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Notes as ; '\; 





BOSTON 1935 


Copyright, 1935, 

All rights reserved 
Published October, 1935 


$i 71 





ILL. 20 






NOIS 142 




HOUSE 166 

MONT 216 






Evanston, Illinois, June 27, 1928. 

I HAVE finally determined to keep some notes while I 
occupy my present office. Contemporaneous comment on 
facts Is almost always the most valuable. What one may 
write after an event Is a recollection of it not an ob- 
servation. One's recollections, too, may be confused by 
later events. 

However, since I have been neglectful In writing 
during the first three years of my service as Vice Presi- 
dent, a natural desire to make some permanent record 
of it will lead me In the first part of this new journal 
to comment upon the past and the present together. 

My experiences In this office I have found far from 
uninteresting and unimportant. The superficial attitude 
of Indifference which many public men assume toward 
the office of Vice President of the United States is 
easily explained. It is the office for which one cannot 
hope to be a candidate with sufficient prospects for 
success to justify the effort Involved in a long campaign. 
One*s political availability for nomination to the posi- 
tion cannot be determined until the nominating con- 
vention has in effect decided upon the head of the 

Geographic considerations sectional political situ* 
ations which continually change, combined with the 


controlling fact that the nomination for the vice-presi- 
dency must fit into a picture dominated by the Presi- 
dential nominee make early quest for the office too 
dangerous to attract public men of sufficient stature to 
justify a serious aspiration for it. Nevertheless it is 
regarded at its real value by public men, whatever 
may be their assumed attitude. To-day we see the ma- 
jority leader of the Senate nominated for the vice- 
presidency by the Republican Party, and the minority 
leader in a receptive mood at the Democratic National 
Convention at Houston, which has just assembled. 
(June 26 ? 1928.) 

The office is largely what the man in it makes it 
which applies to all public offices. The fact that, the 
Vice President in the Senate Chamber cannot enter 
into debate is considered a disadvantage, yet for that 
reason he is removed from the temptation to indulge 
in the pitiable quest of that double objective so char- 
acteristic of many Senate speeches the placating of 
general public opinion and of an opposing local constit- 
uency at the same time. For Ms prestige as a presiding 
officer, it is to his advantage that he neither votes nor 
speaks in the Senate Chamber. Outside the Senate 
Chamber, his position as Vice President gives him a 
hearing by the general public as wide as that accorded 
any Senator, other things being equal If he lacks initia- 
tive, courage., or ideas 7 he of course will be submerged; 
but that is true also of a Senator or any other parlia- 
mentary member. 

Whatever may be said to the contrary* as anyone 
discovers who occupies the office^ the people hold it in 


great respect. While I shall serve eight months more as 
Vice President and may make future mistakes, I see 
the prospect of closing my public career at least without 
discredit. The occupancy of a public office, unless deco- 
rated with public respect, is a curse to anyone. 

Evanston, June 27, 1928. 

Listened over the radio to the proceedings of the 
Democratic National Convention at Houston, and 
heard the speech of the Permanent Chairman, Joseph 
T. Robinson. He is a man of great ability, of high char- 
acter, of industry and of exceptional qualities as a leader 
of men. His courage is that of a lion. He never deceives 
and his decisions are quick but sound. His ideals are 
high and he deserves to be rewarded with the best his 
party can give. It seems to-night that he will be nomi- 
nated to succeed me in office, and I may say here that 
if he is elected, the place will not submerge him. I 
regard him as a statesman of high rank. 

This recalls my recent visit with another friend just 
before leaving Washington Dwight W. Morrow, our 
Ambassador to Mexico. I remained over a day to meet 
him. He was staying at the White House, and after the 
meeting there of the Arlington Memorial Bridge Asso- 
ciation, of which the President and the Vice President 
are among the members, Dwight and I met at General 
Pershing's office in the War Department. From his 
letters to me and from the press I knew already that he 
was making great progress. I knew that within a few 
months of his stay in Mexico he had created a new 
status of peace and mutual understanding between 


the two great American republics, and thaf^ he had 
brought about a settlement of the apparently insoluble 
oil controversy. But as I listened to his own narrative 
and came to appreciate how complete is his understand- 
ing with Calles, and the degree of co-operation he is 
receiving from him, I felt that, if he is spared, he will 
have contributed during his term of office more to the 
cause of peace and good will among the nations of the 
Western Hemisphere than any other man of his genera- 

What he said of Calles was especially interesting* He 
tells me that Calles is determined to retire, M could 
stay in power thirty-five years as did Diaz, if I would 
sink to his level/' he quoted Calles as saying, Tt is evi- 
dent that he has won Calles as he has won everybody 
ever associated with him. He practises the highest 
diplomacy which, after all, largely consists of plain 
and truthful statement, and, when in conferences with 
foreign officials, of never making or receiving proposi- 
tions without the consideration of the limitations upon 
their power to act as determined by their respective 
domestic public sentiments, 

Morrow is genuine. His nature is a sympathetic one, 
He is a friend to the weak and humble* He is natural 
He is generous in every way. He is a modest man and 
never affected. Added to these endearing qualities are 
his great mental ability and culture! which so Bet them 
off. He is naturally industrious and of course is greatly 
overworking himself. He weighs twenty pounds less 
than when he left for Mexico* Last year, when he was 
considering the suggestion of the President that he go 


to Mexico, he stopped off at Evanston to talk It over 
with me. I strongly advised him to accept the place. He 
replied that of all his friends and family, his wife and 
I were the only ones who took this view. 

I said in effect to him something like this; "Knowing 
you as I do, you are going to take the place and are 
delighted to do so. You are very fortunate, because to 
a man of your constructive genius, any public task but 
a difficult one would be unattractive. To hold a public 
place is nothing; to accomplish in it is everything. You 
have achieved great business success and prestige, but 
work during the war gave you, as it did me, a new per- 
spective. You will never be satisfied until you have 
tried your wings in the higher atmosphere of difficult 
public service. The position in Mexico, to take which 
might ruin the ordinary diplomat of so-called 'high 
class 7 , will make you. You cannot afford to take an 
easier diplomatic position of higher rank. 

"But this opportunity is providential. It involves 
great difficulties and an apparently hopeless outlook for 
cordial relations; and thus gives you a task commen- 
surate with your unusual abilities the first demand 
of the thoroughbred. Again, every conventional mind 
in the country which does not visualize you as your 
friends know you will regard you as making a sacrifice. 
That, and the importance to our nation of your success, 
means that if you achieve success you will get full credit 
for it something of which a public servant is rarely 

"And, lastly, it will be a place of joy to you, because 
in going, you are doing your duty to your President 


and to your country, possessing qualifications which 

few men have for this particular service." 

Besides the oil settlement, Dwight is concerning him- 
self with the matter of other property rights of Ameri- 
cans, with the Church property, and with the status of 
the foreign debt; and lastly, of greatest importance to 
Mexico, with the balancing of the Mexican budget, 
Calles apparently has been quick to realize in Morrow 
an invaluable adviser. I have no doubt that lie will be 
as influential with Qbreg6n, the next President, as with 

Evanston, June 28, 1928. 

The first portion of these "contemporaneous notes" 
is destined to be largely memoirs, for there runs con- 
stantly through my mind the thought of experiences 
during the last four years which are worth recording, 
During my inactive summer, at least, what 1 write will 
be more of the recent past than of the immediate 

During the last two years my name has been con- 
stantly mentioned in connection with the Republican 
nomination for the presidency. From the beginning I 
stated I would not be a candidate for the nomination, 
and as soon as my friend Governor Lowden indicated 
that he would be a receptive candidate, I announced 
myself for him. This pledge of assistance 1 have kept 
to the best of my ability. 

Evanston, June 29, 1 928. 
For the last year many articles commenting on me 

and my alleged prospects have appeared in the press, 


As a rule articles written under such, circumstances 
about anyone either overpraise or overcondemn. As a 
candidate before the people for the vice-presidency and 
since that time, I have fared well enough, but such ar- 
ticles enable me to realize that public impressions of one 
who is a temporary factor in political contests are 
largely based upon a constant reiteration of such inci- 
dents as make interesting reading from a newspaper 

And these reflections lead me to comment for the 
first time on my speech in 1921 before the Congres- 
sional Committee investigating the A.E.F. which helped 
put an end in this country to the official effort to blacken 
American military achievement for political and partisan 

The effectiveness of a speech depends largely on 
the circumstances under which it is delivered, and the 
existing public state of mind not alone upon the 
competency and sincerity of the speaker. As to the 
latter, as Chief of Supply Procurement of our army 
in France, upon the particular subject of the supply 
of the A.E.F. I could qualify. 

For the two greatest years of my life, bearing heavy 
responsibilities in a great and continuing military emer- 
gency, I had represented in France our army and gov- 
ernment in innumerable conferences with the officials 
of Allied armies and governments in some of which 
were representatives of the politician type whom I 
came greatly to detest. 

Where one was right and the supplies for men in 
action wer.e involved, there was no time for convention- 


alities or "unlimited debate." The latter is not consid- 
ered "a safeguard of liberty' 7 when men are fighting 
in its cause. Action, then, is everything words noth- 
ing except as they lead immediately to it, 

I came out of the war a postgraduate in emergency 
conferences. This particular Congressional Committee 
was attacking a work in France for which 1 was chiefly 
responsible the department of the administrative 
staff of the A.E.F., of which I was the head, having 
gathered, in the Allied and neutral countries of Europe, 
supposed to be largely stripped of supplies, over 10,- 
000,000 of the 17,000,000 ship tons of military sup- 
plies which our army used in France the submarine 
warfare and ship shortage creating the critical situa- 
tion under which we labored. 

When I was called before the Committee 1 had de- 
voted no time to preparation. On this particular sub- 
ject I needed none. On the morning of my arrival at 
Washington I walked alone for an hour or so in the 
Capital Park, waiting for the time at which the Com- 
mittee was to assemble. As I thought over the work 
we had done in France, my indignation that it should 
be attacked steadily increased, and I suddenly decided 
that so far as I could bring It about either the Com- 
mittee or I would go out of business that after all 
it was not my work which was being attacked but that 
of the splendid army our country had sent to France 
that it was not at the service of particular men that 
mud was being slung but at the glorious banner of 
American achievement that we, coming home, were 
now only meeting that which had confronted our great 


war President and his Secretary of War, who had been 
faithful to our army a pitiful, detestable effort to 
exploit political and partisan purposes through our 
recent national calamity. The Congressional Commit- 
tee which I was to confront had visited France after 
the armistice to "investigate the American Expedition- 
ary Forces." Within two days from the time when 
General Pershing was to take the ship for his return 
to the United States from the war, with his headquar- 
ters files packed In over one hundred boxes, this Com- 
mittee endeavored to prevent his departure in order 
that they might investigate him there in Paris with 
attendant publicity. Failing in this, they had summoned 
Judge Parker, the head of the Liquidating Commission 
of the War Department, then functioning in Paris. The 
Judge, whose industry in thorough preparation and the 
mastery of details was famous, was ready for them. 
He appeared before them anxious for the fray, with 
three boxes of documents, each one of which required 
the services of two soldiers to carry. 

Believing that the Committee wanted pertinent facts, 
he had come loaded with them. The first question 
asked him was in the usual form: "Why was this large 
number of airplanes burned by the army in France 
after the war instead of being salvaged?" The Judge 
reached into his boxes and his answer consumed some- 
thing over an hour. The Committee suddenly realized 
what they were up against and, to the great disap- 
pointment of the Judge, promptly adjourned with the 
statement to him that Ms answer had been so complete 
and satisfactory that they were justified in assuming 


that all of the business on which he was called to tes- 
tify, had been completed properly and in the best in- 
terests of the United States. 

Only a week or so before my appearance, when 
Charles M. Schwab was a witness before this same 
Committee, their brutal and unjustified reflections upon 
his integrity had broken him down in tears. 

I had no reason to hold the Committee in high es- 

What is referred to as the "Hell and Maria" speech 
consumed about seven hours in its delivery and three 
sessions of the Committee; and was delivered after 
the first hour to "standing room only*" It was not 
chiefly denunciation, but painstaking statement of per- 
tinent facts. It was not reported coherently in any part 
except by the newspaper correspondents who gathered 
in large numbers as reports came to them as to what 
was going on. The Committee stenographers were un- 
able to take me when I spoke rapidly which is a 
trouble I experience with all reports of my extempore 

Only the first two pages of the printed official report 
of the examination, transcribed before I really got into 
action, bore any resemblance to what I said- The news- 
paper writers present, however, projected over the 
country the substance of the speech. It accomplished 
its purpose. It might have done so without profanity, 
but this is doubtful* 

The Committee went out of business shortly there- 
after and the political muckraking of American achieve- 







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ment In the war ceased generally throughout the 


Evanston, July 1, 1928. 

Senator Curtls ? the Republican nominee for Vice 
President, answered my telegram of congratulation 
saying that I knew whether he ought to be congratu- 
lated or not. Curtis Is certainly qualified to make a 
fine presiding officer. 

Hoover triumphed In his fight for the nomination 
through ability, inherent merit and persistence in or- 
ganized effort. He Is a man of courage and character. 
o 1 have always admired him, having come to know him, 
fhis attitudes and his methods, through official associa- 
tion with him during the first year of the American 
t ? and In France during the post-armistice period 
the war, The attacks upon him during the prenomi- 
natlon campaign only strengthened him. The justified 
association In the public mind of a man's name with 
a real accomplishment In the public service, and for hu- 
, Is always his best protection against the tongue 

Every attack upon Hoover only emphasized and 
Called attention to his merits instead of distracting 
-^attention from them. I have not always agreed with 
^him ? but have appreciated Ms courage in standing by 
7his convictions. Dean Swift's saying, "Censure is the 
cNtaz a man pays to the public for being eminent", cer- 
tainly applies in this case. 
Nothing Infuriates the chronic nonconstructive par- 


liamentary critics so much as the onward march of a 
man and his steady acquisition of power and influence 
through success in difficult administrative positions* In 
proportion as he achieves results through constructive 
action the virulence of minority criticism increases, 

And it may be added the smaller a minority lie- 
comes the more virulent it usually is; for the subcon- 
scious sense of the futility of its efforts adds to its 
bitterness and fury. 

I owe Hoover one great debt of gratitude. At the 
beginning of the war, when I was seeking a commission 
as Lieutenant Colonel of Engineers, he strongly urged 
me to come into his work instead, saying that "he 
knew of a hundred men any one of whom would make 
a better Lieutenant Colonel of Engineers. " 1 had to 
agree with the truth of this, but told him that my friend 
John Pershing, just appointed Commander in Chief 
of the A.E.F., said he could find appropriate work 
for me in France if I could get a commission. So 1 
declined with appreciation of his thought; but 
at Atlanta with my regiment^ the 17th Engineers, I 
was startled to receive a telegram from him reading: 
"Would you bear me implacable resentment if I asked 
the President to assign you to me?" 1 replied: "It 
would be unfair and cruel and 1 know you will not 
consider it" 

It was certainly within his power to have prevented 
my going to France, but he was generous enough not 
to employ that power, I had the pleasure of co-oper- 
ating with him as representing the supply of 
the army when he came to France for his po$tarmis- 


tice relief work, and among other things recommended 
to him that brilliant officer James A. Logan, who be- 
came his first assistant and in that place laid the foun- 
dation of his enduring fame as unofficial adviser of the 
United States on the Reparation Commission and one 
of the controlling factors in creating the "First Com- 
mittee of Experts Reparation Commission." 

Evanston, July 3, 1928. 

During the inactive summer months is an oppor- 
tune time to recapitulate some of the happenings at the 
time of my nomination in 1924, thereafter during the 
campaign, and later in office. I was nominated for the 
vice-presidency from the floor of the Convention unex- 
pectedly to myself and contrary to the desire, and not- 
withstanding the effortSj of the Chairman of the Repub- 
lican National Committee, who finally endeavored to 
unite his followers for Hoover. 

The situation was exactly similar to one which arose 
relative to the vice-presidential nomination in the Re- 
publican National Convention in Philadelphia in 1900, 
In the absence of a commitment by President McKin- 
ley as to a running mate and in this more recent 
convention, President Coolidge declined to interfere 
Senator Hanna, then Chairman of the Republican Na- 
tional Committee, started to organize resistance to the 
move to nominate Roosevelt. Realizing the undesir- 
ability of this action from the President's standpoint, 
since it would place him in a false attitude, I strongly 
urged Hanna to abandon this effort. Finding him deter- 
mined, I then took the matter up with President Me- 


Kinley at Washington over the telephone, who, through 
me, ordered Hanna to desist which he did* 

Secretary Cortelyou, who was at an extension tele- 
phone, made a stenographic record of my conversation 
with the President and of the directions he asked me 
to deliver to Senator Hanna. Secretary Cortelyou kept 
these notes, and many years afterward gave them to 
Charles S. Olcott, who wrote "The Life of William 
McKInley" in the "American Statesmen" series. In 
that book Olcott published them, and there anyone 
interested may now read them. What happened 1 re- 
corded in my journal contemporaneously, and 1 insert 
it here. 

Philadelphia, IX June 20, 1900. 
Spent morning at hotel. At about noon was in Hannah ronm 

with BL C, Payne ? Senator Burrows and others. Hanna wits much 
enraged at the fact that Quay had started a stampede for Kcwse 
velt and he (Hanna) seemed about to line up the Administration 
forces for Long. He said that if Roosevelt were "nominated by 
Quay or Platt" that he would refuse to be Chairman of the Na- 
tional Committee, etc. Hanna and I had almost an altfrnttion, 
since I insisted with all my power that any interference* on his 
part for Long or anybody else would atart a stampede in the Weat 
for Roosevelt and thus he ? Hanna, would be playing into Quay'a 
hands; that it was simply a trick of Quay's to take advantage of 
the Roosevelt sentiment and make it appear that he a factor 
in it, Hanna was in such a state of mincl that I arranged later to 
have Cortelyou at one telephone and the President at aimth&r 
(at the White House) so that I could talk with Cortelyou and 
have the President hear what I said* Outlined the situation to them 
and received an ultimatum from the President for Hanna which* 
at the President's dictation^ 1 copied and took to Haima, It 
as follows; 


"The President's close friend must not undertake to commit the 
Administration to any candidate. It has no candidate. The con- 
vention must make the nomination. The Administration would not 
if it could* The President's close friend should be satisfied with his 
unanimous nomination and not interfere with the vice-presidential 
nomination. The Administration wants the choice of the Conven- 
tion and the President's friends must not dictate to the conven- 

After the session of the convention, took this to Hanna. He had 
already called a conference at Bliss's rooms at the Stratford at 
10:30 P.M. to "decide whether to make an effort to unite the Con- 
vention on some other candidate than Roosevelt for Vice Presi- 
dent." Hanna said, however ? that he would follow the President's 
instructions. Invited me to the conference to represent Dolliver. 
Saw Dolliver and Allison^ who asked me to insist that the Admin- 
istration should not interfere for Long. At conference were Hanna, 
Bliss, Lodge (representing Long), Spooner, H. C. Payne, Kerens 
and Burrows. After they had urged Hanna to interfere for a time 
- Hanna remaining silent I spoke for Dolliver and Allison, in- 
sisting that Dolliver must not be interfered with in his right to test 
his strength upon an uninfluenced ballot. Lodge immediately spoke 
up and said that this settled it, and Roosevelt would be the candi- 
date, Hanna immediately said that it settled the fact that there 
would be no interference* The conference then discussed the plan 
of uniting all candidates for Roosevelt, which was afterwards done 
later in the night; but I had to withdraw to answer a call by tele- 
phone from the White House (Cortelyou), As I left the room, 
Hanna whispered to me to tell the President that he would do 
exactly as he had requested. Was greatly relieved at this outcome, 
as nothing could have stopped the Roosevelt movement, and the 
only result of Hanna's interference would have been humiliation 
for him and embarrassment for the President. 

It was largely, therefore, because of my intervention 
that Senator Hanna was spared the predicament in 
which Mr* Butler found himself at Cleveland when I 


was nominated, 1 do not criticize Mr, Butler and cer- 
tainly had no reason to resent his attitude. 

In the following campaign, while at first we differed 
on which issues should be urged before the public as 
predominant, he was most courteous and helpful As 
a campaign manager he made a splendid success. His 
inherent honesty, his scrupulous care to keep the activ- 
ities of his organization clean and beyond criticism, 
and his refusal to countenance irregularities of any kind 
made the Coolidge campaign a credit to the committee 
and to the party, To-day, when a former administration 
of the committee is subjected to criticism, no accusing 
word has been uttered against Mr- Butler or the cam- 
paign he managed- 
He must always rank as one of the ablest of national 
chairmen, and his record serves now to lessen the ef- 
fectiveness of the effort to pin upon his party num- 
bering millions of citizens in its membership blame 
for that which was inexcusable, but nevertheless indi- 
vidual, error in the conduct of the preceding national 

My nomination occurred while I was at my old 
at Marietta attending the Commencement of the col* 
lege from which 1 graduated* There is one recollection 
I shall always treasure. It is of the gathering of thou- 
sands of the people of the town, the next day f to hear 
me speak briefly from the front porch of the old family 
home; and the church bells of the town were rang In 
honor of the occasion. Some people may claim that the 
vice-presidency does not amount to much! 
then it seemed to me the greatest office in the world* 


The old proverb "A prophet is not without honor 
save in his own country" embodies a general truth with 
but occasional exceptions. The prophet in this case 
was one who had spent a more or less mischievous boy- 
hood in the town, and his reflection was that the only 
explanation of the stirring scene was that those who 
really knew him then had for the most part departed 
this life. 

Evanston, July 4, 1928. 

The National Committee established headquarters 
in Chicago. I did not like its advice as to the issues 
which should be employed in the speaking campaign 
of which I was expected to bear the burden so far as 
activity at least was concerned* In my speech of ac- 
ceptance 1 announced the constitutional issue precipi- 
tated by Senator La Follette as the dominant one. 
Chairman Butler was adverse to this course, feeling 
that the issue of economy should be the one to be 
stressed* 1 sent my speech before delivery to President 
Coolidge, who returned it without suggestion as to 
change, except that he substituted "an important issue' 7 
for "the predominant issue*' as a caption to that por- 
tion of my address devoted to the La Follette posi- 
tion on the Constitution. From the time of delivery 
of the acceptance speech, before a throng estimated 
at over fifty thousand reaching from our side 
porch at Evanston across the yard, road and park to 
Lake Michigan until the end of the campaign, 
during which I traveled fifteen thousand miles in a 
special train and made one hundred and eight speeches, 


I endeavored to keep that issue in the minds of tho 


(Extract from speech of Charles G. Dawes, delivered 

in Milwaukee, Wisconsin,, September 11, 1924.) 

In Ms platform, promulgated to the voters of Wisconsin, Mr, La 
Follette says: "We favor submitting to the iwople, for their con- 
siderate judgment, a constitutional amendment providing that 
Congress may by enacting a statute make it effective owr a 
judicial veto." 

His proposition is in effect that no Inferior Federal cotirt be al- 
lowed to set aside an Act of Congress on the ground that it is un- 
constitutional, and that Congress may set aside the verdicts of the 
Supreme Court itself, if it declares unconstitutional a law which 
Congress may have passed. This proposition in to abrogate the 
principle of three-fold division of power executive, legislative* 
and judicial which is the basis of our Constitution, and 
the executive and judicial power subordinate to thi 1 legislative 

It means that for our present form of government* we are to 
adopt another in which Congress will predominate. 

The success of such a doctrine, which would mean that the 
Constitution would be stripped of authority, would be disastrous, 
and government would become the plaything of changing political 
parties, with demagogues in the saddle. 

Its effects likewise would be disastrous to the rights of the 
states, to which are reserved such rights of government as art* not 
specifically delegated to the Federal Government by tho Consti- 
tution. It would bring disaster to the happiness, prosperity and 
peace of the American people as a whole if, in place of our stable, 
constitutional government^ under which we have lived for one 
hundred and thirty-five years, we should establish a government 
by Congress, This would be practically equivalent to a govern- 
ment of free democracy, which history has proved Is mot futile 
and disastrous for the proper protection of a people. 


Under the Constitution, the courts are the guardians of the 
inalienable rights of the Individual. 

A bill of rights is a statement of those Inalienable rights of the 
individual in which his government must protect him, and which 
any opposing power, within or without the government, must con- 
cede to him; such as the right to worship in the way Ms conscience 
may dictate; the right to own property; the right to peacefully 
pursue any proper avocation; the right to trial by jury, and such 
rights as protect him in the peaceful pursuit of happiness. 

After of conflict^ during which mankind has passed through 
martyrdom, all civilizations recognize an individual bill of rights. 
Indeed, the growth and establishment of bills of rights marks the 
growth and establishment of civilization. 

The citizen formerly had to defend his individual bill of rights 
from the kings and princes and tyrants of the past. The Magna 
Charta was a bill of rights^ and as Hamilton said, "It was forced 
from King John by the barons, sword in hand"; the "Petition of 
Right", exacted from Charles the First, and the "Declaration of 
Rights", drawn by the Lords and Commons in 1688 and exacted 
from the Prince of Orange, were bills of rights. 

The bill of inalienable individual rights, the general recognition 
of which is the foundation of civilization, would be, under the La 
FoIIette proposition, at the mercy of Congress. It wickedly chal- 
lenges the professed purpose of every civilised government to re- 
move from the realm of public conflict those individual rights the 
reasonableness and necessity of which have been demonstrated 
by warfare as old as the world, and to establish which the blood of 
untold millions, throughout the ages, has been shed. 

Sinei* the inalienable rights of the individual are those which are 
always threatened by mob action, and since, in this country, it is 
government under our Constitution which is their only sure protec- 
tion, 1 want to point out the difference between the rule of the 
and the rule of the mob* 

The fact that the ultimate judgment of the people is always 
sound and always Just is the rock upon which representative consti- 
tutional government stands. History and all experience shows 


that in the process of forming ultimate judgment, public opinion 

passes through a series of changing and temporary phases, 

What has destroyed free democracy in government in history is 
the fact that a temporary phase of public opinion would determine 
governmental attitude. This temporary phase I>eing wrong, govern- 
mental action was taken, and then the ultimate right judgment of 
the people was too late to correct the mistake, 

As some one has said, In the free democracy of Greece* Swrales 
was compelled to drink the hemlock one year, while a statue was 
raised to his memory the next year. 

Under the constitutional government of the United States a sys- 
tem of checks and balances exists by which it is rendered certain 
that only the ultimate right and sound judgment of the people 
crystallizes into law. 

That government whose policy is determined by tht* ultimate 
judgment of the people will permanently survive, The* government 
whose actions are determined by the passing phases of ])opular 
opinion, as distinguished from ultimate opinion, will jxnrteh. The 
Constitution of the United States establishes the rule of the people, 
as distinguished from the rule of the mob. The difference between 
the demagogue and the statesman is that the deniagftRiie apfX'als 
to the mob and the statesman to the sound judgment of the people. 

Between the people and between the mob there is all the dif- 
ference between daylight and darkness* 

The audiences were enormous; the one at Lincoln, 
Nebraska,, my old home and the residence of the Demo* 
cratzc nominee for the vice-presidency, Charles W. 
Bryan, being estimated at twenty-five thousand. At a 
rough calculation, I must have addressed three* hundred 
and fifty thousand people, not including the radio audi- 
ences who listened In at most of the night It 
was a hard campaign. Sometimes 1 eight or ten 
times a day from the rear platform of the train, where a 
"loud speaker" apparatus It to 


reach the crowd, which at times was as large as five 
thousand in number. 

At Augusta, Maine, 1 discussed the Ku Klux Klan 
in answer to an address by the Democratic presidential 
nominee, John W. Davis, To mention the Ku Klux 
issue had been deemed inadvisable by Chairman Butler, 
and one of the officials of the Speakers' Bureau of the 
National Committee, who had heard It read, said the 
speech on that subject, if delivered, would lose us In- 
diana by a hundred and fifty thousand majority. 

When 1 arrived at Augusta and it was learned that 
1 was to mention the dread words "Ku Klux", the state 
committee was in a state of extreme apprehension 
which it took no pains to conceal Under its orders, 
no Republican state candidate had been allowed to 
refer to the subject in his speeches. However, before 
an audience of six thousand people ? I started my speech: 
"I first desire to speak . * . relative to the Ku Klux 
Klan. . . ." 

Knowing that there can be no reaction to the right 
except a right reaction , I had no misgivings as to the 
reception of the speech by the public. It was the only 
argumentative statement on the Ku Klux subject made 
by a candidate during the campaign, according to my 
friend ex-Governor Hadlcy of Missouri. 

Within three days the chairman of the Republican 
State Central Committee of Maine wired the National 
Committee at Chicago that, so far from injuring the 
Maine situation, he thought I had saved it. 

He had also wired this to President Coolidge at Plym- 
outh, where* on my return, the latter had asked me to 


stop. The President's only remark was that my Maine 

speech was a good one. 

An amusing incident occurred at Plymouth further 
illustrating the taciturnity of the Coolklge family-- 
the President's disinclination to waste words being the 
result of heredity, in my judgment. The President, Mrs. 
Coolidge ? Colonel Coolidge, and I took lunch In the 
little dining room off the sitting room. During the lunch, 
Colonel Coolidge took no part in the conversation. In 
the sitting room afterwards he said nothing, but after 
a time he rose and left the room. The President and 
Mrs. Coolidge were sitting where they could see out 
of the window, and though I could not do so, I knew 
what was happening. About thirty newspapermen, 
waiting outside to tackle me ? had waylaid the Colonel* 
The President rose abruptly^ and with considerable 
impatience said "I asked him to say nothing/ 1 ' Mrs* 
Coolidge replied: "I don't think you need worry," 
When finally I met the newspaper phalanx outdoors, 
I asked them what they had said to the Colonel. "We 
asked him what you and the President were talking 
about, of course/ 1 they replied, "What did he say? 
I asked. "My hearing ain't as good as it to be" 
had been, the Colonel's reply, 

My statement in the Augusta^ Maine, of Aug- 

ust 23, 1924, as to the Ku KIux Klan was as follows: 

I first desire to speak, as Mr. Davis did yesterday, relative to 
the Ku Klux Klan. 1 agree with htm that it has no proper part 
In this or any other campaign. But whether proper or not> unfortu- 
nately in this campaign a mobilization of radicalism under 1* Fol- 
lette, the krgest section of which, the Socialists, fly the red 


is attacking the Constitution of the United States. I cannot agree, 
therefore, with his inference that Its discussion diverts attention 
from those issues which the people must settle In November by 
their votes* It only emphasizes the greatest issue. 

The questions of Mr. Pattengall, which appear in the press this 
morning, are the familiar trick questions of the ordinary politician. 
They are not the cause of the statement I am about to make. 

Let me say at once that I recognize that the Ku Klux Klan in 
many localities and among many peoples represents only an in- 
stinctive groping for leadership, moving in the interest of law en- 
forcement, which they do not find in many cowardly politicians 
and office holders. But it is not the right way to forward law 

Let us consider for a minute what happened in the State of 
Oklahoma. Governor Walton was some time ago elected governor 
of the state. In his campaign he had not preached the doctrine 
so it seems to me at least which was the proper one to be 
preached under the American flag. When he was elected, one of his 
earliest acts was to remove the President of the University of 
Oklahoma, a man who believed In the old-fashioned doctrines of 
the Constitution, to establish which our forefathers fought. He 
placed in that position a socialist who was likely to teach the 
young men of that state some new-fashioned doctrines which, 
to say the least, are not those of constitutional Americanism. 
He then loosed upon the State of Oklahoma a horde of hard- 
ened criminals from the penitentiary. Lax law enforcement pre- 
vailed in many places in the state. If there could be an excuse for 
law-abiding citizens to band themselves together in secret organiza- 
tions for law enforcement, It existed in Oklahoma, and the Klan 
became a powerful organization. What happened then? Back 
stepped Governor Walton to the American flag to which, it 
seems to me, he had not kept very close, up to that time and 
called out the militia of the state. Then it was that those who had 
joined the Klan in the interest of law and order found themselves 
arrayed against their flag and the laws of Oklahoma. A situation 
akin to that of civil war existed and It was averted only by a few 


clearheaded men. And then what happened? There was the appli- 
cation of the only method by which our people can properly settle 
such differences the procedure outlined hy the Constitution and 
the laws of Oklahoma. Walton was removed from the governor- 
ship, a result made possible by the vote of the people - - anil quiet 
was restored under the orderly processes provided by the Consti- 
tution and the law. 

Consider what happened in Williamson County, Illinois, where 
the town of Herrin is situated. A reign of lawlessness existed, tt 
was marked by the terrible Herrin massacre. It was marked by a 
general breakdown in respect for law, which indicated that the 
officers of the County, including the sheriff, had been intimidated 
by lawbreakers into inaction, A thousand memlwrs of the Ku 
Klux Klan without disguises they were brave men - marched 
to the office of Williamson County to protest against the lawless* 
ness in that section. If a secret organization to uphold law and 
order Is justifiable anywhere in our country, it was justified there*. 
But what happened? Immediately the lawless element formed 
the Knights of the Flaming Circle, and tbm both aides were afraid 
to go out at nlght ? and a condition was created which actually 
culminated In civil war and the loss of lite. And haw, again, was 
peace established? By the only proper way, in the sending of the 
militia of the State of Illinois to the scene of the trouble, as pro- 
vided by the law in such cases. The critical situation was *tettkd 
by it without shedding a drop of blood, and the troops were quickly 

There is much in the Ku Klux Klan which appeals, to the* ad- 
venturous youth, I remember once, when traveling owr Itlincmt 
speaking for law enforcement^ the Constitution and the American 
flag, some of the American Legion men with me talked to other 
Legion men who had joined the Kn Klux Klan at one of the 
visited* These latter young men believed that they were acting in 
the interests of law enforcement. They told those who were with 
me what they were planning to do. They said; "There s a boot- 
legger In our county who is in cahoots with the sheriff mud every- 
body knows It. Now, we are not going to hurt the but 
night we ore going for him and his still* We are to gag him, 


carry him and the still up to the courthouse yard, and tie him to 
it so that the sheriff and the whole town will see them when they 
come down to their work in the morning." This may appeal to ad* 
venturous youth; but, my friends, government cannot last if that 
is the right way to enforce law in this country. Lawlessness cannot 
be met with lawlessness and civilization be maintained. What will 
happen if law is not enforced by government, but taken in hand 
by individuals and by minority organizations, is what happened 
some years ago on "Bloody Corner" in Chicago. Over one hundred 
murders were committed there in one year, and not one single 
murderer was brought to justice. The Black Hand was at work 
and the witnesses to the murders refused to testify against the 
murderers, because they felt their own lives were in danger if they 

Now, society contains within itself the elements of its own self- 
purification. It has always been so, or civilization, which is an 
evolution, would not now exist. 

After a time, in connection with these continuing murders, two 
new words crept into the press of the city of Chicago the words 
"White Hand," In other words, the brothers, the fathers, and the 
friends of the murdered men sawed off their own shotguns and 
killed the murderers from behind the same corner, and thus peace 
was finally established at the cost of bloodshed and misery through- 
out that entire section of Chicago. 

The same thing happens when minority organizations what- 
ever the high purpose they claim whatever they may be called 
take the law into their own hands, Force rises to meet force; 
lawlessness rises to meet lawlessness, and civilization commences 
to disintegrate into the savagery from which, through the ages, 
it has evolved* 

Appeals to racial, religious, or class prejudice by minority or- 
ganizations are opposed to the welfare of all peaceful and civilized 
communities. Our Constitution stands for religious tolerance and 
freedom. This happy country has never been through a religious 
war such as those which devastated Europe in the centuries past, 
and brought untold misery to millions of its inhabitants. We have 
progressed in dvilization far beyond that possibility; but to inject 


religious and racial Issues into politics is contrary _fn the welfare 
of all the people and to the letter and spirit of fht* Constitution of 
the United States. 

Josiah Quincy was ritfht when he said: "Society is nrvrr inorr 
certainly in the path of destruction than whro It trusts itM'lf to the 
guidance of secret societies/' 

1 have told you why 1 am opposed to the Klin. Take what 1 say 
into your hearts and consciences and think it over calmly. How- 
ever it may be with the mind, there is no acrimony in conscience. 

Chicago, July 5, 1 028. 

During this visit to the President we talked over 
briefly the agricultural question* He was preparing to 
appoint a commission to make suggestions for agricul- 
tural relief measures. 

I suggested that the commission should be so selectee! 
as to create public confidence in its economic and busi- 
ness competency,, its Impartiality as a body, ancl its 
constructive nonpartisanship, and that its value would 
depend upon its constructive ability, 1 suggested a com- 
mittee of three: Owen IX Young ( Democrat } f repre- 
senting industry; Frank Q. Lowden (Republican), rep- 
resenting agriculture; and Professor Bullock of Harvard 
University, an economist. 

At this time 1 had commenced some study of the 
agricultural question and had written Bullock for con- 
structive suggestions. He replied admitting the unequal 
position of agriculture under the law as compared with 
industry, and then added; "I confess that I have* no 
remedy which I am able to suggest." That seemed to 
me to be the proper attitude of mind toward the prob- 
leman unusual attitude, too, for economists who, 
as a class, are not humble but extremely opinionated. 


Our Experts Committee, Reparations Commission, dis- 
covered this, and also that economists differ among 
themselves as much as the less learned, 

I felt that the conclusions of such a committee would 
command public confidence and at least become the 
basis of a nonpartisan, continuing search for sound leg- 
islative interpretation of certain principles, the recog- 
nition of which might remove from agriculture some 
disadvantages It now endures under existing laws. I 
believe If a Commission of such a standard of person- 
nel had been named at that time, instead of one of a 
more or less political complexion which the President 
appointed, that at least we would be nearer now to 
some sound constructive public consensus of opinion 
as to a remedy for an admitted injustice. Its conclu- 
sions, certainly, would have removed from the present 
situation much acrimonious discussion of admitted eco- 
nomic principles, and directed calmer attention to the 
Inherent faults or merits of specific suggestions. 

The Reparation status before our Expert Committee 
met at Paris well illustrates what results from six years 
of political treatment of an economic problem. 

(Extract from speech of Charles G. Dawes, delivered 

at Augusta, Maine, August 23 ? 1924.) 

American labor is too intelligent to be fooled by a certain brand 
of nebulous clap-trap preached to them by a few leaders who want 
to use them as a political asset, in a combination with socialists, 
flying the red flag. 

The benefits of trades-unions, honestly administered, are rec- 
ognized not only by me* but by good citizens generally, whether in 
or out of Trades-Unionism* It has elevated, protected and dignified 


labor, and in so doing, it has been an element in the progress of our 


But why do so many politicians of both parlies continue to 
regard the great, intelligent, honest, and conservative body of 
Trades-Unionism as if it were a puppet in the hands of a few so- 
cialist labor leaders and political demagogues? 

Trades-Unionism stands loyally and solidly bdiiwl its good 
leadership, concerned with the real interests* of the crafts and the 
real progress of labor; but it has never followed and will never 
follow, the demagogue! When it selects labor leaders, it selects 
them for leaders of labor In the interest of lat>or, not as proprietors 
of Its conscience or politics, 

Let me state a great truth which no one understands better than 
those fine citizens, the upright labor leaders of the country and 
the great body of union labor: The wor#t enemies to unionism arid 
the progress of labor are the small number of radical labor leaders 
who attack law-enforcing judges, and who, to the injury of law- 
abiding Trades-unionism, misrepresent the patriotic ritl/^ns be- 
longing to it. 

In Illinois and elsewhere, I have been denounced because 
I have opposed the kind of union tactics that have made building 
operations dangerous to human life in Chicago -- where corrupt 
men have used their influence to extort vast sums from the con- 
tractors,, and where the gunmen and the bomb-maker have been 
actively at work. Every laboring man knows of this condition in 
Chicago during the last four years that there have been murders* 
and bombing by the wholesale, that there has been extortion and 
jury-fixing, and that certain labor leaders have gone into politics 
in order 'to defeat law-enforcing judges* These* leaders are a thorn 
in the side of honest unionism, Trades-Unionism, with a prejxm* 
derant majority^ does not approve these conditions* It abhors 
them as much as 1 do. When illegal violence h condoned and in- 
difference to law is preached^ what h the part of citteefmhip, 
whether in or out of Trades-Unionism? Nobody knows better what 
that duty is than the patriotic membership of Trade** Unbnhtm. 
It is not to lie down supimely under the whip of the labor demit- 


gogues, as so many political leaders and officeholders do, when law 
and order are attacked. It is to stand fearlessly against them. 
That is where the patriotic mass of union labor stands. It knows 
that its welfare, like the welfare of all our people, is bound up in 
the Constitution of the United States, in law enforcement, and 
the American flag. 

I undertake to say that the few labor leaders who, in this cam- 
paigHj are attempting to influence patriotic law-abiding union men 
into a political combination with socialists, flying the red flag, 
more than they endanger anything else are endangering their own 
leadership. Common American citizenship marches not behind the 
red flag, but under the Stars and Stripes, upholding the Constitu- 
tion of the United State$ ? to found which our forebears fought and 

There is no more pitiful spectacle to-day, and none more sig- 
nificant of the danger of the times, than to see politicians cringing 
before the whip of a few bluffing labor leaders, undertaking to play 
politics in the name of patriotic men whose convictions on law 
enforcement and the Constitution they do not control, and who 
resent the idea that anyone should believe that they would let 
their honest opinions on elemental things be used as a political 

What pretext, except personal political advantage, have any 
labor leaders in attempting to bring the question of the open shop 
into politics? The Supreme Court of the United States has held 
that the right of employees in a body to bargain with their em- 
ployers for the closed shop, is one of the inalienable rights of the 
individual under our Constitution. If a political party should place 
an open-shop plank In their platform, with a view to Its crystal- 
lization into law, it would be striking at the Constitution just as 
much as the lawless labor leader who, in the Interest of the closed 
shop, would order an American citizen assaulted as he went peace- 
fully to his work. Questions like that of the open shop will always 
be at Issue among good citizens, but these differences are not po- 
litical. They are economic and must be adjusted between employer 
and employee not by political parties. 


Chicago* Illinois, July t\ f 1 ^, 

UNDER a government such as ours, and the method pro- 
vided for the selection of the President , the man who 
occupies that office, in his temperament, attitudes, ami 
characteristics, will well represent generally the inar- 
ticulate opinion of the public as to the kind of leader- 
ship the country needs at the time. 

When Coolidge was elected President the world de- 
sired tranquillity a reaction of its peoples from the 
excesses of war. That was the subconscious issue in 
the elections of 1924 in the United States, England and 
France. Where the victory of the conservative party 
associated itself in the public mind with a prospect 
of a tranquil future, the conservatives won, as they 
did in our country with Coolidge and in Britain with 
the Baldwin Government, Where, as in Prance* the 
attitude of the conservative party dominated by 
Poincare and his extreme nationalistic Ruhr policy ~~ 
was regarded as conducive to increased controversy, 
Herriot and the left were victorious, 

What first brought Calvin Coolidge to the favorable 
notice of our people generally was his action in the 
Boston police strike, which indicated courage in a pe- 
riod when growing lawlessness in the country hail 
aroused public opinion. 


Coolidge personifies to our people calmness, common 
sense with purpose, and splendid courage. The steadily 
increasing unreliability of nominal party majorities in 
Congress in upholding in legislation the platform pol- 
icies which have won a party victory has tended to 
emphasize in the public mind that it is the President, 
possessing among other powers the right of veto, who 
must be relied upon after the election to guard in the 
Government the policies the public has approved. 

The popularity of Coolidge,, notwithstanding the op- 
position he has encountered from a Congress nominally 
Republican^ is due to the fact that he, not it, best un- 
derstood the people and they him. He is the product of 
his time. 

The busybodies and mischief-makers, of which Wash- 
ington has its full quota, flutter around those in public 
position like birds of ill omen, and have said much of 
unpleasant relations between Coolidge and myself; but 
I have paid little, if any, attention to them. And if 
Coolidge has, I am mistaken. 

Nevertheless, the official relations of the President 
and Vice President lend themselves to the encourage- 
ment of misapprehensions which are easy to create. 
I have always sensed the inherent embarrassments in- 
volved in the plan of having the Vice President sit in 
the Cabinet, as Coolidge did under the Harding admin- 
istration. After my election, not knowing how Coolidge 
felt about it, I wrote him stating my views on the sub- 

This was done to relieve him if he shared my 
views O f an y embarrassment, if he desired to carry 


them out, notwithstanding the fact that he had ac- 
cepted Harding's invitation- Again I did not want to 

do Mm the discourtesy of declining a possible invita- 
tion, and I thus avoided any necessity for such a course, 
however remote* 

Chicago, July 10, 192K. 

We are at the beginning of an unusual national cam- 
paign, one in which the results will be determined 

largely by the attitude of the public upon certain sub- 
merged issues, which the two platforms either do not 
radically differ upon, or do not mention. One thing is 
evident that is that party lines are being drawn 
more loosely by our people than heretofore. Issues are 
not made by leaders or by platforms, but in the hearts 
and consciences of the people. 

The prohibition issue is being forced to the front by 
a public interest which defies control by party man- 
agers. The result is already evident In a growing doubt 
as to the outcome of the election. The business situa- 
tion in the country points to a coming business change. 
The credits of the country which ? under natural laws, 
eventually grow beyond a proper proportion to the 
in which they are redeemable^ give evidence in steadily 
increasing amounts of reaching that situation before 
many months. Will it, when reached, make 'nervous the 
depositing class, as used to happen in the prior 
to the establishment of the Federal Reserve System 
with its large credit-creating potentiality? Will the 
American people, as they sometimes do during the 
closing of a period of prosperity , while It still 


suddenly turn over In bed that is, wake tip some 
morning changed from an optimistic to a pessimistic 
view of the future, as occurred in 1892, culminating in 
the panic of 1893? Such an action might mean political 
revolution,, now as then. As the Bible has it: "Jeshurun 
waxed fat, and kicked." Since prosperity often begets 
folly and sometimes panic^ these changes have their 
source in the instincts more than in the intelligence of 
the people. Their date cannot often be predicted with 
any certainty. 

Yet there are some signs at present of the conditions 
which, in the past, have accompanied such changes in 
their first stages^ and these signs contribute to the dan- 
ger of prophesy in terms political. 

Chicago, July 11, 1928. 

Among the pleasant occasions of my past few years 
in Washington have been my occasional lectures at the 
Army War College on the military principles of supply 
in allied armies, I was situated in the army in a place 
which was related in supply problems to the activities 
of our army as a whole and to our allies considered as 
a whole. As Chief of Supply Procurement of the A.E.F., 
it was impossible for me not to become involved in a 
study of the devices which should be instituted to facili- 
tate the fighting of the separate Allied armies as one 
army* When the Central Command under Foch was 
established, made possible only because the military 
situation involved all the Allies in the necessity of this 
action for self-preservation, I proposed to the Allies, 
under the authority and with the co-operation of Gen- 


era! Pershmg, a device for the unification of the supply 
activities in the rear of the armies in the zone of the ad- 
vance, to match the military unification of the front 
tinder Foch, and conducted the negotiations which led 
to its establishment and to its functioning during the 
last four months of the war. This device being accepted 
by the Governments, I became the member of the 
A.E.F. of an Allied military board composed of one 
officer from each of the five Allied armies, authorised 
when in unanimous agreement to Issue orders affecting 
the supply service in the zone of the advance to the 
General Staffs of the separate armies. Thin four months 7 
experience during the war made me something of an 
authority on a subject of overwhelming import ante in 
allied warfare, but one not carried in any war college 
course that subject concerning itself with the science 
of fighting allied armies as one army tinder one com- 

To deliver these extempore lectures to a distin- 
guished body of military experts at our Army War Col- 
lege, so many of whom were my old comrades in the 
war, and to present to their keen intelligence and im- 
mediate comprehension and acceptance certain new 
principles of allied warfare, the recognition and estab- 
lishment of which only dire military emergency made 
possible^ brought to me that: satisfaction which always 
comes upon those rare occasions when one can impart 
relevant information and constructive suggestions to 

Everything of a military nature taught in a war col- 
lege is a lesson learned in actual war experience* These 


lessons which I taught were new only because extensive 
and prolonged allied warfare in an industrial age was 
new. The French, American and British armies in 
France in March, 1918, were suddenly faced with a 
great reverse which compelled the creation of a central 

When Napoleon wrote his celebrated and universally 
accepted sixty- fourth maxim of war: "Nothing is more 
important than a central command under one chief", 
he did not have in mind the front line of an army alone, 
but everything in the organization that makes a front 
line effective. 

When Foch took the Central Command, without a 
military unification of the rear of the Allied army, he 
directly controlled only the line of communications be- 
hind the French army. The great advance of the Ger- 
man armies on March 21, 1918, which had destroyed 
the British Fifth Army and broken through the Allied 
line, made necessary the rapid shifting of Allied troops 
in the different armies to points of weakness in the wa- 
vering Allied line. 

If French troops were ordered to reinforce the Brit- 
ish line, French supplies followed them. If British 
troops were shifted to the French line, British supplies 
followed them. Trainloads of military supplies would 
pass each other, going in opposite directions, from 
French supply points to French troops and from British 
supply points to British troops, although the creation 
of a central authority with an appropriate machinery 
to supply French troops with British supplies when in 
the British line, and British troops with French sup- 


plies when in the French line, would have obviated an 

enormous amount of lost motion. Again, without this 
authority and machinery, our Government might con- 
tinue to use ships to carry essential supplies for our 
own army, which should be used for bringing combat 

troops. An enormous surplus of these same supplies 
might exist in the rear of one of the other armies, which 
should be transferred to our own army, thus obviating 
their shipment from America, The purpose of our board, 

operating under Foch, was to correct such situations. 

During the nearly four years of war before our troops 
became at all active ? the British and French armies, 
under the law of necessity, had steadily been forming 
pools of essential military supplies behind each army 
for each army's purpose. For instance, when Fighting 
units were relieved from front line activity for r^sf, 
their essential transportation only would follow them, 
All such camions (trucks) not essential for troops at 
rest would be placed in camion reserves, for the use 
of the army in action, Pools of ammunition,, also, were 
gradually created behind the division instead of behind 
the smaller military units of a division* Armies, when 
under emergency, demand changes in organisation to 
meet emergencies. When allied armies are amalgamated 
as one army ? under a condition of great emergency, 
pooled reserves behind an allied army become as im- 
portant as pooled reserves behind a single army. 

One of the early actions of our military board In 
control of the co-ordination of the supply activities of 
the advance Allied rear was to create an interallied 
automobile reserve, to enable the supply of 


and ammunition stores for forty French divisions to 
be assured, at a distance of over fifty kilometers from 
rail heads,, and to assure at the same time the transport 
of ten complete French divisions with their artillery. 
We calculated that 24,000 trucks would accomplish 
this purpose, and had actually built up for Foch a re- 
serve of 11,000 trucks at the time of armistice of No- 
vember 11, 1918. 

The armistice alone prevented a demonstration under 
Foch of what in modern allied warfare will hereafter 
take the place of the flying cavalry reserve of old-time 
warfare, One of the first actions which we took was the 
issuing of orders for the pooling of the ammunition 
behind the French and American lines, which was car- 
ried out. The discussion of the new questions involved 
in the science of fighting allied armies as one army, 
as it developed during the last four months of the 
Great War, was a novelty even to veterans. 

I also discussed before the War College a science 
likewise evolved only out of conditions of dire neces- 
sity -a science which possibly could not be safely 
taught In any war college unless, perhaps, as a post- 
graduate course to veteran officers of long service. This 
involved the principles which must be recognized in 
the supply operations of an army on its last legs. Un- 
less, over all the subordinate units of an army in such 
condition, there is created a new machinery for the 
breaking-down of the normal watertight compartment 
system of supplies among the army services, complete 
destruction of the army may result. I can perhaps indi- 
cate the nature of my discussion by an illustration. 


Supposing a ship at sea finds herself with its fuel en- 
tirely depleted and in such an unseaworthy condition 

that unless her engines can run at their maximum speed 
she will sink before reaching port, Every lesser portion 
of the ship, not involved in keeping her afloat and 
going, then reduces itself in the mind of the captain to 
terms of possible fuel supply, and every officer, sailor 
and passenger becomes to him a fuel gatherer, stoker, 
or engineer. Every regulation, every division of work, 
every responsibility on the part of subordinate officers, 
involved In the normal operation of the ship, must im- 
mediately yield to a new law of operation imposed by 
the emergency. The man, for instance, in charge of the 
dining saloon of the ship, whose life for years has been 
spent In its care and improvement; becomes suddenly 
charged with the duty of seeing that its wooden chairs 
and tables are broken up for fuel, and its paintings 
torn down to be fed into the flames under the boilers, 

The principles which must govern the ship's com- 
mand in such a situation are subversive of most of the 
principles established as a result of normal sailing ex- 
perience. Ships may not often get into this condition, 
but after two hostile armies in modern warfare start 
toward each other, a long campaign inevitably brings 
one or the other to an analogous situation of like des- 

For a war staff college to instruct its students in the* 
tactics, devices and principles which must be applied 
by a commander in such circumstances would be teach- 
ing to each particular unit of an organization the sci- 
ence of its self-destruction in order to preserve the life 


of the whole. This possibly would not be conducive to 
building up the morale of an army, which, so far as its 
subordinate elements are concerned, must be imbued 
with the conviction that nothing should ever be allowed 
to interfere with the normal and proper functioning 
of the unit. 

During the last six months of the war every com- 
mander and officer of the Allied armies who had a bird's- 
eye view of the situation, and was himself in any way 
related to the activities of the armies as a whole, was 
an involuntary student of this particular little-studied 

Every great commander of history has been a past 
master of it. Napoleon used to say that in planning 
every battle he made three alternative plans in case 
of defeat. However, I should regard as of doubtful 
value a continued course of lessons in army organiza- 
tion in a war staff college based upon the assumption 
that partial disorganization would ever become an ele- 
ment of eventual victory. 


DURING my term of office the celebration In which 1 
participated which made the deepest impression upon 
me was that of the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary 
of the outbreak of the Revolution. Better than any de- 
scriptions of mine are those of James O'Dcmnell Ben- 
nett of the Chicago Tribune, under the dates of April 
19 and April 21, 192S ? and the comment of the Christian 
Science Monitor of April 20, 1925, 

(From the Christian Science Monitor, Boston 9 Mas- 
sachusetts, April 20, 1925.) 

Reenactment of those stirring episodes out of which grew 
American liberty and independence the ride of Paul Revere and 
William Dawes, Jr., and the struggle at the Old North Bridge 
at Concord to-day was the chief feature of Greater Boston *& 

celebration of the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of Pa- 
triot's Day, a joint commemorative observance In which Charles G* 
Dawes, Vice President, and Gen. John J* Fershing, U.S.A., retired, 

are taking leading roles. The Vice President 5s the great-great- 
grandson of the illustrious patriot who rode on the night of 
April 18, on a mission identical with Revere's* 

But dominating the portrayal of early American history, vivid 
and stirring as it was, was a definite expression of that broad 
Americanism which seeks peace and harmony for all the peoples 
of the world* In Paneuil Hall, in the Old North Church, at Lexing- 
ton and at Concord, leaders of the Nation gave utterance to this 
thought the thought that the one hundred and fiftieth celebra* 


tion of Patriots" Day is not to parade the world's past unharmonies, 
but to give new recognition to those Ideals and qualities of human 

relationships that led to America Itself. 

