armes  offensives  et  defensives.  .  ,  .  n'a  suivi  les  Dhie-Dindjies  en  Amerique."  The 
italics  are  mine,  and  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  remark  that  the  line  thus  pointed  out  would  never 
have  been  written  had  its  author  been  acquainted  with  the  original  Carrier  sociology.  For,  as 


150 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV. 


OBJECTS   OF   MIXED   MATERIAL. 

As  may  be  seen  by  figs.  139  and  140,  the  Dene  drums,  though  poss- 
essing minor  characteristics  of  their  own,  do  not  essentially  differ  from 
the  tambourines  in  universal  use  among^  the  North  American  Indians. 
In  every  case  we  have  merely  a  dressed  skin — which  is  here  of  cariboo — 
stretched  ove  a  narrow  hoop.  The  Carrier  drum  (fig.  139)  not  only  had 
no  bottom  strings,  but  its  makers  even  dispensed  with  any  cord  as  a 
means  of  holding  the  instrument.  The  same  piece  of  skin  in  which 
almost  consisted  the  -whole  drum  was  cut  on  the  reverse  or  back  side 
into  four  strips  tapering  to  the  centre  into  regular  strings  which  were 
knotted  as  shown  above,  d,  and  which  served  as  a  means  of  grasping  the 
instrument. 


\ 


The  Ts£'kehne  drum  (fig.  140)  though  apparently  a  very  simple  piece 
of  workmanship,  evidences  much  greater  ingenuity  on  the  part  of  its 
contrivers.  Not  only  does  it  possess  the  bottom  strings  designed  to- 
enhance  its  sonorousness,  but  these  very  strings  are  so  disposed  that  they 
help  not  a  little  in  using  the  instrument.  After  passing  beneath  the 
frame  of  the  drum  they  are  drawn  up  over  it  under  the  encircling  skin, 
and  again  introduced  through  the  middle  of  the  hoop  from  which  they 
protrude  inside  in  the  shape  of  a  loop  through  which  the  thumb  is  passed 

a  matter  of  fact,  all  the  arms  and  defensive  weapons  above  enumerated  had  their  counterparts  oi> 
this  side  of  the  Rockies  but  a  short  time  ago.  In  that  "skin  tunic  covered  with  small  coagulated 
pebbles,"  we  recognize,  of  course,  \\iz  pe-sta  just  described  ;  the  lances  regarded  by  Petitot,  after 
his  informants,  as  so  very  ancient  were  the  s39.tfaz  spoken  of  on  page  62  ;  the  epieux  or  spears 
are  not  materially  different :  Petitot  describes  them  as  "hafted  hooks"  and  it  so  happens  that 
the  Carrier  name  of  these  weapons  means  "hook-sticks."  The  cross-bows  we  have  likewise 
seen  in  use  among  the  Tse'kehne,  while  the  daggers  and  the  shields  were  no  less  common  among 
the  Carriers.  Nay  more,  even  the  "false  hair,"  or  wigs  were  in  vogue  here  as  late  as  thirty- 
years  ago.  These  will  be  found  described  in  our  Chapter  on  Dress  and  Personal  Adornment. 


1892-93.] 


NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES. 


with  a  double  object  in  view  :  that  of  helping  in  holding  the  instrument 
and  of  tightening  or  loosening  the  bottom  strings  at  will  and  thus 
regulating  the  sound  of  the  drum. 


Fig.  140.     • 

That  portion  of  the  Carrier — and  possibly  the  whole  of  the  Tsi[Koh'tin 
— tribes  which  is  adjacent  to  the  Bilqula  Indians  formerly  used  square 
drums.  But  this  circumstance  should  be  regarded  merely  as  a  further 
evidence  of  the  Western  DeneV  innate  power  of  imitation.  The  drums 
are  called  ttaftrtle  in  Carrier. 

Any  stick  at  hand,  padded  or  otherwise,  served  to  beat  the  drum. 

It  seems  almost  incredible  that  in  a  country,  where  for  at  least  five  full 
months  every  year  snow  covers  the  ground,  snow-shoes  should  have  been 
practically  unknown  until  a  comparatively  recent  date.  Yet,  if  we  are 
to  credit  the  natives,  this  was  formerly  the  case  with  the  Carriers,  the 
most  populous,  and,  actually,  the  most  progressive  of  the  four  Western 
Dene  tribes.  The  Tse'kehne  used  snow-shoes  from  time  immemorial  ; 
but  we  are  told  that  not  more  than  100  years  ago,  only  the  most 
prominent  among  the  Carriers  possessed  that  indispensable  adjunct  to 
winter  travelling.  Therefore  with  that  tribe  winter  hunting  was  formerly 
well  nigh  impossible.  The  natives  still  relate  how  their  ancestors  pain- 
fully trudged  on  trunks  of  trees  chopped  down  so  as  to  form  a  continuous 
line  or  trail  over  the  snow  whenever  necessity  constrained  them  to 
wander  any  little  distance  from  their  winter  quarters.  I  fully  expect 
that  their  story  will  task  the  credulity  of  my  readers,  and  I  give  it  only  for 
what  it  may  be  worth.  I  am  simply  repeating  here  what  I  have  been 
told  many  a  time. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  the  Carriers  are  to-day  as  well  provided  with  winter 
walking  implements  as  they  profess  to  have  been  originally  destitute  of 


152 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.    IV. 


them.  Apart  from  the  snow  walking  stick,  they  now  have  no  less  than 
four  very  distinct  varieties  of  snow-shoes  (~aih)  each  of  which  is  known 
under  a  different  name.  These  are  the  khe-la-pas,  the  /^/'/#,.the  'aih-za 
and  the  sds-kh<i. 


Fig.  141. 

The  khe-la-pas*  was  the  first  model  of  snow-shoes  known  to  our 
aborigines.  It  is  still  used  in  cases  of  urgency,  when  better  or  more 
fashionable  snow-shoes  cannot  conveniently  be  made  or,  under  all  cir- 
cumstances, by  poor  or  unskilled  people.  Nevertheless  this  form  is  now 
obsolete,  and  is  generally  laughed  at  by  the  possessors  of  more  elegant 
implements.  The  ground  stick  of  this  snow-shoe  is  of  one  piece  from 
fore-end  to  tail,  and  the  whole  is  left  flat,  as  is  the  case,  I  think,  with 
most  of  the  snow-shoes  in  use  in  Eastern  Canada.  Fig.  141  represents 
a  kht-la-pas. 

The  finer  netting  or  filling  of  every  Carrier  snow-shoe  is  of  delicate 
cariboo  skin  lines,  and  the  coarse  or  middle  one  is  of  moose  rawhide 
line.  As  these  implements  are  said  to  be  adventitious  here,  I  will  refrain 
from  going  into  the  details  of  the  netting  process  which  our  Indians  are 
not  likely  to  have  materially  altered  since  the  introduction  among  them 
of  these  winter  commodities.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  a  whole  independent 
filling  in  is  made  out  of  a  continuous  string.  The  ground  or  side  sticks 
are  generally  made  of  young  saplings  of  black  spruce  or  of  Douglas 
pine  (P.  murrayana) ;  but  those  of  mountain  maple  (Acer  glabrum)  or 
of  mountain  ash  (Pyrus  Americana)  are  more  esteemed,  though  heavier. 
In  all  cases  the  cross-sticks  are,  as  a  rule,  either  of  willow  or  of  birch. 

In  fig.  142  we  have  the  most  recent  type  of  Carrier  snow-shoe.  It 
will  be  seen  at  a  glance  that  it  is  not  inelegant.  It  is  the  p?ju\m 
<(  stitched  together  "  by  allusion  to  the  peculiar  form  of  its  head.  To 

*  "  Mocassin  (or  chaussttre)-end-ro\inded. ;"  by  allusion  to  its  form. 


1892-93.] 


NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES. 


153 


facilitate  walking,  this  is  curved  up  and  so  retained  by  means  of  two  or 
three  lines  twisted  in  one  solid  cord.  To  add  to  the  gracefulness  of  the 
fore-end  and  prevent  it  from  shrinking  in,  an  additional  bar  is  inserted 
some  distance  therefrom,  and  the  resulting  tension  is  also  corrected  by  a 
transversal  cord  binding  fast  the  extremities  of  the  two  sticks.  The 
ground  netting  passes  under  both  bar  and  cord.  The  name  of  this 
variety  of  snow-shoes  indicates  that  the  side  sticks  were  originally  united 
at  both  ends  by  means  of  stitches  of  skin  lines  ;  but  to-day  small  nails 
or  screws  are  more  commonly  used.  Little  tufts  of  coloured  yarn 
issuing  from  each  side  of  the  frame  are  intended  to  add  to  the  elegance 
of  the  implement.  Such  ornaments  at  the  hind  part  of  the  snow-shoes 
distinguish  the  women's  from  the  men's  snow-shoes. 


Fig.  142. 

The  artificial  bending  of  the  side  sticks  is  obtained  by  two  different 
methods.  In  the  first  case,  such  parts  of  the  wood  as  are  to  be  worked 
upon,  are  carefully  wrapped  with  strips  of  willow  bark  and  thoroughly 
heated  by  close  application  to  the  fire.  They  are  next  gradually  pressed 
up  with  the  hand  or  by  forcing  against  the  ground,  when  their  ends  are 
solidly  tied  so  as  to  prevent  the  wood  from  returning  to  its  original 
shape.  However,  this  is  more  commonly  steamed  or  rather  "  cooked  "  in 
boiling  water,  such  parts  of  the  sticks  as  cannot  be  introduced  in  the 
kettle  or  boiler  being  operated  on  by  pouring  thereon  spoonfuls  of  hot 
water  until  they  have  become  sufficiently  pliable. 

A  third  model  of  snow-shoes  quite  as  common,  if  not  more  so,  is  the 
'aih-za  ("snow-shoe  only,"  or  ordinary  snow-shoe).  In  this,  as  in  the 
preceding,  two  sticks  are  employed  to  form  the  frame,  but  instead  of 
terminating  in  a  sharp  front  end,  their  fore-ends  are  thinned  and  joined 
together  with  a  strbng  lashing  of  rawhide  lines  thereby  forming  a  rounded 
instead  of  an  angular  head.  In  other  words,  this  snow-shoe  is  a  long 
khe"-la-pas  made  out  of  two  side  sticks  and  curved  up  in  front  as  the 
pt'ju.  Therefore  the  additional  cross-stick  and  string  noticed  in  the 
latter  are  wanting  in  this  unpretentious  style  of  snow-shoe. 
11 


154 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THK    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV. 


The  Tse'kehne  snow-shoes  are  remarkable  for  the  number  of  their 
cross-sticks.  They  generally  have  six  of  them,  three  in  front,  and  three 
back  of  the  middle  or  coarse  netting.  They  thus  gain  in  solidity  what 
they  lose  in  lightness.* 


Fig.  143- 

The  last  variety  of  Carrier  snow-shoes  is  herewith  figured.  Its  form 
will  no  doubt  explain  its  native  name,  szs-kh6^ 
"  black  bear  foot"  It  is  proper  to  little  children 
before  they  are  sufficiently  grown  up  to  use  the 
common  snow-shoes.  Not  unfrequently,  women, 
especially  those  who  are  poorly  circumstanced  or 
unprepared  for  a  heavy  fall  of  snow,  will  be  seen 
wearing  similar,  though  of  course  much  larger, 
snow-shoes.  Naturally  the  frame  of  such  primitive 
implements  is  composed  of  only  one  stick  whose 
ends  are  rudely  lashed  together.  Instead  of  having 
the  cross-stick  notched  in  as  in  the  above  figure,  it 
is  more  generally  forced  in  a  shallow  hole  mortised 
at  either  side  of  the  frame. 

As  these  implements  are  essentially  temporary,, 
they  are  often  of  a  rude  description.     Such  is  not 
the  case  with  the  pfju  and  the  'aih-za.     Not  only 
are  the  wooden  parts  of  these  carefully  shaved  and 
Fig.  144.  scraped  over,  but  they  are  generally  daubed  with 

red  ochre,  and  in  not  a  few  cases  covered  with  a  coat  of  red  or  blue 
paint. 

*  The  reason  of  this  is  their  great  length  which  is  intended  to  deaden  the  creaking  of  the 
frozen  snow  caused  by  the  short  snow-shoe,  and  thereby  not  to  betray  the  approach  of  the 
hunter. 


1892-93.] 


NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES. 


155 


Here  we  have  the  winter  walking-stick  *  already  alluded  to.  It 
renders  to  the  hand  of  the  traveller  over  snow  fields  the  same  service 
as  the  snow-shoe  does  his  feet,  since  its  circular  appendage  (fig.  144) 


prevents  the  stick  from  sinking  too  much  in  deep  snow.  It  has 
moreover  another  very  valuable  advantage  which  I  have  tried  to  illustrate 
through  fig.  145.  The  hand  of  the  hunter,  warm  and  trembling  from  the 
excitement  of  the  chase,  if  passed  through  the  leather  loop  which  often 


Fig.  146. 


Fig.  147. 


accompanies  the  upper  part  of  the  staff,  can  thereby  be  steadied  and 
find  a  reliable  support  for   the    barrel  of  his  gun  while  in  the  act    of 


Thaz-mas,  "walking-stick  rounded"  by  allusion  to  the  circular  appendage. 


156  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.  IV. 

firing.  Despite  these  undoubted  advantages,  this  walking-stick  tends  to 
become  obsolete  in  several  localities. 

But  one  implement  now  remains  on  our  list  of  undescribed  wood-and- 
skin  items.  This  is  the  ice-scoop  or  jupas  of  which  an  idea  may  be 
gathered  from  fig.  146.  It  is  brought  into  requisition  to  scoop  out  of 
the  hole  one  is  making  in  the  ice  the  broken  pieces  driven  in  with  the 
3ti  or  ice-breaker.  The  frame  is  usually  of  mountain  maple.  Fig.  147 
will  explain  the  connection  between  the  strings  and  the  frame. 

TEXTILE   AND   TWINED   FABRICS. 

We  now  come  to  the  twined  and  textile  fabrics  of  the  Western  D£nes. 
The  latter  are  very  few  ;  indeed  the  weaving  industry  might  almost  be 
described  as  null  among  those  tribes,  since  the  rabbit  skin  blankets  were 
originally  the  only  genuine  textile  fabric  manufactured  among  either  the 
Carriers,  the  Tse'kehne  or  the  TsiiKoh'tin. 

The  weaving  of  these  could  hardly  be  more  primitive.  The  first  step 
is  of  course  to  spin,  or  rather  to  twist  on  the  naked  thigh,  the  strips  of 
the  rabbit  skins.  These  are  previously  steeped  in  water  to  facilitate  the 
cutting  and  spinning  operations.  Each  skin  is  made  to  yield  one  single 
band,  and  each  band  is  knotted  end  to  end  so  as  to  form  a  continuous 
cord. 

A  frame  or  loom  is  first  erected  with  poles  of  the  proper  dimensions 
and  secured  either  by  planting  the  two  side  pieces  in  the  ground,  or,  more 
commonly,  by  leaning  them  against  each  wall  of  any  corner  in  the  house. 
Over  the  two  cloth-beams,  the  skin  cord  is  wound  so  as  to  form  the 
warp.  As  for  the  woof,  a  separate  strip  is  knotted  in  its  middle  part  to 
the  last  left  hand  thread  of  the  warp  in  such  a  way  that  two  threads 
result  which  are  then  twisted  together,  then  entwined  with  the  next  warp 
thread,  again  twisted  together,  again  entwined  with  the  next  perpendicular 
threadj  and  so  on  until  the  last  thread  of  the  warp  is  reached,  when  the 
operation  is  resumed  from  the  right  to  the  left.  Each  successive  woof 
thread  is  added  immediately  under  the  preceding  one  so  that  the  weaving, 
if  weaving  there  be,  is  always  in  a  downward  direction.  Whenever  the 
web  becomes  too  low  for  the  convenience  of  the 
weaver,  web  and  warp  are  made  to  revolve  on  the 
loom  beams  up  to  the  suitable  height.  The  web  is 
"27  then  momentarily  steadied  by  means  of  a  string 

attached  on  either  side  to  the  perpendicular  poles  of  the  loom.  No 
batten  or  any  similar  device  is  used.  Fig.  148  will  give  some  idea  of  the 
whole  process.  The  cut  a  represents  a  cross-section  of  the  web. 


1892-93.] 


NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES. 


157 


The  TsijKoh'tin  and  Carrier  women  now  weave  fairly  good  belts  or 
girths  out  of  the  yarn  they  get  at  their  trading  posts.  But  this  is  a  new 
industry  among  them  and  we  need  not  tarry  in  its  description.  Suffice 
it  to  say  that  they  use  wooden  healds  as  those  of  the  Zuni  Indians. 
Indeed,  I  think  that  the  whole  method  of  girth  weaving  is  practically 
identical  with  these  two  heterogeneous  stocks. 


Fig.  148. 

The  TsifKoh'tin  women  also  weave  or  plait  mats  commonly  used  to 
spread  on  the  floor  or  ground  instead  of  a  table  cloth,  the  menu  of  the 
family  repast  round  which  each  person  squats  while  partaking  thereof. 
The  material  is  a  sort  of  rush  or  juncaceous  plant,  the  exact  species  of 
which  I  could  not  determine.  Matting  is  an  unknown  industry  among 
the  Carriers  and  the  Tse'k^hne. 


158 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV. 


With  regard  to  the  mode  of  netting,  the  drag-nets  of  the  Western 
Denes  are  of  two  kinds  :  one  is  intended  for  service  against  any  species 
of  fish,  with  the  exception  of  the  sturgeon,  and  the  other  is  of  use  to 
capture  the  latter  fish  exclusively.  Fig.  149  will  explain  the  manner  of 


Fig.  149. 


Fig.  150. 


knotting  the  sturgeon  net,  while  all  the  other  kinds  of  netting,  whether 
drag,  scoop,  or  dip-nets,  or  even,  the  packing  bags  which  shall  soon  be 
described,  are  knotted,  as  shown  in  fig.  1 50. 

No  mesh-stick  is  used  while  the  Carrier  is  working  at  the  smaller 
varieties  of  nets.  It  is  replaced  by  the  middle  finger  of  the  left  hand. 
In  this  case,  the  netting-needle  also  consists  merely  in  a  narrow  piece  of 
board  scalloped  at  either  end  to  receive  the  twine  which  is  wound  around. 
But  when  at  work  upon  large-meshed  nets,  our  aborigines  have  recourse 
to  the  picture  frame-like  wooden  implement  herewith  figured.  This  is 


Fig-  IS1-     1A  size- 

carved  out  of  one  piece  and  serves  as  a  mesh-stick.  It  has  replaced  the 
original  wooden  horse-shoe  made  of  a  bent  twig.  In  this  case  a  regular 
netting  shuttle  is  also  resorted  to.  As  this  is  in  every  particular  identical 
with  that  common  among  white  fishermen,  it  is  but  natural  to  infer  that 
it  is  here  a  borrowed  article. 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  159 

I 

The  meshes  of  the  sturgeon  net  are  about  ten  inches  square,  while 
those  of  the  beaver  nets  are  based  on  the  distance  between  the  tip  of  the 
thumb  and  that  of  the  index  ringer  when  both  are  outstretched.  The 
width  of  any  kind  of  fish-net  of  the  larger  variety  corresponds  with  that 
of  seventeen  meshes  of  the  same  net.  The  nets  intended  for  smaller  fish 
have  their  meshes  from  ^  of  an  inch  to  one  inch  and  a  half  square. 
About  twenty  of  the  former  dimensions  form  the  width  of  the  net  All 
kinds  of  drag-nets  measure  at  least  one  hundred  feet  in  length. 

Among  the  Tse'kehne  both  hands  outstretched  with  the  thumbs  tip  to 
tip  are  the  standard  measure  for  the  width  of  the  beaver  net.  Large 
nets  require  twelve  such  units,  while  the  smaller  ones  have  only  nine,  or 
thereabouts.  Such  nets  never  exceed  twenty-five  feet  in  length. 


Fig.  152. 

Identical  in  netting  are  the  two  kinds  of  dip-nets  *  in  use  among  the 
Carriers.  The  first  (fig.  152)  serves  either  to  catch  salmon  or  to  scoop 
out  the  smaller  fish  which  periodically  swarm  up  certain  shallow  streams. 
When  doing  service  against  salmon,  it  is  dipped  in  the  water  and  then 
left  until  a  capture  is  effected.  But  if  used  to  catch  small  fish,  it  is 
managed  as  a  ladle.  Its  make  will  be  easily  understood  by  a  glance  at 
the  above  figure.  It  is  from  five  to  six  feet  deep. 

Fig.  153  represents  a  smaller  variety  of  the  dip-net.  It  serves  in  a 
few  places  only,  and,  as  a  rule,  its  period  of  usefulness  does  not  exceed 
four  or  five  days  in  one  year.  During  the  first  warm  days  of  each 
recurring  spring,  immense  numbers  of  the  thejmdk,  the  very  small  fish 
which  we  have  already  mentioned  in  another  chapter,  ascend  to  the 
surface  of  the  water  in  a  few  lakes  and  become  an  easy  prey  to  the 
Indian  women  who,  armed  with  this  net,  scoop  out  canoe  loads  of  it  in 

*  Pe'-ttoKaih,  "  wherewith  one  scoops,"  a  verbal  noun. 


160  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.  IV. 

one   single   day.      Less    than    a   week   thereafter,    not    a    fish   will   be 
seen  of  the  myriads  that  were  basking  in  the  sun.    Of  course,  the  meshes 


Fig.  153- 

of  the  dip-net  resorted  to  as  a  means  of  securing  them  are  proportionally 
small.     They  are  scarcely  a  quarter  of  an  inch  square. 

f  ^>^^-»^ 


Fig.  154- 

The  nets  of  our  aborigines  were  originally  of  the  fibre  ot  either  the 
nettle  ( Urtica  Lyallii],  the  willow  (Salix  longifolia)  bark,  or  a  species  of 


1892-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  161 

wild  hemp  called  hwonaj  a  in  Carrier.  The  plants  were  carefully  dried 
in  the  house,  crushed  with  the  hands,  and  their  fibres  extracted  by 
pulling  up  with  the  right  from  the  left  hand,  pressing  the  stalks  down 
on  the  ground.  The  shreds  were  then  spun  by  twisting  on  the  thigh. 
Naturally  this  was  the  work  of  the  women.  Nowadays  fine  Holland 
twine  is  used  instead. 

Though  the  skin  of  the  beaver  is  occasionally  used  to  make  beaver-nets 
— as  is  the  case  when  the  animal  is  found  so  decomposed  that  its  fur  has 
lost  its  value — yet  such  nets  are  generally  of  cariboo  skin  cut  in  fine 
strips  called  "babiche"  in  the  parlance  of  such  Indians  as  parade  an 
acquaintance  with  the  dialect  of  the  H.  B.  Go's,  employees. 