(From James O'Donnell Bennett In the Chicago Trib- 


Boston, April 19, 1925. 

Out, far out and bravely shone the lantern lights from the spire 
of the Old North Church. But the people in the street below saw 
them dimly for the happy tears that filled their eyes. 

Within the building sat notables of the Republic the Vice 
President of the United States, the Governors of all of the New 
England States, two bishops of the old church which was the 
church by law established in the days of our forefathers to whom 
the lantern lights carried a message of warning and a call to 

One hundred and fifty years ago young Robert Newman, Sexton 
of Christ Church, which Is now known to every school boy as "the 
Old North Church ?? , hung out the lanterns as a signal to Paul 
Revere the silversmith, who was waiting on the Charlestown shore, 
that the British were starting by water to destroy munitions of war 
which the patriotic colonists had assembled at Concord. 

You remember how Revere's instructions to the sexton run in 
the ballad, 

. . . "If the British march 
By land or sea from the town to-night, 
Hang a lantern aloft in the belfry arch 
Of the North Church tower as a signal light, 
One, if by land, and two, if by sea; 
And I on the opposite shore will be, 
Ready to ride and spread the alarm 
Through every Middlesex village and farm. 

And that is the event they commemorated with song and prayer, 
and with speeches by Mrs. Nathaniel Thayer of Boston, great- 
grand-daughter of Paul Revere, and by Vice President Dawes, 


great-great-grandson of William Dawes, who rode on the night 
of April 18, 1775, by another road in case Revere WHT raptured 
or killed by British soldiers. 

After the songs and the prayers came the most touching and 
thrilling moment of all, and that was when ymmg Paul Revere of 
Boston, great-great-grandson of Paul the silversmith, reverently 
lifted the lighted lanterns copies as near as may he of the orig- 
inal lanterns from the standard on which they hung near the 
altar and bore them aloft to the belfry arch, 

A moment so touching and thrilling that I think IK'* American 
can quite come into full consciousness of what the Republic means 
until he has sat through this sacrament of the lanterns annually 
observed in Christ Church on the night of April IKth. 

Trumpet music rang out from the choir loft as young Paul 
Revere bore his lanterns from their place in front of the altar, 
and the organ thundered, and all the people in the high-hacked 
pews sang "America", a hymn which the rector had gently pointed 
out to them was written by the good Doctor Smith who once 
lived hard by the church, 

Half a century ago ? when they observed the one hundredth an- 
niversary of the Rcvcre-Dawcs ride at Christ Church, Dr. Smith 
was present and read an anniversary poem* 

While the lanterns glimmered before the altar, General Dawe* 
mounted the pulpit stairs and took his place beneath the wide 
sounding board and made an impassioned plea for development 
of the national character the safeguarding of what was g*wc! 
and right in it, the stripping away of what was false and shallow. 

With his characteristic vehemence, ha hit the pulpit rail ft re- 
sounding whack and uttered these words; 

"The greatest question before the American people to-day is: 
'What of our character? 1 for it is this and this alone that counts 
in the long run," 

He pled for sharper self-denial in the nation's life, for cleanliness 
of mind, for subordination of the individual will to the general 

"These lanterns/ 3 the Vice President said, "which they out 



APRIL, 1926 

(Front row, right to left) General Brewster, U. S. A., Vice President 

Dawes, Mayor Curley, General Pershing and immediately to the right 

oj General Pershing, Hon. Beman G. Dawes, 


one hundred and fifty years ago, were beacon lights to a people. 
To us they still are beacon lights and with them shine the beacon 
lights of the old New England character. We can profitably take 
example from it, the more so as we are still a young people and 
our character as a people still is forming." 

He emphasized the significance of the presence in the church, of 
the beloved Mrs. Thayer, saying; "That she is with us to-night, 
this great-granddaughter of the noble Revere, is one more proof 
that with the family as with the nation continued prestige, con- 
tinued usefulness, are due to adherence to high ideals." 

He pled for further freedom, declaring that what has destroyed 
freedom and democracy in the past has been the surrender to a 
temporary phase of public opinion as distinguished from the solid 
sober thought of the people* 

"Our Constitution," he shouted, and again the pulpit rail 
caught it hot and heavy, "our Constitution has established the 
rule of the people as distinguished from the rule of the mob. 
Guard the Constitution! Guard the courts! They are our beacon 
lights to-day." 

Then came the clashing and clanging of the chimes far above 
our heads, and the trumpet music and the bearing aloft of the 
lanterns and the shining out to town and harbor of their light 
and I tell you that then the thousands of Italian boys and girls 
swarming in the churchyard and the streets for this is now a 
foreign quarter- were nearly crazy with excitement, for they 
knew what it was all about none better. As Mrs. Thayer, who 
had worked and taught among them, said: "They do not want 
you to tell them about Paul Revere; they want to tell you." 

(From James O'Donnell Bennett In the Chicago 
Tribune of April 21, 1925.) 

Vice President Dawes joined with glad New England to-day in 
celebrating the ISOth anniversary of the morning of the nation. 
This was the great finale of Boston's three-day commemoration 
of the battles of Lexington and Concord on April 19, 1775. 


And such a day! From dawn to sunset the Via Sacra of the 
Republic the sacred road that led our forefathers into empire 
and union had been thronged with jubilant men and women and 
happy children. 

From the gold-domed State House in Boston to the North 
Bridge in Concord 16 miles away where "the embattled 
farmers stood and fired the shot heard Yound the world", it has 
been a day of high excitement and profound emotion. All the way 
all this beauteous way of glory the belfries san to one an- 
other, and the chanting by little children of the nation's anthems 
had for Its accompaniment the roar of cannon and the crash of 
volley firing. 

When you have heard the "Star Spangled Banner'* sung on 
Lexington green to the accompaniment of massed bands and the 
firing of muskets that were fired on that green ISO years ajuo, 
then you have heard something and felt something that will abide 
with you as long as you live* 

Sixteen miles of troops and cavalry and throngs of children; 
sixteen miles of the rumble of army wagons and the snarling of 
bugles and the roll of drums; sixteen miles of tablets and tm- 
veilings and dedications and presentations and felicitations. 

Everywhere flags blossomed and beckoned along the roadside* 
Everywhere the chimes were jubilating the ancient words of the 
ritual: "Come let us now praise famous men," 

It was a biting day. Lexington green was covered with a carpet 
of snow like an altar cloth kid upon that holy p!art\ But the 
people did not mind; they only stamper! in unison ami laughed 
and said that If the Colonials and the Redcoats had met on 
a day as this both sides would have shivered themselves into de- 
feat. As a matter of fact, the weather in these parts ISO years 
ago was unseasonably hot, and the British in their heavy uniforms 
were wretched with heat and thirst* 

The cold did not diminish the enthusiasm of the people to-day 
any more than did the heat that of their sires on the lon#*gc>ne 
day. It is often said that Americans do not knew how to make a 
ceremony joyful But the people participating in this one do know. 


The Vice President, what with the speeches they made him 
make along the route, the medals which veterans of three wars 
pinned on him, the salute of 19 guns they fired in his honor, 
and the avalanches of cheering with which they enveloped him, 
was the man of the hour. 

Just as a church clock in Eliot square struck ten, the World 
War veteran Sergeant Harold I. Slocum, dressed as a Colonial 
citizen, leaped on a horse in Eliot square and dashed away on 
his ride from Boston to Lexington in imitation of William Dawes' 
ride. Meanwhile, another World War veteran, Master Sergeant 
Harold L. Philbrick, was riding out of Charlestown toward the 
north and west over Paul Revere's route to Lexington. Cavalrymen 
followed both riders. At Brookline, the Vice President saw chil- 
dren enact a little play about the Revolution. What King George 
got in that play was a-plenty. At Cambridge, the vice-presidential 
salute of 19 guns was fired by cannoneers just as Charles Dawes 
crossed the bridge which spans the Charles River at the point 
where William Dawes crossed it, and at George Washington 
Square, in front of the Harvard buildings, the Vice President's 
escort halted while he planted an elm in memory of his ancestor. 

At Arlington, now a Boston suburb, but the village of Menotomy 
at the time William Dawes dashed through it to arouse the Co- 
lonials, the womenfolk gave General Dawes doughnuts and coffee, 
and the menfolks gave him the original receipt for poll taxes which 
ancestor William paid when he was living at Menotomy. 

At Lexington thousands of men and women of the town and of 
the fighting area for miles around met him, costumed as Colonial 
citizens and soldiers and as British soldiers in scarlet and white; 
and the town itself was glowing with flags and streamers and burst- 
ing with bands and music. 

At Concord, Dawes also viewed miles of parade, comprising in- 
fantry, cavalry, artillery, superb emblematic floats and a large 
detachment of veterans of British wars, led by Maj. Gen. Sir 
Archibald MacDonald, Knight Commander of the Bath, whom 
the Governor General of Canada sent to this rebel town of Concord 
to show it to-day that all is forgiven. 


Evanston, Illinois, July 14, 1928. 

MY brother, Rufus C. Dawes } having undergone a se- 
vere operation ? is convalescing at a hospital. He is the 
President of the Board of Trustees^ having in hand the 
proposed second World's Fair at Chicago in 1933, to 
say nothing of his other business activities, and is wor- 
rying about his enforced absence from his office. At 
the Glen View Golf Club this afternoon occurred an 
illustration of the attitude of the retired business man 
who plays golf as to the relative importance of golf 
and other earthly pursuits. "Why," said such a one 
to me, "I understand your brother can't play again for 
at least two weeks! It J s too bad, too bad*" 

Mr. and Mrs* Hoover, on their way to Superior^ Wis- 
consin, plan to spend their time between trains at Chi- 
cago at our home and it recalls to me the occasion in 
December, 1896 ? when William McKinley, just elected 
President, spent a night with us at Evanston. 1 had 
managed his Illinois preconvention campaign for the 
nomination, Being a young man and inexperienced in 
entertaining celebrities, I committed a common error 
from which, in later years, I have been a frequent suf- 
ferer. I had too much for him to do. 

In the afternoon I took him for a carriage ride to 


show Mm the town, with the thermometer about ten 
degrees above zero which was perhaps the most 
grievous punishment I inflicted upon him in return for 
his kindness. But I let my friends know he was to be 
at the house, and discovered to my consternation that 
though I had lived in Evanston only two years the 
whole town was my friend for that night, at least. 
The house was crowded all evening, and to cap the 
climax several hundred Northwestern University stu- 
dents called in a body. The President-elect had come 
up from a strenuous visit in Chicago "for a quiet little 
time." Well! He did not get it, and late at night, after 
he had shaken hands with the Northwestern students 
who had filed in large numbers through the house and 
all the other people were gone, I expressed my regret. 
His reply was "Don't be disturbed. I knew just what 
kind of a 'quiet time' it would be before I came. It is 
always so when a President-elect travels." 

My friendship for William McKinley is one of the 
most precious memories of my life. During my four 
years at Washington as Comptroller of the Currency, 
during his administration, he treated me as a father 
would a son. He made of me a constant companion and 
a trusted confidant. 

I would often go over from he Treasury to lunch 
at the White House with him and his invalid wife, and 
in the evenings at ten o'clock I frequently walked over 
from my house at 1337 K Street to the White House 
and went to the old Cabinet room where I would wait 
for the President to come upstairs. This he did almost 


every night to finish up the business of the (lay with 
his trusted secretary, George B. Oortelyou, his close 
friend and mine, as dear to me now after thirty years 
as he was then. During the Spanish War General Cor- 
bin, the Adjutant General would usually be there with 
important matters from the War Department, 

The President on these occasions was always relaxed. 
Much of the work was formal and consisted of examin- 
ing and signing papers covering decisions already made 
during the day or before, 1 shall never forget these 
visits, late at night. 

One story the President told then made a lifelong 
impression on me. He was considering the appointment 
of a minister to a foreign country. There wore two can- 
didates. The President outlined their qualifications, 
which he said seemed almost exactly similar. He re- 
counted them. Both were able both of experience- 
both honest both competent both equally entitled 
to preferment from a political standpoint. Which one 
of them should he appoint? And then he told us this 
little story - a story of an incident apparently so un- 
important that except for its consequences it never 
would have been told an incident so trivial that the 
ordinary man would have forgotten it. But McKinley 
was not an ordinary man. 

The President said that years before, when he was 
a member of the House of Representatives, he boarded 
a streetcar on Pennsylvania Avenue one stormy night 
and took the last vacant seat in the 1 car next to the rear 
door. When the car stopped at the next corner, an old 
and bent washwoman* dripping wet, entered carrying 


a heavy basket. She walked to the other end of the 
car and stood in the aisle. No one offered her a seat, 
tired and forlorn as she looked. One of the candidates 
whom the President was considering he did not name 
him to us was sitting in the seat next to where she 
was standing. He was reading a paper which he shifted 
so as not to seem to see her, and retained his seat. 
Representative McKinley rose, walked down the aisle, 
picked up the basket of washing and led the old woman 
back to his seat, which he gave her. The present can- 
didate did not look from behind his paper. He did not 
see McKinley or know what had been done. 

This was the story. This candidate for a diplomatic 
place never knew, what we then knew, that this little 
act of selfishness, or rather this little omission of an 
act of consideration for others, had deprived him of 
that which would have crowned the ambition perhaps 
of a lifetime. 

We never can know what determines one's career 
in life. Indeed, it may be that these little and forgotten 
deeds, accumulated, are the more important factors 
for it is they which must in many cases provide us with 
the opportunity to do the greater deeds, and we un- 
conscious of it. Why comes this reward in life? Why 
that disappointment or failure? We cannot know with 
certainty. This we can know, however, and this story 
illustrates it that there is no act of kindliness, how- 
ever small, which may not help us in life; and there 
is no act of unkindness, however trivial, which may not 
hurt us. More than that: The habitual doing of kind- 
ness always adds to our happiness, for kindness done is 


duty performed. Unkindncss always breeds an unhappy 

spirit, for unkindness is duty neglected, 

Evanston, July IS, 1928 (Evening). 

My wife and I rode down to Chicago in the afternoon 
and met Mr. and Mrs. Hoover at the train. A large 
crowd was at the depot. We were taken to Hoover's 
car, and after his party had posed for twenty or so 
photographers on the back platform we took Mr. and 
Mrs. Hoover to our automobile, followed by the usual 
cavalcade of newspapermen and photographers. We 
were halted for a final picture just before we started 
for Evanston ? with six motorcycle policemen and a 
dozen cars of correspondents accompanying us. On our 
arrival at home there was another crowd, and more 

Mr. and Mrs. Tilson and James W. Good, campaign 
manager for Hoover, rode up with the Hoovers and 

This evening all is quiet again ? but a sense of relief 
results from the thought that a campaign is not before 
me. The party left shortly after six P.M*, having spent 
about two and one half hours at our home. Hoover and 
I finally got into a room by ourselves. He will not make 
concessions on the prohibition issue; will make a sin- 
cere and conciliatory presentation of the agricultural 
question^ and emphasize the desirability of sound gov- 
ernmental administration. He wished me to make a few 
radio speeches during the latter part of the campaign 
and said it would be arranged so that they could be 
delivered at the house. This was after I had expressed 


a wish not to be requested to make a general speaking 

All in all he feels that the Republican Party will gain 
steadily in strength as the campaign progresses. To- 
morrow he will arrive at Superior, Wisconsin, where 
he and his wife will visit with President and Mrs. Cool- 
idge for a day or so then go on to California. 


Evanston, Illinois, July 19, 1928. 

As soon as I had been elected Vice President, I natu- 
rally devoted myself to a study of the Rules of the 
Senate, over which I was to preside. Before that time, 
in common, I think, with most citizens, I had a general 
knowledge of the abuses in the Senate perpetrated un- 
der the rules, but had shared that general public feel- 
ing of indifference which alone stands in the way of 
their reform. 

After presiding over the Senate since March 4, 1925, 
my convictions as expressed in my inaugural address 
are stronger than ever. When the rules will be reformed 
is only a question of time. Granting as they do the 
power to Senate rninorities > and at times to individual 
Senators, of blocking the wheels of government itself 
until they are appeased, the time will come when a 
minority will make an issue vital to the life of govern- 
ment and will stand for it in earnest, as do many par- 
liamentary minorities in Europe at present. 

For a majority of Senators, under such circumstances, 
not to change rules which deny constitutional majority 
rights would be treasonable. The rules of the Senate 
would then be changed overnight. But, in the mean- 
time, it is well understood in the Senate that general 


public sentiment Is difficult to arouse upon this question 
of reform of the rules* Minorities in the Senate thus 
far have not been determined enough to be altogether 
regardless of the consequences of so pushing their 
power under the rules as to precipitate in the public 
mind a full appreciation of the extent and danger of 
that power. If the real power of minorities were used 
as openly as it is surreptitiously, and if minorities 
would proceed to the extreme of their ability to defeat 
revenue and appropriation bills, the public would be 
greatly aroused. It is, therefore, chiefly by the threat 
of defeat that modifications in legislation are often 
made in the shape of additional appropriations dic- 
tated by selfish interest as distinguished from that of 
the general public good. 

An occasional open exhibition of the extra-consti- 
tutional powers of government, habitually exercised 
quietly under the Senate rules by individual Senators 
and minorities, is extremely distasteful to the country 
and more so to the Senate itself. When at the close 
of a short session, Senator Tillman of South Carolina, 
by the threat on the floor of the Senate of using his 
right of unlimited debate, individually gave our Gov- 
ernment the alternative of making a $600,000 appro- 
priation for the State of South Carolina or calling an- 
other Congress in extra session, the surrender of the 
Government through the action of both houses of Con- 
gress created a public sense of humiliation quite dis- 
concerting to the upholders of the Senate rules. 

And yet, from the Chair, I witness continually the 
quiet but effective exercise of this power, in a manner 


as truly humiliating to the country and to the Senate 

as this open act of Senator Tillman. 

Sometimes It is not done quietly as when recently 
a Senator notified the Senate in open session that they 
could pass no bills under unanimous consent unless they 
passed a certain bill for him. He was assured that it 
would be done the next day ? and he then allowed busi- 
ness to proceed. His bill was passed according to the 
agreement. I saw no comments upon this proceeding 
in the press. 

Evanston, July 20, 1928, 

The truth is that the power given under the rules 
to an individual Senator to obstruct business, even 
single-handed, is so valuable to him that the Senate will 
not reform the rules until forced to do so by public 
sentiment or by the determination of a few public- 
spirited Senators themselves. This I have always un- 
derstood. My inaugural address as Vice President was 
designed, therefore,, to arouse public sentiment and 
define in the public mind the real issues involved in the 
Senate rules question. 

It is one thing to write and deliver an address and 
another to get the public to read it and think it over. 
The course I followed to bring my inaugural speech 
before the Senate to general public attention succeeded, 
It was simple, consisting of a delivery so emphatic and 
so jarring upon the atmosphere of the occasion as to 
compel the general reading of the speech because of the 
indignation it created on the spot, especially among the 
Senators. And yet when the public read the speedy 


they found it only plain argument and simple state- 
ment ? not provocative in nature, and addressed wholly 
to the reason not the prejudices or emotions of the 

Ordinarily, of course, the Vice President's inaugural 
speech has been a minor incident of the program, 
carried out In the Senate in the morning session, just 
preceding the Inauguration of the newly elected Presi- 
dent on the steps of the Capitol outside. For a new 
Vice President, elected by the people and not by the 
Senate to discuss in his inaugural the proper con- 
duct of business In the body over which he is to pre- 
side was not customary, but it was difficult to indict 
as out of place, 

My forcible manner of delivery was resented. Ber- 
nard Shaw was right when he said: "No offensive truth 
is ever properly presented without causing irritation." 

My address was as follows: 

What I say upon entering this office should relate to its ad- 
ministration and the conditions tinder which it is administered. 
Unlike the vast majority of deliberative and legislative bodies, the 
Senate does not elect Its presiding officer. He Is designated for his 
duties by t|ie Constitution of the United States. 

In the administration of this office, his duty is to be concerned 
with methods of effective procedure as distinguished from any 
legislative policy of the body over which he presides. It is not for 
the Vice President to be personally concerned with the interests 
of political parties or with the policies or projects involved in 
legislative action, save in that unusual contingency where, under 
the Constitution, it becomes necessary for him to cast the deciding 
vote in case of a tie. Nor should he, In view of that unusual con- 
tingency, assume any attitude towards prospective legislation until 


the contingency occurs. Any other course would inevitably lessen 
the weight of his influence in those impartial and nonpartisan mat- 
ters with which it is his duty, under the Constitution of the 
United States, to be concerned. 

In my conduct, I trust 1 may yield to no Senator in fairness, 
courtesy and kindliness, and in deference to those unwritten laws 
which always govern any association of gentlemen, whether official 
or private. It shall be my purpose not to transgress in any way 
those limits to my official activity determined by the Constitution 
of the United States and by proper parliamentary procedure, 

But the Vice President, in part because he is not electee! by the 
members of this body, nor by a State, but by the people of the 
United States, and his constitutional and official relations are to 
the Senate as a whole, should always express himself upon the 
relation of its methods of transacting public business to the wel- 
fare of the nation. For him, therefore, to officially call to the at- 
tention of the Senate any collective duty, such as an improvement 
in the method under which its business is carried on, so far from 
being an irrelevant and uncalled-for action on his part, is a supreme 

In past years, because the members of this body have cherished 
most commendable feelings of fairness, courtesy and consideration 
for each other as individuals, certain customs have evolved. These 
have crystallised into fixed and written rules of procedure for the 
transaction of public business which, in their present form, place 
power in the hands of individuals to an extent, at times, subversive 
of the fundamental principles of free representative government. 
Whatever may be said about the misuse of this power tinder the 
present rules of the Senate, the fact remains that Its existence, 
inimical as it is to the principles of our constitutional govenrnient* 
cannot properly be charged against any party* nor against any in- 
dividual or group of individuals. 

It has evolved as a natural conseqxience of the mutual confidence 
of high-minded men^ determined that in their official association as 
members of the Senate full and fair opportunity to be heard on 
all public questions shall be enjoyed by each and every Senator, 


irrespective of whether or not they are in the minority, either of 
opinion or of party. 

But however natural has been the evolution of the present rules, 
however commendable that existing desire on the part of all that 
the rights of each individual Senator should be observed, the fact 
remains that under them the rights of the nation and of the Amer- 
ican people have been overlooked and this notwithstanding that 
their full recognition of the rights of the nation is in no wise 
inconsistent with the recognition of every essential right of any 
individual Senator. 

What would be the attitude of the American people and of 
the individual Senators themselves towards a proposed system of 
rules if this was the first session of the Senate instead of the first 
session of the Senate of the Sixty-ninth Congress? What individual 
Senator would then have the audacity to propose the adoption 
of the present Rule XXII without modification, when it would 
be pointed out that during the last days of a session the right 
that is granted every Senator to be heard for one hour after 
two-thirds of the Senate had agreed to bring a measure to a vote, 
gave a minority of even one Senator, at times, power to defeat 
the measure and render impotent the Senate itself? That rule, 
which, at times, enables Senators to consume in oratory those last 
precious minutes of a session needed for momentous decisions, 
places in the hands of one or a minority of Senators a greater 
power than the veto power exercised under the Constitution by the 
President of the United States, which is limited in its effectiveness 
by the necessity of an affirmative two-thirds vote* 

Who would dare to contend that, under the spirit of democratic 
government, the power to kill legislation providing revenues to 
pay the expenses of government should, during the last few days 
of a session, ever be in the hands of a minority or perhaps one 
Senator? Why should they ever be able to compel the President 
of the United States to call an extra session of Congress to keep 
in functioning activity the machinery of the government itself? 
Who would dare oppose any changes in the rules necessary to 
insure that the business of the United States should always be 


conducted In the Interests of the nation and never be in clanger of 
encountering a situation where one man, or a minority of men, 
might demand unreasonable concessions, under threat of blocking 
the business of the Government? Who would dare maintain that, 
in the last analysis, the right of the Senate Itself to act should 
ever be subordinated to the right of one Senator to make a speech? 
The rules can be found, as is the custom in other deliberative 
and legislative assemblies, to fully protect a Senator in his right 
to be heard without forfeiting, at any time, the greater right of 
the Senate to act. The Constitution of the United States gives 
the Senate and the House of Representatives the right to adopt 
their own rules for the conduct of business, but this does not ex- 
cuse customs and rules which, under certain conditions, might 
put the power of the Senate Itself in the hands of individuals to 
be used in legislative barter. Proper rules will protect the rights 
of minorities without surrendering the rights of a majority to 


Under the inexorable laws of human nature and human reaction, 
this system of rules y if unchanged, cannot hut lessen the effective- 
ness, prestige, and dignity of the United States Senate, Were this 

the first session of the Senate, and Its present system of rules, un- 
changed, should be presented seriously for adoption, the impact of 
outraged public opinion, reflected in the attitude of the Senators 
themselves, would crush the proposal like an eggshell. 

Reform in the present rules of the Senate is demanded, not only 
by American public opinion, but, I venture to say, in the Individual 
consciences of a majority of the members of the Senate itself. 

As it is the duty on the part of the Presiding Officer of the Senate 
to call attention to defective methods In the conduct of business 
by the body over which he presides, so, under their constitutional 
power, it is the duty of the members of this body to correct them, 
To evade or ignore an issue between right and wrong methods is 
in itself a wrong. To the performance of this duty, a duty which 
is alone in the interest of the nation we have sworn to faithfully 
serve, I ask the consideration of the Senate, appealing to the 
conscience and to the patriotism of the individual members. 


Having thus directed attention to this issue in my 
inaugural address in the Senate, I undertook further to 
arouse and keep alive public sentiment on the question 
by a speaking tour reaching the different sections of 
the country during the summer of 1925. 

These meetings without doubt, in my mind, demon- 
strated a marked general sentiment behind the demand 
for reform of the Senate rules. The audiences were very 
large, always testing the capacity of the halls in which 
I spoke. The audiences in a large city would number 
from six thousand to twelve thousand. I spoke, as I 
remember, in Indianapolis and Cincinnati; in Manches- 
ter, New Hampshire; Newark, New Jersey; Portland, 
Oregon; Seattle, Washington; Los Angeles, California; 
Denver, Colorado ; Birmingham, Alabama where 
Senator Oscar Underwood spoke with me; Lincoln, 
Nebraska; in New York City, before the annual meet- 
ing of the Associated Press; in Chicago, in Boston, and 
in Atlanta, Georgia. 

In the size of the audiences and the reception of the 
argument nothing seemed lacking. It became evident 
to me, however, as various Senators appeared with me 
at my meetings and on my trips, that their attitude 
before their constituencies, which was sympathetic 
often mildly, however to rules reform, differed radi- 
cally from their indifferent or hostile attitude in the 

The best hope for the reform is a flagrant abuse of 
the rules by the Senate. Such an abuse will inflame the 
public and create a fear of political reprisal on the part 
of Senators. The effort, by speeches and a campaign 


such as mine, was effective only in conveying to the 
public a clear conception of what the issue involved so 
that when the abuses occurred there might result a 
quick crystallization of adverse public sentiment in- 
sistent upon a reform. 

Whether or not this campaign had its effect upon 
the subsequent conduct of the Senate it is not for me 
to say. There occurred afterward on several occasions, 
however. Senate action under the rule providing for 
checking debate by a two-thirds vote, although the 
Senate had resorted to this rule but once or twice dur- 
ing the ten years since its adoption, as a result of a 
popular demand for Senate rules reform backed by 
President Wilson, 

The use of this rule during niy term as Vice Presi- 
dent was twice brought about by my direct interven- 
tion, and through it the bill extending indeterminately 
the charters of the Federal Reserve Banks and the 
Farm Relief Bill were passed, in the last short session. 

And here let me refer to the chief argument made by 
the opponents of a majority cloture provision in the 
United States Senate the only great parliamentary 
body in the world not possessing it. It is maintained 
that the checks and balances of the Constitution are 
always not a sufficient protection for minorities., or the 
individual states of the Union, but that this usurped 
power given by the Senate rules to check majorities in 
acting under their constitutional rights must at times 
be exercised for the public good, 

That it has been exercised for the public good in 
one or two instances may be admitted. But is this to be 


considered a valid argument when it is against our form 
of government based upon the principle of the rights 
of the majority, subject only to certain constitutional 
limitations? Let us see to what catastrophes this doc- 
trine might lead our nation one of which was avoided 
in my judgment only by the accident that a two-thirds 
majority existed in the Senate at the time, which ren- 
dered Rule XXII effective in securing a cloture vote. At 
the last short session of Congress, December 5, 1926, 
to March 4, 1927, the Senate involved itself in the 
usual jam of business resulting from its abdication of 
the right to allot its own time in accordance with the 
relative importance of its business in favor of a right 
of individual Senators to indulge in unlimited and ir- 
relevant debate. 

Involved in this jam with other bills was the McFad- 
den-Pepper Bill, which was a revision of the National 
Bank Act, It was originally framed in 1924 by the 
Comptroller of the Currency at that time my able 
and experienced brother, Henry M. Dawes, The bill 
provided for modification of the laws governing the su- 
pervision and operation of national banks, and was 
necessary to preserve their continued functioning in 
competition with the state banks which operated under 
charters better suited to modern conditions. The Gov- 
ernment did not have the power to compel the state 
banks to become members of the Federal Reserve Sys- 
tem, and such as were members became so on a volun- 
tary basis with the right of withdrawal at will. This left 
a situation under which the national banks were, in con- 
siderable numbers, giving up their charters because 


their operations under them were so restricted that they 
could not meet their state bank competitors; and a con- 
dition was rapidly developing under which the Govern- 
ment was losing its control over the membership of the 
Federal Reserve System. The Act, therefore, was neces- 
sary for the protection not only of the National Banking 
System but of the Federal Reserve System, and, what 
was most important, it carried with it the granting of 
an indeterminate charter to the Federal Reserve Sys- 
tem itself. This bill was first introduced into Congress 
in 1924. 

Two "undercover filibusters" were in progress 
one against this bill extending indeterminately the 
charters of the Federal Reserve Banks, which expired 
in 193 5, and one against the McNary-Haugen Farm 
Relief Bill. An undercover filibuster is one in which, 
by extended debate on other bills, the time of the short 
session is consumed in order to prevent the bill aimed 
at from being reached on the calendar before adjourn- 
ment at the date March 4 fixed by the Constitu- 
tion. If the bill is reached on the calendar, the filibuster 
becomes "open*" 

Supposing the bill extending the charters of the 
banks had been defeated by the filibuster, a two-thirds 
vote applying cloture not being obtainable, the country 
then would have been confronted with an open and 
successful filibuster on the bank charter bill in the last 
session^ similar to that waged against the Boulder Dam 

When this occurred and Congress had adjourned the 
country would have realized that the question of the 


re-charter of the Federal Reserve Banks had become 
a political question as did that of the re-charter of the 
Second Bank of the United States during the years 
preceding 1836. The re-charter of the Second Bank 
of the United States was attacked. It was the corner- 
stone of the credit structure of the nation's business 
at that time. The disastrous financial panic of 1837 
followed. The mere possibility that the bank would not 
be re-chartered started a contraction of credits in prep- 
aration for such an outcome which led to the panic, 
and an acute business depression lasting for years. 

The credit structure of the United States at this 
moment, already in a strained and inflated condition, 
is built upon the Federal Reserve Bank system as a 
foundation. What might happen to-day if, in addition 
to the general uneasiness about the credit situation, 
the country had reason to expect a determined political 
attack upon the Federal Reserve System, which, with 
charters expiring by law, could be destroyed by a Sen- 
ate delay in enabling legislation? 

The filibuster organization in the Senate against the 
McFadden-Pcpper bill, which was thwarted only by 
the two-thirds cloture rule, was composed of the most 
determined and skillful radicals in the membership of 
that body. The existence of a majority for cloture on 
both bills was made possible only by a coalition be- 
tween the conservatives favoring the bank bill and cer- 
tain radicals favoring the farm bill. Each faction was 
willing to accord the other the right to a Senate vote 
only because each realized that its own bill was lost 
if it did not. My intervention and initiative as Presi- 


dent of the Senate ? confronted by conflicting demands 
from each faction, was necessary to suggest and bring 
about the joint cloture program by which the bank 
bill proponents circulated the cloture petition for the 
McNary-Haugen bill and the McNary-Haugen bill pro- 
ponents circulated the cloture petition for the bank bill. 

If the two-thirds vote for cloture on both bills had 
not been available, I believe that this company could 
not have been saved from a credit panic as well as a 
prolonged business depression. And yet a majority 
cloture provision in the mles ? which alone would enable 
a majority of the Senate to function under all circum- 
stances where the Constitution gives them the right to 
do so, would have prevented the dangerous situation In 
which this important national enactment was involved. 
Had it not been for the courageous fight made by 
Senator Carter Glass, and Senator Pepper^ the bank 
bill would have been lost but the cloture procedure 
was essential to their victory* 

It is disquieting to realize that at all times every 
Congressional bill whose enactment is necessary to keep 
the Government functioning such as an annual ap- 
propriation or revenue bill ? among many others can 
be indefinitely blocked by a minority f provided only it 
be not less in number than one third of the Senate. 
During the last days of a short session this power of 
obstruction steadily grows in the hands of less than 
one third of the Senate and finally on the last few days 
of the short session is in the hands of a few Individuals^ 
or of only one* In either the long or the short session 
any minority of the Senate, provided it be not less than 


one third of its members, by using against appropriation 
or revenue bills its right of unlimited debate, can block 
the business of Government and bring the majority to 
its knees. 

If the underlying principle of our Government is 
right, then the cloture principle of the Senate Rules is 

In the Saturday Evening Post of March 15, 1930, in 
an article entitled u ln the Senate", ex-Senator George 
Wharton Pepper, of Pennsylvania, writes as follows: 

"In the Banking and Currency Committee my most interesting 
and important experience centered on the so-called McFadden- 
Pepper Bill, which was intended to liberalize the charters of na- 
tional banks, to reconcile conflicting views on branch banking, 
and to extend the charters of Federal Reserve Banks which were 
soon to expire by limitation. Simultaneously with its appearance in 
the Senate, it was introduced in the House of Representatives by 
Representative Louis T. McFadden, of Pennsylvania, the able 
and experienced Chairman of the House Committee on Banking 
and Currency. I presided at many public Senate hearings on this 
measure when it was in committee, and had charge of it on the 
Senate floor. The prospect of bringing it to a vote was dimmed 
by the obstruction of Senator Bob La Follette and others who 
were supporting the McNary-Haugen Bill, famous for its highly 
controversial scheme of farm relief. I had just about decided to 
result to cloture and had a petition to close the debate signed by 
a sufficient number of Senators, when Vice President Dawes, 
perceiving the deadlock, sent for representatives of the opposing 
groups. We met one evening in his room. By the sheer force of his 
personality, he forced an agreement that both measures should 
be voted upon. This agreement was carried out. Both bills passed. 
The McNary-Haugen Bill was vetoed by President Coolidge, while 
the McFadden-Pepper Bill became law. To General Dawes more 


than to any other man credit is due for the extension of the Fed- 
eral Reserve charters," 

Evanston, July 22, 1928, 

As to the above, Senator Pepper and Senator Glass 
were the great figures in the passage of the bill through 
the Senate. It is characteristic of Senator Pepper to 
speak of his own part so modestly, and of mine in such a 
kindly way. But while this intervention on my part en- 
tailed little effort as compared with the burden Senator 
Pepper was bearing as sponsor of the bill I have felt, 
nevertheless, it was one of my most useful acts as Vice 

For this reference to it, 1 am grateful 

The time came, during my term of office, - as it will 
again In the future, when a minority became de- 
termined enough in its resolve to override the majority 
in its constitutional rights to risk the general public 
disapproval caused by a defiance of constitutional pro- 
cedure and intent. This was when the question of seating 
Vare ? the Senator-elect from Pennsylvania, was under 
consideration that is, this question was the one under- 
lying the various parliamentary phases of the contest, 
The majority, though less than two-thirds, was opposed 
to seating him. The minority took advantage of the 
rules, which regard the right of a Senator to talk in- 
definitely, whether to the question or not, as superior 
to the right of the Senate to act, --and it blocked all 
essential business until the Senate expired cm March 4, 
1927, by constitutional limitation. 

The second deficiency bill was not passed in can- 
sequence, and the functioning of government was ham- 


pered during the summer, for example, in the operation 
of the Federal Courts. The filibusterers were caught 
napping one day, or the District of Columbia appropri- 
ation bill would have failed also, in which event the 
President would have been compelled to call an extra 
session of Congress a humiliating as well as an ex- 
pensive necessity, 

In closing the session in the midst of the filibuster, 
I availed myself of the custom under which the Vice 
President makes a brief address, and spoke as fol- 

"It is customary for the Vice President at the be- 
ginning and ending of a session of Congress to address 
the Senate upon an appropriate subject. The comments 
the Chair has to make on this occasion will be very brief. 

"The Chair regards the results of the present legisla- 
tive session as primarily due to the defective rules of 
the Senate under which a minority can prevent a 
majority from exercising its constitutional right of 
bringing measures to a vote. This is the only great 
parliamentary body in the world where such a situa- 
tion exists. 

"On this closing day of the second session of the 
Sixty-ninth Congress, the Chair commends to the Senate 
the remarks upon the Senate rules which he made on the 
first day of the first session of the Congress. 

"The hour of twelve o'clock having arrived, the 
Senate stands in adjournment sine die." 

I may say that I delivered these short remarks with 
all the emphasis which gave such offense to the Senate 


in my inaugural address. But the atmosphere had 
changed. The entire country was critical of the conduct 
of the Senate, and, however critical the Senators may 
have felt regarding me, they managed to repress public 
expression of it. 

But, as I have already stated, it is only occasionally 
that a minority gives such a public exhibition of its real 
power. Instead, recourse is continually had to the threat 
of the use of the power, which, while it costs the people 
tens of millions of dollars in additions to appropriation 
bills and in other modifications of legislation, seldom 
becomes public. 

The gradual weakening of party discipline and power 
in the country, however, is creating a condition in the 
Senate tending constantly to increase and encourage the 
use of the Senate rules as a blackjack in the hands of 
minorities and individuals, to coerce the majority into 
legislative concessions dictated by selfish and sectional 
interest. The nomination of candidates for the Senate 
at general primaries often makes it possible for Senators, 
elected through the strength of the public habit of voting 
for a straight party ticket, to gain their seats by being 
"regular" at election time, only to turn "insurgent" after 
taking their seats. Again, the lines between the two 
parties are constantly becoming weaker as differences 
among our people tend to become economic in nature 
instead of chiefly being governmental, or rather con- 
stitutional, as in the past. 

Economic issues affect different sections of the 
country in different ways and degrees. Hence the 
tendency toward the bloc system; for those having 


similar economic objectives form into groups in the 
Senate with ties stronger than those of party. 

These blocs are numerous enough now in the Senate 
to constitute a majority when they unite. But a majority 
composed of a fusion of minorities divided as to eco- 
nomic purposes cannot act constructively for the nation. 
They can generally unite only in a policy of obstruction 
or in raids on the Treasury, In the latter procedure, they 
secure the passage of several appropriations, no one of 
which alone would pass on its merit as a national benefit. 
When one bloc seeking an appropriation votes for the 
appropriation demanded by another bloc solely to get 
votes for its own, it is the American people who suffer, 
and selfish interests which profit 

The Senate, because of growth of the bloc system 
and abuse of its rules, is steadily losing its power to act 
constructively for the nation; and in proportion as the 
bloc system grows, abuses will be more frequent under 
the rules. The rules encourage the formation of blocs, 
for they provide the way for making them powerful 
through amalgamation despite the smallness of their 
respective numbers of members. 


Evanston, Illinois, July 22, 1928. 

TO-DAY Mrs. Dawes and I drove up to John Me* 
Cutcheon's at Lake Forest. He was giving a luncheon 
to Miss Earhart ? the first woman to take the trip to 
England in an airplane. During the past years 1 have 
met, officially and personally, a number of the trans- 
oceanic and arctic flyers. Chief among these was Colonel 
Lindbergh, who dined with us informally in company 
with my cousin Lincoln Ellsworth, of the Amundsen- 
Ellsworth expedition to the North Pole and across 
Alaska > 

Commander Byrd also spent a day with me, coming 
to Washington to urge the grant by Congress of a Con- 
gressional Medal to Ellsworth^ which was made. 

The French and German flyers, accompanied by the 
Ambassadors of France and Germany, also called upon 
me officially at the Capitol ? when 1 presented them to 
the Senate which adjourned for fifteen minutes for 
the purpose in each case* Chamberlain called and was 
presented in the same way. 1 talked for some time with 
all of them, and as a result noted one common quality 
they all possessed that of modesty* They were* gen- 
erally, natural in manner some were more or less 
diffident. Lindbergh was an especially pleasing char- 
acter; this was true also of Byrd and Ellsworth. 


Lindbergh described to me at length his trip across 
the Atlantic. When I told him that I was much impressed 
by his famous first remark as he landed in the night at 
Paris, where a great and breathless crowd awaited him, 
"I am Charles Lindbergh", he replied that he had 
never made it. He said that at first there were no news- 
papermen who reached his plane, around which the 
crowd pressed in such a way as to endanger it. His first 
remark was to ask for officers to protect his plane from 

Byrd also gave me an account of his attempted trip 
to Paris, where he could not land because of the fog, 
and his return at night to the coast of France where he 
made a forced landing in the sea. 

He went over in detail his plans and preparations for 
his proposed flight over the Antarctic regions. 

Monday afternoon I left with a party of friends for 

Traverse City, Michigan, where Mr. R. Floyd Clinch 
entertained us. We went to Traverse City on the 5.5. 
Manitou and returned Tuesday night by rail My oc- 
casional golf games in the past, being played in my 
native habitat, where a Vice President is not a curi- 
osity, have been conducted in comparative quiet and 
privacy the latter being further assured by the cir- 
cumstance that my golf is mediocre and of itself at- 
tracts no spectators. But at Traverse City it was dif- 
ferent. Our party went through a strenuous program 
all day. Headed by a fine band, we were driven 
through a decorated street lined with several thousand 


While we did play golf for a time in the afternoon, 
it was in the presence of a large gallery, which certainly 
did not improve our game. However, all of us had a 
very fine time, notwithstanding that (luring the day we 
dedicated a golf links, visited a canning factory and an 
insane asylum, planted a tree in the presence of a Legion 
delegation headed by a drum corps, attended an official 
luncheon and dinner, visited an old and dear friend, 
Chandler B. Beach, aged eighty-nine, whose summer 
home was eighteen miles away from Traverse City, 
made two speeches, attended a reception by the Ameri- 
can Legion, and did various other things as called for 
by a program carried out on a time schedule* 

We reached Chicago Wednesday (yesterday morn- 
ing) . 

Evanston, July 28, 1928. 

I have just received a letter from my friend Sir 
Josiah Stamp of England, who with Sir Robert Kinder- 
slay represented England on the First Committee of Ex- 
perts of the Reparation Commission of which I was 
Chairman. In the course of his letter he says, "I was 
recently in Berlin and naturally discussed Reparation 
settlements with Gilbert, Luther, Schacht and other 
friends of 1924. 1 am bound to say 1 am all for going 
slow on the next step." 

He had reference of course to the final settlement of 
the reparations question, which is being generally dis- 
cussed as a consequence of Gilbert's suggestion in his 
report that Germany is entitled to a final fixation of 
the amount of reparations she is to pay BOW that the 


Experts' Plan has resulted in the stabilization of Ger- 
many's currency and economy, and demonstrated within 
limits her capacity to meet annual payments. On 
September 1 this year will commence the fif th and final 
year of the Dawes Plan, and Germany will unquestion- 
ably meet the standard payment of 2,500,000,000 marks 
during the year 1928-1929. 

All commentators seem to agree in principle that 
justice to Germany demands that the total sum of 
reparations be fixed; and yet I can well understand why 
Sir Josiah is u all for going slow on the next step." It 
is probably because of the immense difficulties which 
are involved in securing the unanimous consent of all 
the beneficiaries to a settlement, and the disturbance 
in general economic conditions and public confidence 
which may result from a prolonged negotiation re- 
sulting possibly in a disagreement. No one without 
experience in negotiations involving unanimous consent 
agreements among independent sovereignties, during 
and after the war, can form any adequate idea of the 
difficulties involved. As I said in my address to the 
Reparation Commission and as Chairman of the First 
Committee of Experts at Paris In 1924, the unanimous 
consent agreement among the Allies, which resulted in 
the Central Command of their armies in 1918 under 
Foch, resulted alone from the fact that the alternative 
was defeat and destruction* 

Thus in 1924 there was first secured on our com- 
mittee, and later at the London conference, a unanimous 
agreement in the adoption of our plans for the same 
reason. All Europe faced ruin as an alternative to agree- 


ment. The pressure for agreement was simply over- 

Anyone who participated in these negotiations well 
understands that it was not confidence in the plan that 
was the prime factor in its adoption. Many of the great 
economists of the world openly predicted its failure 
and the great majority of them would express only hope 
rather than expectation of its success. 

But there was nothing left to do but agree. For 
Europe not to agree meant what another general 
European war at this time would mean that Euro- 
pean civilization might perish. Adopted, the plan at least 
meant hope. Rejected, it meant certain ruin for all 

At present it is lack of the pressure of a great 
emergency need for a final settlement of the reparations 
total which will hinder agreement upon it among the 

The total reparations have already been fixed at an 
impossible total at Versailles. While all admit their pay- 
ment in such an amount is impossible, yet, having been 
agreed to by Germany, they, together with the Experts* 
Plan, represent a "status quo" which from a superficial 
standpoint operates adversely to Germany alone, 

As a matter of fact anything short of a final settlement 
constitutes a continuing danger to the economy and 
peace of the civilized world. This conviction will de- 
termine the attitude of the real statesmen of Europe, 
but they will confront great difficulties in the way of 
constructive action. Ever opposing them will be the 
curse of the world the f omenters of often avoidable 
war, the nationalistic demagogues who in each country 


will seek to exploit their pitiful personalities and selfish 
plans regardless of the common weal. Every effort to 
arrive at a reasonable settlement will be denounced as 
a betrayal of the Allied peoples by the Allied dema- 
gogues, and of the German people by the German 
demagogues. This is what delayed any really con- 
structive step toward reparations settlement for six 
years after the ending of the war and until the forma- 
tion of our Experts 5 Committee. 

It is the knowledge of what this means that Stamp 
probably has in his mind, and that leads him to doubt 
whether the time has yet come to take up the problem 
seriously. Undoubtedly the time will come. But a failure 
to agree now, involving all Europe in acrimonious politi- 
cal struggle, should be avoided. 

No one in this country, like myself, not closely in 
touch with political conditions and the trend of public 
sentiment in Europe can say whether or not the time is 
ripe for the effort. But I do know that before the states- 
men of Europe lies a problem not so difficult from 
an economic standpoint, but vastly difficult from a 
political standpoint because the penalties for neglecting 
its early solution are not sensed by the masses of the 
people in the same degree as they were in 1924 when we 
of the First Committee of Experts undertook our work 
at Paris, 

Evanston, August 1, 1928. 

Received a letter from Loesch, the Chairman of the 
Chicago Crime Commission, asking me in the name of 
the Commission to undertake the co-ordination of the 


work of some seven hundred local associations now 
existing and devoted to constructive civic progress. 
Loesch and Ms Crime Commission are in the midst of a 
crusade against the lawlessness and corruption existing 
in our city and its government which promises results. 
The public is at last aroused and the movement, re- 
fused support by the City Council, has been financed 
by popular subscription. It is impossible for me to 
undertake the work while occupying my present office, 
but I have a sincere feeling of regret that I cannot help 
in the fight upon the lawless element there. 

Senator James E. Watson of Indiana visited me 
Monday. As a veteran and successful politician he 
seemed incredulous at my satisfaction with the prospect 
of my return to business. One of the sad things to me 
about life in Washington is the steady procession of 
men leaving public life at an age too advanced either 
to hope to return to it or to be usefully active in other 
endeavors. The Chinese cover the situation in their 
proverb: "He who rides a tiger cannot dismount." 
Many of these men lead lives of unhappiness, mourning 
the loss of past prominence and prestige* In the journal 
of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy under Lincoln 
and Johnson, I found him in revolt at the lack of atten- 
tion he received when he returned to his New England 
home after the exciting eight years of service at Wash- 
ington. My own prospective return to Chicago where 1 
have ties of business induces no melancholy reflections 
of this nature and possibly for this reason. 


Wagon Wheel Gap, Colorado, August 7, 1928. 
STARTED last Saturday from Chicago for a visit to this 
place, where my family and I have gone for the last 
three summers. My wife, my children Dana and Vir- 
ginia, Miss Decker their governess, my grown daughter 
Carolyn and her husband Melvin Ericson, my brother 
Henry M. Dawes and his wife, compose the party. We 
are visiting Mrs. A. E. Humphrey, the widow of Colonel 
A. E. Humphrey who, himself, planned and completed 
this beautiful fishing camp, than which in my judgment 
there is no finer in the Country. We are surrounded by 
great mountains, and the elevation of the camp itself is 
about eighty-six hundred feet. At the camp is a lake of 
about sixty acres in extent which Colonel Humphrey 
formed by building a great dam across a gorge between 
the mountains. Into this and descending from the snow- 
capped mountains, through a beautiful mountain valley 
flows a splendid trout stream. On a ledge of the moun- 
tains back of us is another lake of some twelve acres 
formed by the damming of another mountain stream. 

These waters afford trout fishing which I have never 
seen equaled. The fish are the native Rocky Mountain 
trout and rainbow trout. 

One can have as rough or as smooth going in fishing 
as he desires. At places the gorge is so steep that a 


narrow path for pack horses forms the best means of 
travel. We reached here after a short stop at Colorado 
Springs yesterday (Monday) morning. Yesterday I took 
the smooth fishing. My catch was twenty-five trout - 
all over ten Inches in length. Anything under this in 
length was thrown back. To-day I took the rougher up- 
stream fishing and stopped with ten over the regulation 
length. There are certain places where the trout are so 
plentiful that one moves along so as not to catch his 
limit too soon, in my case because I want to average 
only twelve a day. 

A National Forest Reserve encloses the Humphrey 
place on three sides, and there are no public roads over 
which automobile tourists can reach It If there were 
there would be no good fishing. The automobile has 
brought many changes in American life, adding much to 
its happiness, but spelling death to American hunt- 
ing and fishing. The important problem of the con- 
servation of American wild life is receiving more at- 
tention, and properly, than ever before but except 
in a few states like Pennsylvania it Is not receiving 
enough. When it is estimated that five million hunters 
and fishermen go out every season, what chance has wild 
life to survive unless, in addition to strict enforcement 
of stricter laws limiting bags and catches, there Is In- 
creased governmental and state activity in establishing 
game farms and fish hatcheries? 

Wagon Wheel Gap, August 8, 1928. 
After a good climb, am this minute sitting on top of 
what we should call a mountain in the East, but what 
out here is regarded as a moderate-sked mound* And 


this sentence as I write It suggests a timeworn thought. 
How completely the reputations of public men depend 
upon their contemporary environment! The deteriorat- 
ing parliamentary personnel due in this country to the 
direct primary is responsible for an overestimation by 
the public of the qualities of many who, measured by 
the leaders of the past, are but mediocre after all. It is 
when strong men compete that great men become 
greater, and in these days the field of politics on which 
contenders may struggle does not especially attract 
strong men. 

I doubt whether, outside of two or three men, any 
lasting reputations are being made in the American 
Senate to-day. When the issues which divide the people 
are largely economic rather than constitutional and 
governmental, and concern the material rather than the 
moral interests of the nation, posterity will forget the 
leaders of the period, 

It accords fame to those who have contributed to 
its woe or weal. It is interested in the woe and weal of 
past generations only as they were the result of the 
establishment or disregard of some moral principle, or 
some principle of government, or the discovery of some 
scientific fact or mechanical principle, which directly 
affected for better or worse its own life. Therefore, 
among the men of this generation in America who will 
be remembered longest, the inventors and scientists will 
probably outnumber the statesmen. But it is not safe to 
generalise carelessly. There are great men still among us 
in public place many of them. As I have sat as 
Presiding Officer of the Senate, when much of the time 


the proceedings do not demand close attention, I have 
had ample opportunity to study, compare and judge 
the members. In my judgment, of course, I am fallible 
and subject to the subconscious natural limitations of 
human nature, which lead one to regard most favorably 
those who agree with him in his view of things and whom 
he personally likes. But I try to overcome these and 
be as fair as possible. It is especially interesting to me 
to assume as existing a public emergency calling for 
leadership in the nation of a high order, and then pass on 
the qualifications of the men before me to achieve it. 
Naturally I recognize the difference in the qualities 
which leadership demands in an executive, as compared 
with an administrative place in civil, as compared with 
military, duty and as a consequence often mentally 
transfer Senators to other than parliamentary fields in 
forming my eventual judgments. 

In now recalling these judgments of Senators, among 
others the name of James W. Wadsworth, of New York, 
recently defeated for re-election, comes to my mind, 
My high estimate of his qualities has not been influ- 
enced by a close friendship. I have never had any inti- 
mate associations in work or interests with him. But 
viewed from every angle, not only as a Senator but as 
one qualified for constructive leadership in the public 
interest, mental or moral military or civil - in 
Congress or out, I regard him as most unusual. 

Wagon Wheel Gap, August 9, 1928. 
Am up in the mountains again this fine morning. The 
cool invigorating air and the bright sun bring back some- 


thing of the joy of youth. A panorama of magnificent 
views is spread out before and below me. The great 
Continental Divide is only eighteen miles from where 
I sit. Such surroundings and circumstances should induce 
mental perspective and discourage meanness of soul, and 
hence whatever of the spirit of general criticism there is 
in my system ? this is a good time to get it out. Uncle 
Joe Cannon used to say of a certain Senator that he 
was never happy unless he was "damning everything 
over a foot high or a year old." In these days this re- 
mark might still apply to a few Senators. I do not want 
to seem to criticize criticism. While I always sympathize 
with the pulling horse instead of with the driver who 
whips and scolds him, I realize that the whippers and 
scolders perform a necessary and useful public duty. I 
do not indulge in personalities, although at times in the 
past when I was "firing at the flock, the wounded birds 
that fluttered" might have created a contrary im- 
pression. I comment upon a certain type which I regard 
as unfortunate. A man is not responsible for the tem- 
perament with which he is born. If he is born with a 
natural tendency to grouch he never gets over it. It 
is not his fault. If he is born ignorant that is, with- 
out the ability properly to interpret facts he never 
gets over it. It is not his fault, I have often noted in 
the Senate that ignorance, when it is a natural gift and 
not the result of mental indolence, is a rather attractive 
human quality when associated with courage and sin- 
cerity. It creates a sense of their own superiority in the 
minds of others without creating irritation. It inspires 
kindly treatment from the world. But we have some in- 


dividuals who seem to have been cursed at birth with the 
double heritage of ignorance and grouchiness. Of these 
only I speak. None of them ever would have arrived in 
public life had it not been for an extraordinary con- 
genital endowment of nervous energy the human 
quality particularly at a premium under the direct 
primary system. This is the one gift which everybody 
envies them. Such men, although they are adept and 
successful publicity seekers, have no great influence; 
their astonishing amount of misdirected energy cannot 
make up for their lack of common sense. Their frequent 
diatribes usually evoke no reply, for, as the Spaniards 
say: "It is a waste of lather to shave an ass." 

Wagon Wheel Gap, August 10, 1928. 

Writing out in the mountains again. 

Had a wonderful afternoon of fishing yesterday. 
Caught so many trout that in order to keep down my 
average to twelve per day I will have to lay off to-day 
and go light all the rest of the time to my great regret. 
Will go along this afternoon and watch the other fisher- 
men. Yesterday I probably exceeded my legal ten-pound 
limit of fish, and I devastated my moral limit, Roy, 
the manager for Mrs. Humphrey, and an old-timer here, 
who accompanied me, when I would suggest that I had 
caught enough would say that it "might be years before 
they would rise again so well." We both knew he was 
lying, but when natural desires are aroused truth is un- 
popular. In my weakness I yielded to the tempter and 
the temptation, and after reflecting upon my sins last 


night, am disciplining myself for the rest of the trip. 
How few so-called "sportsmen" there are who, when 
the game or fish are coming well, do not exceed their 
limit, legal or moral! They will excuse themselves by 
shooting enough ducks, for instance, to consume in ad- 
dition to their own the limit of the guide accompanying 
them. Nevertheless they will earnestly preach before 
the fireplace in the evening the doctrines of the Izaak 
Walton League after having thus violated them in spirit 
during the day. 

Their reason tells them, even if their conscience is 
asleep, that in their own interest the spirit as well as 
the letter of the law should be observed; yet in the 
solitude of the forest or waters, when the opportunity 
comes, they yield to an instinct developed in man 
through the long ages. They ought to be ashamed of 
themselves, as I am ashamed of myself to-day. My take 
yesterday was forty-three trout. My virtuous scores for 
the three preceding days were Monday twenty-five, 
Tuesday, ten, Wednesday six. My sinful forty-three 
yesterday brings the total to eighty-four for four days. 
Not counting to-day, I have three days more here for 
fishing. For the eight days I will be entitled to ninety- 
six. I have the moral right, therefore, to take only twelve 
more trout, or four a day, except to-day which is a day 
of penance. 

It is perhaps a universal truth that after first yielding 
to temptation the conscientious sinner will resolve never 
to fall again. This fleeting period of strong resolves in- 
duces in him for a time a false and unjustified sense of 


virtue. It is then that he becomes the sternest critic of 
other sinners of his own kind. It is a natural thing, then, 
for me to add here a few words of scorn for those pitiful 
excuses of the erring fishermen to which when not under 
a sense of sin myself I have sometimes listened sympa- 
thetically. Take ? for instance, the excuse that if as- 
surance exists that somebody can be found to eat all 
the game or fish brought in the extra kill is justified. 

We are surprised this year to find the largest fish in 
the stream instead of the big lake. The trout seem about 
equally divided in numbers between the native and the 
rainbow. The fly I find best is a Coachman, size 8. The 
other day after a long trip in swift water with black 
flies and no rises, a change to a grey fly soon brought 
three good-sized rainbows. As I was wondering at 
this, the explanation came when two grey sand flies 
dropped on the water and two trout rose to them in- 

On this trip, as usual, the biggest fish got away. 
This occurred when I was casting the other evening in 
the big lake, with Roy at the oars of my boat. We have 
found in the big lake that the largest fish lie in the 
evening about sixty feet from the shore opposite the 
intake of a small mountain stream. If we cast there and 
get anything, it is generally a large one. I had tried for a 
half-hour without success, when I got what seemed to 
be a weak strike. I hooked the fish and commenced to 
reel in slowly and somewhat indifferently. Suddenly 
the pole in my hand was half-submerged by a sudden 
jerk of a strength which immediately changed my at- 


titude into one of excitement and expectancy. For a time 
I played the fish, giving him plenty of line. As he quieted 
down I started to reel him in, with Roy waiting with a 
long-poled landing net. Suddenly he made a magnificent 
leap fully two feet out of water, and then we realized 
both what a beauty he was and also that he was not for 
us, for he broke the leader and fairly won a victorious 
freedom. There is a two- or three-pound rainbow trout 
now in the lake which I shall always remember and 
I think he will remember me, for I regret to say he is 
carrying a hook in his mouth with a leader and two 

The importance of the general adoption by fish 
hatcheries, especially those under State Control, of the 
nursery pond system is so great that I note here the con- 
versation which I recently had with B. C. Hosselkus of 
Creede, considered the best and most experienced hatch- 
eryman in this section of the country. 

When fry are introduced immediately into the 
stream, river or lake he estimates that only twenty-five 
per cent are saved. Colonel Humphrey's estimate, I re- 
member, was only fifteen per cent. After a year in a 
nursery pond Hosselkus estimates that seventy-five 
per cent are saved. 

A part of this method of handling his hatcheries, he 
told me, is as follows: The green eggs taken from the 
trout are put in the prepared hatchery trays with water 
at fifty degrees temperature, and remain there for 
twenty-one days, when the eyes show through the trans- 
parent shell of the egg. A one degree difference in 


temperature of the water here makes forty-eight hours 
difference In the time of eyeing -cold retarding it, 
warmth accelerating it. After twenty-one days the eyed 
eggs are put in a tub and the uniinpregnated eggs which 
turn white are removed. The eggs are then replaced in 
the hatchery trays for hatching, which occurs in twenty 


They are then in the "fry" state and as soon as they 
swim they should be transferred to a protected nursery 
pond for a year. If placed directly in regular trout 
waters, between the larger fish eating them and being 
killed against the rocks by swift water like that in the 
Colorado streams, few will survive. Mr. Hosselkus says 
that with one year in his nursery ponds, with proper 
food and fifty-five to fifty-eight degree water, a trout 
will reach eight inches in length. It is then ready for 
transfer to regular trout waters. 

Wagon Wheel Gap, August II, 1928. 
Writing in the mountains again* Yesterday afternoon 
went with the fishermen but did not fish. Like the "back 
seat" automobile driver, however, I was on hand with 
a surplus supply of unsolicited, unappreciated and un- 
heeded advice. Had a fine time myself, but doubt 
whether I contributed to the general happiness by my 
comments. It is not quite so cool to-day as yesterday 

although it is always cool here and, like most 

mortals when in the deep woods on a clear, still and 
warm day, I feel coming on a comatose condition of 
mind and body. Poets might refer to this as a period of 
quiet and peace for the soul, but as a matter of fact it 


Is an attack of sheer laziness. For the time being, how- 
ever, I recall sympathetically Cowper's appeal: 

Oh for a lodge in some vast wilderness, 
Some boundless contiguity of shade, 
Where rumor of oppression and deceit, 
Of unsuccessful or successful war, 
Might never reach me more. 

Evening, August 11, 1928. 

Started out to fish this afternoon with a four fish limit 
and a determination to try only for big ones. Wonder 
of wonders ! I succeeded beyond any expectation. After 
throwing back five fair-sized fish I finally hooked and 
landed a fifteen-and-three-quarter-inch rainbow weigh- 
ing a pound the largest fish anyone has caught on the 
trip as yet. Caught and kept two more, each over 
twelve inches in length making my catch three to- 
day nine to go. 

My brother Henry and his wife and Carolyn and 
Melvin left for home this morning. My immediate 
family and I will leave Tuesday for Taos on our way to 
visit Mr, Waite Phillips at Cimarron, New Mexico. 

Received to-day an interesting letter from Dwight Morrow 
chiefly covering personal matters, but I quote what he says about 

"The work down here in Mexico goes along very well on the 
whole. The assassination of General Obreg6n is a great blow to the 
country, because it throws into the political field the question of 
succession which, as you know, is the baffling question in coun- 
tries like Mexico. I have been struck with the poise of President 
Calles, in whom I think the country is getting more and more con- 
fidence. As I told you in Washington, I look upon him as a man of 


industry, ability and courage. He has had in the past some very 
radical ideas. The test, however, of a public official is what re- 
sponsibility does to him. Responsibility has sobered and tempered 
the ideas of Calles. He is still bitterly criticized by many Amer- 
icans, but I look upon him as a patriot." 

At 5:00 P.M. Denver time we listened over the radio 
to Secretary Hoover's acceptance speech. It was a re- 
markable address. No one could hear it without inner 
tribute to the great ability and versatility of the speaker. 
It was a masterpiece from a political standpoint. From 
now on we will hear little of the myth that Herbert 
Hoover is no politician. I do not think, however, that 
when elected he will seek as a super-politician to avoid 
the difficult issues which national emergency brings in- 
stead of meeting them "head on" when necessary for 
the public good. This was Calvin Coolidge's strength. 
Does Hoover possess it? That is a question which no 
one can answer now perhaps not even Hoover him- 
self, for the tests of a President are unique. When his 
ambitions are concerned, will he be safe as a guardian 
of the public interest? Will he be willing to "take the 
gaff" at times, and defy temporary public sentiment 
even at the risk of loss of power, content to receive his 
just and high reward only when time crystallizes public 
sentiment into permanent public judgment? 

This and this only is the hallmark of real statesman- 
ship. If Herbert Hoover stands this test, he will be one 
of the greatest of our Presidents for no one will have 
entered the office better equipped by ability and ex- 
perience to cope with the particular problems which 
apparently will confront the coming Administration. 


What will Hoover do when he bears a sole responsibility 
in a public crisis involving his own political power and 
popularity? Will he steer by the compass and the stars, 
or by the wind? Every other test he has stood in his 
wonderful and in many respects unrivaled career of 
accomplishment for the public good. I here record the 
belief that if elected he will meet this final and greatest 
test as he has met others of the past and become one 
of the really great Presidents of the Republic. 

Wagon Wheel Gap, August 13, 1928. 

Yesterday involved a five-mile horseback ride over 
the mountain trails to the west fork of Goose Creek in 
the National Forest Reserve. Roy went with me, but 
we had but one rod between us. The stream is very 
rocky, water very swift, and trout very wary in such 
clear water. Fished most of the time in the middle of 
the stream with waders hard work in the strong cur- 
rent. Took four trout on a Royal Coachman fly size 8, 
and surely earned them. Turned over the rod for a 
time to Roy and he took three more. So this afternoon 
when I catch five trout more I have finished. It has 
been a wonderful trip and I have enjoyed it much 
more because I have exercised reasonable moderation in 
my fishing. 


Caught the last five of my ninety-six trout for the 
eight days. I took ninety on flies, five on a spinner, and 
in a moment of weakness one on a grasshopper the 
latter being much more difficult to catch than the fish. 


Taos, New Mexico, August 15, 1928. 

We came yesterday 179 miles by automobile from 
Wagon Wheel Gap to this most curious and fascinating 
of all American towns. Mrs. A. E. Humphrey and Mr. 
and Mrs. Albert Humphrey* came with us. We arrived 
at 6:36 P.M.; and in the evening at the Don Fernando 
Hotel, where we stopped, some of the Indians from the 
near-by pueblo gave their native dances. 

To-day we have visited some of the artists' studios 
for this is the habitat of high art as well as of 
Spanish-Americans and Indians. Last year when I was 
here and again to-day I met a number of the artists, 
who are most interesting and pleasant men. 

In the afternoon a committee of Pueblo Indians called 
and invited our party to a dance to be given at their 
pueblo. We accepted and will go this evening. They 
did this for us a year ago and it was a most interest- 
ing experience. It was a beautiful moonlight night and 
the Indians danced near a great fire of logs with the 
old pueblo in the background. The Governor and Lieu- 
tenant Governor of New Mexico were with me and 
during the dance the Indian Governor of the tribe, who 
was standing near, walked to a little elevation between 
the dancers and ourselves and addressed us and them. 

He was a dignified, fine-looking Indian with one of 
those wonderful clear-cut Indian faces bespeaking in- 
telligence, authority and perfect poise. 

The firelight with its flickering shadows, the dancing 
Indians, and the pueblo gave him a background as im- 
pressive as the picture he himself made. His speech, 
which was addressed to both the dancers and me, was 


interpreted to me as he delivered it by an Indian 
graduate of the Carlisle School. It was in general a state- 
ment of appreciation of the honor which they felt was 
done them by our visit and an exhortation to the Indians 
to do their best to entertain us. But the moving part 
was when he spoke of the Indians' pride in their race 
and about their old pueblo of the long ages they had 
dwelt in it and their affection for it. His ending sentences 
were: "Here we have always lived. Here we are living. 
Here we shall always live." 

I replied as best I could, expressing my gratitude 
but as a speaker fell far short of him in every way. 

In the afternoon before the dance I had met the 
Indian Governor and the leading members of his tribe 
in the council room of the pueblo, where they asked 
my interest in certain matters connected with their 
reservation and pending with the Government. 

It seems they elect a new Governor each year. I am 
told the tribe numbers upwards of five hundred. The 
people here say that they are very cleanly, peaceful and 
pleasant neighbors. I will add to these notes after our 
visit this evening to the pueblo. 


We have just returned from the Indian dance at the 
old pueblo. It was as interesting and as impressive as 
that of a year ago. 

After the dance was over, the chief took us to his 
apartment in the pueblo, where were gathered the 
elders and counsellors of the tribe, to whom he in- 
troduced us. We had a most cordial reception, and met 


many interesting characters. Quite a number of the 

Indians spoke English. 

Cimarron, New Mexico, August 18, 1928. 

On Thursday evening at Taos had a pleasant call 
from Bronson Cutting, United States Senator from 
New Mexico, who, with some of his friends, came up 
from Santa Fe to meet us. Waite Phillips, our host at 
Cimarron, arrived to take us by automobile to his ranch. 
We left with him at 11 : 30 A.M., the Humphreys leaving 
-us to go to Santa Fe. We reached Cimarron in time for 
lunch. The Phillips home is beautiful, and most interest- 
ing in its unusual furnishings, many of them symbolical 
of this unique part of the country and the art of its 
original inhabitants. It is on a tract of one hundred and 
fifty thousand acres, practically all of which is in the 
same wild state as when it was the habitat of Kit Carson 
and the first settlers of New Mexico. It is a game pre- 
serve and filled with all sorts of wild life. Deer and 
wild turkey are especially abundant. There is a herd 
of buffalo which, of course, is carefully guarded, and 
another of elk. Every effort is being made to keep the 
country clear of the mountain lions, which are so de- 
structive of the deer. At Phillips' camp, fifteen miles 
distant, where we go to-morrow by pack horse the 
last seven miles there is an almost untouched trout 
stream the Rayado. 

We spent the afternoon and evening of Monday 
quietly with our genial and hospitable host and his 
charming wife and children. Yesterday morning there 
arrived our friends from Chicago and the East, most 


of whom have been my companions on my visits to 
Colorado and New Mexico for the last three years 
J. E. Otis and his son, Joe, Kenneth Roberts, Ben 
Ames Williams, Charles Francis Coe, and John T. 
McCutcheon, my dear friend of the long years for 
whom my boy Dana McCutcheon Dawes is named. 
Roberts, Williams and Coe are on the Saturday Evening 
Post staff of writers. 

Mr. Phillips and I met them at the train and took 
lunch in their car. Then we went in the afternoon to 
the place in the near-by mountains where we saw so 
many wild turkeys last year, and where Kenneth 
Roberts and John McCutcheon fired not once but a 
dozen times in the general direction of a wandering 
turkey, which suffered nothing unless from shell shock 
and surprise. We saw no other turkey, but on our way 
back in the automobile we sighted a fine two-year-old 
buck standing about five hundred yards away. Kenneth 
got out at Mr. Phillips 7 suggestion to try for him. He 
missed him the first time, but followed him into the 
foothills and finally got him. I may say here that the 
Phillips ranch, being a game preserve, is operated under 
license from the State and this proceeding was legal 
but I think Kenneth was more depressed than elated 
over his success. 

Rayado Lodge, Phillips Ranch, Cimarron, August 21, 1928. 
We reached this place over a pack horse trail Satur- 
day afternoon. Waite Phillips, one of the best hosts this 
generation has produced, has outdone himself in ar- 
ranging to have "things doing." The hunters of the 


party, Kenneth Roberts, Ben Ames Williams and 
John McCutcheon, with the energy and persistence 
which have characterized their lives, have spent most of 
the time on horseback on the rough trails or lying in 
wait for wild turkeys. Ben Williams took first rank with 
an eighteen- or twenty-pound gobbler, and Kenneth sec- 
ond. Phillips has the most famous of the Government 
lion hunters of New Mexico on the place at present. This 
is Ritchie, who has killed nineteen mountain lions in 
this state since the first of the year. He has his dogs 
with him trying to locate a lion for our hunters. Earlier 
in the season he killed two on the place and thinks there 
are only one or two left. Lions are hunted relentlessly in 
order to protect the deer. Yesterday evening when 
Ritchie came into camp he had not located a lion, but he 
brought a brown bear which he had shot. We have 
already had buffalo, venison, wild turkey and trout on 
our bill of fare, and to this we will now add bear meat. 
I have confined myself to fishing, sticking to a moral 
limit of ten a day on the average. Spent nine hours on 
the rocky Agua Fria yesterday riding up on horseback 
and fishing down the gorge on foot a wonderful day. 
Since I then took nineteen trout, despite the fact I 
took only five Saturday evening I can take only six this 
afternoon. So I am going to the hard fishing where most 
of the time is taken up in stumbling and slipping on sub- 
merged boulders in swift water and disentangling your 
line and fly hook from the thick growth of bushes along 
the stream. Mrs. Dawes and the children are enjoying 
the horseback riding immensely, and as I write are out 
on a fifteen-mile ride. We are far removed from tele- 




phones, telegrams, mall and the "madding crowd." 
One of the best times of all is the evening reunion when 
we gather around the blazing log fire at the lodge house. 
At this altitude the nights are cold. The relating of the 
experiences of the day are then embellished with the 
harmless exaggerations incident to the absence of wit- 
nesses to the fact. Afterwards comes a general discussion 
and the expression by able men of extreme views on 
every subject, successfully designed to create irritation 
and "come-backs." 

Then we walk through the darkness to our sleeping 
quarters and see a wonderful sight. At night in this high 
altitude the stars blaze with a light which dwellers on 
the plains can never enjoy. Nor, again, can they ever see 
a new moon and a golden planet slowly swing up from 
behind the black background of a great mountain which 
intensifies their brilliancy. Such a vision before us closes 
the day. 

Schopenhauer once said of a man who rises in the 
world that if he is of the right kind his sensations are 
those of one ascending in a balloon. "He does not feel 
that he is rising, but that the earth is sinking away." 
Something like this is true of a mountain climber. 

Evanston, Illinois, August 25, 1928. 

The last two of the four days we spent at the Rayado 
Lodge are memorable to me chiefly for two things. The 
first is that I caught a rainbow trout measuring sixteen 
and seven eighths inches one eighth of an inch longer 
than the best one at Wagon Wheel Gap. I rode horse- 
back many miles and sloshed around considerably in 


swift water and on slippery rocks in pursuit of this trout 
and his lesser fellows. He was caught in a small pool 
about halfway down the falls of the Agua Fria Creek. 
The other was the fact that on the last day I "walked 
the canyon" of the Rayado. The canyon is about ten 
miles long, but the first half-mile and the last three miles 
we negotiated on horseback using two sets of horses. 
Mr. Phillips' son Eliot, my son Dana, and Mr. Phillips' 
nephew Lee walked the whole ten miles. The rest of the 
party, Mr. Phillips, Ben Ames Williams, John Mc- 
Cutcheon, Charles Francis Coe, the guides and myself 
walked about six and one half miles. This statement 
conveys but a weak impression of the performance, 
which involved scrambling, crawling and wading under 
the term "walking." The trip consumed about eight 
hours, including a stop for lunch of fried trout, bacon, 
coffee, bread and butter, consumed on the banks of the 
rushing mountain stream. 

At the end of the canyon trail automobiles were wait- 
ing and they carried a tired party fifteen miles farther, 
to the starting point of four days before Mr. Phillips' 
ranch house at Cimarron. After dinner we motored 
fifty miles to Raton, where we took the Navajo on the 
Atchison Railroad for Chicago, arriving this morning* 
A fine trip. 

(Written of our visit to Cimarron, by Ben Ames Wil- 

Past the corner of the freight house at Raton, across the railroad 
tracks, lay a swimming sea of lovely color, a sweep of tawny prairie 
and a mesa turquoise-blue. But this way lay the mountains, so 


none gave the prairie any least regard. Men will lift up their eyes 
unto the Mils. 

From the siding at Cimarron, remotely ridged with flat-roofed 
'dobe houses from whose doorways dark-skinned children peered, 
a road flung like a ribbon across the prairie grown uneasy here, 
brought us to the ranch house whose contours suggested those of 
an ancient mission, as though it had been built devoutly at the 
feet of the mountains brooding there, waiting there, inviting there. 

Horseback we ascended. The sure beasts tirelessly footed the 
long slants and switchbacks of the climb. Once from a jetting 
shoulder we saw the prairies deep behind us. A still pool of gold 
and opal and blue, they seemed to scale upward to a horizon in- 
credibly remote yet still at the very level of our eyes. Then the 
trail dipped breakneck to the green Bonito, scaled to a dizzy 
height once more, and swooped like a stooping hawk to where the 
pearly Agua Fria meets the clear Ray ado to tint its waters too. 

Yet the heights were still above us. Another day, striving toward 
them, we threaded a forest that never knew steel and burst at last 
into a pasture pressed against the sky, mile upon mile of it, and 
toward its end a herd milling in open round-up while the calves 
bawled fearfully even before they felt the fire. We stopped a little 
for that business, then up once more, straddling a wooded scarp, 
dipping and ascending again into an English countryside of spread- 
ing lawns cut by jutting tongues of aspen. The pale boles of the 
trees diffused dull gold. The eye could run for a mile or more among 
these verdant lawns. They were, said Gene, the pastures where wild 
horses dwell. 

A fit place, too. Here one might dwell in a friendly equality 
with the nearer summits. Here a wild thing might find its solitude. 
Across the pleasant lawns our horses plodded, while we peered 
through the aspens as new reaches of the pastures opened to our 

They broke abruptly from a covert at one side. Six mares, bay 
or black, raced at full gallop toward the rim rock down which no 
less venturesome foot could pursue. Behind, urging them, drove 
the great black stallion. Once they were safe away, he checked and 


stood, holding us in swift survey. The sun struck him. His mane 
was like the break of an inky cataract; his tail seemed fit to brush 
the ground, and his black coat caught and flung toward us the 
red caress of the sun. He stood thus for an instant memorable, then 
his hoofs flung sod and he was gone. 

Our trail from that spot led downward, toward where the more 
prosaic prairies lay. There was no more finely thrilling height to 


Evanston, Illinois, August 26, 1928. 

A DELEGATION of thirteen Japanese students on an ex- 
cursion trip in this country called at the house to pay 
their respects this morning. Most of them could speak 
English and were a very intelligent and fine-looking lot 
of young men, I showed them a piece of Mayan pottery, 
dug up from under eight feet of ground in Code 
province, Panama, on which in clay was perched as an 
ornament one of the Japanese symbolical monkeys with 
his hands over his eyes. Everyone knows the three 
Japanese monkeys "Hear No Evil See No Evil 
Speak No Evil", one monkey with his hands over his 
ears, one with them over his eyes, and one with them 
over his mouth. When I was at Panama last year Presi- 
dent Chiari, knowing of my interest in Central Ameri- 
can archaeology, presented me with thirty duplicate 
pieces of pottery from their national collection, of which 
this piece was one. At the Panama museum all three 
of the monkeys were frequently represented on the 
prehistoric pottery. When in Panama I was constantly 
looking for evidences of a prehistoric European and 
African connection with the old Central American 
civilization, and did find in the museum the model of a 
rather doubtful elephant of which I had a photograph 
taken. But I was surprised at the more direct evidence 


of an Asiatic connection afforded by these figures of 
the three monkeys. Upon my reaching home and em- 
ploying the Japanese repairer of pottery from the Field 
Museum to mend one or two pieces of Panama pottery 
broken in transit, he told me that the symbol of the 
monkeys originated in China, not Japan. This reminded 
me that I had been shown at Panama photographs of a 
Mayan clay image wearing a Chinese conical cap, and 
another which resembled a Chinese dragon. These latter 
may have been accidental resemblances, but to me the 
fact that these Chinese symbolical monkeys all three 
are found in considerable numbers on prehistoric 
Central American pottery is very good evidence of an 
Asiatic origin, or at least communication. I have never 
seen any reference to these symbols in any writings on 
the old Central American civilization. 

Manitoulin Island, Ontario, September 3, 1928. 

Mrs. Dawes, the children, my brother Rufus and his 
wife and son Palmer and myself are here visiting my 
brother Beman, whose camp is located on Lake Manitou. 
It is a beautiful place. The fishing is good. We are catch- 
ing small mouthed bass and pike in reasonable numbers, 

My visit recalls our last summer's stay here and our 
experiences on the way. We stopped at Buffalo, New 
York, for the dedication of the Peace Bridge. The 
British and Canadian Governments were represented by 
the Prince of Wales, Premier Baldwin and Mackenzie 
King, Premier of Canada, and our Government by 
Secretary Kellogg, Governor Smith of New York and 
myself. The ceremony took place on the center of the 


Vice President Dawes on the American Side of the Bridge greeting the 

Prince of Wales on the Canadian Side. At extreme left of the picture 

is Mrs, Dawes, who is soon to cut the ribbon, thus opening 

the bridge to traffic. 


bridge where the two official groups met. The Prince and 
I shook hands and exchanged informal greetings over a 
ribbon stretched across the bridge; Mrs. Dawes then 
cut the ribbon with a pair of gilt scissors. Both parties 
next rode to a platform on the American side, where an 
audience estimated at seventy-five thousand was gath- 
ered. When the Prince and I stepped from our car I 
insisted that he precede me to the platform, as that 
appealed to me as the proper courtesy to show our guest. 
When he and I went through formal affairs later in the 
afternoon, on the Canadian side he insisted that I pre- 
cede him. I mention this merely because some American 
papers criticized at length this proceeding on the 
American side as indicating that our Government was 
improperly taking a back seat because I did not step 
ahead. Washington indulges in much discussion of 
questions of personal precedence, and to such a degree is 
offense sometimes taken if the precedents are not fol- 
lowed that the State Department undertakes to give 
advice in the matter, especially in connection with 
official dinners and other official occasions. I suppose 
this saves a lot of petty and undignified quarreling. 
But I do not think the American people care a "whoop" 
about these things. 

The principal addresses were made by the Prince 
of Wales, Premier Baldwin, Premier King, Secretary 
Kellogg, Governor Smith and myself. In my address, 
as the Geneva Naval Disarmament Conference had just 
ended in a failure to agree, and this was a peace celebra- 
tion, I commented upon the result. 

The speech was referred to by some of the newspaper 


correspondents as "undiplomatic"; but it was not so. 
Common sense is never undiplomatic. Premier Baldwin 
asked me to sign my reading copy as a souvenir for 
him ? and the Canadian Minister told me afterward that 
his government had indicated its agreement with its 
conclusions. The editorial comments on both sides of the 
boundary line were commendatory, and I think it ex- 
pressed the common sentiments of the English-speaking 
peoples. The important portion of the address was, In 
part, as follows: 

There should not be discouragement ai the slow progress of the 
naval discussions and the adjournment of the Geneva Conference 
without a solution. That meeting was but an incident in the steady 
onward march of the principle agreed upon by the great naval 
powers at the Washington Conference, in accordance with which 
two great English-speaking peoples pledged themselves to equality 
in naval strength. It was not a mistake to call the Conference. 
It has demonstrated again the desire of the peoples represented to 
eliminate competitive war preparation, and again has revealed and 
emphasized the common acceptance of the fundamental basis of 
the Washington Conference. 

It has served to educate all of the peoples as to some of the 
details of the special necessities of each nation, and gives public 
opinion the opportunity to bear upon those comparatively minor 
details which are still the subject of debate. 

Perhaps before this Conference was held there was not the pre- 
liminary careful appraisement by each conferee of the necessities 
of the other perhaps the exclusive concentration by each con- 
feree upon the necessities of his own nation resulted in prede- 
termined ultimatums before a comparison of views - perhaps the 
public announcement of respective programs early in the Confer- 
ence produced fears of domestic public repercussion if tbey were 
reasonably modified, as would be necessary to effect an agree- 


Experts may be slow in performing their difficult duty of in- 
terpreting in terms of respective ship programs the principle of 
equality between the English-speaking nations, but it is unthink- 
able that Great Britain and the United States, solemnly pledged 
to the principle of equality, will again place upon their peoples the 
burden of competitive naval building because temporarily their 
experts disagree in their practical interpretation of that principle. 
If in their respective programs under the principle of equality 
the United States requires heavy cruisers which Great Britain 
does not need, and Great Britain requires light cruisers which 
the United States does not need, there is no excuse for inaugurating 
a competition under which ships will be built which neither of 
them need. 

The Conference will only result in the stronger demand of the 
world that the work of interpreting the principle of equality in 
respective ship programs be continued until a fair agreement is 

The British party having learned that we were on 
our way to Manitoulin Island, invited our party to 
accompany them as far as Toronto on their boat. This 
required a motor trip of thirty miles on the Canadian 
side to the point of embarkation. The Prince, his aide, 
General Trotter, and I went in the first car and Prince 
George and Mrs. Dawes in the second. The speed with 
which we traveled in an open car was disturbing, es- 
pecially since its occupants did not belong to anti- 
smoking organizations. If the correspondents could 
have heard His Royal Highness's comments upon this 
occasion, they might be justified in pronouncing them 
emphatic in form but extremely appropriate to the 

The fact of the matter is that the Prince is a royal 
"good fellow", and his unassuming and natural de- 


meaner in the midst of the crowds through which we 
drove and walked his ability, tact and kindliness as 
exemplified in his conversation and actions explained 
to me the great hold he has upon the affections of the 
British people. Wherever he is, he would be the same. 
And I recall now, with an understanding impossible 
before meeting him, a touching story of his visit after the 
war to a British hospital for the severely wounded. A 
few of those were so terribly disfigured that, in their own 
desire and to save others the pain which would be caused 
by the sight of their awful state, without eyes or nose 
or mouth, they were kept in comparative seclusion. 
The Prince was taken to them. Without words, deeply 
moved, he paused for a minute and then walked to the 
cot of the one most disfigured and kissed him. How 
pitifully weak in comparison words would have been to 
express as he did then what every British heart felt, 
not only for those who had endured death, but for those 
living who were enduring worse than death, that Britain 
might live. 

On the trolley ride which was a feature of our trip 
to the boat, I had an hour's talk with Stanley Baldwin. 
I spoke of the great contribution to the Experts' Plan 
made by the British members Sir Josiah Stamp and 
Sir Robert Kindersley who were selected by him but 
appointed by Ramsay McDonald, who temporarily suc- 
ceeded him. He joined in the commendation. He dis- 
cussed at length the great English strike, and gave an 
interesting account of how, at the most critical time, he 
was approached by certain political leaders who pleaded 


with him, "for God's sake, and for the sake of the 
country", to yield in his stand. He answered that they 
were the ones who should yield "for their country's 
sake." But Baldwin did not yield, and as a result Britain 
contributed to the world a demonstration of this truth: 
that a general strike is revolution, and must be dealt 
with by government as such. 

In his preliminary, patient, generous, and conciliatory 
quest for a peaceful settlement, Baldwin braved the 
bitter criticism and hostility of the conservatives, and 
in his final and unyielding stand for the nation's rights, 
that of the radicals. But of such stuff and such alone are 
statesmen made. 

I have found the task of presiding over the United 
States Senate for the last three years, while frequently 
most interesting and exacting, at times rather irksome. 
This is natural, for most of my life has been spent in 
executive and administrative positions with specific 
objectives and well-defined authority and responsibili- 
ties. In such positions one becomes accustomed to con- 
densed and clear statements of facts accompanied by 
arguments based upon them which appeal to reason 
and common sense rather than to prejudice or emotion. 
There are many able Senators of business and legal 
training whose addresses are a delight. Their public life 
is devoted to constructive service exacting in its demand 
for hard work and as a rule useful in proportion to it. 
Conscientious and considerate, with minds bent upon 
creating conviction upon debatable propositions and 
projects of immense public importance, they command 


a respect and influence when speaking greatly dis- 
proportionate to the size of their senatorial audience. 
Indeed the surface indication of a useful speech is often 
a vacant Senate floor. Some constructive Senators, like 
Wadsworth and Reed of Pennsylvania, who always 
speak with thorough preparation on any important 
subject, are such finished, persuasive and inviting ad- 
vocates that they can under almost any circumstance 
hold the attention of the Senate on nonpolitical meas- 
ures of an economic nature. 

It is discouraging to contemplate the abuse of the 
powers given by the rules in efforts to embarrass an 
earnest, industrious and able Senator like Warren, who 
has charge of the presentation of great appropriation 
bills covering hundreds of millions of dollars in their 
items. The business of the United States Government 
is the largest in the world, involving the collection and 
disbursement annually of about four billion dollars. 
Since appropriation and revenue bills provide for the 
vital machinery of government without which it cannot 
sustain itself, they rank first in their right to the time 
and attention of the Senate except occasionally when 
some great national emergency exists. To be considered 
intelligently they should be considered continuously, un- 
less the necessity for time for further investigation is 
demonstrated by the discussion, and the postponement 
of consideration will add to its eventual value. All other 
great parliamentary bodies control their time, allotting 
it to subjects in accord with their relative importance 
to their respective countries. When the great fiscal bills 
of a Government or any other important measures are 


under consideration no speaker should be allowed to 
project himself impudently athwart the purpose of the 
parliamentary body as a whole and delay its legitimate 
and necessary work by a speech unlimited in length and 
totally irrelevant to the subject under consideration. 
The rights of the body should rank first. They should 
not be surrendered to gratify either the vanity, the 
malice or the selfish personal or political purpose of 
any individual. But they are so surrendered in the 

I suppose there is no Senator in the Chamber who in- 
voluntarily has listened to more bombastic and dema- 
gogical speeches in waste of the Senate's time than 
Senator Francis E. Warren, its oldest member and 
Chairman of the Appropriations Committee. In charge 
of an appropriation bill whose items he is patiently 
explaining to the Senate, he cannot flee the chamber 
when one of the chronic time-wasters addresses the 
Chair and starts to rant. He must sit it through. If he 
protests at a waste of time which, especially precious in 
the short session, means nothing else than one of two 
things the failure of the bill and an extra session, 
or the passage of the bill without proper consideration 
or explanation he is treated with scant courtesy 
and sometimes with truculence and poorly concealed 
contempt. He has dared to assume that the necessary 
business of government is more important than Senator 
So-and-So's irrelevant political diatribe. Horrible! So, 
being duly rebuked, he sinks back in his chair until the 
Senate is freed again for business, sometimes from sheer 
weariness of the speaker, but more often because to 


continue longer would endanger the publication of the 
speech In the morning paper. 

Senator Warren Is one of a group of Senators whose 
laborious and important work, because it is constructive 
and useful instead of spectacular, attracts little public 
attention. Senator Smoot, chairman of the Finance 
Committee, has won his high position in the Senate 
and In the country by sheer ability and indefatigable 
industry. The value to the public of such men cannot 
be overestimated, but is not generally appreciated as it 
should be. It is they and their like who perform most of 
the difficult, disagreeable and necessary work, speaking 
only when they have something to say and accomplish. 
They are so accustomed to criticism that it generally 
fails to arouse any response from them. Standing be- 
tween public measures and those who would modify 
them for personal or political motives, they are abused 
as if they were malefactors and were not actuated by 
one guiding purpose the public interest. 

These constructive men are not confined to one party. 
They are the seasoned statesmen and veteran workmen 
of the body. Some of them are brilliant speakers and 
have achieved great reputations, but all are indefati- 
gable workers. Some of them speak rarely but always 
with commanding influence* Senator Glass is one of the 
foremost of these veterans honored in the Senate and 
in the nation. A brilliant debater, he never rises to his 
feet for an extended address without knowing his facts 
and his subject. It was his aggressive courage and in- 
cessant attention which saved the bill giving indetermi- 
nate charters to the Federal Reserve Banks, in my judg- 


ment the most important single measure to the business 
of the country passed in the last decade. His colleague 
Senator Swanson is also conspicuous in this class. The 
two give the old State of Virginia a representation and 
influence in the Senate of which it may well be proud. 
Swanson is a man of great mental strength and culture, 
and his speeches are profound and constructive. Such 
brilliant efforts are no accident. Behind them is un- 
ceasing work. 

These men belong to what may be called the "working 
class" in the Senate. In using this term I mean con- 
structive work as distinguished from work with a de- 
structive purpose. The latter, at times, is as necessary to 
the public good as the former, and quite as exacting. 
Again, at times every constructive worker has to be- 
come destructive. Underbrush often has to be burned 
away before a house is built. But there are certain men 
who so like to wield the torch that, while occasionally 
and usefully burning away underbrush, they are not 
content until they burn some houses as well These 
natural house-burners are represented in the Senate. 
At times, with great public benefit and acclaim, they 
will burn a rotten structure. If they would be content 
with this, as Charles E. Hughes was when he conducted 
the insurance investigation, all would go well with them 
in public life. But unfortunately for their highest am- 
bitions they always, in their career, try to set ablaze 
too many good structures, and a common-sense public 
never makes a hero out of one whom they come to con- 
sider a pyromaniac. 


Mayfair Hotel, New York City, September 13, 1928. 
MY family and I arrived at Chicago last Monday morn- 
ing after a most delightful visit at Phelps, Wisconsin, 
with our friends Dr. and Mrs. Frankenthal. The Doctor 
is a lover of nature and for twenty years has found 
health and enjoyment among the lakes and woods of 
Northern Wisconsin. It has been here that he has kept 
constantly renewed the wonderful vitality which enables 
him to perform his great and humane work as a surgeon 
with a skill and wisdom which have made him eminent. 
I feel that if it were not for his genius our little family 
circle would not now be as it is and we hold him and 
his noble wife in affection and deep gratitude. 

After two days at the bank I received a letter from 
my friend General James G. Harbord urging me to 
keep a promise to visit him, and on the spur of the 
moment I got ready and took the Century, Wednesday,, 
for New York. The General and my friend Charles 
Francis Coe met me at the depot. 

I have spent a rather hectic day which is not yet 
finished as the General and I are going this evening to 
a meeting of the organization of the Radio Corpora- 
tion of America, of which he is president, to see the first 
public demonstration of some new wonder in the science 
of radio transmission. Just what it is I do not know and 
am sure I shall never understand* 


The last time I was here Mr. Sarnoff, vice president 
of the Radio Corporation, undertook to explain to me 
the new method of photographing the voice in the pro- 
duction of talking movies. After he was through, and 
I was left more mystified than ever, I repeated to him 
a saying of Balfour. The latter, after discussing an 
abstruse problem in metaphysics, gave Kant's ex- 
planation of it and then observed: "It may be re- 
marked here that with the generality of people they 
much prefer the existence of a problem which they can- 
not explain, to an explanation of it which they cannot 

I first went downtown with Harbord to see some of 
my old friends in the business section. Had a visit with 
Tom Lamont and met at his office, for only a few 
minutes, Zimmerman who represented the League 
of Nations in the financial rehabilitation of Austria a 
man whose fine work and ability I have much admired. 
He told me that he had called to see me at Chicago 
during my absence, and so my last trip was at the ex- 
pense of what would have been an interesting inter- 
view. I went to see my old acquaintances at the Central 
Union Trust Company, where in the old days my friend 
James N. Wallace presided. 

Everybody, including George Davison the president 
and Vallely the bank policeman, seemed glad to see 
me and I felt as if I were a business man again. 

New York, September 14, 1928. 

My friend Owen D. Young called for me at Harbord's 
apartments in the morning, which we spent in visiting 


with each other and making a few calls together on 
mutual friends downtown. I am deeply attached to Mm. 
We talked over the functioning of the Experts' Plan. 
As it enters successfully its fifth and standard year, 
we have the right to a certain satisfaction in the com- 
parative collapse of the pessimistic prophesies of the 
political economists. The latter, in its early years, were 
most of them apostles of gloom and quite persuasive 
ones at that. But the years have demonstrated that they 
were wrong. They failed to forecast the flow of credit 
to Germany following the rehabilitation of its currency 
system and the balancing of its budget., which estab- 
lished world confidence in the stability of its economy. 

The resulting transfer of credits to Germany has 
furnished the necessary foreign exchange to cover easily 
such reparations payments as were not made by de- 
liveries in kind. 

The Experts' Plan is playing its part properly. It has 
demonstrated that Germany can pay and that Germany 
has the will to pay. But the moral obligation rests upon 
the Allied Governments to fix a reasonable and definite 
sum total of reparations. Its fulfillment becomes more 
important every day. 

New York, September 17, 1928. 

My vacation spent among the quiet woods and waters 
of the West emphasizes by contrast the noises, contacts 
and complexities of this great metropolitan whirlpool. 
And yet, it has made me feel younger. 

For seven of the last eleven years I have been away 
from Chicago in the war, in the federal budget work, 


In reparations work, in the last campaign, and then in 
my present office. Many of my close friends there have 
died. I have lost close contact with the oncoming busi- 
ness generation of Chicago individually. Many more 
people than before may know me, but there are fewer 
and fewer people whom I feel I know. It is the old 
friends to whom one clings, and their deaths create 
something of a feeling of loneliness in the old sur- 
roundings. But here on this visit every minute has been 
spent with old friends in ceaseless activity. There are 
so many of them left that I have not yet seen them all. 
My contacts with them, extending in some cases over 
twenty years, may have been occasional; but they have 
been continuous. 

My luncheon to-day with Henry L. Stoddard, George 
B. Cortelyou, Gus Hanna and Senator George Moses 
brought a delightful recalling of the past and an inter- 
esting discussion of the present and future. The other 
night, with a lot of the old friends, among them Dr. 
Ward A. Holden, my classmate at Marietta College, 
Class of 1884, I went to the Capitol Theater to see 
Coe's new picture. 

I thought of the changes in our lives in the forty- 
four years during which I have seen Holden only twice. 
He is one of New York's successful medical specialists, 
and I a public official. We used to go together to, and 
occupy the cheapest seats at, the infrequent plays in 
the old Marietta City Hall nearly a half-century ago. 

Here in New York, Mr. Rothaf el at the Capitol The- 
ater not only gave us our seats for nothing, but a fine 
luncheon after the performance as well. 


Perhaps the reason I have enjoyed this visit to New 
York so much is because I came here with no specific 
objective except to visit HarborcL Specific objectives in 
life interfere with perspectives. 

I have really looked at things this time. I have really 
visited my friends with no uncompleted undertakings 
as in the old business days gnawing at my sub- 
conscious mental vitals. The magnificent sky lines of 
New York and the beauty of its countrysides its curi- 
ous comminglings of nationalities on its streets its 
grand and its sordid sides these I have seen a hun- 
dred times, and yet have never really seen them as now. 

I begin to understand how much that concentration 
of mind upon definite ends, which is so necessary to 
success in new undertakings, interferes with a proper 
appreciation of one's surroundings. And much of my 
life has been a series of new undertakings. Made my 
first trip yesterday to Staten Island, where for some 
years we have owned the gas company. Ordinarily my 
thoughts would have been only on its business and its 
fine prospects. But I came away with other reflections, 
for I had visited the house where at a ripe and rotten 
old age Aaron Burr ; a Vice President of the United 
States, ended his disillusioned days in poverty and 
loneliness. What a tragedy of suffering his life had 

Over in Trinity Churchyard the day before I had 
seen on the grave of Alexander Hamilton a fresh wreath 
of flowers, which seemed symbolical of the continued 
national appreciation with which his memory is adorned, 


while that of Burr who killed him in his prime is ex- 
ecrated and his grave forgotten. 

Evanston, September 20, 1928. 

Arrived home yesterday from New York. My visit, 
as has been the case with every visit I have made there 
since 1898, was rendered more pleasant by the constant 
company of Charles Augustus Hanna, who has been 
my faithful friend since 1887 the year I settled at 
Lincoln. Such friends as he make life worth the living. 
In his modesty he seeks always to hide his light under 
a bushel. His literary work, done in the leisure hours of 
his work as chief examiner for the New York Clearing 
House, has won him distinction among students of 
American history. His book "The Scotch-Irish in Scot- 
land, North Ireland and America" is standard authority 
here and in Britain. His dedication of it I have always 
remembered: "To the forgotten dead of that indom- 
itable race whose pioneers in an unbroken chain from 
Champlain to Florida formed the advance guard of 
civilization in its progress to the Mississippi and first 
conquered, subdued, and planted the wilderness be- 

Evanston, September 23, 1928. 

On my trip to New York I read a current biography 
written by one of the new school of historians who en- 
deavor to make "best sellers" by emphasizing at length 
and in detail the scandalous episodes in the lives of an- 
cient leaders, merely using their real accomplishments 
as a background for them. This afternoon at the house, 


while I was rereading Plutarch's "Lives" and Caesar's 
"Gallic Wars" to check up on some of the statements in 
this book, my friend General Enoch Crowder called, 
bringing with him General Richardson, formerly Com- 
mander of the Thirty-ninth Division. The conversation 
drifted naturally to the subject of qualifications for 
military leadership. I called attention to one unusual 
qualification which the Greek and Roman generals were 
supposed to possess that of public speaking, the 
ability to inspire their troops to victory by an address 
to them when drawn up in line of battle just before an 
engagement and in sight of the enemy similarly de- 
ployed. The addresses they are supposed to have made, 
though repeated by ancient historians in detail, must 
be regarded chiefly as what the historian thinks the 
speakers would have said in the circumstances. Yet to 
recall the terrible environment in which these addresses 
were made renders even these historical essays dra- 
matic. In ancient warfare the hostile armies drawn up 
in battle array often were separated from each other 
only by the distance an arrow could be shot. The com- 
bat was to be chiefly hand-to-hand with the broad- 
sword. Every soldier knew what that meant, and he 
visualized the coming battle in a manner impossible 
in modern warfare. 

A general steps before his army to commence Ms 
exhortation. Every soldier knows that at its completion 
the order will be given for him to advance to slaugh- 
ter or be slaughtered with no quarter given in a fight 
with men at whom he is looking. No circumstances can 
be imagined involving a greater strain upon either a 


speaker or his hearers. And yet the fact that these ad- 
dresses were so generally made indicates their effective- 

Of all great generals of ancient times I imagine 
Julius Caesar best rose to the tragic psychology of such 
an occasion. 

As an orator at Rome he was considered as second 
to Cicero alone, but Cicero could never have equaled 
Caesar at Vesontio. Here it suddenly developed that 
Ariovistus with a great German army was marching 
against him, who was commanding only four Roman 
legions of about fifty-four hundred men each. The state- 
ments of the Gauls about the strength of the advancing 
Germans and their invincibility spread a terrible panic 
among the Roman officers and all ranks of their little 
army. Caesar called a council of war. In the concise and 
measured account of what he said, given by him in his 
"Commentaries", he writes as a historian; but no reader 
of it can fail to sense either its import or effect when he 
remembers Caesar's tremendous personality. 

Furious at the widespread exhibition of fear and 
cowardice among both officers and soldiers, he upbraids 
them in scathing terms then reasons then, ab- 
ruptly, says: "I intend to attack at once, breaking camp 
at the fourth watch of this next night. I want to know 
whether honor and duty or cowardice is first in your 
minds. Run away if you will but I I and the Tenth 
Legion, we stay." 

And they all stayed. 


Evanston, Illinois, September 24, 1928. 
THE Republican National Committee telephoned ask- 
ing that I make the first speech Saturday night over 
the large chain broadcasting which they are inaugurat- 
ing for the last weeks of the campaign. 

I told them that I was working on a speech but was 
afraid I could not finish it properly by that time and 
in addition, since I was trying to condense it into a very 
short common sense proposition, I thought the nearer 
to the end of the campaign I made it the better it would 
sound. They evidently communicated with Washington 
about it, for Mr. Hoover's secretary, telephoning for 
him, said that it was not necessary to hurry it for 
Saturday but he hoped I would make two addresses. 
This I will be glad to do unless they agree with me that 
one will receive the most attention and have more 
weight. Took lunch with Roberts and Joslin, Washing- 
ton correspondents respectively of the Kansas City Star 
and Boston Evening Transcript, and my brothers Be- 
man and Henry, and had an enjoyable time. 

Roberts and Joslin discussed the bitterness of some 
of the disappointed candidates for the presidency in 
both parties with whom they had talked. It was a 
mournful recital. Nobody is especially diverted by the 
exhibition of a sore toe. It is neither interesting nor 


pleasurable to others, and only adds to the ache of 
the possessor. I wish I could quote Emerson exactly; 
somewhere he speaks of the lack of acute sorrow even 
on the part of his friends when a prominent man falls 
from the pedestal. It is wise for public men to remember 
this in disappointment and avoid the sacrifice of dig- 
nity in a hopeless quest for sympathy. 

Evanston, September 30, 1928. 

Have finished my campaign address for the radio. It 
comprises only about 1175 words. The preparation of 
an address of this length requires more thought and 
work than one many times longer. My idea is that my 
address should be delivered late in the campaign, for 
then is when the confusion of opposing political ad- 
dresses is at its worst and a short speech is most effec- 
tive if it appeals to common sense and does not try 
to cover too many things. In my speaking during the 
1924 campaign I hammered constantly at one or two 
main considerations, not a large number. The average 
man listening at a radio, if he is not interested in an 
address, is not under the embarrassment of having to 
rise in his seat and leave the hall. By turning a little 
radio knob he can be free. In addition, as an inducement 
to turn it, he can have his choice of several other speak- 
ers, to say nothing of musical programs. Common sense 
indicates that a political address over the radio to be 
most effective should be brief and to the point. 

The radio waves do not seem to transmit personal 
magnetism. One evidence of this is the fact that a crowd 
listening to a speech through a "loud speaker" outside 


the hall never applauds. While a speaker of eloquence 
and personal magnetism can arouse the emotions of a 
crowd in his presence by an appeal direct to the emo- 
tions, this apparently cannot be done successfully over 
the radio. The mental operations of the radio listener 
incited by the speech may arouse his emotions ; but with 
a crowd, in the presence of a magnetic orator, their 
emotions dominate their minds and generally completely 
subjugate them. This latter never happens to a radio 
audience. The radio therefore assists the reasoning 
speaker and handicaps the demagogue. 1 

I hope and expect that it will eventually change the 
present methods of political oratory by demonstrating 
the greater effectiveness of reason as compared with 
bunkum, however eloquently delivered. 

Evanston, October 4, 1928. 

Have been called on frequently by those active in the 
campaign during the last week. Governor McMullin 
called on his way to confer with Secretary Hoover and 
again on his return. To-day I have a telegram from 
Congressman Tilson, Chairman of the Speakers Bureau 
of the Republican National Committee, saying that I 
was wanted for one of the large closing meetings of the 
campaign at New York City. Answered that I believed 
my short radio speech would be most effective in its 
present form over the radio alone, but that I would ex- 
pand it extemporaneously before the New York meet- 
ing, if desired. I have prepared what I believe is an 

x The evolution in radio oratory of the last few years has somewhat 
changed my views on this subject.- C, G. D, 


effective kind of speech for the radio, and I have been 
confirmed in that belief by listening over the radio to 
many of the long speeches of this campaign. To com- 
promise and alter the method of address in order to 
satisfy a visible audience of a few thousand, when it 
involves a lessening of effectiveness upon an invisible 
audience of millions, seems absurd. On Tuesday evening, 
at the home of my friend Albert Lasker, I had a visit 
with my probable successor as Vice President Sen- 
ator Charles Curtis. He seemed pretty well tired out. 
He had his hand in a sling and not much of a voice left. 
Took him out to inspect the Vice President's automobile 
and to introduce the Government chauffeur, whom I 
hope he will retain. Last night I listened to him over the 
radio and was surprised at his vigor and good voice 
after so short a rest. 

He referred in his speech to the vice-presidency as 
amounting to nothing, which indicated modesty and was 
said jestingly. But when I find him tired, with a husky 
voice and bandaged arm, resting after a five thousand- 
mile trip and preparing to start on ten thousand miles 
more, I am inclined to think that he places quite a high 
value on the office. 

I think that he will be more careful of his strength 
hereafter. He is so good-natured and kindly that he 
yields to the insistent demands for a speech at every 
train stop and converses between stations with the local 
politicians who board the train. I found this latter in 
my campaign of 1924 more wearing than the speaking, 
and finally made it a rule on a day requiring frequent 
speeches from the rear platform of the train to stay in 


my stateroom between stations, leaving a request not 

to disturb me. 

This led to one of the miraculous happenings in the 
life of my wife. One of the most modest, retiring and 
quiet of women, she made a rear-end platform speech 
in my place. We were going on our special train from 
Chicago to St. Louis, where I was to address one of the 
large meetings always to be expected in a metropolis. 
I had made speeches at the four or five towns where the 
train was stopped for that purpose. We were only a 
short way from St. Louis when the train stopped to 
take water. A large crowd was present and demand- 
ing a speech. It seems that a local committeeman on 
the train, learning of the proposed stop, had wired 
ahead without authority and announced a speech by 

The committeeman and some others started down 
the corridor to awaken me in my stateroom when they 
met my wife on guard and adamant. Like Leonidas at 
Thermopylae and the boy on the burning deck, she 
was there to stay. 

The scene, I was told, was far from peaceful, for it 
was the neighborhood where the committeeman lived 
and he confronted the hard alternative of pacifying 
either my wife or the neighbors he had called together. 
The argument became so heated between those who up- 
held Mrs. Dawes and those who sided with the com- 
mitteeman that my wife suddenly announced that she 
would speak to the crowd, and mirabile dictu so 
she did. And this is what I was told she said: 

"My husband has made five speeches to-day and is 


going to make one to-night. I won't let them wake him 
up to come out. He didn't know the train was to stop 
here. Now, you ladies here, you understand, don't you? 
You wouldn't do it either, would you?" 

"No," they cried with one voice. 

The men laughed, and the trouble was over. I knew 
nothing of the occurrence until that evening. 

Mrs. Dawes, my nephew Henry, and I went into Chi- 
cago this evening to the Rufus Dawes Hotel for men 
and the Mary Dawes Hotel for women. I never visit 
these hotels without happiness. In the fifteen years that 
the Rufus Dawes Hotel has been in operation over 
1,800,000 guests have been accommodated. Both hotels 
are run with closest economy and everything goes to 
the guests at cost that is, the hotels are run so as 
to be self-sustaining, not including of course any return 
upon the investment save the great one of service ren- 

The menu at the Rufus Dawes Hotel I noted when 
there was as follows: Stew ten cents, hash ten, baked 
beans ten, sandwich five, soup five, oatmeal five, coffee 
and rolls five. We charge twelve cents for a bath, night- 
gown and bed. For the single rooms to which one floor 
is devoted we charge eight cents extra. 

No other hotel in the city provides a bed for less than 
twenty-five cents. 

The I.W.W. lodging near us charges ten cents for 
sleeping on the floor. Everything has gone up in cost 
since we started. Then we could come out about even 
on a five-cent charge for a bath, nightgown and bed. 


The hotel is running light at present with about four 

hundred guests each night. 