Such  is  also  the  material  of  the  fjui^rikez*  or  packing  bag  of  fig.  1 54. 
This  is  to  the  men  what  the  moose  skin  wallet  (fig.  135)  is  to  the  women. 
It  serves  to  carry  to  short  distances  light  burdens  such  as  a  lunch,  peltries 
to  the  trading  post,  provisions  for  an  unimportant  journey,  etc.  It  is  also 
very  commonly  used  as  a  game-bag.  The  above  figure  represents  the 
t'jui-an'kez'  such  as  is  still  made  among  the  Tse'kehne,  and  as  it  was 
originally  among  the  Carriers.  But  of  late  years  the  latter,  having 
learned  from  their  missionaries  to  have  a  greater  regard  for  the  physical 
weakness  of  the  gentler  sex  and  to  do  themselves  at  least  a  part  of  the 
packing,  use  it  for  heavier  burdens  than  those  for  which  it  was  originally 
intended.  This  has  rendered  the  rounded  cord  through  which  it  is 
carried  uncomfortable.  It  is  now  replaced  by  a  regular  leather  thong, 
which  also  runs  round  the  rim  of  the  bag. 

*  T'/w/  means  "  rope,"  and  the  desinence  of  the  compound  word  'kez,  which  implies  "direction,, 
tendency  "  towards  a  place,  is  common  to  all  packing  devices. 


162  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [Vol..  IV. 

CHAPTER  X. 
DRESS  AND  PERSONAL  ADORNMENT. 

COMMON  DRESS. 

It  would  be  difficult  at  the  present  time  to  reconstruct  in  all  its  details 
the  national  dress  of  the  prehistoric  Western  Denes,  if  indeed  there  ever 
existed  any  national  or  uniform  costume  for  each  and  all  of  the 
different  tribes  and  sub-tribes  under  study.  Sir  A.  Mackenzie,  in  his 
account  of  the  voyage  of  discovery  he  made  in  1793  through  part  of 
their  territory,  might  perhaps  enlighten  on  this  subject  the  reader  who 
can  have  access  to  his  narrative.*  Not  enjoying  this  advantage,  I  must 
content  myself  with  what  I  have  learnt  from  daily  intercourse  with  the 
most  reliable  among  the  older  Carriers. 

Speaking  of  the  dress  of  the  Eastern  Denes,  the  Rev.  E.  Petitot  has 
the  following  to  say  : — 

"  Outre  la  blouse  de  peau  blanche  a  queues  decorees  de  franges  et  de 
breloques  metalliques,  qui  fut  le  costume  primitif  des  Dene-Dindji£  et 
•que  portent  encore  les  Loucheux,  ceux-ci,  ainsi  que  les  Peaux-de-Lievre 
y  joignent  un  pantalon  de  meme  matiere  et  aussi  richement  orne,  qui  est 
cousu  avec  la  chaussure.  II  est  porte  par  les  femmes  comme  par  les 
hommes.  Les  tribus  plus  meridionales  remplacent  le  pantalon  par  les 
cuissards  ou  mitasses  que  des  jarretieres  retiennent  aux  jambes,  et  par  un 
pagne  oblong  d'une  etoffe  quelconque. 

"La  robe  des  femmes  est  tr£s  courte  et  ornee  d'une  profusion  de 
franges,  de  houppes  de  laine,  de  verroteries  et  de  breloques  sonores- 
La  chaussure  generale  est  le  mocassin,  ou  soulier  de  peau  molle  qui 
emprisonne  et  dessine  le  pied  comme  un  gant  le  fait  de  la  main.  Durant 
1'hiver  le  renne,  le  castor  et  le  lievre  arctique  sont  mis  a  contribution  pour 
fournir  a  1'habitant  du  desert  des  vetements  aussi  chauds  que  legers  et 
•commodes.-f- 

That  the  dress  of  the  Western  Denes  considerably  differed  from  that 
of  their  Eastern  congeners  such  as  above  described  is  beyond  the 
possibility  of  a  doubt.  And  no  wonder.  Being  of  an  imitative  turn  of 

*  Voyages  from  Montreal,  on  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  through  the  continent  of  North  America, 
io  the  Frozen  and  Pacific  oceans  ;  in  the  years  1789  and  1793,  etc.,  London,  1801. 
t  Monographic  des  Dene-Dindjie,  p.  xxiv  ;  Paris,  1876. 


1892-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  163 

mind,  and  living,  most  of  them,  in  close  proximity  and  with  frequent 
intercourse  with  the  Coast  Indians  on  the  one  hand  and  the  Shushwap 
on  the  other,  they  could  not  fail  to  accommodate  themselves  to  their 
environments.  It  may  be  taken  for  certain  that  their  wearing  apparel 
was,  as  a  whole,  rather  meagre  and  scanty.  This  remark  does  not  apply 
to  the  ceremonial  costume  of  the  Carriers,  which,  as  will  soon  be  seen, 
was  quite  elaborate  and  complicated. 

The  summer  dress  of  the  men  consisted  mainly,  if  not  entirely,  of  a 
tunic,  the  breech  piece,  the  leggings  and  the  mocassins.  The  tunic  was 
a  loose  vestment  which  the  Indians  now  compare  to  a  shirt.  Its  material 
was  tanned  cariboo  skin,  and  it  descended  to  the  thigh  or  thereabouts. 
It  had  no  tail-like  appendage  as  that  of  the  Eastern  Denes.  This  tunic 
was  uniform  neither  in  cut,  nor  in  material,  as  poor  people  made  it  of 
almost  any  available  skin  with  the  fur  on,  and  gave  it  the  form  best  suited 
to  their  means.  Well-to-do  Carriers  decorated  this  garment  with  a 
multitude  of  fringes  to  conceal  the  seams.  The  strands  of  these  were 
sometimes  further  embellished  by  means  of  porcupine  quills  dyed  yellow 
or  green. 

The  breech-piece  and  the  leggings  were  also  of  the  same  material, 
cariboo  skin.  The  latter  covered  the  legs  in  their  whole  length,  and  were 
kept  in  position  by  a  string  tied  to  the  leather  belt  on  each  opposite  side. 
They  were  furthermore  secured  below  the  knee  by  means  of  ornamented 
garters  (see  fig.  145).  These  breech  cloth  and  leggings  without  trousers 
were  still  worn  here  by  a  few  men  not  more  than  twelve  years  ago. 
Leggings  of  identical  style  are  still  in  common  use  among  the  men,  but 
during  the  winter  months  only,  and  they  are  now  worn  over  the  pants. 

The  national  foot  gear  is,  and  has  always  been,  the  mocassin.  This  was 
originally  of  the  dressed  skin  of  the  elk  (Cervus  Canadensis),  But  the 
poorer  classes  frequently  made  it  of  untanned  marmot  skin,  or  even  of 
the  skin  of  the  salmon.  The  mocassins  are  now  uniformly  of  dressed 
cariboo  or  moose  skin  among  the  Carriers  and  Tse'kehne  and  of  deer 
skin  among  the  TsilKoh'tin.  An  idea  of  their  present  form  may  be 
gathered  from  fig.  142. 

Owing  to  the  nature  of  the  material  of  these  mocassins,  our  aborigines 
generally  went  barefooted  in  rainy  weather,  and  to-day  the  women  and 
the  children  at  least  still  adhere  to  this  custom.  It  must  be  added  that, 
progressive  as  the  Carriers  are,  there  is  not  among  them  a  single  man 
who  would  undertake  a  journey  of  any  importance,  nay  even  a  short 
trip,  without  the  traditional  mocassins.  Even  the  most  advanced  young 
men  profess  to  be  unable  to  walk  any  considerable  distance  with  our 
common  leather  shoes. 


164  TRANSACTIONS    OF   THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.  IV. 

All  the  Western  Dene's  wear  mittens,  which  are  made  of  the  same 
material  as  their  mocassins.  Even  during  the  fair  season,  they  will 
never  do  any  kind  of  manual  work  without  having  them  on.  They  are 
suspended  to  a  cord  of  plaited  yarn  passing  behind  the  neck  and  over 
the  shoulders,  so  that,  even  when  they  are  not  in  actual  use,  there  is  very 
little  risk  of  losing  them.  The  wrist-band  is  invariably  ornamented  with 
stripes  of  blue  and  red  cloth,  together  with  colored  ribbons,  according  to 
the  fancy  oi  the  wearer. 

Gloves  are  now  used,  but  were  unknown  in  prehistoric  times. 

Instead  of  the  hood  common  among  their  kinsmen  of  the  Mackenzie 
Basin,  the  Carriers  formerly  wore  a  dainty  cap  of  marmot  skin  made  in 
this  wise: — A  band,  some  three  inches  broad,  was  cut  from  the  skin  with 
the  hair  on  and  secured  at  either  end  so  as  to  form  a  crown-like  head- 
dress. Over  this  was  sewed  a  circular  piece  of  similar  material  leaving 
out  a  brim  of  the  same  width  as  that  of  the  band.  This  projecting  part 
of  the  skin  was  then  slit  into  a  fringe  which  rested  gracefully  on  the 
original  head-band. 

This  description  applies  to  the  summer  cap.  The  winter  head-gear 
consisted  of  a  hemispherical  bowl  of  woven  rabbit  skin  strips  without 
fringes.  Both  summer  and  winter,  men  and  women  wore  the  same  style 
of  cap. 

The  summer  dress  of  the  women  did  not  materially  differ  from  that 
of  the  men.  The  tunic  was  simply  longer  and  oftentimes  ornamented 
round  the  shoulders  and  back  with  a  row  of  pendent  cariboo  and  beaver 
claws  or  teeth.  For  the  sake  of  convenience  a  girdle  also  secured  the 
folds  of  that  robe  over  the  waist.  They  wore,  and  among  the  Carriers 
continue  to  wear,  leggings  like  the  men. 

During  the  cold  season  both  sexes,  but  more  especially  the  women  on 
account  of  the  outdoor  work  to  which  they  were  subjected,  added  to  the 
foregoing  a  sort  of  small  blanket  of  undressed  skin  of  any  small  fur- 
bearing  animal  which  covered  their  breast  from  the  neck  to  the  waist. 
This  pectoral  blanket  was  attached  with  strings  behind  the  neck  and 
also  secured  by  the  outer  girdle  round  the  waist.  We  have  already  seen 
that  in  olden  times  a  swan's  skin  sometimes  served  an  identical  purpose. 

The  body  was  further  protected  against  the  inclemency  of  the  season 
by  means  of  a  large  cloak  of  lynx  skins  sewed  together  and  worn  with 
the  hair  outside.  The  more  conservative  half  of  theTsijKoh'tin  tribe  have 
retained  to  this  day  the  use  of  this  fur  cloak.  But  it  is  worn  among 
them  with  the  hair  next  to  the  body,  and  the  material  is,  as  with  the 
poorer  Carriers,  marmot  instead  of  lynx  skins.  The  TsijKoh'tin  women. 


1892-1J3.J  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES.  165 

transform  it  into  a  sort  of  gown  by  tying  it  round  the  waist  with  a  girdle 
of  leather,  from  which  hang  beaver  nails  or  teeth,  old  thimbles  or  shells 
of  exploded  brass  cartridges  which  produce  during  their  walk  a  jingling 
sound  much  appreciated  by  the  native  ear. 

Winter  and  summer,  the  members  of  the  three  tribes  under  consider- 
ation wrap  their  feet  with  square  pieces  of  blanket,  khJ-tfol*  which  are 
to  them  the  counterpart  of  our  stockings. 

With  the  advent  of  the  whites  the  dress  of  the  Western  Denes 
gradually  changed,  until  it  became,  what  it  is  now,  practically  that  of  the 
H.  B.  Co.'s  people,  with  the  few  additions  necessitated  by  the  nature 
of  the  former's  avocation.  However,  skin  coats  identical  with  that 
illustrated  through  fig.  145  are  still  occasionally  met  with,  especially 
among  the  Ts£'kehne  and  Babine  tribes. 

The  foregoing  remarks,  as  I  believe,  will  give  a  fair  idea  of  the 
aboriginal  costume  such  as  it  obtained  among  the  Western  D£nes,  with- 
out reference  to  rank  or  age.  But,  when  treating  of  the  natives'  wearing 
apparel,  one  should  not  forget  that  even  their  psychological  ideas  are  not 
without  .influence  on  its  nature.  We  should  remember  that  most  dreaded 
creature,  the  pubescent  girl.  She  was  considered  among  the  Carriers  so 
much  of  an  etre  a  part,  that  she  must  constantly  wear  some  badge  to 
remind  people  of  her  terrible  infirmity,  and  thereby  guard  them  against 
the  baleful  influences  which  she  was  believed  to  possess.  This  consisted 
in  "  a  sort  of  head-dress  combining  in  itself  the  purposes  of  a  veil,  a 
bonnet  and  a  mantlet.  It  was  made  of  tanned  skin,  its  forepart  was 
shaped  like  a  long  fringe,  completely  hiding  from  view  the  face  and 
breasts;  then  it  formed  on  the  head  a  close  fitting  cap  or  bonnet,  and 
finally  fell  in  a  broad  band  almost  to  the  heels.  This  head-dress  was 
made  and  publicly  placed  on  her  head  by  a  paternal  aunt,  who  received 
at  once  some  present  from  the  girl's  father.  When,  three  or  four  years 
later,  the  period  sequestration  ceased,  only  this  same  aunt  had  the  right 
to  take  off  her  niece's  ceremonial  head-dress."-f 

The  latter  sentence  applies  to  the  daughter  of  untitled  parents.  In 
case  the  maiden  was  of  noble  birth,  the  first  anniversary  of  her  entering 

*  "  Foot-platform."  The  native  names  of  the  different  parts  of  the  wearing  apparel  are  here- 
with given,  as  they  may  afford  a  clue,  when  considered  from  an  etymological  standpoint,  to  the 
relative  degree  of  importance  or  antiquity  of  the  articles  thereby  denominated.  Head-gear  of 
any  description,  fsaR;  coat  or  tunic,  tzfit ;  breech-piece,  tsan  ;  girdle,  se ;  cloak  (and  blanket), 
tsat ;  leggings,  khe-tsih  (wherein-the-foot-is-passed) ;  mocassin,  kh£-skw3t,  or  in  composition /Wi? 
(synonymous  with  "foot") ;  pectoral  blanket,  patsichuz  (that — being  a  soft  stuff — which  covers), 
a  verbal  noun. 

tThe  Western  D£nes  ;  Proc.  Can.  Inst.,  1888-89,  P-  l62- 


166  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV. 

upon  her  maturity  witnessed  the  imposition,  with  befitting  ceremonies 
and  the  usual  banquet,  of  a  sort  of  diadem  such  as  herewith  figured. 

The  ground  part  of  this  was  a  band  of 
tanned  skin  which  was  fringed  from  about 
one  inch  and  a  half  above  the  bottom  up 
to  the  top.  Each  strand  of  that  fringe  was 
passed  through  a  dentalium  shell  and  then 
Fl8-  J55-  sewed  up  at  the  top  to  an  encircling  strip 

of  skin.  As  this  crown  was  lower  on  the  back  than  in  front,  shells  of 
different  lengths  were  chosen  according  to  the  place  they  were  to  occupy,. 
A  lining  of  skin,  with  or  without  the  fur  on,  was  then  added,  and  the 
lower  corners  of  the  ends  stitched  together,  as  shown  in  the  cut.  Upon 
crowning  the  maiden  with  this  shell  diadem,  the  paternal  aunt  became 
heir  to  the  discarded  bonnet  with  fringe  and  mantlet 

Both  diadem  and  bonnet  were  articles  of  every  day  wear,  and  genuine 
ceremonial  head-dresses. 

Not  only  pubescent  girls,  but  even  such  boys  as  were  reaching  the 
same  stage  of  life  had  their  fingers,  wrists  and  legs  encircled  with  rings 
or  bracelets  made  of  sinew  entwined  with  down.  Neglecting  these  pre- 
cautions would  have  exposed  the  careless  party  to  premature  infirmities 
and  incapacitated  the  young  man  for  the  fatiguing  exercise  of  the  chase. 

The  Western  Denes  of  the  old  stock,  and  especially  the  Carriers  and 
the  Babines,  were  not  wanting  in  articles  of  personal  adornment.  Among 
head  ornaments,  they  had  the  ear-pendants,  the  nose  ring  or  crescent, 
the  ni-Kz-dm'a,  the  hair  pendant  and,  among  the  Babines,  the  labret. 

Two  very  distinct  varieties  of  ear-pendants*  obtained  among  the 
Carriers.  The  first  consisted  in  a  bunch  of  four  buckskin  strings  passed 
through  pairs  of  dentalium  shells  and  hanging  from  the  ear,  as  shown 
in  fig.  156.  As  soon  as  glass  beads  became  known,  some  were  inserted 
between  each  of  the  two  shells  suspended  from  each  hole  in  the  ear.  A 
small  beaver  claw  furthermore  prevented  the  pendent  shells  and  bead 
from  slipping  off.  Several  Indians  still  bear  the  marks  of  this  now 
antiquated  pendant. 

A  different  kind,  which  was  still  in  honour  but  a  few  years  ago,  but 
is  now  likewise  obsolete,  is  the  haliotis  pendant  (fig.  157).  The  specimen 
from  which  I  have  drawn  fig.  157  was  in  actual  use  when  obtained  for 
my  collection.  Pendants  of  this  material  probably  affected  various  forms. 
Yet  I  fear  that  no  other  specimen  could  now  be  found  among  our 

*  Tzokwal.     2nd.  cat. 


1892-93.J 


NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES. 


167 


aborigines.  Considering  that  fine  shreds  of  sinew  were  formerly,  as  they 
are  to-day,  common  in  every  native  household,  it  would  appear,  judging 
by  the  coarse  line  of  buck  skin  appended  to  this  "jewel"  that  very  little 
regard  was  entertained  in  olden  times  for  the  sensibility  of  the  human- 
ear. 


Fig.  156.  Fig.  157. 

.  The  dentalium  pendant  was  proper  to  men,  while  the  latter  or  haliotis 
ornament  belonged  to  the  fair  sex.  With  insignificant  exceptions,  neither 
the  men  nor  the  women  now  wear  any  ear  pendant  or  ring,  except 
among  the  Babines,  whose  taneza'  or  noblemen  have  adopted  the  silver 
ear-ring,*  proper  to  persons  of  similar  rank  among  their  alien  neighbours,, 
the  Kitiksons. 

As  among  the  majority  of  savage  or  barbarous  peoples,  in  contra- 
distinction with  civilized  nations,  the  Western  Denes  were  formerly  fond 
of  perforating  their  septum  to  introduce  therein  what  they  considered 
wondrous  ornaments.  These  might  be  divided  into  three  different 
categories :  the  crescent,  the  discoidal  or  cruciform  pendant  and  the 
silver  ring.j- 

The  two  first  ornaments  are  figured  above,  and  were  of  haliotis  shell. 
The  crescent  was,  of  course,  inserted  to  the  middle  through  the  hole  of 

*  See  Niblack's  The  Indians  of  the  Northwest  Coast,  plate  vi.  fig.  13. 

"t  All  the  nose-pendants  are  called  ni-spas,  tn,  a  contraction  of  nih,  "nostrils  ;"  spas,  the  root 
of  nanispas,  "ring-like" 


168 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  VI. 


the  septum,  the  cusps  hanging  down.  Others  were  contracted  enough  to 
permit  of  being  worn  ring  fashion  with  the  cusps  grasping  the  septum  as 
those  of  the  ancient  Peruvians.*  I  have  seen  Babine  women  wearing 
through  the  septum  a  silver  crescent  of  identical  size  with  that  figured 
above. 


Fig.  158. 


159- 


The  circular  nose-pendant  (fig.  159)  was  placed  in  position  by  pressing 
the  fore  part  of  the  septum  through  the  cusps  formed  by  the  deep 
indentations  carved  out  in  the  shell  until  the  septum  hole  was  reached. 
The  proximity  of  the  points  or  cusps  then  prevented  its  falling  off. 

As  for  the  third  variety  of  nose  ornaments,  it  consisted  in  a  silver  ring 
which  was  more  than  once  of  ridiculously  generous  proportions.  Indeed, 
if  I  am  to  credit  my  informants,  this  was,  among  the  Babines,  of  such  a 
size  that  one  could  easily  eat  through  it.  I  have  never  seen  any. 

All  the  above  nose  ornaments  were  used  indifferently  by  men  or  by 
women.  A  fourth,  which  it  was  the  privilege  of  the  women  of  rank  to 
wear  was  the  ni-KJ-dtn'a,  or  "passed  through  the  septum."  Fig.  160  will 


Fig.   1 60. 

explain  its  form,  without  doing  justice  to  the  material  of  which  it  was 
composed.      Two  pairs  of  dentalium  shells,  the  small  end  of  the  one 


*See  "A   Study  of  the  Textile  Art,"    by  W.  H.  Holmes,   vi.   Ann.   Rep.  Bur.  Ethnol., 
Washington,  1888,  p.  237,  fig.  343. 


1892-93.]  NOTES  ox  THE  WESTERN  DEXES.  169 

inserted  in  the  large  end  of  the  other,  were  kept  springing  out,  as  it 
were,  from  the  septum  by  means  of  a  sinew  thread  running  from  end  to 
end  of  the  shells  and  through  the  perforated  nasal  partition.  The  ex- 
tremities of  the  "  ornament  "  were  adorned  by  a  small  tuft  of  the  red 
down  of  the  head  of  the  wood-pecker  (Ceophleus  pileatus).  This  orna- 
ment was  rarely  exhibited  outside  of  ceremonial  gatherings. 

It  can  already  be  inferred  from  the  foregoing  that  the  Western  Dene's 
prized  as  much  the  dentalium  (D.  Indianorum)  shells  as  their  kinsmen 
who  now  inhabit  the  Hupa  valley,  in  California.  That  the  esteem  of  the 
former  for  the  red  scalp  of  the  wood-pecker  is  not  confined  to  them  may 
'  be  gathered  from  a  perusal  of  Prof.  O.  T.  Mason's  "  The  Ray  Collection 
from  Hupa  Reservation."* 


Fig.  161. 

Lastly,  with  a  view  to  enhance  their  natural  attractiveness  by  means 
of  extrinsical  ornaments,  the  young  men  and  young  women  attached 
on  either  side  of  their  hair,  a  little  above  the  ears,  bunches  of  strings 
decorated  with  dyed  porcupine  quills  and  beaver  claws  f  or,  more 
recently,  holding  glass  beads  of  various  colours  sometimes  ending  in 
copper  buttons,  as  is  the  case  with  fig.  161.  Until  a  few  years  ago,  these 

*P.  231. 

t Nimpa-stla,  "they  lie  on  the  face-edge,"  a  verbal  noun. 

12 


170  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   VI, 

were   to   be  seen   occasionally   in   a   few   remote   places.       As  all  other 
articles  of  native  adornment,  they  have  now  completely  disappeared. 