We found every one of the two hundred and sixty-six 
rooms of the Mary Dawes Hotel for women occupied, 
as is usually the case, 

The menu in the cafeteria of the women's hotel is 
more varied than at the men's hotel, but includes a 
special breakfast for seven cents consisting of oatmeal, 
coffee, bread and butter. The rooms in the women's hotel 
run from ten to thirty-five cents a night. I do not believe 
more is given for the money anywhere. Without return 
on the investment we run about even, because of out- 
side custom at the cafeteria at lunch time when some 
dishes like roast beef run as high as thirty cents. While 
the hotel was originally intended for working girls there 
are quite a number of elderly women who make it a 
permanent home. This is because of the intervention of 
my dear mother for whom the hotel was named and 
who was present the night it was opened about twelve 
years ago. Surrounded by the guests, Mother sat in the 
fine parlor of the hotel like a queen on her throne. 
Among them were several old ladies who had been told 
by the manager that permanent lodgings could not be 
engaged by them since the hotel was designed to ac- 
commodate only employed young women. These old 
ladies pleaded their cases before Mother, and she with 
tears in her eyes interceded for them with me* Of 
course this settled it on the spot. But Mother did not 
stop there. Up to the time of her death she was iri 
correspondence with some of them, As a result, for years 
at her request I was engaged off and on in succoring 


the lame, halt and blind of their relatives, generally 
wayward children, concerning whom they wrote her 
imploring her assistance. 

As we stepped out of the hotel to-night a well-dressed 
young man was waiting for us. "I am Joe/ 7 he said, and 
then all that first evening came back to me in recollec- 
tion. "Little Joe" (he was then) was a young hoodlum 
born in the alley behind the hotel, and he was the leader 
of an active gang of young ruffians of about twelve 
years of age. On the opening night these ragamuffins 
gathered in force and so annoyed the crowds of guests 
and visitors coming in the front door of the hotel that an 
attendant started to telephone for the police. Fortu- 
nately, I heard him and, stopping him, decided on an- 
other course of action. I stepped out into the yelling 
crowd of youngsters and said I wanted them to come in 
and have supper with me. Joe, much embarrassed, ac- 
cepted for all, and I entered the hotel with the lot. Their 
procession created something of a sensation. Treated 
like gentlemen, they acted like gentlemen. Without a 
murmur they submitted themselves to Mrs. Dawes and 
Miss Decker, who scrubbed their faces and hands for 
them before they sat down to a table with Mother at one 
end and myself at the other. They were rather subdued, 
but my ! how they ate and especially the ice cream. 
One of the little fellows told me his father had just 
come home, and when I asked where he had been he 
said "In jail." This was Joe, and Joe told me then that 
the boys would "always be nice to the hotel", and he 
would do any work he could for it any time, "fur 
nuthin," And so all these years the boys have been 


"nice to the hotel", and the manager told me that Joe 
has called constantly ever since that time to ask where 
he could help. For some time I kept track of Mm, but 
had not seen him for years before to-night. He is now a 
chauffeur honest, well-behaved and successful. Why 
don't we realize more the enormous returns which come 
from little kindnesses? And these returns come oftenest 
when we need them most when the sun is setting 
and the day's work is almost done. 

Since the hotels were opened, many instances have 
occurred of the most beautiful of all charities that 
of the poor for the very poor, of the suffering for those 
who are perishing. On bitter cold winter nights the 
streets of every great city are a Gethsemane for many 
of the homeless and half-clad poor some of them 
brought to their condition through no fault of their 
own, but all of them with a right to help if the religion 
of Christ means anything. On such nights the Rufus 
Dawes Hotel is filled to overflowing and then is when it 
does the most good. 

Late one winter night when the thermometer stood 
at ten degrees below zero, and after the hotel had 
closed, John Hanson, the manager, heard a persistent 
knocking at the door. Opening it, he found a shivering 
and thinly clad man and beside him, sitting on a wheeled 
board which could be propelled by hand, was another 
man without any legs. The first man explained that his 
friend the cripple was sure to "go under" during the 
night unless he got shelter. He said he was all right him- 
self and could stay out. 

To pay for a lodging for the cripple he held in his 
hands two postage stamps, which was all he had, and 













asked John to take them in lieu of the regular charge 
of five cents. Of course they both were cared for, 
that was what the hotel was for, but if that had been 
its only service it earned its cost that single night. 

That happened years ago. I don't think, in our present 
prosperous times, such an incident could occur unless 
through accident. We care for as many guests as ever 
but their average condition is immeasurably better 
than when the hotel started. 

I want here to record my gratitude to my brother 
Henry, who supervised the building of the two hotels 
here and the one at Boston and long gave them his 
watchful and able care. To John Hanson, manager of 
the Rufus Dawes Hotel, and to his sister Mrs. Haines, 
manager of the Mary Dawes Hotel, their success is also 
largely due. Both have been with the hotels from the 
start. John Hanson was a police officer in the West 
Madison Street district for twenty-five years before 
taking charge of the Rufus Dawes Hotel, and now has 
spent forty years in that locality. They all three have 
helped make the memorials to my dear son and our 
dear mother what they would have them. 

But next to Henry, the one most responsible for the 
success of the hotels was John Taylor, now deceased, our 
first manager of these two and another like hotel at 
Boston a man of wonderful executive ability and 
inherent tact and kindliness. 

Evanston, October 8, 1928. 

Agreed with Republican National Committee to speak 
at Mecca Hall, New York City, the night of October 29, 
and over the radio alone at Chicago about October 22, 


which satisfied them. Received a letter from my friend, 
Major General Charles Jean Marie Payot, who now 
commands the Thirteenth Corps of the French army at 
Clermont-Ferrand, which distresses me. It is to the effect 
that his physical condition is such from diabetes he 
must ask for retirement. When I reached France in the 
War, Payot was Assistant Chief of Staff, Fourth Bureau, 
French Army, under Petain, in charge of supplies and 
transportation for the army in the zone of the advance. 
I first met him at the meeting of the French Cabinet 
where he had been called as a military expert when, as 
representing General Pershing, I proposed a French 
commander for the rear of the entire Allied armies to be 
directly responsible to Foch. This of course was satis- 
factory to the French, but at the next meeting of the 
Cabinet, Payot also being present, with Clemenceau 
presiding and with the British Army and Government 
represented, things became acrimonious to say the least, 
and ended in entire disagreement. Here was where the 
friendship of Payot and myself started. It was further 
cemented later when after the acceptance by the 
British and French Governments of my alternative pro- 
posal to put the control into a board, consisting of one 
officer from each army with power to issue orders to the 
General Staffs when in unanimous agreement I pro- 
posed and brought about his selection as the Chairman 
of the Board. For the last four months of the war we 
sat as fellow members of the Military Board of Allied 
Supply. He was known as the most difficult officer in 
the French Army to get along with. General Gouraud 
once told me I was the only officer in either the French 


or American Army who did it ; which was difficult for 
me to understand, for I loved Payot as a brother. His 
assistance to the American Army, largely stripped of 
supplies as a result of submarine warfare and the in- 
ability of the United States to get sufficient shipping, 
was simply invaluable. As Chief of Supply Procurement 
for the A.E.F., I can testify to this as no other man 
except perhaps General Moseley of our own G 4 Gen- 
eral Staff, 

His power was so great, his knowledge so compre- 
hensive, his experience during four years of war so vast, 
that in matters of supply strategy, as General Harbord 
once said, the officers of the other Allied armies "sat at 
his feet." 

Our friendship was famous among Allied officers, 
for he could speak no English and I no French, yet we 
never misunderstood each other. As Payot used to say, 
"We were two heads under one hat." During the early 
part of October 1918, when I was at Souilly in the 
Argonne, Colonel Morrow, Chief of Engineers of the 
First Army, was in desperate need of gravel to ballast 
the standard gauge railroad between Aubreville and 
Varennes, to which latter point the rails were laid. It 
was vital to get the ballast, for over this road we were 
to supply with munitions and rations three divisions 
then in action just beyond Varennes. 

The Germans knew the vital need to us of the track 
and were shelling it. 

General Pershing took the matter out of the hands of 
Petain's liaison officer and put it in mine. Ten minutes 
afterward I had General Payot on the telephone at Pro- 


vins, or rather his interpreter with Payot by Ms side. 
This is what I did not say: "General Payot, we must 
have gravel for ballast at Aubreville or we cannot get 
munitions or rations over the railroad to Varennes, 
which will be the rail-head for the supply of three di- 
visions now engaged near Varennes. These divisions are 
already short of rations as are some of the French 
troops in this section whom we will help. Munitions are 
desperately needed and can only be brought up over 
this road. Please get this ballast for us." 

The reason I did not say this was because General 
Payot had lived in a crisis of supply in the French 
Army for four solid years. This was no new situation 
to him. Had I said it in this way we probably would 
have got the gravel quickly but I wanted it surely 
and immediately. Telephoning a sentence only ? to be 
interpreted at one time, I said: cc Tell General Payot 
I am in deep trouble/ 7 (Pause.) ''When I have gone 
to him in trouble he has never failed me." (Pause.) "I 
come now in deep trouble to him, my dear friend, and 
I know he will not fail me." (Long pause.) Then I 
stated the situation, saying General Pershing had 
placed the matter in my hands, and made my request. 
The answer telephoned by the interpreter was: "Gen- 
eral Payot is starting by automobile immediately for 
St. Dizier." In a few hours came from St. Dizier by 
telephone: "There will be eighty cars of gravel at Aubre- 
ville to-morrow morning." Within two days Payot had 
so much gravel on the road that Morrow had difficulty 
in handling it. 

General Payot has visited me once in this country 


be S> 





since the war and I saw Mm frequently in 1924 when 
on reparations work. I am now looking forward to see- 
ing him in France next spring, and shall go thither at 
the earliest possible moment. 

Ambassador Houghton, now representing our nation 
at St. James's, talked with me by telephone from New 
York where he is now a candidate for the Senate. He 
will make a most useful member if elected. When he was 
our ambassador at Berlin his services to the First Com- 
mittee of Experts during its stay of three weeks there 
were invaluable. 

His judgment was mature and sound. His intimate 
acquaintance with leading German statesmen and indus- 
trialists and their confidence in him saved us much lost 
motion for the Experts' Plan was a diplomatic as well 
as an economic task, though not generally so regarded. 
I well remember my last meeting with him at the White 
House where Mrs. Dawes and I were visiting in the 
fall of 1924. He had just arrived from Berlin, and Pres- 
ident Coolidge invited Secretary Hughes and myself to 
a conference with him in the evening of a day when 
Owen Young and I, having talked the matter over with 
both the President and Hughes, thought the selection 
of a man to be the New Agent General for Reparations 
Payments was finally arranged and approved by all the 
powers provided he could be induced to accept. Young 
had left for New York. 

But Houghton brought a report to the conference 
which changed our idea of the political aspects of things 
in Germany and their bearing upon the matter. So I 


had to take a midnight train to New York, where I 
persuaded Young to consent to his own nomination to 
the place. This he was reluctant to give, and finally did 
so only when I appealed to his sense of duty. He was 
the man whom we felt sure would be approved tinder 
the new circumstances by all the countries interested. 

The place was first offered to another 2 as originally 
intended, but he was unwilling, after Houghton's ex- 
position of the situation and for other reasons, to take 
it although all the governments involved agreed to 
his selection. 

So Young became the first Agent General for Repara- 
tions under the Experts' Plan, thus adding to his already 
great services to the cause of peace that of the installa- 
tion of the machinery under which the Experts' Plan 
has successfully operated thus far. 

While in this important work, he was assisted by my 
brother, Rufus C. Dawes, and Henry M. Robinson. 
After its completion he resigned and was succeeded by 
Parker Gilbert, of whose successful career the world 

Evanston, October 16, 1928. 

Was much interested in a cable from London by John 
Steele in this morning's Chicago Tribune relative to 
Parker Gilbert's interview with Stanley Baldwin and 
Winston Churchill, Chancellor of the Exchequer, in 
regard to the final settlement of German reparations. 

Steele says: "The plan agreed upon provides for the 
appointment of a new Dawes Commission, as discussed 

2 Dwight W* Morrow. 


at the Six-Power Conference at Geneva during the 
League of Nations meeting. The discussions now con- 
cern the personnel of the commission. 

"It has been pretty well agreed between the British 
and French that the leadership of the new commission 
will be left to the Americans. The American members 
named tentatively are Owen Young, R. C. Leffingwell 
and either Rufus Dawes of Chicago or Paul Warburg." 

He says further, " There is a strong desire on the part 
of all the European statesmen that Charles G. Dawes 
act on the committee, but this is impossible while he is 
Vice President, and it is hoped that the whole affair will 
be cleared up before he vacates his office." 

This dispatch is probably under Gilbert's authority, 
and indicates a degree of preliminary agreement among 
the powers most encouraging for an early settlement. 
An evidently inspired statement copied recently from 
French papers mildly upholding the Ruhr occupation 
but referring to it as "no longer necessary as a military 
protection to France" leads me to believe that Poin- 
care and Briand are paving the way with the French 
for an earlier settlement than I had before believed 

No better intermediary between the governments in 
the preliminaries could be found than Parker Gilbert. 
Besides possessing great ability and tact, he is unosten- 
tatious. His brilliant record as Agent General for the 
past four years is no accident. He has made for himself 
a secure place in history. 

In his visit with us this year at Evanston, he was 
hopeful as to the prospect of a final settlement, which 


he had been urging in his report; but was far from 
certain that it could be accomplished at an early date. 
It is difficult for one at a distance to discern a real 
trend of public sentiment in a foreign country. If public 
sentiment, however, was not generally favorable to set- 
tlement at this time, statesmen would not be arranging 
one which, to be effective, must be ratified by the 
Parliament in each of the countries receiving repara- 
tions payments and in Germany as well. 

On train to New York, October 19, 1928. 

Yesterday noon addressed the Society of Spanish 
War Veterans at lunch. Took along General Lord, the 
Director of the Budget, who spent most of the day 
with me. 

In the evening, introduced him in a short speech, 
when he delivered one of his fine addresses at the an- 
nual banquet of the Illinois Chamber of Commerce at 
the Congress Hotel. 

Lord is a remarkable man. I take pride in his success, 
for it was upon my initiative and insistence that Pres- 
ident Harding appointed him as my successor as Di- 
rector of the Bureau of the Budget. The fact that he 
was an officer of the regular army was urged against 
him at the time, since it was assumed that the Director 
of the Budget should be a business man. But after my 
association with the leading officers of the army for 
two years in France his officership was to me only an 
additional recommendation. 

After my return from the war, General Lord, then 
Chief Finance officer of the army, came to Evanston 
to see me and to explain the new army reorganization 


bill then before Congress. The bill was intended to 
embody some of the lessons learned in the 'war. On 
this side of the water and in France during the war, 
army organization passed through a process of evolu- 
tion. At the end of the war the AJE.F. found itself with 
a superimposed co-ordinating business control consisting 
of seventeen departments which centered in my office 
on the Administrative Staff of General Pershing. Among 
them was Finance, and General Lord, who had been 
Chief Finance officer in the War Department at Wash- 
ington, and I found that, under practically similar 
conditions of confusion and emergency and without 
contact, we had evolved similar devices and methods. 

Before the Military Affairs Committee of the United 
States Senate I afterward made an argument for the 
recognition in the army reorganization bill of some of 
the general principles which from experience we both 
have found to be indispensable to army effectiveness. 

This all led to contact with General Lord during the 
year when I was establishing the budget system, when 
he gave most valuable co-operation and when I came 
to know his unusual qualifications as my successor. 
No one is fitted for the position of Director of the 
Budget who is not possessed of determination and 
courage along with other essential qualities. His most 
effective powers come only from the attitude toward 
him of the President, whose agent he is and in whose 
name he must speak and act. Six years of unwavering 
support and confidence from President Coolidge and 
his own indefatigable industry and brilliant administra- 
tion have made General Lord a power in government 
for the public good. 


On Century, to Chicago, October 23, 1928. 
AFTER a walk in Central Park yesterday morning, I 
plunged into the maelstrom of politics. I had expected 
to make one speech in New York, but when I retired 
last night I had made four. The first was one at the 
Waldorf, where Charley Hilles was giving a lunch to 
the New York State and City Republican organizations 
in honor of Secretary Hoover. Besides Mr. Hoover, 
Senator Moses, Mr. Marshall and I spoke. After lunch, 
at breakneck speed, was taken to an overcrowded hall 
where I spoke to the Young Men's Republican Club. 
General Harbord, T. C. Desmond, Allan Hoover, and 
Floyd Clinch accompanied me. Then I was taken back 
to the Waldorf, where I introduced Mr. Hoover to the 
Service Men's League in a short speech. Finally at 
night, at a great indoor meeting at the new Madison 
Square Garden, I spoke with Mr. Hoover at the closing 
meeting of his campaign. It was an inspiring sight. The 
twenty-two thousand auditors held small American 
flags, which in their enthusiasm for Hoover they waved 
in unison, creating a blaze of color and a bedlam of 
cheering at the same time. Hoover's speech was a mas- 
terpiece. For sustained intellectuality his political 
speeches have seldom, if ever, been equaled. 

I spoke first, and afterward an interesting incident 
occurred when I was handed, on the stage, a telegram 


from friends at Marietta, Ohio, "The Bests and the 
Buells", referring to my speech as heard at Marietta, 
Ohio, twenty minutes or so before. 

This morning I spent downtown in New York and I 
met no one all that time who had not heard the speeches 
over the radio or in the audience. Bell boys, red caps, 
policemen, taxi drivers, bankers and business men, all 
had heard them and spoke of them. I never before ade- 
quately realized the tremendous audience among all 
classes that the radio creates. On the stage we sat for 
most of the time in the brilliant focus of several spot- 
lights which were very trying to the eyes, and upon in- 
quiry were informed that the "movietones" were at 

All day long the party faced cameras, and for a day 
my experiences in the 1924 campaign were all repeated. 

I am led here to say something of the motorcycle 
police escorts which I have made it a rule for the last 
four years to decline except when necessary to get 
through a crowd to keep a speaking engagement. 

After several narrow escapes, due to the high speed 
which the escort generally insists on increasing when 
street travel and traffic is greatest, I proceeded on the 
theory that the motorcycles were escorting me not 
I the motorcycles and compelled my chauffeur always 
to slow down to a reasonable speed. 

Of course the escort then regretfully slows down. To 
the ordinary citizen on the streets these escorts are not 
only dangerous but extremely annoying. At Los Angeles 
at one time, in running against traffic at high speed when 


we had nothing but leisure time on our hands, the sud- 
den stopping by a siren signal of a long line of auto- 
mobiles compelled one of them to turn out a foot or 
so in order to avoid a collision with the machine before 
it. One of our policemen on a motorcycle struck the 
turning motor, and afterwards spent three months in 
the hospital, being fortunate to escape with his life. 

At Chicago General Pershing, whom I accompanied, 
was once taken on Michigan Avenue in busy traffic hours 
from the Railway Exchange Building to the Stock- 
yards in about seven minutes, at the actual risk of his 
life. Of course a certain amount of motorcycle police 
escorting is unavoidable, but a large amount of the 
siren blowing and fast riding, with resulting disorganiza- 
tion of street and pedestrian movement, is useless as 
well as dangerous. It should be subject to more stringent 
regulation by city ordinance. 

Evanston, October 28, 1928. 

On Thursday morning, Field Marshal Viscount 
Allenby and his wife arrived at the house and were our 
guests until Friday afternoon when they left for Wash- 
ington. More pleasant and agreeable visitors we have 
never had. Allenby is a man of mental culture and wide 
reading, combining with good judgment and clear 
thinking the decision and firmness of a great military 

On noon Thursday we attended a luncheon given in 
his honor jointly by the Council on Foreign Relations 
and the English Speaking Union. 

The speeches made by Dr. Breasted, Rabbi Wise, 


General Malone and others were brilliant and inter- 
esting, but each considerably exceeded his ten-minute 
allotment. They did so well that nobody criticized, but 
it was an illustration of the fact that no fluent extempore 
orator can ever be depended upon to keep within a time 
allotment. Allenby's response was interesting and im- 
pressive, but it was at the evening dinner of the Com- 
mercial Club at the Palmer House that he made his 
greatest address one which will always be remem- 
bered by his hearers. It was called forth by the illus- 
trated lecture, with moving pictures of actual battle 
scenes, of the Palestine Campaign given by Mr. Low- 
man immediately preceding the Field Marshal's ad- 
dress. We were then privileged to hear the strategy and 
history of the great campaign, discussed at length and 
at times in detail by its Commander himself. That which 
inevitably differentiates from any other the statements 
of one responsible for any great collective movement 
of men is its clearer perspective. Then a romantic im- 
agination is never allowed to obscure real objectives 
and magnify the collateral and incidental happenings 
of a campaign. 

The speeches of all who spoke with Allenby stressed 
historical parallels, dwelling somewhat on biblical 
prophecy and its fulfillment. 

One would think in listening to them that Jerusalem 
was Allenby 's sole objective and its capture was his 
crowning achievement. 

It was very evident from Allenby's masterful un- 
folding of his military plans and purposes that from a 
military standpoint Jerusalem was just a town on a hill, 


only important because of the roads which led to it 
a town which he was very glad it was unnecessary to 
destroy. While he made it plain that he was not a 
Crusader, he is a man with a heart, a profound student 
of the Bible, and an example in Christian living. 

The other speeches of the day were uplifting and 
some of them most illuminating on other subjects than 
this campaign. But in Allenby ? s address we heard the 
Commander himself upon his campaign as it was, and 
everything else we heard became unimportant in com- 

His marked characteristics as a man were all of 
them manifested in this address: his modesty, his de- 
sire not to appropriate credit belonging to others, Ms 
devotion to the bare and unadorned truth, his high 
purpose and his quick and wise decisions. 

His simplicity and directness were a joy to me. A 
number of reporters gathered at the house to interview 
him. They started as usual by asking Allenby what was 
his first impression of Chicago expecting the usual 
reply, which would be an apostrophe to its power, its 
prosperity, its high buildings, its opera or its stockyards, 
as the case might be. Allenby replied "Why! What a 
fine clear day it was." 

On Friday morning General Malone and Will Boyden 
came to the house and we drove to Fort Sheridan, 
where Marshal Allenby was received with military hon- 
ors the troops passing in review before him, General 
Malone, Commanding Sixth Corps Area, Admiral 
Craven, Commander of the Great Lakes Training 
School, and myself. 





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On Thursday evening when driving home after the 
banquet both Lord and Lady Allenby thanked me for 
the following statement, which I made in my speech in- 
troducing him at the Commercial Club dinner: "I know 
that the world justly acclaims your great and victorious 
Palestine campaign, and that this one of your achieve- 
ments will have the foremost place in history; but the 
thought comes to me that your qualities of greatness had 
their most crucial test when you covered with your 
cavalry the retreat of the gallant British Army pre- 
ceding the First Battle of the Marne." 

Will Boyden had charge of all arrangements for 
the Allenbys and they were admirably carried out. 

Last night Mrs. Dawes and I attended a dinner given 
at the Drake Hotel to the French Ambassador, Paul 
Claudel, at which I presided and introduced him. He 
was here in connection with the dedication of a monu- 
ment to his countryman Louis Pasteur, one of the great 
benefactors of mankind. This monument project was 
conceived by our own great Dr. Frank Billings, a 
pioneer in the West in the use of Pasteur's methods, 
and was carried to success largely by his efforts. The 
Ambassador is distinguished riot only as a diplomat 
but also in the field of literature. His speech was far 
from conventional, and in ability and interest was ex- 

Evanston, October 29, 1928. 

The papers announce a total registration in the 
United States for the coming election of 43,000,000 
voters, an increase of nearly 14,000,000 and indicating, 


after allowance for stay-at-homes, an increase of 6,500,- 
000 in total votes over 1924. In my judgment this 
means an overwhelming victory for Hoover and the 
Republican party. The gubernatorial election this fall 
in Maine, where the Republican candidate for governor 
recently polled 143,000 votes, indicates that the increase 
in the vote will be largely Republican. Coolidge in 1924 
polled in Maine only about the same number of votes, 
although a presidential candidate. The Democratic 
candidate for governor in the election polled 38,000 
votes less than Davis Coolidge's opponent. 

As a result Maine gave the unprecedented Repub- 
lican majority for governor of around 84,000. I put 
these figures down from memory, but they are approxi- 
mately correct. In Maine, therefore, the increase in the 
normal vote cast this year in the gubernatorial contest 
was almost wholly Republican. 

I am sorry to say it, but I am afraid that the chief 
cause of - the increased registration and the coming 
landslide is due to the submerged and widely disclaimed 
issue arising in the minds of the intolerant because of 
Governor Smith's religion. Our Constitution gives every 
man the right to worship God in his own way. We have 
been heretofore comparatively free in our political con- 
tests in this country from this ugly prejudice. Its in- 
jection into this election, despite the efforts of leaders 
on both sides to prevent it, is to be deeply deplored. 

To-day have been talking with my brother Rufus 
about the 1933 Chicago Second World's Fair, of whose 
board of trustees he is president, and whose plan of pro- 
cedure has been evolved by him. Rufus' idea should 


make the second World's Fair mean to this new genera- 
tion in its new industrial and social environment what 
the Fair of 1893 meant to that generation in its environ- 

He maintains that this is the day of collective and co- 
ordinated action of co-operation. He points out that 
constructive ideas are no longer concealed by competi- 
tors but are freely exchanged among themselves for the 
advancement of their industry. As an instance, he cites 
the chemical consortium in Germany, where investi- 
gators work together for the advancement of chemical 
science and share immediately their discoveries, thus 
immensely accelerating the progress of the science as 
compared with its progress when a new discovery is 
kept secret until the discoverer devises his own method 
for its utilization. The Fair he proposes will be com- 
posed of exhibits of the separate arts, sciences and in- 
dustries, showing their development from their be- 
ginnings, and each as a whole in charge of their exhibits. 
In other words, the Fair will not be a conglomeration 
of the exhibits of competitors, but the exhibit of the 
growth of industries made, too, by the members of 
its different branches in co-operation, and not com- 
petitively, along lines laid down by the National Re- 
search Council. He points- to the fact that the exhibi- 
tion by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad at Baltimore 
last year, of the development of railroad transporta- 
tion in this country, attracted an immense attendance. 

He points out also that the new Fair will cover not 
simply transportation but all industries and arts in a 
similar way. Further, he says the industries will un- 


doubtedly contribute the bulk of the cost of their own 

Evanston, November 2, 1928. 

The difficulties in the way of the final settlement of 
reparations are beginning to manifest themselves as the 
effort to secure governmental agreement upon the plan 
for a second experts' committee proceeds under the able 
guidance of Parker Gilbert. 

I cannot feel that the Allied governments will keep 
their hands off this second committee of experts to the 
extent they did with our first committee. 

As it was, they barred a finding by us of anything 
but a capacity for a present annual payment and the 
means for balancing the budget and stabilizing German 

I note that the French now claim that their experts 
on the first committee kept in close touch with the 
Government during our deliberations. This was certainly 
true, and in the contemporaneous notes of our work, 
which I kept, are .constant references to the contact 
and influence of the French Government in our work. 

Their present position may be that it is practicable 
to have "independent experts", but it must be remem- 
bered the solution to be reached must command unani- 
mous Governmental acceptance and to insure this the 
experts, excepting those from America, who are not 
named by our Government, must be largely guided by 
their governments in their negotiations. 

Each of the Allied governments, in effect, has already 
announced certain attitudes toward the question of 


reparations which morally must determine that of 
their own experts. 

Britain apparently will accept no settlement tinder 
which her debtors shall pay annually a sum less than 
the annual sum she has to pay the United States as her 
debt settlement. France apparently will accept no set- 
tlement under which Germany shall annually pay her 
less than the sums she has to pay the United States 
and Britain on her debts, plus what will cover the cost 
of rehabilitation in her devastated districts. Belgium 
probably wants what will cover the amount of the 
German marks which Germany put in circulation in 
Belgium during the German occupation, and will so 
instruct Francqui and Theunis who it is said will repre- 
sent her. And I may say here of that able Belgian 
Francqui, to whose genius the recent stabilization of 
Belgian currency chiefly is due, that "He wants what 
he wants, when he wants it." 

These considerations would suggest to one not in 
touch with the situation that if the experts' committee 
reach a conclusion which shall be acceptable to all it 
will be one whose main features are now pretty well 
understood by the Allied governments interested. 

The final settlement of reparations is a matter of im- 
mense importance to the peaceful progress of Europe, 
especially if it can be concluded with reasonable satis- 
faction to Germany as well as to her creditors. 

Evanston, November 3, 1928. 

Took lunch with my friend John McCutcheon at the 
Club and Stanley Field joined us. The resulting con- 


versa tion covered the progress of the new Zoological 
Garden which John is sponsoring, and the Field Museum 
which Stanley is managing. The expeditions which the 
Field Museum is sending out, in combination with other 
institutions in archaeological and other research, are 
adding both to the possessions of the museum and to its 
"prestige." John has two worse than "white elephants" 
on his hands in the shape of two Indian rhinoceroses 
which have recently been captured and are in some out- 
landish place across the ocean. Some time ago James 
Simpson authorized the purchase for the zoo, at his 
expense, of two rhinoceroses of this variety; but they 
are very rare and the hunter, having "sold futures" on 
them so to speak, fell down on his job, and the matter 
was considered closed. Simpson being abroad the ques- 
tion now is "Has the Statute of Limitations intervened 
or is the offer still good on the recently found rhinocer- 
oses?" So the hunter is hunting John, and John is hunt- 
ing Simpson the rhinoceroses in the mean-time hav- 
ing a prolonged rest. 

This is but one of his problems as he has recently 
been presented with some elephants for which accom- 
modations are not ready. 

Last night a dinner was given to John by members 
of his old college fraternity, where many beautiful 
tributes were paid him. I was not there, but I wish I 
could have tried my hand at telling my own feeling 
for this intimate friend and associate of twenty-five 
years. Of all the friends I have ever had I think John 
has the kindliest ways and the most sympathizing heart. 
Everyone knows and praises his commanding talent 


and recognizes him as one of the outstanding cartoonists 
and writers of his time. But his innate modesty and his 
unfailing and self-sacrificing generosity to all classes 
of people without claim upon him, evidenced at every 
possible opportunity, cannot be known to all. If it was 
I verily believe John would not have a cent left in the 
world. He gives away an enormous amount of work 
too, in drawings for charity and for friends who should 
not ask him for he is sadly overworked. That one 
with such a gentle nature should be such a daredevil in 
taking unnecessary risks has kept me more or less 
alarmed about him for years. He has had many narrow 
escapes from death, one particularly when he was fly- 
ing with Lee Hammond and they were forced down on 
Lake Michigan during a storm. 

At the first International Aviation Meet in 1912 at 
Chicago I stood with Orville Wright and watched the 
passenger-carrying race in Grant Park, the planes flying 
very close to the ground and making short turns around 
pylons about fifty feet high. Frank Coffin, an aviator, 
had lunched with John and me and mentioned that 
he was to fly in this race after lunch. So John, having 
pleaded for the chance, was flying with Coffin in a 
Wright machine of the original type. It was from Mr. 
Wright during the race that I learned that the chances 
of the machine side-slipping at the turns was such as to 
give him the gravest anxiety. As for me, after watching 
t|ie first bank that the machine made, I gave up John for 
lost. However, from that day to this he has risked his neck 
in unusual aviation whenever the opportunity offered, 
and in various other exploits too numerous to mention. 


On Pennsylvania Railway en route to Washington, 

November 7, 1928. 

The election yesterday, with its triumphant victory 
for Hoover, its breaking of the solid South and its un- 
precedented number of total votes cast, will long be 
remembered and discussed in its bearing upon the future 
of American politics and policies. The issue of pros- 
perity of itself, without the interjection of the sub- 
merged religious issue, would probably have won a 
Republican victory; but the existence of the latter in 
the minds of the voters makes difficult the proper in- 
terpretation of the result as to many other subordinate 
questions discussed in the campaign. In general it may 
be said, though to this some may demur, that the larger 
the vote cast, the more discriminating it is. This was 
true in Chicago, where the issue of good government and 
the alliance between crime and politics personified in 
minor candidacies determined the result in its local 
bearings. In the country at large the overwhelming 
influence of the religious issue is clearly manifest both 
in the North and the South. 

I had a striking illustration at home last night of the 
annihilation of time and distance which has been 
wrought by the telegraph and the radio. After listening 
to the election returns over the radio until the result 
was clearly forecast, I dictated telegrams of congrat- 
ulation to Hoover and Curtis to my secretary Ross 
Bartley, who telephoned them to the Western Union 
office and probably to the Associated Press. Within half 
an hour I heard them read over the radio from the New 
York World broadcasting station in New York, 

(Paramount Mews Associated Frcss) 

(Left to right) Speaker of the Home, Nicholas Longworth, and Vice 

President Charles Dawes, looking over the ballots of the electoral 

votes for Hoover at the Capitol. 



Yesterday at home I had a most interesting call 
from Sir Basil Blackett, who was the representative in 
Washington during the war of the British Treasury, 
returning later to London to become second in authority 
in the British Treasury. Later he resigned to become 
the financial member of the Council of India in other 
words, the Finance Minister of that government. He 
brought a letter of introduction from Tom Lamont. Our 
conversation was for the most part on the present rep- 
arations situation, upon which we had somewhat sim- 
ilar views, although we agreed that mistakes of opinion 
increase with distance from the actual field of negotia- 
tions. Sir Basil is on his way from India to England and 
like myself at present has only the long-distance view. 


Washington, November 8, 1928. 

MRS. DAWES and I got off the train this morning. As 
the hour was early and I wanted a walk, I headed for 
the Vice President's chambers in the Capitol, where I 
am now writing. The Senate Chamber and this office 
were undergoing a housecleaning. I do not mean this in 
a political sense that cleaning out occurred Tuesday. 
Everything was in confusion, rugs and carpets up, and 
cleaners busy. 

I have cleaned out the cleaners and utilize (perhaps 
that is too strong a word) the time in a few notes before 
leaving the deserted Capitol to go downtown. 

The Vice President's room come to think of it 
is an impressive one. Its chief ornaments are Rembrandt 
Peale's portrait of Washington painted in 1795, and 
said to be his best likeness and a great chandelier 
brought up from the White House after some Roose- 
veltian alterations of that mansion. 

During the session of Congress, whenever the Senate 
is not sitting, large delegations of visitors are piloted 
through the Capitol corridors and invariably either pass 
by or through the Vice President's office, depending 
upon whether or not that official is seated at his desk 
his door as a rule being kept open for better ventilation. 
In case he is there the visitors all stop and peek in or 
walk sideways past the door to look in. It was tinder 


these circumstances that the late Thomas Marshall 
called out: "If you don't come in, throw me a peanut." 

To those who have heard the guides solemnly describe 
the historical relics of the Vice President's office the 
following Capitol legends of the office may seem irrev- 
erent, but they are at least worth noting. 

Of the Dolly Madison mirror from the White House, 
which is not large and hangs about eight feet above the 
floor, it is said that it was hung so in order that the tall 
Vice President Fairbanks could use it to tie his cravats. 
The fine mahogany cabinet which occupies the west 
side of the room is only interesting to the old-timers 
among the Senate employees, as the alleged depository 
of the fatal bottle of brandy which Andrew Johnson 
drank just before he made his inaugural address to the 
Senate as Vice President, and which after nearly up- 
setting him quite upset his speech. 

Will have to cease now. The movie men are moving 
en masse into the office, so the telephone announces. 
They have Charlie Curtis in tow and want our pictures 
together out on the front steps. 


Spent an hour with Andrew W. Mellon, Secretary of 
the Treasury, my friendship with whom has dated from 
my service as Director of the Bureau of the Budget in 
1921-1922, with offices in the Treasury Building. 

Ever since that time I have held him in affection and 
respect. He speaks from a vast experience with equi- 
poise and perspective, and with the clearness and de- 
cision which always characterize a great administrator 
especially in Government finance. He tells me he is 


seventy-three years of age, but in appearance he seems 
younger than he did several years ago. His handling of 
the enormous Treasury transactions of the post-war 
years without unsettling our national business progress 
will give him a distinctive place in the history of our 
governmental finance. I hope and trust that he will re- 
main in office during the Hoover administration. I took 
lunch with Governor Young of the Federal Reserve, 
Colonel Mclntosh, Comptroller of the Currency, Mr. 
Pole, a Chief in the Comptroller's office, and Major 

The five years I spent in the Treasury as Comptrol- 
ler of the Currency and later in the Budget work make 
me at home in the old building and among its occupants. 
The dingy corridors and the fine old structure, dating 
from Andrew Jackson's time, have more interest to me 
than any of the public buildings of recent times, how- 
ever magnificent. My picture, painted by Anders Zorn 
when I was in the early thirties, hangs on the wall of 
the Comptroller's office behind his desk. In the old days 
it seemed to my friends and myself only a fair like- 
ness, but at sixty-three years of age it looks good to 
me. Of the six Comptrollers of the Currency serving 
since my term, ending in 1901, five have been my close 
friends and one was, as Tom Ochiltree said, "not 
only my brother, but my personal friend." The five are 
Ridgely, Murray, Crissinger, my brother Henry, and 
Mclntosh. John Skelton Williams, who served under 
Wilson, I did not know well. 

My wife and I attended in the evening the first state 
dinner of the season at the White House, where we had 
a most pleasant time. The President escorted Mrs. 


Dawes to dinner, and I escorted Mrs. Coolidge, as cus- 
tom prescribed at this function. All the Cabinet except 
Secretary Hoover and Dr. Work were present, and a 
limited number of guests were at the dinner. After din- 
ner a musicale was given at which several hundred were 
present. Was much impressed with the piano playing of 
Madame Yolande Mero. I never heard Chopin's Etude 
C Major played better, 

A double number of military aides in dress uniform 
lined up in the hall as we passed to the dining room, and 
the White House seemed unusually brilliant in conse- 

The President was most affable and agreeable and 
Mrs. Coolidge was charming in her attention to all 
present. As we gathered in the smoking room after 
dinner, the conversation among the Cabinet touched 
occasionally upon the long vacation from such festivities 
which most of the group were anticipating after 
March 4. 

The President and Mrs. Coolidge evidently are look- 
ing forward to the time when they lay down their offi- 
cial cares, and I think this is so with Secretary and Mrs. 
Kellogg, who, like the Coolidges, will leave public life 
at the height of accomplishment and public regard 
the time all should leave it if they are wise. But I sus- 
pect the existence of much suppressed regret among 
some others, which is natural enough. 

On Century train for Chicago, November 13, 1928. 
These notes ceased on the afternoon of November 10, 
last Saturday, when our train pulled into Trenton. We 
taxied over to Lawrenceville, where we visited for two 


hours with our son Dana, attending Lawrenceville 
School and domiciled in "Dawes House", which years 
ago I helped give to the School in memory of my son, 
Rufus Fearing Dawes. After this visit we arrived at 
New York, where we stayed with our friends, Mr. and 
Mrs, Owen D. Young. During the last two busy days, 
so much of interest has occurred that I am wondering 
whether I can cover the visit in these notes so as to 
leave anything of the impressions I carry away, domi- 
nated as they are by one tragic and pathetic remem- 

Until almost into the morning hours on Saturday 
Young and I talked together, much of the time, of 
course, on reparations. And so first upon this subject: 

I found Young's diagnosis of the situation the same 
as the one I have before outlined in these notes, and 
based upon the same reasoning. If the committee to 
revise the Experts' Plan is appointed, it will be in effect 
to conduct a diplomatic negotiation, not altogether an 
expert research, and under limitations fixed by the gov- 
ernments which fact now, before the appointment of 
the committee, practically forecasts its possible major 
conclusions. These limitations, as I have already noted, 
seriously jeopardize the possibility of arriving at any 
results acceptable botfi to the Allies and to Germany. 

The uncertainty of the situation became more mani- 
fest when, during my stay, Young received a cable from 
Gilbert saying that, owing to the French Cabinet situa- 
tion, the committee would probably not be appointed 
until January, "even if other possible complications 
were avoided" 


Yesterday, after lunch, Young attended a meeting 
of the Board of Directors of the New York Federal 
Reserve Bank, and was authorized to cable Gilbert of- 
fering him the position of its governor. When Gilbert 
. visited me recently at Evanston, he emphasized his de- 
sire to leave his position as Agent General for Repara- 
tions as soon as he had successfully conducted Ms office 
through the five years, which is the experimental period 
of the first Experts' Plan, and which now ends within 
a year. He is apparently unwilling to leave it without a 
supreme effort on his part to have the sum total of 
reparations fixed on a reasonable basis, something to 
which Germany is entitled and, which, unsettled, is a 
handicap to the peaceful progress of European economy. 
Even if his efforts now develop the fact that a present 
settlement is impracticable, they have been worth while; 
for it will be generally acknowledged that if his able 
leadership does not avail, no other will. 

But the calling in of experts again may succeed, after 
all, for the governments may be more amenable than 
we think. 

In a talk with Secretary Hughes at General Vander- 
bilt's dinner Sunday night, he stressed the differences 
in the environment of our first committee and that 
which would surround any new one, and told of his 
long-distance discussions with Poincare through Jus- 
serand upon the relation of governments to the pro- 
posed work of the first committee of experts, when he 
urged for it as free a hand as possible. 

On Sunday morning Young and I motored to Long 
Island where we took lunch with the family of the late 


Henry P. Davison and about fifty of their close friends 
and neighbors. Afterwards all proceeded to Mineola 
and attended the dedication of the Henry Pomeroy 
Davison memorial building of the Nassau County Chap- 
ter of the American Red Cross. At these exercises a 
fine eulogy of Henry Davison was delivered by Thomas 
Lamont. In simple language, he outlined the wonder- 
ful career of this leader and benefactor of man, which 
finally flowered brilliantly in the crowning achievement 
of the financing and directorship of the activities of 
the American National Red Cross in the Great War, 
and ended shortly thereafter in sudden death. Tom's 
peroration was beautiful and touching; inspired as it 
was by a sense of deep personal bereavement. 

On Sunday evening, General and Mrs. Cornelius 
Vanderbilt gave a dinner at their home at which about 
fifty guests were present. 

On Monday noon General Harbord gave a lunch 
at India House, and in the evening I addressed a joint 
meeting of the New York Post Society of Military 
Engineers and the Metropolitan Section of the Ameri- 
can Society of Mechanical Engineers. Major General 
Ely, Admiral De Steiguer, General Harbord, General 
Vanderbilt and others joined in the discussion which 
followed my speech. After the speech, I made a short 
visit to the Armistice Ball of the British Great War 
Veterans at the Plaza Hotel, another brilliant affair, 
and when I was taken to the center of the hall, the 
dancing stopped and "The Star Spangled Banner" was 
played by the band. I mention these things to give the 
contrasting background of a tragic and pathetic inci- 


dent one which brought me for the last time to the 
side of a boyhood friend, and has been unrolling for 
me ever since the memory of days long past. 

On Sunday evening in the midst of all these festivi- 
ties I received a telegram from my son-in-law at Chi- 


vate school at Marietta, Ohio, which I attended at the 
age of twelve years fifty-one years ago I first 
knew Bradford Hulbert. I remember him then chiefly 
as a good-natured boy who was always laughing, and 
who, with a front seat in school and a book so held 
that the teacher could not see his face, would twist his 
countenance into the most absurd grimaces for the 
benefit of the rest of us on the back seats. Our ways 
soon parted^ but we had become good friends, and the 
next occasion of our meeting was during the week of 
my graduation from the Cincinnati Law School in 
1886. Tom Dawson (afterwards Minister to Chile and 
Colombia) had won the hundred-dollar prize for the 
best essay and was spending a portion of it upon a 
dinner in a private room at the old Denison Hotel at 
Cincinnati, to assuage the disappointment of his four 
competitors, of whom I was one. When we were seated, 
Brad Hulbert walked in with a napkin over his arm. 
He was a waiter at the hotel, and was visibly embar- 
rassed. It took me some time to get him at his ease. 
That was the last time forty-two years ago that 
I talked at length with him. But I have seen him sev- 


eral times since. The first time was on the streets of 
Chicago, at least twenty years ago, when I recognized 
him as a dilapidated and disconsolate tramp with rag- 
ged clothing. But he had recognized me first and turned 
away. He would not allow me to catch him. If I walked 
fast after him, he would walk faster. If I started to 
trot, he would trot faster. I knew then that pride had 
not left him, and a man who keeps pride is never wholly 
lost. It was not until years after that I heard from him. 
He appealed for help from a New York public hospital, 
which I gave, writing him that he could call upon me 
any time. But he did not do so for another space of 
years. When, several years ago, once more in sickness, 
he asked for fifty dollars, I sent it, and then continued 
to send him twenty-five dollars a month thereafter 
until his death. 

When, on Monday morning, I visited the undertaker 
named in the telegram, he told me that when Brad 
cashed my checks at his lodging house, he had said that 
I was his friend, and when he died alone in his room 
and was taken to the morgue the lodging house keeper 
told the undertaker to notify me. The last time I saw 
him was at the City Morgue yesterday morning. Owen 
Young and I were unrecognized when we went there 
with the undertaker and while the search was made for 
his body, which was there with eighty others. Owing 
to some mistake in his name on the commitment papers, 
the first body shown me was not his. But on the second 
steel litter which was drawn on its rollers from its 
alcove, there, beneath the terrible mask left by long 
years of poverty and dissipation, I saw the face of my 


boyhood friend. His wasted body was covered with an 
old and frayed overcoat. He had died uncared-for in 
any way. 

Besides the Morgue attendant, Mr. Young,, and my- 
self, there were present three soldiers in uniform who 
had been looking for a missing comrade. As I stood 
uncovered, they took off their caps and one of them 
said: "Is he your brother ?" "No," I replied, "just a 
friend." But as I walked away, I thought, "Are we not 
all brothers?" 

Some days after this, I received the following let- 

November 23, 1928. 
Hon. Charles G. Dawes, 
Washington, D. C. 
My dear General Dawes: 

I cannot refrain from expressing to you my appreciation of 
your continued friendship for Mr. Brad Hulbert (or Hulbert 
Brad, as the name was inscribed on the tablet of his coffin). He 
was, for over a year, an attendant upon the services of my church 
on Oliver Street, Manhattan Borough, New York. I knew him 
quite well. You were a continuing inspiration to him. In the 
worst of his sordid surroundings, his spirit clung to you as a 
drowning man clings to a plank. He cherished gratitude not alone 
for the monthly remittances you sent, but for your persistent 
friendship, revealed in your cheery letters. He was sustained, 
too, by the memory of happy boyhood days spent with you and 
your brothers. As he would speak of these associations he would 
melt in an agony of grief. 

In my ministry I am constantly dealing with men of culture, 
who have preserved, even in their outcast condition, an idealism 
which kept them on higher levels, though to the world they 
walked in the mire; and every day I think of the progress of 
modern psychology by which men are taught to understand them- 


selves. All of us, I imagine, are fighting some weakness in the 
dark. We are subconsciously under the control of irritating and 
perhaps sinful experiences and habits of years gone by. These 
forces insidiously working in the soul, unknown to us, cramp 
our efforts, hold us down. Most people fight for freedom of the 
soul through faith in God and by the exercise of reason and will 
power, and so live normally to all appearances. But many do 
not. They yield and become slaves to unseen vicious soul forces. 
I firmly believe that many Brad Hulberts could be led back to 
normalcy if they could be brought under the searchings of spe- 
cialists in mental hygiene. I can but wish, though it be a vain 
wish, that Mr. Hulbert had had such a treatment and had re- 
sponded to it. He was so gentle in bearing, so remorseful be- 
cause of misconduct, and withal a man of such culture! Even 
in his ruins he revealed the heights from which he fell. But he 
should have been an asset and not a liability. We can but grieve 
and confide his soul to the supreme Father of men. 
Believe me, 

Very truly yours, 



Evanston, Illinois, November 19, 1928. 

WE ARRIVED Chicago Wednesday morning the 14th. 
One accomplishment in the busy day especially pleased 
me. About 2:00 P.M. a delegation of Marietta people, 
headed by George White, called. They came in distress 
of mind because they had come to Chicago to urge the 
Executive Committee of the American Association of 
State Highway Officials to put Marietta, Ohio, on U. S. 
Route 50, which crosses the country to the south of it. 
The recent completion of a new bridge across the Ohio 
at St. Marys makes alternative routes for Highway SO 
between Ellensboro, West Virginia, and Athens, Ohio 
one through Parkersburg, West Virginia and one 
through Marietta. The executive committee had de- 
clined to give them a hearing, saying that no more al- 
ternative routes were to be added to the map. As the 
Marietta route would be five miles shorter, people 
might have an interest in passing through the first 
settlement in the Northwest Territory. The Associa- 
tion was then in session, but was to adjourn sine die at 
4:00 P.M. thus, without quick action, cutting off 
any hope of getting together the ten members of the 
Executive Committee who came from all parts of the 

I asked a leader in the convention who was a mem- 
ber of the Executive Committee to come to my office, 


and I armed him with a letter asking for a re-assem- 
bling of the Executive Committee and a reconsideration 
of the matter. On the B. & O. train en route to Newark, 
Ohio, that evening I was greatly surprised not only to 
meet the Marietta delegation but to hear from them 
that the Executive Committee had met and changed 
their minds, due to this leader, whose name unfortu- 
nately I do not recall, and my letter with its exposition 
of the subject. Marietta, therefore, is on the official road 
map, and I am sure no one is happier than I because 
of it. 

On the train in the evening were my friends Mr. and 
Mrs. John T. McCutcheon, Mr. and Mrs. Kenesaw 
Landis, Mr. and Mrs. Charles Atkinson, Charles B. 
Goodspeed, and Francis Kilkenny. We were bound for 
the arboretum one of the finest in the country 
on the farm of my brother, Beman G. Dawes, near 
Newark, Ohio, where John and Mr. Ireland, as two 
leading cartoonists of the country, were to plant twin 
trees. Beman has planted in his arboretum at least fifty 
thousand trees. He is adding to the present and future 
interest of the place by having leading men of Ohio 
and the nation plant trees, near each one of which is 
placed a bronze tablet stating the fact and bearing a 
brief summary of the career of the planter. General 
Harbord, Major General Summerall and a number of 
others, including myself, have already planted trees. 
Beman will leave the arboretum to the state of Ohio, 
whose forestry officials are much interested in its de- 


Beman and Bertie make ideal hosts, and in all enter- 
tained a company of at least fifty at lunch and dinner. 
My wife was unable to take this trip so soon after our 
New York trip. 

Evanston, November 21, 1928. 

At noon, at the Stevens Hotel, at a luncheon of the 
Chicago Association of Commerce, Rufus C. Dawes, 
President of the World's Fair trustees, Senator Deneen, 
Samuel Insull, Chairman of the Finance Committee, 
and I, who am Vice Chairman, made addresses upon 
the World's Fair. The seating accommodations of the 
Hotel were taxed seventeen hundred seats having 
been reserved at the tables. The average attendance at 
these luncheons is about 450, and the large attendance 
at this one was a source of encouragement to those in 
charge of the World's Fair enterprise. At every seat was 
placed a printed statement of the argument for the 
World's Fair prepared by my brother, Rufus. 

It is so condensed in form and so admirable as a 
presentation that I insert it here: 


A single corporation, the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, presenting 
the new idea of visualizing for the public the progress of trans- 
portation, ran an exhibition in the city of Baltimore last year. In 
three weeks they drew more people to their doors than attended 
the vast Sesquicentennial at Philadelphia in three months. 

Imagine the attendance at a Chicago World's Fair at which all 
the industries will be presented in a similar manner. This Chicago 
Fair will not be competitive. It will not be a monotonous repetition 
of competing exhibits. Instead, it will portray intelligently, enter- 


tainingly, and educationally the modern spirit underlying the 
progress of each industry, and of agriculture, art, drama and sport. 
The progress of science will be on display in buildings conceived 
with all the skill of modern architecture. 

Such a World's Fair cannot fail. The appearance of great asso- 
ciations of industry for concerted action provides the agencies to 
make it certain of success. It will express the new spirit of the 
world to-day, which is the utilization for the work of man of the 
knowledge which science has accumulated, and the application of 
it through collective and co-ordinated effort and action in in- 
dustry, agriculture and social organization. 

Supplanting the old exhibition idea we have, by the natural 
evolution of a new generation, a new thought of presenting a 
panoramic picture, beautifully adorned, of what science and in- 
dustry have achieved for the world, and may yet achieve. All rail- 
roads join the exhibition of transportation. All electric companies 
offer a co-operative and single exhibit of their collective achieve- 
ment. The exhibit, in fact, of every industry will be collective, 
and presented educationally by the best minds in its field of ac- 

To celebrate the completion of the first century of its life, Chi- 
cago has the chance to present such a Fair to the world. It is well 
said that opportunity comes but once. Chicago, already pledged 
the support of competent advisers, must in the next few months 
accept the opportunity accorded it in the World's Fair plans. Other 
cities, both in America and Europe, recognize the opportunity and 
soon will deprive Chicago of it unless she acts now. 

ROTUS C. DAWES, President, 
Chicago World's Fair Centennial Celebration. 

Washington, D. C., November 27, 1928. 

Came to Washington from New York last evening 

on the train with Frank W. Stearns, the President's 

close friend and a man universally liked and respected. 

He is the embodiment of the cautious and considerate 


gentleman of the old school. He told me of an amusing 
conversation he had with the President. The latter was 
standing at his desk one day with a copy of the "Inti- 
mate Papers of Colonel House" in his hand. He looked 
fixedly at Stearns and said: "Mr. Stearns, the Consti- 
tution of the United States makes no provision for 
the position of an unofficial adviser." "Mr. President," 
said Stearns, "have I ever given you any advice?" 
"No," said the President, "but I just thought I would 
tell you." 

Washington, November 28, 1928. 

Last night the President and Mrs. Coolidge were our 
guests at dinner at our home. The other guests were 
Uncle Will Mills, my brother Beman and his wife, Mr. 
and Mrs. Cornelius N. Bliss, General Pershing, Miss 
Mary Randolph, Mrs. A. E. Humphrey, Mr. and Mrs. 
George B. Dryden, and Mr. and Mrs. Ben Ames Wil- 
liams. All seemed to have a good time. The President 
and Mrs. Coolidge are evidently happy at coming lib- 
eration from an exacting and burdensome life. We had 
a moving picture after dinner, and as it did not start 
early, it was midnight when the President and his wife 
left. We had not expected the President to stay for the 
picture, but I don't wonder that once it started he "sat 
it out." It was the film version of "Abie's Irish Rose", 
sent to us by our friends of the Paramount Company, 
which will not be released to the public for many 
months. It will still require much cutting down, but 
its appeal is irresistible. 

To my relief the President told me he would attend 
the Gridiron dinner December 8. One of the most dif- 


ficult tasks of a Vice President is to take the place of 
an absent President as the guest of honor at one of 
those affairs and make the closing speech. This I did 
at the last dinner and one other some time ago. No more 
important or able audience gathers in this country. 
The outside speakers invited are those with an estab- 
lished national reputation as brilliant and witty after- 
dinner orators. As a climax or anticlimax (as the case 
may be) to their efforts comes the speech of the "ex- 
officio" guest of honor not there as the result of com- 
petitive selection. This individual be he President 
or Vice President is hammered at during the three 
hours that the dinner consumes in all kinds of pointed 
and extremely clever skits, enacted between courses 
by members of the Club, who through years of practice 
have acquired the skill of professionals. Being the lead- 
ing newspaper correspondents of the country and well 
informed, they unerringly pick out the flaws in the 
guest of honor which he hopes have been forgotten, 
and throw them in sharp relief before the audience in 
his presence. It is impossible to ignore altogether some 
reference to the good-humored "digs" of the evening 
in the last speech. For three hours, therefore, the guest 
of honor sits absorbed in thinking of a comebacks" 
to some of the amusing but quite personal thrusts. He 
may arrive for a minute at some peace of mind, with 
an idea that he has thought out what to say, only to 
have it rendered obsolete by the act during the next 
course of the dinner. There is no settled status quo 
during the evening until, after a kindly introduction, 
usually sung in chorus by the glee club and containing 


some compliments as a salve for his punctured epider- 
mis, the guest of honor takes the floor. 

And this settled status quo somewhat unsettles the 
guest of honor. If he comes out all right, he earns his 
year's salary right there. Nevertheless, these dinners 
are the most enjoyable of the year to him and every- 
body else. 

During the day some of the Senators have talked 
with me about the coming session. It seems curious to 
hear them discuss whether this or that Senator will 
be willing to concede the right-of-way to this or that 
piece of general legislation as a measure of surpassing 
public importance. The power given individual Sena- 
tors over the will of the constitutional majority by the 
rules allowing unlimited debate exercises a continuing 
influence upon the Senate never suspected or dreamed 
of by the public. Some of the Senators are advising 
Curtis to resign as Senator so as to allow the present 
Governor of Kansas to appoint his successor from that 
state and, incidentally, to allow the Republican Sena- 
tors to select a new floor leader now. The purpose of 
this is, of course, purely political. 

After listening to some of this discussion, I am led 
to say that he is no friend who upon request transmits 
as his own the advice of another. 

Washington, November 29, 1928. 

We attended a dinner last night at the Spanish Em- 
bassy given by the Ambassador in honor of the Infante 
Don Alfonso, the Infanta Dona Beatriz and their son, 


Infante Don Alvaro. The dinner was a small one, com- 
posed for the most part of foreign ambassadors, and 
preceded a large reception to which we did not go. My 
companion at dinner was the Infanta Beatriz, the In- 
fante Don Alfonso taking in Mrs. Dawes. This young 
lady ; the Infanta, seated between Secretary Kellogg 
and myself, entertained us both in a conversation which 
evidenced not only her wide knowledge, but her real 
ability and mental culture. She is a granddaughter of 
Queen Victoria, and a sister of the Queen of Roumania, 
but she needs no prop of high relationship to commend 
her to attention and respect. 

After dinner the Infante Don Alfonso sat with Kel- 
logg and myself, and here again we found a person of 
most unusual interest one who would command re- 
spect for his ability and character in any environment. 

Don Alfonso is here in a study of aviation from a 
military standpoint, and we became so interested in 
a discussion of the war that we soon drove away Frank 
Kellogg, the present outstanding Apostle of Peace. 

I told him of the intention of my friend Minister 
Latour of Guatemala to visit Spain this year, a plan 
which failed through his untimely death. Latour was a 
student of Mayan archaeology and an authority on 
that subject, especially interesting to him as his coun- 
try was once the seat of that great civilization. 

Latour, born and brought up in Guatemala, was a 
firm believer in the existence of a codex which would 
lead to the deciphering of Mayan hieroglyphics, as the 
Rosetta Stone led to the unlocking of those of Ancient 
Egypt. The priests who followed Cortez destroyed as 


pagan all the Mayan manuscripts which they could 
find in Central America, with the exception of those 
which they sent to the Church in Spain. Latour's trip 
to Spain was planned in order to personally examine 
those manuscripts in the hope of finding a "codex." 
Don Alfonso expressed the liveliest interest in the sub- 
ject, and said there was a vast accumulation of Central 
American documents in the Spanish archives at Seville 
which had never been fully studied and many of them 
never even examined. He offered assistance in any 
movement in this direction which might be inaugu- 

Kellogg tells me that his cables yesterday morning 
from Houghton, our Ambassador to Great Britain, in- 
dicate some concession on the part of the Allied govern- 
ments to the idea of "free and uninstructed" experts on 
the committee to revise the reparations plan which is 
more encouraging for something of substantial accom- 
plishment as the result of their work. 

B. &. O. train en route to Chicago, November 30, 1928. 
Enough of the Senators apparently have banded to- 
gether to ensure an extra session of Congress after 
March 4. Their expressed desire is to save for Mr. 
Hoover the doubtful opportunity of framing a farm 
relief measure "all his own." Under the rules of the 
Senate it is possible for a minority of Senators in any 
short session to so delay the passage of appropriation 
bills that an extra session must be called to keep the 
wheels of government moving. So whether the majority 
of the Senators want it or not or whether the coun- 


try wants it or not or whether the President wants 
it or not it would seem already settled at this early 
date that there will be an extra session. Beneath the 
superficial amiability of the trained politician, there is, 
of course, always the shrewd trader with his irreducible 
minimum of demands. To enforce them he has at last 
one underhanded, but never-failing, resort, made half- 
way respectable only by long usage the threat to 
block the business of the Senate by unlimited debate 
under its rules. If an extra session is to be avoided, 
therefore, it will probably be at the cost of an indefinite 
number of concessions in appropriations and other leg- 
islation dictated by selfish and personal purpose and 
not by the public welfare. 

Pennsylvania train en route to Washington, December 2, 1928. 

On this trip and at Washington have listened to a 
considerable amount of election comment, in which the 
different speakers delicately intimated that their man- 
agerial or oratorical participation had much to do with 
the result. This always comes after an election, and 
Senator Swanson, when he sat down at lunch with 
some of his colleagues and myself the other day, made 
a preliminary announcement that he would remain only 
if the subject of "Who Killed Cock Robin" was not 
discussed. Yet it was. The last election was an earth- 

The ordinary man, just as did the old Romans, holds 
in contempt the form of argument which the Romans 
expressed as "Post hoc ergo propter hoc?' One editorial 
rebuke to this kind of post-election vanity, adminis- 


tered many years ago, I shall always remember. It was 
in the form of a fable dedicated to its victim: 

A rooster and his hens were once in the hen house, and it was 
very dark and very cold. The hens said to the rooster: "It is very 
dark and very cold. What can you do for us?" The rooster replied: 
"I will see/' and he went out on a fence post and crowed three 
times lustily, and the sun rose. As he went back to the hen house, 
the hens said: "What would we have done without you?" And 
the rooster said: "I do not know." 

Moral: It is not absolutely necessary to have feathers in order 
to be a damn fool. 


Washington, D. C., December 3, 1928. 

ARRIVED Washington 9:00 A.M. and went to my office 
in the Senate office building, where I answered mail 
until 11:30 A.M., when I went to my office at the 
Capitol. It being the opening day of a session of Con- 
gress, the staff of shorthand reporters of the Senate, 
headed by Mr. Shuey of fifty years continuous service, 
called in a body to pay their respects. A great many 
Senators likewise called in fact, over thirty of them 
came in with cordial greetings. It was a pleasant half- 
hour, for I have formed many friendships here in the 
last four years, and I enjoyed the reunion. 

The galleries were crowded, as is always the case 
at the opening of a session of Congress, and as I en- 
tered the chamber with the Chaplain the appearance 
of the floor of the Senate was like that at the opening 
of a college year, with all the students talking and 
shaking hands in the college assembly room. At twelve 
o'clock noon, after restoring order with the gavel, and 
after prayer by the Chaplain, I ascended to the Chair 
and announced that as this was the day prescribed by 
the Constitution for the convening of the second session 
of the Seventieth Congress, the Secretary would call 
the roll to ascertain whether a quorum of the Senate 
was present. Eighty Senators answered to the call, and 


thus the second session of the Seventieth Congress 

During the short sitting which followed I adminis- 
tered the oath to three Senators-elect, and the Senate 
passed the customary resolutions to notify the Presi- 
dent of the presence of a quorum of each house "to 
notify the House of the presence of a quorum of the 
Senate" and "to fix the hour of daily meeting of the 
Senate." The Senate then adjourned out of respect to 
the memory of the late Senator Gooding of Idaho. 
My friend Vandenberg of Michigan was one of the 
Senators-elect to be sworn in. I predict for him a career 
both brilliant and useful. 

In the afternoon called at the State Department, 
where Kellogg gave me the present status of the plan 
for the Experts' Committee, as reported to him. We 
went over a cable received by him to-day from Parker 
Gilbert giving the text of a proposed grant of power 
to the committee which Gilbert has suggested to the 
Allied governments. This would ask the Committee to 
report upon the total amount of reparations based upon 
Germany's annual capacity to pay, and make sugges- 
tions as to a method of funding a portion of the debt 
and "commercializing" the bonds. They would also 
make suggestions as to how the present machinery of 
the first Experts 7 Plan should so be modified as to be 
adapted to the new scheme, if agreed upon, Gilbert 
also said that it might be decided to give the grant in 
the words of the Geneva decision, which suggested a 
power to report on reparations in a definitive way with- 


out suggestions as to details. This he stated would be 

satisfactory to him, although he preferred the longer 


The New York Times Paris cablegram this morning 
states that Germany and England have agreed that the 
Reparation Commission shall invite the members of 
the Committee to act instead of the governments. This 
would remove another , but minor, obstacle. Kellogg 
had not been notified of this. Referring, however, to 
Houghton's cable that concessions probably would be 
made to the idea of freedom for the experts from gov- 
ernment control, which he had mentioned to me at the 
dinner at the Spanish Embassy last Wednesday, he 
said that the German Ambassador had called later and 
told him that both England and France had stated to 
Germany, as an ultimatum, their minimum require- 
ments from reparations; at the same time they had 
assented to the "freedom from control" idea. How can 
the experts be regarded as "free from governmental 
control" when they are in effect notified in advance 
that no decision of theirs will stand unless it produces 
a certain fixed minimum of annual reparations pay- 

In my judgment, if this is the situation, the Allied 
governments will practically decide beforehand just 
what the Committee shall be allowed to decide later. 
The alternative is to let the Committee go ahead with- 
out control and outline a plan quite sure to be rejected 
but out of which valuable suggestions may be salvaged 
and fitted into a new and third plan, which will result 
from a diplomatic negotiation between those first in 


authority and responsibility if not in economic com- 
petency. This is quite likely to occur, as I see it now. 

Washington, December 5, 1928. 

One part of the President's fine message yesterday 
interested me as a former Director of the Budget, an 
official who is engaged throughout the year in estimat- 
ing and worrying about the probable difference between 
Government revenues and expenditures at the end of 
the fiscal year in other words, the surplus or deficit 
on June 30. These estimates vary, of course, from week 
to week sometimes in very large amounts, when 
Congress makes an unexpected appropriation. The esti- 
mate of the surplus this fiscal year ending June 30, 
next, is given in the message as only $37,000,000 or 
a margin of less than one per cent on expenditures. 
The President warns against new appropriations in 
this session for immediate outlay, that is, for out- 
lay before June 30, as such action would result in 
an unbalanced budget. 

What especially pleased me in this connection was 
his statement "I should not feel warranted in approv- 
ing legislation which would involve us in that financial 

In his attitude toward the Budget machinery and in 
his loyalty to the vital and fundamental principles 
underlying the new Budget system laid down in the 
executive order of President Harding dated Nov. 8, 
1921, which I formulated and used to call the "Magna 
Charta of the new system of routine governmental 
business," Coolidge has been a joy to me. 


Outsiders, unacquainted with the solidity of a gov- 
ernmental status quo, especially one over a century 
and a quarter old, can little realize the opposition of 
the departments to Sections 3, 4, S, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 and 
11 of that document. 

Seven years have now passed since it was promul- 
gated, and the system of control over the spending 
departments which it created has made it possible for 
the President to keep down governmental expenses in 
a period when those of the states, counties and munici- 
palities of our country are all increasing. If any new 
President relaxes his interest in maintaining its prin- 
ciples and lessens the vigilance shown by President 
Coolidge in their enforcement, the result will be seen 
in constantly rising expenses of government. 

Had many callers at the office this morning and when 
not occupying the chair this afternoon. Had a long 
visit with my friend Senator Robinson of Arkansas. 
Among other callers were Senators Barkley, Wagner, 
Goff, Shipstead, Simmons, Bingham, Johnson and Fess. 
Presided over the Senate most of the active "morning 
hour" which is often two hours. When the morning 
business was concluded at 2:00 P.M., I laid before the 
Senate the Boulder Dam Bill, which was the "unfin- 
ished business" from the last session of Congress. Sen- 
ator Johnson made a motion to substitute the House 
Boulder Dam bill for the Senate bill, in view of their 
similarity and for certain parliamentary advantages 
incident to that course. After a short discussion this 
was "agreed to", and this leads me to pay a tribute to 
a modest young man whose name I have never heard 


mentioned on the floor of the Senate, nor seen in print 
during the four years I have been here, but who is a 
power in government Charles Watkins. A parlia- . 
mentary battle had been expected upon a point of order 
against the regularity of this procedure. That this point 
of order was not made was because, at Senator John- 
son's request, Watkins had written a statement of the 
precedents involved and given his opinion thereon. 
This statement, shown by Johnson to those interested 
in the question, led to the acquiescence of all in its 
soundness and prevented the contest. Watkins prob- 
ably stayed up all night to prepare it, as it covered 
some three or four typewritten pages. He is called a 
"journal clerk", I believe a place in which he re- 
ceives only a moderate compensation; yet by indefat- 
igable work almost every minute of the day and most 
of the night he has made himself the actual parliamen- 
tarian of the Senate and its highest authority on the 
precedents. For over a year he has been compiling in 
extra time a new volume of "Senate Precedents." Work, 
work, work Is his only lot, and if he is sometimes 
praised behind his back by Senators, I am afraid few 
think to do it in Ms hearing; and sometimes I even 
hear him criticized when his advice to me precipitates 
a ruling adverse to a Senator's cause. 

Perhaps it would be unfair to me to say that the rea- 
son I have never had a point of order sustained against 
any ruling of mine as President of the Senate is wholly 
due to Watkins but unquestionably it is chiefly due 
to him. Senate precedents are almost always conflicting, 
and when Charley Watkins gives me a choice of prece- 


dents to follow, I sometimes make my own decision. 
But it is chiefly upon his advice that I act and when 
I have done so, on several occasions Senators versed 
in the rules and precedents have strongly combated 
his reasoning as expounded by me; but the Senate has 
never sustained the opposition. 

If those Senators whom I have called to the chair 
during my absence have occasionally been overruled, 
it is probably because they did not follow Watkins' 
suggestion, but endeavored to rule so as to further a 
political motive something which Senators tell me 
is occasionally expected in the chair, but which I have 
never done. 

I shall always be grateful to Charles Watkins, whom, 
with all due respect to the members of the Senate, no 
man among them equals in knowledge of the Senate 
Rules and Precedents. And yet Robinson of Arkansas, 
Curtis of Kansas, Moses of New Hampshire, Norris 
of Nebraska, Jones of Washington, and Walsh of Mon- 
tana are authorities of the first rank. 

Washington, December 6, 1928. 

Occupied the chair in the Senate about three hours 
in all to-day, during "morning business" and later in 
the afternoon for a part of the Boulder Dam debate, 
and during the executive session after the debate closed. 
Speaker Longworth was one of my callers during the 
day and I discussed with him the kind of a resolution 
to be introduced in the House and Senate for the rec- 
ognition of the Chicago World's Fair, to which I am 


giving attention. Have just returned from the judicial 
reception at the White House this evening. At these 
large White House receptions I have long adopted a 
course which adds greatly to my enjoyment of them. 
After marching downstairs and as far as the Blue Room 
with the official procession, headed by the President 
and Mrs. Coolidge, I do my full duty in greeting those 
assembled there, even waiting until the judges, diplo- 
mats, or generals and admirals (as the nature of the 
reception determines), return to the room after they 
have passed in line to greet the President. Then, gen- 
erally with Secretary Mellon as a companion, I slip 
away to the room at the right of the front door where 
the Secret Service men and my old friend Ike Hoover, 
major-domo of the White House, generally hold forth. 
Just beyond its open door in the main hall the Marine 
Band, which plays all the evening, is stationed. We 
have, therefore, three advantages of which the other 
guests are deprived we can sit down; we can hear 
the music; and we can smoke. 

Here we remain until about ten minutes before the 
official procession, which we must join, starts upstairs 
again. We can tell when to start back to it by the final 
"petering out" of the long procession of guests coming 
from the East Room through the hall to the Blue Room 
to shake the weary hands of the Chief Executive and 
his wife. 

But we have another way of telling. Invariably Mrs. 
Dawes gets worried for fear we shall not get back in 
time and either comes herself or sends an aide after us. 


Secretary Dwigfat Davis generally shows tip for a 
part of the evening, and always when he is there we 
are joined by the Spanish Ambassador Padilla, who 
smokes a pipe. 

Discussed with Mellon the financial situation, his 
last report to Congress, the reparations question, the 
French debt settlement and various other subjects, and 
came away with additions to my stock of knowledge, 
as always from any interview with this able and clear- 
thinking friend. 

Mr. Ike Hoover, whom I have just mentioned, I first 
knew when as a young man I used to be frequently 
at the White House in President McKinley's admin- 
istration, and Hoover was one of the doorkeepers. 
From that day to this, whenever I have lived in Wash- 
ington nine years now in all I have kept in close 
touch with him and with the Marine Band, first led 
by Santlemann and now by Branson, 

Washington, December 8, 1928. 

Received a telegram that James A. Patten had died 
suddenly. He had one of the greatest and most generous 
hearts. The poor whom he has helped, the weak who 
have benefited from his strength, the thousands whose 
lives he has made brighter, are the living evidences of 
the value of this good man's life. 

Last night I attended my last Gridiron banquet, 
as the next one will be given after I have left Wash- 
ington for good. It was unusually well carried out; the 
acting, the hits and the music being of the first order. 


Had a fine time. The President made a good farewell 
address, happy in its references to the occurrences of 
the evening and full of good sense. This time I did not 
have to speak, but was not left unnoticed. The Vice 
President of the United States and the Vice President- 
elect were ordered to stand. Accordingly, Senator Curtis 
and I, seated near together, rose and remained standing 
until what they called the "Dawes Decalogue, or the 
Letter of a Self-made Has-Been to His Successor' 3 was 

"Just between us Charlie," it began, "you are getting 
away to a flying start. 'Helen Maria 5 was my line, but 
'Too damn dumb' will get you just as far. Out of the 
depths of my experience, I commend to you these Ten 
Commandments: 'Don't steal the first page on Inaugu- 
ration Day, and you may be invited to sit in the Cabi- 
net.' 'Don't be afraid to criticize the Senate. You know 
how much it needs it. The public likes it and the Senate 
thrives on it,' 'Don't commit yourself to another fel- 
low's candidacy for President. He may hold you to it.' 
'Don't pretend you understand the equalization fee. 
Al Smith found there was n't a vote in it so did I.' 
'Don't try to change the Senate Rules.' 'Don't buck the 
President if you want to stay more than four years.' 
'Don't do your sleeping in the day time.' " 

The last refers to my absence from the Senate when 
my vote upon a tie would have confirmed Charles B. 
Warren for Attorney General, whose nomination on 
the subsequent vote was not confirmed. This regret- 
table incident, happening on the second day of my 
first experience with the Senate, resulted from my 


inexperience with the explosive nature of that body. 
The day's session was nearing its close and as six 
more speakers had given notice of their intention to 
address the Senate, both the majority and minority 
leaders of the Senate told me a vote would not be taken 
that afternoon. After I left all the speakers but one 
dropped out and the vote was taken. Later I came to 
know better the uncertainties of the Senate. There 
have been only two other tie votes in three years. The 
Gridiron Club has never had a dinner since that time 
without reminding me of this event, at one time bring- 
ing in an alarm clock four feet high for my benefit. 
However, I was in no danger of forgetting it, 

Washington, December 10, 1928. 

My friend Dwight Morrow has just arrived to attend 
the Pan- American Conference. He looks much better 
than he did last summer. 

Gilbert, who is very anxious to have Dwight serve 
on the new Committee of Experts on Reparations, has 
been sending him copies of his correspondence with the 
Government. Dwight's diagnosis of the matter of the 
"independence of the experts" is about the same as 
mine. He cannot accept for good reasons. When the 
new President of Mexico asked him the other day 
whether he was going to leave him,, Dwight answered, 
"There are two people who always control the move- 
ment of an Ambassador the head of his own coun- 
try and the head of the country to which he is accred- 
ited in my case President Coolidge and yourself. 
I am staying until one or the other tells me to move." 


Dwight's great success in Mexico is easily explained. 
"I trust them", he says. 

Washington, December 11, 1928. 

The Senate made some progress on the Boulder Dam 
Bill to-day. The fact is very evident that the reaction 
from the campaign has created a better feeling among 
public men. The debates lack acrimony. There is a 
sincere effort to compromise on differences, and com- 
pliments pass between opponents at this session who 
were at swords' points at the last one. 

Presided over Senate for about three hours. 

Many callers at office, including a delegation of 
about thirty master farmers from Kansas, headed by 
Senator Capper. Senator J. T. Robinson, Charles Fran- 
cis Coe, George Agnew Chamberlain, Lieutenant Doo- 
little (the famous aviator) and my fine son, Dana, took 
lunch with me at my office in the Capitol. Have just 
returned from dinner at Ogden Mills's house, at which 
I had an interesting time. Sat between two very intel- 
ligent women Mrs. Mills and Alice Longworth. Both 
are especially brilliant and entertaining conversation- 
alists, and one who is fortunate enough to be their 
table companion never has a dull time. 

Official rank determines the seating at Washington 
dinners, and as the Vice President and the Speaker of 
the House rank about the same, it has given me the 
pleasure of Mrs. Longworth's company at dinner many 
times the last four years. 

Met at the dinner my old friend of the war, George 
McFadden of the War Trade Board the great repre- 


sentative in France of the War Trade Board, a body 
whose Invaluable service to our army in the war was as 
indispensable as it was unostentatious. It has never re- 
ceived the acclaim for its accomplishments which it 
so highly merited. It was a board of action, and it alone 
could always invoke for our army the immediate co- 
operation of our State Department, which was so help- 
ful in enabling our army to gather supplies in the neu- 
tral countries of Spain, Switzerland and Holland. 

Talked with Ogden Mills about the reparations situ- 
ation. He seems to agree as to the alternatives either 
a forecasting of the decision of the experts by the gov- 
ernments, which he is inclined to think will involve a 
reduction in German payments from 2,500,000,000 
marks annually to 2,200,000,000 (about $7 5,000,- 
000.00 reduction per year) or a report which will at 
least be accepted as a basis in part for a new agreement 
negotiated by the Governments themselves. Mills has 
been a most competent and successful Undersecretary 
of the Treasury. 

Senator Phipps called to ask me to consider taking 
Mr. Hoover's place on the joint American and Mexican 
commission for negotiating a division of the waters of 
the lower Rio Grande. It was a matter of regret to me 
to tell him that I could not do so, even if it were agreed 
that I was wanted. 

Had a pleasant talk with James A. Reed. Everybody 
regrets that he is voluntarily leaving public life after 
eighteen years of brilliant service in the Senate. As an 
orator he is in a class by himself a representative 
of the fearless and able statesmen of the old school. 


I have many times been the target of his shafts of wit 
and satire, but after all it is really something of a dis- 
tinction to one. 

Washington, December 12, 1928. 

The Senate made marked progress again to-day in 
the Boulder Dam legislation. A unanimous consent 
agreement was secured with some difficulty to limit 
debate after three o'clock to-morrow to fifteen minutes 
for each Senator speaking on the bill and its amend- 
ments. This, of course, is "reforming the rules" tem- 
porarily. It is one of the several devices used to set 
aside the rules temporarily so as to enable the Senate 
for a time to transact business as do other important 
deliberative bodies. It means that the minority has 
decided to let this bill pass this session in other 
words, to let the majority exercise its inherent rights. 
It allots, by consent of the minority, the time of the 
Senate as dictated by the public interest, a right which 
should belong to the Senate at all times. 

Presided over the Senate for about three hours, in- 
cluding the executive session. 

Among my callers to-day was Ruth McCormick, 
Congresswoman-at-large (elect) from Illinois. For this 
able and tactful woman, whom I have known from her 
childhood the daughter of my friend Marcus A. 
Hanna I predict a brilliant public career. She has 
the keen mind, good equipoise and business ability of 
her father, combined with a charming personality and 
a kindly, generous nature. Her late husband, Senator 
Medill McCormick, in his will made me a joint trustee 
with her of the estate of their three children. 


Washington, December 14, 1928. 

Spent most of the afternoon in the chair of the Sen- 
ate, which did not adjourn until 6:00 P.M. Just before 
adjournment the Senate passed the Boulder Dam Bill 
by a good majority. Senator J. T. Robinson, John 
Marshall and Charles T. Chapman of Chicago took 
lunch with me. 

Opposition to the Kellogg multilateral treaty is or- 
ganizing itself to defeat ratification. 

General Pershing's aide telephoned that Mrs. Butler, 
the General's sister, had died, and that he had left for 
Lincoln, Nebraska, immediately. Mrs. Butler was a 
noble woman who lived a life of activity, usefulness 
and generosity. After her husband's death many years 
ago, she took over the work of editing and publishing 
the Lincoln Law Journal, which he had founded, and 
she has been engaged in this successful occupation up 
to the present time. 

After the tragic death of the General's wife and three 
little girls, Mrs. Butler and her sister, Miss May Per- 
shing, took little Warren, the son of the General, into 
their home, and in their devoted and tender care and 
training this fine boy a young man now has en- 
joyed what is invaluable in the upbuilding of character, 
the influence of a Christian home and high example. 
In the strenuous duties and military campaigns which 
have kept General* Pershing away from home so much 
of the time, he has had peace of mind about Warren 
his best beloved because of the devotion of these 
two sisters to Warren's care. Mrs. Butler's death was 
a great loss. 


Washington, December 15, 1928. 

A short but interesting session of the Senate was 
held to-day. Senator Burton of Ohio was sworn in. The 
Senate took a five-minute recess in order to greet Or- 
ville Wright, to whom I presented the Senators passing 
in line before us on the Senate floor. Mr. Wright, when 
at my office, spoke of the most tragic event in my life 
the death of my boy, Rufus. He said that he was on 
his way from Dayton to visit me at Chicago in Septem- 
ber, 1912, to adjust differences between himself and 
some aviators relating to the use of the Wright machine 
at the International Aviation Meet of the next year. 
When he arrived at Chicago, the meeting had been 
abandoned because of Rufus' death the day before. 

The Senate adjourned about 1:00 P.M., and I had at 
lunch with me at my office Senator Borah, Dwight 
Morrow and John Marshall. Dwight went over the 
Mexican situation and the status of his work as am- 
bassador. Senator Borah told me something of which 
I had never heard. He said that during the proceedings 
of the last Republican National Convention he had 
called me by long-distance telephone at Evanston to 
ask my consent to place me in nomination before the 
convention for the vice-presidency. I had left for the 
city and he was unable to reach me. He felt that if he 
had done so, I would have been nominated, and he ex- 
plained why. Now that the event is over, these reasons 
need not be repeated. 

Borah left us after an hour, and Dwight and I visited 
for about three hours longer. 


Dwight Is of the opinion that this Government should 
have its experts for the new Reparation Committee, 
and after hearing his views I think he is right. 

Parker's note to Mellon, submitted to the President 
by Mellon, inquired as to whether the Government 
would (1) appoint the experts; (2) allow Government 
officials to serve; or (3) allow the Reparation Com- 
mission itself to directly invite American citizens to 
serve. The third course is approved by Mellon. The 
mind of the President is probably still open. Dwight 
thinks as this Government is interested to the extent of 
two and one half per cent of reparations, the dignified 
and proper thing to do is to appoint experts to look after 
its interests and not to approach the subject as it did 
the first committee situation, when it adopted the third 
suggestion in order to avoid responsibility. It should be 
said here, however, that our Government did not then 
have the direct interest in the fixing of reparations that 
it has since the allowance to us of two and one half per 
cent, of the reparation payments for costs of the Ameri- 
can army of occupation. As for Dwight, he will not ac- 
cept appointment even if the President should agree 
to it, for he does not propose to leave Mexico while he 
feels he is useful there. 

In regard to leaving Mexico, Dwight realizes that 
the present is the time when he could do so with an 
established reputation which, without fault of his own, 
may be lost through coming events. The coming year, 
until the President's succession is firmly established, 
will be a critical time in Mexico. If he left now, and 
things went wrong in our relations with that country, it 


would be said that had he been there trouble might have 
been prevented; if they went right, that it was because 
of what he has now accomplished. But Dwight is not an 
opportunist. His creed is to be useful. 

Had a conversation the other day with a Senator who 
gave utterance to this: "The most dangerous man pos- 
sible in a position of power is a coward." 

Washington, December 16, 1928. 

Now that the Boulder Dam Bill is out of the way, 
the Kellogg Peace Treaty and the Naval Bill will soon 
be considered. As to the passage of the Boulder Dam 
Bill, though it still must be fought through other 
obstacles, that project seems assured in time. When the 
dam is built, there should be on it somewhere a tablet to 
Senator Hiram Johnson, without whose untiring and 
able leadership it would have failed. I never saw a man 
more faithful and effective in a hard fight than Johnson 
has been in this one. 

Through the long days and nights of a filibuster, and 
at all times during the last two years when the bill was 
up, he has been at his post of duty every minute. And 
this should also be said of Senator Ashurst and Senator 
Hayden of Arizona, likewise faithful, but to the interests 
of Arizona, which were involved. 

Washington, December 20, 1928. 

A busy day. In the morning Senator Hale, Chairman 
of the Naval Officers Committee, Borah, Chairman of 
the Foreign Affairs Committee, Senators Swanson, 
Curtis, Watson, Reed of Pennsylvania, and other lead- 


ing Senators met at my office and endeavored to reach 
an agreement to be adopted by unanimous consent of 
the Senate adjusting the contest which has arisen over 
whether the Peace Treaty or the Naval Bill has the right 
of way in the Senate. An agreement was made that 
both were to be the "unfinished business" on January 3 ; 
the Naval Bill in "legislative session" and the Treaty 
in "open executive session." This merely postpones the 
conflict, but simplifies the parliamentary procedure un- 
der which it will be conducted. When the Senate was to 
be asked to "unanimously agree" I took the chair. 
Then ensued one of the brisk parliamentary skirmishes 
often occurring in the Senate, which arose as a part 
of the contest itself. The rulings which I made were 
entirely in accordance with the rules of the Senate, 
but an appeal was taken from one of them. The Senate 
by a large majority sustained my decision, and a new 
status quo was established, which then resulted in a 
peaceful acceptance of the original "unanimous consent 
agreement" for the January 3 program. 

The Senate then passed the Southern Flood Relief 
bill which was an aftermath of the Puerto Rican hur- 
ricane relief bill passed the other day. 

Dwight Morrow, Senator Dave Reed, ex-Senator 
James W. Wadsworth, Senator James Watson, Senator 
Dale and Assistant Attorney General Marshall were 
at lunch with me, but I had to leave them for the chair 
of the Senate, to handle the parliamentary row on the 

Dwight Morrow leaves to-morrow and we expected 
to have the afternoon together, but one can never count 


on what is going to happen in the Senate. He hastily 
went over the reparations situation, which is mixed up 
again over the method of selecting the American Ex- 

At 5 : 30 P.M. an early hour agreed upon so that the 
pages would not have to go home first I gave my 
annual dinner to the Senate staff in the Senate restau- 
rant. Over a hundred were present, all officially con- 
nected with the conduct of the Senate's business 
the Senate reporters, the Senate clerks, the Sergeant at 
Arms, the Secretary, and the members of their organiza- 
tions, including the pages of the Senate. The dinner 
centered itself largely around my coming departure, 
and was conducted upon the general lines of a Gridiron 
dinner, save that the Gridiron was not allowed to get so 
hot. Jim Preston, who presides over the Press gallery, 
also presided here, with his customary ability. The pro- 
gram given during the dinner was largely planned, and 
the literary parts prepared, by him; it was a decided 

Mr. Shuey, over eighty years of age, a reporter of the 
Senate for over fifty years, made a most interesting 
resume of his long experience and included a most 
eloquent and moving talk to me near its close. He then 
presented me with a beautiful silver inkstand from the 
Senate staff, modeled after the one on the Vice Presi- 
dent's desk in the Senate. The pages, many of them, 
spoke, and really stirred my emotions by what they 
said, especially the little McCarthy boy. I responded as 
best I could. The pages had secured a moving picture 
film of scenes occurring during my term of office, in 


which I had taken a part, which was shown and then 
presented to me. I liked best the picture where I stood 
on the Capitol steps surrounded by the pages, with my 
arms around two of them. I shall miss the boys and my 
dear friends of the Senate staff. 

Washington, December 21, 1928. 

The Senate was in session for less than an hour to- 
day. Just before adjournment I received the engrossed 
bill providing for the erection of the new building for 
the Supreme Court and bearing the signature of the 
Speaker of the House of Representatives. I signed it 
as President of the Senate. Less than fifteen minutes 
later Chief Justice Taft telephoned, asking whether I 
had signed the bill and expressing his anxiety to have it 
signed by President Coolidge before he left Washington 
for the holidays. This I arranged within an hour, to his 
considerable satisfaction. Have always felt grateful to 
Taft, for in 1886 he marked the examination papers of 
our graduating class in the Cincinnati Law School, and 
passed nearly the whole class, myself included. He does 
not know it, but this was one reason he got such quick 
service to-day. His father, Judge Alphonso Taft, and 
Horace Taft, his brother and my law school classmate, 
were law partners of my brother-in-law, Henry N. 
Morris, the firm name being Taft, Morris and Taft 
of Cincinnati. I knew the Taft family well in the old 
days, and while I did not know William H. Taft, I was 
his great admirer. While I was in law school an unjusti- 
fied attack on his. father, Judge Alphonso Taft, was 
made in some scurrilous paper of the city. William H. 


Taft, then a young man, met the editor, who had been 
a prize fighter, on Fourth Street one morning, stopped 
him, told him to get ready, and then gave him a sound 
thrashing in a great fight in which a plate-glass window 
was smashed. After that, I included him with his father 
and brother Horace in my affection and high regard. 
Horace is now the head of the Taft School and has had 
a most distinguished career as an educator. 

I have never seen in any account of the life of the 
Chief Justice a record of this particular personal ac- 
tivity, which, owing to the fact that he himself was an 
expert boxer, was satisfactorily effective. The friend- 
ship with the Chief Justice which I have enjoyed during 
the last four years has been one of the pleasant things 
in my service here. He is beloved by all who know him. 


En route B. & O. for Chicago, December 22, 1928. 
THE Senate remained in session only an hour and ad- 
journed for the holidays. At the opening of the session 
I called attention from the chair to the fact that to-day 
was the sixtieth anniversary of the day Mr. Shuey joined 
the staff of Senate reporters. Pleasant references to him 
were made by Senators, particularly by Senator Hefiin, 
all of which Mr. Shuey, now eighty- four years of 
age? combining pleasure with official duty, duly took 
down in shorthand. 

Before coming to the Senate called on Dr. Abbott of 
the Smithsonian Institute and gave him authority to 
conduct at my expense a Smithsonian investigation and 
study of the Mayan documents in the archives of the 
Indies in Spain, if the consent of the Spanish authorities 
is given thus ensuring a thorough search for a codex 
which would enable the Mayan hieroglyphics to be de- 
ciphered. The great probability is nothing of this kind 
will be discovered, but other valuable information cer- 
tainly should be obtained. 

The Doctor will consult the archaeologists of the In- 
stitute, who will pass upon the feasibility of the effort, 
and if they decide favorably they will select a man to 
conduct the work. 

Took lunch with Senators Warren and Kendrick, 
both of Wyoming, the former the great sheep raiser, and 


the latter the great cattle man, of the state. Of different 
political parties, they are of the same stalwart type of 
the able, self-made American leader. Veterans in the 
Senate as they are, they wield a great influence, always 
directed toward common sense objectives. 

After lunch called on Chairman Hawley of the House 
Ways and Means Committee. Since our World's Fair 
resolution contains a tariff 'provision, it will probably 
be introduced as a House instead of a Senate joint 
resolution. Hawley promised hearty support and stated 
he would call a meeting of the Ways and Means Com- 
mittee to which the resolution will be referred either 
the first or second Saturday of January as we might 
find most convenient. His only reservation was his 
securing of Representative Tilson's approval, concern- 
ing which he anticipated no difficulty. 

Evanston, Illinois, December 23, 1928. 

We arrived home this (Sunday) morning. The morn- 
ing papers record the progress of the effort to finally 
fix German reparations some of the details of which 
I have been recording in these notes. 

The question of Germany's total reparation obliga- 
tions and their rate and method of payment must be 
fixed not only as a matter of justice to Germany, but 
as one of the greatest importance to the peace and 
progress of Europe and the world. Unquestionably the 
report of the second Experts' Committee, while it may 
not be adopted in whole, at least will provide the even- 
tual foundation upon which the governments will con- 
struct their final plan of settlement. Even though the 


prospect may be doubtful of obtaining a settlement by 
the adoption of the report without modification, as was 
the case with our former committee, the injection of an 
experts' report into the situation as it has developed at 
this time seems imperative. 

When wise statesmen plan for governments they 
reason in the simplest terms of human nature, for their 
problem is always one involving elemental human 
nature. To settle properly an international controversy 
involving each country concerned is both an economic 
and a political problem, requiring a machinery in which 
selfish interests and instincts will tend to offset each 
other. To appoint as negotiators only men of official 
position having a personal interest in not offending 
public opinion would tend to bring about unwise de- 
cisions, sacrificing economic principles for temporary 
political peace. To appoint only business men and 
economists would tend to bring about decisions that, 
while applying correct economic principles, would disre- 
gard existing public sentiment which, however prej- 
udiced, ignorant or temporary, would be powerful 
enough to overthrow them. 

To appoint in great controversies, as is often done, 
a mixed committee of politicians and economists, such 
as the old Reparation Commission, is unwise; for the 
reason that wise agreement through proper compromise 
is well-nigh impossible when a conclusion desired by the 
economists would endanger the politicians, and a con- 
clusion desired by the politicians would stultify the 

Upon such a committee the pressure of governments 


upon their political and diplomatic representatives is 
overpowering, and generally disastrous to the proper 
compromise between economics and politics along lines 
of an expediency which recognizes the real essentials 
of both. 

Such was the case with the old Reparation Com- 
mission, which voluntarily abandoned an effort to settle 
reparations made hopeless from the first not only by the 
nature of the work but by its own constitution. 

In despair with economic chaos threatening Europe 
and with political and social repercussions impending 
everywhere as the result of the demonstration of the 
impossibility of a solely political solution of their dif- 
ficulties the governments appointed our first Com- 
mittee of Experts to take over the reparations problem 
only in so far as it involved means of balancing the 
German budget, stabilizing German currency and 
determining the capacity of Germany to make annual 
reparations payments. These limitations were made 
necessary by politics; but they had the result of dis- 
couraging governmental interference in our work. 

Let no one suppose, however, that the report of our 
Committee was not itself a compromise between eco- 
nomic principles and political necessities. It was exactly 
that. But it was a compromise whose finding was 
dominated by economic experts. That it was accepted 
by the governments was because, in the existing state 
of public sentiment in Europe, it was dangerous for 
politicians to oppose its ratification. It was easier, then, 
for experts to satisfy the politicians, for the politicians 
had failed to satisfy the public. 


Now, in the final effort to fix reparations, the gov- 
ernments adopt the expedient of an experts 7 committee 
because only through that device can there be secured 
the proper balancing of all the economic and political 
considerations. The economic phases of the question will 
first be decided by economic experts. Their report, 
whether satisfactory to all the governments or not, will 
be known to all the public, and will fortify every con- 
servative statesman subsequently in his constructive 
efforts for a final settlement. Politicians must then deal 
with a public sentiment influenced by confidence in the 
impartiality and competency of the experts. Against 
the economic findings of this committee there should 
be little intelligent protest, and in the final settlement 
only such exceptions will be made to them as are 
dictated by an overwhelming political consideration 
impervious alike to reason or pressure. 

In saying this I am assuming that this committee will 
be able to make a unanimous report. 

While I was writing this the young people of the 
Congregational Church gathered in front of the house 
singing Christmas carols. I went to the door and thanked 
them. It is a beautiful moonlight night, with the ground 
covered with snow and the Christmas lights shining in 
all the neighbors 7 houses. 

And so, with thoughts of peace and efforts for peace, 
to bed. 

Evanston, December 24, 1928. 

Received a cable from Parker Gilbert in Berlin con- 
veying the season's greetings, and saying he would meet 


me in Washington the first week in January. The papers 
announce this evening that the President has consented 
to let the Allied powers and Germany invite the Ameri- 
cans to serve on the committee. Selected in this way they 
will be regarded as practical arbitrators, and this Gov- 
ernment will be held more responsible for any decision 
made than if it had appointed them directly. Am sorry 
this latter was not done. 

Evanston, December 25, 1928. 

A beautiful Christmas at home. The house was full 
all day. Starting with the Christmas tree in the morn- 
ing and ending with the moving picture party at the 
house for the Boy Scouts in the evening, the children, 
the grandchildren and the old people everybody 
enjoyed the happiest day of all the year. Was at Rufus's 
house for a time in the afternoon, where he had twenty- 
two of the family at dinner. The children delivered 
baskets for the poor yesterday and we remembered 
many, so that our Christmas was not wholly a selfish 
one. For a time Christmas was an anguish for us, but 
over sixteen years have passed since we lost Rufus 
Fearing, and time has enabled us at least to recall the 
happiness he gave us when he was with us, without 
the suffering that every thought of him used to 

Evanston, December 26, 1928. 

This evening Mrs. Dawes and I were at dinner with 
Mr. and Mrs. George B. Dryden. Besides a number of 
our old Evanston friends, George Eastman, the great 


leader in the photographic industry, the uncle of Mrs. 
Dryden, was present. For the first time from a first 
authority I came to understand something of the new art 
of color photography a marvelous accomplishment. 
Not only did Mr. Eastman describe satisfactorily the 
process but we were shown the actual pictures. We are 
living in the age of marvels. 

Among the Christmas telegrams I received was one 
from General Pershing, who is still in Lincoln where he 
went to attend the funeral of his sister. John said, "You 
cannot know how deeply I cherish our friendship/ 5 
What could make one happier than that, after nearly 
forty years of association? To have enjoyed from my 
young manhood the loyal friendship of John Pershing 
has been one of the great things in my life. It opened to 
me the greatest of all experiences association with 
him in the Great War, where as never before I came to 
know those qualities which under the grueling tests of 
continuing and overwhelming emergency made him a 
man among all men one who will live in history. He 
came up from the mass in a fiercely competitive life 
under the law of the survival of the fittest. The greater 
the crises in the way, the clearer and cooler was his head. 
During the battle of the Argonne he saw vindicated his 
determination to train his soldiers for open instead of 
trench warfare; and his firmly maintained resolution to 
keep his army under American leadership saved its 
highest effectiveness and brought glory to his country. 
What a struggle with the military leaders of the Allies 
he had! What it cost him in effort! What it cost him in 
nervous energy! What it took in sheer force of char- 


acter! How impossible it is to visualize these things for 
one not with him at the time! 

It was my blessed opportunity to be with him through 
it all to come to know him in his real strength to 
see him in the plenitude of actual accomplishment, and 
then the victory won; to know his innate modesty and 
common sense. That he held me and holds me in his 
confidence, esteem and affection is a joy to me that he 
also cannot know. 

Evanston, December 27, 1928. 

Frank Lowden took lunch with me to-day and we 
had a fine visit together for about two hours. We dis- 
cussed public questions as "elder statesmen" for only 
a limited time. 

When I think of the columns of printer's ink which 
have been wasted in comment upon our relations, and 
then recall how close and confidential they have always 
been, and how free from misunderstanding, I am im- 
pressed with the thought that much of what is called 
political news in our papers is fiction. He will leave 
for Europe early in January with Mrs. Lowden, his 
daughter Florence and his son Pullman. He was in 
splendid health and spirits. In 1920 Frank came very 
near the Republican nomination for the presidency. He 
was defeated because of the misdoings of others, and 
through no fault or error of his own. He commands 
deservedly the respect of the American public as well 
as the respect, affection, and confidence of his friends. 
His career in Congress and as a war governor of Illinois, 
whose business he placed for the first time on a proper 
budgeting basis, has marked him as one of our ablest 


public men. He has neither apologies nor regrets for the 


Evanston, December 28, 1928. 

John McCutcheon was over for lunch. He is preparing 
another dangerous trip for himself and wife across South 
America. One part of the trip includes a two-hundred- 
mile airplane jump over the forest of Central South 
America with a one-motor machine. To this, Mrs. 
McCutcheon objects, and I pray she will have her way. 
I do not criticize the taking of risks in life, not to do 
so at times is cowardice, but to take them without an 
objective of commensurate importance is another thing. 
Mrs. McCutcheon, having been in one airplane crash 
with John on a trip from somewhere in the North of 
Europe to Paris, does not fancy a forced landing in the 
South American jungle. 

Am reveling in my library again as I used to do before 
exchanging evenings devoted to the acquisition of 
knowledge for those at Washington, so often devoted to 
large dinners. 

I am reading that one-time famous work "The His- 
tory of Civilization in England" by Henry Thomas 
Buckle. How cheap and contemptible a book like this 
makes the alleged historical works being sold by the 
tens of thousands to-day, simply because they detail 
immoralities. It, and books like it, stand out from the 
mass of the "best sellers" of to-day like some of the 
old cathedrals in Europe, surrounded by the slums of 
modern cities. 

In Buckle's masterful summing up of the character of 
Burke, where he refers to the devastating effects upon 


Burke's peace of mind of the death of his only son, he 
speaks of "that image of desolation under which the 
noble old man figured his immeasurable grief." Burke 
said: "I live in an inverted order. They who ought to 
have succeeded me have gone before me. They who 
should have been to me as posterity, are in the place of 
ancestors. The storm has gone over me, and I am like 
one of those old oaks which the late hurricane has 
scattered about me. I am stripped of all my honors; 
I am torn up by the roots, and lie prostrate on the 

Evanston, December 29, 1928. 

In reading Buckle's book this evening, especially the 
chapter on Historical Literature in France, I am im- 
pressed with the need at the present time for historians 
with his power of generalization. While inventive genius 
has within a short period almost revolutionized the con- 
ditions under which humanity has lived for ages, man 
himself has not changed, nor have the laws which in- 
exorably govern his actions, which, as Buckle says, "are 
guided by their antecedents, are in reality never incon- 
sistent, but however capricious they may appear, only 
form part of one vast scheme of universal order, of which 
we in the present state of knowledge can barely see the 

One marvels at Buckle's generalizations as to the 
effects during all past history of climate and cheap food 
upon social organization, covered in his chapter upon 
the Influence of Physical Laws. But in this country 
to-day "cheap food" is not having the effect in lowering 


the condition of the masses which he demonstrated was 

inevitable heretofore. 

What is the cause of this, and is it temporary or per- 
manent? Simple answers may occur to one, our 
magazines are filled with them but after contact with 
a book like Buckle's, one realizes that the depths of 
the social questions of the present are not being sounded 
as were those of his day. 

Buckle, in speaking of Turgot, defines the historical 
philosopher who is needed now. He must belong "to 
that extremely small class of men who have looked at 
history comprehensively . . . who exclude from their 
scheme the personal details which ordinary historians 
accumulate, and concentrate their attention upon those 
large general causes, by the operation of which the 
destinies of nations are permanently affected." 

Evanston, December 31, 1928. 

To-night the old year ends and here in the quiet 
library at home is where I would rather spend it than 
anywhere else. It certainly was not always thus. But 
to the restless, the passing of the years brings one great 
compensation in an ability to enjoy the quiet things of 
life books which do not speak until taken in hand 
and addressed the peace of a well-ordered house 
the recollections of an active past and the pondering 
over the lessons which experience alone can teach. 

I do not feel that I deserve it, but my friend Dwight 
Morrow has just wired me: "Much love and best wishes 
for a new year that will be as happy for you and as use- 
ful to others as the crowded years that you have already 


lived." This and the fact that last night I read over my 
journal for the years 1896 to 1902 make me realize that 
I really have lived a "crowded life." (Those were the 
years of my association and friendship with William 

It was in 1887 that my grandfather Gates, after 
having kept a "day book" himself for forty years, 
started me on one. At first I wrote only a few lines a 
day, but as the years went on and my contacts became 
more important I expanded them. What I wrote over 
thirty years ago about McKinley was written as a son 
would write, for he treated me as such in all respects, 
and few knew him as I did. He trusted me fully and my 
contacts with him were almost daily when he was in the 
White House. As I reread last night what I wrote then, 
I feel that if published it might do much to remove the 
erroneous idea still held by some that there was some- 
thing weak and pliable in McKinley's character. 

The only President in my lifetime able to completely 
dominate Congress might not seem to need this service 
from notes written in my young manhood, and per- 
haps he does not but, as one carrying his explicit and 
unwelcome orders to those said to dominate him, and 
as one who observed them implicitly obeyed without 
exception, what I have written contemporaneously is 
at least authoritative. 

And so, sometime now that I have more leisure 
I hope to publish some of these notes about him. 
The size of the page in my journal bearing the day date 
determined generally the length of my comments upon 
any particular matter. They are, therefore, short; for, 


even if the subject was one I knew would be historical, 
I only wrote in a smaller handwriting so as to get more 
on the one page. Such is the force of habit. Only a few 
times notably when he died and I was at his bedside 
did I enter much into details. And yet from these 
notes, one can understand that strength was his domi- 
nant characteristic moral strength; with its most be- 
coming adornments, gentleness and patience. 

Yes! when I think of it, my life has been crowded; 
for, when my friendship and work with McKinley lifted 
me into important associations with men who after- 
wards became leaders in government, I was only thirty 
years old. There is hardly anyone left in Washington, 
now in public lif e, who started there in official life when 
I did as Comptroller of the Currency. Can it be that I 
am getting old? 

In the early evening read an article on " Reflections 
on Farm Relief" by Professor R. G. Tugwell, of 
Columbia University, in the December Political Science 
Quarterly. At last there is commencing the same kind of 
economic and fair consideration of this subject by 
American economists as was given by that "greatest 
practical economist of the world", as Lloyd George 
designated him Sir Josiah C. Stamp, Vice Chairman 
of the London School of Economics, Chairman of the 
London Midland and Scottish Railway, and Director 
of the Bank of England. It was through friendship for 
me that he wrote his comments on the McNary- 
Haugen principles not legislation. No leading econ- 
omist criticized his statement, but he endured quite a 
barrage from politicians in this country. 


Evans ton, January 1, 1929. 

Saturday afternoon I called on my friend, Tiffany 
Blake, who has been ill. He has left the editorial staff 
of the Chicago Tribune temporarily, on this account. 
He seems better than when I saw him before leaving 
for Washington the last of November. Among the things 
I look forward to when I am through at Washington are 
the sessions which Tiffany Blake, John McCutcheon 
and I have had regularly at lunch about twice a week 
for many years. 

Tiffany has one of the most interesting and cultured 
of minds and from his conversations I always take away 
something worth while of knowledge. His broad reading 
and retentive memory afford a fine basis for the exercise 
of his unusual powers of deductive reasoning and his 
philosophic observations. I am much attached to him, 
and am anxious about his health. His wife also has a 
brilliant mind and for years was a trustee of the Uni- 
versity of Illinois. 

During these holidays at Chicago, I have seen many 
of the acquaintances of my former active business life. 
Many of them have progressed, and by this I do not 
mean simply in wealth. Dollars and cents are no true 
measure of progress. These men have gone forward in 
civic usefulness in philanthropic and public work 
in efforts for the good of others. It is among these that 
I find the happiest of them all. 


Washington, January 3, 1929. 

ON our arrival at Washington, went direct to my office 
in the Senate Office Building and looked over my mail. 
There was a letter from General Smith, Superintendent 
of the West Point Military Academy, saying that the 
Committee on gifts had approved my endowment of a 
"Pershing Sword" annually for the Captains of Cadets. 

Decided to try to get the resolution recognizing the 
Chicago World's Fair through this session of Congress, 
and to act directly. Went to the House of Represent- 
atives and saw Hawley, Chairman of the Ways and 
Means Committee, and Representative Tilson, Re- 
publican leader. They said that Garner, Democratic 
leader in the House, was objecting to a clause in my 
redrafted resolution which I had gone over with the 
Senate Finance Committee. Made still another draft 
which at my request Senator Joe Robinson took to 
Representative Garner; he secured his agreement to it. 
Then arranged with Hawley to introduce the resolution 
in the House, which he did, and called a meeting of the 
Ways and Means Committee for Saturday morning. 

Arranged with Senator Deneen to have the Illinois 
delegation at lunch to-morrow noon, at which we will 
post them on the argument for the Fair. Then Deneen 
and I will go before the Ways and Means Committee 


Saturday morning, to which the resolution will have 
been referred, and urge a favorable report, which we 
hope to get. A special rule will be asked in the House 
for a vote on the joint resolution. 

I find the best way to get action is to act yourself 
and not depend upon others less interested. 

There is a widespread opposition in Congress to 
world's fairs, based upon the recent failures involving 
cost to the Government, and the erroneous idea that 
this new Chicago World's Fair is to be upon their gen- 
eral plan. So that things are not as easy as they might 
appear to one not on the ground. Accordingly, I have 
been pretty busy for some time. We do not expect to 
ask for any appropriations from the Government. 

Presided over the Senate most of the afternoon. As 
there was a crowded gallery to hear the debate over the 
question of ratifying the Kellogg Peace Treaty, I called 
Senator Curtis to the chair for a time so that the people 
could see their next Vice President in the place he will 
occupy after March 4. Senator Hale, in his quiet and 
dignified way, made a very able and convincing speech 
on the Cruiser Bill for about an hour. It left nothing 
to be said, to my mind. BoraB then moved to proceed 
to the consideration of the multilateral treaty, and his 
speech favoring it consumed with the interruptions 
the rest of the afternoon. He always brings to my 
mind the great parliamentary leaders of the past, and 
when he speaks it seems a far cry to the tactics which 
are bringing general discredit upon Senate debates. I 
favor the Treaty but I favor the Cruiser Bill just as 
strongly under existing circumstances. It is not proposed 


to build cruisers to achieve naval superiority but to at- 
tain naval equality under existing treaties. 

The United States, assured of naval supremacy if it 
kept on building battleships, called the Washington 
Conference in President Harding's administration, and, 
by its tremendous sacrifice in agreeing to scrap new 
battleships, made possible the naval disarmament treaty 
as to them. Since the naval experts at Geneva were 
unable to interpret in terms of ships an agreed-upon 
principle of equality with Great Britain as extending to 
cruisers, it is now unwise for the United States to stop 
building cruisers when other nations continue to build 
them. And I think, also, that if this bill becomes a law 
and the world sees that the United States is in earnest 
in demanding real equality with Great Britain, a new 
naval disarmament conference will arrive at an agree- 
ment covering all types of ships. 