In  the  course  of  his  paper  "On  the  Masks,  Labrets,"  etc.,  W.  H.  Dall 
gives  the  following  definition  of  the  labret.  "The  labret,  among  American 
aborigines,  is  well  known  to  be  a  plug,  stud,  or  variously-shaped  button, 
made  from  various  materials,  which  is  inserted  at  or  about  the  age  of 
puberty  through  a  hole  or  holes  pierced  in  the  thinner  portions  of  the 
face  about  the  mouth.  Usually  after  the  first  operation  has  been  per- 
formed, and  the  original  slender  pin  inserted,  the  latter  is  replaced  from 
time  to  time  by  a  larger  one,  and  the  perforation  thus  mechanically 
stretched,  and  in  course  of  time  permanently  enlarged."*  As  regards 
the  nature,  mode  and  time  of  insertion,  these  words  are  in  every  way 
applicable  to  the  labrets*f-  of  the  Babine  sub-tribe.  When  these  had 
reached  the  maximum  size  which  they  were  to  retain  for  life,  they  were  a 
flat  button,  oval  in  circumference,  at  least  one  and  a  quarter  inch  long  by 
three-quarters  inch  wide,  of  a  hard  wood,  commonly  mountain  maple 
(Acer  glabrum).  The  insertion  of  the  tentative  bone  pin  was  the 
occasion  of  special  rejoicing  and  feasting.  The  women  only  were  entitled 
to  this  piece  of  ornamentation,  and,  as  a  rule,  the  higher  the  rank  of  the 
wearer  the  larger  the  labret  was  to  be. 

So  much  for  the  head  ornaments.  Other  pieces  of  aboriginal  jewelry 
of  every-day  wear  were  the  tsi-nejthan,  the  tsi-nezdilya  and,  in  later  years, 
the  na-jthan  and  the  *la-tc3n.  With  the  exception  of  the  last,  which  is  a 
compound  noun  of  the  third  category,  all  these  words  are  verbal  nouns 
descriptive  of  the  trinket  thereby  differentiated. 

The  two  first  mentioned  were  the  Den£  necklaces.  The  tsinejtiian 
was  obtained  by  boiling  and  splitting  off  a  thin  band  of  a  cariboo  horn, 
which  was  given,  while  still  pliable,  the  desired  form.  As  an  attempt 
at  ornamentation,  geometrical  designs  were  scratched  with  the  stone 
knife,  over  which  a  pinch  of  diluted  red  ochre  was  rubbed  with  the  hand. 
The  colouring  matter  passed  over  the  smooth  surface  of  the  horn,  but 
remained  in  the  light  furrowings  which  were  thus  brought  into  greater 
prominence.  This  primitive  method  is  still  common  among  the  Western 
Denes.  Charcoal,  instead  of  vermilion,  is  sometimes  used. 

The  tsinezdilya,  +  was  a  necklace  of  dentalium  shells  which  was 
liable  to  affect  different  forms,  as  the  shells  were  threaded  in  such  a  way 
as  to  fall  over  the  neck  or  to  encircle  it  lengthwise.  A  similar  necklace, 

*  Third  Ann.  Rep.  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  1884,  p.  76. 

t"  Ni-ta-'kh,  man  (i.e.  human)-lip-over." 

J  "That  (a  composite  object)  which  is  put  around  the  head,"  i.e.  the  neck. 


1892-33.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  171 

but  larger  and  worn  resting  over  the  shoulders  and  breast,  was  a  badge 
of  the  possession  of  shamanistic  powers  on  the  part  of  the  wearer. 

The  tsinejthan  was  of  so  primitive  material  that  its  adoption  as  a 
means  of  personal  adornment  must  have  been  rather  early.  Though  the 
material  of  the  tsinezdilya  was  an  imported  article,  this  necklace  could,, 
according  to  the  following  Carrier  narrative,  boast  of  an  at  least  as  great 
antiquity,  unless  we  assign  a  recent  origin  to  the  actual  plumage  of  the 
loon.* 

"  Once  upon  a  time,  there  was  an  old  man  who  was  blind.  He  had  a 
wife  who  used  to  help  him  in  this  way  to  keep  alive :  whenever  she 
sighted  game,  she  would  hand  him  his  arrow  to  moisten  the  stone  point 
thereof  with  his  saliva — for  this  old  man  was  possessed  of  magic  powers. 
Then  pointing  the  arrow  in  the  direction  of  the  game,  she  would  let  him 
release  it  himself,  which  he  usually  did  with  good  effect.  One  day,  both 
came  upon  a  very  fat  cariboo — "Moisten  the  arrow-head  with  your  saliva," 
said  the  woman  to  her  husband,  which  after  he  had  done,  he  shot  dead 
the  animal.  But  his  wife,  who  coveted  the  fat  of  the  cariboo  and  was 
tired  of  living  with  a  blind  old  man,  pushed  him  aside,  thereby  throwing 
him  to  the  ground,  saying  :  "That  old  fellow,f  what  a  bad  shot  he  is!" 
— '  But  I  think  I  have  killed  it,'  insisted  the  old  man.  Yet  as  he  was 
blind,  he  could  not  get  the  game,  and  while  searching  for  it,  he  strayed  a 
long  distance  from  his  wife  who  now  abandoned  him. 

"  As  soon  as  the  old  man  was  out  of  sight,  she  set  to  cut  up  the. 
animal,  helping  herself  at  the  same  time  to  large  fried  slices  of  its  meat. 
What  she  did  not  eat  on  the  spot  she  cut  into  thin  pieces  and  hung  out 
to  dry. 

"  Meanwhile  the  old  man  was  bewailing  his  fate.  In  the  course  of  his 
aimless  wanderings  he  had  reached  the  shore  of  a  lake,  when  a  loon, 
hearing  his  cries  swam  towards  him  as  his  kins  are  wont  to  do  even  now 
whenever  they  hear  anybody  talking  in  the  forest. — "What  ails  you"?' 
he  said  to  the  man. — '  Poor  wretch  that  I  am,  my  wife  has  left  me,  and 
I  am  blind,'  answered  the  latter. — '  I  will  cure  you,'  said  the  loon;  'come: 
over  to  me  and  hide  your  eyes  in  the  down  of  the  back  of  my  neck.  The 
old  man  did  as  he  was  bid,  and  both  the  loon  and  himself  plunged  ini 
the  water.  When  they  reappeared  on  the  surface,  they  found  themselves, 
at  the  opposite  end  of  the  lake. — '  Now  can  you  see'?  quivered  the  loon. 
'  Look  at  yonder  mountain,'  he  added.  The  old  man  complied  with  the: 
request  and  answered  :  '  I  see  a  little,  as  if  through  a  mist.  Repeat  the 

*  This  tale  is  also  current  among  the  Tsi[Koh'tin. 

f  Tvtiethi-qJl.     The  desinence  of  this  word  is  expressive  of  spite  and  scorn. 


172  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.  IV. 

operation.'  Again  did  the  loon  dive  with  him,  emerging  this  time  at  the 
original  point  of  departure.  '  Now  can  you  see'?  asked  the  loon. — 'I 
now  see  very  well,'  replied  the  old  man  wading  ashore.  Then  to  show 
his  gratitude  to  his  benefactor  he  presented  him  with  his  own  dentalium 
shell  necklace,  and  taking  some  more  dentalium  shells  from  his  quiver, 
he  threw  them  *  at  him. 

"  Ever  since,  the  loon  wears  a  white  necklace,  and  the  shells  which  hit 
him  also  produced  the  white  spots  we  now  see  on  his  wings. •]•" 

Now  that  we  are  satisfied  as  to  the  great  antiquity  of  the  dentalium 
necklace,  we  will  leave  the  old  man  of  the  story  to  settle  with  his 
unfaithful  spouse,  and  return  to  the  description  of  the  other  articles  of 
adornment  obtaining  among  the  Western  Denes. 

The  na-jthan\  is  the  horn  or  metal  wristlet  which  has  already  been 

described   and  figured  (see  fig.  126). 

As  for  the  la-tczn  \\  it  is  of  modern  origin, 
and  is  an  imitation  of  the  ruffles  of  the 
whites.  As  such,  it  is  worn  in  winter  time 
as  a  protection  against  cold.  But  many 
Carrier  or  Tse'kehne  girls  nowadays  wear  a- 
variety  of  it  merely  as  an  ornamental 
addition  to  their  costume.  To  that  class 
belongs  the  la-ton  herewith  figured.  It  is 
of  glass  beads  of  several  colours  mounted 
on  sinew  threads.  The  rosette  in  front  is 
made  of  narrow  ribbons  and  a  common  mother-of-pearl  button. 

CEREMONIAL    COSTUME. 

It  has  already  been  hinted  that  the  ceremonial  costume  of  the  Carriers, 
was  very  elaborate.  When  one  keeps  in  mind  their  proximity  to  the 
coast  Indians  who  are  so  fond  of  parade  and  display,  this  statement  can- 
not surprise.  What  would  rather  astonish  those  who  have  read  a  former 
paper  by  the  writer  wherein  the  wonderful  faculty  of  imitation 
characteristic  of  the  Carriers  is  chiefly  brought  into  relief  is  the  fact  that 
though  the  sociological  peculiarities  which  gave  rise  to  this  costume  were 
evidently  borrowed,  yet  the  latter  was,  in  the  main,  original.  It  was 
proper  to  the  tsneza'  and  the  fsekhuza'  or  noble  men  and  women. 

*  "Threw  them"  and  "presented  them"  are  rendered  by  the  same  word  in  Dene. 
tThe  loon  of  this  story  is  the  Urinator  padficus  of  the  naturalists. 
%  "  That  (being  of  a  naturally  long  material)  which  is  around." 
|| Lit.  "hands-stick,"  same  word  as  that  for  "wrist." 


1892-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  173 

Ceremonial  banquetting,  distribution  of  clothes  or  victuals,  dances, 
incineration  of  the  dead,  etc.,  were  the  most  common  pretexts  for  its 
exhibition. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  nature  of  its  adorning  material  was  rather 
monotonous  and  little  varied.  This  consisted  principally  in  the  dentalium 
shells  *  interspersed  with  beaver  claws  and  cariboo  hoofs,  pelts  of  small 
animals,  the  feathers  and  down  of  a  few  species  of  birds  and  porcupine 
quills. 

The  latter  were  invariably  dyed,  and  here  it  may  be  explained  that  the 
Carriers,  at  least,  knew  but  two  varieties  of  dyes  :  yellow  and  green. 
The  yellow  colour  was  obtained  by  boiling  the  quills  with  a  species  of 
hair-like  lichen  apparently  akin  to  the  Alectoria  jubata,  but  botanically 
different  (Evernia  viilpina).  The  green  dye  was  no  other  than  the 
decayed  wood  found  almost  everywhere  in  the  forest.  The  colouring 
matter  was  likewise  extracted  by  boiling.  An  analogous  method  is  now 
followed,  to  dye  in  red  or  blue  the  plumes  with  which  the  young  men  are 
fond  of  ornamenting  their  hats  and  the  horse  hair  which  serves  to 
embellish  the  instep  piece  of  their  mocassins  :  the  original  dye  of  the 
cloth  or  stuff  procured  at  the  trading  posts  is  simply  extracted  and 
transferred  by  boiling. 

The  distinctive  pieces  of  the  noble  man  or  woman's  ceremonial  attire 
were :  the  wig,  the  coronet  or  'tasfju,  the  breast-plate  or  yosldtlitj,  and 
the  Raz.  With  the  exception  of  the  third,  of  which  I  know  but  one 
specimen,  none  of  them  can  now  be  seen  outside  of  my  collection. 
Each  one  was  formerly  so  prized  that  it  was  the  appanage  of  the  full 
fledged  teneza'  only.  All  the  other  parts  of  the  costume,  such  as  the 
leggings  and  the  mocassins,  were  of  course  proportionately  rich  and 
ornamented. 

I  possess  two  specimens  of  the  ceremonial  wig  or  tsirk$-stzai\  and 
both  differ  in  make  and  style  of  ornamentation.  Fig.  163  represents 
what  is  perhaps  the  most  elaborate  in  design.  As  no  cut  can  do  full 
justice  to  its  details,  I  may  be  pardoned  the  following  description.  It  is 
composed  of  three  distinct  parts :  the  horn-like  appendage,  the  cap  or 
head  covering  proper  and  the  pendent  train.  The  horns  are  made  of  the 
stout  bristles  of  the  sea-lion's  whiskers,  two  lengths  of  which  are  used 
and  united  in  front  by  means  of  buckskin  and  sinew  threads.  A  rough 
network  of  the  latter  material  fills  up  the  space  between  the  horn  and 
the  cap,  and  is  arranged  so  as  to  determine  the  concavity  of  the  latter. 

*  jpai  in  Carrier,  tppai  in  TsilKoh'tin. 

tLit.  "head-on  (minute  objects — i.e.  the  shells)  are-lying." 


174 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV 


Fig.    163. 


1892-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  175 

The  cap  is  formed  of  two  rows  of  dentalium  shells  attached  to  a  strip  of 
cariboo  skin  otherwise  secured  to  the  above  mentioned  netting.  A 
narrow  band  of  leather  separates  the  two  rows  and  serves  to  retain  in 
juxtaposition  the  shells  whose  threads  are  also  passed  through  it  at  the 
proper  intervals.  The  train  is  of  human  hair  and  measures  three  feet  in 
length.  Each  strand  is  formed  of  about  a  dozen  hairs  twisted  into  a 
two-ply  cord.  About  one  foot  from  the  bottom,  bunches  of  perhaps 
fifty  hairs  in  their  natural  condition  are  added  to  the  end  of  each  strand 
by  means  of  finely  shredded  sinew.  Moreover,  on  the  outside  of  the 
upper  part  of  the  train,  and  forming  continuation  with  the  two  rows  of 
dentalia  of  the  cap  are  bunches  of  four  shells  of  the  same  description 
from  the  united  small  ends  of  which  hang  flaps  of  artificially  curled 
human  hair  which  add  not  a  little  to  the  general  effect  of  the  whole. 
Altogether,  this  wig  must  have  produced  a  striking  effect. 

The  second  (fig.  164)  is  of  less  complicated  design,  but  of  perhaps 
more  costly  material.  The  front  horn-like  appendage  is  replaced  by  fine 
strips  of  ermine  skin,  and  the  head-covering  part  is  likewise  of  dentalium 
shells,  of  which  there  are  three  rows.  These  are  gathered  in  bunches  of 
three,  which  are  tied  at  the  small  end  over  heavy  three-ply  cords  of 
human  hair  terminating  on  the  outside  in  flaps  of  curled  hair,  as  in  the 
previous  case.  The  train  is  composed  of  fine  three-ply  strands  of  human 
hair  adorned,  every  three  inches  or  so,  with  two  dentalium  shells  in 
successive  order.  To  retain  these  at  the  proper  intervals,  little  pieces  of 
wood  are  inserted  between  the  shell  and  the  strand,  or  the  latter  is 
wrapped  over  with  sinew  thread.  This  train  is  not  so  abundant  in 
strands,  nor  quite  so  long  as  that  of  the  preceding  wig. 

These  wigs  were  used  in  festal  dances  during  which  they  were  decked 
with  swan's  down  which,  owing  to  the  movements  of  the  dancer,  produced 
white  undulating  clouds  intended  to  add  to  the  picturesqueness  of  the 
scene. 

They  were  held  in  such  high  estimation,  that  no  consideration  what- 
ever could  have  induced  their  owner  to  part  with  them.  The  reason  of 
this  will  be  readily  understood  when  it  is  known  that  they  formed  an 
integral  part  of  the  hereditary  title  of  the  nobleman.  This  is  so  true 
that  they  shared  with  him  the  traditional  name  which  they  were  intended 
to  honour.  Thus  wig,  fig.  163,  is  called  Kahul  after  its  last  possessor,  who 
had  himself  inherited  this  name  from  a  long  line  of  ancestors.  There- 
fore parting  with  them  was  equivalent  to  forfeiting  one's  rank  and  title. 
They  were  handed  down  from  generation  to  generation,  and  this  explains 
the  air  of  antiquity  and  quasi  dilapidated  condition  of  those  in  my 
possession. 


176 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL. 


181)2-93.] 


NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DEXES. 


177 


The  staple  material  was  the  hair  of  notable  women.  It  was  clipped 
after  death  only,  and  arranged  into  the  desired  style  on  the  occasion  of 
the  grand  final  banquet  commemorative  of  their  death  and  cremation. 
The  hair  of  two  women  was  required  to  make  one  wig. 

Even  women  could  aspire  to  the  rank  of  noble  or  ?sekheza\  among  the 
Carriers.  On  the  occasion  of  ceremonial  dances  they  wore  a  head-dress 
even  more  graceful  and  pretty  in  form,  if  not  so  imposing  and  weird  in 
material.  This  was  called  'tasfju  or  "  woven-feathers."  It  was  crown- 
shaped,  and  its  principal  component  parts  were  stiff  laps  of  fur  skin, 

generally  of  the  weasel,  and  feathers.  The 
specimen  herewith  figured  may  be  described  as 
follows  :  —  A  strip  of  tanned  skin  about  one  inch 
in  width  and  overlaid  with  three  rows  of  dentalia 
serves  as  the  foundation  or  head  band  of  the 
crown.  From  this  rise  broad  weasel  skin  strips 
with  edges  folded  lengthwise  and  sewed  up  in- 
side. These  are  stiffened  by  means  of  large 
feather  quills  or  slender  pieces  of  wood  inserted 
Fie-  l65-  therein.  To  further  enhance  the  gracefulness  of 

the  head-dress,  each  skin  is  kept  folded  down  at  the  top,  thereby  convert- 
ing its  tail  into  a  flap.     The  skin  laps  are  again  retained  in  their  upright 

position  by  a  strip  of  dressed  skin  running,, 
on  the  inside,  around  the  upper  periphery  of 
the  crown.  Scalps  of  the  red-headed  wood- 
pecker (  Ceophleus  ptleatus)  are  secured  on  the 
folded  part  of  each  lap,  while  the  tail  feathers 
of  another  variety  of  woodpecker  (  SpJiyrapicus 
varius)  are  sewn,  pointing  upwards,  on  the 
bottom  and  the  middle  of  each  upright  piece 
of  fur  skin. 

This  head-dress  was  filled  up,  when  in  use, 
with  down,  which  the  wearer  caused  to  escape 
around  through  the  jerking  of  the  head  pecu- 
liar to  the  feminine  style  of  dancing. 

The  above  had  been  written  and  fig.  165 
drawn  for  some  time  when  I  received  specimen 
pages  of  a  most  important  Bible  Dictionary* 
now  in  course  of  publication  in  France  under 
the  supervision  of  that  learned  orientalist,  the 
Abbe  Vigouroux,  wherein  I  found  the  sketch  of  a  Chaldaean  king. 

*  Dictionnaire  de  la  Bible,  etc.,  par  F.   Vigouroux,  Letouzey  et  Ane,  Paris. 


l6&- 


178 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV. 


'{fig.  1 66)  wearing  a  headdress  so  much  resembling  the  'tast'ju  that  I 
could  not  resist  the  temptation  of  reproducing  it  here  with  the  author's 
permission.  This  illustration  being  copied  from  a  contemporaneous 
monument,  offers  a  very  suggestive  base  of  comparison  with  the  cere- 
monial paraphernalia  of  our  aborigines.  Though  the  crown  therein 
represented  must  have  been  of  some  precious  metal,  it  would  seem  that 
the  feathers  or  'ta  which  have  given  its  name  to  its  American  counter- 
part occupy  an  even  more  prominent  place  therein  than  in  the  Dene 
'tast'[u. 

The  next  important  piece  of  the  nobleman's  ceremonial  costume  was 
the  vo-stith3j*  or  dentalium  breast-plate  (fig.  167).     It  had  the  form  of  a 


Fig.   167.     i  size. 

rounded  crescent,  and  this  particularity,  no  less  than  the  costliness  of  the 
material,  was  no  doubt  intended  to  indicate  the  dignity  of  the  wearer.  The 
fitness  of  the  dentalium  as  a  means  of  ornamentation  receives  through 
this  breast-plate  its  best  illustration.  These  shells,  as  is  well  known,  are 
larger  at  one  end  than  at  the  other,  and  moreover  are  also  slightly 
arched.  The  former  peculiarity  causes  of  itself  the  curve  of  the  two 
broader  rows  of  dentalia,  while  the  latter  likewise  renders  those  of  the 
middle  and  of  the  rim  well  adapted  to  the  shape  of  the  plate.  The 
whole  is  of  course  mounted  on  a  ground  of  dressed  cariboo  skin.  Its 
two  cusp- like  extremities  were  clasped  or  knotted  with  rawhide  strings 
behind  the  neck. 

This  article  of  personal  adornment  was  valued  at  four  dressed  moose 
skins  or  forty  beaver  skins,  which,  if  estimated  at  their  present  price, 
would  represent  the  sum  of  $200. 

*  "Disposed  downwards  and  in  parallel  order,"  a  verb.  noun. 


1892  93.] 


NOTES  ON  THE  WESTKRN  DENES. 


179 


Such  was  also  the  commercial  valuation  of  the  Ras.  This  is  the 
ceremonial  robe  which  I  have  elsewhere  compared  to  the  me/til  of  the 
Jewish  high  priest.  It  was  originally  of  tanned  cariboo  skin,  but  the 
specimen  in  my  possession  (fig.  168)  is  of  an  old-fashioned  printed  stuff. 
Yet  the  lact  of  its  main  fringe  being  ornamented  with  porcupine  quills 
and  here  and  there  with  hoofs  of  yearling  cariboo  is  evidence  of  respect- 
able antiquity,  considering  the  progressive  tendency  of  the  race  to  which 
belonged  its  maker.  Exclusive  of  the  lower  fringe  it  measures  2  feet  2l/£ 
inches  in  length,  and  in  its  narrowest  breadth  it  is  3  feet  4^  inches. 
The  upper  fringe  is  of  red  jyarn,  while  that  at  the  edge  of  the  garment 


Fig.   169. 

(fig.  169)  is  composed  as  follows: — Firstly,  small  rounds  of  red  cloth 
sewn  on  the  printed  calico,  then  two  fillets  respectively  blue  and  red 
running  along  the  edge.  A  narrow  strip  of  tanned  skin  is  then  sewed 
on,  from  which  hangs  the  fringe  proper.  The  upper  part  of  the  strands 
is  wrapped  with  yellow  or  green  porcupine  quills,  below  which  they  are 
left  naked  until  they  are  connected  together  at  hanging  intervals  by  a 
slender  cord  of  sinew  thread.  After  an  equal  length  left  uncovered,  each 
strand  is  passed  through  a  dentalium  shell,  ending  in  a  sewing  thimble  or 
a  cariboo  hoof  scalloped  at  the  edge. 

The  lapels  or  side  extensions  at  the  top  of  the  Raz  are  intended  to 
button  or  attach  it  behind  with  strings  ;  for  though  the  garment 
resembled  a  robe  while  in  actual  use,  it  was  put  on  and  worn  as  an  apron 
from  the  waist  down.  Needless  to  add  that  the  metallic  ornaments  of 


180 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV. 


the  lower  fringe  were  well  calculated  to  impress  the  bystanders  by  the 
jingling  sound  they  yielded  with  the  importance  of  the  dancer. 

The  noblewomen  wore  no  Raz,  but  substituted  therefor  the  cincture- 
like  piece  of  apparel  shown  in  fig.  170.  Though  it  resembles  a  girdle,  it 
was  considered  a  breech-cloth.  Of  course,  being  merely  ornamental,  it 
was  worn  over  the  dress.  It  will  be  seen  that  it  was  almost  entirely  of 
dentalium  shells  without  any  leather  lining. 


Fig.  170. 


Fig.   171. 