As to the multilateral peace treaty, it will be a 
calamity if it is not ratified. Such an outcome would 
leave the United States in a most humiliating position. 
Having asked the world to agree to something to which 
the world agrees, she would have then declined to agree. 
The talk about the inconsistency of ratifying a peace 
treaty "outlawing war" and at the same time passing a 
bill to build warships, may impress some minds. But the 
logic of international relations is the logic of events. 
Other nations, having ratified the Treaty, are still 
building warships. It was our naval strength which 
enabled us to dictate the Washington pact for naval 
limitations in capital ships. If we now pass the Treaty 
without the Cruiser Bill our comparatively greater 


naval weakness will lessen our influence in the future 
negotiations for real naval disarmament. 

The struggle of the world away from war will be 
slow and hard and many steps which, when taken, ifiay 
seem illogical and backward, will, in due time, be 
recognized as forward steps. The Lord has established 
the law of progress under which we live. If we only 
keep struggling for the right, we have done our part and 
the right will surely come. There will be wars in the 
future, for human nature will not change. But some 
may be avoided. What the world needs is greater con- 
tact of its peoples with each other for continued 
contacts lead to mutual understandings. This Treaty 
ensures more contacts and in that alone makes for 

Washington, January 4, 1929. 

At 1 P.M. Deneen and I met the Illinois Congressional 
Delegation at lunch and both addressed them. We ex- 
plained the parliamentary situation of the World's 
Fair joint resolution and went over the arguments for 
the Fair in case opposition might arise on the floor. 
Senator Glenn, Representatives Rainey, Britten, Chind- 
blom and Hull, spoke. All agreed to co-operate. All of 
the delegation who were in the city were present. 

Presided over the Senate for a portion of the after- 
noon. Borah finished his great argument for the multi- 
lateral treaty. It was an interesting and elevated debate, 
conducted with a dignity unusual in Senate proceedings. 

Many callers at the office, including the Dean of the 
Cincinnati Law School, from which I graduated in 1886. 


Someone mentioned to me an interesting fact the other 
day. The presiding officer of the Senate, of the House of 
Representatives, and of the Supreme Court are to-day 
all graduates of the Cincinnati Law School, and all per- 
form their duties in the same building, the Capitol. 
They are Chief Justice Taft, Speaker Longworth and 

To-night Mrs. Dawes and I will attend a dinner given 
by the Chief of Staff of the Army, General Summerall, 
and his wife. He is one of the best American generals the 
war evolved. In the war I came to know General 
Summerall well, and remember particularly one call 
upon him in his "dug-out" headquarters of the First 
Division at Cheppy, near Varennes, during the battle 
of the Argonne. The immortal First Division, A.E.F., 
was in a desperate fight that day. 

Washington, January 8, 1929. 

With Senators Deneen and Glenn, of Illinois, at 
11:00 A.M., I went to a full meeting of the Ways and 
Means Committee of the House in the House Office 
Building in support of the World's Fair resolution. 
Deneen made a good statement, as did Glenn also. 
Questions arising, I made an address of about half an 
hour, answering them, and apparently aided in satisfy- 
ing the Committee, which promptly went into executive 
session. When we were through, and by the time I had 
walked from the Committee room to my office in the 
Capitol, they telephoned from the Committee that the 
vote was unanimous in favorably reporting the resolu- 
tion to the House, 


When I reached the office, I found Senators Borah, 
Reed of Missouri, Robinson of Arkansas, Swanson, 
Watson, Johnson and Elaine engaged in a conference 
upon a compromise program for the Kellogg Treaty 
always subject to change as these things go. Borah had 
prepared a report to the Senate from the Foreign Affairs 
Committee upon which he said the Committee would 
unanimously agree. This defined their views upon the 
effect of the Treaty. The report would be designed to 
reflect the views of the United States as to what the 
Treaty meant, just as Chamberlain's statement to 
Parliament reflected the views of the British govern- 
ment on the same subject. Borah did not want the 
Senate to pass upon the report. Johnson and others 
desired it to do so, maintaining that the adoption of 
the report by the Senate was necessary to give it the 
same status as an official pronunciamento as Sir Austin 
Chamberlain's statement which came direct from the 
British Cabinet to their Parliament. 

I was consulted as to whether, if controversy arose 
upon the floor as to this method of procedure, a point 
of order would lie against the motion that the Senate 
adopt the report of the Foreign Affairs Committee. Upon 
consultation with Watkins, the parliamentarian, and 
an examination of the precedents, I informed Borah that 
the point of order, if made, would not be sustained by 
me, as the Senate, upon numerous occasions, had voted 
on the question of adopting committee reports other 
than conference reports which in the case of the latter, 
is always done. 

If the proposed plan of procedure is followed, it will 


preclude any possible adoption by the Senate of reserva- 
tions to the Treaty, as the Borah statement or report is 
designed by its liberality to remove the objections to 
the Treaty by some of the leading "irreconcilables." 
And yet, is not a report so prepared in itself a reserva- 

What will come of the matter is, of course, mere con- 
jecture. I expressed my view to Borah as to the main 
benefits which humanity and the cause of peace would 
derive from the Treaty simple views which I felt had 
not been stressed enough upon the floor, and which 
justify the policy of this able statesman in making 
some concessions to ensure its ratification. I write 
this, however, without having seen the proposed re- 

When the war spirit of the people of a nation is 
aroused, the tremendous force arising from mob psychol- 
ogy is involved. Upon the issues of the war people do 
not reason so much as they feel resembling crowds 
in their mental processes and limited ability to reason. 
This is why, when their war spirit is suddenly aroused, 
nations so often act and reason as little children. Against 
the flood of resentment among its people, caused by a 
sudden insult to national honor, or assault upon national 
interest, a government seeking to keep its policy within 
reason for the proper protection of its people themselves, 
as well as to avoid war, will be materially assisted by 
the existence of this treaty. Nations when angry are just 
as unreasonable as men if not more so. 

Suppose two angry men were facing each other pre- 



paring to fight. But suppose, before a blow was struck, 
one should say to the other: "You and I have solemnly 
resolved and promised not only to each other but to 
everybody else that when we have differences we will en- 
deavor to settle them peacefully and avoid a fight if we 


To be able to say that might not stop the fight; yet it 
might stop it. At least it might delay the fight, and 
delay makes for peace. It is inconceivable in analogous 
instances which will arise hereafter, where nations are 
involved, that this Treaty will not sometimes stop a 
fight among some nations. One instance where it did, 
would justify the Treaty. The Treaty, if passed, can 
do no harm at any time; and yet at some time it is 
certain to do good. 

"To talk it over" among men or nations standing be- 
fore each other and ready to come to blows does not 
mean legal arguments, profound and lengthy disserta- 
tions on historical analogies, or a Senate debate it 
means delay for a last "brass tack" talk. When nations 
are suddenly involved in such circumstances, there is no 
opportunity for ordinary diplomatic exchanges as a 
possible preventive of war. With this Treaty in effect, 
and under these circumstances, it means that there is 
a better chance than at present for delay in aggressive 
action, and for that kind of contact between those first 
in authority (or their direct representatives) which, 
with both parties realizing their responsibility to try to 
reach agreement, results in a more proper discussion 
and disclosure of basic facts. When this occurs in the 
world, there is a better chance for peace. 


About all I see in this Treaty is a better chance for 
peace but that is a great deal. 

To sum up: the Treaty speaks for itself. No nation 
can ever really misunderstand it. It is more than a 
"noble gesture. 75 The Treaty registers formally an 
agreed attitude of the world toward the avoidance of 
war, and its moral force will be general in its bearing 
and effect. 

It secures for the world the reasonable certainty that 
before a fight starts there will always be a contact be- 
tween those representing the two sides of the dis- 
agreement to talk it over. One without experience might 
think that would occur anyway. Talk will always occur 
on the part of both sides but proper contact is another 
thing. If one side or the other has taken a position which 
does not appeal to an impartial mind, that side will 
avoid close contact in discussion, and issue statements 
from a distance. 

Other things being equal, neither a nation nor a man 
with a bad case prefers a face-to-face discussion, since 
debate brings blows to which direct response must be 
made, and those blows might be more safely parried or 
ignored at a distance. 

In the war, when a conference among the Allies pro- 
posing a simple matter of immensely important co- 
ordinated action was to be held, the great trouble was 
to get, an independent authority who anticipated some 
necessary invasion of his prerogatives to attend it, even 
if he had reluctantly consented to its convening. Con- 
ferences were delayed for insufficient reasons, and all 


kinds of irrelevant excuses would be given for inability 
to attend. The truth was that some selfish interest had 
intervened, the fear of loss of authority or personal 
prestige or the like which would not stand in a face- 
to-face discussion between earnest men acting under a 
common emergency. 


Washington, January 5, 1929. 

THIS evening Count Szechenyi, the Hungarian Minister, 
and his wife took dinner with us. Both the Minister and 
his wife are musical. Szechenyi (pronounced Z-Cheney) 
brought his saw with him, on which he plays by striking 
it with a padded mallet and flexing it to produce the 
required notes. Only a natural musician can play it 
properly. With a piano accompaniment, which I furnish, 
the saw, as manipulated by the Minister, produces some 
pleasing effects. Part of the time Dana joined in with 
his saxophone, and altogether we had a lively time. 
Szechenyi and I reached our climax with the aria from 
the first act of Puccini's "Butterfly", but our average 
was found in the old Johann Strauss waltzes, of which 
we are both very fond. We have several times before 
had these evenings, and they bring back the memories of 
the days before my son died when music meant so much 
to us and engaged so much of our time and interest. 

Because Fritz Kreisler played one of my compositions 
on his programs in his concerts over the country for 
several years, I have received some publicity as a " violin 
player." I have never played a violin my instruments 
being the flute and piano. While I used to score out in 
manuscript for the piano considerable music, which 
was afterwards orchestrated and played by bands and 
orchestras in Chicago, I never allowed any of it to be 


published with the exception of the piece for the 
violin which I wrote when I was interested in that bril- 
liant artist, Francis Macmillen, in his younger days. 
Mediocrity seldom rises above its level, but I realize 
that mine did in that one piece, which has been a steady 
seller for fifteen years or so, and has been played in 
every part of the world. As part of it is scored in double 
stops for the violin, it is quite difficult to play as it is 

General Sherman, with justifiable profanity, once 
expressed his detestation of the tune "Marching 
Through Georgia" to which he was compelled to listen 
whenever he appeared anywhere. I sympathize with 
his feelings when I listen with blushes to this piece of 
mine over and over again, and then realize that I have 
"brought it on myself." At my request, the Marine 
Band has ceased to play it at the White House recep- 
tions but when I was in Washington as Director of 
the Budget, President Harding, sensing my attitude 
toward it, used to order it played whenever I was 
present, as a joke on me. If it had not been fairly good 
music I should have been subjected to unlimited ridicule. 
As it is, a toastmaster once introduced me: "As both 
a business man and a musician", adding "it is a regret 
to me, however, that I find business men referring to him 
as a musician and musicians referring to him as a busi- 

ness man." 

Washington, January 7, 1929. 

Parker Gilbert called at my office and we had a long 
talk over the reparations situation. As early as October, 
he says, he suggested to our Government that it appoint 


Its members of the Experts Committee in the same man- 
ner as other governments. He has conferred with the 
President and Kellogg and finds no disposition there to 
obstruct the naming of any Americans as members of 
the Committee who seem proper that is, I interpret, 
who seem proper to Gilbert. Gilbert is waiting for 
Young's return 'from Arizona before deciding on the 
other member. 

His talk was most interesting and covered details of 
vivid interest to me, since it concerned so many of my 
old colleagues on the first committee. He says Schacht 
will make a most vigorous effort for Germany which 
"goes without saying." He will spend another morning 
with me on Wednesday before he leaves. He will see 
Hoover while here. 

Borah to-day tells me that the "reservationists" of 
the Treaty fight now agree that they will not insist 
upon a vote by the Senate on his committee report to 
the effect that the Treaty does not interfere with the 
right of self-defense or provide sanctions or infringe 
upon the Monroe Doctrine. They ask, however, that 
after the Treaty has been ratified the Senate take a 
vote upon a motion to transmit to the nations, along 
with the ratified treaty, the copy of the committee re- 
port. Borah tells me he cannot see any reason why this 
request should not be granted* It is possible, therefore, 
that by this arrangement the Treaty debate will be 
ended in a much shorter time than expected. 

This evening Mrs. Dawes and I went to a dinner 
given by the Ambassador from Great Britain, Sir Esme 


Howard, and Lady Isabella Howard. Among the guests 
were the Ambassadors from Spain, Japan and Cuba, the 
Minister from Roumania, and many others about 
thirty in all. In a talk with Sir Esme Howard he said 
to me: "It will be a misfortune if the Cruiser Bill is not 
passed. Its passage, in my judgment, means that a 
genuine naval disarmament will come." 

The trouble with the last disarmament conference on 
cruisers was the naval experts not either the United 
States or Great Britain. As Dwight Morrow once said: 
a No naval expert ever likes the idea of equality.' 7 This 
remark Sir Esme Howard quoted to me. 

Occupied the chair in the Senate but a short time 


Washington, January 8, 1929. 

Busy day, yet with little to write about. The time 
of the Senate was consumed by speeches on the Peace 
Treaty. Borah 'says a few are hanging out still, but 
agreement upon the plan outlined already in these 
notes may be reached to-morrow, which will shorten 
the Treaty debate. 

President-elect Hoover is at the Mayflower Hotel 
and many are indulging in a pilgrimage there. Some 
who have been to see him drop in at my office on their 
return. They then outline their own remarks rather than 
his which would indicate that he allows his visitors 
to do most of the talking, a course of wisdom. There are, 
of course, not enough offices to go around. "Many are 
called, but few are chosen." When an administration 
of government changes it is a tragic time in Washing- 
tion for many. Yet in Washington there is a heartless 


indifference to ambitious and suffering spirits, for Wash- 
ington is used to changes. When the appointments are 
finally made all is outwardly pleasant, for the pride of 
the disappointed sustains them in the effort to conceal 
their feelings, and the satisfaction of the successful is 
restrained to be in "good form"; yet, under the placid 
surface of things, currents of deep feeling are surging. 
This evening Mrs. Dawes and I are the guests of 
Everett Sanders and his wife at dinner at the Mayflower 
Hotel. Sanders is the Secretary of the President and has 
made an exceptional record of usefulness, industry and 
tact in his difficult and important position. 

Washington, January 9, 1929. 

When I reached the office this morning Parker Gilbert 
was waiting for me. Young had arrived yesterday, and 
they had determined the matter of American representa- 
tion in the new Experts' Committee on Reparations with 
each other as well as with Coolidge, Kellogg, and 
Mellon. Young, who has just returned from Arizona, is 
reluctant to accept appointment because of the poor 
health of Mrs. Young. He had left for New York after 
a very short time here, stating to Gilbert that he would 
not accept appointment unless I would agree to take his 
place on the Committee in case he should have to return 
from Europe on account of Mrs. Young. Gilbert wanted 
my answer so as to telephone Young and close the 

It is, of course, impossible for me to make any ar- 
rangement of this kind covering the period I am in 
office, which is until March 4. After that, I told Gilbert, 


if Young had to leave I would then agree to serve, 
though I thought that would not only be unfortunate 
but really unfair to Young. I said this only when Gilbert 
assured me that this was an ultimatum from Young, 
and that Young could not be satisfied without it. Gilbert 
said that it had been under consideration to postpone 
the conference until after March 4 so that I could serve 
on the Committee with Young, but that the psychology 
of the situation in Europe made the delay inadvis- 

Gilbert suggested that I come to Europe upon the 
adoption of a report by the Committee, prepared, if 
necessary and if the report deserves it, to support it. 
The situation to-day is that Young and J. P. Morgan 
will be the American members, with Thomas Nelson 
Perkins and possibly M. A. Traylor, of the First 
National Bank of Chicago, alternate or deputy members. 

The selection of the best and most competent men for 
this specific task is so important as to override any 
minor considerations which politicians might urge. The 
Committee will meet in Paris February 4. 

Gilbert, after our talk at my office in the Senate 
Office Building, went downtown, returning to my office 
in the Capitol at 1 P.M. At lunch to meet him I had 
Senators Borah, Smoot, Robinson of Arkansas, Swanson, 
and Dave Reed. 

Presided over the Senate for a time. The Treaty de- 
bate still progresses. All suggested compromises as to 
the form of real or implied reservations are temporarily 
in abeyance. Kellogg strongly protests against any. 


Washington, January 10, 1929. 

Dull day at the Senate. Presided for a short time. 

I went for a time to Senator Smoot's birthday lunch- 
eon in the Senate Finance Committee room. It was his 
sixty-seventh birthday. He is much depressed by the 
death of his wif e, to whom he was devoted, and he made 
a touching allusion to her to his friends who had gath- 
ered there. Secretary Mellon, Senators Curtis, Robin- 
son, Harrison, Reed of Pennsylvania, and a number of 
others were present, including my friend Henry M. 

At the reception at the White House this evening, 
after marching downstairs with the Cabinet behind the 
President and Mrs. Coolidge and after I had received 
my wife's permission, I left for my favorite rendezvous 
in the cloakroom, where, with Secretary Mellon and 
Parker Gilbert, most of the evening was spent talking 
reparations. Secretary Kellogg joined us later. 

Owen Young arrives from New York late to-night, 
and to-morrow Gilbert hopes the Committee members 
of the United States will be finally decided upon. Some 
questions remain open about the alternates, which we 
talked over. Young will talk the whole matter over 
with the President, who still is considering certain 
phases of the situation. Gilbert is quite optimistic over 
the prospects of a final settlement of the reparations 
question through the Committee. All the members 
of the Committee from other countries have been an- 

Talked with Mellon about the extra session, which 
should be avoided if possible. I told him what Hoover 


had said to Mark Woods, for whom he had sent to talk 
over farm legislation. Mark told him that in his judg- 
ment if he (Hoover) would announce that he favors 
the present amended bill without the equalization fee, 
so that the agriculturalists would understand that it was 
an unmistakable Hoover measure, they would cease in- 
sisting upon an extra session. According to Mark Woods, 
Borah, who talked over the matter afterwards with 
Mark Woods at my office, told him that under such 
circumstances he (Borah) would not urge the extra 
session. Hoover, however, explained to Mark that he 
was in an embarrassing position, which prevented him 
doing this except at the suggestion of President Coolidge 
and that it was something which it would be un- 
seemly for Mr. Hoover to propose to him. I told Mellon 
that if this was so Hoover had evidently not talked the 
matter over with Coolidge, and if Mellon would explain 
the situation to Coolidge, the latter might take the in- 
itiative and make the suggestion to Hoover that he 
would welcome his co-operation in preventing the extra 
session in this way. Secretary Mellon said he would see 
Coolidge in the morning and inform the President in the 
matter. If an extra session can be avoided by the passage 
of a farm bill this session, it will be a distinct benefit to 
agriculture to have the law in effect at once; for con- 
siderable time will be consumed in setting up its ma- 
chinery, and delay may mean that this year's crop may 
not receive whatever benefit may accrue from its opera- 
tion. That an extra session will be adverse in its effects 
on general business, I am in no doubt. Every effort 
should be made to avoid it. 


Washington, January 11, 1929. 

After seeing the President, Gilbert, Mellon and Kel- 
logg, Owen D. Young called on me at my Capitol office 
in the morning, and for an hour and a half we talked 
over the reparations matter. It is now settled and ready 
to be announced that Young and J. P. Morgan will 
be the two members, and Thomas Nelson Perkins one of 
the alternates. 

At a dinner given this evening at the German Am- 
bassador's I saw Mellon, who said he had talked, as I 
suggested, with the President about Hoover's attitude 
regarding the extra session as well as toward the Presi- 
dent as outlined in these notes the other day. Mellon 
said the President doubted whether it would result in 
avoiding the extra session, but that it is agreeable to 
him to have Hoover express himself on the bill. He 
authorized Secretary Mellon to convey this to the 
President-elect, which he will do. He told Mellon that 
the bill might provide for the appointment of the mem- 
bers of the Farm Board on March 15, so that the agri- 
culturalists would not be justified in a fear of selections 
by Mm. 

Also talked this afternoon with Borah, who cor- 
roborated what Mark Woods had said on his attitude. 
He wants no mistake, however, about the farm bill 
being known as a Hoover measure, if passed. 

Nothing may come of all this, but every effort "for 
the interest of all concerned" should be made to avoid 
an extra session. 

The Senate was occupied to-day in the Treaty debate. 


Occupied the chair for a time. My old army comrade, 
John S. Sewell, formerly Colonel of the Seventeenth 
Engineers and Commander of Base Sect. No. 1, A.E.F., 
at St. Nazaire, and Warren Fairbanks took lunch with 

Washington, January 13, 1929. 

My wife and my daughter Virginia and I went to 
the New York Avenue Church in the morning. I re- 
member first attending this church, which we have 
attended always when living in Washington, when I 
was a boy of fifteen. It was the week when James A. 
Garfield was inaugurated President; on March 4, 1881, 
and my father, then a Member-elect of Congress, from 
Ohio, took me there to hear Dr. Paxton preach and to 
point out the President Lincoln pew. The church meet- 
ings are now being held temporarily in the Masonic 
building while the tower of the old church is being re- 
stored. Here at Washington the congregation stands 
and waits until a President or Vice President has left 
the church, which he does escorted by the minister. As 
a result, the absence of one of these dignitaries disturbs 
the regular order and this, I regret to say, makes 
their absence conspicuous and a matter of comment. 

Spent most of the day with my books. President 
Coolidge called me up by telephone to ask me to help 
get the Treaty (the "Kellogg Anti-War Pact") ratified 
as soon as possible. This, of course, I have been trying 
to do, but told him I would "steam up" to-morrow. He 
mentioned one or two Senators who seemed a little 
weak on the proposition, to whom I assume he wants me 
to speak. During the interminable debate on the Treaty, 


characterized by ponderous and long-drawn-out argu- 
men t s some of which by the very considerate might 
be dignified by the term "legal", but most of them even 
more confusing than a legal argument, I find myself 
more or less in a state of irritation, waiting for a short 
and common-sense discussion of the "human nature" 
phase of the problem, which never comes. 

What Edmund Burke once said applies exactly: 
"Politics ought to be adjusted not to human reason- 
ings, but to human nature; of which the reason is but 
a part and by no means the greatest part." But of this 
view I have spoken before, 

I have just passed a delightful evening. Ambassador 
Ferrara of Cuba and his wife came in for a family din- 
ner and the Ambassador and I have reveled in a dis- 
cussion of the classics. We touched on no subject in- 
volving a date later than 1520 A.D., the end of the 
Renaissance, of which he is a great student. He recently 
completed a book on Machiavelli which has been pub- 
lished in Spain and France, and will soon be published 
in Italy a work on which he has been engaged for 
twenty years. It was D wight Morrow who first told me 
of Ferrara and his great learning, and I have found my 
acquaintance and friendship with him both delightful 
and educational. 

He keeps up with the triumphant advance of archaeol- 
ogy in these latter days when discoveries are so numer- 
ous and elucidating. He is a student of Cicero, both of 
his history and character. To him the reading of history 
is not a pastime, but an absorbing work, as it is to any- 
body who gets full value out of it. The man who can 


read history without engaging at the same time in the 
deepest thought of which he is capable, is one who 
misses its real lessons. Ferrara has a fine perspective 
and yet a vast detail of exact information. His grasp of 
modern, economic, and political problems is as unusual 
as are his other characteristics. Although a Cuban 
citizen of many years residence he fought in their 
revolutionary army during the Spanish war he is a 
native of Italy. 

Washington, January 19, 1929. 

It is now about midnight, but if one is to keep his 
notes contemporaneous he must sometimes keep late 
hours. I discovered this in the war. As I promised the 
President, I put on steam in the Treaty matter. The 
first Senator I called in took immediately to my sug- 
gestions, which were that the Cruiser Bill and the 
Treaty considered together were the declared and 
unified policy of the United States that if they were 
read together and agreed upon together by the Senate, 
the desire and determination to co-operate for peace 
would not only be properly expressed but the Treaty 
would be defined as not abrogating our determination 
to recognize our rights of self-defense, a part of which 
policy includes the Monroe Doctrine; that reservations 
detailing specific acts covered by the term "self-defense" 
were unnecessary; that any Senator fearing to be called 
to account for his action in voting for the Treaty without 
reservations or their equivalent (such as the promulga- 
tion of a report by the Foreign Affairs Committee or a 
similar device) could protect himself by this statement, 
to wit; that the concurrent action on the peace Treaty 


and the Cruiser Bill emphasized before the country and 
the world their true relation as a definition in combina- 
tion of a unified national policy. 

Encouraged by this first reception of the idea, I tele- 
phoned the President; who approved heartily the effort 
to have it tried out. Telephoned to him three or four 
times the progress of affairs. Borah agreed; Robinson 
of Arkansas, minority leader, agreed, and afterward 
announced in the Senate he was ready for the vote on 
the two measures now as preliminary to future develop- 
ments of the idea. Moses not only agreed but promised 
to endeavor to persuade his two co-partners in adverse 
effort Reed of Missouri and Bingham. I maintained 
that some device to avoid the necessity of a "unanimous 
consent" in the matter was possible, and endeavored to 
get Moses, who is on the "off side 37 in the Treaty matter 
and knows the rules, to suggest the method perhaps 
only a resolution that it is the sense of the Senate that 
the Cruiser Bill and the Treaty should be voted upon 
as nearly together in time as possible, in order to 
promulgate the idea through discussion of the relations 
of the two to each other. If promulgated from such a 
source, no reservation resolution would be passed. I 
do not know whether anything will come of all this; 
but I do feel, after spending much of the day in talking 
with Senators, that the effort has contributed something 
to the feeling that this problem must be settled ami- 
cably, constructively, and at once. Bingham, just before 
I left the Senate, said he would agree if the Cruiser 
Bill were voted on first, to which he said others made 
objection. Somehow, whether by this method or not, I 


believe the way will be found out of the present impasse. 
The President and Kellogg are both much interested in 
having the Treaty passed without expressed reserva- 

In the chaotic state of affairs, all the above may be- 
come unimportant by to-morrow morning; but these 
notes will record at least activity and purpose rather 
than indolence. 

To-night I went to the annual meeting of the Board of 
Directors of the American Society of Military En- 
gineers which met with a bad row on its hands. In the 
afternoon, at my Capitol office, six or seven determined 
directors had outlined their plans as agreed upon by 
the majority of the board in outside consultation. Un- 
less there could be a compromise upon the Lohr con- 
troversy between the Corps of Engineers of the Army 
and the Board of Directors of the Society, it was evident 
to me that the future of this great society was jeopard- 
ized. Accordingly, at the meeting to-night as President 
of the Society I adopted my tactics in wartime confer- 
ences, and at the beginning of the meeting precipitated 
a fight that was a real one and that brought out the fun- 
damental issues at stake. The result was a stormy time 
at first and a complete and amicable settlement before 
we were through, with all parting as friends. It is no 
use to go into details. "All's well that ends well." But 
I came away with the happiness which one has in con- 
tributing even a little to the supremacy of common sense 
among sensible men. By this I do not mean to imply 
that the controversy would not have been settled with- 


out me but I helped. "And so," as Pepys says, "to 


Washington, January IS, 1929. 

A short time after I had opened the Senate, Borah 
came to the desk and asked me to leave the chair and 
meet him in my office. He submitted an addendum to 
the proposed report of the Foreign Affairs Committee 
on the Treaty which at one time all had agreed upon as 
clearing away objections to the ratification of the 
Treaty without express reservations. This addendum 
was a statement that this report was not to be consid- 
ered as a modification of or reservation to the Treaty. 
This seemed to me eminently satisfactory, and I so 
stated. The report as modified gave the contenders 
against, and the contenders for, each an argument to 
satisfy their constituencies. That was all the situation 
required, and this explicit statement that the report was 
not a modification or reservation to the Treaty was ex- 
pected by Borah to satisfy the President and Kellogg. 
He was acting on his own responsibility, and there were 
still some Senators, notably Bayard and Reed of Mis- 
souri, who had not acquiesced. Moses and Bingham had 
done so. 

When he went out to consult others, I telephoned 
the President to ascertain whether this arrangement, 
which I fully explained, would be satisfactory if com- 
pleted, for if it was not, it was due Borah to let him 
know immediately. The President said that he would not 
want to be publicly quoted but would say to me: "I 
think you have done all you can." This, of course, sig- 
nified acquiescence, and I so informed Borah. Borah 


had not then communicated with Kellogg, but when he 
came to the office again he had done so. He said that 
at first Kellogg agreed, but later in the conversation 
seemed doubtful. 

While he was sitting by my side, the telephone rang 
and I was told that Secretary Kellogg desired to speak 
to me. I told Borah to stay so that he could hear what 
I said to him. Kellogg asked my views of the arrange- 
ment, stating that he was about to go to the White 
House to see the President, and that as the latter gave 
weight to my opinions, he wished to convey them to 
him. He said he wanted to stand behind Borah, who has 
made such a splendid fight, and did not want Borah 
to think otherwise. I told him that Borah was acting 
on his own responsibility and, of course, assumed his 
acquiescence. I congratulated him on the situation and 
told him I had already conveyed my views to the Pres- 
ident by telephone. The conversation was detailed but 
consumed only about five minutes. Borah then knew 
that both the President and Kellogg approved without 
qualification his course and, like the fine general he is, 
immediately started on his final conferences with those 
yet to agree. 

All the world knows what happened only a few hours 
ago as the result of his success. I took the chair when all 
was agreed upon and presided during the short debate 
preceding the vote on the Treaty at 4:20 P.M. (a time 
which was fixed by unanimous consent), and during the 
vote. The final and short speech which Borah made 
rose to the heights of the historic orations of our fore- 
bears in the Senate years ago when principles of fun- 


damental importance to our nation's life were at stake. 

Surely he and Kellogg have a right to be happy to- 
night, for there is no reward for long, difficult and toil- 
some effort in the interest of the public good equal to 
the satisfaction which comes from knowing it has not 
been in vain. 

Borah has won his fight and to him should go credit, 
both for his masterful leadership and conduct of debate 
on the floor and for the last addendum which turned 
the scale. To Senator J. T. Robinson is due the sugges- 
tion of attempting to secure agreement by the making 
of a report to the Senate by the Foreign Relations 
Committee instead of by making reservations to the 
Treaty. This must be considered one of the main factors 
in the accomplishment. He also made one of the most 
powerful appeals for the Treaty on the floor. 

Charles Curtis, the Republican leader, was most effec- 
tive in constructive aid all the way through. I find so 
many other names coming to my mind of Senators 
who should be mentioned like Thomas J. Walsh, 
Senator Swanson and Arthur Vandenberg for marked 
instance that I am reminded that, where so many 
have labored for an accomplishment like this, one per- 
haps unduly emphasizes that activity which came more 
directly under his personal notice. 

This evening I called up Borah and Kellogg and 
congratulated them. They said some things which made 
me happy, too. 

Washington, January 16, 1929. 

Called on Kellogg and found Sir Esme Howard with 
him. The latter explained the delay in announcing the 


selection of Young and Morgan on the Experts commit- 
tee, stating that he had received a cable from his govern- 
ment expressing its satisfaction, but was waiting until 
the two names had been submitted formally to all the 
other governments concerned. 

Kellogg is happy over the Treaty outcome but rather 
worn out by overwork. 

Called for a few minutes on Secretary Mellon. He 
had talked over the extra session matter with Hoover, 
telling him the President's attitude. It was too late, 
however, to change the situation, since discussion has 
arisen among its friends as to the form the farm bill 
shall take, and, in Hoover's judgment, any differences 
should be resolved before the bill is presented in Con- 
gress. Secretary Mellon said that lack of time was the 
only obstacle in the way, and that if the matter had 
been taken up sooner it might have saved the extra ses- 

In the afternoon received a telephone call from Sec- 
retary Sanders saying that the President invited me to 
the signing of the Peace Pact in the East Room of the 
White House to-morrow morning at ten o'clock, and 
asked me to extend from the chair an invitation to the 
Senators to be present. This I did a quorum call first 
being ordered, to secure a full attendance. It was a dull 
day in the Senate and I presided for but a short time. 


I have received a letter from Major General Harbord 
written from Augusta, Georgia, January 11. In it he 



Some months ago General W. D. Connor (the President of the 
War Staff College) asked me to make a talk or prepare a paper 
for delivery this winter or spring at the Army War College on 
the subject of my work as Chief of Staff for the first year of the 
American Expeditionary Forces. I have it in its first form and am 
sending you a copy and shall be much obliged to you if you will 
go over it and give me your frank criticism and suggestions if any. 

And so this evening I have read General Harbord's 
prospective address of about eight thousand words and 
will note here some of my impressions. 

Nothing has been written of the A.E.F. organization 
since the war at once so comprehensive and authori- 
tative, entertaining and yet concise nothing which has 
better characterized the greatness of General Pershing 
or the difficulty and magnitude of his accomplishments 
nothing which leaves one's mind clearer as to the 
competency, modesty, and vision of General Harbord. 

My only criticism is that, in his loyalty and in his 
desire to do full justice to others, he leaves an inade- 
quate picture of his own commanding part in much 
that was done. As time goes on he will loom larger as 
one of the most brilliant of all the leaders of the A.E.F. 
both on the battlefield and in its tremendous supply 
operations. His record is unique, like that of his great 
commander each entered and ended the war respec- 
tively in the two highest places in an American army. 
Only General Washington before them enjoyed such a 

Of my own part in the work of the A.E.F. he says: 

It was already foreseen that ocean tonnage would become the 
most valuable commodity in the world, and that our supply lines 


from America would have to be supplemented by supplies obtained 
elsewheres. The Commander-in-Chief visualized an organization 
which should comb neutral and Allied countries for supplies and 
relieve the pressure on American and borrowed tonnage. He placed 
in charge of it Colonel Charles G. Dawes, destined in post-war 
days to high political honors, and who has deserved them all. His 
organization secured twelve pounds of needed supplies of all kinds 
for every eight that crossed the seas from the home country. 


Washington, January 17, 1929. 

Ax 10 A.M. this morning I went to the White House for 
the Kellogg Anti-War Pact signing by the President 
and the Secretary of State. Was taken to the Blue 
Room, where the Cabinet was gathered. The President 
joined us and pointed out where the Cabinet was to be 
seated when we reached the East Room. He asked me 
to walk into the East Room with him, which I did the 
Cabinet following. About forty Senators were present 
who were stationed behind the table where the Treaty 
reposed. We took our seats in front of the table, and 
then there opened the most formidable barrage from 
the photographers which I have ever experienced 
equal, as one newspaper says, to that when a contract 
between prize fighters is signed. There must have been 
forty or fifty cameras and several intensely bright Kleig 
lights which nearly dazzled us. The orders and noises 
of the photographers completely destroyed whatever of 
dignity would naturally have attached to the scene. The 
President was plainly irritated and no wonder, con- 
sidering the impertinent suggestions to "Keep perfectly 
still" and to Secretary Kellogg, whose hand is some- 
what unsteady, and who had trouble with a very long, 
heavy and highly ornamented metal pen, to "Keep your 


hand steady." However,, it Is important that the public 
see the event, and in the photographs of it all will 
look serene, for the pictures were taken in the one and 
only minute when everything was serene, on the surface 
at least. 

Whatever of peace and quiet the photographs may 
indicate, I am afraid the press accounts of this amusing 
event for that is what it turned out to be will 
not be equally considerate. 

I took Senator Schall from the White House to the 
Senate Office Building in my automobile when all was 
through, and, as he is blind, described in detail what 
had occurred. As I led him to his door, in the Senate 
Office Building, a terrific barking from his intelligent 
but ferocious police dog greeted us from within. As 
the Senator opened the door only the chains of the dog 
prevented his springing on me. After the Senator had 
quieted him, he inquired whether I would like to shake 
hands with this untamed and giant wolf. After my polite 
declination of the honor, the Senator told this story, 
to really appreciate which one must have seen this 
so-called dog and heard him bark. The President, who 
is interested in dogs, and had heard of the intelligence 
of this one, asked Schall to bring him to the White 
House. Senator Schall and his wife led the dog before 
the President and extended to the President the in- 
vitation to shake hands with him. I may say here in 
behalf of the President, who bravely acquiesced, that 
he had never heard the dog bark. Unfortunately, Schall 
in his desire to show the intelligence of the beast, and 
at the time the President held his paw, said "Laut, 


Laut" which is German for "Loud." The dog spoke, in 
no uncertain tones. "I could not see/' said Schall, "but 
my wife said the President made a long jump." 

The Senate considered the Urgent Deficiency Bill 
much of the day, and until they reached an amendment 
referring to prohibition all was serene. 

The Senate and the prohibition question when 
brought together act similarly to a union between water 
and a Seidlitz powder. Having had long experience with 
this particular Senate reaction I fled the chair, and left 
an unfortunate Senator in my place. The subject is of 
course an extremely important one but its treatment 
in the Senate debate is so largely determined by its po- 
litical bearings that relevant discussion of the particular 
appropriation item which has aroused the debate oc- 
cupies but a fraction of the time consumed. 

Washington, January 18, 1929. 

Presided over the legislature session of the Senate but 
a short time to-day, but occupied the chair for nearly 
three hours during the executive session. Senator Borah 
showed me a letter he had received from Elihu Root 
in which the latter pronounced the addendum to the 
committee report on the treaty as "satisfactory",, and 
in his judgment effective for its purpose. This he thought 
would please Kellogg. Kellogg joined me for lunch and 
an hour's visit at my office, and as Borah had gone to 
lunch with Hoover, I told Kellogg about Root's letter. 
The Secretary seemed satisfied with the reception which 
the Treaty so far has had in foreign countries. He has 


already heard from Japan. He seems several years 
younger than a week ago. 

Washington, January 19, 1929. 

Later in the morning I called on President Coolidge 
relative to the arrangements for the presentation of 
gold medals to representatives of the late Roald Amund- 
sen, to Lincoln Ellsworth, and to General Nobile, for 
their achievement in the Arctic. Had a pleasant visit, 
and the President and I covered many topics in our 
conversation, which lasted some time. He mentioned, 
among other things, that Hoover had spoken of the 
difficulty of getting certain men of pre-eminent qual- 
ifications to consider positions in the Cabinet because of 
a disinclination to subject themselves to a contest over 
their confirmation in the Senate. 

Few men of conspicuous achievement have escaped 
unjust attacks and misrepresentations in their careers, 
and the vilification in the Senate of Secretary Mellon 
during almost his entire term of eight years as Secre- 
tary of the Treasury is fair notice that rectitude of 
character and a just fame arising from distinguished 
public service only stimulate that kind of thing. To at- 
tack mediocre or obscure men involves no personal 
publicity. The critic, like Death, "loves a shining 

There has been considerable agitation among Sen- 
ators during the last four years for a change in the rule 
requiring nominations to be discussed in executive 
sessions. If that particular rule should be changed, and 
the nomination of an eminent man to a high position 


by the President opens him to a trial by the Senate be- 
fore the country on any charge which may be made 
against him by an anonymous letter or by irresponsible 
people, it will have as disastrous an effect upon the 
standard of personnel in future Cabinets as the direct 
election of Senators has had upon the personnel of the 

The Senate was in executive session all the after- 

The White House offices where I called this morning 
bore mute evidence of the passing of power. The 
halls, ordinarily filled with newspapermen, photog- 
raphers, candidates for office, Senators, Representatives, 
and visitors to pay respects, were almost empty. My old 
friends there, some of whom came to their places thirty 
years ago under the McKinley Administration, like 
Rudolph Forster and Latta, all had time to leave their 
work for a chat. The President was not seeing different 
men every fifteen minutes. He, too, had plenty of time. 
The crowd was up at the Mayflower, where the Pres- 
ident-elect is staying and there is the chief center 
of news and interest. 

But I could not help but think that, of the two men, 
the President is the more fortunate for he has fin- 
ished his work, a great and successful one, and leaves 
with public acclaim, while the President-elect must 
soon take up great and difficult burdens. 

Washington, January 20, 1929. 

This noon we had at the house an interesting luncheon 
in honor of Chief Justice and Mrs. Taft. The guests, 


besides the Tafts, were Secretary Mellon, Secretary of 
Labor Davis, Senator Joe T. Robinson, Senator War- 
ren, General PersMng, Comptroller Pole, Mrs. Davis, 
Mrs. Robinson, Mrs. Warren, Mrs. Pole, Mrs. Towne 
and Miss Carlisle. The party did not break up until 
4 P.M. and after lunch the gentlemen had ample oppor- 
tunity for a discussion in which there was the most 
general participation, especially when the question of 
selective immigration was raised. Senator Warren, one 
of the wheel horses of the Senate, is disturbed over the 
status of the great appropriation bills, of which seven 
or eight remain to be disposed of in the few weeks left 
of the short session. As the Senate has no power to 
allot its time properly for the transaction of its busi- 
ness, it has been frittered away by unlimited oratory 
with the result that now, as generally in a short session, 
there is a legislative jam which will result in bills being 
passed by the hundred under "unanimous consent" 
and without adequate consideration or discussion. The 
advocates of the Cruiser Bill are becoming alarmed and 
all are considering the application of the rule providing 
cloture by a two-thirds vote. It is amusing to note the 
attitude toward cloture. So jealous are the Senators of 
the prerogatives given individuals through the power 
of obstruction made possible by the absence of the ma- 
jority cloture rule obtaining in all other important 
parliamentary bodies that they are reluctant to make 
use of even this kind of cloture. The idea of giving 
precedence to the right of the majority to perform their 
duties over the "sacred right of free speech" seems more 
or less obnoxious. This "sacred right of free speech" 


In the Senate often translates itself In practice into the 
right of any individual to indulge for as long a time as 
he desires in oratory, relevant or irrelevant to the sub- 
ject under consideration. This, of course, is no true 
definition of the right of free speech. When the Sen- 
ators vote by two thirds to limit debate under the pres- 
ent cloture rule they do subjugate this ridiculous priv- 
ilege to the higher duty they owe the Government under 
the Constitution. 

The invoking of the present two-thirds cloture rule 
practically negatives the arguments against majority 
cloture, and this may account for the reluctance to use 
it. Such public demonstrations of the viciousness of the 
present rules are not welcomed, but they have to be 
made. There have been many able Senators, like Oscar 
W. Underwood, Charles S. Thomas, Atlee Pomerene 
and others who, in the past, have urged the reformation 
of the Senate rules and pointed out the outrages upon 
the public interest which they, in their present form, 
have made possible. 

No one In the Senate, however, has yet undertaken 
to reform the rules by the threat to use them against the 
proper conduct of business until they are reformed 
in other words, to use them as a bludgeon to force a 
reform instead of to force through some personal or 
sectional legislation, generally to the public disadvan- 

Such a Senator needs only to have the qualities of 
steadfastness in a good cause which his colleagues con- 
stantly show in a bad one. He could announce at the 
beginning that he seeks to block no revenue or appropri- 
ation bills in the short session an underhanded pro- 


ceeding which has been resorted to so often In the past 
under the present rules. He might announce, however, 
that thereafter while he was in the Senate no bill should 
ever be passed or set for a vote "by unanimous con- 
sent 77 except those involving an unquestioned public 

He could then confidently expect from his colleagues 
an early proposition involving concessions as to rules 
reform. The proper reform of the rules can be effected 
by one man, to say nothing of a small minority, 
but he must be a Senator on the floor and not afraid. 

I have seen a Senator unblushingly exact a legislative 
concession in the open Senate by announcing on an 
evening devoted to "unobjected bills 7 ' that no bill would 
be passed that night without the fatal "I object" from 
him, unless the Senate passed his bill. An agreement 
was made on the spot to pass his bill the next day, which 
was done. 

Washington, January 21, 1929. 

The Senate resumed its secret session at noon with the 
nomination of Roy West as Secretary of the Interior 
under consideration and confirmed him at 2:30 P.M. 

The House of Representatives passed the Chicago 
World's Fair resolution with an explanatory amend- 
ment which was first brought to me for approval. No 
objection was made to the resolution thus amended and 
it was passed by the House under unanimous consent. 
The resolution now comes to the Senate. 

The afternoon in the Senate, after executive session, 
was consumed by a speech on an amendment to the 
Urgent Deficiency Bill, regarded by everybody as 
made to use up time so as to prevent the passage of 


the Cruiser Bill this session in other words, what 
is called an indirect filibuster seems going on. The Sen- 
ate of the United States, with seven or eight major ap- 
propriation bills yet to be passed and business of all 
kinds piling up, seems approaching one of those humil- 
iating concessions to the necessity of cloture. "We are 
only waiting," said one Senator favoring the bill to me, 
"until the Senate gets mad enough at this nonsensical 
performance, and then we will present a two-thirds 
cloture petition." The Senator, on this particular after- 
noon when I left, was solemnly declaiming. 

The present travesty on common sense and proper 
parliamentary procedure is possible only because the 
public is not constantly face to face with it, and does 
not understand the secretly negotiated trades on per- 
sonal and sectional legislation which it makes possible. 

An evening paper says about the situation in the 

Some of the staunches! supporters of national defense are op- 
posed in principle to limiting debate by cloture, but these Sen- 
ators frankly admit that no individual views of Senators on mat- 
ters of procedure can compare in importance to the requirements 
of the nation to have insurance of adequate naval defense. Thus, 
if it is necessary, these Senators will vote for cloture despite their 
personal dislike for this method of breaking down organized 

Again, of the audience of the filibustering speaker, 
it says: 

At one period Senator Phipps represented the Republican mem- 
bership (on the floor) while Senators Ashurst and Sheppard repre- 
sented the Democratic membership. 


What a precious privilege it is this power of ob- 
struction so necessary to "organized delay"! Irrespec- 
tive of the Naval Bill, what other parliamentary body 
in the world confronting a jam of legislative business 

eight major appropriation bills and other legislation 
of national importance like the Reapportionment Bill 

would lie down supinely, to be run over by an indi- 
vidual member or a small minority, when the national 
interest was thus at state? Why again must it be only 
a measure of national defense whose peril finally 
arouses the conscience of the Senate to its duty? 


Washington, January 22, 1929. 

IN the morning met Parker Gilbert at the Treasury 
Department. He is back from Louisville and en route 
for Europe. Went over the reparations situation, which 
is not changed in any regard during the last week ex- 
cept apparently for the better. 

Saw Governor Young, of the Federal Reserve Board, 
at the Treasury, who most intelligently discussed the 
unsatisfactory credit situation in this country, and the 
policy which, in his judgment, the Federal Reserve 
Board should adopt in relation thereto. Saw Comptroller 
Pole, who is leaving for Spokane where he has a 
$14,000,000 bank on his official hands. He, too, is justly 
disturbed by conditions which seem to be growing more 
serious than ever in regard to the inflation of specu- 
lative credits. It is a very difficult thing to successfully 
encourage, at the same time, tight money conditions 
on the stock market and easy money conditions for 
legitimate business. The Federal Reserve Board is find- 
ing that out. Money flows to any safe point of highest 
interest rates nothing can stop it. Until the American 
people "turn over in bed" and general deflation sets in, 
credit conditions will grow worse, no matter what the 


Federal Reserve Board does. I am apprehensive as to 
an approaching general contraction of credits. Ex- 
panded credits, when they are general, can never be 
liquidated in an orderly manner. They collapse. History 
proves this. 

The Senate spent the day on prohibition and the Ur- 
gent Deficiency Bill the filibustering tactics seem- 
ing for the minute to lag. Joseph Tumulty, Gene Buck, 
the composer and playwright, John Marshall, Assistant 
Attorney General, and my old friends Walter H. Wil- 
son, Major Wade Dyar and W. J. Cram, took lunch with 
me at the Capitol. Tumulty and Buck were especially 
entertaining and interesting. Senator Pat Harrison was 
with us for a time. 


The Joint Resolution recognizing the Chicago World's 
Fair, having been passed by the House, was returned 
to the Senate and referred to the Finance Committee. 
As I am piloting this legislation through, I proceeded to 
smooth the seas as far as possible, and locate the rocks 
of possible objections in a body which operates chiefly 
by "unanimous consent." 

Senator Smoot, chairman of the Finance Committee, 
is ready to call a meeting this week. In the meantime 
I have secured the co-operation of my friend Senator 
Copeland, after he had satisfied himself that New York 
did not desire to give a world's fair in 1932, even if it 
had time to organize one. No man in the Senate is more 
nlert or loyal to the interests of his state than Copeland, 


and fortune was with us in the lack of a New York op- 
position. He promised co-operation, and with Copeland 
that always means loyal, earnest and real help. Every- 
body I have seen promises help. In this entirely un- 
selfish movement there is no real reason for opposition, 
but one can never tell from what source some objection 
may spring, and an individual or a minority may assert 
its power over a large majority, Smoot asked me to 
suggest a report for the Committee's consideration if 
they favored the bill, which I have done. 

Washington, January 23, 1929. 

Did not occupy the chair of the Senate for the greater 
portion of to-day's session. Had a number of interesting 
visitors at the office. Senator Bruce, of Maryland, of 
whom I am very fond, and hold in high respect, called 
as he usually does almost every other day always 
with a cheerful word of greeting and with something 
worth while to say. He is a gentleman of the old school. 
His classical knowledge and his ability to draw upon it 
in debate for purposes of illustration or quotation are 
remarkable. His courage and high principles are ac- 
knowledged by all. He is a forceful speaker, but the 
unusual beauty of his English and his care always to use 
the exact word which will best express an idea, tend 
to make his delivery slow. I think no one in the Senate 
has a more cultured mind. He gives himself wholly to 
a cause when he is once enlisted, and sometimes loses 
patience with his opponents but there is no man in 
the Senate quicker to forget and forgive the sharp 
words often spoken in heated debate. 


He is a hater of hypocrisy and demagoguery and one 
of the few conservatives of the Senate who is an ag- 
gressive fighter, a hard hitter and "quick on the trig- 
ger." Men like him do not long survive the direct pri- 
mary in these days, but as long as they do, no one is 
left in any doubt as to where they stand upon impor- 
tant and controversial issues. 

To-day I received a letter from Dr. Abbott, of the 
Smithsonian Institution, accepting my offer to finance 
a search by the Institution of the sources of Aztec and 
Mayan literature in Spain. He enclosed in his letter 
a report on the subject by Dr. J. P. Harrington, of the 
Bureau of American Ethnology. 

Washington, January 24, 1929. 

To-day is the fortieth anniversary of our wedding. 
It is hard to believe that so much time has elapsed since 
my wife and I started housekeeping in the little six- 
room cottage at 1400 D Street, Lincoln, Nebraska. 
The phrase in the wedding service: "With all my 
worldly goods I thee endow" was a hollow mockery in 
my case, for after the ceremony at Cincinnati the rail- 
road fare to Lincoln consumed the bulk of my "worldly 
goods." But it was a glorious time in life when we 
figured we could live on eighty dollars a month and I 
found at the end of the first year that I had earned 
enough to spend one hundred dollars a month on our 
living and had four hundred dollars left over for 
furniture. And then, after a time, came little Rufus 
Fearing and then little Carolyn, and life was wholly 


I recall to-day Governor Oglesby's cry: "My God, 
to live again those days, when for me half the world 
was good, and the other half unknown." Such was the 
world for us then. But to-day it is still a happy world 
for us. Though the tragic loss of our boy Rufus well- 
nigh overcame us, kindly time enables us now to speak 
of him and the happiness he gave us. Our fine son and 
daughter, Dana and Virginia, are with us all the time, 
and Carolyn and her children live close by. 

I brought home to my wife some flowers, which 
pleased her all the more because, I regret to say, I gen- 
erally forget the anniversary until she reminds me of it. 
But this time I did not. 

In the morning in the East Room of the White House 
I attended a meeting of the United States Commission 
for the celebration of the two-hundredth anniversary 
of the birth of George Washington, of which I am ex 
officio a member. The Commission is composed of mem- 
bers named by the President, the Vice President, and 
the Speaker of the House. 

After presiding for a time the President called me to 
the chair. 

The Commission decided upon the river route for 
the Mount Vernon Highway from the Arlington Me- 
morial Bridge. 

About fourteen of the members of the Commission 
were present at the meeting. 

Presided over the Senate during an interesting portion 
of the debate on the Cruiser Bill this afternoon. 

As the time approaches for my leaving office, many 


Senators call and say pleasant things to me. For the 
Senators individually I cherish a high regard, but col- 
lectively, as agents of Government in an organization 
for business well! "that is something else again." 
One of them this afternoon, after telling me how much 
the Senators thought of me, said, "But the Senate got 
very tired of you at the beginning of your service." 
My reply was, "I should hate to think that the Senate 
was as tired of me at the beginning of my service as 
I am of the Senate at its end." This of course was a 
joke, but I had unlimited and irrelevant debate in mind. 


Have just returned from my last attendance at a 
White House reception, which was for the Army and 
Navy. Mrs. Dawes, Miss Decker, my little daughter 
Virginia, and my niece Nancy Hoyt were with me. 
For the last two it was their first attendance. This 
started me counting the number of White House recep- 
tions I had attended, and was I surprised to find it 
forty-five twenty in the McKinley Administration, 
five in the Harding Administration, and twenty in the 
present Administration! My delight at all these occa- 
sions has been the United States Marine Band. To- 
night for the last time Secretary Mellon and I "sneaked 
away" if I may accurately describe our movement 
into the little cloakroom where Tobacco is king and 
Good Cheer his chamberlain. Secretary Kellogg joined 
us for a time. These evenings with Secretary Mellon 
and with the band, near enough to be heard without 
having our conversation interrupted by it, are among 


the pleasantest I have spent In Washington. Saw many 
old army friends in the fifteen minutes I spent in the 
jam in the Blue Room, among them General Frank 
McCoy, just back from Nicaragua with his wife to 
whom he was married since the War. He has made a 
brilliant record on the field, on the staff, and on all his 
varied and important details for special duty. 

Washington, January 2S ? 1929. 

At the opening of the Senate to-day Senator Heflin 
announced the death of Oscar W. Underwood, late Sen- 
ator from Alabama, and the Senate paid him the 
tribute of immediate adjournment although at his death 
he was not a member of this body. The entire country 
will feel the loss of this upright and able man a 
leader of his party, first in the House and then in 
the Senate, and at all times one of the men of con- 
spicuous courage in the nation, in dealing with public 
and political issues. 

My intimate acquaintance with him began after I 
had made my speech against the Senate rules at my 
inauguration, when he immediately thereafter intro- 
duced a resolution in the Senate for a change by ma- 
jority cloture providing at the same time ample oppor- 
tunity for all to be heard. For its passage he fought 
steadily in the public press and on the floor of the 
Senate until his retirement from the Senate two years 
ago. He was a man of delightful personality radiating 
good cheer and kindliness. 

He was an outstanding Senator, and would have been 
in any senate of the past not as an obstructionist 


or a filler of the record and waster of the time of the 
Senate, for which only impudence and determination 

are required, but as a statesman of ability who viewed 
his duties from a national and not a personal stand- 
point, and thereby commanded universal respect. 

At 10:30 A.M. I appeared with Senators Deneen and 
Glenn before a formal meeting of the Senate Finance 
Committee with Senator Smoot in the Chair, called to 
consider the Chicago World's Fair resolution. All the 
Committee received me kindly and when I took my 
seat after explaining the resolution voted unanimously, 
without discussion, a favorable report. Senator Smoot 
explained that I had already written for him a report 
for the Committee which he would have presented 
to the Senate. This statement caused amusement, but 
no surprise. As a matter of fact, I was in the hands of 
good friends and the only thing I had to contend with 
was when one of them wanted to add to the resolution 
a provision for an appropriation which I did not ask* 

In the afternoon , the Senate not being in session, I 
visited the House of Representatives a parliamentary 
body with rules under which its business can be properly 

I sat on the rear bench by the door, but Tilson and 

Garrett, majority and minority leaders of the House, 
joined me. With them and the others who came I had 
a most enjoyable visit, especially with that fine repre- 
sentative of the best traditions of Southern statesman- 
shipFinis Garrett, the minority leader, now about 
to retire from the House. 



Have just returned from a dinner given by the French 
Ambassador a large affair. The new French military 
attache, General Casanave, was a delight to me, being 
an intimate friend of General Payot, head of the Fourth 
Bureau of the General Staff of the French Army dur- 
ing the latter part of the World War. We got to laugh- 
ing together so heartily that we attracted attention. He 
spoke English as poorly as I spoke French. When either 
finished speaking he would pause for the other to stop 
laughing at the way he did it. It was like a conversa- 
tion in wartime between Payot and myself, to which 
Harbord in his book refers as a " Gallicized Weber and 
Field's debate." Casanave was a brave soldier of the 
line. He regards Payot as one of the greatest of French 
generals. That statement alone would endear him to me. 

Pennsylvania train en route to Atlantic City, January 26, 1929. 

This morning while 1 was in the chair, to my joy 
and satisfaction the Senate, under unanimous consent, 
passed the joint resolution recognizing properly the 
second Chicago World's Fair. It now goes to the Pres- 
ident for his signature. The opinion is so widespread, as 
well as so well founded, that the day of the old-fashioned 
world's fair is over that I feared opposition to this 
resolution by those who did not understand that this 
new fair project is based not only upon a new plan 
but upon new and radically different principles. My 
brother Rufus, who suggested the plan, has quietly and 
effectively organized the effort behind it for a year and 
with great executive ability has prevented the internal 


friction and the premature publicity, based upon pros- 
pects instead of upon accomplished forward steps, which 
usually handicap voluntary movements of this kind. 
From now on his difficulties will be lessened and the 
recruits to his cause, already numerous, should con- 
stantly increase. For nearly sixty days I have given at- 
tention to the resolution^ and its final passage is a great 
relief to me. My friend, Senator Joe Robinson, the 
minority leader, was on guard in the Senate this morn- 
ing and his well-worded and brief statement, after Sen- 
ator Deneen had asked for unanimous consent to the 
passage of the resolution , discouraged any possible 
objection to a measure wholly meritorious. 

Pennsylvania Railroad, en route Atlantic City 
to Washington, January 27, 1929, 

Yesterday when Uncle Will Mills and Wade Dyar 
were with me at the Capitol office^ John C. Allen, a 
member of Congress from Illinois and a friend for forty 

years ? called, I told him that Uncle Will,, who was now 
seventy-seven years of age ? was the first man to loan 
me money when, as a young man at Lincoln, I started 
to branch out from the law. Then John Allen reminded 

me that he had loaned me $3,000 at eight per cent, 
in 1894 7 at Lincoln^ Nebraska, declining the collateral 
I offered as something which would reflect doubt in 
his mind as to the wisdom of his action. This had as- 
sisted me in my first gas purchase of the LaCrosse Gas 
Light Company of Wisconsin. 

Allen, who, in the old days ? was State Auditor of 
Nebraska, said It was he who interested Senator Man- 


derson in John Pershing, resulting in his detail as Mil- 
itary Instructor to the University of Nebraska in 1890. 
Jim Pershing, John's brother, had asked him to write 
in John's behalf to Manderson, then United States 
Senator from Nebraska. John Allen said he now has 
the letter of thanks which General Pershing then wrote 
him ; signed "John J. Pershing, 2nd Lieut. 6th Cavalry/ 3 
While not responsible for General Pershing's military 
career, John Allen was thus responsible for mine, for 
when Pershing came to Lincoln our friendship began, 
and this later made it possible for me to get a military 
commission, at fifty-two years of age, in the World War. 

John Allen was elected Secretary of State of Nebraska 
when he was twenty-nine years of age, and moved to 
Illinois after leaving that office about the time I did, 

My uncle, W. W. Mills, is a remarkable man. For 
forty-two years he has been the President of the First 
National Bank of Marietta, Ohio, of which the founder, 
in 1863 my grandfather Gates 'has been the only 
other President. He has devoted his life largely to 
philanthropic work. 

Washington, January 28 ? 1929. 

Presided over the Senate during the "morning hour" 
and for a part of the afternoon during the debate on 
the Cruiser Bill 

I have just returned this evening from the semi- 
annual meeting at Continental Hall of the business or- 
ganization of the Government, which was addressed 
by the President and the Director of the Budget, Gen- 
eral Lord. It was an imposing gathering and an inspir- 



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ing occasion. The Army Band was present and played 
a short program while the audience was gathering. It 
comprised the Budget and co-ordinating officers, the 
bureau chiefs, the heads of the independent establish- 
ments of government and the members of the Cabinet. 
The hall, seating about 1200, was crowded. The gen- 
eral arrangement was (and ever has been since) the 
same as we had at the second of these meetings, held 
in the same place, February 3, 1922. The President, 
the Director of the Budget, the Vice President and the 
Cabinet were seated at the front of the platform and 
the members of the co-ordinating boards and chief co- 
ordinator separately, so as to visualize their special 
relation to the general body. The rest of the audience 
took the regular seats in the body of the house. 

At the first meeting, June 29, 1921, in the smaller 
audience hall in the Interior Department, we had not 
then established the co-ordinating boards or drawn 
the executive orders creating the organization ever since 
maintained practically without change. Therefore only 
President Harding, the Director of the Budget (myself), 
and the Cabinet were segregated from the main body of 
Bureau Chiefs. 

The speeches of President Coolidge and General 
Lord this evening consisted chiefly of the summarizing 
of the fine achievements during the last eight years of 
what is referred to as the Budget System, in operation 
under Harding for about two years and a half and about 
five years and a half under Coolidge. In general I ap- 
proved the speeches made to-night of the budget work 
of these two distinguished men. 


The high terms in which they praised each other 
were deserved. None could have administered the 
Budget Bureau as it was organized better than they 
perhaps none as well. They praised not each other alone 
but 3 in general terms, the body of the business organiza- 
tion and the department and bureau chiefs who are 
now co-operating in a smoothly working machine, with 
a mutual confidence in each other and loyalty to the co- 
ordinating control over them, a control exercised by 
the Director of the Budget, acting as agent of the 
Chief Executive. 

But I certainly felt that they might have at least 
mentioned President Harding under whom the bud- 
get was organized, the machinery for its functioning 
created, the new and revolutionary principles govern- 
ing it not only established but codified, and the greater 
part of Its financial results obtained. Under him was 
brought about, with great difficulty, a central co- 
ordinating executive control, after decentralized and 
independent departmental functioning for one hundred 
and thirty years of government. 

When, disillusioned, betrayed and broken, he passed 
away, he left to President Coolidge and to General 
Lord whom he had appointed a task of administra- 
tion, not creation. But his task had been both. 


I have been going over my old official budget state- 
ments. In his speech President Coolidge said: "The ex- 
penditures for that fiscal year (1921) exclusive of the 
debt reduction, were about $5,000,000,000." I find the 
exact figure was $5.1 1 S_Q27.rfRR 30 


Again President Coolidge says: " Expenditures di- 
minished until 1927 when, exclusive of the amount ap- 
plied to debt reductions, they reached a point below 
the $3,000,000,000. This was $2,000,000,000 below 

So it was the exact figure of these expenditures 
being $2 ? 974 ? 029 ? 674.62. 

But I regret that President Harding's name was for- 
gotten when of this $2,000,000,000 reduction about 
eighty-five per cent of it to wit, $1,743,319,789.46 
occurred in 1922 ? the first year of the two fiscal years of 
the budget under Harding. The figures involved are: 

Expenditures, exclusive of debt reduction in fiscal year 1921 were 

Expenditures, exclusive of debt reduction in fiscal year 1922 
were $3,372,607,899.84. 

Reduction in Harding's first year $1,743,319,789.46 as above. 

This also should be said ? and it is often overlooked. 

It is difficult to appraise what reduction in these ex- 
penses were attributable to the change in operating 
methods inaugurated at this time, and what therefore 
was actually accomplished in economy as distinguished 
from the postponement of expenditures to a succeeding 
year, to say nothing of the natural liquidation in war 
expenditures then still in progress. 

Gross figures of governmental expenditure solely 
should never be used to demonstrate budget efficiency 
and economy as they were this evening, but rather the 
smaller amount subject to executive control in the op- 
eration of the routine business of government. In 1922, 
we did not claim credit for a $1,743,319,789.46 reduc- 


tion, but we did claim that by the new budget control 
we had saved in that year $250,134,835.03, and this 
latter sum we itemized in detail and reported to Con- 
gress in response to a resolution requesting it. 

Washington, January 29 ? 1929. 

This is the birthday of William McKinley, a great 
leader, a great and good man, and the last President 
with such qualities of patience, tact, and commanding 
strength combined as enabled him to enlist Congress in 
an uninterrupted support of all his domestic and inter- 
national policies. 

The dreary debate on the Cruiser Bill continued 
throughout the day in the Senate, the membership on 
the floor for most of the time being reduced to a half- 
dozen Senators or less. I occupied the chair for but 
a short time, coming in, however, to preside when 
unanimous consent was obtained ensuring a vote on 
the bill next week. 

Senator Curtis, Republican floor leader, by his un- 
paralleled patience, activity, and good nature finally 
secured the consent of the last man for the agreement 
limiting debate after a certain time, thus ensuring the 
passage of the bill this session. 

To what humiliating methods is leadership con- 
demned by the Senate rules to beg from individuals 
the right for the Senate to act, to listen to childish per- 
sonal reasons for refusing to acquiesce in permitting 
what is the duty of the Senate not only to do, but to do 
when its majority wills not simply when its minor- 
ities permit. Count Sz^chenyi, have difficulty in 


spelling his name,- Senator Capper and Wade Dyar 
took lunch with me at the Capitol. The office was filled 

much of the afternoon with callers most of them 

Senators fleeing from "unlimited debate. " 

Washington, January 30, 1929. 

The Senate was occupied during the day in the 
Cruiser Bill debate and temporarily on the Agricultural 
Appropriation bill. Senator David Reed made a power- 
ful speech on the Cruiser Bill. 

Spent quite a time at the office in the afternoon with 
Senator Borah, who is commencing a study of the rep- 
arations question and wanted such information and 
comment as I had to offer. Enjoyed this discussion* 
Borah's mind is so alert and his comprehension so 
quick that few explanatory digressions from any trend 
of thought or argument presented to him are necessary. 

Washington, February 2, 1929. 

While I did not hear it yesterday, I have to-day read 
the summary of Senator Burton's speech on the Cruiser 
Bill. It is a most dignified and courageous utterance. I 
do not happen to agree with him in his conclusions, as 
I believe that the passage of the Cruiser Bill, with the 
time limitation, is not only a step in proper national 
policy, if universal naval disarmament is not agreed 
upon, but an essential step to bring about a real naval 
disarmament agreement in the near future. This view I 
have before expressed. But this speech is rare for the 
genuine courage required to make it* It resembles the 
early speeches of Briand favoring a reasonable attitude 


of France towards a reparation settlement, which led to 
his retirement from public office only to return later 
when public sentiment formed by ensuing events 
changed in his favor, 

No demagogue has a readier audience than a na- 
tionalistic demagogue. No statesman is more easily mis- 
represented to the public by the demagogue than he 
who stands always for justice in the international rela- 
tions of his own country. The latter is never certain of 
his standing except with posterity. If he lifts his voice 
in behalf of a just moderation in any authoritative 
statement of national policy, a moderation which not 
only properly befits national dignity but inspires inter- 
national respect, he is denounced as lacking in pa- 
triotism. Nothing seems to satisfy a public sentiment 
inflamed over an international question like extravagant 
statement couched in offensive terms to the other nation 
or nations involved. 

The demagogue well knows this, and accordingly at- 
tacks the statesman who declines to indulge in it as if 
temperance in expression and fairness in argument were 
the distinguishing marks of a traitor. 

This kind of demagoguery in Europe, for six years 
following the signing of the Versailles Treaty, domi- 
nated public sentiment and determined the national 
policies of the Allies. As a result, not alone Germany 
but all Europe steadily marched toward complete eco- 
nomic disaster, which was finally averted only when 
"Common Sense was crowned king" and our first Com- 
mittee of Experts was convened, 

I honor a man like Senator Burton. He does not need 


to Interpolate in his speeches allusions to his own cour- 
age, as is the habit of demagogues. Courage always 
speaks for itself. To claim it for one's self is rather the 
evidence of the innate coward. 

In a great cause, where the aroused passions of the 
masses deaden their intellect, public opinion is never 
successfully braved and courted at the same time. Nor 
do the brave fight and fawn at the same time. 

Washington, February 4, 1929. 

Was in the chair much of to~day 7 s session of the Sen- 
ate, the debate being limited under unanimous consent 
to thirty minutes on the Cruiser Bill and each amend- 
ment until 4 P.M., and then to ten minutes. It is at such 
times that the Senate appears at its best. Upon an im- 
portant bill like this the ablest Senators are heard, 
and the time is not entirely monopolized by those 
chiefly noted for garrulity. 

The best speakers, of course, are never of the con- 
tinuous variety. Nor do they permit themselves to lose 
public interest and respect in constantly seeking public 
attention by exploiting minor matters or those involving 
personalities. Their appearances do not lose their dig- 
nity by their frequency. Upon occasions of limited de- 
bate on an important bill the galleries are crowded. 
Coming as they do after weeks of unlimited debate the 
long-time speakers are generally run down and visitors 
hear speeches which are short and to the point with a 
minimum of digression. One wearied with the continu- 
ous performance of a few familiar speakers habitually 
interjecting long addresses upon subjects irrelevant to 


the one before the Senate finds himself agreeably sur- 
prised in a limited debate at the number of able Sen- 
ators, ordinarily quiet, who are heard upon such an oc- 
casion. As a prominent newspaper correspondent said 
to me to-day, "Such occasions show what the Senate 
can and should be." And thus it always would be in pub- 
lic were its time alloted fairly and in accordance with the 
importance of pending business instead of being con- 
sumed by those interminably seeking publicity or pro- 
moting personal purpose by obstruction at the cost of 
its time. 

Senator J. T. Robinson made one of his short and 
forcible statements on the bill, with that discriminating 
emphasis on essentials so needful after an "unlimited" 
debate of weeks, to clarify the dazed and befuddled 
mind of the average man who has endeavored to follow 
it, A test vote was had on an amendment which de- 
termines that the time clause in the Cruiser Bill shall 
be retained. The vote was 54 to 28, 

This evening we attended a large dinner given at 
the Mayflower Hotel by ex-Senator Rice Means and 
his wife. There in the smoking room Senator Watson 
entertained Justice Stone, Senators Dale, Oddie, Rob- 
inson, and myself in his inimitable way* We think so 
often of Watson as a companionable friend that we are 
apt to forget how generally constructive is his work 
in the Senate. His very proficiency in politics prevents 
a public realization of his more important accomplish- 
ments, for it commands the most attention. As the next 
Republican leader in the Senate the real influence upon 


the work of the Senate which he has always had will 
probably be more apparent. 

Washington, February 5, 1929. 

Occupied the chair of the Senate much of the day, 
which ended at the passing by a vote of 68 to 12 
of the Cruiser Bill with the time limit clause retained. 
The debate, with its ten-minute time limit on the bill 
and each amendment, was animated, constructive and 
elucidating strange terms if applied to the ordinary 
Senate debate. 

In this debate there was dragged into the open one 
of those humiliating secret agreements made possible 
by the rules, under which a small minority able to block 
the Cruiser Bill had brought its sponsors, representing 
the majority of the Senate, to their knees. Dragged into 
the open, it was so contemptible that the Senate spewed 
it out. Yet it was only one of many similar agreements 
during the last four years. 

But this time it failed, and it failed because unex- 
pectedly the real purpose of a proposed modification was 
exposed by its own proponents, and a humiliation the 
like of which the Senate continually suffers in secret 
was not to be borne in public, 

When a chaplain in the Navy holds religious services 
a flag bearing a cross is flown above the American flag, 
a custom of the long years. That flag is not a Catholic 
emblem and has never been. It has always flown over 
both Protestant and Catholics whenever religious serv- 
ices are held in the Navy. 

At the last session of Congress, and in the campaign 


of 1928, those endeavoring to stir up religious strife 
in the country referred to this flag as a Catholic emblem 
in order to arouse anti-Catholic sentiment. 

To-day it developed that an amendment forbidding 
the Navy at religious services to fly this flag above 
the American flag had been agreed upon by the Navy 
Department, the Senator in charge of the bill, and, evi- 
dently, by other members of the Senate. It was about 
to be adopted when its author launched into an attack 
upon the Catholic Church. The cat was out of the bag. 
It was immediately evident that in order to avoid ob- 
structive tactics against it, those in charge of the bill 
were, in effect, condoning and even encouraging an 
attack upon the Catholic Church which all knew was 
unjust and unfounded. 

Fortunately, by unanimous consent, the ten-minute 
limit on debate was in force. That and that only saved 
trouble when the Senate by a vote defeated the amend- 
ment with only ten Senators voting for it. It was then 
too late to filibuster, since the time limit was on, and 
the Cruiser Bill was passed without this humiliating 

I wish the Senators who uphold "publicity" as a cure 
for all things would turn their attention for a time from 
the affairs of others to their own, and expose and de- 
nounce the secret agreements modifying legislation 
which are habitually made under the Senate rules and 
are possible only because of those agreements. That 
kind of publicity would result in the reform of the rules. 
Unfortunately, accidents of publicity like those of to- 
day happen only occasionally. 


Washington, February 6, 1929. 

I forgot to write yesterday that the President signed 
the World's Fair resolution, thus making it a law. 

To-day was devoted by the Senate chiefly to work 
on the Army Bill. Had a pleasant call at my office from 
Elihu Root, my acquaintance with whom dates from 
his entrance into the McKinley Administration. We 
talked over old times, especially about President Mc- 
Kinley. Mr. Root spoke of McKinley's qualities of 
leadership^ which he greatly admired, and said that the 
talk about his being influenced unduly by others re- 
sulted from McKinley's generosity and kindly ways. 

a He would call me to his office/' said Root, a and 
show me some plan of action of which he had made 
written notes. In the course of a week he would have 
discussed it with a dozen Senators and House members. 
It would remain entirely unchanged but each of those 
consulted would leave with the idea that he, rather 
than the President, had suggested it" 

Mr. Root is now eighty-four years of age. He says 
he has no ailments wherever except a case of "Anno 
Domini/' He is about to go to Europe on his work in 
connection with the World Court. We talked over Army 
organization, for Elihu Root as Secretary of War was 
the father of the American General Staff. He recalled 
our friend the late Major General William H. Carter 
and his contributions to the creation of the General 
Staff legislation. 

He expressed interest in the Military Board of Allied 
Supply, and I presented Mm with the three-volume re- 
port of that body. Wade Dyar and my cousin William 


R. DaweSj now President of the Mississippi Valley 
Association, took lunch with me. We are greatly en- 
joying a visit at home from our daughter Carolyn, 

Washington, February 9, 1929. 

To-day is the date and Paris the place of the first 
meeting of the new Experts' Committee which will un- 
dertake the great task of final settlement of the amount 
of German reparations. Of the new committee of ten ? 
five were members of the first Experts' Committee which 
met in Paris in January 1924. This afternoon I received 
the following cable from them and from Doctor Schacht,, 
who is the member from Germany and President of the 
Reichsbank: "All the old friends, Young, Parelli, 
Francqui, Parmentier, Stamp, Schacht, send affection- 
ate greetings and their first thoughts on reunion were 
of their old leader, the General." 

In answer I cabled Young as follows; "Please extend 
my affectionate regards to my old associates of the First 
Committee of Experts and Doctor Schacht and an ex- 
pression of my confidence in the successful outcome of 
their new effort for world betterment." 

Washington, February 12, 1929. 

Lincoln's Birthday. In the morning Senator Keyes 
brought to my office a volume containing the manuscript 
facsimile of the Gettysburg addresses of Edward 
Everett and Abraham Lincoln. Lincoln wrote out his 
address in a hand almost as distinctive as is the speech 
itself. Keyes says there are four copies of this address 
in Lincoln's handwriting. 


In February, 1897, thirty-two years ago ? I was at 
dinner at the house of John Hay in Washington at a 
time when, as a member of the Executive Committee 
of the Republican National Committee, together with 
General Horace Porter and Marcus A. Hanna, I was 
helping to make the arrangements for McKinley's in- 
auguration, soon to take place. I distinctly remember 
the statement of Mr. Hay, who was Lincoln's secretary, 
that Lincoln first wrote out the speech on the back of 
an old envelope as he was on the train traveling to 
Gettysburg, Whether Hay then had this copy I do not 
remember, but I do recollect seeing at his home the 
copy of the second inaugural address of Lincoln in 
Lincoln's handwriting. It was not until I heard an ex- 
tempore address which Governor Richard J. Oglesby, 
Lincoln's personal friend, delivered on Lincoln's birth- 
day in 1896 at a banquet of the Marquette Club in 
Chicago , that I felt I had a conception of Lincoln's 
real stature in life. 

In almost all the descriptions of Lincoln's character 
which I had heard and read, emphasis had been put on 
his kindness, his generosity to rivals, his gentleness of 
spirit and his sadness of disposition. Without knowing 
what, I felt that something was lacking in the picture 
something which would stamp him as the great and 
strong and natural leader of men that he was one 
always first. Oglesby in his speech provided it. 

He reached his oratorical climax by describing the 
humble surroundings of Lincoln's early life the log 
cabin, with its chinks filled with mud, without flooring, 
the beds consisting of boards resting on pins driven into 


the log walls and covered first with straw and then with 
a coverlet. "In their barrenness and poverty," said he, 
"one was reminded of the scenes of Bethlehem." 

And then, after a pause, he added: a But at this time 
and at all times, under these circumstances and under 
all circumstances, Abraham Lincoln recognized no su- 
perior on the face of the earth." 

That was what unknowingly I had been waiting to 
hear. Then I understood Abraham Lincoln. 

In the Senate to-day Senator Smoot paid a beautiful 
tribute to the dead President. The day was a very full 
and busy one. It was rendered memorable to me by the 
remembrance of my friends engaged in the reparations 
work in Paris. This is best told by the beginning of the 
Paris cable to the New York Times, published this 

(Special Cable to the New York Times, by Edwin L. 

PARIS, February 11 The economic and financial experts of 
seven nations, gathered in Paris to prepare a final settlement of 
German reparation payments to the former Allies and also to 
indicate a way to a final settlement of all international indebted- 
ness left by the world war, held their first meeting this afternoon in 
the Hotel George V. 

The first act of the fourteen distinguished gentlemen was to 
nominate formally as Chairman Owen D. Young, the first Amer- 
ican delegate, who played such a prominent part in the elabora- 
tion four years ago of the Dawes Plan, to complete which will be 
an important part of the work of the present Committee, 

This tribute paid to him, the second act of the committee taken 
on the initiative of Governor Emile Horeau, of the bank of France, 


and seconded by Doctor Hjalmar Schacht, head of the Reichsbank, 
was to send the following telegram to Vice President Dawes, who 
acted as chairman for the first Experts' Committee: 

"The second Committee of Experts at the inception of its first 
meeting in Paris addresses to General Dawes the homage of its 
respect and the expression of its hope of accomplishing work as 
useful as that which was realized under the chairmanship of Gen- 
eral Dawes in 1924." 


Washington, February 13, 1929. 

TO-DAY the Electoral Vote for the next President and 
Vice President of the United States was counted before 

a joint session of the Senate and House of Represent- 
atives; and as the presiding officer of the joint session, 
at its conclusion I made this statement from the 

"The Vice President. The announcement of the state 
of the vote by the Vice President just made, is, under 
the Constitution and laws of the United States, deemed 
a sufficient declaration of the persons elected President 
and Vice President of the United States, each for the 
term beginning on the fourth day of March, 1929 ? and 
will be entered ? together with a list of the votes so 
cast and ascertained, on the journals of the Senate 
and the House of Representatives. 

"Gentlemen of the joint session, the purpose of this 
meeting having been accomplished, the joint session 
is now dissolved and the Senators will return to the 
Senate Chamber." 

Much formality was observed at the joint session. 
In the Senate at 12:55 P.M. I requested from the chair 
that the Senate assemble and march to the House of 
Representatives. I attach the order of the march as 


circulated by the Sergeant at Arms throughout the 

The Secretary with the Sergeant at Arms. 

Two pages carrying the boxes containing the electoral votes. 

The Republican Assistant Sergeant at Arms with the Democratic 

Assistant Sergeant at Arms. 

The Vice President with the President Pro Tempore, Mr. Moses. 

The Assistant Majority Leader, Mr. Watson, with the Minority 
Leader, Mr. Robinson* 

The Tellers: Senators Shortridge and King. 

The senior Republican Senator, Mr. Warren, with the senior 
Democratic Senator, Mr, Simmons. 

The remainder of the Senate according to seniority as far as 

When we reached the House of Representatives that 
body arose and stood while the Senators were entering, 
and as I ascended to the chair. Speaker Longworth, 
of the House ? was seated at my side. After calling the 
session to order and announcing its purpose^ I handed 
the keys to the two mahogany boxes, in which the elec- 
toral votes by States were deposited,, to the tellers, who 
unlocked them. These boxes were on the Speaker's 
stand before me. I took from the boxes the envelopes^ 
one by one* containing the votes ? and as I handed them 
to the tellers they announced the vote of each state* 
After the votes by States were announced separately 
the tellers handed me a written report of the vote and 
I announced the result for President, Herbert 
Hoover 444 votes; Alfred E. Smith 87 votes; for Vice 
President, Charles Curtis 444 votes; Joseph T. Rob- 
inson 87 votes. I then made the closing statement with 
which I commenced this note. 


The entire time consumed by the proceedings was 
only about thirty-five minutes. There was a large at- 
tendance of the members of the Senate and House, 
filling the most of the floor of the House, and the gal- 
leries were crowded. While, following precedent, I had 
requested the joint session and the galleries to refrain 
from applause, I was kept busy with the gavel during 
the announcement of the votes by States some an- 
nouncements like those of the vote of Massachusetts 
and Virginia being vociferously received. 

After we reached the Senate a report from the floor 
was made of the vote in the joint session by Senator 
Shortridge whom, together with Senator King, I had 
appointed as tellers. No surprise was evidenced or felt 
by anybody during all those announcements of things 
accomplished and known for three and a half months, 
but it was surprising to note with what intentness and 
interest the statement of them was received. 

This evening at the house. Colonel Latrobe and Cap- 
tain Brown of the May flower the President^ aides 
called to notify us of the program at the White 
House for the morning of the inauguration. We were 
asked to be there at eleven o'clock. 

Washington, February 14, 1929. 

At 10:00 A.M. attended a meeting of the Regents 
of the Smithsonian Institution. Chief Justice Taft, the 
Chancellor of the Institution, presided. Those present 
included Senator Smoot ? Senator J. T. Robinson, Sen- 
ator Swanson, Congressman Moore ? F. A. Delano and 
Mr. Laughlin. Charles E. Hughes and Dwight W, Mor- 


row and Professor Merriam, of the Carnegie Institute, 
were among those absent. As usual, the meeting was 
full of interest especially the report covering the 
exploring work being done by the Institution in Haiti 
and some other of the Caribbean Islands. Everybody 
connected with the work of the Institution is an en- 
thusiast, and they are to be envied, for no set of 
men lead lives of greater interest than those engaged 
in research work to increase the knowledge of man- 

The Institution sadly needs additional space. Pre- 
cious specimens, constituting the overflow of the ex- 
hibits, are packed away in every corner and closet, 
and more are constantly coming in. Recently it was 
necessary to decline the gift of the exhibit of the prog- 
ress of railroad transportation made by the Baltimore 
and Ohio Railway at Baltimore the "Iron Horse" 
exhibition, visited by a million people in the space of 
three weeks. There was no place to put it. Why more 
men of wealth do not follow the example of Mr. Freer 
by remembering the Institution in their wills is strange. 
Here is a Board of Trustees recognised by the national 
Government, and composed of the most eminent and 
competent men, supported by a staff of trained scien- 
tists, continuing the high standard which is guaranteed 
by the charter of the organization. Those who choose 
it as their agent in their bequest of art or of money 
for the public purpose of the Institution are assured of 
perpetual remembrance, as are the names of those 
whose memory they may wish to associate with their 
benefactions* In addition, they are assured indefinitely 


of a competent and honest administration of any trust 

they may create, 

There is now the inevitable jam of legislative busi- 
ness in the Senate at the end of the session, due to the 
waste of the time of the Senate under the rules. As a 
consequence, hundreds of bills will be passed "by unani- 
mous consent" without proper consideration in the 
next two weeks. 

Presided over a lively discussion for a time, 
Senator Vandenberg is commencing to show his teeth 
in a righteous cause the passage of the Reapportion- 
ment Bill. He is a coining man, in my judgment. 

Washington, February IS, 1929. 

The Senate's time was chiefly consumed to-day by a 
debate entirely irrelevant to the bill before the Senate 
for consideration upon the question of whether cer- 
tain Cabinet officers who admittedly had done their 
duty should not be publicly censured for not having 
done it sooner. This question of doubtful importance 
was not settled, and the resolution embodying it finally 
went to the calendar. 

Some people delight to fiddle while time burns, 

Occupied the chair during the morning hour, during 
the executive session, and during a limited portion of 
the debate. 

Colonel Latrobe called on me at the office in regard 
to inauguration day procedure and I told him that I 
had learned the Senate would be in session on that 
day at an early hour, thus requiring my presence In 


the chair at the time the Presidential party was com- 
ing to the Capitol, and preventing me from joining it. 

He then requested that Mrs. Dawes be at the White 
House to accompany Mrs, Gann. This I said she would 
be very glad to do. 

This afternoon I received a letter from Secretary 
Kellogg transmitting the greetings of the Second Com- 
mittee of Experts on Reparations Settlement, which 
had been cabled to the State Department through our 
Embassy at Paris. 

Washington, February 16, 1929. 

The Senate to-day occupied itself largely with a 
debate on prohibition, which was the subject before 
it for consideration, and on the Catholic Church, which 
was not. Having heard these subjects discussed by the 
Senators for four years, more or less, and being some- 
what familiar with the oratorical treatment accorded 
them by the individual Senators, I decided to allow 
some of them to take their own medicine for the most 
of the day by occupying the chair in my place. Re- 
turned, however, for the masterful speech of James 
A, Reed. 

At my Capitol office most of the day* A number of 
friends called - among them Justice Stone of the Su- 
preme Court. 

During the afternoon, a committee of six members 
of the Gridiron Club, headed by Mr. Groves who 
has at times impersonated me in the skits of the Club 
called to invite me to a closed dinner of the Club, to 


be given In my honor. We fixed the date for March 2. 
What Groves said I much appreciated, as well as this 
attention from the most brilliant organization of Wash- 
ington. It will Involve a speech, of course, but that 
thought, while it naturally arouses apprehension, does 
not lessen my happiness in their remembrance. 

Another call which I received, from Doctor Rowe, 
the Director of the Pan American Union, was much 
appreciated. He informed me that next week I would 
be asked by a representative of the President of the 
Dominican Republic to select and head a commission 
to establish a system for the executive control of ex- 
penditures in that country similar to the one which we 
established here coincident with the organization of the 
Budget Bureau. This should not take over five or six 
weeks, and while I will still have to have considerable 
information before I can make a decision as to under- 
taking the work, it is an attractive idea to me. 

No work appeals so much to me as constructive 
work of this nature, especially in a branch of it where 
I have had the benefit of experience. 

This evening we attended a dinner given us by Trubee 
Davison and his wife. This son of my dear friend, Harry 
Davison, reminds me of his father in every way - in his 
appearance, voice, geniality, humor, and high compe- 
tency. He is making a name for himself as Assistant 
Secretary of War in charge of Aviation which would 
have delighted his father could he have lived to know of 
it. Harry was wrapped up in his two fine boys, Trubee 
and Harry. He lived in an agony of anxiety during their 
brilliant and dangerous service as aviators in the war, 


In which Trubee was so badly injured. But he lived long 

enough afterward to be sure that their lives in peace 
would be as honorable and distinguished as they had 
been in war. 

Washington, February 17, 1929. 

My wife, my daughter Virginia and I attended 
church in the morning and then took lunch with ex- 
Senator Charles S. Thomas, his wife and daughter. 
In the evening 7 Senator and Mrs. Vandenberg took 
supper and spent the evening with us. 

Vandenberg is one of the coming men in the Senate 

as I have said before in these notes. A man of strong 
convictions and unusual aggressiveness, he has ability, 
patience and judgment. He is also unafraid. Naturally 
a man of gentlemanly instincts as well as perception, 
he is confronted by the problem which troubles all new- 
comers to the Senate. 

Shall one resort to the common method of forcing 
recognition in committee appointments or in getting 
anything else one wants there, by using the existing 
Senatorial powers of obstruction under the rules 
against the legislative plans or ambitions of others un- 
less they are granted? It is hard for one to get any- 
where quickly in the Senate unless he follows this course 

but one naturally shrinks from it. Vandenberg, how- 
ever, has the courage to do it when fighting for a bill 
purely in the public interest like the Reapportion- 
ment Bill, which he has now forced the steering com- 
mittee to place on the preferred list of subjects for 
consideration- Men less sensitive than he, who have 
come recently into the Senate, already have found 


ample space in the newspapers through obstructive 
tactics and are securing that unusual amount of kindly 
personal consideration in the Senate accorded to an 
unreasonableness which, displayed under the same cir- 
cumstances in a private association, would more than 
likely result in ostracism. 

The present Senate rules encourage and reward in 
public business the exercise of the selfish instincts of 
human nature as distinguished from those higher and 
unselfish qualities which are universally held admirable 
in other relationships. 

Then again, those rules not requiring relevancy in 
debate, nor allowing a majority of less than two thirds 
to close debate as in other great deliberative bodies, 
put at all times the public reputation and dignity of 
the United States Senate at the mercy of any audacious 
publicity-seeker in its membership. 

Washington, February 18, 1929. 

Very busy day. Presided over the Senate during a 
great debate upon prohibition by Senator Borah and 
Senator Reed, of Missouri, It was worthy of the Sen- 
ate of the old days. The galleries were crowded and 
the Senate floor well occupied while these Senators 
were speaking. 

Spent the morning before the session of the Senate 
with Arthur Leonard, a business associate of Chicago, 
going over important personal business matters. 

In these days of a strained credit situation in the 
country, the wise business man is making prepara- 
tions for a possible credit contraction of serious pro- 


portions. This will come at any time when there occurs 
any lack of general confidence, perhaps before. 

Men may talk of the new business conditions which 
make the old danger signals obsolete, but there is one 
unchangeable element in the situation, and that is hu- 
man nature. All human nature is subject to the law 
of reaction. With human nature in mind, one senses 
a coming reaction. When men have moved in a mass 
in one direction for a long time, under the influence 
of optimism, they always move in the opposite direc- 
tion when pessimistic. When the latter movement 
comes, credit sharply contracts and business slows 

My old friend, ex-Senator Atlee Pomerene, called 
and introduced his associate in the Government's oil 
prosecutions, Mr. Roberts. They have been very suc- 
cessful in this important work. Atlee and I were class- 
mates and members of a "Quiz Club" of seven in the 
Cincinnati Law School, and we have kept up our friend- 
ship for over forty years. 

He served two terms in the Senate of the United 
States, from Ohio, with great distinction, and I am 
glad to say has the same opinion of the Senate rules 
as I have. This he expressed in the Senate in a speech 
strongly condemning the rules, a speech made at the 
end of twelve years of observation of their effects on 
legislation and the Senate, 


We have just returned from a dinner given us by 
the Minister from Finland, Mr. Astrom. With the ex- 
ception of Justice Sanford, Senator Gofif and ourselves, 


all the guests were diplomats the Ambassadors from 
Germany and Cuba, and the Ministers from Holland, 
Austria, and Norway. 

These last days here are pretty strenuous for my 
wife who, in addition to her outside duties, is preparing 
to move our household back to Evanston; but she is 
equal to them. This afternoon, Mrs. Coolidge had her 
official family at tea at the White House to wit, 
the wife of the Vice President and the wives of the 
Cabinet officers probably their last gathering. I do 
not suppose any wife of any President ever made more 
friends in Washington than Mrs, Coolidge. Her depar- 
ture from official life causes general and sincere regret. 
Mrs. Dawes is very much attached to her. 

Washington, February 20, 1929. 

Presided over the Senate for a portion of the day, 

I have already made, perhaps, too many references 
to the rules in these notes. 

But the situation near the end of a short session is 
pitiable. Appropriation bills are pressing and In danger 
of not passing. Other bills are in a jam. Yet most of the 
day was devoted to irrelevant and time-consuming 
speeches made for ulterior purposes. Senators on the 
floor were claiming a filibuster was in progress against 
the Navy Appropriation Bill and charging bad faith. 

To get rid of the jam, "unanimous consent" requests 
were now and then made, but all t were objected to by 
a few individuals. 

These tactics, let it be said, do not result in the 
passage of less legislation! They are designed to se- 


cure modification and trades In legislation by individ- 
uals who must be satisfied before the hundreds of 
bills are passed by "unanimous consent" and without 
proper consideration in the last few days of the ses- 
sion. Senator Blease, for instance^ is preventing the 
passage of the bill providing for an additional fed- 
eral judge in lower New York to relieve an enormous 
congestion in the work of the Federal Court there, 
and other bills designed to relieve crowded federal 
dockets elsewhere. He will continue to block them 
unless he gets an additional federal judge in South 
Carolina. He makes no secret of this and -has the cour- 
age to avow his true purposes. This is but an open 
sample of much that is going on under cover. The ac- 
knowledged leaders of the Senate, constructive men, 

interested in expediting the passage of bills neces- 
sary for the proper conduct of government, are running 
here and there begging individuals to grant the major- 
ity of the Senate the power to act. 

The most determined obstructionists are fawned 
upon, cajoled, flattered anything to get their acqui- 
escence that the Senate may do its constitutional duty 

but so far in vain. It is a shameful spectacle and 
yet so common that it passes here as a matter of course. 

At some future day in a short session I hope that 
in the interest of partial reform at least a courageous 
senator will rise and announce a resolution changing 
the rules so as to provide, at least in the short session, 
majority cloture on revenue and appropriation bills 
alone. He will then announce that during that session 
he will object to all proposals to pass bills by "unani- 


mous consent" and will allow only revenue and appro- 
priation bills necessary to the life of the Government 
to escape whatever obstructive tactics he and his friends 
may devise under the unchanged rules this opposi- 
tion to cease if his resolution changing the rules is 

If he succeeds, at least revenue and appropriation 
bills cannot be used in the short sessions by the filibus- 
terers to force their private and sectional measures 
through secretly, as Senator Tillman once courageously 
did publicly to the tune of a $600,000 appropriation 
for South Carolina. 

If passed, this partial reform would make it impos- 
sible for individuals in the Senate at times to bring 
Congress and even the President to their knees by com- 
pelling the calling of an extra session of Congress as 
an alternative to yielding to their demands, 

Washington, February 21, 1929. 

As most of the day in the Senate was consumed by 
the filibusters I presided but a short time. The filibus- 
ter on the Navy Bill broke down under the threat of 
a night session and of the invoking of the two-thirds 
cloture rule. The number of opponents of the bill was 

It was, however, the knowledge that a two-thirds 
majority would vote for cloture that was effective. A 
majority of the Senate less than two thirds would 
have been impotent. The leaders now say that Senator 
Blease may have his South Carolina judge, and not- 
withstanding the adverse report of the Judiciary Com- 


mittee which has considered his bill it will pass by 
"unanimous consent." 

Late this afternoon bills were passed by the dozen 
under "unanimous consent/' Hundreds more will be 
passed in this way in the next few days. It Is the only 
way the Senate can get through its business. The bills, 
of course, cannot receive proper consideration by the 
Senate, for its time has been used up by the unlimited 
and irrelevant speechmakers during the past three 
months. What a way to legislate! 

My old friends keep coming to see me, and it occurs 
to me to paraphrase Balthasar Gracian and say: "It 
is the friends who greet one at exit, not entrance, who 
are important*" 

Washington, February 22, 1929. 

According to custom, on the birthday of Washing- 
ton, his Farewell Address was read at the opening of 
the day's session of the Senate by James A. Reed, Sen- 
ator from Missouri* 

The impressive way in which this wonderful address 
was read by Reed could not but have left his audience 
with increased admiration of its greatness and sound- 
ness. Historians tell us that the larger part of the ad- 
dress was written by Alexander Hamilton. This state- 
ment in no wise lessens respect for Washington, but 
increases respect for the versatility and genius of the 
brilliant young man whose constructive work laid the 
foundations of American finance. Without this immor- 
tal address, posterity never would have had a full ap- 


preclation of the true stature of the Father of his 

Presided over the Senate for much of the day ? and 
devoted the rest of It to work In my office on the Domin- 
ican problem. Got General Smither on the telephone 
at Lawrenceville ? Illinois, and secured his acceptance 
of a place In the commission. Called Colonel Roop by 
telephone at Chicago and likewise secured his agree- 
ment to serve, provided only that It did not interfere 
with his marriage in March. Decided to take as secre- 
tary of the Commission my faithful and able secretary, 
E. Ross Hartley, who has rendered me such Invaluable 
assistance during the last four years. 

Sumner Welles called, bringing with him the memo- 
randum of the situation In Santo Domingo and Its gov- 
ernment which I had requested him to formulate. This 
proved to be an illuminating and concise document dem- 
onstrating high capacity, thorough knowledge and com- 
mon sense on the part of Welles. Sumner Welles was 
formerly Chief of the Latin-American Division of the 
Department of State of the United States and later 
American Commissioner to the Dominican Republic, 
which in his history he has named "Naboth^s Vineyard/ 1 
His high reputation for ability 7 of which I have fre- 
quently heard, is fully sustained by my contacts with 
him the last few days, 

Washington, February 23 ? 1929. 

I had a complete surprise this afternoon when Henry 
M. Robinson, a close friend of Mr, Hoover^ and repre- 
senting him, called at the Capitol to ask whether I 


would accept ? if tendered, the appointment of Ambas- 
sador to the Court of St. James's. Robinson spoke of 
the opportunity for usefulness in connection with inter- 
national disarmament matters and the new diplomatic 
status which all hope has been created by the Kellogg 
Treaty. When one reaches my age in life and but a few 
years ? at niost ? are available for allotment of its re- 
maining activities, he should not make hasty decisions, 
Yet the most important decisions I have heretofore 
made have been of that variety. 

However, this thing involves such a radical recasting 
of plans already made, that I will let my subconscious 
mind work over it until Wednesday , anyway. 

My important decisions were all immediate: to go 
from Marietta to the Cincinnati Law School; to go 
from Marietta to Lincoln^ and from Lincoln to Chi- 
cago; to go to the war^ and to take up the Budget 
work under Harding, 

Of course the tender may never be made. Politics 
are always uncertain* 

Washington, Feb. 24, 1929. 

Yesterday in the Senate there was a public surrender 
by that body to an individual Senator using the obstruc- 
tive power under the rales * 

I attach the account of it in this morning's Washing- 
ton Post. 

Senator Blease ? of South Carolina, demonstrated to the Senate 
yesterday that when a member of Congress wants something for 
Ms State badly enough he sometimes runs a pretty fair chance of 

getting it. 


The South Carolina Democrat took advantage of every parlia- 
mentary rule available to Senators to prevent the passage of six 
important judgeship bills until the Senate was willing to include 
his own state in the list. 

His stubborn opposition, evidenced through the greater part of 
the session to the passage of any judgeship bills unless one for an 
additional Federal judge in South Carolina also was approved, 
finally forced the Senate to meet his demands yesterday and 
thereupon he immediately withdrew his protest; the whole lot 
was passed. 

Some time ago the Senate judiciary committee approved bills 
for additional judgeships in various parts of the country but re- 
ported adversely on Senator Blease's bill for another judge in 
South Carolina, 

Every argument was used on the Senator to let the others pass 
but he was unmoved. To-day at the request of Senator Robinson, 
of Arkansas, the Democratic leader, the Senate agreed to let 
Blease's bill through and in less than five minutes all of the other 
pending bills were approved, 

In addition to the South Carolina judgeship, the measures ap- 
proved included a Federal judge for the middle district of Penn- 
sylvania, one additional for South Dakota, three additional for the 
southern district of New York, one additional for the ninth judi- 
cial circuit, one additional for the eastern district of New York and 
also a bill dividing the eighth judicial circuit and creating a tenth 

The Pennsylvania and eastern New York bills went to the 
House. The others were sent to President Coolidge, 

The last week of the session commences to-morrow 
and the work of passing bills in the open Senate by 
"unanimous consent" and without proper consideration 
will go merrily on. Twenty-two bills and two joint reso- 
lutions were thus passed in one evening last week, when 
"unobjected bills" were considered. Ten minutes to a 


bill is much more than the average time the Senate 
gives to a measure in passing it at one of these sessions. 
And yet because of the fundamental defect in proce- 
dure under the rules, by which the Senate cannot con- 
trol its own time, this method of passing bills is the 
only one under which the Senate can function. At one 
of these sessions, when the calendar is called "for un- 
objected bills", at which most of the bills are passed, 
the Senate is no longer a "deliberative body" as a mat- 
ter of course. 

This afternoon Senator Burton of Ohio and his niece, 
the Spanish Ambassador, Mr. Pidilla, his wife, and the 
Netherlands Minister, Mr. Van Royen, and his wife 
called on us at the house. Showed Pidilla the report of 
the Smithsonian Institution upon the proposed search in 
Spain of Mayan and Aztec literature. He offers letters 
of introduction to the representative of the Institution 
who will go to Spain, 

Washington, February 25, 1929. 

Occupied the chair of the Senate but a short time 
to-day, for a multiplicity of matters kept me at the 
office. There are many trained and eager substitutes 
who are ready to perform my public work here, espe- 
cially when the galleries, as at present, are full, but 
none are available for my personal duties, 

Am considering, of course, the possibility of a tender 
of the Ambassadorship to Great Britain, but must keep 

my promise to President Vasquez of the Dominican 
Republic, whatever may be its effect. 


Robinson's statement that Houghton wishes to retire 
In March and other reasons of which I know nothing 
may make It necessary to appoint a new man at once 
to take his place. In this event I will have to forgo 
the appointment or break my promise, upon the keep- 
ing of which the Dominican Government Is setting 
great store. This I will state to Hoover when I see him 

Spent some time considering some very Intelligent 
memoranda of Sumner Welles on the Dominican situ- 


Was Interrupted here by a call from my friend of 
war days in France^ the Grand Duke Alexander of 
Russia, the brother-in-law of the late Czar. He called 
at the house this morning after I had left for the Senate, 
and his day not yet finished has been consumed 
by a lunch ; a lecture, a dinner and some function later 
to-night arranged by the "society" people who have 
him in tow. He leaves early In the morning. He Is a 
cultured gentleman who has sounded the gamut of 
life's joys and anguish. Seventeen of his near relatives 
have been killed by the Bolsheviks, When at Paris five 
years ago he discussed with Young and myself the 
question of coming to America to lecture, and to-night 
he said he had come to report. Eleven years ago, during 
the war, when I first met Mm In France, he had just 
escaped from Russia nd was in the depths* To-day he 
is happy again. One of his boys, he tells me, is clerking 
at Marshall Field's in Chicago, and one is employed In 


a brokerage house IB New York. His lecture tour has 

been a success. 

Washington, February 26, 1929. 

The Senate this afternoon is debating in unlimited 
fashion the location for a market site in Washington, 
over which there is a conflict of local interests frit- 
tering away time over a place to sell spinach, as one 
Senator said, with other bills of great importance in 
the existing legislative jam. 

Bills can pass now only by "unanimous consent", 
except possibly the one under consideration at present 
on the market site and the few still in conference be- 
tween the two houses of Congress. 

Having received this morning from Henry M, Robin- 
son a letter written yesterday in which he said he was 
leaving Washington "but would try to get in touch 
with me from Chicago on Wednesday afternoon by 
telephone with the idea of receiving a favorable re- 
ply/ I realized that I could not answer Robinson with- 
out going over the Dominican matter with Hoover, 
Accordingly my secretary, Hartley, telephoned for an 
appointment, which brought an invitation to lunch. 
This included Mrs, Dawes, who went with me to meet 
Mr, and Mrs, Hoover but left immediately as she was 
to preside over a luncheon of the Senators' wives at 
which Mrs. Coolidge was to be present. I had a frank 
talk with the President-elect, telling Mm of my promise 
to go to Santo Domingo which I would have to keep 
and adding that if it was not inconsistent with fulfill- 
ment of the promise and if it should transpire that 


he wished me to go to England, I should be glad to 
accept. He replied that he hoped to be able to appoint 
me after seeing Stimson, who will arrive in about a 
month, and that the Dominican visit could be made 
in any event. 

Having from long experience come to realize the 
vicissitudes of the political status quo ? I told him 
to feel no embarrassment on my account if circum- 
stances led him to select someone else. He talked for 
a considerable time about our relations with Great 
Britain, and somewhat In detail In regard to the naval 
disarmament negotiation. He mentioned the difficulty 
he was having in inducing men of large affairs and of 
unusual administrative and executive qualifications to 
accept appointment to the Cabinet saying that three 
recently had declined to be considered In view of the 
treatment accorded nominations by the Senate, treat- 
ment which amounts to a trial before the public on ex 
parte evidence and upon any charge an enemy chooses 
to make. He evidently has had much trouble in getting 
together a cabinet of the high standard of personnel 
which he desires. 

Our conversation and lunch, at which we were joined 
by Mrs. Hoover, occupied almost an hour and a faalf- 

Washrngton, February 23 ? 1929* 

Had a talk with Senator Borah whom I am keeping 
informed as to Santo Domingo purposes- He is chair- 
man of the Foreign Relations Committee and I want 
them to understand In advance the nature of our work. 
Trouble Is not unknown in this republic, and In case 


we encounter any I prefer to have our case understood 
In advance. 

Washington, February 27, 1929. 
At the Capitol Evening. 

Am spending the evening alternately in my office 
and in the chair of the Senate while that body, tangled 
in the web of Its rules, flounders helplessly, Arthur 
Vandenberg, deprived of the vote on the Reapportion- 
ment Bill by a minority filibuster, in a masterful and 
eloquent speech upon the Reapportionment Bill, inci- 
dentally paid his respects to the Senate rules which 
enable individuals to prevent Congress from carrying 
out a constitutional mandate expressed in its first ar- 
ticle. But "what is the Constitution among friends" of 
the Senate rules and their obstructive powers? The 
Senate is a paradise on earth for the congenital trouble- 

Have had a most busy day. 

Sumner Welles took lunch with me and we talked 
over procedure in the Dominican matter. I cabled ex- 
Senator James W. Wadsworth at Honolulu inviting 
him to become a member of the Commission. 

Decided on March 25 as the date we would start for 
Santo Domingo- 
Collected and studied some Budget Bureau material 
covering its administration after my departure from 
its directorship. Cabled Seidemann of the Institute of 
Government Research, now working as an, expert in 
Puerto Rico, asking him to serve on the Commission. 
Was interrupted here by the one ring of the bell 
in my office ? signifying that a vote of the Senate was 


in progress. I went into the Chamber across the hall 
expecting to take the chair,, but was informed that 
the vote was upon an "appeal from the decision of the 
Chair" then occupied by a Senator, who had ruled 
that an amendment to an appropriation bill which 
provided $48,000 for a summer White House was out 
of order. The vote by two to one overruled the Sen- 
ator's decision. 

When I took the chair in his place,, as I would 
have done earlier except that his ruling was the issue, 
he whispered to me that he had ruled the amend- 
ment out of order because Hoover had expressed him- 
self to him as against the idea of a summer White 
House. This illustrates what happens to the Chair 
when he is moved in his rulings by any other purpose 
than to faithfully interpret in them the parliamentary 
laws involved. 


Have been in the chair listening to the filibustering 
speeches droned out by the obstructionists. A humili- 
ating spectacle is presented by this powerful body, 
helpless of relief from an absurd situation except by 
the sheer wearing out of the physical strength of those 
determined that the majority of the Senate should be 
denied its rights. It is a travesty on common sense and 
an outrage upon American institutions* 

Am now going to sleep on the sofa in my office be- 
neath Peale's portrait of George Washington, who was 
an exponent of direct action a sleep which will be 
subject to interruption, but affording relief from the 
sight of grown men acting like spoiled children. 


1:35 A.M. February 28, 1929. 

My fitful slumber has been disturbed during the last 
hour and a half by the quorum calls announced each 
time by two rings of the bell in my office. Curiosity 
as to what was going on led me to arise at the last 
bell and re-enter the chamber of the "greatest deliber- 
ative body on earth, n 

The Senators were resting uneasily but, thank 
Heaven, quietly in their seats, having sent out the 
Sergeant at Arms to arrest Senators who have not an- 
swered the roll call a quorum not being present 
among the disgusted deserters- 

When these recalcitrants are brought in they will 
listen to a continuance of driveling and irrelevant talk. 
It may be said that under these circumstances in every 
other "great deliberative body" on earth a majority 
would immediately vote to close the debate and take 
a vote. 

Will now go back to the Senate lobby and listen to 
the possible profanity of the arrested Senators as they 
are brought in. This is to me one of the few pleasant 
incidents of such proceedings. 

2:15 A.M. 

Have returned from the Senate Chamber to write a 
few more lines. As I sat with Senators Deneen and 
Glenn of Illinois in the almost deserted Senate Cham- 
ber a Senator came to us with this statement: "We 
think we can get them (the four or five filibustering 
Senators) to agree to a vote at some time to-morrow 
if we will agree to recess until eleven o'clock to-mor- 
row. What do you think of it?" 


My reply was "Lie down, of course. It Is much more 
important to let them have their own way than annoy 
them by even suggesting that the Senate majority has 
any rights. And be sure and speak pleasantly to them 
and slap them on their backs in a friendly way* Then 
they won't feel resentment that they are asked to make 
a concession/ 1 
The Senator walked away. 
I will now return to the Senate. 

Later: 2:30 A.M. 

When I reached there, the Senators were standing 
in the middle of the Chamber gathered around the 
chief filibustered who was laying down the conditions 
upon which the business of the Senate could proceed 

All demands as to the allotment of time to-morrow 
on the pending bill were finally granted by "unanimous 
consent", and the Senate recessed at 2:45 A.M. until 
11 A.M. to-day* 

Later at home, 3:15 A.M. 

Against a background of forty years of correct par- 
liamentary procedure, instead of that which has ex- 
isted for that time in this body, the performances in 
the Senate this week would have justly aroused national 
sentiment, but they will cause only passing comment 
such are the effects of habit upon public psychology. 

Vice Is a monster of so frightful mien 
As to be hated needs but to be seen; 
Yet seen too oft, familiar with her face, 
We first endure, then pity, then embrace. 


And so to bed. 