As  a  complement  to  his  costume,  the  taneza'  had  his  ceremonial 
Kwanzzs  or  fire-bag  and  ornamented  quiver.  I  have  never  seen  any 
specimen  of  the  latter ;  but  from  what  we  know  of  the  other  pieces  of 
festal  attire,  we  may  well  imagine  it  glowing  as  the  rest  with  the 
ubiquitous  dentalium  shells  and  fringes  The  fire-bag  shown  above  (fig. 
171)  is  mainly  of  cariboo  skin  with  glass  beads  stitched  on  the  edges  and 
red  and  blue  trimmings.  It  belonged  to  the  original  possessor  of  the 
Raz  already  described  and  is  therefore  contemporaneous  therewith.  This 
old  man  died  five  or  six  years  ago  at  the  age  of  105  years  or  thereabouts. 

The  mocassins  and  leggings  were  also  similarly  ornamented  on  festival 
occasions.  Truly,  the  Carrier  "  nobleman,"  standing  in  the  midst  of  an 
admiring  assemblage,  crowned  with  the  weird  head-dress  of  his  ancestors, 
resplendent  in  the  glory  of  his  moon-like  breast-plate,  clothed  in  the 
folds  of  his  sonorously  fringed  robe,  with  his  shining  fire-bag  hanging  on 
the  left  and  his  jewelled  quiver  on  the  right,  and  bedecked  from  head  to 
foot  with  snow  white  shells,  must  have  been  a  sight  worth  beholding. 

This  is  perhaps  the  proper  place  to  mention  another  variety  of  head- 
dress which,  though  ceremonial  in  intent,  was  not  the  appanage  of  titled 


189-2-1)3.] 


NOTES  OX  THE  WESTERN  DENES. 


181 


personages.  I  mean  the  sJiyas-kei (grizzly-bear-claws).  Its  name  denotes 
the  nature  of  its  material.  These  claws  are  secured  to  a  band  of  cariboo 
skin  by  means  of  sinew  threads  passed  in  a  hole  bored  through  their  root 
part.  A  double  row  of  dentalium  shells  two  lengths  between  each  claw, 
runs  through  their  upper  or  slender  half,  ensuring  by  means  of  the  sinew 
thread  on  which  they  are  mounted  solidity  for  the  crown  and  unity  for  its 
-component  parts. 


Fig.  172. 

The  grizzly  bear  is  the  lion  of  our  mountains,  and  those  who  presume 
to  wear  its  spoils  thereby  lay  claim  either  to  supernatural  power  or  to 
uncommon  courage.  Such  are  the  medicine  men  or  shamans  and  a  few 
untitled  hunters  too  proud  of  their  deeds  and  supposed  prowess  not  to 
parade  them  on  every  available  occasion.  Such  then  were  the  natural 
possessors  of  this  curious  head-dress.  I  must  add  that  the  shamans  did 
not  confine  their  extravagance  to  the  wearing  of  this  crown  ;  the  spoils, 
generally  the  head,  of  any  other  wild  beast,  the  wolf,  the  coyote  (cants  la- 
trans)  the  black  bear,  etc.,  were  also  laid  under  contribution  to  help 
to  impress  the  bystanders  with  the  awfulness  of  the  powers  they  were 
supposed  to  be  endowed  with.  But  this  was  only  while  in  the  act  of 
practising  their  occult  art. 

One  peculiarity  of  the  preceding  cut  cannot  fail  to  strike  the  reader. 
It  is  the  mode  of  wearing  the  hair  therein  illustrated.  This  style  was 
common  among  the  Carriers.  When  at  home,  or  anywhere  when  in 
repose,  they  had  it  plaited  in  a  queue  resting  on  the  back;  but  when 
travelling  they  found  it  more  convenient  to  tie  it  up  in  a  knot  behind  the 
neck.  Both  men  and  women — except  when  widowed  or  in  mourning 


182  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV. 

from  some  other  cause — wore  it  full  length  and  parted  in  the  middle.. 
Clipping  the  hair  was  a  token  of  extreme  grief  or  the  badge  of  forced 
servitude. 

Small  tattoo  marks  will  also  be  observed  in  the  above  figure,  and  not 
without  reason.  For  tattooing  was  formerly 
very  prevalent  among  the  Western  Denes.  This, 
was  not,  as  among  the  neighbouring  hetero- 
geneous tribes,  confined  to  the  chest  or  the  arms 
and  legs,  but  it  extended  in  every  case  to  the 
face  as  well.  Various  designs  were  thus  indelibly 
stamped  ;  but  the  face  tattooing  consisted  more 
generally  of  lines,  single  or  parallel,  radiating 
from  the  mouth  corners,  on  the  chin,  the  cheeks,, 
the  forehead  and  occasionally,  the  temples.  Fig. 
173  represents  an  extreme  ease.  Two  women  of 
this  place — Stuart's  Lake — are  thus  tattooed. 

Face  tattooing  had    nothing  to  do   with   the  totem  crest,  personal  or 

gentile,  of  the  bearer. 

When  figures  were  attempted,  they  consisted  of  crosses,  fishes,  birds,  fern 
root  diggers,  etc.,  in  conventional  outlines,  all  of  which  will  be  delineated 
when  I  come  to  treat  of  the  D£n£  pictography. 

The  breast  was  also  tattooed,  but  not  so  commonly  as  among  the- 
Coast  tribes.  The  figures  marked  thereon  had  generally  a  totemic 
significance.  A  much  coveted  tattoo  was  the  symbol  of  the  grizzly  bear 
(fig.  195)  the  marking  of  which  cost  many  a  ceremonial  banquet  and 
entitled  the  person  thus  honoured  to  exceptional  regard. 

The  forearms,  inwardly  and  outwardly,  were  more  often  the  seat  of 
tattoo  marks.  When  there  situated,  these  referred  as  a  rule  to  a  personal 
totemic  animal  revealed  in  dream,  and  the  bearing  of  whose  symbol  was 
supposed  to  create  a  reciprocal  sympathy  and  a  sort  of  kinship  between 
the  totem  and  the  tattooed  individual.  Sometimes  these  marks  on  the 
arms  and  legs  were  intended  as  a  specific  against  premature  weakness  of 
these  limbs.  In  this  case,  they  simply  consisted  of  one  or  two  transversal 
lines  on  the  forearms  or  immediately  above  the  ankles  which  were 
tattooed  on  the  young  man  by  a  pubescent  girl.  These  had  about  the 
same  significance  as  the  sinew  and  down  wristlets  of  which  mention  has. 
already  been  made. 

Tattooing  was  performed,  as  among  other  American  tribes,  by 
puncturing  the  skin  with  fine  bone  (or  later  steel)  needles,  and  by  passing; 
underneath  a  sinew  thread  coated  with  crushed  charcoal  or  soot.. 


1892-93.]  NOTES  ON  THK  WESTEKN  DENES.  183 

The  face  was  also  either  painted  with  broad  lines  of  red  ochre 
alternating  with  black,  or  the  cheeks  only  were  made  to  receive  a  coating 
of  rouge.  Personal  taste  and  fancy  were  the  only  rules  followed.  Young 
persons  were  also  fond  of  trimming  their  eye-brows  to  a  diminutive  width,, 
after  which  they  blackened  them  with  charcoal. 


J84  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV. 

CHAPTER  XI. 
HABITATIONS. 

It  has  already  been  stated  that  of  the  three  tribes  under  consideration 
two,  the  Carrier  and  the  TsijKoh'tin,  were  semi-sedentary,  while  the 
other,  the  Tse'ke"hne,  was  entirely  nomadic.  Consequent  upon  this 
different  social  status  was,  of  course,  the  nature  and  style  of  the 
habitations  proper  to  each.  Thus  the  Carriers,  whose  social  system  was 
very  elaborate  and  whose  staple  food  was  salmon,  had  formerly  no  less 
than  five  distinct  kinds  of  dwellings,  the  ceremonial  lodge,  ,the  summer 
lodge,  the  fishing  lodge,  the  winter  lodge,  and,  among  the  southern  half 
of  the  tribe,  the  subterranean  hut. 

In  common  with  the  coast  tribes  whose  social  organization  they  had 
largely  copied,  the  Carriers  had  formerly,  as  well  as  now,  regular  villages 
which  they  inhabited  but  part  of  the  year.  But  while  the  former  chose 
the  winter  months  to  enjoy  the  sweets  of  home  life,  the  latter  were  never 
to  be  seen  in  their  permanent  dwellings  except  during  the  fair  season. 
This  may  easily  be  accounted  for  when  we  remember  the  differences  of 
climate.  The  coast  owes  to  its  proximity  to  the  ocean  the  comparatively 
mild,  if  damp,  weather  it  constantly  enjoys,  while  east  of  the  coast  range 
of  mountains,  the  winters  are  usually  very  severe.  Now,  as  among  the 
inland  tribes,  nobody,  however  wealthy,  sleeps  in  more  than  one  blanket, 
a  large  fire  is  kept  in  the  lodge  day  and  night,  and  so  the  amount  of  dry 
wood  available  in  one  place  is  soon  exhausted.  Since  they  are  possessed 
of  carrying  conveniences  unknown  in  olden  times,  this  necessity  of  shifting 
one's  abode  from  place  to  place  is  not  so  much  felt.  But  formerly  with 
their  limited  facilities  for  felling  trees  and  bringing  the  wood  home,  they 
had  to  change  every  year  their  winter  quarters. 

The  permanent  village  was  thus  inhabited  only  during  the  fair  season, 
that  is  from  the  first  week  in  May,  when  the  grebes  arrive,  until  the 
second  week  of  September,  after  the  family  supply  of  salmon  has  been 
secured.  The  villages  are  generally  situated  at  the  confluence  of  rivers, 
or  on  the  northern  banks  of  lakes,  so  as  to  have  the  benefit  of  the  sun's 
rays  from  the  opposite  side.  In  any  case,  the  location  is  chosen  in  such 
spots  as  seem  to  promise  the  greatest  fishing  facilities.  They  were 
formerly  composed  of  the  ceremonial  and  the  common  summer  lodges. 
As  these  differ  in  plan  and  material  from  those  illustrated  or  described 
by  writers  on  the  coast  Indians,  I  feel  justified  in  giving  herewith  plans 
and  explicative  details  of  both. 


1892-93.] 


NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES. 


185 


And  first  as  to  the  ceremonial  lodge  (fig.  174).  It  is  so  called  from  its 
being  the  seat  of  all  large  native  gatherings,  such  as  festival  banquets, 
•distributions,  dances,  etc.  It  serves  at  the  same  time  as  the  dwelling 


house  of  the  nobleman  to  whom  it  belongs  and  of  such  co-gentile 
families  as  it  can  contain.  Its  erection  was  the  occasion  of  great 
festivities  and  necessitated  the  accumulation  by  the  future  proprietor  of 


2 


Fig.  176. 


Fig.  175- 

large  quantities  of  eatables  and  dressed  skins.     Following  step  by  step 
the  progress  of  its  building,  which  was  diversified,  as  on  the  coast,  by 
intervals   of  merry-making   and   feasting,  we   will   proceed   to   a   brief 
13 


186  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITl  TE.  [VOL.  IV. 

description  of  the  lodge,  the  ground  plan  and  front  end  of  which  will  be 
found  in  figs.  175  and  176. 

The  main  timbers  of  the  building  consist  of  the  posts  a  and  the  beams 
b,  placed  so  as  to  form  a  parallelogram.  The  former  are  of  spruce  of  as 
large  dimensions  as  can  be  found.  After  they  have  been  cut  to  the 
required  length,  they  are  hauled  on  skids  to  the  place  of  construction. 
Let  me  say  here  that  as  these  posts — four  in  number — are  the  mainstay 
of  the  house,  they  are  regarded  by  the  natives  with  feelings  akin  to 
reverence  which  are  furthermore  excused  by  the  circumstance  of  the 
totem  animal  of  the  proprietor  being  generally  carved  in  relief  not  far 
from  their  upper  end  k.  For  this  reason,  the  place  of  honour  is  at  their 
base  and,  in  ceremonial  gatherings,  the  noblemen  were  invariably  seated 
against  them,  surrounded  by  their  co-gentile  suite. 

After  the  logs  had  been  stripped  of  their  bark,  they  were  rendered  as 
smooth-surfaced  as  possible  by  means  of  repeated  scrapings.  When 
standing  in  position,  their  longitudinal  half  was  made  to  jut  out  of  the 
plank  wall.  Not  uncommonly,  they  were  also  painted  with  red  ochre,, 
when  a  mash  of  carp  roe  served  as  oil  and  was  smeared  over  the  posts 
so  as  to  prepare  a  sticking  surface  for  the  colouring  matter.  As  a  pre- 
caution against  too  early  decay,  the  butt  end  of  each  was  wrapped 
around  with  birch  bark  prior  to  its  being  covered  up  with  earth. 

The  head  of  these  four  posts  or  pillars  is  hollowed  to  receive  two  large 
cylindrical  beams  or  plates,  b,  which  are  cut  a  little  longer  than  the  length 
of  the  future  lodge,  so  as  to  let  their  ends  project  in  front.  Four 
secondary  posts  of  smaller  size,  c,  are  next  erected  on  the  outside  of  the 
parallelogram  at  equal  distance  from  the  first  and  form  the  corners  of 
the  house.  They  likewise  support  on  hollowed  ends  two  smaller  plates,. 
f,  over  which  the  eaves  of  the  roof  are  to  rest.  The  ends  of  two  trans- 
versal beams  of  moderate  dimensions,  g;  the  object  of  which  is  to  further 
solidify  the  structure  and  especially  the  gable  walls,  are  then  laid  in  a 
notch  cut  out  on  these  minor  plates.  The  foregoing  pieces  constitute 
the  frame  of  the  building. 

Once  they  are  in  place,  the  erection  of  the  roof  is  proceeded  with 
As  this  is  even  to-day  constructed  on  the  same  principle  as  formerly,  it 
deserves  special  mention.  The  rafters,  h,  are  secured  together  at  the  top 
of  the  roof  by  means  of  'kzn  or  wattle  of  high  cranberry  bush  (  Viburnum 
pauciflorum)  passed  through  holes  pierced  in  the  proper  places.  Over 
these  are  tied  with  willow  bark,  at  intervals  of  one  or  two  feet  purlines 
which,  are  then  covered  with  spruce  bark.  This  is  secured  in  place 
principally  by  means  of  additional  rafters  laid  over  it  and  pressed  down 


1892-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  187 

by  a  long  beam  to  which  their  lower  extremities  are  attached  (see  fig. 
174).  As  a  further  guarantee  of  solidity,  slender  poles  are  finally  inserted 
between  the  bark  roofing  and  the  outside  rafters.  Of  course  an  aperture 
is  left  open  in  the  top  of  the  roof  for  the  smoke  to  escape. 

There  now  remain  the  walls  to  construct.  They  consist  of  hewn  slabs 
of  spruce  which  were  formerly  shaved  on  the  outside  as  smooth  as  the 
working  tools  then  available  permitted.  The  lower  end  of  these  rude 
planks  was  introduced  in  a  channelling  prepared  therefor  in  the  large 
beams,  d,  lying  on  the  ground,  while  their  upper  end  was  engaged  between 
additional  poles  running  under  the  eaves  or  along  each  side  of  the 
gable. 

Large  lodges  had  generally  two  entrances,  one  at  each  gable  end  of 
the  building.  Their  lintel  was  formed  by  the  transversal,  beams,  f,  and 
they  were  shut  by  regular  board  doors  as  is  practised  to-day.  However, 
I  have  seen  a  ceremonial  lodge  whose  doorways  were  simply  cut  in  the 
end  walls  some  distance  above  the  ground,  and  were  elliptical,  as  marked 
in  outline  in  fig.  176.  Such  lodges  were  called  horw3-ltaz-yd'&,  or  "house 
with  cuts  through." 

There  never  were  any  windows  in  the  old  style  lodges.  Full 
ventilation  was  however  established  through  the  doors,  the  smoke  hole 
and  the  numerous  wall  chinks  consequent  on  the  sinking  in  of  the 
boards. 

The  fire-place  was  in  the  centre  of  the  building,  and  fire  was  made 
immediately  on  the  floorless  ground.  Only  two  or  three  stones  served 
as  andirons  for  the  wood  to  lie  upon.  The  family  meat  or  fish  was,  and1, 
is  still,  commonly  either  roasted  by  means  of  a  wooden  spit  passed 
therein  and  stuck  in  the  ground  near  the  fire,  or  boiled  in  a  kettle 
supported  over  the  flames  through  a  long  stick  likewise  driven  in  the 
ground  at  a  distance  from  the  fire. 

No  shutter  was  used  in  connection  with  the  smoke-hole  as  is  done 
among  the  Haida,  nor  was  the  floor  covered  with  any  boards. 

The  sleeping  places  only  were  strewn  with  spruce  branches  and! 
undressed  skins,  over  which  everyone  stretched  himself  in  his  blanket 
with  most  of  his  clothes  on.  All  had  their  feet  next  to  the  fireplace,, 
instead  of  each  married  person  having  them  at  the  head  of  his  or  her 
partner,  as  is  common  among  the  Blackfeet,*  and  the  Eskimo. f 

*  Legal,  Les  Indiens  dans  les  plaines  de  /'  Amerique  du  Nord,  Petites  Annales  O.M.I.,  Paris, 
1891. 

•f  After  Rod.  MacFarlane,  Esq.,  who  has  passed  several  years  among  those  aborigines, 


188 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV. 


There  was  in  the  lodge  no  partition  whatever. 

Sometimes  related  families  found  themselves  too  numerous  to  dwell 
all  under  one  roof.  Rather  than  cohabit  with  people  of  a  different  gens, 
they  would  then  build  for  themselves  the  smaller  summer  lodge  (fig.  177). 
Quite  a  number  of  these  old  fashioned  buildings  are  still  extant.  They 
differ  considerably  from  the  large  ceremonial  lodge:  instead  of  four  iny3s- 
tc3n  or  principal  upright  posts,  they  have  only  two,  one  in  the  middle  of 
each  gable  end.  To  facilitate  the  semi-circular  hollowing  of  their  upper 


Fig.   177. 

ends,  these  are  previously  thinned  on  each  opposite  side  into  a  tapering 
edge  (fig.  177  b).  Four  tny3s-szl  or  secondary  uprights,  c,  stand  in  the 
corners  of  the  lodge.  As  the  walls  are  to  be  superimposed  poles,  minor 
posts  or  stakes,  d,  are  planted  in  the  ground  in  pairs  on  each  side  of  the 
wall  whenever  this  is  necessary  to  prevent  the  latter  from  tumbling  down. 
After  the  posts  of  the  walls  have  been  inserted  between  the  two  opposite 
posts  they  are  furthermore  secured  thereto,  three  or  four  together,  by 
means  of  willow  bark  ropes.  Such  unimportant  habitations  have 
indifferently  one  or  two  entrances,  generally  without  any  door.  Their 
apex  is  formed  as  in  the  preceding  case  by  the  transversal  piece,  e,  which 
rests  on  each  end  of  the  eaves-plate.  When  two  doorways  exist,  one  will 
be  on  the  right,  the  other  on  the  left,  of  the  main  upright  post  in  the 
middle. 

The  roof  is  in  every  respect  similar  to  that  of  the  ceremonial  lodge. 
Speaking  of  the  latter,  I  failed  to  mention  that  the  eaves  project  a 
considerable  distance  from  the  walls. 

A  few  ceremonial  lodges  were  also  built  on  the  same  plan  as  the  minor 
dwelling  houses.  Their  material  was  identical,  save  that  instead  of  poles 
hewn  planks  formed  the  walls.  In  that  case  the  totem  crest  was  carved 
out  of  the  protruding  end  of  the  top  plate  (fig.  188).  A  few  even  had 


1892-93.] 


NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES. 


189 


only  one  door.     The  place  of  honour  was  then  just  opposite  the  door,  as 
among  the  Blackfeet.  * 

Another  variety  of  Carrier  dwelling  which  is  inhabited  only  during 
thal-lo-nr3n^  or  the  salmon  season,  is  the  fishing  lodge.  In  general 
appearance  it  resembles  the  summer  dwelling  lodge  just  described,  but 
is,  if  possible,  more  rudely  constructed.  Its  ground  plan  is  identical, 
but  it  wants  the  gable  end  walls  above  the  transversal  beams.  The  large 
openings  consequent  thereupon  leave  free  access  to  the  wind  and  air 
and  thus  accelerate  the  drying  of  the  fish  which  are  suspended  on  cross 
poles  resting  transversely  on  the  top  sticks  of  the  side  walls.  By 
exception,  a  few  of  these  lodges  have  the  apex  of  their  front  adorned 
with  the  carved  totem  crest  of  the  proprietor.  It  may  be  remarked  that 
these  fishing  lodges  are  not  mere  sheds  for  the  exclusive  destination  of 
smoking  and  curing  fish  ;  they  serve  also  as  dwellings  for  the  fishermen 
during  the  whole  space  of  time  that  they  are  used. 

We  now  come  to  the  winter  lodge  of  the  Carriers.  We  have  already 
seen  that,  at  least  among  the  upper  Carriers,  new  winter  quarters  were 
chosen  every  year  in  such  spots  of  the  forest  as  promised  to  yield  the 
best  supply  of  firewood.  These  habitations  were  therefore  of  a  merely 
temporary  nature.  Yet  they  were  carefully  built,  the  greatest  attention 
being  always  paid  to  the  comforts  of  those  about  to  winter  therein. 
They  were  original  in  construction,  and  deserve  a  full  description. 


6        * 


Fig.  178. 

Four  tny9stc3n  or  posts  of  moderate  size  with  hollowed  upper  ends 
were  planted  in  the  ground  and  supported  the  usual   longitudinal  plates. 


*  Legal,  uti  suprh. 


190  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.  IV. 

On  these  parallel  plates  split  poles  of  spruce  or  cotton  wood  were  made 
to  recline  in  a  slanting  position  so  as  to  form  a  roof  without  walls,  the 
split  side  resting  immediately  on  the  beams.  To  ensure  additional 
solidity,  the  lower  end  of  each  stick  was  slightly  driven  in  the  ground,  or 
covered  up  with  earth.  The  middle  ones  were  purposely  shorter,  so  as 
to  form  a  smoke  hole  in  the  top.  A  covering  of  spruce  bark  was  then 
added,  each  piece  of  which  was  steadied  by  means  of  independent  sticks 
resting  thereon. 

There  now  remained  the  gable  ends.  As  with  the  other  styles  of  native 
buildings,  a  tJiapa-s3fa  or  transversal  beam  (c  of  fig.  179)  was  laid  on  the 
side  plate,  b.  Slender  posts  or  stakes  were  next  planted  on  the  same 
plan  in  an  upright  position  to  fill  in  the  end  of  the  lodge  opposite  to  the 
front.  Fascines  of  spruce  boughs  or  saplings  were  moreover  laid  against 
this  wall  on  the  outside,  and  all  possible  interstices  were  carefully  chinked 
up  by  forcing  in  shoots  of  conifers. 

The  front  end  was  more  complicated.  As  comfort  and  warmth  were 
the  chief  aims  of  the  builders,  the  structure  had  but  one  entrance.  This 
was  obtained  by  introducing  immediately  under  the  apex  of  the  gable 
down  to  the  transversal  plate  a  broad  slab  of  spruce  securely  wedged 
between  the  wall  posts  or  stakes  driven  in  the  ground.  The  aperture  left 
free  underneath  constituted  the  doorway.  This  was  shut  by  an  in- 
dependent board  just  a  shade  narrower,  so  as  to  move  easily.  It  was 
suspended  by  means  of  a  stout  rope,  and  to  go  in  or  come  out  you  need 
only  push  it  ahead  of  you  ;  its  own  weight  would  cause  it  to  return  to  its 
original  perpendicular  position,  and  thus  only  a  minimum  of  cold  air 
would  steal  in  the  building.  As  a  further  precaution  against  the  in- 
clemency of  the  season,  the  front  end  of  the  lodge  was  provided  with 
a  semi-circular  door-yard  with  an  additional  door.  This  sort  of  native 
atrium  resulted  from  a  number  of  heavy  poles  or  posts  being  made  to 
rest  at  their  small  end  on  the  gable  wall,  while  their  lower  extremity 
described  a  half  circle  on  the  ground.  The  whole  was  then  covered  with 
brush.  The  outer  doorway  was  shut  with  some  worthless  skin  with  the 
hair  on,  while  the  ground  within  the  enclosure  was  strewn  over  with 
small  branches  of  conifers,  generally  spruce.  This  enclosure,  besides 
contributing  to  render  the  hut  warmer,  served  also  as  a  kennel  for  the 
dogs  and  as  a  bathroom  for  the  old  men.  Its  native  name  was  p3n-tsij 
(a  word  of  the  third  category  of  nouns). 

In  the  ground  plan,  fig.  178,  the  space  between  the  uprights  and  the 
corners  of  the  lodge  is  purposely  partitioned  off.  It  forms  what  was 
known  as  the  *kun?jat  tsatcdn  or  corner  store,  the  sides  of  which  con- 
sisted mainly  of  roughly  hewn  boards  set  up  to  the  height  of  three  or 


1892-93.] 


NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    D^NES. 


191 


four  feet.  Therein  the  family  impedimenta  were  stowed  away,  and  the 
number  of  such  depositories  generally  corresponded  to  that  of  the 
•cohabiting  families. 

A  totally  different  style  of  winter  dwellings  obtained  among  the 
TsijKoh'tin  and,  through  them,  among  the  Lower  Carriers.  This  was 
the  tjizY^zn  or  semi-subterranean  hut.  It  had  been  borrowed  from  the 
two  tribes'  neighbours  in  the  south  and  southeast,  the  Shushwap.  Dr.  F- 
Boas  has  already  given  *  the  plan  and  description  of  one  which  is 
probably  of  a  representative  character,  while  more  lately  Dr.  G.  M. 
Dawson  has  furnished  us  f  with  an  example  of  a  different  style  observed 
by  himself  among  the  Shushwap.  None  of  these  however  tallies  in  point 
of  construction  with  the  tjizYJn  of  the  Lower  Carriers  such  as  it  existed 
among  them  some  forty  years  ago.  From  information  gathered  from  an 
«ye-witness,  I  am  enabled  to  give  the  following  account  of  those  con- 
structed at  Fraser  Lake  and  Stony-Creek. 


^^//// 


7tw//w/^//^mmmmf 

Fig.   181. 

After  an  excavation  some  three  feet  deep  and  about  20  feet  in  diameter 
had  been  made,  the  butt  ends  of  four  large  beams  were  made  to  rest  a 


*  Sixth  Report  on  the  N.W.  Tribes  of  Canada,  figs.  20  and  21,  Leeds  Meeting  B.A.  A.S.  1890. 
t  Notes  on  the  Shushwap  People  of  B.C. ;  Trans.  K.S.C.  Sect.  II..  fig.  I,  1891. 


192  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.  IV. 

little  distance  from  the  brim,  on  the  original  surface  of  the  ground,  while 
the  beams  converged  with  their  small  ends  raised  five  feet  or  thereabouts 
to  a  point  above  the  excavation,  which  was  to  become  the  door  and 
smoke  hole  of  the  hut.  These  timbers  were  held  up  by  means  of  four 
short  pieces  of  wood,  the  end  corners  of  which  were  wedged  or  locked  in 
those  of  the  larger  beams,  as  shown  in  fig.  180.  The  aerial  square  orifice 
resulting  from  this  combination  was  the  doorway  of  the  building.  No 
other  timbers  were  added  to  this  frame-work,  save  that  to  further 
solidify  the  structure,  two,  or  in  larger  huts,  three,  stout  posts,  c,  forming  a 
right  angle  with  the  main  beams  were  planted  in  the  floor  with  their 
upper  ends  notched  in  the  beams,  over  which  split  poles  were  laid 
horizontally  up  to  the  top  or  rather  the  door.*  This  roof  was  then 
covered  with  earth.  An  Indian  ladder — that  is,  a  log  notched  at  the 
proper  stepping  intervals — was  the  means  of  communication  with  the 
outside. 

These  huts  were  very  comfortable,  and  but  little  fire  was  needed  to 
keep  them  warm.  From  the  TsijKoh'tin  names  of  the  months  we  learn 
that  they  were  occupied  from  October-November,  but  how  long  cannot 
be  ascertained  from  that  source.  If  we  are  to  judge  from  a  myth  current 
among  the  same  tribe,  it  would  seem  that  these  subterranean  dwellings 
were,  in  olden  times,  spring  as  well  as  winter  homes,  since  they  are 
mentioned  therein  as  being  inhabited  as  long  as  the  root  digging  season 

The  habitations  of  the  Tse'ke'hne,  whether  in  winter  or  in  summer,  are 
built  after  the  eastern  or  conical  model.  Four  long  poles  with  forking 
extremities  are  set  up  one  against  another,  the  lower  ends  of  which  form 
on  the  ground  a  square  on  the  dimensions  of  which  will  depend  the  size 
of  the  lodge.  A  score  or  so  of  other  poles  are  then  set  up  in  a  circle, 
the  top  of  each  resting  on  the  point  of  intersection  of  the  first  four.  In 
winter,  small  fascines  of  spruce  are  laid  horizontally  all  around  the  lower 
perimeter  of  this  frame,  so  as  to  leave  as  few  points  of  access  as  possible 
for  the  cold  air  from  underneath  the  outer  covering,  which  is  then  wrapped 
1  around  the  cone  resulting  from  the  converging  poles.  This  covering 
consists  of  dressed  moose  skins  sewn  together,  and  its  perpendicular 
edges  correspond  to  the  entrance  of  the  lodge.  They  are  either  buttoned 
or  clasped  together  from  four  or  five  feet  above  the  ground  up  to  the  top. 
On  one  side  of  the  opening  thereby  produced  is  sewn  a  smaller  skin, 
which  forms  the  door.  Two  sticks  attached  transversely  thereto  on  the 
inside  give  it  the  requisite  consistency,  while  the  upper  one,  which  slightly 
projects  beyond  the  edge  of  the  skin  door,  serves  as  a  latch,  its  projecting 

*  As  shown  in  the  accompanying  cuts,  minor  logs  were  however  added  to  the  main  timbers,  so 
as  to  facilitate  the  roofing  of  the  hut. 


1892-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  193- 

end  being,  when  necessary,  fastened  with  a  string  to  the  adjoining  part 
of  the  lodge  covering.  The  smoke  escapes  through  the  interstices 
between  the  converging  poles  left  uncovered  at  the  top.  To  guard 
against  snow,  rain  or  adverse  winds,  an  additional  piece  of  skin  is  sewn 
on  the  outside  from  the  apex  of  the  conical  covering  down  to  some 
distance,  while  its  free  side  is  secured  to  a  long  pole  planted  in  the  ground 
close  by.  This  appendage  is  utilized  as  a  shutter  wherewith  the  top 
opening  of  the  lodge  is  partially  or  entirely  covered,  as  the  state  of  the 
weather  may  suggest. 

The  summer  lodge  of  the  Tse'kehne  has  sometimes  two  entrances,  and 
in  this  case  the  outward  covering  generally  consists  simply  of  two- 
blankets  or  skins  stretched  over  the  frame  poles,  one  between  each  doon 
The  upper  half  of  the  cone  is  thus  left  uncovered. 

Summer  and  winter,  the  fire  is  started  right  in  the  centre  and,  instead 
of  the  wooden  tripod  used  among  the  Blackfeet  to  suspend  their  kettles,* 
the  Ts6'kehne  prefer  a  stick  reaching  horizontally  at  the  proper  distance 
above  the  fire  to  two  opposite  poles  of  the  frame  to  which  it  is  fastened. 

Carriers,  TsijKoh'tin  and  Tse'kehne,  nowadays  more  generally  use,, 
during  their  summer  travellings,  either  cotton  tents,  or  shelters  composed 
of  three  or  four  sticks  thrust  slantingly  in  the  ground,  over  which  a  sheet 
of  cotton  or  canvas  is  spread.  The  latter  style  of  shelter  was  probably 
the  only  one  known  among  them  prior  to  the  introduction  of  European 
textile  fabrics,  save  that,  of  course,  a  moose  skin  replaced  the  canvas  or 
cotton  sheet. 

Of  course  the  child  of  the  forest,  when  in  his  primitive  state,  can  boast 
the  possession  of  no  artificial  means  of  reckoning  time  or  measuring  long 
distances.  But  Dame  Nature  provides  him  with  a  seldom  failing  standard 
measure  in  the  shape  of  the  sun,  the  course  of  which  is  familiar  to  him, 
no  matter  how  far  he  may  have  swerved  from  beaten  paths.  Long  distances 
are  determined  by  the  number  of  camps,  and  shorter  ones  by  the  position 
of  the  sun  in  the  heavens.  The  sun  serves  also  as  his  watch  by  daytime, 
and  its  bearings  are  easily  taken  in  by  the  native  mind.  After  it  has  left 
his  pine-clad  mountains  to  illuminate  unknown  worlds,  the  aborigine 
again  looks  up  above  to  ascertain  how  long  he  will  be  deprived  of  its 
beneficent  rays.  The  Great  Bear  then  becomes  to  him  the  hands  of  a 
God  given  clock,  and  the  distance  it  has  travelled  around  its  axis,  the 
polar  star,  over  the  dial  which  we  call  the  heavens,  is  very  seldom,  if  ever, 
misreckoned.  The  Western  Denes  are  familiar  with  a  few  constellations 
which  are,  as  among  us,  called  after  mythic  personages ;  but  none  is 

*Rev.  E.  Legal,  loco  citato. 


194  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV. 

| 

so  widely  known  as  Yihta,  the  Great  Bear.  We  have  already  seen  the 
role  it  plays  in  the  story  of  the  Gambler ;  I  must  be  pardoned  for 
reproducing  here  another  legend  wherein  it  is  to  be  recognized  under  a 
different  garb,  but  playing  a  no  less  important  part.  As  will  soon  appear, 
if  fable  it  is,  sociologically  speaking,  it  is  a  fable  with  a  moral. 

"  There  was  a  young  man  who  was  impatiently  awating  the  return 
of  daylight  to  set  out  on  a  hunting  expedition.  Again  and  again  he 
would  look  up  at  Yihta,  and  in  his  impatience  he  exclaimed  :  '  That  old 
Yihta,*  how  slowly  he  walks  ! '  Very  soon  after  having  uttered  these 
words,  he  left  for  the  chase. 

"  He  had  not  gone  far  before  he  became  aware  by  the  barking  of  his 
dogs  that  they  had  scented  game.  After  what  appeared  to  him  as  a  run 
of  but  a  few  moments,  he  overtook  his  dogs,  and  lo !  sitting  on  a  log 
was  a  man  of  beautiful  countenance,  carefully  painted  in  red  stripes  over 
the  cheeks,  and  holding  a  walking  stick  in  his  hands.  He  had  a  malicious 
smile  on  his  face,  so  that  the  young  man  felt  abashed  in  his  presence 
and  afraid  to  approach  him.  '  Come  on/  said  the  stranger  who  was  no 
other  than  Yihta,  '  come  on,  young  man.  So  you  laugh  at  me  and  say 
that  I  walk  too  slow  ?  Now  learn  that  to  reach  me  you  have  travelled 
a  very  long  distance,  since  to  help  you  I  have  contracted  the  surface  of 
the  earth.  Go  back  then  to  your  home,  and  take  this  staff  to  aid  you  on 
your  long  journey.  Whenever  you  want  food,  hold  it  perpendicularly 
on  the  ground,  then  drop  it  and  observe  the  direction  in  which  it  falls  : 
if  it  falls  in  the  direction  of  the  northern  wind,  do  not  go  that  way,  for 
there  famine  is  awaiting  you.  If  it  falls  towards  the  setting  sun  or 
towards  the  rising  sun,  go  either  way  and  you  will  find  bears  to  kill,  both 
male  and  female.  Do  likewise  when  you  feel  uncertain  as  to  the  direction 
of  your  house ;  and  when  you  get  home,  hang  the  staff  up  in  the 
branches  of  a  tree.  Above  all,  beware  lest  a  woman  having  her  menses 
catch  sight  of  it.' 

"  At  these  words,  the  young  man  took  the  walking  stick  without  how- 
ever giving  much  credence  to  the  stranger,  for  he  believed  his  home  was 
but  a  short  distance  from  where  he  stood.  Yet  these  words  were  literally 
fulfilled,  and  during  his  long  peregrinations,  amidst  incessant  fatigues 
and  ever  recurring  privations,  the  young  man  owed  his  life  to  his  careful 
observance  of  the  stranger's  directions.  Many  were  the  years  he 
travelled,  and  he  seemed  to  get  a  glimpse  of  his  lodge  several  days 
before  he  really  reached  it.  When  he  finally  got  home,  he  was  an  old 
man  with  hair  white  as  snow,  and  his  lodge  was  crumbling  down  through 
-age  and  decay." 

*  Nt3n  Yihta'qal!     Expressive  of  scorn. 


1892-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  195 

From  this  short  Carrier  myth,  the  sociologist  will  learn  that  :  —  Firstly, 
the  observation  of  the  Great  Bear  as  a  means  of  reckoning  time  was  a 
national  custom  among  Carriers.  Secondly,  the  heavenly  bodies  were 
regarded  as  quasi  divine  powers  which  it  is  wrong  to  speak  lightly  of,  a 
deduction  which  might  easily  be  proven  to  be  legitimate  by  other  points 
of  Carrier  psychology.  Thirdly,  to  look  handsome,  a  Carrier  of  the  old 
stock  must  paint  his  face.  Fourthly,  the  Carriers  had  a  correct  idea  of 
the  immensity  of  the  universe.  Fifthly,  the  injunction  not  to  travel  in 
a  northern  direction  might  perhaps  be  interpreted  as  a  reminiscence  of 
the  tribe's  migrations  southwards.  Sixthly,  a  woman  having  her  menses 
is  legally  impure,  and  must  be  deprived  even  of  the  sight  of  any  object 
endowed  with  magic  powers.  Lastly,  more  than  one  of  those  writers 
who  are  so  fond  of  parallelisms  between  American  mythologies  and  the 
Biblical  narrative  will  no  doubt  be  tempted  to  compare  the  beneficial, 
food-giving  and  road-finding  staff  of  the  young  traveller  with  the 
marvellous  miracle  working  wand  of  Moses  which,  during  similarly  life- 
long peregrinations,  opened  the  way  and  found  water  where  none  was  to 
be  seen.  This  suggestion,  however,  is  given  for  what  it  may  be  worth, 
and  I  must  leave  it  to  others  to  decide  whether  it  is  not  too  far  fetched.* 

Now  that  we  have  extracted  •morals  enough  from  our  fable,  we  revert 
to  the  description  of  the  few  items  which  still  claim  our  attention. 

If  my  information  is  reliable,  there  were  formerly  no  fortified  villages 
among  the  Western  D£nes.  One  should  not  however  infer  from  this  that 
there  was  no  warring  among  them  ;  on  the  contrary,  I  think  I  am 
warranted  in  stating  that  atonement  by  compensation  for  losses  of  life, 
even  involuntary  or  accidental,  was  much  less  practised  here  than  on  the 
Coast.  But  hostilities  were  seldom  of  so  general  a  character  as  to  involve 
whole  villages,  though  some  such  cases  are  recorded  in  the  traditions  of 
the  tribes.  More  commonly  they  were  restricted  to  two  different  gentes, 
and  their  cause  may  have  been  the  killing  of  a  man  openly  or,  as  was 
supposed,  through  the  black  art  of  the  shamans.  In  the  latter  case,  the 
dying  person  usually  revealed  the  name  of  the  magician  to  whom  he 
attributed  his  death,  and  nobody  dreamt  of  questioning  the  truth  of  his 
would-be  revelation.  Naturally,  more  than  once  personal  grievances 
must  have  been  thus  avenged.  The  cognate  families  of  the  real  or 
fancied  murderer  would  then  expect  reprisals  at  the  hands  of  the  co- 
gentile  families  of  the  deceased,  and  they  would  erect,  generally  in 
secluded  spots  of  the  forest,  what  was  called  flzR-fla-yzR  or  "-a  house  for 


*  The  TsijKoh'tin  possess  a  different  tradition,  the  principle  hero  of  which  works  innumerable 
marvels  with  the  help  of  a  magic  wand  which  they  call  '(OR,  a  word  not  employed  to  designate 
any  other  kind  of  wand  or  staff. 


196 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL. 


the  war."  This  primitive  fort  consisted  of  a  log-house  as  solid  as  possible 
under  the  circumstances,  with  a  strong  log  roofing,  over  which  a  square 
breastwork  of  small  diameter  was  built  with  the  same  material.  If  not 
taken  by  surprise,  the  besieged  shot  at  their  assailants  through  loop-holes 
pierced  in  this  rude  stronghold,  the  existence  of  which  was  concealed  by 
fascines  of  coniferous  branches  piled  on  the  roof  up  to  the  top  of  its 
walls.  Similar  portholes  were  also  cut  in  the  walls  of  the  house  itself 
for  service  in  case  of  a  sudden  attack.  As  a  further  protection  against 
such  a  contingency,  an  addition  with  a  second  door  was  always  made  to 
the  front  end  of  the  house.  Frequently  a  building  similar  in  appearance, 
but  really  of  no  strength  whatever,  was  erected  in  close  proximity  so  as 
to  deceive  the  enemy  and  give  time  during  an  attack  on  the  wrong  work 
to  the  besieged  to  prepare  for  the  defence.  The  only  Dene  "fort"  I 
have  ever  seen  was  constructed  just  as  described,  but  wanted  the  roof 
breastwork. 

An  indispensable  adjunct  to  the  native  dwelling  house  is  the  tsa-tczri* 
or  provision  store.  There  is  stowed  away  the  dried  salmon,  which  is  the 
daily  bread  of  both  Carrier  and  Tsi[Koh'tin.  But  while  both  tribes 
practically  live  on  the  same  diet,  their  store  houses  very  materially  differ 

in  construction.  Fig.  182  is  the  Carrier 
tsa-tcan  which,  as  may  be  seen,  is  an 
aerial  building.  The  distinctive  charac- 
teristics of  all  these  provision  stores  are 
faithfully  reproduced  in  the  cut ;  but 
their  minor  details  nowadays  vary  not  a 
little.  I  have  chosen  for  illustration 
that  which  approaches  nearer  to  the 
traditional  type.  It  consists  of  two 
parallel  frames  planted  upright  in  the 
ground,  the  component  parts  of  which 


Fig.  182. 


are  furnished  in  the  middle  with  transversal  beams  upon  which  rests  the 
floor  of  the  tsa-tcan  proper.  With  the  exception  of  the  front  end,  the 
whole  is  made  of  heavy  poles  superposed  one  upon  another  or  laid  in 
close  juxtaposition,  as  the  case  may  be,  and  fastened  to  the  frame  of  the 
building  by  means  of  'kdn  or  high  cranberry  bush  wattle.  The  front  end 
is  entirely  of  boards.  All  the  wall  poles  being  laid  with  their  larger  ends 
in  the  same  direction,  a  slight  inclination  results  at  the  top,  which  con- 
stitutes the  roof  of  the  building.  This  is  furthermore  covered  with 
spruce  bark. 


Literally:   "beaver-stick."     I  can  see  no  reason  for  this  etymology. 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE   WESTERN    DENES.  197 

The  tsa-tcan  of  the  TsiiKoh'tin  are  not  so  elaborate,  since  they  are 

nothing  else  than  small  and  very  rude,  though 
solid,  log  huts  built  right  on  the  ground  (fig. 
183)  and,  as  a  rule,  quite  a  distance  from  the 
regular  village,  while  their  Carrier  counter- 
parts are  generally  very  close  to  the  habita- 

Fig.  183.  tions- 

The  Tse"'kehne  have  nothing  to  do  with  salmon,  and  consequently 
the  need  of  provision  stores  is  not  so  urgent  among  them.  Yet  when 
they  happen  to  be  blessed  with  an  abundance  of  dried  meat  and  wish 
to  preserve  it  for  future  use  they  erect  sorts  of  scaffoldings  immediately 
against  the  trunk  of  a  tall  tree  which  are  to  them  the  equivalent  of  the 
Carrier  tsa-tcan.  These  consist  of  two  long,  heavy  sticks  crossed  and 
firmly  bound  to  the  trunk  of  the  tree  at  their  point  of  intersection,  while 
their  ends  are  secured  to  some  stout  overhanging  branch  by  means  of 
strong  ropes.  Rough  boards  or  split  sticks  are  then  laid  across  this  frame 
which  form  a  floor  over  which  the  meat  or  any  other  eatable  is  deposited, 
carefully  wrapped  over  with  skins  or  spruce  bark.  Even  the  bear  cannot 
get  at  those  caches  without  previously  demolishing  their  floor,  which  is 
practically  impossible. 

The  careful  observer  who  would  take  a  fancy  to  travelling  along  our 
chief  salmon  streams  could  not  fail  to  notice,  in  some  spots  immediately 
over  the  banks,  numerous  excavations  or  pits  which  betray  an  artificial 
origin.  These  are  all  that  remain  to-day  of  the  salmon  cellars  of  the 
prehistoric  Carriers.  Aerial  stores  were  then  as  now  the  regular  family 
larders  ;  but  not  unfrequently  the  natives  of  the  old  stock  preferred  to 
cache  down  their  fish  in  temporary  cellars  which  had  the  advantage  of 
keeping  it  fresher  than  the  common  store-house.  A  matter  of  taste  as 
regards  the  salmon  itself,  this  caching  down  in  the  ground  became  a 
necessity  relatively  to  its  roe,  which  was  buried,  wrapped  in  spruce  bark, 
until  it  had  reached  an  advanced  stage  of  putrefaction,  when  it  was 
relished  by  the  native  palate  as  the  ne  plus  ultra  of  delicacy. 

The  last  item  more  or  less  connected  with  aboriginal  habitations  is  the 
sweat-house  or  sweating-booth.*  According  to  Dr.  G.  M.  Dawson,  this 
usually  consists,  among  the  Shushwap,  "  of  about  a  dozen  thin  willow 
wands,  planted  in  the  ground  at  both  ends.  Half  of  them  run  at  right 
angles  to  the  other  half,  and  they  are  tied  together  at  each  intersection. 
Over  these  a  blanket  or  skin  is  usually  spread,  but  I  have  also  seen  them 
covered  with  earth.  A  small  heap  of  hot  stones  is  piled  in  the  centre, 

*  Tst-s&l,   "  stone-hot,''  a  word  of  the  third  category. 