Occupied the chair of the Senate for only a short 
portion of the day session. Called Senator Bingham to 
the chair for the call of the calendar of unobjected 
bills. This occupied about three hours. My estimate is 
that about one hundred and seventy bills were passed 
by "unanimous consent" I will insert the exact figures 

In other words, the so-called deliberative body passed 
bills at the rate of about one per minute for three hours. 
In the general confusion at the end of the calling of 
the calendar Senator David Reed sharply protested 
against efforts to pass bills which had never even been 
referred to a Committee and by an objection blocked 
one of this nature. The sort of thing occurring this 
afternoon is what creates multiplicity of laws, and it 
is the rules which create the situation. 

(From an article by Charles G. Dawes in the Saturday 
Evening Post of November 28, 1925, on "Reform of 

the Senate Rules.") 

That the right of obstruction by minorities in the Senate, made 

possible by the rules, not only impresses personal interests upon 
public legislation but contributes to multiplicity of laws is unmis- 
takable. The figures prove that any body which at times must 
grant concessions to individual members in order to secure the 
right to act as a whole will pass more laws in proportion than a 
body not under that handicap, as well as modify the bills passed in 
many instances in a way not in the public interest, 

In the last five Congresses the Senate bills and resolutions passed 
by the Senate, with ninety-six members, exceeded by 182 the 
House bills and resolutions passed by the House, with 435 mem- 


bers. The exact figures are 3113 for the Senate and 2931 for the 


But more significant than this, as evidence of the inevitable 
exactions of selfish human nature when given a chance, and the 
effect in forcing favorable reports on bills in Committee^ referred 
to by Senator Thomas, is the fact that the Senate, without ma- 
jority cloture, passed these 3113 bills and resolutions out of a total 
of 29,332 introduced, while the House, with majority cloture, 
passed its smaller number of 2931 out of a total of S2>632 intro- 

During the last five Congresses, therefore, the Senate passed 
10.5 per cent of the bills and resolutions introduced in the Senate, 
while the House of Representatives passed only 3.5 per cent of the 
bills and resolutions introduced in the House. In other words, of 
bills and resolutions introduced, the Senate, without effective 
cloture, passed in proportion three times as many as did the House 
of Representatives, with cloture. 

As further proof, if any is necessary, that filibustering con- 
tributes to multiplicity of laws, it may be stated that it has caused 
flie President to call, during the last eight sessions of Congress, 
seven extra sessions. No one can contend that more laws were not 
passed in the twenty-three sessions actually held than if only the 
sixteen regular sessions had been held. As a matter of fact, in these 
extra sessions a total of 386 laws and 99 public resolutions were 
passed. Again, as a result of filibustering, not only more laws are 
passed but the laws which are passed often do not receive due 

Later: February 28, 1929. 

One hundred and eighty-four bills and four resolutions 
were passed by the Senate. The session began at 1 1 A.M. 
and ended at 7:30 P.M. 

Almost all were passed after 4 P.M., when the calen- 
dar was taken up ; and within a period of three and one 
half hours. This is at the rate of nearly one bill a 
minute. A very deliberative body, indeed! 


At Capitol, March 1st, 1929. 

Busy day. Office filled with visitors, many of them 
here for the inauguration. Went through a "movie- 
tone" performance with Senator Curtis. The Senators 
are calling to chat and say good-bye. Was in the chair 
occasionally, but what seems to be a one-man filibuster 
is in progress. One Senator, now speaking, has been 
speaking for three hours on the radio bill, completely 
tying up the Senate, confronted as it was with most im- 
portant business which must remain neglected until 
the rights of "free speech" are fully recognized. 

Sumner Welles called with a copy of the cable from 
President Vasquez, including the form of the invitation 
which will be sent to me from Santo Domingo prob- 
ably to-morrow* 

Gave President Vasquez the following names for 
the Commission thus far decided upon by me: Harbord, 
Welles, Smither, Roop, Seidemann, T. W. Robinson, 
Wadsworth, and E. Ross Bartley as secretary. An in- 
clusion in President Vasquez* invitation of "municipal" 
governments in addition to the Dominican Government 
will make it necessary to add another member or two. 

Later: 7:30 P.M. 

The Senate has been forced to take an unusual and 
distasteful (to it) step in an endeavor to invoke a two- 
thirds clofrure vote on the Radio Commission Bill. 
Under Rule XXII, a two-thirds majority may hinder ob- 
structive debate and have the question, "Is it the sense 
of the Senate that the debate shall be brought to a 
close?" put to the Senate one hour after the convening 


of the Senate on the day after one intervening calendar 
day. This effort has now been inaugurated by the filing 
of a notice with the Chair signed by sixteen Senators 
as provided by the rule. 

The presiding officer and two Senators, besides the 
speaking Senator and the Senator employees, are the 
only people on the Senate floor. Only two and a frac- 
tion days of the session remain* A great mass of un- 
finished and important business is before the Senate, 
The rights of a great government are being set aside ? 
in order that one man now entering his fourth hour of 
speaking may continue as long as he desires, 

Any majority less than two thirds is absolutely shut 
out of its rights to end this intolerable situation, and 
even a two-thirds majority may not do so for two days y 
plus the time that ninety-six Senators may take to 
speak, in addition to the two days each of them hav- 
ing the right to consume one hour. 

Later; 8: 20 P.M. 

A second filibustering Senator has relieved the first 
one, who is said to be out recuperating so as to be able 
to come back and start another speech. In the mean- 
time, the representatives of the majority empowered 
by the Constitution to end such nonsense sit limply and 
helplessly in their seats, gossiping with each other as 
to when these one or two individuals will allow them 
to transact the Government's business. 

The galleries are full. A travesty upon good govern- 
ment in the Senate is regarded as an amusement rival- 
ing a picture show. I wonder what the dignified fore- 


bears of the present Senate would think could they 
look down upon this body to-night, stripped of all dig- 
nity save its material surroundings? 

Later: 9:30 P.M. 

The Senate surrendered (as usual in such cases in 
the short session) to the two filibustering Senators. 
The concession in legislation, for which they consented 
to cease talking, was a shortening of two months and 
sixteen days in the extension of the time of the powers 
of the Federal Radio Commission, fixing it until De- 
cember 31, 1929, instead of March 16, as originally 
provided by the bill under consideration. 

Later: 10:00 P.M. 

The Senate recessed until 11:00 A.M. to-morrow. 
During the calendar day of March 1, 1929, the Senate 
passed forty-three bills and one resolution. The session 
began at 11:00 A.M. and ended at 10:41 P.M., or eleven 
hours and forty-one minutes. Thirty-seven of these 
bills were passed in the forty minutes preceding the 
close of the day's session. Very deliberate. 


Washington, March 3, 1929. 

YESTERDAY I had no time to make any notes, the day 
was so crowded with a diversity of experiences. When- 
ever I was not in the chair, my office was crowded with 
friends to say good-by. 

But the day was made memorable to me by the col- 
lective farewell of the Senate to me in the afternoon 
and that of the Gridiron Club in the evening. 

In the Senate, after a quorum call to which eighty- 
eight Senators responded, an unusually large num- 
ber ? _ on motion a recess of thirty minutes was taken, 
all remaining in their seats. Then Senator Robinson, 
for the Democrats, and Senator Moses, for the Repub- 
licans, paid me tributes for my services in the chair, 
presenting a silver tray on behalf of the individual 
members of the Senate. 

I am not unduly depressed by censure, as Balfour 
says, and hope I am not unduly elated by praise but 
these two speeches and the approval with which they 
were greeted completely upset me emotionally. Real- 
izing that I should be unable to reply personally, I had 
the presence of mind to write a few words of grateful 
acknowledgment and hand them to John Crockett, the 
reading clerk, to read. 


The trumpetlike tones of John's voice, to which we 
are so accustomed, had vanished when he read it, much 
to my disappointment. It was not until after the session 
when he came to me that I realized that old John was 
shedding tears when he read it. 

I insert the Congressional Record verbatim report of 
the proceedings: 

Calling of the Roll 

Mr, Moses. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum. 
The Vice President. The Secretary will call the roll. 

The Vice President, Eighty-eight Senators having answered to 
their names, a quorum is present. 


Mr* Watson (at 2 o'clock and 37 minutes KM.) . I move that the 
Senate take a recess for a period not exceeding thirty minutes. 
The Vice President. The motion was agreed and a recess was 


(Presentation of Silver Tray to the Vice President) 

Mr. Robinson, of Arkansas. Mr. President, the Senate has 
paused during a very busy session to pay respect to its Presiding 
Officer, who is about to retire. 

The functions of a presiding officer in any legislative assembly 
are in some respects quasi-judicial. This is substantially true of the 
duties of the President of the Senate of the United States. He is 
frequently called upon to construe the rules of this body in cases 
where sharp conflicts arise respecting their true application. 

Every Senator knows the difficulty in harmonizing Senate prece- 
dents, many of them having been made by majority vote of the 
Senate in legislative emergencies in times of excitement. 

Mr, President, during the four years that you have served as 


Vice President, no Instance Is recalled in which your decision has 
been reversed on appeal by vote of the Senate, In this respect the 
record is without parallel. Remembering that on numerous occa- 
sions during these four years this Chamber has been the scene of 
fierce debates, participated in by skilled parliamentarians, it is 
surprising that you, being without judicial experience, have 
avoided successful challenge for error in decision. 

It must be pleasing to you in this hour to be assured, by one 
with some degree of responsibility, by the Senators opposed to 
the political organization with which you have been affiliated, that 
only unlimited confidence in your impartiality has made such a 
triumph, such a record, possible. 

No mere intelligence, however great, if influenced by partisan 
or personal favoritism, could produce such conclusive evidence of 
the respect and good will of the Democrats and Republicans with 
whom you have worked during the last four years. 

Fairness and promptness have marked your conduct. Firmness 
and justice have characterized your decisions, This declaration is 
believed to express the conviction of every Senator, 

To the tribute respecting the high standard of your official con- 
duct, another should be added a tribute which cannot fail to 
Inspire in your own breast sentiments of pride and gratification. 
You enjoy the friendship, the affectionate esteem, of all with 
whom you have been associated here Members, Officials, and 
Employees of the Senate, 

Clarity of thought, generosity of disposition, and decisiveness 
are indeed a fortunate combination of traits which have endeared 
you to us all. 

Success in the realm of business had already crowned your 
efforts before you were elected Vice President of the United States, 
Following the World War, in which you served with distinction 
and courage, the Dawes Commission, of which you were per- 
manent Chairman, performed a service of distinct and perma- 
nent value to the world and particularly to the nations of 

As a present proof and a future reminder of the sentiments so 


Imperfectly expressed in these remarks the members of the Senate, 
every one of them has cheerfully contributed to a gift which is both 
useful and beautiful. 

We present to you a silver tray, selected with especial thought 
of Mrs, Dawes, whose charm and modesty have won the love of 
every one in official life in Washington, as well as of thousands in 
other spheres. (Applause.) 

Mr, Moses. Mr. President, the period of parting which is in- 
separable from public life, comes here to us again, and with it 
brings a feeling of sadness which we do not attempt to disguise. 

There is to be sure, some sense of satisfaction as we reflect upon 
the friendships engendered by association here, upon the tasks in 
which we have been permitted to share, and upon the accomplish- 
ments which we have produced for the good of our country. These 
reflections of satisfaction, sir, will rest In our minds as we think of 
you, as we shall often in the days when you have gone from us in 
this chamber. 

We are not willing that the matter should rest in memory alone. 
We wish you to have from us a symbol of the affection and esteem 
with which we regard you and shall continue to regard you. We 
ask you, therefore, to take with you this gift, the glad offering of 
all the members of the Senate. Let it be to you a reminder of those 
associations which the thoughts of the years, we trust, may make 
more tender and strong, and with it we ask you to take our warm- 
est and constant wishes of length of years, infinity of happiness 
and renewed opportunities for public service such as you have al- 
ways rendered, and in which the fine and endearing qualities which 
have so cemented our friendships here shall be a signal element in 
all the years which remain to you. (Applause.) 

The Chief Clerk, Mr. John C. Crockett, read the response of 
the Vice President, as follows: 

Senators, I had intended to reply personally, but I find that I 
cannot trust myself to do it. 

My dear friends, you have done a very generous and kindly act. 
You have done me a great honor, I thank you from the bottom 
of my heart. 


The Senate was called to order by the Vice President at 2 o'clock 

and SO minutes KM 
Mr. Fess. Mr. President, I move that the proceedings during 

the period of the recess be made a part of our record. 
The motion was agreed to. 

Senator Borah ? over the radio last night, in a chain 
broadcast, paid me the honor of a tribute which will 
ever be to my children a family heritage. This I in- 

There is a feature of the inauguration which is of peculiar in- 
terest to some of us. It brings about many changes which we 
record with regret. In a few fleeting hours the Seventieth Congress 
will pass into history. Our proceedings here for weal or for woe 
will soon take their place among the records which are closed and 
laid away. Like all things human, the story has its disappoint- 
ments as well as its triumphs that strange mingling of failures 
and success which makes up life, But therein is found the weakness 
as well as the strength of a democracy. We tolerate its weaknesses 
that we may enjoy its glory. 

Associations here bite deep into the channel of our lives ~ con- 
tacts are formed and leave impressions which end only with the 
grave. It may seem to the outside world ? judging by surface indi- 
cations, that the burdens and the care and the associations here 
pass with the work of the day. We who are participants know dif- 
ferent. Responsibility carries to every waking hour both its con- 
scious and unconscious admonitions and spurs all to their highest 
endeavors. No man worthy of this trust can be indifferent to the 
things which are expected of him. The ending of a Congress means 
much, therefore, to those who are members. 

Over the Senate of this Congress and the preceding Congress 
there has presided one of the most distinguished of living Ameri- 
cans a man high in the confidence and esteem of Ms countrymen 
long before he became the presiding officer of this body. Of Ms 
career and Ms distinction generally there is no occasion perhaps at 


this time to speak. But of him as a presiding officer, there is occa- 
sion to speak. His uniform courtesy, a stranger to favoritism or 
to partisanship, his keen interest in the great problems before us, 
his acknowledged and exceptional ability these are the things 
which have won the respect of and endeared him to every member 
of the Senate. It may well be understood what an inspiration is 
found in the standing and high character of such a presiding offi- 
cer. Not one of us but will cherish in memory our association with 
one who has brought to this position a life already rich in experi- 
ence and great achievements. 

We take leave of him with a deep affection and with a sense of 
gratitude which will go with us through the rest of our lives. We 
want him to rest assured, and we want the country to know, that 
he carries away with him the best wishes of all with whom he has 
been associated, for his continued health and happiness and for 
many years of increased usefulness and service to his country. 

In the evening another kindness was accorded me in 
a dinner given by the full Gridiron Club at which the 
only outsiders were my secretary Ross Bartley, and 

It was conducted much along the same lines as a 
public affair of the club, until at the end my old friend 
of thirty-one years, Harry Hall, now a prominent pub- 
lisher of Pittsburgh, stood before me and delivered a 
speech of friendship on behalf of the club, closing by 
presenting me with a large gridiron engraved as the 
gift of the club. I replied to this speech as best I could. 

To me this dinner, given by this great organization, 
was one of the distinctive honors of my life. 


Evanston, Illinois, March 6, 1929. 

IT Is at home again, as a private citizen, before the 
fire In my library, that I record this evening the closing 
day of my official life at Washington, at the end of 
which, with the Senate staff, including the pages, bid- 
ding us farewell at the depot, Mrs. Dawes and 1 took 
the tram for Chicago. 

The form my farewell address to the Senate should 
take was a matter of some concern to me. With the Sen- 
ators individually, my relation In general was that of 
a sincere friend. That body had adjourned for half an 
hour Saturday to do me honor, and tributes had been 
made to me and my conduct of the chair which were 
unusual and had deeply affected me. Yet I could not, 
of course, neglect my only remaining opportunity to 
restate briefly my attitude and convictions as to the 
defective Senate rules. If I dld^ It was unconditional 
surrender. If I did not, and again forced It emphatically 
upon public attention, at least I should have done my 
full duty to the issue I myself raised with the Senate, 

But after what they had done to express a cordial 
regard for me 3 It was psychology neither from the pub- 
lic standpoint nor that of my Immediate and most dis- 
tinguished audience to fail to show the same spirit to- 
ward them. To accomplish this without lessening the 


force and impresslveness of a last attack upon the rules 
In their Senatorial stronghold was the problem; and, in 
an attempt to solve this, it seems evident from the 
press and other comment that I succeeded. 

For the first time in the history of the Senate, the 
microphone for a nationwide broadcasting by radio of 
the speeches and proceedings there was upon the desk 

of the President of the Senate. 

On the morning of the fourth of March I proceeded 
to the Vice President's chambers across from the Sen- 
ate Hall, arriving at ten-thirty o'clock. There I found 

the new Cabinet of President-elect Hoover not there 
to pay their respects to me, though they did so, but 
because every room around the Senate Chamber was 
used as a rendezvous for some distinguished official 
group waiting to make their entry into the Senate 
Chamber for the exercises attending the inauguration 
of the new Vice President and the exit of the old one. 

At eleven o'clock, I took the chair and convened the 
Senate which took up the unfinished business of the 
day before until about quarter to twelve, when the 
ceremonial procedure commenced. 

The insertion here of the printed program for the 
inaugural ceremonies and an extract from the Congres- 
sional Record of March 4 will best cover the important 
events then ensuing, as well as the final exit of Presi- 
dent and Mrs, Coolidge and Mrs. Dawes and myself, 
wMdb. occurred at the inauguration stand in front of 
the Capitol Immediately upon the conclusion of the 
address of President Hoover, 


Executive Message from the President 

The Vice President. As in Executive Session, the Chair lays be- 
fore the Senate a certain message in writing from the President of 
the United States which will lie on the table* 

The time has come when the Senate will receive the Speaker 
and Members of the House of Representatives, and debate is 

Guests of the Senate 

At 1 1 o'clock and 45 minutes A.M., the First Assistant Sergeant 
at Arms of the Senate (Carl A. Loeffler) announced the Speaker 
of the House of Representatives and the members of the House of 

The Speaker and the Members of the House occupied the seats 
reserved for them. 

A few minutes later the Ambassadors Extraordinary, Envoys 
Plenipotentiary, Ministers Plenipotentiary and Charg6 d'Affaires 
ad interim to the United States were announced and escorted to 
the seats provided for them. 

The members of the President 7 s cabinet were announced by the 
Second Assistant Sergeant at Arms (Edwin A. Halsey) and shown 
to the seats assigned to them. 

The Chief of Staff of the Army, the Chief of Naval Operations, 
and the Commandant of the Marine Corps and their aides were 
announced, respectively, and shown to the seats provided for them, 

The Chief Justice of the United States and the Associate Jus- 
tices of the Supreme Court of the United States were announced 
and escorted to the seats provided for them, 

Soon thereafter the Sergeant at Arms (David S. Barry) an* 
nounced Charles Curtis, of Kansas, the Vice President-elect, ac- 
companied by the Chairman and members of the Joint Committee 
on arrangements, consisting of Senator George H. Moses, of New 
Hampshire, Chairman; Senator Frederick Hale, of Maine; Sena- 
tor Lee S. Overman, of North Carolina; Representative Bertrand 
H, Snell, of New York; Representative Leontidas C* Dyer, of 


Missouri; and Representative Edward W, Pou, of North Carolina. 

The Vice President-elect was seated on the left of the Vice 

Several minutes before noon the Sergeant at Arms announced 
the President of the United States, accompanied by the Chairman 
and Members of the Joint Committee on arrangements. The Presi- 
dent of the United States was seated in the space in front of the 
Secretary's desk. 

The Sergeant at Arms then announced Herbert Hoover, of Cali- 
fornia, President-elect of the United States, accompanied by the 
chairman and members of the Joint Committee on arrangements. 

The President-elect was seated on the left of the President of 
the United States, the Chairman and members of the Joint Com- 
mittee on arrangements occupying the seats on either side. 

Administration of Oath 

The Vice President administered the oath of office prescribed by 
law to the Vice President-elect. 

Address of Vice President Dawes 

The Vice President. In a few minutes it will be the last official 
duty which I am to perform to adjourn the Senate of the Seventieth 
Congress of the United States. 

The passing of a Congress is but an incident in the life of our 
great Republic, now entering the 140th year of its existence, never 
stronger in that which is its greatest bulwark, the love and devo- 
tion of a united and a happy people. But to many in this Senate 
Chamber, it means the breaking of close ties formed by the associ- 
ation of years in a common endeavor, human ties, whose strength 
is never realized until the time of their sundering is at hand. 

I want to express my heartfelt gratitude to the members of the 
Senate, and to the members of the Senate Staff; and especially to 
Mr. Charles L. Watkins, the parliamentarian of the Senate, for his 
invaluable aid to me; and for the courtesy and the kindness and 
the consideration, and the generosity, with which you have all 
treated me. 


1 have tried to be worthy as best I could, and in the occupancy 
of this chair I have never consciously deviated from the duty 
which inseparably attaches to it, that of impartiality in partisan, 
personal, and sectional differences. 

At the time of parting between friends, there is no place for 
acrimony, and I assure you there is none in my heart. But I could 
not be true to myself and to my conception of the duties of this 
position if as I leave it for the last time, when, if ever, disinter- 
estedness should characterize my convictions, I did not speak 
again of the collective error of this great and powerful branch 
of the government. Alone of all the great deliberative bodies of 
the world, the Senate of the United States, under its rules, has 
parted with the power to allot its time to the consideration of the 
subjects before it in accordance with their relative importance* 
This defect of procedure is fundamental, 1 take back nothing. 

To my successor in office, my dear friend and the dear friend of 
us all, Senator Curtis, I wish the great success which his fine char- 
acter, his ability and his long experience in this body makes certain. 

I declare the Senate of the Seventieth Congress adjourned 
sine die. 




ABBOTT, DR. CHARLES G., 196, 253 
Agua Fria, New Mexico, 96, 98, 99 
Alexander, Grand Duke of Russia, 


Alfonso, Infante Don, 169-171 
Allen, John C, 259, 260 
Allenby, General Sir Edmund 

H. R, 140-143 
Allies, 41, 75, 76, 77, 114, 146, 

156, 202, 266 
Allison, Senator W. B., 17 
Alvaro, Infante Don, 170 
American Expeditionary Forces, 9, 

10-11, 14, 35-37, 39, 131, 137, 


American flag, 25, 26, 31, 269-270 
American Legion, 26, 74 
American National Red Cross, 158 
American relations with Great 

Britain, 105, 296 
American Revolution, 42 
American Society of Mechanical 

Engineers, 158 

American Society of Military En- 
gineers, 233 
Amundsen, Roald, 243 
Argonne, battle of the, 202, 214 
Aripvistus, 119 
Arlington Memorial Bridge, 5, 

Armistice Ball, Plasa Hotel, N. Y., 


Army Bill, 271 

Army War College, 36, 39, 238 
Ashurst, Senator Henry F., 191, 


Associated Press, 61, 150 
Astrom, L,, minister from Finland, 


Atkinson, Mr. and Mrs. Charles, 


Atlanta, Ga., 14, 61 
Aubreville, 132 
Augusta, Maine, 23-24 
Austria, financial rehabilitation of, 


Aviation, 149, 189, 282 
Aztec literature, 253, 293 

BALDWIN, STANLEY, 32, 102, 103, 

106, 107, 134 
Balfour, Arthur J., 1st Earl of, 

Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, 145, 

164, 165, 171, 279 
Barkley, Senator Alben W., 178 
Barry, David S., 314 
Bartley, E. Ross, secretary to Gen- 
eral Dawes, 150, 290, 295, 303, 


Beach, Chandler B., 74 
Beatrix, Infanta Dona, 169 
Bennett, James O'Donnell, 45 
Billings, Dr. Frank, 143 
Bingham, Senator Hiram, 178, 

232, 301 

Birmingham, Ala., 61 
Black Hand, 27 
Blackett, Sir Basil, 151 
Blaine, Senator John J., 215 
Blake, Tiffany, 209 
Blease, Senator Coleman L., 287, 

288, 291 

Bliss, Cornelius N,, 17, 167 
Bloc system, 66, 71 
Borah, Senator William E., 189, 

191, 211, 215, 216, 223, 225, 



227, 228, 232, 254-236, 2()S ? 

Boston, Mass., (>1 ; Eliot Squan\ 

47; Paneuil Hall, 42; Old North 

Church, 42-44; State House, 46 
Boston Evening Transcript, 120 
Boston police strike, 32 
Boulder Bam, o4, 178, 180, 185, 

187 ? 13S, 191 

Boyden, Roland William, 143 
Breasted, James Henry, 140 
Briand, Aristide, 135, 265 
British Army, 37, 3 8 
British Treasury, 151 
Britten, Fred A,, 213 
Brooklinc, Mass., 47 
Bruce* Senator W. Cabell, 252 
Bryan, Charles W., 22 
Buck, Eugene E. ( u Gcnc Buck")* 


Buckle, Henry Thomas, 204-206 
Budget, Director of the, 177, 261 
Budget Bureau, 262, 297 
Budget system, 177, 261 
Buffalo, N. V., 102 
Bullock, Charles J M 28 
Burke, Edmund, 204-205, 230 
Burr, Aaron, 116 
Burrows, Senator J. C., 16, 17 
Burton, Senator Theodore E., 189, 

265, 266, 293 
Butler, William M 4> chairman of 

National Republican Committee, 

17-19, 23 
Byrd, Richard Evelyn, 72 

California, 53 

Cailes, Plutarco Elias, President 

of Mexico, 6, 8, 89-90 
Canada, 102-104 
Cannon, Joseph G,> 83 

Camper, Senator Arthur, 185, 265 
Carlisle, Miss, 245 
Caribbean Islands* 279 
Carson, Kit, 94 

Carter, Major General William 
H., 271 

Casanave, General, military at- 
tache, 258 

Catholic Church, 2oO-27<X 2 SI 

Central America, 101-102, 171 

Central Union Trust Co., N, Y., 

Chamberlain. Sir Austen, 215 

Chamberlain, George Agnow, 62, 

Chapman, Charlrs T., 188 

Cheppy, France, 214 

Chiari, President, 101 

Chicago, 52, 7\7<), 114-115, ISO, 
2G ( ); Association of Commerce, 
165; aviation meet in Grant 
Park, 149; "Bloody Corner", 
27; City Council, 7H; Commer- 
cial Club, 141, 143; Field Mu- 
seum, 102, 148; Marquette 
Club, 273; Mary Dawes Hotel, 
i25~l2<> 1 129; motorcycle police 
escorts a menace in Chicago, 
139*140; Rufus Dawes Hotel 
125-121) ; Zoological Garden, 

Chicago Crime Commission, 77- 

Chicago Tribune, 42, 45, 134, 209 

Chicago World's Fair, 1933, 48, 
102, 144-145, I65-If6, 10, 107, 
210, 211, 213, 214, 247, 251, 
257, 258, 271 

Chindblotn, Carl R,, 213 

Chopin's Atudc C Major, 1 55 

Christian Science Monitor, 42 

Christmas, 20'O-20I 

Churchill, Winston, 134 

Cicero, 119, 230 

Cimarron, New Mexico, H9, 94, 

Cincinnati, 61, 253; Law School, 
159, 194, 213-214, 28S 291 

Claudel, Paul, 145 

Clinch, R. Floyd, 73, 138 

Coe, Charles Francis, 95, 96, 112, 

Coffin, Frank, aviator, 149 

Colorado Springs* 80 



Comptroller of the Currency, 

U, S., 49, 154, 208, 245, 250 
Concord, Mass., 45, 47 
Congress of United States, 20, 

174-175, 301, 302, 310, 315 
Congressional Committee to in- 
vestigate the A.E.F., 9-12 
Congressional Record, 307, 313 
Connor, General W. D., 238 
Constitution of the U. S., 21-22, 

27-28, 31, 45, 57-58, 62, 167 
Continental Divide, 83 
Coolidge, President Calvin, 15- 
19, 23-24, 28, 32, 33, 67, 137, 
155, 178, 181, 226-229, 241- 
244, 262, 263 
Copeland, Senator Royal S,, 251- 


Corbin, General Henry C, 50 
Cortelyou, George B., 16, 50, 115 
Council on Foreign Relations, 

Chicago, 140 

Cowper, William, quoted, 89 
Cram, W. J M 251 
Crissinger, D. R. 1S4 
Crocket, John C, 306, 309 
Crowder, General Enoch, 118 
Cruiser Bill, 211-212, 223, 231, 
232, 245, 248, 254, 260, 264, 
265, 267-270 

Cuban Ambassador, 230-231, 286 
Curtis, Senator Charles, later Vice 
President, 13, 123, 150, 153, 
169, 180, 183, 191, 211, 226, 
236, 264, 277, 303, 314 
Cutting, Senator Bronson, 94 



Davis, Dwight, 181 
Davis, James J Secretary of La- 
bor, 245 

Davis, John W,, 23, 144 
Davison, F. Trubee, 282-283 
Davison, George, president, Cen> 
tral Union Trust Co,, N. Y., 

Davison, Henry P., 158, 282 

Dawes, Beman, brother of Charles 
G., 164, 165, 167 

Dawes, Carolyn, daughter of 
Charles G., 79, 89, 253, 254 ^ 

Dawes, Charles Gates, as Chief 
of Supply Procurement of the 
A.E.F., 9, 35, 131, 238-239; as 
Comptroller of the Currency, 
49, 154, 208; as Director of the 
Budget, 153-154, 177; as Pres- 
ident of the American Society 
of Military Engineers, 233; as 
Vice President of the United 
States, 3-5, 54, 68; as presiding 
officer of the United States Sen- 
ate, 107, 269, 310; attends 
Gridiron Club dinner, 167-169, 
182-184; attends state dinner at 
White House, 154; dinner at the 
Spanish Embassy, 169-170, 
176; discussion before the U. S. 
Army War College, 39-40; esti- 
mate of President Coolidge, 33, 
90; estimate of President Mc- 
Kinley, 207-208; estimate of 
President Taft, 194-195; esti- 
mate of Herbert Hoover, 90-91 ; 
experiences with motorcycle 
police escorts, 139-140; gives 
annual dinner to the Senate 
staff, 193-194; "Hell and 
Maria" speech, 12; inaugural 
address as Vice President, 56; is 
asked to succeed Herbert 
Hoover on the joint American 
and Mexican commission for ne- 
gotiating a division of the waters 
of the lower Rio Grande, 186; 
lunch at the White House, 49; 
musical interests, 220-221; on 
the bloc system in the Senate, 
66, 71; on Boulder Dam Bill, 
64,178,180, 185,187, 188,191; 
on the Constitution, 21-22, 27- 
28; on Minorities, 54-55; on the 
Vice Presidency, 57-58, 152- 
153, 276; on, trades-unions, 29- 



30; portrait by Zorn, 154; 
speaking tour, l ( )25, 61 ; speech 
at Augusta, Maine, Aug. 23, 
1924, 23-24; speech at Mil- 
waukee, 20-22; speech before 
joint meeting of the N. Y. Post 
Society of Military Engineers 
and the, Metropolitan Section 
of the American Society of Me- 
chanical Engineers, 158; studies 
rales of the Senate, 54; tribute 
from the Senate upon retiring 
as its presiding officer, 307-3 1 1 ; 
vacation in Colorado, 79-91; 
visits New Mexico, 92-96; visits 
Staten Island, 116 

Dawes, Mrs, Charles Gates, <)6, 
102, 103, 105, 124, 125, 127, 
133, 143, 152, 154-155, 201, 
214, 222, 224, 255, 2S1, 295, 
309, 313 

Dawes, Dana McCutcheon, son of 
Charles G., 79, 95, 98, 185, 220, 

Dawes, Henry M M U, S. Comptrol- 
ler of the Currency, 63, 79, 89, 

Dawes, Rufus C., 134, 135, 201; 
plans for the World's Fair, 1933, 
48, 102, 144-145, 165-166, 253 

Dawes, Rufus Fearing, son of 
Charles G., 156, 201, 253, 254 

Dawes, Virginia, daughter of 
Charles G., 79, 229, 254, 283 

Dawes, William, 42, 44, 47 

Dawes, William R M cousin of 
Charles G,, 271-272 

Dawes House, Lawrenceville, 
N> J., 156 

Dawes Plan, 75, 134, 274, 308 

Dawson, Thomas, U, S. Minister 
to Chile and Colombia, 159 

Decker, Miss, 79, 127,255 

"Declaration of Rights", 1688, 21 

Delano, Frederic A., 278 

Demagoguery, 266 

Democratic National Convention, 
Houston, 1928, 4, S 

Deneen, Senator Charles S,, 165, 
210, 213, 214, 257, 258, 299 

Denver, 61 

Desmond. T. C., 138 

IVSteiguer, Admiral L, R., 15S 

Diplomatic appointments by Pres- 
ident McKinloy, 50-51 

Director of the Budget, 135, 177, 
2o 1 

DolHyer, Senator J. P., 17 

Dooliitle, Lieutenant James H., 

Dryden, Mr, and Mrs. George B., 
167, 201-202 

Dyar, Major Wade, 251, 259, 265, 

Dyer, Leonidas C., 314 

Eastman, George, 201-202 
Economic issues, 31, 70 
Electoral vole, 276 
Ellsworth, Lincoln, 72, 243 
Ely, Major General II. E, 158 
Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 121 
English Speaking Union, 140 
Ericson, Melvin, 79, 89 
Evanston, HI., 7, 19, 49, 135, 136 
Everett, Edward, 272 
Experts, First Committee of, 15, 

29, 74-77, 100, 114, 133, 134, 

146, 156, 157, 175, 272 
Experts, Second Committee of, 

197, 222, 224, 272* 27$, 281 


Faneuil Hall, Boston, 42 

Farm Board, Federal, 228 

Farm Relief Bill, 62 

Federal Reserve Banks, 62, 64 S 65 
67, 110 

Federal Reserve Board, 250*251 

Federal Reserve System, 34 f 63- 
65, 68 

Ferrara, Oreste, Cuban Ambas- 
sador, 230-231 

Fess, Senator Simeon IX, 178, 310 

Field Museum, Chicago, 102, 148 



Field, Stanley, 147-143 
Filibusters, 69, 288, 298, 300, 302, 


Fish hatcheries, 87-88 
Fishing, 79-80, 84-89 
Flag, American, 25, 26, 31, 269- 

Fodbu Ferdinand, Marshal, 35, 36, 

38, 39, 75, 130 
Foreign Relations Committee, 

U. S. Senate, 215, 231, 234, 236, 


Forster, Rudolph, 244 
France, 9-J1, 14, 32, 73, 133, 294 
Francqui, Emile, 147, 272 
Frankenthal, Dr. and Mrs., 112 
Freer, Charles L., 279 
French Ambassador, 72, 25S 
French Army, 37, 38, 39, 130 
French government claims, 146 

GAME LAWS, 85-86, 96 

Gonn, Mrs. E. B. (Dolly Curtis), 

Garfield, James A., President, 229 

Garner, John Nance* 210 

Garrett, F. J., Representative from 
Tennessee, 257 

Geneva Naval Conference, 1927, 

German Ambassador, 72, 176, 286; 
dinner given by, 228 

Germany, 76, 136, 156-157; 
budget, 199; capacity to pay, 
75, 114, 147, 175, 197; cur- 
rency, 199; demands that the 
total sum of reparations be 
fixed, 75 

Gilbert, Parker, 74, 134, 135, 146, 
156-157, 175, 190, 200, 221, 
222, 224, 225, 226, 228, 250 

Glass, Senator Carter, 66, 68, 110 

Glen View Golf Club, 48 

Glenn, Senator Otis P., 214, 257, 

Goff, Senator Guy Despard, 178, 

Good, James W., 52 

Gooding, Senator Frank Robert, 


Goodspeed, Charles B., 164 
Gouraud, General, 130 
Gracian, Balthasar, 289 
Great Britain, American relations 

with, 105, 296 
Gridiron Club dinner, 167-169, 

182-184, 193, 281, 306, 311 

HADLEY, HERBERT S., ex-Governor 
of Missouri, 23 

Haiti, 279 

Hale, Senator Frederick, 191, 211, 

Hall, Henry, 311 

Hamilton, Alexander, 116 

Hammond, Lee, 149 

Hanna, Charles Augustus, banker, 
115; "The Scotch-Irish in Scot- 
land, North Ireland and Amer- 
ica", 117 

Hanna, Marcus A., 15-17, 115, 
187, 273 

Hanson, John, manager, Rufus 
Dawes Hotel, 128-129 

Harbord, General James G., 112- 
113, 116, 138, 158, 164, 237- 
238, 258, 303 

Harding, President Warren G., 
33, 34, 136, 212, 221, 262, 263 

Harrington, Dr. J, P., 253 

Harrison, Senator Pat, 226, 251 

Hawley, Willis C, chairman of 
the Ways and Means Commit- 
tee, 197, 210 

Hay, John, 273 

Hayden, Senator Carl, 191 

Heflin, Senator Robert S,, 196, 256 

Herein, 111., massacre, 26 

Hilles, Charles Dewey, 138 

Holden, Dr. Ward A., 115 

Hoover, Allan, 138 

Hoover, Herbert, 13-14, 48, 52, 
90-91, 120, 138, 150, 155, 171, 
186, 222-223, 226-228, 237, 
277, 313, 315 



Hoover, Irwin H. ("Ike"*), 181- 


Hossdkim, B, C M 87-88 
Houghton, Alanson B., \\ S. Am- 
bassador, UJ-U4, 171, I7c> 
House, ColonH K. M,, u Intimate 

Papers*', lf> 7 

Houston, Texas, meeting of the 
Democratic National Conven- 
tion, 1928, 4 

Howard, Sir Esme, 222-223, 230 
Howard, Lady Isabella* 223 
HoyU Miss Nancy. 255 
Hubbell, Rev. William R, 162 
Hughes Charles Evans, 111, 1J3, 

157, 2?S 

Hulbert, Bradford, 159-162 
Humphrey, Mr. and Mrs, Albert 
E., 79, SO, 84, 87, <)2, 167 

ILMNOIS, 26, 30; Congressional 

Delegation, 213 

Indiana, 23 

Indianapolis, 61 

Indians of Taos, N, M., 92-94 

Insull, Samuel 165 

International Aviation meet, Chi- 
cago, 149, 189 

I.W.W., 125 

Ireland, William, cartoonist, 154 

Xzoak Walton League, $4 

Japanese students, 100 
Johnson, Senator Hiram W, 178, 

191, 215 

Jones, Senator Wesley L M 180 
Joslin, Theodore G., 120 

Kansas City Star, 120 

Kansas senatorship, 169 
Kant, Immanud, 113 

Kellogg, Secretary of State Frank 
B,, 102-103, 155, 170, 175, 176, 
222, 225-226, 234-257, 255, 281 

Kellogg Peace Treaty, Paris, 
Aug. 27, 192S, 188, 191, 192, 
211-212, 215-219, 223, 228- 
237, 241, 291 

Kendrick* Senator John B,, 106 
Kyyrs, Senator Henry W,. 272 
Kilkenny, Francis, !c>4 
Kinder >lty. Sir Rolurt 74, 106 
Kin^, Maikrnxiv, Premivr of Can- 

ada, 102- -10^ 
King, Senator William II, 277 > 

Knights of the Flaming Circle* 26 

Ku Klux Klan, 2^-2(>, 2H 

LACROSSK, Wis., 259 

LaFollette, Senator Robert M., 

19-21. 24, (>7 
Luke Michigan, 10 
Lamont, Thomaw William, hanker, 

113, 15S 

Laiiilis, Kenesaw M M 1 04 
Laskcr Albert, 123 
LatDiir, Francisco Sanchez* Min- 

ister of Guatemala t 170-171 
Latrohe, Colonel, 278, 20 
Lai fa, John, 244 
Laughlin, Irwin B M 278 
Lawrenceville, N. J., 155-156 
League of Nations, 113,, 135 
Leffingweli, R. C, 135 
Leonard Arthur, 284 
Lexington, Mas&,, 45-47 
Lincoln, Abraham, 22^, 272-274 
Line at n Law JattmQli 188 
Lincoln, Neb., 22, ol, 117, 253, 


Lindbergh, Colonel Charles A,, 72 
Lodge, Senator Henry Cabot, 17 
Loefflcr, Carl A M 314 
Locsch, Frank J M Chairman of 

the Chicago Crime Commi8dion 


Logan, James A n 15 
Lohr Major L. R,, 233 
Long Island, N* Y., 1 57 
Longworth, Mrs. Alice Roosevelt, 

Longworth, Nicholas, Shaker of 

the House, 214 
j General Herbert M., Dl- 



rector of the Budget, 136-137, 


Los Angeles, 61 
Lowden, Frank O,, 8, 28, 141, 

Lowman's lecture on the Palestine 

Campaign, 141 
Luther, Dr. Hans, 74 


MacDonald, Ramsay, 106 
Machiavelli, 230 
Macrnillen, Francis, 221 
McCormack, Senator Medill, 187 
McCormick, Mrs. Ruth Hanna, 


McCoy, General Frank R. 5 256 
McCutcheon, John T M 72, 95-96, 

98, 147-149, 164, 204, 209 
McFadden, George, 185 
McFadden, Representative Louis 

T, 67 

McFaddcn-Pcpper Bill, 63, 65, 67 
Mclntosh, Colonel Joseph W., 

McKinley, President William, 15- 

16, 48-49, 207-208, 244, 264, 

271; diplomatic appointments, 


McMullin, Governor, 122 
McNary-Haugen Farm Relief Bill, 

64, 66, 67, 208 
Madison, Dolly, 153 
Magna Charta, 21 
Maine, elections, 1928, 144 
Malonc, General Paul B., 141- 


Manchester, N. H. 61 
Manderson, Senator C. F,, 259- 


Mamtou, 5.5,, 73 
Manitoulin Island, Ontario, 102, 


"Marching through Georgia", 221 
Marietta, Ohio, IS, 115, 139, 159, 

163-164, 260, 291 

Marshall, John, of Chicago, 188, 

Marshall, John, Assistant Attor- 
ney General, 192, 251 

Marshall, Thomas, 153 

Mary Dawes Hotel, 125-126, 129 

Massachusetts, 278 

Mayan archaeology, 170-171, 196, 
253, 293 

Means, Senator Rice W., 268 

Mellon, Andrew W., Secretary of 
the Treasury, 153, 181, 182, 

190, 226, 227, 228, 237, 243, 
245, 255 

Mero, Mme. Yolande, 155 
Merriam, Professor John C., 279 
Mexico, 89, 184-185; Dwight W. 

Morrow as Ambassador to 

Mexico, 5~8 
Michigan, Lake, 19 
Military Board of Allied Supply, 


Military Engineers, American So- 
ciety of, 233 
Mills, Ogden, 185-186 
Mills, W. W., 167, 259, 260 
Milwaukee, Wis,, 20-22 
Minorities, 54-55, 62, 66, 68, 70 
Monroe Doctrine, 222, 231 
Moreau, fimile, 274 
Morgan, J. P., 225, 228, 237 
Morris, Henry N., 194 
Morrow, Colonel, 132 
Morrow, Dwight W., 5-8, 89, 134, 

189, 190-191, 192, 206, 223 : 

230, 278 
Moses, Senator George, 115, 138, 

180, 232, 277, 306, 307, 309, 


Moseley, General George V., 131 
Mount Vernon Highway, 254 
Multilateral peace treaty, 188, 

191, 192, 211-212, 215-219 
Murray, Lawrence O,, 154 

NAPOLEON I, 36, 41 
National Bank Act, 63 
National Banking System, 64 



National Forest Reserve, SO, 01 
National Research Council, 145 
Naval bill, 101, W2, 28t>, 288 

Naval Conference, Geneva, 103- 

Newark, N. J, 61 

Newman, Robert, sexton of Christ 

Church, Boston, 43 
New England character, 45 
New Mexico, 92, 94, 95, 96 
New York City, 61, 117; Central 

Park, 13S; city morgue, loO- 

New York Federal Reserve Bank, 

New York Post Society of Military 

Engineers, 158 
New York Times, 176, 274 
New York World, 150 
Nobile, General Umbcrto, 243 
Norris, Senator George Wm M ISO 
Northwestern University, 49 


Ochiltroe, Thomas, 154 
Qddie, Senator Tasker L M 26B 
Oglesby, Governor Richard J., 

254, 273 

Oklahoma, 25; University, 25 
Olcott, Charles S M 16 
Otis, J. E. OS 
Overman, Senator Lee S., 314 


Paris, 73, 274-275, 281 
Parliamentary procedure, 179- 

180, 215, 24S 
Parmentier, Jean, 272 
Patten, James A., 132 
Paxton, Rev, Dr., 229 
Payne, H, C, 16, 17 
Payot, Major General Charles 

Jean Marie, 130-132, 258 
Peace Bridge, Buffalo, N. Y,, 102 
Peace Treaty (Kellogg), 188, 191, 

192, 211-212, 215-219, 223, 

228-237, 241, 291 
Pennsylvania, 80 

Pepper* Senator George \Vhar ton, 
e>o~o7, C)S 

Perkins, Thomas Nelson, 225, 22$ 
Pershing, General John J,, 5, 14, 

3e>> 42, 130-132, 137, 140, Io7, 

245, 2(>0; death of his sister, 

Mrs, Butler, 188 
Pershing, Miss Uay\ 18H 
Pershing, Warren, 1H8, 202 
"Petition of Right", 1<28, 21 
?hdi>s,\Vis,, 112 
Philhrick, Harold L., 47 
Phillips, Wake, 89, 95, 9(> % <?S 
Phlpps, Senator Lawrence C., 186, 

PIdilla, Spanish Ambassador, 182, 


Pirelli, Alberto, 272 
Plait, Senator T. C., 16 
Plutarch's **LiveH'\ 1UH 
Plymouth, Vt., 23-24 
Poincart 4 , Raymond 32, 135 
Pole, John W,, U. S. Comptroller 

of the Currency, 245, 2SO 
Police escorts, 139-140 
Political Science Quarterly, 2CB 
Pomcrcne, Senator Atlee, 246, 2SS 
Porter, General Horace^ 273 
Portland, Oregon, 61 
Pou, Edward W n 315 
Press gallery, Senate, 193 
Prince of Wales, 102*103, 105- 


Prohibition, 34, 52, 24! 
Puccini's "Butterfly", 220 
Puerto Rico f 192, 297 

Quincy, Josiah, 28 

RADIO, 121, 122,305 
Radio Commission Bill, 303 
Radio Corporation of America* 

1 12-113 

Rainey, Henry T, 213 
Randolph, Miss Mary* 167 
Raton, N, M,, 98 



Rayado, The, 94, 98 
Reapportionment Bill, U. S,, 280, 

283, 297 
Reed, Senator David A., 108, 191, 

192, 225, 226, 265, 301 
Reed, Senator James A., 186, 215, 

232, 281, 284, 289 
Reparation Commission, 15, 75, 

176, 190 
Republican National Committee, 

15, 19, 23, 120, 122, 273 
Republican National Convention, 

Republican National Convention, 

Phila., 1900, 15 
Republican Party, 4, 53, 144 
Revere, Paul, 42-47 
Richardson, General W. P,, com- 
mander of the 39th Division, 


Ridgely, W. B. 154 
Rio Grande, 186 
Roberts, Kenneth, 95-96 
Roberts, Owen J., 285 
Robinson, Henry M., 134, 226, 

290-291, 294-295 
Robinson, Senator Joseph T., 5, 

180, 185, 188, 210, 215, 225, 

226, 232, 236, 245, 258, 268, 277, 

278, 292, 303, 306-307 
Roop, James C, Director of the 

U. S. Budget, 290, 303 
Roosevelt, President Theodore, 15, 


Root, Elihu, 271 
Rowe, Dr Leo S., 282 
Rufus Dawes Hotel, 125-129 
Ruhr policy of Poincar6, 32 
Rules of the Senate, 54-55, 61- 

62, 67, 69, 70, 183 
Russia, 294 

ST. DmER, 132 
St. Louis, Mo., 124 
St Nazaire, 229 

Santo Domingo, 290, 294-297, 

Sanders, Everett, 224 
Sanford, Justice E. T., 285 
Sarnoff, David, 113 
Saturday Evening Post, 67, 301 
Schacht, Dr. Hjalmar, 74, 222, 

272, 275 
Schall, Senator Thomas D., 241- 


Schopenhauer, 97 
Schwab, Charles M., 12 
Seattle, 61 

Second Bank of the U. S., 65 
Secret Service, 181 
Seidemann, Henry P., 297, 303 
Service Men's League, 138 
Sewell, Colonel John S., 229 
Shaw, George Bernard, 57 
Sheppard, Senator Morris, 248 
Sherman, General Win. T., 221 
Shipstead, Senator Henrik, 178 
Shortridge, Senator Samuel M., 

277, 278 

Shuey, Senate reporter, 193, 196 
Simmons, Senator Furnifold M., 

178, 277 

Simpson, James, 148 
Slocum, Harold L, 47 
Smith, Alfred E., Governor 

of New York, 102-103, 144 

Smither, General Henry C, 290, 

Smithsonian Institution, 196, 253, 

278, 293 

Smoot, Senator Reed, 225-226, 

251, 257, 274, 278 
Sneli, Bertrand H,, 314 
Socialists, 24 
South America, 204 
South Carolina, 55, 287-288, 


South Dakota, 292 
Southern Flood Relief bill, 192 
Spanish Ambassador, 181, 293 
Spanish American War, 50 
Spanish Archives, 171 
Stamp, Sir Josiah, 74-75, 106, 208, 




Star Spangled Banner, The, 4t> 


Staten Island, N, Y., 11 <> 
Steamy Frank W.< loo-lt>7 
Stceks John, London correspond- 

ent, Chicago Tribune* U4 
Stimstm, Henry JU 2% 
Stoddard, Henry L,, 115 
Stone, Justice Harlan P., 2<8, 281 
Summerall, General C. P., U>4 
Superior, \Vis., S3 
Supreme Court t U. S. 20, 31 
Swanson, Senator Charles A., Ill, 

172, 191, 215, 225, 236, 278 
Swift ,. Dean Jonathan, quoted, 13 
SzeeMnyi, Count, Hungarian Min- 

ister, 220, 204 


Tail, Horace, 194 

Taft, President William Howard* 

194-195, 214 

Taos, New Mexico, 89, 92 
Taylor, John, first manager, Rufus 

Dawes Hotel 129 
Thayer, Mrs, Nathaniel, 43, 45 
Theunis, G,, 147 
Thomas, Senator Charles S., 246, 

Tillman^ Senator Benjamin R., SS- 

56, 288 
Tilson, JohnQ., 52, 122, 197, 210, 


Trades-Unionism, 29-30 
Traverse City, Mich,, 73-74 
Traylor, Melvin A., 225 
Trinity Church, N. Y., 116 
Trotter, General G. P., 105 
Tugwell, R. G., "Reflections 00 

farm relief**, 208 
Tumulty, Joseph P., 251 
Turgot, 206 



j 246. 

U- S. Army War College, 36, 39, 

U S. Congress, 20, 174-175, 301- 
^02, 3KK ,U5 

U, S. Constitution* 21-22, 27~2S f 
U, 45, 57-5H, 62, lo? 

U. S, Government, business of, 
108, *UM; cxpendilures, 178, 

U, J>. House of Representatives, 
50, 257, 27i>; Ways ami Means 
Committee, 197, 210, 214 

U. S, Marine Band, 221, 255 

U. S. Senate, Hi-83, ISO; best 
speakers, 2c>7 ; bills iKissed by 
"unanimous consent*', 2H7-2SS; 
blocs, 60, 71 ; cloturv, 248, 287; 
Dawes as presiding officer 107, 
209, 310; filibustering* W, 288, 
298, 300, 302, 304; Finance 
Committee, 25 U 257; Foreign 
Relations Committee* 215, 231, 
234, 2Mh 2%; "free speech 11 , 
245-246; George Wharton Pep* 
per's article *'In the Senate", 
66-67 ; obstructionists, 245, 
287; parliamentary procedure, 
179-180, 215, 24H, 2H7-288; 
rights of senators^ 5H-60; Sen- 
ate minorities, 54-55, 60, 66, 
68, ?c>; Senate rules, $4-55, 61- 
02, C>7, 09, 70, 1H3, 2H4, 301- 
302, 312; rule xxii, 59, 63; 
Senate staff. 193-194; "work- 
ing class** in the Senate, III 

U. S. State Department, 102, 17$, 

U. S, Supreme Court, 20, 31 

U. S. Treasury, 70 

U, S* Vice President, 33 

IT, S. War Department* SO 

U* S, War Department Liquidating 
Commission, 1! 

U, S, War Trade Board, 185-186 

Urgent Deficiency Bill, 242, 247, 


H,. 175, 236, 280, 283, 297 



Vanderbilt, General and Mrs. 

Cornelius, 157-158 
Van Royen, Minister from the 

Netherlands, 293 
Vare, Senator William S. } 68 
Vasquez, President Horatio, 293, 


Versailles, Treaty of, 76, 266 
Vice Presidency, 57-58, 152-153, 

Virginia, 111, 278 

JR., 82, 108, 192, 294, 303 

Wagner, Senator Robert F., 178 

Wagon Wheel Gap, Col., 79-92, 

Wales, Prince of, 102-103, 105- 

Wallace, James N., 113 

Walsh, Senator Thomas J., ISO, 

Walton, John C., Governor of 
Oklahoma, 25-26 

Wars, 213, 216-217 

Warburg, Paul, 135 

Warren, Charles B., 183 

Warren, Senator Francis E. Chair- 
man of the Appropriations Com- 
mittee, 108-110, 196, 245, 277 

Washington Conference, 104, 212 

Washington, D, C., 33, 103, 172, 
174, 210; debate in the Senate 
over location of new public 
market, 295; Gridiron Club 
dinner, 167-169, 182-184; New 
York Avenue Church, 299 

Washington, George, 152, 254, 
289, 298 

Washington Post, 291-292 

Watkins, Charles, 179-180 

Watson, Senator James W., 78, 
192, 215, 268, 277 

Ways and Means Committee of 
the House of Representatives, 
197, 210, 214 

Welles, Gideon, 78 

Welles, Sumner, 290, 294, 297, 303 

West, Roy Owen, Secretary of the 
Interior, 247 

West Point Military Academy, 2 10 

White, George, of Marietta, Ohio, 

"White Hand", 26 

White House, 5, 16, 17, 152-153, 
181-182, 281; East Room, 240; 
offices, 244; signing of the Anti- 
War Pact, 237, 241; reception, 
181, 221, 226, 255-256; state 
dinner, 154; tea, 286 

Williams, Ben Ames, 95, 96, 98, 

Williams, John Skelton, 154 

Williamson County, 111., 26 

Wilson, Walter BL, 251 

Wilson, President Woodrow, 62 

Wisconsin, 112 

Wise, Rabbi Stephen S., 140 

Woods, Mark W., 226-227, 228 

World Court, 271 

World War, 202, 258 

World's Fair, Chicago, 1933, 48, 
102, 144-145, 165-166, 180, 
197, 210, 211, 213, 214, 247, 
251, 257, 258, 271 

Wright, Orville, 149, 189 

YOUNG, OWEN D,, 28, 113, 133- 
135, 156-157, 222, 224, 225, 
226, 228, 237, 250, 272, 274, 

ZORN, ANDERS, portrait of Gen- 
eral Bawes, 154