198  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  ("VOL.  IV. 

and  upon  these,  after  carefully  closing  the  apertures,  the  occupant  porsu 
some  water.  The  sweat-house  is  always  situated  on  the  banks  of  a 
stream  or  lake,  so  that  on  issuing  therefrom  the  bather  may  at  once 
plunge  in  the  cold  water."*  One  single  point — and  that  a  very 
unimportant  one — differentiates  the  sudatories  of  the  Carriers  from  those 
of  the  Shushwap :  I  mean  the  covering,  which  among  the  former  is  of 
spruce  bark.  Here,  as  further  south,  these  sweat-houses  are  invariably  to 
be  found  near  a  stream  or  lake  ;  but  the  reason  of  this  is  merely  that  our 
Indians  never  dwell  away  from  the  water,  for  I  have  never  heard  of  a 
Carrier  taking  a  cold  bath  immediately  after  his  steam  bath.  It  may 
also  be  worth  mentioning  that,  more  often  than  otherwise,  steam-bathing 
was  originally  practised  for  quite  other  than  sanitary  motives.  It  was 
quite  commonly  prompted  by  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  "  patient "  to 
ensure  success  during  a  forthcoming  hunting  or  trapping  tour,  or  to  atone 
through  this  penitential  act,  for  any  transgression,  wilful  or  involuntary,, 
against  the  traditional  laws  and  customs  of  the  tribe. 

*  Notes  on  the  Shushwap  People  of  British  Columbia;  Trans.  R.S.C.  Sect.  II.,  1891,  P.  9.. 


1892-93.]  NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES. 

CHAPTER  XII. 

MONUMENTS  AND  PICTOGRAPHY. 

A  search  for  "  monuments "  among  such  a  primitive  people  as  the 
Dene  cannot  be  but  unproductive  of  satisfactory  results.  Indeed,, 
throughout  the  whole  territory  of  both  the  Tsi^Koh'tin  and  the  Ts^'kehne^, 
not  a  single  work  is  now  extant  which  could,  with  any  degree  of 
appropriateness,  be  classed  under  that  head.  Even  such  as  may  now  be 
seen  among  the  Carriers  are — barring  funeral  monuments — exceedingly 
scarce.  All  of  them  may  be  reduced  to  two  distinct  categories  :  wooden,, 
carved  monuments,  and  painted  or  drawn  monuments.  Hence  the  two- 
divisions  of  this  chapter:  carved  monuments  and  pictography. 

CARVED  MONUMENTS. 

Genuine  carved  monuments  are  to-day  very  few,  and  seem  to  have 
always  been  so  among  the  Carriers.  Indeed  so  scarce  are  they  that  every 
one  of  those  now  extant  will  easily  be  illustrated  herewith.  I  shall  pass 
over  thetotemic  columns  of  the  Hwotso'ten  which  are  still  in  a  good  state 
of  preservation,  for  the  reason  that  their  carving  and  erection  were  the  work 
of  their  exogenous  neighbours,  the  Kitikson,  whose  nearer  village  stands 
hardly  three  miles  off.  Those  monuments  are  merely  witnesses  to  the 
influence  exercised  by  outsiders  over  a  very  unartistic  race,  and  the 
custom  of  erecting  them  had  not  been  adopted  by  the  main  bulk  of  the 
Carrier  tribe.  This  cannot  be  said  of  the  famous  commemorative 
mortuary  columns  so  common  all  over  the  North  Pacific  Coast,  and 
which  had  been  appropriated  as  far  inland  as  the  boundaries  of  the 
Tse'kehne  territory.  All  of  these  have  long  disappeared,  with  the 
exception  of  the  two  herewith  represented,  which  I  sketched  ten  years 
ago  at  "}rak,  a  village  site  among  the  Nutca'tenne,  the  population  of  which 
is  now  extinct.  These  columns  are  a  further  corroborative  evidence  of 
my  thesis,  viz.,  that  the  De'ne'  race  has  no  eye  for  the  beautiful. 
Compared  with  those  of  the  Coast  Indians,  they  stand  in  the  relation  of 
an  undeveloped  embryo  to  the  matured  being.  As  is  well  known  among 
Americanists,  such  works  served  as  depositories  for  the  few  remaining 
charred  bones  of  the  deceased,  and  were  erected  in  close  proximity  to  the 
village.  The  two  specimens  figured  below  are  rather  plainer  than  the 
average  mortuary  column  of  the  Carriers  since,  according  to  my 
informants,  the  totem  crest  of  the  deceased  was  generally  carved  in 


200 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.   IV. 


relief  thereon.  These  monuments  were,  as  a  rule,  grouped  according  to 
the  different  clans  obtaining  among  the  tribe.  This  arrangement  has 
survived  in  the  column  fig.  185,  which  now  stands  at  Fort  Babine  in  the 


Fig.  184. 

midst  of  the  graves  of  Tsa-yu-ne,  one  of  the  native  gentes,  the  chief 
totem  of  which  is  the  beaver.  It  was,  of  course,  erected  in  pre-Christian 
times.  Such  is  also  the  case  with  regard  to  the  grave  shown  in  fig.  186, 


1892-93.] 


NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES. 


201 


whose  occupant  was  likewise  a  fellow  of  the  Beaver  clan.     His  grave  is  to 
be  found  at  Ts<?-tcah,  on  the  confines  of  the  Hwo-to'tin  territory.* 


Fig.  1  86. 


In  fig.  187  the  totem  crest  of  the  old  days  has  been  replaced  by  the 
Christian  symbol  which  now  appears  over  all  the  native  D6n£  graves. 
These  monuments  affect  a  multitude  of  forms  and  designs,  though  by 


Fig.  187. 

far  the  greatest  number  of  them  resemble,  in  a  general  way,  that  here- 
with illustrated.      It  is  over  a  late  grave,  and  is  painted  in  several  gaudy 

*  See  the  map  affixed  to  my  paper ;  Are  the  Carrier  Sociology  and  Mythology  indigenous 
etc.?    Trans.  R.S.C.  Sect.  II.,  1892. 
14 


202 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV. 


colours,  the  severity  of  the  black  and  white  of  the  rubrics  being 
repugnant  to  the  native  taste  which  sees  in  such  works  no  monuments- 
of  grief  or  sorrow,  but  rather  affectionate  tributes  to  the  memory  of  the 
dead  which  it  behooves  one  to  make  as  showy  as  possible.  This  explains 
why  some  of  them  are  so  absurdly  large,  sometimes  graves,  even  of 
children,  being  covered  with  "  monuments "  affecting  the  shape,  and 
almost  the  dimensions,  of  rectangular  cart-sheds. 

To  the  above  let  us  add  the  wooden  totem  crest  ornamenting  two 
native  houses  and  we  will  have  the  sum  total  of  all  the  carvings  now  to 
be  seen  throughout  the  whole  territory  of  the  TsijKoh'tin,  the  Carriers 
and  the  Tse^kelme.  Of  these  sculptures,  the  first  only  (fig.  i88j  can. 


Fig.  1 88. 

boast  a  few  scores  of  years.  It  represents  a  raven  standing  over  the 
head  of  some  marine  animal — possibly  the  orca.  The  reason  of  this  in- 
congruous coupling  may  probably  be  seen  in  the  fact  that  the  inhabitants 
of  the  place  wherein  the  totems  are  to  be  found  are  of  mixed  parentage, 
as  they  have  considerably  intermarried  with  their  western  neighbours,  the 
Bilqula.  The  last  carving  (fig.  189)  is  quite  modern.  The  owl  thereby 
represented  has  been  carved  out  of  a  balsam  poplar  tree  (Populus 
balsamifera)  and  adorns  the  front  gable  end  of  a  fishing  shanty  at  the 
outlet  of  Lake  Stuart. 

References  to  the  totems  and  gentes  of  the  Western  Denes  have  been 
frequent  in  the  course  of  this  monograph,  and,  especially  in  view  of  what 
remains  to  be  said  in  the  latter  part  of  this  chapter,  some  more  detailed 
information  concerning  them  may  be  found  acceptable. 


1892-93.] 


NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES. 


203 


F.  G.  Frazer,  the  principal  authority  on  Totemism,  says  :  "  Considered 
in  relation  to  men,  totems  are  of  at  least  three  kinds :  (i)  The  clan 
totem,  common  to  a  whole  clan,  and  passing  by  inheritance  from  gener- 
ation to  generation  ;  (2)  the  sex  totem  .  .  .  ;  (3)  the  individual  totem, 
belonging  to  a  single  individual  and  not  passing  to  his  descendants."* 


Fig.  i 


Of  the  sex  totem  I  know  practically  nothing,  as  it  does  not  obtain 
among  our  Indians ;  but  to  these  three  varieties  of  totem  I  can  add  a 
fourth,  which  I  shall  call  the  honorific  totem,  and  of  which  a  full  ex- 
planation will  be  found  further  on.  The  individual  or  personal  totem  is. 
well  known  as  being  some  material  object  or  being,  most  generally  some 
animal,  ordinarily  revealed  in  dreams  to  a  person  who  is  bound  thereafter 
to  look  upon  it  as  sacred  and  to  be  especially  revered  and  protected. 
in  return  for  this  reverence  on  the  part  of  the  person,  the  totem  is 
believed  to  particularly  help  and  powerfully  protect  its  human  relatir0, 
as  the  individual  is  supposed  to  be.  As  for  the  clan  totem,  any  reader 
of  Americana  is  too  familiar  with  it  to  be  in  need  of  any  definition  or 
explanation.  One  totem  generally — though  not  always — corresponds  to 
one  clan  or  gens,  so  that  the  former  and  the  latter  are  very  often  in  equal 
numbers.  Four  gentes  obtain  among  the  Carriers,  of  all  which  I  herewith 
submit  the  native  names  together  with  those  of  their  respective  totems.. 

GENTES.  TOTEMS. 

rjfs3m3c-yu.  The  Grouse.          4 

Tsa-yu.  The  Beaver. 

Ydsil-yu.  The  Toad. 

Tdmten-yu.  The  Grizzly  Bear.f 

*  Totemism,  Edinburgh,  1887,  p.  I. 

t  Judging  from  fig.  188,  it  would  seem  that  the  crow  or  raven  is  regarded  as  the  totem  of  some 
clan  among  the  Lower  Carriers.      It  is  not  known  here  in  that  capacity. 


204:  TRANSACTIONS   OF    THE   CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [YOL.  IV. 

With  the  exception  of  Tsa-yu,  which  means  "  Beaver-medicine,"  those 
words  are  untranslatable  and  are  probably  imported  from  among  the 
heterogeneous  tribes  from  which  the  whole  system  is  undoubtedly  derived. 
The  first  gens,  qt'ssmac-yu,  is  by  all  odds  the  most  powerful  among  the 
Carriers,  while  the  two  last  named  are  considered  as  having  a  sort  of 
affinity  which  entitles  the  members  of  each  to  mutual  consideration  and 
protection.  The  name  of  the  latter,  Tam'ten-yu  in  Babine,  is  changed 
to  TUwzn-pa-hwo 'tenne  *  among  the  Carriers  proper. 

In  great  native  festivals,  the  totem  of  the  celebrating  clan  was  carved 
and  exposed  at  the  door  of  the  lodge  so  that  every  exogentile  incomer 
may  have  an  opportunity  of  presenting  it  with  anything  of  value  which 
he  may  intend  for  the  givers  of  the  feast  with  the  tacit,  but  well-known, 
understanding  that  it  be  subsequently  paid  for  by  a  donation  of  at  least 
equal  worth.  Even  the  public  naming  of  one's  gentile  totem  by  a 
member  of  a  different  clan  demanded  the  gift  of  a  blanket,  a  piece  of 
dressed  skin,  or  any  article  of  wearing  apparel,  so  that  the  crest  may  not 
remain  ignored  and  the  whole  gens  thereby  dishonoured. 

An  important  sociological  peculiarity  which  I  have  nowhere  else  noted 
claims  attention  in  this  connection.  The  clan  totem  is  called  natsi  in 
Carrier.  But  beside  the  natsi  there  existed  here  another  kind  of  totem 
which  I  have  named  the  "honorific  totem."  It  was  personal  and  did  not 
pass  to  one's  descendants,  though  it  differed  from  that  revealed  in  dreams- 
Its  native  name  was  sfon-koh,  a  compound  word  which  may  be  freely 
translated  by  "rite."  It  was  voluntarily  assumed  with  an  accompaniment 
of  befitting  ceremonies  by  any  titled  or  untitled  individual  who  wished 
to  advance  in  social  standing.  It  entitled  the  owner  to  special  con- 
sideration, though  the  latter  could  on  that  account  lay  claim  to  the 
possession  of  no  hunting  grounds  nor  to  the  exalted  rank  which  was  the 
strict  property  of  the  "  noblemen  "  or  tznezcr.  In  a  word,  those  honorific 
totems  created  a  sort  of  middle  class,  the  bourgeoisie  of  the  Carriers. 
They  were  many  and  varied,  and,  with  the  exception  of  one,  they 
followed  the  clan  in  such  a  way  that  those  proper  to  one  could  not  be 
assumed  by  a  member  of  another.  Here  are  those  now  remembered  by 
the  natives  : — 

To  the  qt'samac-yu  belonged  the  Owl,  the  Moose,  the  Full  Moon,  the 
Weasel,  the  Wind,  the  Crane,  the  Wolf,  the  "  Darding  Knife,"  the  "  Rain 
of  Stones,"  and  the  Brook  Trout. 

Of  those  pertaining  to  the  Tsayu  or  Beaver  gens,  only  the  Mountain 
Goat  is  now  remembered. 

*  "Inhabitants  of  the  fireside." 


1892-93.]  NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  205 

The  Ygsilyu  had  the  Sturgeon,  the  Arrow,  the  Porcupine,  the 
Wolverine,  the  Red-headed  Woodpecker,  the  Cattle  and  the  TzltsA,  a 
kind  of  fabulous  animal  resembling  a  gigantic  toad,  with  large,  bulging 
eyes. 

My  informants  know  of  only  the  Goose  as  belonging  to  the  Tsm'tenyu 
clan. 

Another  honorific  totem  or  crest  was  called  Sznna/,  a  word  of 
extraneous  origin.  The  exact  nature  of  this  cannot  now  be  defined,  as 
the  mimicking  accompanying  its  exhibition  is  but  vaguely  remembered. 
All  that  is  known  for  certain  is  that  it  was  very  highly  appreciated  and, 
as  a  rule,  it  was  the  appanage  of  the  notables  exclusively.  For  here  I 
must  remark  that  even  the  notables  or  noblemen  were  not  debarred  from 
assuming  one  or  more  of  the  different  honour  crests  proper  to  their 
gens. 

Lujem  is  another  word  of  forigin  origin  which  designated  the  Bear  as 
an  honorific  totem.*  It  could  be  assumed  by  anybody,  irrespective  of 
clannish  differences. 

The  connection  of  the  individual  with  his  crest  appeared  more 
especially  during  ceremonial  dances,  when  the  former,  attired,  if  possible, 
with  the  spoils  of  the  latter,  was  wont  to  personate  it  in  the  gaze  of  an 
admiring  assemblage.  On  all  such  occasions,  man  and  totem  were  also 
called  by  the  same  name.  The  adoption  of  any  such  "  rite  "  or  crest,  was 
usually  accompanied  by  initiatory  ceremonies  or  observances  correspond- 
ing to  the  nature  of  the  crest,  followed  in  all  cases  by  a  distribution  of 
clothes  to  all  present.  Thus  whenever  anybody  resolved  upon  getting 
received  as  Lujem  or  Bear,  he  would,  regardless  of  the  season,  divest  him- 
self of  all  his  wearing  apparel  and  don  a  bear  skin,  whereupon  he  would 
dash  into  the  woods  there  to  remain  for  the  space  of  three  or  four  days 
and  nights  in  deference  to  the  wonts  of  his  intended  totem  animal. 
Every  night  a  party  of  his  fellow-villagers  would  sally  out  in  search  of 
the  missing  "bear."  To  their  loud  calls:  Yi!  Kilujeml^  he  would 
answer  by  angry  growls  in  imitation  of  the  bear.  The  searching  party 
making  for  the  spot  where  he  had  been  heard,  would  find  by  a  second 
call  followed  by  a  similar  answer  that  he  had  dexterously  shifted  to  some 
opposite  quarter  in  the  forest.  As  a  rule,  he  could  not  be  found,  but  had 
to  come  back  of  himself  when  he  was  speedily  apprehended  and  con- 
ducted to  the  ceremonial  lodge,  where  he  would  commence  his  first  bear- 

*  The  Dene  word  for  Black  Bear  is  ~s3s  or  sas  according  to  the  dialect. 

t  Words  of  Tsimpsian  parentage  meaning  apparently  :  Come  on,  Bear  !  The  nature  of  those 
words  plainly  denotes  the  origin  of  the  whole  institution. 


206  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV. 

dance  in  conjunction  with  all  the  other  totem-people,  each  of  whom 
would  then  personate  his  own  particular  totem.  Finally  would  take 
place  the  potlatch  of  the  newly  initiated  "  bear,"  who  would  not  forget  to 
present  his  captor  with  at  least  a  whole  dressed  skin. 

The  initiation  to  the  "  Darding- Knife"  was  quite  a  theatrical  perform- 
ance. A  lance  was  prepared  which  had  a  very  sharp  point  so  arranged 
that  the  slightest  pressure  on  its  tip  would  cause  the  steel  to  gradually 
sink  into  the  shaft.  In  the  sight  of  the  multitude  crowding  the  lodge, 
this  lance  was  pressed  on  the  bare  chest  of  the  candidate  and  apparently 
sunk  in  his  body  to  the  shaft,  when  he  would  tumble  down  simulating 
death.  At  the  same  time  a  quantity  of  blood — previously  kept  in  the 
mouth — would  issue  from  the  would-be  corpse,  making  it  quite  clear  to 
the  uninitiated  gazers  on  that  the  terrible  knife  had  had  its  effect,  when 
lo !  upon  one  of  the  actors  striking  up  one  of  the  chants  specially  made 
for  the  circumstance  and  richly  paid  for,  the  candidate  would  gradually 
rise  up  a  new  man,  the  particular  protegt  of  the  "  Darding  Knife." 

PICTOGRAPHY. 

"  All  the  known  graphic  systems  originate  in  a  picture-writing  as  rude 
as  that  of  the  American  Indian  or  of  the  South  African  Bushman.  All 
have  advanced  from  the  picture  to  the  conventionalized  hieroglyphic 
representing  an  idea  or  a  word ;  while  from  the  hieroglyph  has  sprung 
the  syllabary  represented  by  rougher  sketches  of  the  monumental 
emblems,  and  requiring  a  smaller  number  of  necessary  symbols.  Finally 
among  the  more  civilized  of  ancient  races  the  alphabet  was  gradually  in- 
troduced as  a  simplification  of  the  syllabary  which  reduced  the  necessary 
emblems  to  about  a  fifth  of  their  previous  number."*  Gauged  after  this 
criterion,  the  Western  Denes  may  be  said  to  have  been  in  a  state  of 
transition  between  the  first  and  the  second  stage  of  graphic  culture ; 
or  perhaps,  it  would  be  as  correct  to  say  that  they  were  already  in 
the  second  while  retaining  lingering  reminiscences  of  the  first.  Their 
petroglyphs  were  in  a  large  measure  pictures  with  some  admixture  of 
conventionalized  forms  ;  but  their  usual  means  of  communication  while 
travelling  and  their  tattoo  marks  had,  to  a  great  extent,  become  the 
mere  shadows  of  the  original  pictographs. 

Of  their  rock  inscriptions  I  cannot  find  any  better  specimen  than  that 
reproduced  in  fig.  190.  Its  most  conspicuous  character  represents  a 
grizzly  bear,  the  tracks  of  which  may  be  seen  some  distance  behind. 
The  waving  lines  at  the  bottom  stand  for  water,  wherefrom  a  sturgeon 

*  From  an  article  in  the  "Edinburgh  Review,"  reproduced  in  Little's  Living  Age,  Aug.  23, 
1890,  p.  451. 


1892-93.] 


NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DEN^S. 


207 


is  seen  emerging.  The  natives  are  not  agreed  as  to  the  meaning  of  the 
large  spider-like  figure  to  the  left,  but  the  probability  is  that  it  is  intended 
to  represent  Yihta,  the  Great  Bear.  Immediately  above  is  a  toad  in  a 
somewhat  conventionalized  shape,  while  below,  and  to  the  left,  are  two 
figures  of  birds,  the  lower  one  of  which  is  a  grouse.  The  other  signs  are 
the  emblems  of  fishes,  figures  of  men  or  symbols  of  objects  which  cannot 
now  be  identified.  There  is  no  ensemble  or  unity  in  the  whole.  It  is 
only  an  aggregate  of  pictures  or  signs  painted  in  red  ochre  by  different 
individuals  and  at  different  times.  Most  of  them  are  very  old. 


Fig.  190. 

The  various  objects  represented  are  personal  totems,  and  the  object  in 
view  in  depicting  them  on  rocks  will  be  better  understood  by  a  reference 
to  the  locality  of  the  inscription  reproduced  above.  It  is  to  be  seen 
about  half  way  between  this  place,  Stuart's  Lake  or  Na'kraztli  and 
Pintce,  the  nearest  village  by  water.  By  painting  in  such  a  conspicuous 
place  the  totem  which  had  been  the  object  of  his  dream,  the  Pintce 
Indian  meant  to  protect  himself  against  any  inhabitant  of  Na'kraztli,  as 
the  intimate  connection  between  himself  and  his  totem  could  not  fail,  he 
believed,  to  reveal  by  an  infallible  presentiment  the  coming  of  any  person 
who  had  passed  along  the  rock  adorned  with  the  image  of  his  totem. 
Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  clairvoyance  had  adepts  even  in  such  an  out  of 
the  way  place  as  Stuart's  Lake. 

Fig.  191  is,  of  course,  a  mere  picture.  The  oval  circle  wherein  the  cari- 
boo stands  is  intended  to  represent  a  mountain.  A  shield  is  instinctively 
called  to  mind  by  fig.  192  ;  but  the  natives  are  positive  that  this  is  a 
false  impression,  as  the  inner  circle  stands  for  a  den  within  or  upon  a 
mountain.  The  four  figures  between  the  two  circles  are  the  known 


208 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE   CANADIAN     INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IY. 


emblems  of  the  beaver ;  but  the  meaning  of  the  whole  figure  is  not  very 
clear.  Such  is  the  case  with  fig.  193,  wherein  some  say  we  have  a  crane, 
while  others  profess  to  see  therein  some  large  species  of  beetle. 


Fig.  191. 


Fig.  192. 


Fig.  193- 


So  far  we  have  dealt  with  signs  or  pictures  such  as  seen  in  stone 
inscriptions  only.  But  it  is  chiefly  through  the  tattoo  markings  or  the 
signs  occasionally  executed  in  charcoal  while  travelling  that  the  Carriers 
have  shown  their  departure  from  the  earliest  or  pictorial  stage  of  the 
graphic  art.  Even  within  such  classes  of  totemic  representations  the 
gradual  alteration  from  the  pictorial  or  life-like  forms  to  the  mere  con- 
ventional outlines  is  easily  discerned.  I  need  adduce  no  better  illustration 


Fig.  194. 

of  this  than  the  three  styles  of  representing  the  beaver  shown  in  fig.  194. 
A  is  the  original  pictorial  form,  and  is  adopted  whenever  the  beaver  is 
tattooed  on  the  breast;  b  is  a  middle,  altered  form,  with  a  strong  tendency 
to  simplification,  and  is  used  in  connection  with  face  tattooing,  whilst  c  is 
the  conventionalized  form  of  the  same,  and  is  the  common  mode  of 
representing  the  beaver  in  those  rude,  ephemeral  drawings  in  the  woods, 
though  it  is  occasionally  found  even  in  ancient  rock  inscriptions. 

I  have  already  stated  that  tattooing  on  the  breast  was  rare  among  the 
Western  Denes.  This  is  so  true  that  1  know  of  no  other  totemic  marks 
there  situated  than  the  few  exhibited  herewith.  We  have  just  seen  that 
a  stands  for  the  beaver,  b  represents  a  toad,  c  and  d  are  the  fore  and  hind 
paws  of  the  grizzly  bear,  while  e  is  the  figure  of  the  moon. 


1892-93.] 


NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES. 


209- 


All  the  face  tattoo  marks  which  can  now  be  seen   or  remembered 
among  the  Carriers  are  found  in  fig.  196.     They  may  be  briefly  described 


0 


a 


Fig.    195- 

thus  : — a  is  the  emblem  of  the  otter  ;  b  that  of  any  fish  ;  c  that  of  a  bird ; 
d  is  a  beaver ;  e  is  the  silhouette  sign  of  a  stick  in  the  water  ;  f  that  of  a 

A 


A 


f  3         t  l          J 

Fig.    196. 

mountain  ;  g  is  a  fern  root  digger;  h  is  the  symbol  of  the  marten  ;  i  that 
of  the  lizard,  and  j\  that  of  the  cariboo. 


t 


n  \ 


ItTTT 


Fig.   197. 

Fig.  197  presents  us  with  the  graphic  signs  used  as  means  of  com- 
munication between  different  hunting  parties.      They  alone  might  be 


210  TRANSACTIONS   OF   THE   CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.  IV. 

pointed  to  as  the  elements  of  native  "  writing."  The  two  last  are  taken 
from  rock  inscriptions.  They  are  now  unintelligible  to  the  Carriers. 
Here  is  the  meaning  of  the  others  : — a,  bird  ;  b,  lizard  ;  c,  beaver ;  d, 
bear ;  e,  lynx  ;  f,  cariboo  ;  g,  marten  ;  h,  canoe  ;  /,  woman  ;  j,  man  ;  k, 
snake. 

These  are  generally  drawn  in  charcoal  on  trees  or,  by  exception,  on 
stones,  and  as  such  it  must  be  confessed  that  they  afford  but  a  very 
restricted  medium  of  expression  to  the  native  mind.  It-has  therefore  to 
call  into  requisition  any  other  material  means  which  may  be  at  hand, 
.and  it  must  be  said  that  the  use  made  of  them  is  sometimes  wonderful. 
I  was  lately  travelling  in  the  forest  at  a  time  when  the  yearly  re- 
appearance of  the  salmon  was  eagerly  looked  for.  At  a  certain  spot  not 
very  far  from  a  stream  we  came  upon  one  of  those  aboriginal  drawings 
made  by  an  old  man  who  had  no  knowledge  of  the  syllabic  signs  now 
used  to  write  the  D£ne  languages.  The  drawing  represented  a  man  with 
a  woman,  a  horse  with  a  burden,  the  emblem  of  a  bear  with  three  marks 
underneath,  and  a  cariboo.  Above  the  whole  and  hanging  from  a  broken 
branch  were  four  pieces  of  young  bark  cut  out  in  the  conventional  form 
of  the  fish.  Now  the  message  was  instantly  read  by  my  companions, 
.and  it  ran  thus :  "  Such  a  one  (whom  they  named)*  has  passed  here  with 
his  wife,  and  a  good  load  of  furs,  after  having  killed  three  bears  and  one 
cariboo;  and  furthermore  he  captured  four  salmon  two  days  ago.  He  is 
now  gone  in  the  direction  that  we  follow  ourselves."  This  date  could 
evidently  not  have  been  told  had  the  Indian  marked  with  charcoal  the 
sign  of  the  salmon.  He  was  so  well  aware  of  this  and  was  so  much 
intent  upon  fixing  the  time  of  the  first  appearance  of  the  fish  that  he 
had  had  recourse  to  the  pieces  of  bark,  the  relative  degree  of  freshness 
•of  which  he  knew  could  easily  be  determined  by  the  experienced  eye  of 
his  fellow  Carrier. 

This  leads  me  to  detail  the  various  non-graphic  means  of  communication 
between  the  different  bands  of  huntsmen.  Does  the  traveller  intend  to 
mark  his  passage  in  the  forest  ?  He  cuts  a  switch  or  rod  and  plants  it 
in  his  trail  pointing  to  the  direction  he  is  following.  Is  he  in  distress, 
and  does  he  beg  for  succour  at  the  hands  of  those  who  he  knows  shall 
pass  by  the  same  trail  ?  Forthwith  he  breaks  or  bends  the  top  of  as 
many  shrubs  as  possible  all  along  his  path.  No  native  party  will  profess 
ignorance  of  his  meaning  nor,  as  a  rule,  leave  unheeded  his  appeal. 
Other  significant  combinations  will  be  found  sketched  in  our  last  figure. 
Thus  b>  a  stick  broken  by  the  middle,  means  :  "we  are  going  to  camp  a 

*  They  identified  him  by  the  very  circumstance  that  he  travelled  with  a  horse,  as  he  was  the 
•only  one  likely  to  pass  there  who  possessed  such  an  animal. 


1892-93.] 


NOTES    ON    THE    WESTERN    DENES. 


211 


short  distance  off.  You  need  not  be  in  a  hurry".  C  has  the  opposite 
meaning :  "we  are  going  to  camp  a  long  distance  from  here ;  hurry  up!" 
By  disposing  the  stick  as  shown  in  d,  the  natives  are  understood  to  say : 
"  we  have  turned  back  awhile,  but  finally  gone  on."  E  is  intended  to 
represent  a  piece  of  burnt  rag  hanging  from  a  bent  down  rod ;  it  is  the 
signal  of  famine  and  an  appeal  for  help,  the  direction  of  the  stick  always 


Fig.    198. 

pointing  to  the  trail  of  the  distressed  party.  If,  instead  of  parched  rags, 
an  abundance  of  cariboo  or  moose  hair  is  to  be  seen  on  the  stick,  the 
reading  must  be  just  the  reverse.  It  is  then  a  notification  that  the  party 
has  killed  plenty  of  cariboo  or  of  mocse,  and,  at  the  same  time,  an  in- 
vitation to  go  and  help  dispose  of  them.  F  is  a  small  bunch  of  dry 
grass  wherein  a  small  rod  has  been  driven  as  an  indication  that  a  member 
of  the  band  has  been  shot.  Lastly,  when  a  short  stick  is  found  hanging 
across  the  trail,  as  shown  in  g,  everybody  will  understand  that  a  person 
in  the  preceding  party  has  come  to  his  death  from  natural  causes. 


1892-93.] 


NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES. 


213 


INDEX. 


N.  B.— When  the  same  subject  is  treated  in  several  consecutive  pages,  only  the  first  is  given. 


A. 

Ages  (the  prehistoric)  not  strictly  successive, 
137- 

Ahtena.  not  Dene,  15. 

Alluvial  strata,  their  age  exaggerated,  42. 

Animals  hunted  by  the  Western  Denes,  93 — 
large  ones  never  killed  for  oneself,  95. 

Antiquity  of  archaeological  objects  exagger- 
ated, 39. 

Anthropology,  an  uncertain  criterion  of  ethno- 
logical differences,  17. 

Apaches,  their  habitat,  subdivisions  and  popu- 
lation, 13. 

Archaeological  remains,  their  age  exaggerated, 
41. 

Archaeology  of  the  Egyptians  and  the  As- 
syrians easy  to  fully  describe,  5. 

Armour,  wooden,  117— skin,   149. 

Arrow-heads,  53 — bone,  55 — how  connected 
with  the  shaft,  55. 

Arrows,  56 — their  varieties,  56 — how  released, 
57- 

Arrow-shafts,  55. 

Aspen,  its  root  used  against  bleeding,   130. 

Astringents,  native,   131. 

Athapaskan,  inappropriate  as  a  generic  name,  9. 

Atiyth,  a  Carrier  game,  8l. 

Atlih,  a  Carrier  game,  78. 

Atnas,  Adanas,  etc.,  not  Dene".  17. 

Atrium  of  winter  lodges,   190. 

Awls,  bone,  69. 

Axes,  of  unpolished  stone,  43  —  partially 
polished,  44 — polished,  46 — how  used,  47 
— of  iron,  140. 

B. 

Babies,  how  carried,  134. 

Babines,  their  physical  peculiarities,  18 — 
habitat,  27 — subdivisions,  27 — their  gam- 
bling sticks,  78. 

Bad-People,  a  Dene  tribe,  its  habitat  and 
population,  1 6. 

Bag-net  fishing,  91. 

Bags,  their  varieties,   146. 

Bait  of  bone,  72. 

Bandelier  on  the  early  Navajos,  12. 

Bark  peelers,  76 — bottles,   135. 

Bark  vessels,   1 20. 


Bear,  what  part  of  it  not  eaten,  107 — how  its 
skull  is  treated,  108 — as  a  totem,  205. 

Bear  traps,  95 — snares,  99. 

Beard,  not  rare  among  the  Babines,  1 8 — how 
trimmed  among  the  Tse'kehne,  139. 

Beaver,  what  part  of  it  not  eaten,  108. 

Beaver  Indians,  a  branch  of  the  Tse'kehne, 
II — their  habitat,  29. 

Beaver  snaring,  66 — nets,  their  working,  67 
— trapping,  87. 

Belts,  weaving  of,   157. 

Berries,  how  treated,  127. 

Berry  baskets,   122 — boilers,   126. 

Bible,  its  authority  undiminished  by  archaeo- 
logical discoveries,  40. 

Black-feet,  their  usual  position  while  sleeping, 
187. 

Bleeding,  how  practised,  82. 

Blue  berries,  how  prepared,  127. 

Blunt  arrows,  57. 

Boas'  map  incorrect  in  one  particular,  22. 

Boilers,   125. 

Bone  baits,   72. 

Bone  implements  in  use  among  historical 
nations,  43. 

Bones  of  animals,  how  eaten,  49. 

Bones  of  the  dead,  how  treated  after  crema- 
tion, 146. 

Bottles,  for  the  castoreum,  66,  135. 

Bow-points,  60. 

Bows,  of  the  Tse'kehne,  58—  of  the   Carriers, 

59 — how  held  while  shooting,  60 
Bowstrings,  how  made,  58. 
Boyle  on  palseoliths,  63. 
Bracelets,  139,  172, 
Breast-blankets,   164. 
Breast-plates,  ceremonial,   167. 
Breech-cloth,  ceremonial,   1 80. 
Brinton  on  the  distribution   of   the  D£n£s,  14 

— on  the   Kenai,  15 — on  Dene  technology, 

35- 
Bronze  age,  contemporaneous  with  stone  age, 

137- 
Bulbous  root  diggers,   115. 

c. 

Callbreath  on  the  Tahl-tan  Indians,  35. 
Cambium  scrapers,  76. 


214 


TRANSACTIONS    OF   THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV. 


Canoes,   114. 

Cap-holders,  83. 

Caps  of  the  Carriers,  the,  164. 

Cariboo-eaters,  their  habitat  and  population,  1 6. 

Cariboo  skins,  how  treated,  68. 

Cariboo  snares,   100. 

Carrier  Indians,  (the),  progressive,  5 — their 
population,  16 — physical  characteristics,  17 
— timid,  18 — habitat,  24 — subdivisions,  24 
— sociologically  considered,  28 — their  bows, 
59 — their  bow-points,  60 — their  bone  scra- 
pers, 70 — their  utensils,  120 — how  they 
carry  their  babies,  134 — using  copper  and 
iron  before  contact  with  the  whites,  137 — 
their  drums,  150 — formerly  practically  unac- 
quainted with  snow-shoes,  151 — their  weav- 
ing method,  1 56 — their  ordinary  head-dress, 
164 — their  ceremonial  costume,  172 — their 
houses,  184 — their  store-houses,  196 — their 
mortuary  columns,  199 — their  graphic  sys- 
tem, 206. 

Carvings,   199. 

Castoreum  bottles,  66,   135. 

Categories  of  Dene  nouns,  32. 

Ceremonial  dress  of  the  Carriers  original,   172. 

Chaldean  head-dress  compared  with  that  of 
the  Carrier  noblewomen,  177. 

Charcoal,  as  a  means  of  ornamentation,  1 70. 

Cherokees,  mound-builders,   39. 

Chickasaw,  mound-builders,  40. 

Chippewayans,  not  the  southernmost  of  the 
Dene  tribes,  9 — their  habitat  and  popu- 
lation, 1 6. 

Chipping,  how  done,  65. 

Clans  of  the  Carriers,  203. 

Cloaks,   164. 

Clubs,  war,  64. 

Columns,  mortuary,   199. 

Combs,   117. 

Confession  to  the  shaman,   107. 

Continence,  regard  for,   107. 

Copper,  in  use  in  prehistoric  times  in  the  Mac- 
kenzie valley,  1 36  — in  use  contemporane- 
ously with  stone  implements,  137 — in  use 
among  the  prehistoric  Carriers,  137 — how 
procured  formerly,  137 — its  use  probably 
ancient,  138. 

Copper  tower,  the,   137. 

Cow-parsnip,  how  eaten,   129. 

Cradles,   133. 

Cranberry,  swamp  and   highbush,  eaten,  127. 

Craniometry,  an  uncertain  criterion  of  ethno- 
logic certitude,  17. 

Crescents  in  the  septum,   167. 

Crossbows,   59- 

Cuirass,  of  wood,   117 — of  skin,    149. 

"  Cut  arrows,"  56. 

Cuticle  (inner)  of  skins,  how  removed,  70. 


D. 


Daggers,  of  stone,  63 — of  steel  in  pre-Euro- 
pean  times,  142. 

Dall  on  labrets,   170. 

"  Darding  Knife,"  the,  206. 

Dene  (the),  progressive,  5 — their  name,  8 — 
the  nature  of  their  territory,  n — divided 
long  ago  in  two  camps,  12 — their  distri- 
bution, 13 — misconception  as  to  their  ethno- 
graphical status,  14  —  classification  and 
population  of  all  the  tribes,  16 — points 
of  physical  similarities,  18 — psychologically 
differing  among  themselves,  18 — philolog- 
ically  homogeneous,  21. 

Dene  Dindjie,  improper  as  a  collective  name,  9. 

Dentalium,  its  fitness  as  an  article  of  orna- 
mentation, 178. 

Dentalium  nose-ornaments,  168. 

Devil's  bush,  its  medical  properties,   132. 

Dip-nets,  159. 

Dishes,   119. 

Diuretics,  native,   131. 

Dog  collars,   139. 

Dog-Ribs,  a  Dene  tribe,  its  habitat  and  popu- 
lation, 1 6 — knew  copper  before  contact  with 
the  whites,  136. 

Dress  of  the  Western  Denes,   162 — of  pubes- 
cent girls,   165. 
Drills,   143- 
Drinking  tubes,  82. 
Drums,    150. 

Dug-outs,  formerly  unknown,   1 1 5. 
Dyes,  173. 

E. 

Ear  pendants,   166. 

Eastern  Denes :    knew  of  copper  before  con- 
tact with  the  whites,   136 — their  dress,   162. 
Elk,  now  disappeared  from  among  the  Carriers, 

93- 

Emmenagogue,  native,   131. 
2fs,  a  fish-trap,  89. 
gsroilh,  how  cooked,   116. 
gstas  and  the  swans,   104. 
Ethiopians,  using  stone  and  bone  weapons,  42. 
gzih,  53. 

F. 

Fat  scrapers,  68. 

Feathering  of  the  arrows,  how  made,    56. 

Febrifuge,  native,   130, 

Fenni,  (the),  using  bone  arrows,  43. 

Fern  root,  how  cooked,    1 16. 

Fern  root  diggers,   115. 

Finger  rings,   140. 


1892-93.] 


NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES. 


215- 


Fire,  primitive  mode  of  starting  a,   114. 
Fire-bags,  common,   148 — ceremonial,  180. 
Fire-place,  where  situated,   187. 
Fire-wood,  how  procured  by  the  poorer  classes, 

47- 

Fishes,  species  of,  73. 
Fish-hooks,  72. 
Fishing,    71 — with    bait,  72 — with  traps,  84. 

— with  bag  nets,  91. 
Fish  traps,  84. 
Fish  trays,   123. 
Flaking,  how  done,  65. 
Floats,  in. 

Folk-lore,  differs  according  to  the  tribe,   21. 
Forts,   195. 

Foxes,  different  varieties  in  the  same  litter,  95. 
Fox  snares,   102. 
Fraas  on  ancient  weapons,  42. 
Frazer  on  the  varieties  of  totems,  203. 

G. 

G  and  W  commutable  in  the  Aryan  languages, 
8. 

Gambler  and  the  Great  Bear,  the,  79. 

Gambling-sticks,  77. 

Game  sought  after  by  the  Western  Denes,    93. 

Games  of  the  Western  Denes  :  nsfsy'a,  78 — 
atlih,  •j^—atiy^h,  81 — tstquh,  \\\—to'ko', 
112 — nszaz,  112 — 'keilapas,  112. 

Gentes,  their  number,  203. 

Geology  against  the  great  age  attributed  to 
archaeological  remains,  42. 

Gorgets,  unknown,  35. 

Gouges,  unknown.  35. 

Graphic  systems,  their  origin,  206 — that  of  the 
Carriers,  208. 

Graves,  monuments  on,  200. 

Great  Bear  and  the  Gambler,  the,   79. 

Great  Bear  and  the  Hunter,  the,  194 — deduc- 
tions from  that  legend,  195. 

Grizzly  Bear,  are  there  two  varieties  of  it  ?  94. 

H. 

Hair,  sometimes   fair  among  the  Carriers,   1 8 

— mode  of  wearing  it,  181. 
Hair  scrapers,  bone  69 — steel,   143. 
Hair  tweezers,    138. 

Hale  on  the  country  of  the  Eastern  Denes,    II. 
Hammers,  stone,  47. 

Hares,  a  Dene  tribe  ;  its  habitat  and  popu- 
lation, 1 6. 

Head-dress  of  the  Carriers,  164 — of  the  pubes- 
cent girl,  165 — of  the  same  when  of  noble 
parentage,  166 — of  the  noblemen,  173 — of 
the  noblewomen,  177 — the  same  compared 


with  that  of  the  Chaldean   Kings,  177— of 

the  shamans,  181. 
Head-scratchers,  82. 
Heart  of  animals,  not  eaten,  and  by  whom,. 

107. 

Hemlock,  its  medical  properties,  132. 
Haemorrhage,  how  stopped,   131. 
Hides,  how  dressed,  49,  69,  145. 

History  against   the   great   age   attributed   to- 

archaeological  remains,  42. 
Hole-borers,   143. 

Horse-tails,  their  medical  properties,   131. 
Houses,  see  Lodges. 
Hupa,  their  habitat  and  numbers,  13,  16 — their 

influence     over   neighbouring   tribes,     19 — 

their  conservatism,  20. 
Hurdles  for  the  salmon  weirs,  85. 
Huts,  subterranean,   191. 

I. 

Ice-breakers,  75. 

Ice-scoops,   1 56. 

Indians,  mound  builders,  40. 

Industries,  why  and  how  treated  of,  6. 

Iron,  in  use  among  the  negroes  of  Africa,   137' 

— in  use  among  the  pre-historic  Carriers,  140. 
Iron,   axes,   when  first   introduced,  140 — how 

iron  tools  were  prized  on  the  Coast,   142. 

J. 

Juniper,  its  wood  used  to  make  bows  with,  59' 
— its  boughs  used  as  a  febrifuge,   130. 

K. 

Kekule  houses,   190. 

'Km,  85,  1 86,  196. 

Kenai,  their  ethnographical  status,'  15. 

K3s,  their  use,  87. 

Kettles,  prehistoric  bark,   125. 

Kinnikinik,  its  berry  eaten,   128. 

K1  naia-kho-tana,   their  ethnographical   status,. 

15- 

Knap-sacks  of  the  Carriers,   148. 
Knives,  salmon,   51 — skinning,  51 — carving  or 

working,  52- 

'KAntzai,  their  make  and  working,   87. 
Kutchin,  identical  with  Loucheux,   15. 

L. 

Labrets,   1 70. 

Ladles,  75 — how  made,   76. 

Lances,  known  to  prehistoric  Carriers,   149. 

Land-locked  salmon,  how  captured,   74. 

Language,  the  chief  characteristic  ©f  man,   2I_ 

— of  the  Carrier  subdivisions  a  little  different^ 

27. 


216 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV. 


Length  measures,  92. 

Lenormant  on  iron  in  Africa,  137. 

Lichen,  how  eaten,    130. 

Lily,  its  bulb  eaten,   129. 

Lipans,  habitat  and  present  population,  14,  16 
— a  dishonest  tribe,  19. 

Lodges,  ceremonial,  185 — common,  188 — fish- 
ing, 189— winter,  189 — of  the  Tse'kehne, 
192. 

Looms  of  the  Carriers,  the,   156. 

Loon  and  the  Old  Man,  the,   171. 

Loucheux,  identical  with  Kutchin,     15 — their 

habitat  and  population,  16 — their  dress,  162. 
Lubbock  (Sir  John),  mistaken  as  to  the  age  of 

archaeological  finds,  41. 
Lujem,  or  Bear  totem,  how  assumed,  205. 
Lyell  (Sir  Charles),  mistaken  as  to  the  age  of 

archaeological  finds,  41. 
Lynx,  feared  by  the  women,  108. 
Lynx  and  the  Woman,  the,  108. 
Lynx  traps,  97 — snares,  101. 

M. 

Maize,  not  grown  by  the  Dene,  36. 

Man,  his  age  absurdly  exaggerated,  41. 

Marmot  skins,  how  treated,  68. 

Marmot  traps,  98 — snares,  103. 

Mas,  67. 

Masks,  1 1 8. 

Material  of  the  arrow  and  spear  heads,  53 — 
zealously  guarded,  65. 

Mats  of  the  Tsi[Koh'tin,  the,  157. 

Maul,  wooden,  in. 

Means  of  communication  while  travelling,  210. 

Measures  of  length,  92. 

Medicinal  herbs,  130. 

Menses,  observances  relative  to  the,  107. 

Mesh-sticks,  158. 

Middle  class  of  the  Carriers,  204. 

Mittens,  164. 

Mocassins,  their  material,  163 — not  used  in 
rainy  weather,  163. 

Months,  their  native  names,  106. 

Monuments,  rare,  199. 

Moose  skin  scrapers,  143. 

Morice  on  the  varieties  of  Dene  nouns,  32 — 
on  the  "  cut-arrows, "  56 — on  beaver  snar- 
ing, 66— on  fern  root  cooking,  116 — on  the 
introduction  of  copper  among  the  Carriers, 
137 — on  the  head-dress  of  pubescent  girls, 
I65. 

Morse  on  arrow  release,  57. 

Mortars,  unknown,  35. 

Mortuary  columns,  199. 

Mosaical  chronology,  its  accuracy  not  weakened 
by  modern  discoveries,  40. 


Mounds  unknown  among  Dene,  35 — the  work 

of  Indians,  40. 

Muskokis,  probably  mound-builders,  40. 
Muskrat  trapping,  87. 

Mythology,    why  occasionally   referred   to    in 
the  monograph,  7. 

N. 

Nah'ane,  different  spellings  of  their  name,  31. 

Na'kwal's  descendants,  141. 

Navajos,  long  established  in  the  south  of  the 

United  States,  12 — their  habitat,  13 — still  old 

fashioned,     20 — philologically    congenerous 

with  the  Northern  Denes,  22. 
Nazrwat,  a  fish  trap,  85. 
Necklaces,  170. 
Needle  pouches,  149. 
Nets,  their  material,  159 — beaver,  67. 
Nafsy'a,  a  game,  78. 
Netting,  158. 

N9y3R.hwolluz  and  the  Gambler,  79. 
Nszaz,  a  game,  112. 
Niblack  on  maize  growing  Indians,  35. 
NiK.ydin-ai,  168. 
Northern  Dene,  timid  and  not  industrious,  1 8 

— of  assimilative  dispositions,  19. 
Nose-pendants,  167. 
Nose-rings,  168. 
Nouns,  the  four  categories  of  Dene,  32. 

o. 

Observances  of  the  hunters  and  women,  106, 

165. 

Ochre  (red)  as  a  means  of  ornamentation,  170.  ' 
Old  man  and  the  Loon,  the,  171. 
Oregon  grape,  how  eaten,  129. 
Orthography    of   Indian    words,    34 — of    the 

names  of  Indian  tribes,  mixed,  30. 
Osier- willow,  its  medical  properties,  131. 

P. 

Packing,  how  done,  1 1 8. 

Packing  bags,  of  the  women,  147 — of  the  men, 

161.- 

Packing  chairs,  118. 
Paddles,  how  used,  115. 
Palseoliths,  their  age  exaggerated,  40 — found 

along  with  neoliths,  63. 
Peelers,  76. 
Pendants,  1 66. 
Pestles,  stone,  48. 
Petitot  on  the  name  "  Dene-Dindjie, "  9 — on 

copper  and  iron  among  Eastern  Dene's,  136 

— on  prehistoric  weapons,  149 — on  the  dress 

of  the  Eastern  Denes,  162. 
Petroglyphs,  206. 


1892-93.] 


NOTES  ON  THE  WESTEUN  DENES. 


217 


Philology,  its  importance  as  an  ethnographical 
criterion,  21 — its  bearing  on  archseology,  32. 

Pictographs,  206. 

Pilling  on  the  word  "  Athapaskan,"  9. 

Pipes,  stone,  36. 

Plan  of  the  monograph,  6. 

Plants,  those  the  economic  value  of  which 
is  not  appreciated  unnamed,  127 — which  are 
eaten  by  the  Western  Denes  ?  128. 

Potlatch,  of  comparatively  recent  origin,  125. 

Pottery,  unknown  among  the  Western  Denes, 
35- 

Powder  pouches,  148. 

Powers  on  the  Hupa,  20. 

Prehistoric  ages  not  strictly  successive,  137. 

Prognostications  common  among  the  Carriers, 
no. 

Pubescent  girls,  their  dress,  165 — their  drink- 
ing tubes,  8 1 — their  head  scratchers,  82 — 
their  peculiar  observances,  107. 

Purgatives,  native,  130. 

Q- 

Quintilian  on  Language,  21. 

R. 

Rabbit  snares,  103 — skins,  how  utilized,  156, 

164. 

Rattles,  118. 
Red  willow,  used  as  wattle,  84 — its  medical 

properties,  131. 
Rings,  140,  1 66. 
Robe,  ceremonial,  179. 
Rock  inscriptions,  206. 
Rose,  its  medical  properties,  132. 

s. 

Salmon,  species  of,  73— how  caught,  84 — how 
cured,  92 — how  kept,  49,  196. 

Salmon  fishing,  84. 

Salmon  oil,  how  obtained,  92. 

Salmon  pits  or  cellars,  197. 

Salmon  roe,  how  prepared,  197. 

Salmon  weirs,  85. 

Sarcees,  how  they  separated  from  the  Beavers, 
II — their  present  habitat,  15 — their  popu- 
lation one  hundred  years  ago,  29. 

Satchels,  146. 

Scaffoldings,  on  the  banks  of  river?,  91 — of 
the  Tse'kehne,  197. 

Scoops,  156. 

Scrapers,'  stone,  49 — how  made,  50— bone, 
for  the  fat,  68 — horn,  for  the  same,  70 — 
hair,  69 — cambium,  76. 

Sedatives,  native,  131. 

Semilkameen  Indians  partly  descended  from 
the  TsiiKoh'tin,  24. 

15 


Service-berry,  how  preserved,  125. 

Shamans,  their  head  gear,  181. 

Shields,  117. 

Shushwap  Indians,  their  former  relations  with 

the  Tsi[Koh'tin,  23. 
Signalling  in  the  woods,  2IO. 
Sinkers,  rude  and  uncarved,  36. 
Skin  tanning,  49,  69,  145. 
Skull-crackers,  stone,  64. 
Slaves,  their  habitat  and  numbers,  16. 
Sleeping  place  in  the  lodge,  187. 
Slickstones,  49. 

Smoking,  originally  unknown,  36. 
Snares,    bear,    99 — cariboo,    too — fox,    102 — 

marmot,    103 — rabbit,  103 — waterfowl,    104 

— how  prepared,  107. 
Snaring  devices,  their  details  useful,  99. 
Snow-shoes,     formerly     practically     unknown 

among  the  Carriers,  151 — earliest  model,  152 

— modern   types,  152 — how   made,   153 — of 

the  children,  154. 
Snow  shovels,  116. 
Snow  walking  sticks,  155. 
Soap-berrv,  how  prepared  for  eating,  128. 
Solutrian-like  implements,  63. 
Sore  eyes,  native  remedy  against,  132. 
Southern    Denes,    long    separated    from    the 

Northern   Dene,  12 — confused    ideas   as   to 

their  ethnographical  divisions,  13. 

Spear-heads,  62. 

Spindles,  114. 

Spokeshaves,  144. 

Spoons,  76. 

Spruce,  its  shoots  used  as  febrifuge,  130. 

Spruce  root-weaving,  134. 

Steel  daggers  in  prehistoric  times,  142. 

Stockings,  native  counterpart  of,  165. 

Stone   implements,    in    use   among  historical 

nations,  42 — contemporaneous  with   copper 

implements,  137. 
Store-houses,  196. 

Strings,   of  the  bows,  how  made,  58 — of  the 

snares,  how  made,  104. 
Sturgeon,  how  caught,  75. 
Sfinti,  how  cooked,  116. 
Superstitious  observances  of  the  hunters   and 

the  women,  106,  165. 

Swaddling  clothes  of  the  Carrier  babes,  133. 
Sweat-houses,  197. 
Sweet-flag,  how  eaten,  129. 

T. 

Tacitus  on  the  arms  of  the  Fenni,  43. 
Takhepe,  wrong  readings  of  their  name,  30. 
Tanning,  how  done,  49,  69,  145. 


218 


TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE. 


[VOL.  IV.. 


Target  disc  or  wheel,  112 — shooting,  113. 

Tattooing,  182. 

Tattoo  marks,  208. 

Tcajyaj,  a  bark  vessel,  122. 

Ttfko',  a  Carrier  game,  112. 

7zsKai,  a  fishing  device,  90. 

Thajthan  Indians,  weavers  of  mountain  goat 

wool,  35. 

Thejmak,  how  caught,  159. 
Th.esK.ai,  a  fishing  device,  90. 
Thessatefi,  a  fishing  implement,  72. 
Thomas  on  mounds,  39. 
Throwing-rods  or  tztquh,  III. 
Time,  means  of  reckoning,  106. 
Tinne,    Tinneh,    inappropriate    as    a   generic 

name,  8. 

Tlingit,  why  so  named,  10. 
Tobacco,  originally  unknown,  36. 
Tolmie  &  Dawson's   map,  differing  from   the 

actual  limits  of  the  Carriers'  territory,  26. 
Tommy-sticks,  64. 
Totems,  carved  on  house  posts,  186,  199 — their 

different   kinds,  203 — how   honored,  204 — 

honorific,  204 — how  assumed,  205 — painted 

on  rocks,  207 — tattooed  on  the  person,  208. 
Totunies,  the  contradictory  readings   of  their 

name,  13. 
Trapping  devices,  their   details  useful  to  the 

ethnologist,  98. 
Traps,  fish,  84 — bear,  94 — small  animal,  96 — 

lynx,  97 — marmot,  98 — how  prepared,  108. 
Travelling,  formerly  difficult  in  winter,  151. 
Travelling  marks  or  signals,  2  !O. 
Trays,  bark,  123. 
Trough-like  vessels,  119. 

Tse'kehne,  population,  16 — physical  character- 
istics, 17 — honest,  19 — sociologically  con- 
sidered, 28 — subdivisions,  28 — bows,  58 
— bone  scrapers,  7° — spoons,  76 — gamb- 
ling sticks,  78 — how  they  hunted  cariboo 
in  olden  times,  100 — their  names  of  the 
months,  106 — their  utensils,  120 — how  they 
trim  their  beard,  139 — their  drums,  150  — 
their  snow  shoes,  154 — their  lodges,  192 — 
their  provision  stores,  197. 

Tsi|Koh'tin,  population  16 — physical  character- 
istics, 18 — habitat  and  subdivisions,  22 — 
sociologically  considered,  28 — bone  scra- 
pers, 70 — fish  harpoons,  7 1 — gambling-sticks, 
78 — cradles,  133— how  they  carry  their 
babies,  134 — their  vessels,  134 — their  drums, 
151 — their  method  of  weaving,  156 — their 
dress,  164 — their  store-houses,  197. 


Tunics,  of  the  Carriers,  163. 
Tweezers,  138. 

u. 

Umkwa  Indians,  their  habitat,  16. 
Unknown  technological  objects,  35. 
Utensils,  of  primitive  material,   120 — descrip- 
tion and  mode  of  fabrication,  121. 

v. 

Villages,  184. 

Vowels,  unimportant  in  Dene,  10. 

w. 

Wailaki  Indians,  their  habitat,  1 6. 

Walking  sticks,  for  the  winter,  155. 

War,  how  started,  195. 

Wash-tubs,  bark,  132. 

Waterfowl,  how  caught  formerly,  104 — now 
105 — in  China,  105. 

Water  vessels.  124. 

Wattle,  84,  186,  196. 

We,  a  fish-trap,  89. 

Weasel,  what  use  made  of  its  skin, §177. 

Weaving,  156 — of  the  spruce  roots,  134. 

Wedges,  stone,  47 — bone,  75. 

Weirs,  how  constructed,  84, 

Western  Denes,  the  nature  of  their  territory, 
II — misconception  as  to  their  ethnograph- 
ical status,  14 — classification  of  the,  30 — 
not  maize  growing,  36 — unsesthetic,  36 — 
brave  against  wild  animals,  94 — their  dress,. 
163. 

Whistles,  ceremonial,  81. 

Widow  satchels,  146. 

Wigs,  ceremonial,  173. 

Wild  goat  skins,  how  treated,  68. 

Willow-herb,  how  eaten,  129. 

Windows,  none  in  ancient  lodges,  187. 

Winter  dress,  164. 

Winter  travelling,  difficult,  151. 

Woman  and  the  Lynx,  the,  108. 

Women,  their  dress  not  much  differing  from 
that  of  the  men,  164. 

Wood-peckers,  what  use  made  of  their  feathers,. 
177- 

T. 

Yellow-knives,  a  Dene  tribe  ;  its  habitat  and 
population,  1 6 — acquainted  with  copper  in 
prehitoric  times,  136. 

Ytita-sKai,  a  fish  trap,  86. 


1892-93.]  .    NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES.  219 


WORKS  QUOTED  OR  REFERRED  TO. 

IBANDELIER,  A.  A.— Indians  of  the  Southwestern  United  States. 

BIANCONI,  J.  A. — Materiaux  pour  1'  Histoire  Primitive  et  Naturelle  de  1'  homme  ;  Toulouse, 
1876. 

BOAS,  F. — Fifth,  Sixth  and  Seventh  Reports  on  the  Northwestern  Tribes  of  Canada  ;  B.  A.  A.S. 
1889,  1890,  1891. 

The  Central  Eskimo  ;  Sixth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology  ;  Washington, 
1888. 

BOYLE,  D. — Archaeological  Report  for  1891,  Toronto. 

BRINTON,  D.  G.— The  American  Race  ;  New  York,  N.  D.  C.  Hodges,  1891. 

•CALI.BREATH,  J.  C. — Notes  on  the  Tahltan  Indians  ;  in  Notes  on  the  Indian  Tribes  of  the 
Yukon  District,  reprinted  from  Annual  Report  Geological  Survey  of  Canada  ;  Ottawa, 
1887. 

DAWSON,  G.  M. — Notes  on  the  Shushwap  People  of  British  Columbia ;  Transactions  of  the 
Royal  Society  of  Canada,  Section  II.,  1891. 

On  the  Haida  Indians  of  Queen  Charlotte  Islands  ;  Montreal,  1880. 
Report   on    the    Queen   Charlotte   Islands;    Montreal,     Davvson    Bros.,    1880. 

DAWSON  AND  TOLMIE.— Comparative  Vocabularies  of  the  Indian  Tribes  of  British  Columbia  ; 
Montreal,    1884. 

FRAAS,  O.  —Die  alien  Hohlenbewohner. 

FRASER,  J.  G. — Totemism  ;  Edinburgh,  1887. 

'GATSCHET,  A.  S — The  Karankawa  Indians ;  Cambridge,  Mass.,  1891. 

The  Klamath  Indians  of  Southwestern   Oregon  ;    Contributions  to   North  American 

Ethnology  ;  Washington,  1890. 
GUNN,  I). — History  of  Manitoba  from  the  earliest  settlement  to  1835  ;  Ottawa,  1880. 

HALE,  H. — Language  as  a  Test  of  Mental  Capacity ;  Transactions  Royal  Society  of  Canada, 
Sect.  II.,  1891. 

HOLMES,  W.  H. — A  Study  of  the  Textile  Art ;  Sixth  Annual  Report  Bureau  of  Ethnology  ; 
Washington,  1888. 

HOUGH,  W. — Fire  Making  Apparatus  in  the  U.S.  Museum  ;  Report  U.S.  Museum,  Washington, 
1890. 

JORDAN,  D.  S.  and  GILBERT,  CH.  H. — Synopsis  of  the  Fishes  of  North  America  ;  Washing- 
ton, 1882. 

LEGAL,  E. — Les  Indiens  dans  les  plaines  de  PAmerique  du  Nord  ;  Petites  Annales,  O.  M.  I., 
Paris,  1891. 

LENORMANT,  F. — Die  Anfange  Der  Cultur,  Vol.  I. 

.MACKENZIE,  Sir  A. — Voyages  from  Montreal  on  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  through  the  Continent 
of  North  America  to  the  Frozen  and  Pacific  Oceans,  in  the  years  1789  and  1793; 
London,  1801. 


220  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.  IV. 

MACKENZIE,  A. — Descriptive  Notes  on  certain  Implements  and  Weapons,  etc.,  from  Graham. 
Island;  Transact.  Roy.  Soc.  Can.,  Sect.  II.  1891. 

MASON,  O.  T. — The  Ray  Collection  from  Hupa  Reservation,  Washington. 
Anthropology  in  1886  ;  Washington. 

MATTHEWS,  W. — The  Mountain  Chant  ;  Fifth  Annual   Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology  ; 
Washington,  1887. 

MORGAN,  T.  J. — Sixtieth  Annual  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs  ;  Washington, 
1891. 

MORICE,  A.  G. — The  Western  Denes,  their  Manners  and  Customs  ;  Proceedings  of  the  Canadian 

Institute,  Vol.  VII.  ;  Toronto/  1890. 

The  Den6  Languages  considered  in  themselves  and  incidentally  in  their  relations  to- 
non-American  Idioms  ;  Transactions  Canadian  Institute,  Vol.  L,  Toronto,  1891. 

Are  the  Carrier  Sociology  and  Mythology  Indigenous  or  Exotic  ;  Transactions  Roy. 
Soc.  Can.,  Sect.  II.,  1892. 

MURDOCH,  J. — Ethnological  Results  of  the   Point  Barrow  Expedition,  Ninth  Ann.  Rep.  Bur. 
Ethnology,  Washington,  1892. 

NIBLACK,  A.  P. — The  Coast  Indians  of  Southern    Alaska  and  Northern   British  Columbia;. 
Report  U.  S.  National  Museum,  1890. 

PETITOT,  E. — Monographic  des  Dene-Dindjie ;  Paris,  Leroux,  1876. 
En  route  pour  la  Mer  Glaciale  ;  Paris,  1888. 

Six  Legendes  Ame'ricaines,  identifiers  a  1'Histoire  de  Moise  ;  Paris,  A.  Hennuyer,  1877. 
Rapport    Succinct    sur   la   Geologic    des  Valle'es  et    de   1'Athabaskaw- Mackenzie   et 

de  1' Anderson  ;  Paris,  A.  Hennuyer,  1875. 
Appendice  relatif  aux  armes  de  pierre  des  Indiens  Arctiques ;  Paris,  A.  Hennuyer,. 

1875- 
PILLING,  J.  C. — Bibliography  of  the  Athapaskan  Languages  ;  Washington,  1892. 

POWELL,  J.  W. — Indian  Linguistic  families  ;    Seventh  Annual    Report  Bureau  of   Ethnology, 

Washington,  1892. 

Third  Annual  Report  Bureau  of  Ethnology  ;  Washington,  1884. 
POWERS,  S. — Contributions  to  North  American  Ethnology  ;  Vol.  II.,  Washington. 
QUINTILIAN — De  Institutione  oratoria,  translated  by  La  Harpe ;  Dijon,  1820. 

ROYCE,  C.  C. — The   Cherokee   Nation  of  Indians  ;   Fifth   Annual    Report  of   the   Bureau  of 
Ethnology,  Washington,  1887. 

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Work  in  Mound  Exploration  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Washington,  1887. 
The  Problem  of  the  Ohio  Mounds,  Washington,  1889. 
VlGOUROUX,  F.— Les  Livres  Saints  venges.  Vol.  III. 

Dictionnaire  de  la  Bible  ;  Letouzey  et  Ane  ;  Paris  (still  in  course  of  publication). 
And  a  few  others  with  which  I  am  not  personally  acquainted. 


1892-93.] 


NOTES  ON  THE  WESTERN  DENES. 


221 


ADDENDA     ET     CORRIGENDA. 


Page  25  —  After  paragraph  4  add  the  following  as  an  additional  subdivision  :  —  Hwozahne,  two 
villages,  namely,  Stony  Creek  (Sai'kaz),  population  88,  and  Laketown  or  Nufkre,  population 
65,  both  of  which  are  situated  a  little  south  of  Fraser  Lake. 

Page  30  —  After  "  Fort  George"  insert:  —  Hwozahne,  south  of  Fraser  Lake 


5  —  Strike  out  "  the  Eskimo  "  and  add  :  —  to  which  might  almost  be  added  the  Eskimo, 
were  it  not  that  J.  Murdoch  (Ethnological  Results  of  the  Point  Barrow  Expedition,  Ninth  Ann. 
Rep.  Bur.  Ethnology,  Washington,  1892)  states  that  he  obtained  from  a  Point  Barrow  tribe 
three  fragments  of  a  sort  of  pottery,  the  material  of  which  '  '  was  said  to  be  earth  (nu'na)  bear's 
blood  and  feathers,  and  appears  to  have  been  baked  "  (p.  91). 


Fig.   199. 

Page  118 — Dele  the  whole  paragraph  beginning  "These  other  objects"  and  substitute: — 
Three  other  objects,  which  as  sociological  items  were  also  due  to  the  influence  of  the  maritime 
1  tribes,  but  had  become  naturalized  among,  and  were  made  by,  the  Carriers,  were  the  ntynvis  or 
medicine-rattle,  the  hanftaih,  or  ceremonial  mask,  and  the  fsak,  or  long,  festival  dish.  These 
were  almost  the  only  objects  of  art  of  genuine  Dend  manufacture  to  which  I  can  point,  and  yet  I 
do  not  think  I  unduly  depreciate  my  Indians'  artistic  capabilities  by  adding  that  they  were  rather 
below  than  above  the  average  of  similar  aboriginal  carvings.  The  appositeness  of  this  remark 
will  become  evident  by  a  comparison  of  fig.  199,  wherein  we  have  a  representative  Carrier 
medicine-rattle,  with  illustrations  of  similar  implements  so  frequently  met  with  in  modern  essays 
on  the  Northwest  Coast  Indians.  As  may  be  seen  by  the  cut  b,  the  Dene  rattle  is  made  of  two 
hollowed  halves  bearing  some  resemblance  to  wooden  dippers.  Its  material  is  birch,  and  its  only 
ornamentation  is  in  paint,  not  carving.  The  figure  explains  the  mode  of  connection  of  the  two 
parts  of  the  rattle. 


222  TRANSACTIONS    OF    THE    CANADIAN    INSTITUTE.  [VOL.   IV. 

The  masks'were  used  only  by  mimics  accompanying  by  grotesque  gestures  and  jerkings  of  the 
head  the  dance  of  a  privileged  few  ;  but  the  rattles  served  a  double  purpose  :  they  did  service  in 
connection  with  a  notable's  dance,  being  then  held  in  the  hand  by  the  dancing  personage  himsell, 
and  also  as  an  accompaniment  to  the  incantations  of  the  tdydn  or  shaman.  No  ceremonial  masks 
of  genuinely  Dene  make  are  now  available  for  illustration  :  but  such  objects  are,  even  at  the 
present  day,  so  common  among  the  natives  of  the  Pacific  Coast  that  they  hardly  need  any  descrip- 
tion. It  may  suffice  to  refer  the  reader  unacquainted  with  North  American  aboriginal  parapher- 
nalia to  the  plates  or  figures  illustrating.  .  .  . 

Page  181 — After  "their  occult  art  "  insert  : — Let  me  add  that  some  of  these  head-dresses, 
while  retaining  the  name  of  cyas-krei,  were  composed  of  beaver-teeth,  sometimes  daubed  with 
red  ochre.  One  such  specimen  recently  came  into  my  possession  which  lacks  the  double  row  of 
dentalium  shells  usual  with  crowns  made  of  real  bear's  claws. 


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